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IHE History of his Own Time by bishop 
Burnet lays claim to our regard as an ori- 
ginal work containing a relation of public 
transactions, in which either the author or his 
connexions were engaged. It will therefore 
never lose its importance; but will continue 
to furnish materials for other historians, and 
to be read by those, who wish to derive their 
knowledge of facts from the first sources of 

The accuracy indeed of the author's nar- 
rative has been attacked with vehemence, 
and often, it must be confessed, with success; 
but not so often, as to overthrow the general 
credit of his work. On the contrary, it has in 
many instances been satisfactorily defended, 
and time has already evinced the truth of 
certain accounts, which rested on this single 
authority. It has also had the rare fortune 
of being illustrated by the notes of three per- 
sons of high rank, possessing in consequence 

a 3 


of their situations means of information open 
to few others. That their observations on this 
history are now at length submitted to the 
public eye, is owing to the following fortunate 

I. A resolution having been taken by the 
delegates of the Clarendon press to reprint 
the work, the present lord bishop of Oxford 
expressed his readiness to communicate to 
them a copy of it, in which his lordship had 
transcribed the marginal notes written by his 
ancestor the first earl of Dartmouth. The 
offer was gratefully accepted, and the notes 
ordered to be printed with the text. 

Soon after, on an application to the earl of 
Onslow, made through the late James Bos- 
well,* esquire, of the Inner Temple, his lord- 
ship was pleased to confide to the delegates 
speaker Onslow's copy of Burnet's history ; 
in which are contained the speaker's observa- 
tions on this work, written in his own hand. 
Besides these remarks, there appear in the 
Onslow copy, in consequence of the permis- 
sion of the second earl of Hardwicke, not 
only this nobleman's notes on the second 
folio volume, but also the numerous passages, 
which were omitted in the first volume by the 
original editors. The notes likewise of dean 
Swift are there transcribed, taken from his 


own copy of the history, which had come 
into the possession of the first marquis of 
Lansdowne, and afterwards into that of Henry 
James Brooke, esquire, F.R. S. It has since 
perished by fire. We shall now lay before the 
reader, for his greater satisfaction, a note pre- 
fixed to the Onslow copy by George late earl 
of Onslow, the son of the speaker. 

** The notes in these two volumes marked 
" H. were the notes in the present earl of 
" Hardwicke's copy of this work written by 
** himself, and which he permitted me to 
" copy into this. The earl is the son and 
" heir of that great man the chancellor. The 
** others in the same hand- writing I had also 
*' from him, and they are what are left 
** out in the printed history, but are in the 
** manuscript. All the rest of the notes are 
" my father's own. Geo. Onslow, 177^- There 
" are many errors of the copyist. The notes 
" in red ink are by dean Swift, and are 
" copied (from an edition of this work in 
'* the marquiss of Lansdown's library, in the 
" margin of which they are written in the 
'* dean's own hand) by his lordship's order 
** for myself O. 1788." 

With respect to the notes written by the 
earl of Dartmouth, it appears from sir John 
Dairy mple's Memoirs of Great Britain and 



Ireland, and from Mr. Rose's Observations 
on Fox's History of the early part of the 
reign of James II. that both these writers 
had been favoured with the sight as well of 
these notes, as of a collection of letters sent 
by king James, when duke of York, and re- 
siding in Scotland, to the first lord Dart- 
mouth, the earl's father, and from which ex- 
tracts are frequently made by the earl in his 
notes. Seven or eight only of the notes have 
been communicated to the public by the 
abovementioned authors, and are pointed 
out as they occur in the following pages. All 
of them are now printed, with the exception 
of three, which contained reflections on the 
private character of as many individuals ir- 
relevant to their public conduct. They have 
been omitted, with the approbation of the 
descendants of the noble writer. 

As the earl of Dartmouth often treats his 
author with great severity, it should be re- 
membered, that he was of a party in the 
state opposed to that which bishop Burnet 
uniformly espoused. He appears also to 
have entertained a great personal dislike to 
the bishop. At the same time this noble- 
man, who was secretary of state, and after- 
wards lord privy seal in the latter end of 
queen Anne's reign, never embraced, as may 


be collected from his notes, the absurd doc- 
trine of non-resistance to government in all 
supposable cases ; but was, what some have 
called, a moderate tory; and like most of the 
leading tories in the reign of the queen, was 
attached to the Hanover succession. The 
wiser members of this party held, that the 
right of the people to govern depends on the 
different laws and constitutions of different 
countries ; but that their right to be well go- 
verned is indefesible. The following charac- 
ter of his lordship has been transmitted to us 
by Swift, whilst eulogizing the chiefs of queen 
Anne's last ministry, in the twenty-sixth num- 
ber of the Examiner. '* My lord Dartmouth,'' 
he says, " is a man of letters, full of good 
** sense, good nature, and honour, of strict 
** virtue and regularity in his life ; but labours 
" under one great defect, that he treats his 
" clerks with more civility and good man- 
" ners, than others in his station have done 
" the queen." See also Macky's Characters, 
p. 89. His lordship's notes on this work of 
Burnet abound in curious and well told anec- 

The observations of speaker Onslow and 
the earl of Hardwicke have likewise been hi- 
therto unpublished, except twenty of the for- 
mer, printed in the twenty-seventh volume of 


the European Magazine. But more than 
half of Swift's short and cursory remarks 
have been already given to the public in that 
and the two following volumes of the same 
work, by the person who communicated the 
others, yet often altered in the expression. 
They are shrewd, caustic, and apposite, but 
not written with the requisite decorum ; in- 
deed, three of them are worded in so light a 
way, that even modesty forbad their admission. 
The speaker's notes, addressed more parti- 
cularly to his son, contain many incidental 
discussions on political subjects, and are sen- 
sible and instructive. Those of the earl of 
Hardwicke are so candid and judicious, that 
one cannot but wish them to have been more 
numerous. Lord Spencer, we are eager to 
acknowledge, condescendingly and most ob- 
ligingly endeavoured to procure the copy of 
Burnet's history for our use, in the margin of 
which the notes were originally written by lord 
Hardwicke, it being desirable that some doubt- 
ful passages of the transcript in the Onslow 
copy should have been compared with it; but 
unfortunately the book could not be found. 

The earl of Dartmouth and dean Swift, al- 
though both of them much younger than bi- 
shop Burnet, may be considered as his con- 
temporaries; and were, as has been already ob- 


served of lord Dartmouthj opposed to him in 
politics : but Arthur Onslow, speaker in four 
successive parliaments in the reign of George 
II. enjoyed the confidence of the whigs, and 
with it a high reputation for integrity and 
moderation. The remaining annotator, lord 
Hardwicke, son of the lord chancellor Hard- 
wicke, and one of the authors of those ele- 
gant compositions the Athenian Letters, al- 
ways adhered to the same party. Lord Dart- 
mouth uses strong, and Swift much ill lan- 
guage, on Burnet's supposed want of vera- 
city ; and the excellent Latin verses of dean 
Mos« on the same subject are now, we un- 
derstand, in print. Yet the bishop's friends 
need not be apprehensive of a verdict of wil- 
ful falsehood against him in consequence of 
the corrections of his narrative in the subse- 
quent annotations. Lord Dartmouth indeed, 
a man of honour, asserts, that this author has 
pubHshed many things which he knew to be 
untrue. See his note at the beginning of 
vol. iv. His lordship, it must be allowed, had 
better opportunities than we have for deter- 
mining what Burnet knew; but, as he has 
adduced little or nothing in support of this 
charge, we may be permitted to think, that 
strong prejudice, not wilful falsehood, occa- 
sioned the bishop's erroneous statements. It 


ought to be recollected in his favour, that 
he never professed a belief, either in the dis- 
coveries of Oates, or in the alleged murder of 
the earl of Essex, although articles of his 
party's creed. And notwithstanding the idle 
stories told by him, on the authority of others, 
concerning the birth of the prince of Wales, 
he no where, that we remember, explicitly 
avows an opinion of his illegitimacy. Nor, 
although an active and zealous opposer of 
king James's measures, does he appear to have 
been concerned in those two other infamous 
falsehoods imposed at the same time on the 
credulity of the nation ; the letter of the Je- 
suits at Liege, which he mentions in vol. iii. 
p. 169, and the intended massacre of the pro- 
testants in this country. There is a story in- 
deed, which used to be told on the authority 
of the dowager countess of Nottingham, that 
Burnet, in a conversation with her lord, ac- 
cused him of having professed different sen- 
timents in the house of peers on some sub- 
ject from what he then did ; and on lord 
Nottingham's denying that he had so ex- 
pressed himself, the bishop, as it was stated, 
rejoined, if his lordship had not, he ought 
to have done so : and that, notwithstanding 
this in Burnet's History of his Own Time 
lord Nottingham is represented to have said 


that, which he denied he had said. All 
this may be true, and yet the bishop might 
not believe himself to have been mistaken. 
It must however be confessed, that where 
either party-zeal or personal resentment was 
concerned, this author too frequently ap- 
pears to have been no patient investigator 
of the truth, but to have written under the 
influence of both those feelings, even whilst 
he was delineating the characters of some 
of the most virtuous persons of the age in 
which he lived. Amongst these are the 
archbishops Sheldon and Bancroft, of whom 
he frequently speaks with unpardonable se- 
verity. He has also directed nmch indis- 
criminate censure against public bodies of 
men. Indeed it appears by the preface to 
his work, that he himself suspected he had 
treated the clergy in particular with excessive 
harshness, irritated, he says, " perhaps too 
*' much against them, in consequence of the 
** peevishness, ill-nature, and ambition of 
" many of them." Nay, from some particu- 
lars, which will hereafter be mentioned, it 
may be collected, that the author actually 
omitted many passages of his history still 
more highly reflecting on his brethren. 

That he was by no means acceptable to 
those prelates, who governed the church of 


England in the reign of Charles II. is ex- 
tremely probable, considering that, according 
to his own account, he was an active oppo- 
nent and open censurer of the bishops in Scot- 
land, and a great meddler in English politics. 
Besides this, he professed to regard episco- 
pacy itself as no necessary, although a pre- 
ferable form of church government ; and, 
however averse from republicanism, seems to 
have approved of the settlement made by the 
Scottish covenanters in 1641 as the best sys- 
tem of civil polity for Scotland. See vol. v. 
p. 168. The author also, during the reigns of 
William and Anne, was on very ill terms with 
the majority of the English clergy, whom he 
often accuses of inactivity, faction, and am- 
bition. It may be urged on the other hand, 
in favour of his impartiality, that he does by 
no means spare the characters of those of 
his own side in politics ; so little indeed, that 
for the credit of human nature we would 
hope, that he knew less of men and of busi- 
ness than he himself supposed. 

But whether his censures were just or un- 
just, Burnet himself, as it must be acknow- 
ledged even by his enemies, was an active 
and meritorious bishop, and, to the extent 
of his opportunities, a rewarder of merit in 
others. He was orthodox in points of faith, 


possessed superior talents, as well as very 
considerable learning; was an instructive 
and entertaining writer, in a style negligent 
indeed and inelegant, but perspicuous ; a ge- 
nerous, open-hearted, and, in his actions, 
good natured man; and although busy and 
intrusive, at least as honest as most partisans. 
It is true, that his conduct to the duke of 
Lauderdale after the breach between them 
was, even in his own apprehension of it, ob- 
jectionable. It lost him the favour of the 
royal brothers, Charles and James ; who had 
before this time paid particular attention to 
him. His spleen and resentment against both 
these princes is apparent in every part of this 
history ; except that his final portrait of the 
latter is less darkly shaded, than the harsh 
and hideous one which he has drawn of the 
former. It may be here observed, in con- 
tradiction to the report of Burnet and other 
writers, respecting the early reconciliation of 
Charles to the church of Rome, that this 
event, as it appears from authentic accounts 
of the king's last moments, did not take place 
till a short time before his death. 

II. Thus much concerning the notes on this 
work; and the accusation of wilful and de- 
liberate falsehood brought against its au- 
thor by lord Dartmouth and others. We 


proceed to give an account of the passages 
omitted in the first folio volume by the ori- 
ginal editors, and now restored to their proper 

It is known to the readers of English his- 
tory, that the editors of this posthumous 
work, on the publication of the first volume 
in 1724, promised to deposit the copy, from 
which it was printed, in some public library ; 
and they are apprised, that in the beginning 
of the second volume, printed in 1735, there 
appears the following declaration with the 
signature of the bishop's youngest son, who 
was afterwards sir Thomas Burnet, and a 
judge. ** The original manuscript of both vo- 
** lumes of this history will be deposited in 
" the Cotton library by T. Burnett/' The ad- 
vertisement in the former volume, which was 
the only one prefixed by the editors to the 
work, is conceived in these terms. " The 
** editors of the following history intend, for 
" the satisfaction of the public, to deposite 
** the copy from which it is printed (corrected 
*' and interlined in many places with the 
** author's own hand) in some public library, 
** as soon as the second volume shall be pub- 
" lished." 

Suspicions had very early arisen, nay, po- 
sitive testimony had been adduced, that many 


passages of the original work were omitted 
by the editors in both the volumes; (see note 
in vol. iv. p. 552.) when at length, in the 
year 17^5, the same person, who, accord- 
ing to our preceding statement, inserted the 
major part of Swift's, and a few of speaker 
Onslow's notes, in the twenty-seventh volume 
of the European Magazine, communicated 
together with them twelve passages of the 
text of Burnet, which, amongst numerous 
others, had been omitted by the editors of 
the first volume. They were, in all proba- 
bility, published by him from either the 
Onslow or Hardwicke copy of Burnet, as 
he mentions the Hardwicke notes also, al- 
though he has extracted none of them. 
It has been already stated, that the Hard- 
wicke copy is missing, and in this copy the 
Onslow notes had been transcribed. Now 
apart from actual testimony, that the omis- 
sions were not confined to the first volume, 
it appeared extremely probable to us, that in 
proportion as the history drew nearer to their 
own times, the caution which dictated these 
omissions to the editors would acquire addi- 
tional motives, and that as many, if not 
more, instances of suppression would be 
found to occur in the second volume. 

We had therefore recourse to that noble re- 


pository of literature and science, the British 
Museum, of which the Cotton library, as it is 
well known, is a constituent part. Henry 
Ellis, esquire, one of the librarians of that 
institution, very obligingly complied with our 
request to make the requisite search for this 
MS. and he subsequently reported, that, after 
the most accurate examination, it did not ap- 
pear that it had ever been deposited in the 
library. He added, that " several collections 
" of folio papers, written in various hands, 
" and at different times, contained an imper- 
" feet copy of bishop Burnet's History of his 
" Own Times, with many variations from the 
" printed editions. That some memorandums 
*' on a single sheet at the beginning of this 
" book, dated July 1699, are probably in 
" the bishop's hand, as are also many cor- 
** rections in the history. Finally, that Dr. 
" GifFord has written several useful remarks 
** in the volume ; among which is one, that 
*' ' from many particulars it appears, that the 
" printed editions are not taken from these 
" loose papers : yet that though there is 
" great variety of expression, the substance 
" is generally the same.' " This is the ac- 
count with which we were favoured by Mr. 
Ellis. It should be further observed, that the 
well known fire, by which the Cotton library 


suffered considerable injury, happened in 
1731, four years before the promise was pub- 
licly given of depositing the original MS. in 
that library. 

These circumstances considered, it is pro- 
bable, that the same reasons which induced 
the editor, or editors, to omit certain pas- 
sages in both volumes of the work, finally 
determined them, although pointedly expos- 
tulated with on the subject, to relinquish 
their purpose of placing the original MS. in 
an accessible library. It deserves notice, that 
in page 8 of the second letter addressed by 
Mr. Beach to Thomas Burnet, esquire, the 
writer asserts, that he had in his own posses- 
sion an authentic and complete collection of 
the castrations. See Nichols's Literary Anec- 
dotes, vol. i. p. 285. It is added by Beach, 
as we have been informed by a gentleman 
who inspected his two printed letters to the 
younger Burnet, as well as Sinclair's Remarks 
on the first letter, that these passages were 
also in the hands of several persons of dis- 
tinction. After all, we are induced by our 
recollection of the restored passages to think, 
that although they were unjustifiably omitted, 
because against the author's express injunc- 
tions in his last will, yet that it was not done 
by the editors through party considerations, 

b2 ' 


but from a desire of abating the displeasure 
certain to be conceived against their father, by 
the friends or relations of those who suffered 
by the severity of his censure. The editors 
appear to have consulted their own feelings, 
in the omission of several traits in the cha- 
racter given by him of his uncle Warriston. 
' But it must not be omitted, that previously 
to the first publication of this work in 1724, 
some extracts from the former part of it, con- 
fessed to have been surreptitiously obtained 
during the author's life, were actually printed ; 
none of which appear either in the edited 
work, or amongst the suppressed, but now 
restored passages of the first volume. In a 
tract found in the British Museum by a gen- 
tleman, who has done much for the literary 
history of this country. Dr. Philip Bliss, fel- 
low of St. John's college, Oxford, four pas- 
sages are brought forward by the author of 
it, purporting to be extracts from Burnet's 
history. The title of the pamphlet is, A spe- 
cimen of the bishop of Sarunis Posthumous 
History of the Affairs of the Church and State 
of Great Britain during his life. By Robert 
Elliot^ M. A. 3d. ed. London. 8vo. without 
date. The bookseller in his preface says that 
he received the contents, consisting of ex- 
tracts from Burnet's history, and copious re- 


marks upon them, from Mr. Elliot, a deprived 
episcopal clergyman of Scotland. The ex- 
tracts are asserted to have been privately 
made by Elliot, whilst employed together 
with others in transcribing a manuscript of 
the work lent by the author to lord W. P. 
(perhaps lord William Paulett). In support 
of the credibility of the account, it may be 
observed, that lord Dartmouth, in a note at 
page 6. vol. i. mentions an offer made to 
himself by the author, of inspecting his his- 
tory ; a favour, his lordship adds, which the 
bishop had conferred on several others. Of 
these four extracts, the first is a relation of 
the murder of archbishop Sharp, and agrees 
in substance with that in the edited copy, 
but much altered in point of expression. 
The three others contain very severe and 
acrimonious reflections on the English clergy. 
It is observable, that in the preface by 
Dr. Hickes to Three Treatises republished 
by him in 1/09, some years before the death 
of bishop Burnet, there appears a part of 
the fourth and last of these extracts given 
in the very words produced by Elliot ; and 
that Hickes says, he had seen a short speci- 
men of the bishop's anecdote perhaps com- 
municated to him by this clergyman. 
. Dr. Bliss is of opinion, in case the extracts 



are authentic, that they were taken from a 
copy of Burnet's work in its first state, and 
before he altered, revised, and softened it. 
That they are genuine, many internal marks 
of authenticity lead us to suppose ; besides 
the circumstance, that, when Elliot, after 
finishing his extracts, proceeds to set down 
what he recollects of the substance of nine 
or ten other passages of the work, all that he 
produces has a perfect agreement with what 
was afterwards published as the bishop's. 
It is proper to remark in this place, that no 
additional charge of suppression or alteration 
can fairly be brought against the editors of 
Burnet's history in consequence of the dis- 
covery of these extracts by Elliot, which were 
made during the author's life, whilst he had 
the power of altering and revising his own 
work. On the other hand, to the possible 
suggestion, that the passages restored by us 
to the text had been in a similar way ex- 
punged or altered by the author himself, 
may be opposed the express testimony, that 
many things in the copy from which his 
work was printed, were omitted by the edi- 
tors in both the volumes. 

Before this account of the suppressed pas- 
sages is entirely concluded, we shall take no- 
tice, that amongst those which are restored. 


there is one, in vol. i. p. 517, containing a 
severe attack on the character of king Charles 
I. chiefly founded on that prince's letters to 
the first duke of Hamilton, and on bishop 
Burnet's acquaintance with the Hamilton 
papers, the basis of his Memoirs of the two 
dukes of that family. In favour of the king 
it ought first to be stated, that the series of 
letters addressed to him by the marquis, after- 
wards duke of Hamilton, appears to have 
formed no part of that collection of papers, 
Burnet having in his Memoirs inserted few or 
none of them. Again, that this nobleman so 
conducted himself in those unhappy times, 
that he was always suspected by the royalists 
of treachery and treason against his bene- 
factor and sovereign ; and was even charged 
upon oath *' with raising the vilest reports to 
** the dishonour of the king and queen, and 
*' their whole court, as if it was a sink of 
" iniquity." See, besides the histories of the 
times, a4ract entitled Digitus Dei, p. 6. and 
the Practices of the Hamiltons. From this 
source apparently originated a report unfa- 
vourable to the character of the queen, whether 
true or untrue, which is mentioned in a note 
by the earl of Dartmouth, vol. i. p. 63. Nei- 
ther is any additional credit reflected on the 
Hamilton papers themselves, in case they 



contained, according to the assertion of some 
persons, the following incredible vStory. That 
in the year 1640 the king sent a warrant to 
sir William Balfour, lieutenant of the tower 
of London, to execute immediately the earl 
of Loudon for the crime of high treason, al- 
though, as it is well known, it had formerly 
been pardoned in consequence of a general 
act of grace ; which illegal warrant was to take 
effect without any previous trial ; and that 
Charles was diverted from insisting on Bal- 
four's obedience to the order, solely by the 
interference of the marquis of Hamilton. See 
the Conclusion of Birch's Inquiry into King 
Charles the First's Transactions with the Earl 
of Glamorgan, Second Edition, where this 
tale is brought forward against the king. Let 
the duke of Hamilton however be heard in his 
own defence, and at the same time in behalf 
of his royal master. In his speech before his 
execution, this nobleman has the following 
expressions. ** I take God to witness, that I 
** have constantly been a faithful subject and 
** servant to his late majesty, in spight of all 
" malice and calumny. I have had the ho- 
*' nour since my childhood to attend and be 
'* near him, till now of late, and during all 
*' that time I observed in him as many vir- 
** tues and as little vice, as in any man I ever 


** knew." Burnet's Memoirs of the Dukes of 
Hamilton, p. 398. 

-"III. Thus much concerning the restored 
passages. To the notes of the earls of Dart- 
mouth and Hardwicke, speaker Onslow, and 
dean Swift, several others have been added, 
for the purpose of correction, and of fuller il- 
lustration. They are drawn principally from 
the professed answerers of Burnet, the his- 
torians of particular periods of our history, 
from writers of memoirs and of scarce tracts, 
and occasionally from manuscript authorities. 
They were selected and appended to the 
text, whilst the press was going on, in the 
course of the last year; and will, it is hoped, 
as well as the strictures on some doctrines 
and opinions in the other annotations, appear 
to owe their situation in the following pages 
to a zeal for truth, sincere, at least, however 
mistaken. All these notes are interspersed 
with the others, and included within a pa- 

It is proper to apprise the reader, that 
Ralph's History of the three first reigns con- 
tained in bishop Burnet's work, namely, 
those of Charles II. James II. and king Wil- 
liam, was not procured for consultation be- 
fore some part of the reign of James II. was 
already printed. But this circumstance ap- 


peared afterwards to be of less consequence 
than the perusal of the latter part of the 
same history made us apprehend. This his- 
torian has obtained from Mr. Fox the praise 
of impartiality ; which he well deserves. 

It should also be here acknowledged, that 
a statement in bishop Burnet's work at pp. 
31, 32, of the first volume, ought to have 
been corrected from the earl of Cromarty's 
Account of the Conspiracies of the Earls of 
Gowry, pubhshed in 1713. The bishop af- 
firms, that the last earl of Gowry was descend- 
ed through a daughter of lord Methuen, from 
Margaret daughter of king Henry the Seventh, 
although this king's daughter had in reality 
no issue by her third husband Henry lord 
Methuen, whom our author erroneously calls 
Francis Steward, father of a lord Methuen. 
Gowry's grandmother was daughter of Henry 
lord Methuen by his second wife, a daughter 
of the earl of Athol, married to him after 
Margaret the queen dowager of Scotland's 
death. See the Earl of Cromarty's Account, 
p. 8 — 12. As in this case the earl of Gowry 
had no well founded claim to the succession 
of the crown of England, if king James of 
Scotland were removed out of the way, he 
could scarcely be influenced by it to attempt 
the assassination of that prince, according to 


the bishop's suggestion, not sanctioned, as 
he himself owns, by any other historian. 

On the other hand a confirmation of our 
author's testimony has lately occurred, and 
the question, so ably discussed by sergeant 
Hey wood in his Vindication of Fox's Histo- 
rical Work, as to the conduct of general 
Monck during the pending trial of the mar- 
quis of Argyle, has been finally set at rest. It 
now appears, on the authority of sir George 
Mackenzie, one of the assigned defenders of 
the marquis, that Monck, when " advertised 
" of the scantiness of the probation," did ac- 
tually transmit to Scotland several official let- 
ters formerly received by him from the mar- 
quis for the purpose of procuring that no- 
bleman's condemnation. See vol. i. p. 217, 
and sir George Mackenzie's Memoirs of the 
affairs of Scotland just published, p. 4. 

In printing the text of Burnet, the first edi- 
tion has been followed, and the alterations 
of his style in subsequent editions have been 
neglected. It is true, that in the title-page 
of the first octavo edition, the whole work is 
said to have been revised and corrected by 
the editor, the bishop's son ; but allowing this, 
the original MS. was still further departed 
from, than even in the folio edition. The 


few alterations which occur in the editor's 
Life of his father have been adopted. 

The Index to the text of Burnet has been 
improved by Dr. Bliss, whose name we have 
already had occasion ta mention ; the other 
Index to the principal contents of the notes 
was entirely prepared by the same gentleman. 

The author finished his history of the 
reigns of Charles II. and James II. about the 
beginning of the eighteenth century ; that of 
king William, and the former part of queen 
Anne's reign in 17 10. The continuation of 
the work to the conclusion of peace in 1/13 
was completed by him in that year; less 
than two years before his death. The pre- 
sent year 1823 is nearly the hundredth since 
the publication of the first volume in folio, 
comprising the two first reigns above men- 
tioned, together with a summary of public 
affairs before the restoration. It appears to 
have excited more interest than the second 
volume, which followed in 1735, after an in- 
terval of eleven years. But this is by no 
means to be wondered at, considering the 
author's frequent relations in the subsequent 
volume of military and foreign affairs in a 
general and perfunctory manner, and the 
diminished influence of the good or ill qua- 


lities of individuals on the public events and 
transactions of this latter period. 

The great influence which personal cha- 
racter had formerly on events, together with 
other causes, occasions the reign of Charles the 
first, in which the contest for political power 
commenced, to form the most interesting 
period of English history, whether we are 
disposed to triumph with the conquering 
party, or to espouse and commiserate the 
cause of high honour and suffering loyalty. 
The frequent and remarkable changes of go- 
vernment during the interregnum, as well as 
the singular and energetic character of the 
protector Cromwell, secure the attention of 
every reader. The disputes, which arose be- 
tween an unprincipled, but good humoured 
monarch, regardless alike of his own honour 
and the national interest, and a restless, vio- 
lent, and merciless faction, are subjects of 
deep concern, on account of their melan- 
choly results. At the same time, the mind 
feels consolation in the virtues of Ormond, 
Clarendon, and Southampton. And, notwith- 
standing the enormities of courtiers and anti- 
courtiers, we reflect with pleasure on the free- 
dom then first securely enjoyed, from every 
species of arbitrary taxation, and from extra- 
judicial imprisonment; on the provision made 


for the meeting of parliament once in three 
years at the least; in a word, on the posses- 
sion of a constitution, which king William 
admired so much, that he professed himself 
afraid to improve it. The gloom of the next 
reign, overcast and ruined as its prospects 
were by folly and oppression, and finally 
closed by means of intrigue, falsehood, and 
intimidation, is in part enlivened by a view of 
the courageous and disinterested conduct of 
Bancroft, Hough, Dundee, Craven, and a few 
others. Some of these persons, desirous of a 
parliamentary redress of grievances, thought, 
that instead of the force put upon the person 
of the king, an accommodation might and 
ought to have been effected with him ; as he 
had a little before, when threatened with the 
just and open hostility of his subjects for his 
perversion of law, and maintenance of a 
standing army, made very important conces- 
sions. Yet it may reasonably be doubted, 
whether a composition with a prince of his 
disposition and feeble judgment, whatever 
good qualities he was otherwise possessed of, 
would eventually have been lasting, or even 
reducible to practice. The appeal made by 
him to his subjects immediately after his re- 
treat to another country, was signed by a se- 
cretary of state employed contrary to law. 


Times had now passed, which were che- 
quered with great virtues and vices : but the 
reigns of William and Anne exhibit to the 
reader one uniform scene of venality and 
corruption ; and the mind, instead of being 
interested, is disgusted with the contests of 
two parties for the government of the coun- 
try, assuming, as it best suited their selfish 
purposes, each others' principles. The long 
contemplated change in the executive go- 
vernment was at length effected; its power 
being virtually transferred to combinations 
of persons possessed of great influence in 
parliamentary elections, and in parliament 
itself. Hence what has been called the prac- 
tice of the constitution differed widely from 
its theory; and to this depression of the 
crown and of its direct power, occasioned by 
the seeming necessity for the almost constant 
sitting of parliament, were added maxims to- 
tally annihilating the will of the single person, 
and, in conjunction with other causes, fi- 
nally subversive of all dutiful and affection- 
ate attachment to authority. These max- 
ims, not recognised as constitutional by Cla- 
rendon, Hale, or Locke, were advanced in 
order to colour and justify the alteration. A 
wider and more extensive field was now 
opened for the exertion of talents, service- 


able indeed to the advancement of the indi- 
vidual, but full as often pernicious as useful 
to the public. In these reigns also, contrary 
to every principle of justice, were laid the 
deep and broad foundations of a debt, which 
no other than the political system then 
adopted could have entailed on a nation. 
It ought still however to be remembered, 
that at, or soon after the revolution, a so- 
lemn recognition was made of the liberties 
of Englishmen ; the power of dispensing with . 
the laws was abrogated in all cases ; the 
judges were no longer dismissible at the sole 
pleasure of the crown ; a provision was made 
against the long continuance of parliaments ; 
freedom of religious worship was secured to 
the great body of protestant dissenters ; the 
important and necessary measure of a union 
with Scotland was effected ; the liberty of 
the press established ; trials for treason bet- 
ter regulated ; and a more exact and impar- 
tial administration of justice generally intro- 
duced in the kingdom. Which blessings, to- 
gether with all other constitutional rights, 
may God's providence, and a virtuous and 
independent spirit, continue to us ! 

M. J. R. 






VOL. I. B 


. i . .' . / 


1 AM now beginning to review and write over 
again the history of my own time, which I first un- 
dertook twenty years ago ^, and have been continu- 
ing it from year to year ever since : and I see some 
reason to review it all. I had while I was very 
young a greater knowledge of affairs than is usual 
at that age ; for my father, who had been engaged 
in great friendships with men of both sides, living 
then retired from all business, as he took my edu-2! 
cation wholly into his own hands, so he took a sort 
of pleasure to relate to me the series of all public 
affairs! And as he was a man so eminent for pro- 
bity and true piety, that I had all reason to believe 
him ; so I saw such an impartial sense of things in 
him, that I had as little reason to doubt his judg- 
ment as his sincerity. For though he adhered so 
firmly to the king and his side, that he was the sin- 
gular instance in Scotland of a man of some note, 
who, from the beginning to the end of the war, never 
once owned or submitted to the new form of go- 
vernment set up all that while; yet he did very 
freely complain of the errors of the king's govem- 

^ This history he writ some beginning of the reign of king 

time before the year 1705. but William and queen Mary he 

how long, he has not any where dates the continuation of hb 

told ; only it appears it was history on the first day of May, 

then finished, because in the 1705. Origixai. Editors. 

B 2 


ment, and of the bishops of Scotland. So that upon 
this foundation I set out at first to look into the se- 
cret conduct of affairs among us. 

I fell into great acquaintance and friendships with 
several persons, who either were or had been min- 
isters of state, from whom, when the secret of affairs 
was over, I studied to know as many particulars as 
I could draw from them. I saw a great deal more 
among the papers of the dukes of Hamilton than 
was properly a part of their memoirs, or fit to be 
told at that time : for when a licence was to be ob- 
tained, and a work was to be published fit for that 
family to own, things foreign to their ministry, or 
hurtful to any other families, were not to be inter- 
mixed with the account I then gave of the late 
wars. And now for above thirty years I have lived 
in such intimacy with all who have had the chief 
conduct of affairs, and have been so much trusted, 
and on so many important occasions employed by 
them, that I have been able to penetrate far into 
the true secrets of counsels and designs. 

This made me twenty years ago write down a re- 
lation of all that I had known to that time : where 
I was in the dark, I past over all, and only opened 
those transactions that I had particular occasions to 
know. My chief design in writing was to give a 
true view of men and of counsels, leaving public 
transactions to gazettes and the public historians of 
the times- I writ with a design to make both my 
self and my readers wiser and better, and to lay 
open the good and bad of all sides and parties, as 
clearly and impartially as I my self understood it, 
concealing nothing that I thought fit to be known, 
and representing things in their natural colours with- 


out art or disguise, without any regard to kindred 
or friends, to parties or interests : for I do solemnly 
say this to the world, and make my humble appeals 
upon it to the great God of truth, that I tell the 
truth on aU occasions, as fully and freely as upon 
my best inquiry I have been able to find it out. 
Where things appear doubtful, I deliver them with 
the same incertainty to the world. 

Some may perhaps think, that, instead of favouring 
my own profession, I have been more severe upon 
them than was needful. But my zeal for the true 
interest of religion and of the clergy made me more 
careful to undeceive good and well meaning men of 
my own order and profession for the future, and to 
deliver them from common prejudices and mistaken 
notions, than to hide or excuse the faults of those 
who will be perhaps gone off the stage before this 
work appear on it. I have given the characters of 
men very impartially and copiously ; for nothing 
guides one's judgment more truly in a relation of 
matters of fact, than the knowing the tempers and 
principles of the chief actors ^, 

'' Bishop Burnet was a man pressing himself, which often 

of the most extensive know- made him ridiculous, especially 

ledge I ever met with; had in the house of lords, when 

read and seen a great deal, with what he said would not have 

a prodigious memory, and a been thought so, delivered in a 

very indifferent judgment : he lower voice, and a calmer be- 

was extremely partial, and rea- haviour. His vast knowledge oc- 

dily took every thing for grant- casioned his frequent rambling 

ed that he heard to the prejudice from the point he was speaking 

of those that he did not like: to, which ran him into discourses 

which made him pass for a man of so universal a nature, that 

of less truth than he really was. there was no end to be expected 

I do not think he designedly but from a failure of his strength 

published any thing he believed and spirits, of both which he 

to be false. He had a boister- had a larger share than most 

ous vehement manner of ex- men ; which were accompanied 

B 3 


If I have dwelt too long on the affairs of Scot- 
land, some allowance is to be made to the affection 
all men bear to their native country. I alter no- 
thing of what I wrote in the first draught of this 
work, only I have left out a great deal that was 
personal to my self, and to those I am descended' 
from : so that this is upon the matter the same work, 
with very little change made in it. 
: I look on the perfecting of this work, and the 
carrying it on through the remaining part of my 
life, as the greatest service I can do to God and to 
the world ; and therefore I set about it with great 
care and caution. For I reckon a lie in history to 
be as much a greater sin than a lie in common dis- 
course, as the one is like to be more lasting and 
more generally known than the other. I find that 
the long experience I have had of the baseness, the 
malice, and the falsehood of mankind, has incUned 
me to be apt to think generally the worst both of 
men and of parties : and indeed the peevishness, the 
iU nature, and the ambition of many clergymen, has 
sharpened my spirits perhaps too much against 
them : so I warn *^ my reader to take aU that I say 
on these heads with some grains of allowance, though 
I have watched over my self and my pen so carefully, 
that I hope there is no great occasion for this apo- 

I have shewed this history to several of my 

friends'^, who were either very partial to me, or 

with a most invincible assur- it was a favour he had granted 

ance. Dartmouth. to several others, and if any 

^ I will take his warning, part of it had been published 

Swift. before its time, he might have 

^ He offered to shew it to thought it came from me : 

me, which I avoided, knowing though he was so civil as to 


they esteemed that this work (chiefly when it should 4 
be over and over again retouched and polished ^ by 
me ^ which very probably I shall be doing as long 
as I live ^) might prove of some use to the world. 
I have on design avoided all laboured periods or ar- 
tificial strains, and have writ in as clear and plain a 
style as was possible, choosing rather a copious en- 
largement than a dark conciseness. 

And now, O my God, the God of my life, and of 
all my mercies, I offer this work to thee, to whose 
honour it is chiefly intended ; that thereby I may 
awaken the world ^ to just reflections on their own 
errors and foUies, and caU on them to acknowledge 
thy providence, to adore it, and ever to depend on 

tell me 1 would be the last he 
should suspect ; and whenever I 
did- read it, I should find ac- 
counts both of persons and 
things, that I did not expect 
from him; but truth, he said, 
must be followed by an histo- 
rian, wherever it led him. D. 

* Rarely polished; I never 
read so ill a style. S. 

^ I do not know who his 
friends were, or how partial 
they might be, but I believe 
generally people will be of opi- 
nion that this is the worst of his 
performances ; in most others 
that are of any value, the mate- 

rials were ready furnished, and 
he had only the putting of them 
together ; in this, which is en- 
tirely his own, he has exposed 
his excessive partiality, and great 
want of judgment. D. 

g Mr. secretary Johnston, 
who was his intimate friend 
and near relation, told me, that 
after a debate in the house of 
lords he usually went home, 
and altered every body's cha- 
racter, as they had pleased or 
displeased him that day. D. 

^ This I take to be non- 
sense. S. 

B 4 

i '.r.TfKf vr 






A summary recapitulation of the state of affairs 
in Scotland^ hoth in church and state ; from the 
heginning of the troubles^ to the restoration of 
king Charles the second, 1660. 

X HE mischiefs of civil wars are so great and last- 
ing, and the effects of them branching out by many 
accidents, that were not thought on at first, much 
less intended, into such mischievous consequences, 
that I have thought it an inquiry that might be of 
great use, both to prince and people, to look carefully 
into the first beginnings and occasions of them, to 
observe their progress, and the errors of both hands, 6 
the provocations that were given, and the jealousies 
that were raised by these, together with the excesses 
into which both sides have run by turns. And 
though the wars be over long ago, yet since they 
have left among us so many seeds of lasting feuds 
and animosities, which upon every turn are apt to 


ferment and to break out of new, it will be an use- 
ful as well as a pleasant inquiry to look back to the 
first original of them, and to observe by what de- 
grees and accidents they gathered strength, and at 
last broke forth into a flame. 
The dis- The reformation of Scotland was popular and 

tractions . 

during king parliamentary : the crown was, durmg that time, 
nority.* "" either on the head of a queen that was absent, or of 
a king that was an infant. During his minority, 
matters were carried on by the several regents, so 
as was most agreeable to the prevailing humour of 
the nation. But when king James grew to be of 
age, he found two parties in the kingdom. The one 
was of those who wished well to the interest of the 
queen his mother, then a prisoner in England : 
these were either professed papists, or men believed 
to be indifferent as to all religions. The rest were 
her inveterate enemies, zealous for the reformation, 
and fixed in a dependence on the crown of England, 
and in a jealousy of France. When that king saw 
that those who were most in his interests were like- 
wise jealous of his authority, and apt to encroach 
upon if, he hearkened first to the insinuations of his 
mother's party, who were always infusing in him a 
jealousy of these his friends ; saying, that by ruining 
his mother, and setting him in her room while a 
year old, they had ruined monarchy, and made the 
crown subject and precarious ; and had put him in 
a very unnatural posture, of being seized of his mo- 
! ther's crown while she was in exile and a prisoner ; 
adding, that he was but a king in name, the power 
being in the hands of those who were under the ma- 
nagement of the queen of England. 
"' r '' Nonsense. S, 


Their insinuations W(9uld have been of less force. The prac- 

^j -1 t o f^ • 1 t • • tices of the 

the house oi Guise, who were his cosm germans, house of 

had not been engaged in great designs, of transfer- ^"'*^" 
ring the crown of France from the house of Bourbon 
to themselves ; in order to which it was necessary 
to embroil England, and to draw the king of Scot- 
land into their interests. So under the pretence of 
keeping up the old alliances between France and Scot- 
land, they sent creatures of their own to be ambas- 
sadors there ; and they also sent a graceful young 
man, who, as he was the king's nearest kinsman by 
his father, was of so agreeable a temper, that he be- 
came his favourite, and was made by him duke of 
Lenox. He was known to be a papist, though he 7 
pretended he changed his religion, and became in 
profession a protestant. 

The court of England discovered all these artifices 
of the Guisians, who were then the most implacable 
enemies of the reformation, and were managing all 
that train of plots against queen Elizabeth, that in 
conclusion proved fatal to the queen of Scots. And 
when the English ministers saw the inclinations of 
the young king lay so strongly that way, that all 
their applications to gain him were ineffectual, they 
infused such a jealousy of him into all their party in 
Scotland, that both nobility and clergy were much 
alarmed at it. 

But king James learnt early that piece of king- 
craft ^, of disguising, or at least denying every thing 

^ A mean expression, often derstanding, but suitable to the 

made use of by king James the pedantic education they had 

first; though little to the re- given him in his youth; which 

putation of his integrity or un- the earl of Marr told me was 


that was observed in his behaviour that gave of- 
fence, li 
The main instance in which the French manage- 
ment appeared was, that he could not be prevailed 
on to enter into any treaty of marriage. It was not 
safe to talk of marrying a papist ; and as long as 
the duke of Guise lived, the king, though then three 
and twenty, and the only person of his family, would 
hearken to no proposition for marrying a protestant. 
King James But whcu the dukc of Guisc was killed at Blois, 
terest of and that Henry the third was murdered soon after, 
England. ^^ ^j^^^ Hcury the fourth came in his room, king 
James was no more in a French management : so 
presently after he married a daughter of Denmark, 
and ever after that he was wholly managed by 
queen Elizabeth and her ministers. I have seen 
many letters among Walsingham's papers that dis- 
cover the commerce between the house of Guise and 
him (king James) ; but the most valuable of these is 
a long paper of instructions to one sir Richard Wig- 
more, a great man for hunting, and for all such 
sports, to which king James was out of measure ad- 
dicted. The queen affronted him publicly. Upon 
which he pretended he could live no longer in Eng- 
land, and therefore withdrew to Scotland. But all 
this was a contrivance of Walsingham's, who thought 
him a fit person to get into that king's favour : so 
that affront was designed to give him the more cre- 
dit. He was very particularly instructed in all the 
proper methods to gain upon the king's confidence, 

done designedly, to make him chanan said, he would take care 
contemptible both at home and to make him the lively image of 
abroad : and that George Bu- his mother. D. 


and to observe and give an account of all he saw in 
him; which he did very faithfully. By these in- 
structions it appears that Walsingham thought that 
king was either inchned to turn papist, or to be of 
no religion. And when the corn-t of England saw that 
they could not depend on him, they raised aU possi- 
ble opposition to him in Scotland, infusing strong 
jealousies into those who were enough inclined to 
receive them. 

This is the great defect that runs through archbi- 8 
shop Spotswood's history, where much of the rude^f ^^p^^-* 
opposition that king met with, particularly from the ^^^'^ •>'*- 
assemblies of the kirk, is set forth; but the true 
ground of all the jealousies they were possessed with 
is suppressed by him. After his marriage, they stu- 
died to remove these suspicions all that was pos- 
sible ; and he granted the kirk all the laws they 
desh-ed, and got his temporal authority to be better 
estabhshed than it was before : yet as the jealousies 
of his fickleness in religion were never quite re- > 
moved, so they gave him many new disgusts : they 
wrouglit in him a most inveterate hatred of presby- 
tery, and of the power of the kirk ; and he fearing 
an opposition in his succeeding to the crown of 
England, from the papist party, which, though it 
had little strength in the house of commons, yet was 
very great in the house of lords, and was very con- 
siderable in aU the northern parts, and among the 
body of the people, employed several persons who were 
known to be papists, though they complied out- 
wardly. The chief of these were Elphinston, se- 
cretary of state, whom he made lord Balmerinoch ; 
and Seaton, afterwards chancellor, and earl of Dun- King James 

, . studied to 

fermhng. By their means he studied to assure the gain the 




And to se- 
cure the 
to the 
crown of, 

papists that he would connive at them. A letter 
was also writ to the pope by him, giving assurance 
of this, which when it came to be pubUshed by Bel- 
larmin, upon the prosecution of the recusants after 
the discovery of the gunpowder plot, Balmerinoch 
did affirm, that he out of zeal to the king's service 
got his hand to it, having put it in the bundle of 
papers that were signed in course, without the king's 
knowing any thing of it '^. Yet when that discovery 
drew no other severity, but the turning him out of 
office, and the passing a sentence condemning him 
to die for it, (which was presently pardoned, and he 
was after a short confinement restored to his li- 
berty,) all men believed that the king knew of the 
letter, and that the pretended confession of the se- 
cretary was only collusion to lay the jealousies of 
the king's favouring popery, which still hung upon 
him, notwithstanding his writing on the Revelation, 
and his affecting to enter on aU occasions into con- 
troversy, asserting in particular that the pope was 

As he took these methods to manage the popish 
party, he was much more careful to secure to him- 
self the body of the EngUsh nation. Cecil, after- 
wards earl of Salisbury, secretary to queen Eliza- 
beth, entered into a particular confidence with him : 
and this was managed by his ambassador Bruce ^, a 
younger brother of a noble family in Scotland, who 

<^ See the life of king James 
in the complete history of Eng- 
land, vol. ii. page 666, in the 
note thereto. Onslow. 

•* Robert Cecil, great-grand- 
son to the first earl of Salis- 
bury, ^old nie that his ancestor 

inquiring into the character of 
king James ; Bruce's answer 
was, " Ken ye a John Ape ? 
" en I's have him, he'I bite you : 
" en you's have him. he'I bite 
" me." D, 


earned the matter with such address and secrecy, 
that all the great men of England, without knowing 9 
of one another's doing it, and without the queen's 
suspecting any thing concerning it, signed in writing 
an engagement to assert and stand by the king of 
Scots right of succession. This great service was 
rewarded by making him master of the rolls, and a 
peer of Scotland : and as the king did raise Cecil 
and his friends to the greatest posts and dignities, 
so he raised Bruce's family here in England. 

When that king came to the crown of England That kings 

. --~, . . errors in 

he discovered his hatred to the ' Scotish kirk on govem- 
many occasions, in which he gratified his resentment ™ 
without consulting his interests^. He ought to < 

have put his utmost strength to the finishing what 
he but faintly begun for the union of both kingdoms, 
which was lost by his unreasonable partiality in pre- 
tending that Scotland ought to be considered in this 
union as the third part of the isle of Great Britain, 
if not more. So high a demand ruined the design. 
But when that failed, he should then have studied 
to keep the affections of that nation firm to him : 
and certainly he, being secure of that kingdom, 
might have so managed matters, as to have pre- 
vented that disjointing which happened afterwards 
both in his own reign, and more tragically in his 
son's. He thought to effect this by his profuse 
bounty to many of the nobility of that kingdom, 
and to his domestic servants : but as most of these 

^ The earl of Seafield told but now, he said, one kingdom 

me that king James frequently would help him to govern the 

declared that he never looked other, or he had studied king- 

upon himself to be more than craft to very little purpose from 

king of Scotland in name, till his cradle to that time, D. 
he came to be king of England ; 


settling in England were of no further use to him 
in that design, so his setting up episcopacy in Scot- 
land, and his constant aversion to the kirk, how 
right soever it might be in it self, was a great error 
in policy ; for the poorer that kingdom was, it was 
both the more easy to gain them, and the more 
dangerous to offend them. So the terror which the 
affections of the Scotch nation might have justly 
given the English was soon lost, by his engaging 
the whole government to support that which was 
then very contrary to the bent and genius of the 
He set up gy^ thouffh he set up bishops, he had no revenues 

episcopacy ^ " ^ ^ 

in Scotland, to givc them, but what he was to purchase for them. 
During his minority, all the tithes and the church 
lands were vested in the crown : but this was only 
in order to the granting them away to the men that 
bore the chief sway. It is true, when he came of 
age, he, according to the law of Scotland, past a 
general revocation of all that had been done in his 
infancy : and by this he could have resumed all 
those grants. He, and after him his son, succeeded 
in one part of his design : for by act of parliament 
a court was erected that was to examine and se- 
quester a third part of the tithes in every parish, 
and so make a competent provision out of them to. 
'"^ 10 those who served the cure ; which had been reserved 

in the great alienation for the service of the church. 
This was carried at first to a proportion of about 
♦ thirty pounds a year, and was afterwards in his son's 

time raised to about fifty pounds a year^; which, 
considering the plenty, and way of living in that 
country, is a very liberal provision, and is equal in 
! Scotch pounds, I suppose. S. 


value to thrice that sum in the southern parts of 
England. In this he had both the clergy and the 
body of the people on his side. But he could not 
so easily provide for the bishops : they were at first 
forced to hold their former cures with some small 

But as they assumed at their first setting up little with a de. 
more authority than that of a constant president of J^^matters 
the presbyters, so they met with much rough op-^*'*''*'^' 
position. The king intended to carry on a con- 
formity in matters of religion with England, and he 
begun to buy in from the grantees many of the 
estates that belonged to the bishoprics. It was also 
enacted, that a form of prayer should be drawn for 
Scotland : and the king was authorized to appoint 
the habits in which the divine offices were to be 
performed. Some of the chief holydays were or- 
dered to be observed. The sacrament was to be 
received kneeling, and to be given to the sick. 
Confirmation was enacted; as also the use of the 
cross in baptism. These things were first past in 
general assemblies, which were composed of bishops 
and the deputies chosen by the clergy, who sat all 
in one house : and in it they reckoned the bishops 
only as single votes. Great opposition was made to 
aU these steps : and the whole force of the govern- 
ment was strained to carry elections to those meet- 
ings, or to take off those who were chosen ; in which 
it was thought that no sort of practice was omitted. 
It was pretended, that some were frighted, and 
others were corrupted. 

The bishops themselves did their part very iU. EiTorsof 

__, the bishops. 

They generally grew haughty : they neglected their 
functions, and were often at court, and lost aU 
VOL. I. c 


esteem with the people. Some few that were 
stricter and more learned did lean so grossly to 
popery, that the heat and violence of the reform- 
ation became the main subject of their sermons and 
discourses. King James grew weary of this op- 
position, or was so apprehensive of the ill effects 
'■ that it might have, that, what through sloth or fear, 

and what by reason of the great disorder into which 
his ill conduct brought his affairs in England in his 
latter years, he went no further in his designs on 
Prince He had three children. His eldest, prince Henry, 

Henry was . i» i ti 

believed to was a prmcc of great hopes ; but so very little like 
epoisone .j^.^ father, that he was rather feared than loved by 
11 him. He was so zealous a protestant, that, when 
his father was entertaining propositions of marrying 
him to popish princesses, once to the archduchess, 
and at another time to a daughter of Savoy, he in a 
letter that he wrote to the king on the twelfth of 
that October in which he died, (the original of which 
sir William Cook shewed me,) desired, that if his 
father married him that way, it might be with the 
youngest person of the two, of whose conversion he 
might have hope, and that any liberty she might be 
allowed for her religion might be in the privatest 
manner possible. Whether this aversion to popery 
hastened his death or not, I cannot teU^. Colonel 
Titus *^ assured me that he had from king Charles 

! 8 If he was poisoned by the of Somerset's trial, " God knows 

earl of Somerset, it was not " what went with the good 

upon the account of religion, " prince Henry, but I have 

but for making love to the " heard something." D. 
countess of Essex ; and that was ^ Titus was the greatest rogu6 

what the lord chief justice Coke in England. S. 
meant, when he said at the earl 


the first's own mouth, that he was well assured he 
was poisoned by the earl of Somerset's means. It is 
certain, that from the time of the gunpowder plot, 
king James was so struck with the terror of that 
danger he was then so near, that ever after he had 
no mind to provoke the Jesuits ; for he saw what 
they were capable of. 

And since I name that conspiracy which the pa- The gun- 

■ powder 

pists in our days have had the impudence to deny ', plot. 
and to pretend it was an artifice of Cecil's to en- 
gage some desperate men into a plot, which he ma- 
naged so that he could discover it when he pleased, 
I will mention what I my self saw, and had for some 
time in my possession. Sir Everard Digby died for 
being of the conspiracy : he was the father of the 
famous sir Kenelm Digby. The family being ruined 
upon the death of sir Kenelm's son, when the ex- 
ecutors were looking out for writings to make out 
the titles of the estates they were to sell, they were 
directed by an old servant to a cupboard that was 
very artificially hid, in which some papers lay, that 
she had observed sir Kenelm was oft reading. They 
looking into it found a velvet bag, within which there 
were two other silk bags : (so carefully were those re- 
lics kept :) and there was within these a collection of 
all the letters that sir Everard writ during his impri- 
sonment. In these he expresses great trouble, because 
he heard some of their friends blamed their undertak- 
ing : he highly magnifies it ; and says, if he had many 
lives, he would willingly have sacrificed them all in 
carrying it on. In one paper he says, they had taken 
that care that there were not above two or three 

' See what Lord Stafford says of this plot, in his trial. State 
Trials, vol. ii. pag^ 621. O. 

c 2 


worth saving, to whom they had not given notice to 
keep out of the way : and in none of those papers 
does he express any sort of remorse for that which 
he had been engaged in, and for which he suffered. 
King James Udou the discovcrv of that plot, there was a ee- 

was afraid ^ . ' , P 

of the je- neral prosecution of all papists set on foot : but king 
James was very uneasy at it ; which was much in- 
creased by what sir Dudly Carlton told him upon 
12 his return from Spain, where he had been ambassa- 
dor ; (which I had from the lord Hollis, who said 
to me, that sir Dudly Carlton told it to himself, and 
was much troubled when he saw it had an effect 
contrary to what he had intended.) When he came 
home, he found the king at Theobald's hunting in a 
very careless and unguarded manner : and upon 
that, in order to the putting him on a more careful 
looking to himself, he told the king he must either 
give over that way of hunting, or stop another hunt- 
ing that he was engaged in, which was priest hunt- 
ing : for he had intelligence in Spain that the priests 
were comforting themselves with this, that if he 
went on against them, they would soon get rid of 
him : queen Elizabeth was a woman of form, and 
was always so weU attended, that all their plots 
against her failed, and were never brought to any 
effect : but a prince who was always in woods or 
forests would be easily overtaken. The king sent 
for him in private to enquire more particularly into 
this : and he saw it had made a great impression on 
him : but wi'ought otherwise than as he intended. For 
the king, (who) resolved to gratify his humour in 
hunting, and in a careless and irregular way of life, 
did immediately order all that prosecution to be let 
fall. I have the minutes of the council books of the 


year 1606, which are full of orders to discharge and 
transport priests, sometimes ten in a day. From 
thence to his dying day he continued always writing 
and talking against popery, but acting for it. He 
married his only daughter to a protestant prince, 
one of the most zealous and sincere of them all, the 
elector palatine ; upon which a great revolution 
happened in the affairs of Germany. The eldest ^^^^ ^•^ctor 

. . palatine's 

branch of the house of Austna retained some of the maniage. 
impressions that their father Maximilian II. studied 
to infuse into them, who, as he was certainly one of 
the best and wisest princes of these latter ages, so 
he was unalterably fixed in his opinion against per- 
secution for matters of conscience : his own senti- 
ments were so very favourable to the protestant 
doctrine, that he was thought inwardly theirs. His 
brother Charles of Grats was on the other hand 
wholly managed by the Jesuits, and was a zealous 
patron of theirs, and as zealously supported by them. 
Rodolph and Matthias reigned one after another, 
but without issue. Their brother Albert was then 
dying in Flanders : so Spain with the popish interest 
joined to advance Ferdinand, the son of Charles of 
Grats : and he forced Matthias to resign the crown 
of Bohemia to him, and got himself to be elected 
king. But his government became quickly severe : 
he resolved to extirpate the protestants, and began 
to break through the privileges that were secured 
to them by the laws of that kingdom. 

This occasioned a general insurrection, which was 13 
followed by an assembly of the states, who, together of BoiirmL 
with those of Silesia, Moravia, and Lusatia, joined in 
deposing Ferdinand : and they offered their crown 
first to the duke of Saxony, who refused it, and then 

c 3 


to the elector palatine, who accepted of it, being en- 
couraged to it by his two uncles, Maurice prince of 
Orange, and the duke of BuUion. (Bouillon.) But he 
did not ask the advice of king James : he only gave 
him notice of it when he had accepted the offer. 
Here was the probablest occasion that has been of- 
fered since the reformation for its full establishment. 
The English nation was much inclined to support 
it : and it was expected that so near a conjunction 
might have prevailed on the king: but he had an 
invincible aversion to war ; and was so possessed of 
the opinion of a divine right in all kings, that he 
could not bear that even an elective and limited 
king should be called in question by his subjects : so 
he would never acknowledge his son-in-law king, 
nor give him any assistance for the support of his 
new dignity. And though it was also reckoned on 
that France would enter into any design that should 
bring down the house of Austria, and Spain by con- 
sequence, yet even that was diverted by the means 
of De Luynes ; a worthless but absolute favourite, 
whom the archduchess Isabella, princess of the Spa- 
nish Netherlands, gained to oblige the king (of 
France) into a neutrality by giving him the richest 
heiress then in Flanders, the daughter of Peguiney, 
left to her disposal, whom he married to his brother. 
The disor- Thus poor Frederick was left without any assist- 

ders in * *^ 

Holland. EDce ^. The jcalousy that the Lutherans had of the 

^ The taie cause of his want created a power, not only for- 

of friends to support his pre- midable to the house of Aus- 

tensions to the crown of Bo- tria, but to all the princes in 

hernia, was from an apprehen- Europe : and the prince of 

sion that king James having Wales was then thought to be 

but one son living, if the sue- of a very weakly constitution, 

cession of Great Britain had D. 
fallen to his wife, it must have 


ascendant that the Calvinists might gain by this ac- 
cession had an unhappy share in the coldness which 
all the princes of that confession shewed towards 
him; though Saxony only declared for Ferdinand, 
who likewise engaged the duke of Bavaria at the 
head of a cathoUc league to maintain his interests. 
Maurice prince of Orange had embroiled Holland 
by the espousing the controversy about the decrees 
of God in opposition to the Arminian party, and by 
erecting a new and illegal court by the authority of 
the states general to judge of the aflfaii'S of the pro- 
vince of Holland ; which was plainly contrary to their 
constitution, by which every province is a sovereignty 
within itself, not at all subordinate to the states ge- 
neral, who act only as plenipotentiaries of the several 
provinces to maintain their union and their common 
concerns. By that assembly Bamevelt was con- 
demned and executed : Grotius and others were con- 
demned to perpetual imprisonment : and an assem- 
bly of the ministers of the several provinces met at 14 
Dort, by the same authority, and condemned and 
deprived the Arminians. Maurice's enemies gave it 
out, that he managed all this on design to make him- 
self master of the provinces, and to put those who 
were like to oppose him out of the way. But though 
this seem a wild and groundless imagination, and not 
possible to be compassed; yet it is certain that he 
looked on Bamevelt and his party as men who were 
so jealous of him and of a military power, that as 
they had forced the truce with Spain, so they would 
be veiy unwiUing to begin a new war ; though the 
disputes about Juliers and Cleves had almost en- 
gaged them, and the truce was now near expiring ; 
at the end of which he hoped, if delivered from the 

c 4 


opposition that he might look for from that party, 
to begin the war anew. By these means there was 
a great fermentation over all the provinces, so that 
Maurice was not then in condition to give the elected 
king any considerable assistance ; though indeed he 
needed it much, for his conduct was very weak. He 
affected the grandeur of a regal court, and the mag- 
nificence of a crowned head, too early : and his queen 
set up some of the gay diversions that she had been 
accustomed to in her father's court, such as baUs 
and masks, which very much disgusted the good 
Bohemians, who thought that a revolution made on 
the account of reUgion ought to have put on a 
greater appearance of seriousness and simpUcity. 
These particulars I had from the children of some 
who belonged to that court. The elected king was 
quickly overthrown, and driven, not only out of 
those his new dominions, but likewise out of his he- 
reditary countries : he fled to Holland, where he 
ended his days. I will go no farther in a matter so 
well known as king James's ill conduct in the whole 
series of that war, and that unheard-of practice of 
sending his only son through France into Spain, of 
which the relations we have are so full, that I can 
add nothing to them. 
Some pas- I wiU Only here tell some particulars with rela- 

sages of the , _, -i-i-ii.. i • t»t 

religion of tioH to Grcrmauy, that Fabncius, the wisest divine 1 
priuces. knew among them, told me he had from Charles 
Lewis the elector palatine's own mouth. He said, 
j Frederick II. who first reformed the palatinate, 
whose life is so curiously writ by Thomas Hubert, 
of Liege, resolved to shake off popery, and to set up 
Lutheranism in his country : but a counsellor of his 
said to him, that the Lutherans would always de- 



pend chiefly on the house of Saxony : so it would 
not become him who was the first elector to be only 
the second in the party : it was more for his dignity 
to become a Calvinist : he would be the head of that 
party : it would give him a great interest in Swit- 
zerland, and make the Huguenots of France and in 1 5 
the Netherlands depend on him. He was by that 
determined to declare for the Helvetian confession. 
But upon the ruin of his family the duke of New- 
burgh had an interview with the elector of Branden- 
burgh about their concerns in Juliers and Cleves : 
and he persuaded that elector to turn Calvinist ; for 
since their family was fallen, nothing would more 
contribute to raise the other than the espousing that 
side, which would naturally come under his protec- 
tion : but he added, that for himself he had turned 
papist, since his little principality lay so near both 
Austria and Bavaria. This that elector told with a 
sort of pleasure, when he made it appear that other 
princes had no more sense of religion than he him- 
self had '. 

Other circumstances concurred to make king King james 
James's reign inglorious. The states having bor-thecau-' 
rowed gi*eat sums of money of queen Elizabeth, they to°wnIf 
gave her the Brill and Flushing, with some other 
places of less note, in pawn, till the money should be 
repaid. Soon after his coming to the crown of Eng- 
land he entered into secret treaties with Spain, in 

' The author might have the one and the other took a 

added to these instances, that part different from their private 

it was said, that prince Mau- sentiments, to serve their po- 

rice was in his opinion an Ar- litical interests. The author 

minian, and Barnevelt a Cal- does mention this afterwards, 

vinist. But as these religious See page 316. O. 
points became state divisions. 


order to the forcing the states to a peace : one ar- 
ticle was, that if they were obstinate he would de- 
liver these places to the Spaniards. When the 
truce was made, Barnevelt, though he had promoted 
it, yet knowing the secret article, he saw they were 
very unsafe, while the keys of HoUand and Zealand 
were in the hands of a prince who might perhaps 
sell them, or make an iU use of them : so he per- 
suaded the states to redeem the mortgage by repay- 
ing the money that England had lent, for which 
these places were put into their hands : and he came 
over himself to treat about it. King James, who 
was profuse upon his favourites and servants, was 
delighted with the prospect of so much money ; and 
immediately, without calling a parliament to advise 
with them about it, he did yield to the proposition. 
So the money was paid, and the places were eva^ 
cuated '^. But his profuseness drew two other 
things upon him, which broke the whole authority 
of the crown, and the dependence of the nation upon 
it. The crown had a great estate over all England, 
which was all let out upon leases for years, and a 
King James smaU rent was reserved. So most of the great fa- 
greatnes? milics of the nation were the tenants of the crown, 
of the ^jj^ ^ great many boroughs were depending on the 
estates so held. The renewal of these leases brought 
in fines to the crown and to the great officers : be- 
sides that the fear of being denied a renewal kept 
all in a dependence on the crown. King James ob- 
tained of his parliament a power of gi-anting, that is 
selling, those estates for ever, with the reserve of the 
old quit-rent : and all the money raised by this was 

"^ An action more to be commended for its honesty than wis* 
dom. O. 



profusely squandered away. Another main part of 16 
the regal authority was the wards, which anciently 
the crown took into their own management. Our 
kings were, according to the first institution, the 
guardians of the wards. They bred them up in 
their courts, and disposed of them in marriage as 
they thought fit. Afterwards they compounded, or 
forgave them, or gave them to some branches of the 
family, or to provide the younger children. But 
they proceeded in this very gently : and the chief 
care after the reformation was to breed the wards 
protestants. Still all were under a great depend- 
ence by this means. Much money was not raised 
this way: but families were often at mercy, and 
were used according to their behaviour. King 
James granted these generally to his servants and 
favourites : and they made the most of them. So 
that what was before a dependence on the crown, 
and was moderately compounded for, became then a 
most exacting oppression, by which several families 
were ruined. This went on in king Charles's time 
in the same method. Our kings thought they gave 
little when they disposed of a ward, because they 
made little of them. All this raised such an outcry, , 
that Mr. Pierpoint, at the restoration, gathered so 
many instances of these, and represented them so 
effectually to that house of commons that called 
home king Charles the second, that he persuaded 
them to redeem themselves by an offer of excise, 
which indeed produces a much greater revenue, but 
took away the dependence in which aU families were 
held by the dread of leaving their heirs exposed to 
so great a danger. Pierpoint valued himself to me 
uiK)n this service he did his country, at a time when 


\. ■ things were so little considered on either hand, that 
the court did not seem to apprehend the value of 
what they parted with, nor the country of what they 
other er- Bcsidcs thcsc public actiugs, king James suffered 
reign. much iu the opinion of aU people by his strange 
way of using one of the greatest men of that age, 
sir Walter Raleigh ; against whom the proceedings 
at first were much censured, but the last part of them 
was thought both barbarous and illegal. The whole 
business of the earl of Somerset's rise and faU, of the 
countess of Essex and Overbury, the putting the in- 
ferior persons to death for that infamous poisoning, 
and the sparing the principals, both the earl of So- 
merset and his lady, were so odious and inhuman, 
that it quite sunk the reputation of a reign, that on 
many other accounts was already much exposed to 
contempt and censure ; which was the more sen- 
sible, because it succeeded such a glorious and happy 
17 one. King James in the end of his reign was be- 
come weary of the duke of Buckingham, who treated 
him with such an air of insolent contempt, that he 
seemed at last resolved to throw him off, but could 
not think of taking the load of government on him- 
self, and so resolved to bring the earl of Somerset 
again into favour, as that lord reported it to some 
from whom I had it. He met with him in the 
night in the gardens at Theobald's : two bed-cham- 
ber men were only in the secret : the king embraced 
j him tenderly and with many tears : the earl of So- 
merset believed the secret was not well kept ; for 
soon after the king was taken iU with some fits of 
H« death, an aguc, and died of it. My father was then in 
London, and did very much suspect an iU practice 


in the matter : but perhaps doctor Craig, my mo- 
ther's uncle, who was one of the king's physicians, 
possessed him with these apprehensions ; for he was 
disgraced for saying he believed the king was poi- 
soned. It is certain no king could die less lamented 
or less esteemed than he was. This sunk the credit 
of the bishops of Scotland, who, as they were his 
creatures, so they were obliged to a great depend- 
ence on him, and were thought guilty of gross and 
abject flattery towards him. His reign in England 
was a continued course of mean practices. The 
first condemnation of sir Walter Raleigh was very 
black : but the executing him after so many years, 
and after an employment that had been given him, 
was counted a barbarous sacrificing him to the Span- 
iards. The rise and fall of the earl of Somerset, and 
the swift progress of the duke of Buckingham's 
greatness, were things that exposed him to the cen- 
sure of all the world. I have seen the originals of 
about twenty letters that he wrote to the prince and 
that duke while they were in Spain, which shew a 
meanness as well as a fondness that render him very 
contemptible. The great figure the crown of Eng- 
land had made in queen Elizabeth's time, who had 
rendered herself the arbiter of Christendom, and 
was the wonder of the age, was so much eclipsed, if 
not quite darkened, during this reign, that king 
James was become the scorn of the age ; and while 
hungry writers flattered him out of measure at 
home, he was despised by aU abroad, as a pedant 
without true judgment, courage, or steadiness, sub- 
ject to his favourites, and delivered up to the coun- 
sels, or rather the corruption of Spain. 

The puritans gained credit as the king and the ^be puri. 

" " tans gained 



bishops lost it. They put on external appearances 
of great strictness and gravity : they took more 
pains in their parishes than those who adhered to 
the bishops, and were often preaching against the 
vices of the court ; for which they were sometimes 
punished, though very gently, which raised their re- 
ISputation, and drew presents to them that made up 
their sufferings abundantly. They begun some par- 
ticular methods of getting their people to meet pri- 
vately with them : and in these meetings they gave 
great vent to extemporary prayer, which was looked 
on as a sort of inspiration : and by these means they 
grew very popular. They were very factious and 
insolent; and both in their sermons and prayers 
were always mixing severe reflections on their ene- 
mies. Some of them boldly gave out very many 
predictions ; particularly two of them who were 
held prophets, Davison and Bruce. Some of the 
things that they foretold came to pass : but my fa- 
ther, who knew them both, told me of many of their 
predictions that he himself heard them throw out, 
which had no effect : but all these were forgot, and 
if some more probable guessings which they deli- 
vered as prophecies were accomplished, these were 
much magnified. They were very spiteful against 
all those who differed from them ; and were want- 
ing in no methods that could procure them either 
good usage or good presents. Of this my father 
had great occasion to see many instances : for my 
great grandmother, who was a very rich woman, and 
much engaged to them, was most obsequiously 
courted by them. Bruce lived concealed in her 
house for some years : and they all found such ad- 
vantages in their submissions to her, that she was 


counted for many years the chief support of the par- 
ty : her name was Rachel Amot. She was daugh- 
ter to sir John Arnot, a man in great favour, and 
lord treasurer deputy. Her husband Johnstoun was 
the greatest merchant at that time ; and left her an 
estate of 2000/. a year, to be disposed of among his 
children as she pleased: and my father marrying 
her eldest grandchild saw a great way into all the 
methods of the puritans. 

Gowry's conspiracy was by them charged on the Gowry's 
king, as a contrivance of his to get rid of that earl, '^^^^^^ 
who was then held in great esteem : but my father, 
who had taken great pains to inquire into all the 
particulars of that matter, did always beUeve it was - 
a real conspiracy". One thing, which none of the 
historians have taken any notice of, and might have 
induced the earl of Gowry to have wished to put 
king James out of the way, but in such a disguised 
manner that he should seem rather to have escaped 
out of a snare himself, than to have laid one for the 
king, was this : upon the king's death he stood next 
to the succession to that (the) crown of England; for 
king Henry the seventh's daughter that was married 
to king James the fourth, did after his death marry 
Dowglas earl of Angus : but they could not agree : 
so a precontract was proved against him : upon 
which, by a sentence from Rome, the marriage wasl9 
voided, with a clause in favour of the issue, since 
bom under a marriage de facto and bona fide. Lady 
Margaret Dowglas was the child so provided for. 
I did peruse the original bull confirming the di- 
vorce. After that, the queen dowager married one 
Francis Steward, and had by him a son made lord 
Methuen by king James the fifth. In the patent he 
° Melvil makes nothing of it. S. 


is called Jrater noster uterinus. He had only a 
daughter, who was mother or grandmother to the 
earl of Gowry : so that by this he might be glad to 
put the king out of the way, that so he might stand 
next to the succession of the crown of England. 
He had a brother then a child, who when he grew 
up, and found he could not carry the name of Ru- 
then, which by an act of parliament made after this 
conspiracy none might carry, he went and lived be- 
yond sea ; and it was given out that he had the phi- 
losopher's stone. He had two sons, who died withr- 
out issue; and one daughter, married to sir Anthony 
Vandike the famous picture drawer, whose children, 
according to his pedigree, stood very near to the 
succession of the crown. It was not easy to per- 
suade the nation of the truth of that conspiracy : 
for eight years before that time king James, on a 
secret jealousy of the earl of Murray, then esteemed 
the handsomest man of Scotland, set on the marquis 
of Huntly, who was his mortal enemy, to murder him ; 
and by a writing »', all in his own hand, he promised 
to save him harmless for it. He set the house in 
which he was on fire : and the earl flying away was 
followed and murdered, and Huntly sent Gordon of 
Buckey with the news to the king : soon after, all 
who were concerned in that vile fact were pardoned, 
( which laid the king open to much censure. And this 
made the matter of Gowry to be the less believed. 
King When king Charles succeeded to the crown, he 

first a was at first thought favourable to the puritans ; for 
[l,g°py*? his tutor and all his court were of that way ^ : and 

P (Abp. Spotiswood calls it tial to the Scotish nation. Dr. 

•• a comniission to apprehend Heylin, in his history of the 

" and bring Murray to his Presbyterians, says, that a little 

"trial." Hw^. b. vi. an. 1593.) before this breaking out into 

1 He was always very par- rebellion the court might well 


Dr. Preston, then the head of the party, came up in 
the coach from Theobald's to London with the king 
and the duke of Buckingham ; which being against 
the rules of the court gave great offence : but it was 
said, the king was so overcharged with grief, that 
he wanted the comfort of so wise and so gi'eat a 
man. It was also given out, that the duke of Buck- 
ingham offered Dr. Preston the great seal : but he 
was wiser than to accept of it. I will go no further 
into the beginning of that reign with relation to 
English affairs, which are fiiUy opened by others. 
Only I will tell one particular which I had from the 
earl of Lothian, who was bred up in the court, and 
whose father, the earl of Ancram, was gentleman of 
the bedchamber, though himself was ever much 
hated by the king. He told me, that king Charles 20 
was much offended with king James's light and fa- 
miliar way, which was the effect of hunting and 
drinking, on which occasions he was very apt to 
forget his dignity, and to break out into great inde- 
cencies : on the other hand the solemn gravity of 
the court of Spain was more suited to his own tem- 
per, which was sullen even to a moroseness. This 
led him to a grave reserved deportment, in which 
he forgot the civilities and the affability that the 
nation naturally loved, to which they had been long 
accustomed : nor did he in his outward deportment 
take any pains to oblige any persons whatsoever: 
so far ft'om that, he had such an ungracious way of 
shewing fevour, that the manner of bestowing it was 

be called an academy of that very great use to them in being 

nation ; most of the officers of constantly informed of his ma- 

the household, and seven out jesty's most private transactions 

of eight of the grooms of the during the civil war. D. 
bedchamber, which proved of 

VOL. I. D 


almost as mortifying as the favour was obliging. I 
turn now to the affairs of Scotland, which are but I 
little known ^. 
He de- The king resolved to carry on two designs that 

recover the his father had set on foot, but had let the prosecu- 
church tion of them faU in the last years of his reign. The 
Sa.tiand to ^I'st of thcsc was about the recovery of the tithes 
the crown, ^jj^ church lauds : he resolved to prosecute his fa- 
ther's revocation, and to void aU the grants made 
in his minority, and to create titular abbots as lords 
of parliament, but lords, as bishops, only for life. 
And that the two great families of Hamilton and 
Lenox might be good examples to the rest of the 
nation, he, by a secret purchase, and with English 
money, bought the abbey of Aberbroth of the former, 
and the lordship of Glasgow of the latter, and gave 
these to the two archbishoprics. These lords made 
a shew of zeal after a good bargain, and surrendered 
them to the king. He also purchased several estates 
of less value to the several sees ; and all men, who 
pretended to favour at court, offered their church 
lands to sale at a low rate. rJ') '3>tU 

In the third year of his reign the earl of Nithis- 
dale, then believed a papist, which he afterwards 
professed, having married a niece of the duke of 
Buckingham's, was sent down with a power to take 
the surrender of aU church lands, and to assure all 
who did readily surrender, that the king would take 
it kindly, and use them all very well, but that he 
would proceed with all rigour against those who 
would not submit their rights to his disposal. Upon 
his coming down, those who were most concerned 
in those grants met at Edinburgh, and agreed, that 

1 Not worth knowing. S. 


when they were called together, if no other argu- 
ment did prevail to make the earl of Nithisdale de- 
sist, they would fall upon him and all his party in 
the old Scotish manner, and knock them on the 
head. Primrose told me one of these lords, Bel- 
haven, of the name of Dowglass, who was blind, bid 
them set him by one of the party ; and he would 21 
make sure "of one ^ So he was set next the earl of 
Dunfrize: he was all the while holding him fast: 
and when the other asked him what he meant by 
that, he said, ever since the blindness was come on 
him he was in such fear of falling, that he could not 
help the holding fast to those who were next to 
him: he had all the while a poniard in his other 
hand, with which he had certainly stabbed Dunfrize, 
if any disorder had happened. The appearance at 
that time was so great, and so much heat was raised 
upon it, that the earl of Nithisdale would not open 
all his instructions, but came back to court, looking 
on the service as desperate : so a stop was put to it 
for some time. 

In the year 1633 the king came down in person He was 
to be crowned. In some conventions of the states ^^d! 
that had been held before that, all the money that 

* This brings to my remem- created a great disorder, and 

brance a story I heard the first every body seemed preparing to 

duke of Bolton tell of himself do the like : upon which the 

before a great deal of com- duke of Bolton said he got as 

pany : that when the bill of ex- near to the marquis of Halifax 

elusion was debating in the as he could, being resolved to 

house of lords, the old earl of make sure of him, in case any 

Peterborow said that was a violence had been offered : and 

cause in which every man in that there were more who had 

England was obliged to draw taken the same resolution, 

his . sword, and laid liis hand though he did not name them, 

upon his own, as if he designed D. 
to draw it immediately, which 

D 2 


the king had asked was given ; and some petitions 
were offered setting forth grievances, which those 
whom the king employed had assured them should 
be redressed: but nothing was. done, and aU was 
put off till the king should come down in person. 
His entry and coronation were managed with such 
magnificence, that the country suffered much by it : 
all was entertainment and shew. When the parlia- 
ment sat, the lords of the articles prepared an act 
declaring the royal prerogative, as it had been as- 
serted by law in the year 1606 ; to which an addi- 
tion was made of another act passed in the year 
1609, by which king James was impowered to pre- 
scribe apparel to churchmen with their own consent. 
This was a personal thing to king James, in consi- 
deration of his great learning and experience, of 
which he had made no use during the rest of his 
reign. And in the year 1617, when he held a par- 
liament there in person, an act was prepared by the 
lords of the articles, authorizing all things that 
should thereafter be determined in ecclesiastical af- 
feirs by his majesty, with consent of a competent 
number of the clergy, to have the strength and 
power of a law. But the king either apprehended 
that great opposition would be made to the passing 
the act, or that great trouble would follow on the 
execution of it : so when the rubric of the act was 
read, he ordered it to be suppressed, though passed 
in the articles. In this act of 1633 these acts of 
1606 and 1609 were drawn into one. To this, great 
opposition was made by the earl of Rothes, who de- 
sired the acts might be divided : but the king said, 
it was now one act, and he must either vote for it 
or against it. He said, he was for the prerogative 


as much as any man, but that addition was contrary 
to the liberties of the church, and he thought no de- 
termination ought to be made in such matters with- 22 
out the consent of the clergy, at least without their 
being heard. The king bid him argue no more, but 
give his vote : so he voted, not content. Some few 
lords offered to argue : but the king stopped them, 
and commanded them to vote. Almost the whole 
commons voted in the negative : so that the act was 
indeed rejected by the majority : which the king 
knew ; for he had called for a list of the numbers, 
and with his own pen had marked every man's vote : 
yet the clerk of register, who gathers and declares 
the votes, said it was carried in the affirmative. The 
earl of Rothes affirmed it went for the negative : so 
the king said, the clerk of register's declaration must 
be held good, unless the earl of Rothes would go to 
the bar, and accuse him of falsifying the record of 
parliament, which was capital : and in that case, if 
he should fail in the proof, he was liable to the same 
punishment : so he would not venture on that. Thus 
the act was published, though in truth it was re- 
jected. The king expressed a high displeasure at 
all who had concurred in that opposition. Upon 
that the lords had many meetings : they reckoned 
that now all their liberties were gone, and a parlfei*- 
ment was but a piece of pageantry, if the clerk of 
register might declare as he pleased how the vote 
went, and that no scrutiny were allowed. Upon that, 
Hague, the king's solicitor, a zealous man of that 
party, drew a petition to be signed by the lords, and 
to be offered by them to the king, setting forth all 
their grievances, and praying redress : he shewed Baimen- 
this to some of them, and among others to the lord 

D 3 


Balmerinoch, who liked the main of it, but was for 
altering it in some particulars : he spoke of it to the 
earl of Rothes in the presence of the earl of Cassilis 
and some others : none of them approved of it. The 
earl of Rothes carried it to the king ; and told him, 
that there was a design to offer a petition in order 
to the explaining and justifying their proceedings, 
and that he had a copy to shew him : but the king 
would not look upon it, and ordered him to put a 
stop to it, for he would receive no such petition. 
The earl of Rothes told this to Balmerinoch : so the 
thing was laid aside : only he kept a copy of it, and 
interlined it in some places with his own hand. 
While the king was in Scotland he erected a new 
bishopric at Edinburgh, and made one Forbes bi- 
shop, who was a very learned and pious man : he 
had a strange faculty of preaching five or six hours 
at a time : his way of life and devotion was thought 
monastic, and his learning lay in antiquity : he stu- 
died to be a reconciler between papists and protest- 
ants, leaning rather to the first, as appears by his 
Considerationes modestce: he was a very simple 
23 man, and knew little of the world : so he fell into 
several errors in conduct, but died soon after sus- 
pected of popery % which suspicion was increased by 
his son's turning papist. The king left Scotland 
much discontented, but resolved to prosecute the 
design of recovering the church lands : and sir Tho- 
mas Hope, a subtil lawyer, who was believed to 
understand that matter beyond aU the men of his 

' (Quam insigniter reverendo cuum est concione publica ab 

viro (Guil. Forbesio) injurii eo habita Edinburgi coram rege 

sint, qui eum Catholicum Rora. Carolo I. an. 1633. Vil, Jok, 

praedicant, inter alia perspi- Forbesii ct Corse, p. 10.) 


profession, though in all respects he was a zealous 
puritan, was made the king's advocate, upon his un- 
dertaking to bring all the church lands back to the 
crown : yet he proceeded in that matter so slowly, 
that it was believed he acted in concert with the 
party that opposed it. Enough was already done to 
alarm all that were possessed of the church lands : 
and they, to engage the whole country in their quar- 
rel, took care to infuse it into all people, but chiefly 
into the preachers, that all was done to make way 
for popery. The winter after the king was in Scot- 
land, Balmerinoch was thinking how to make the 
petition more acceptable : and in order to that he 
shewed it to one Dunmoor, a lawyer in whom he 
trusted, and desired, his opinion of it, and suffered 
him to carry it home with him, but charged him to 
shew it to no person, and to take no copy of it. He 
shewed it under a promise of secrecy to one Hay of 
Naughton, and told him from whom he had it. Hay 
looking on the paper, and seeing it a matter of some 
consequence, carried it to Spotswood, archbishop of 
St. Andrews ; who apprehending it was going about 
for hands, was alarmed at it, and went immediately 
to London, beginning his journey, as he often did, on 
a Sunday, which was a very odious thing in that 
country*. There are laws in Scotland loosely 
worded, that make it capital to spread lies of the 
king or his government, or to alienate his subjects 
from him. It was also made capital to know of any 
that do it, and not discover them : but this last was 
never once put in execution. The petition was 
thought within this act : so an order was sent down 
for committing lord Balmerinoch. The reason of it 
* Poor malice. S. 
D 4 


being for some time kept secret, it was thought done 
because of his vote in parliament. But after some 
consultation, a special commission was sent down for 
the trial. In Scotland there is a court for the trial 
of peers, distinct from the jury, who are to be fifteen, 
and the majority determine the verdict: the fact 
being only referred to the jury or assize, as they call 
it, the law is judged by the court : and if the ma- 
jority of the jury are peers, the rest may be gentle- 
men. At this time a private gentleman of the name 
of Steward was become so considerable, that he was 
raised by several degrees to be made earl of Tra- 
quair and lord treasurer, and was in great favour ; 
24 but suJBfered afterwards such a reverse of fortune, 
that I saw him so low that he wanted bread, and 
was forced to beg ; and it was believed died of hun- 
ger". He was a man of great parts, but of too 
much craft : he was thought the capablest man for 
business, and the best speaker in that kingdom. So 
he was charged with the care of the lord Balmeri- 
noch's trial : but when the ground of the prosecution 
was known, Hague, who drew the petition, writ a 
letter to the lord Balmerinoch, in which he owned 
that he drew the petition without any direction or 
assistance from him : and upon that he went over 
to Holland. The court was created by a special 
commission : in the naming of judges there appeared 
too visibly a design to have that lord's life, for they 
were either very weak or very poor. Much pains 
was taken to have a jury ; in which so great partial- 
ity appeared, that when the lord Balmerinoch was 
upon his challenges, and excepted to the earl of 
Dunfrise for his having said, that if he were of his 
" A strange death : perhaps it was of want of meat. S. 


jury, though he were as innocent as St. Paul, he 
would find him guilty, some of the judges said, that 
was only a rash word : yet the king's advocate al- 
lowed the challenge if proved, which was done. The 
next called on was the earl of Lauderdale, father to 
the duke of that title : with him the lord Balmeri- 
noch had been long in enmity : yet instead of chal- 
lenging him, he said he was omni exceptione Tuajor. 
It was long considered upon what the prisoner 
should be tried : for his hand interlining the paper, 
which did plainly soften it, was not thought evidence 
that he drew it, or that he was accessary to it : and 
they had no other proof against him : nor could they 
from that infer that he was the divulger, since it did 
appear it was only shewed by him to a lawyer for 
counsel. So it was settled on to insist on this, that 
the paper tended to alienate the subjects from their 
duty to the king, and that he, knowing who was the 
author of it, did not discover him; which by law was 
capital. The court judged the paper to be sedi- 
tious, and to be a lie of the king and his govern- 
ment : the other point was clear, that he knowing 
the author did not discover him. He pleaded for 
himself, that the statute for discovery had never 
been put in execution ; that it could never be meant 
but of matters that were notoriously seditious ; that 
till the court judged so, he did not take this paper 
to be of that nature, but considered it as a paper fuH. 
of duty, designed to set himself and some others 
right in the king's opinion ; that upon the first sight 
of it, though he approved of the main, yet he dis- 
liked some expressions in it ; that he communicated 
the matter to the earl of Rothes, who told the king 
of the design ; and that, upon the king's saying he 


25 would receive no such petition, it was quite laid 
aside : this was attested by the earl of Rothes. A 
long debate had been much insisted on, whether the 
earl of Traquair or the king's ministers might be of 
the jury or not : but the court gave it in their fa- 
vour. When the jury was shut up, Gordon of 
Bucky, who was one of them, being then very an- 
cient, who forty-three years before had assisted in 
the murder of the earl of Murray, and was thought 
upon this occasion a sure man, spoke first of aU, ex- 
cusing his presumption in being the first that broke 
the silence. He desired, they would all consider 
what they were about : it was a matter of blood, and 
they would feel the weight of that as long as they 
lived ; he had in his youth been drawn in to shed 
blood, for which he had the king's pardon, but it 
cost him more to obtain God's pardon : it had given 
him many sorrowful hours both day and night : and 
as he spoke this, the tears ran over his face. This 
struck a damp on them all. But the earl of Tra- 
quair took up the argument ; and said, they had it 
not before them, whether the law was a hard law or 
not, nor had they the nature of the paper before 
them, which was judged by the court to be leasing- 
making; they were only to consider, whether the 
prisoner had discovered the contriver of the paper 
or not. Upon this the earl of Lauderdale took up 
the argument against him, and urged, that severe 
laws never executed were looked on as made only to 

i terrify people ; that though after the court's having 
judged the paper to be seditious, it would be capital 
to conceal the author, yet before such judgment the 
thing could not be thought so evident that he was 
bound to reveal it. Upon these heads those lords 


argued the matter many hours: but when it went He was 
to the vote, seven acquitted, but eight cast him : so 
sentence was given. Upon this many meetings were 
held : and it was resolved either to force the prison 
to set him at liberty, or, if that failed, to revenge his 
death both on the court and on the eight jurors; 
some undertaking to kiU them, and others to bum 
their houses. When the earl of Traquair under- 
stood this, he went to court, and told the king that 
the lord Balmerinoch's life was in his hands, but the 
execution was in no sort adviseable : so he procured But par. 
his pardon, for which the party was often reproached 
with his ingratitude : but he thought he had been 
much wronged in the prosecution, and so little re- 
garded in the pardon, that he never looked on him- 
self as under any obligation on that account. My 
father knew the whole steps of this matter, having 
been the earl of Lauderdale's most particular friend : 
he often told me, that the ruin of the king's affairs 
in Scotland was in a great measure owing to that 
prosecution ; and he carefully preserved the petition 
itself, and the papers relating to the trial ; of which 26 
I never saw any copy besides those which I have. 
And that raised in me a desire of seeing the whole 
record, which was copied for me, and is now in my 
hands. It is a little volume, and contains, according 
to the Scotch method, the whole abstract of aU the 
pleadings, and all the evidence that was given ; and 
is indeed a very noble piece, full of curious matter ". 

When the design of recovering the tithes went '^ i'itmgy 


on, though but slowly, another design made a gi'eater 
progress. The bishops of Scotland fell on the fram- 
ing of a liturgy and a body of canons for the worship 

" Puppy. S. 


and government of that church. These were never 
examined in any public assembly of the clergy : all 
was managed by three or four aspiring bishops, 
Maxwell, Sidserfe, Whitford, and Banautine, the 
bishops of Ross, Galloway, Dunblane, and Aberdeen^ 
Maxwell did also accuse the earl of Traquair, as 
cold in the king's service, and as managing the trea^- 
sury deceitfiiUy ; and he was aspiring to that office* 
Spotswood, archbishop of St. Andrews, then lord 
chancellor, was a prudent and mild man, but of no 
great decency in his course of life. [For he was a 
frequent player at cards, and used to eat often in 
taverns : besides that all his livings were scanda- 
lously exposed to sale by his servants.] The earl of 
Traquair, seeing himself so pushed at, was more ear- 
nest than the bishops themselves in promoting the 
new model of worship and discipline ; and by that 
he recovered the ground he had lost with the king, 
and with archbishop Laud : he also assisted the bi- 
shops in obtaining commissions, subaltern to the 
high commission court, in their several dioceses, 
which were thought little different from the courts 
of inquisition. Sidserfe set this up in Galloway: 
and a complaint being made in council of his pro- 
ceedings, he gave the earl of Argile the lie in full 
council. He was after all a very learned and good 
man, but strangely heated in those matters. And 
they all were so lifted up with the king's zeal, and 
so encouraged by archbishop Laud, that they lost all 
temper; of which I knew Sidserfe made great ac- 
knowledgments in his old age. lij.iu. 
The feeble- But the unaccouutablc part of the king's proceed- 
ings was, that all this while, when he was endea- 
vouring to recover so great a part of the property of 

ness of the 


Scotland as the church lands and tithes were from 
men that were not like to part with them willingly, 
and was going to change the whole constitution of 
that church and kingdom, he raised no force to 
maintain what he was about to do, but trusted the 
whole management to the civil execution. By this 
all people saw the weakness of the government, at 
the same time that they complained of its rigour. 
All that came down from court complained of the 
king's inexorable stiffness, and of the progress popery 
was making, of the queen's power with the king, of 27 
the favour shewed the pope's nuncios, and of the 
many proselytes who were daily falling off to the 
church of Rome. The earl of Traquair infused this 
piore effectually, though more covertly, than any 
other man could do : and when the country formed 
the first opposition they made to the king's pro- 
clamations, and protested against them, he drew the 
first protestation, as Primrose assured me; though 
he designed no more than to put a stop to the credit 
the bishops had, and to the fury of their proceed- 
ings : but the matter went much farther than, he 
seemed to intend : for he himself was fatally caught 
in the snare laid for others. A troop of horse and 
a regiment of foot had prevented all that followed, 
or rather had by all appearance established an arbi- 
trary government in that kingdom : but, to speak in 
the language of a great man, those who conducted 
matters at that time had as little of the prudence of 
the serpent, as of the innocence of the dove : and, 
as my father often told me, he and many others, who 
adhered in the sequel firmly to the king's interest, 
were then much troubled at the whole conduct of 
affairs, as being neither wise, legal, nor just. I will 


go no farther in opening the beginnings of the trou- 
bles of Scotland : of these a full account wiQ be 
found in the memoirs of the dukes of Hamilton. 
[Of which I shall take the boldness to set down the 
character which sir Robert Moray (who had a great 
share of the affairs at that time, and knew the whole 
secret of them) gave, after he had read it in manu- 
script, that he did not think there was a truer his- 
tory writ since the apostles' days.] The violence 
with which that kingdom did almost unanimously 
J engage against the administration may easily con- 
vince one, that the provocation must have been very 
great, to draw on Such an entire and vehement con- 
currence against it. ^ * ■' '■' 
saviiie's After the first pacification, upon the new disputes 
prevSed ^^^^ arose, when the earl of Lowdun and Dunferm- 
ling were sent up with the petition from the cove- 
nanters, the lord SaviUe came to them, and informed 
them of many particulars, by which they saw the 
king was highly irritated against them : he took 
great pains to persuade them to come with their 
army into England. They very unwillingly heark- 
ened to that proposition, and looked on it as a de- 
sign from the court to ensnare them, making the 
Scots invade England, by which this nation might 
have been provoked to assist the king to conquer 
Scotland. It is true, he hated the earl of Strafford 
so much, that they saw no cause to suspect him ^ : 
so they entered into a treaty with him about it. The 

* There had been great con- till he was created a viscount ; 

tests between Saville and Went- upon which Saville changed 

worth about elections in York- sides, and was as warm against 

shire ; and upon Saville's being the court as the other had 

made a lord, Wentworth ran been. D. 
very violently against the court, 

on the 



lord Saville assured them, he spake to them in the 
name of the most considerable men in England; 
and he shewed them an engagement under their 
hands to join with them, if they would come into 
England, and refuse any treaty but what should be 
confirmed by a parliament of England. They de- 
sired leave to send this paper into Scotland ; to 
which, after much seeming difficulty, he consented : 28 
so a cane was hollowed, and this was put within it ; 
and one Frost, afterwards secretary to the com- 
mittee of both kingdoms, was sent down with it as 
a poor traveller. It was to be communicated only 
to. three persons, the earls of Rothes and Argile, and 
to Waristoun, the three chief confidents of the co- 
venanters. The earl of Rothes was a man of plea- The charac- 
sure, but or a most obliging temper : his anairs were chief of the 
low : Spotswood had once made the bargain between nantera. 
the king and him before the troubles, but the earl 
of Traquair broke it, seeing he was to be raised 
above himself. The earl of Rothes had all the arts 
of making himself popular ; only there was too much 
levity in his temper, and too much liberty in his 
course of Ufe. The earl of Argile was a more so- 
lemn sort of a man, grave and sober, free of all 
scandalous vices ^, of an invincible calmness of tem- 
per, and a pretender to high degrees of piety : [but 
he was a deep dissembler, and great oppressor in all 
•his private dealings, and he was noted for a defect 
in his courage on all occasions where danger met 
him. This had one of its usual effects on him, for 
he was cruel in cold blood:] he was much set on 
raising his own family to be a sort of king in the 

y As a man is free of a corporation, he means. S. 


Waiistoun was my own uncle : [but I will not be 
more tender in giving his character, for all that 
nearness in blood :] he was a man of great applica- 
tion, could seldom sleep above three hours in the 
twenty-four : he had studied the law carefuUy, and 
had a great quickness of thought, with an extraor- 
dinary memory. He went into very high notions of 
lengthened devotions, in which he continued many 
hours a day. He would often pray in his family 
two hours at a time, and had an unexhausted co- 
piousness that way. [He was a deep enthusiast, for] 
what thought soever struck his fancy during those 
effusions, he looked on it as an answer of prayer, 
and was wholly determined by it. He looked on 
the covenant as the setting Christ on his throne, 
and so was out of measure zealous in it ; [and he 
had an unrelenting severity of temper against all 
that opposed it.] He had no regard to the raising 
himself or his family, though he had thirteen chil- 
dren : but presbytery was to him more than aU the 
world. He had a readiness and vehemence of speak- 
ing, that made him very considerable in public as- 
semblies; [but he had no clear nor settled judg- 
ment, yet that was supplied by a fruitful invention'] ; 
so that he was at all times furnished with expedi- 
ents. [And though he was a very honest man in 
his private dealings, yet he could make stretches, 
when the cause seemed to require it.] To these 
three only this paper was to be shewed upon an 
oath of secrecy y: and it was to be deposited in 
Waristoun's hands. They were only allowed to 

'^ In the printed copy was ^ See my note in my printed 

substituted : And he had a fruit- copy of Oldmixon's history of 
ful invention. the Stuarts, page 145. O. 


publish to the nation, that they were sure of a very 

great and unexpected assistance, which, though it 
was to be kept secret, would appear in due time. 
This they published : and it was looked on as an ar- 
tifice to draw in the nation : but it was afterwards 
found to be a cheat indeed, but a cheat of lord Sa- 
ville's, who had forged all these subscriptions. 

The Scots marched with a very sorry equipage : The Scots 
every soldier carried a week's provision of oatmeal; England, 
and they had a drove of cattle with them for their 
food. They had also an invention of guns of white 29 
iron, tinned and done about with leather, and corded 
so that they could serve for two or three discharges. 
These were light, and were carried on horses : and 
when they came to Newburn, the English army that 
defended the ford was surprised with a discharge of 
artillery: some thought it magic; and all were 
put in such disorder, that the whole army did run 
with so great precipitation, that sir Thomas Fairfax, 
who had a command in it, did not stick to own, that 
till he passed the Tees his legs trembled under him. 
This struck many of the enthusiasts of the king's 
side, as much as it exalted the Scots; who were 
next day possessed of Newcastle, and so were mas- 
ters, not only of Northumberland and the bishopric 
of Dure§me, but of the coalries ; by which, if they 
had not been in a good understanding with the city 
of London, they could have distressed them ex- 
tremely : but all the use the city made of this was, 
to raise a great outcry, and to complain of the war, 
since it was now in the power of the Scots to starve 
them. Upon that, petitions were sent from the city Great dis- 

j ^ . 11' • contents in 

and irom some counties to the king, praying a treaty England. 
with the Scots. The lord Wharton and the lord 

VOL. I. E 


Howard of Escrick undertook to deliver some of 

these ; which they did, and were clapt up upon it ^. 
A council of war was held ; and it was resolved on, 
as the lord Wharton told me, to shoot them at the 
head of the army, as movers of sedition. This was 
chiefly pressed by the earl of Straflford. Duke Ha- 
milton spoke nothing till the council rose ; and then 
he asked Strafford, if he was sure of the army, who 
seemed surprised at the question : but he upon in- 
quiry understood that very probably a general mu- 
tiny, if not a total revolt, would have followed, if 
any such execution had been attempted. This suc- 
cess of the Scots ruined the king's affairs. And by 
it the necessity of the union of the two kingdoms 
may appear very evident : for nothing but a supe- 
rior army, able to beat the Scots, can hinder their 
doing this at any time : and the seizing the coalries 
must immediately bring the city of London into 
great distress. Two armies were now in the north 
as a load on the king, besides all the other griev- 
ances. The lord SaviUe's forgery came to be disco- 
vered. The king knew it ; and yet he was brought 
afterwards to trust him, and to advance him to be 
earl of Sussex. The king pressed my uncle to de- 
liver him the letter ^, who excused himself upon his 
oath ; and not knowing what use might be made of 
it, he cut out every subscription, and sent it to the 
person for whom it was forged. The imitation was 
so exact, that every man, as soon as he saw his hand 
simply by itself, acknowledged that he could not 
have denied it. 
30 The king was now in great straits : he had laid 

" Dignity of expression. S. 

'' See my note as aforesaid with regard to this letter. O. 


up seven hundred thousand pounds, before the trou- The in 
bles in Scotland began; and yet had raised no guards Mng*s°af- ^ 
nor force in England, but trusted a very illegal ad- ^*"^*' 
ministration to a legal execution. His treasure was 
now exhausted ; his subjects were highly irritated ; 
the ministry were all frighted, being exposed to the 
anger and justice of the parliament : so that he had 
brought himself into great distress, but had not the 
dexterity to extricate himself out of it. He loved 
high and rough methods, but had neither the skill 
to conduct them, nor the height of genius to manage 
them. He hated all that offered prudent and mo- 
derate counsels : he thought it flowed from a mean- 
ness of spirit, and a care to preserve themselves by 
sacrificing his authority, or from republican prin- 
ciples : and even when he saw it was necessary to 
follow such advices, yet he hated those that gave 
them '^. His heart was wholly turned to the gaining 
the two armies. In order to that, he gained the earl 
of Rothes entu-ely, who hoped by the king's media- 
tion to have married the countess of Devonshu'e, a 
rich and magnificent lady, that lived long in the 
greatest state of any in that age : he also gained the 
earl of Montrose, who was a young man well learned, 
who had travelled, but had taken upon him the port 
of a hero too much, [and lived as in a romance; 
for his whole manner was stately to affectation.] 
When he was beyond sea, he travelled with the earl 
of Denbigh ; and they consulted all the astrologers 
they could hear of. I plainly saw the earl of Den- 
bigh relied on what had been told him to his dying 
day; and the rather because the earl of Montrose 

*^ Not one good quality named. S. 
E 2 


was promised a glorious fortune for some time, but 
all was to be overthrown in conclusion. When the 
earl of Montrose returned from his travels, he was 
not considered by the king as he thought he de- 
served : so he studied to render himself popular in 
Scotland ; and [being vain and forward,] he was the 
first [and fiercest] man in the opposition they made 
during the first war. He both advised and drew 
the letter to the king of France, for which the 
lord Lowdun, who signed it, was imprisoned in the 
tower of London. But the earl of Lauderdale, as 
he himself told me, when it came to his turn to sign 
that letter, found false French in it ; for instead of 
rayons de soleil, he had writ raye de soleily which 
in French signifies a sort of fish ; and so thef matter 
went no farther at that time ; and the treaty came 
on so soon after, that it was never again taken up. 
The earl of Montrose was gained by the king at 
Berwick, and undertook to do great services. He 
either fancied, or at least he made the king fancy, 
that he could turn the whole kingdom : yet indeed 
he could do nothing. He was again trying to make 
a new party : and he kept a correspondence with 
the king when he lay at Newcastle ; and was pre- 
31 tending he had a great interest among the covenant- 
ers, whereas at that time he had none at all. All 
these little plottings came to be either known, or at 
least suspected. The queen was a woman of great 
vivacity in conversation, and loved all her life long 
to be in intrigues of all sorts'', but was not so secret 
in them as such times and such affairs required. 
She was a woman of no manner of judgment : she 

'' Not of love, I hope, S. 


was bad at contrivance, but much worse in the exe- 
cution : but by the liveliness of her discourse she 
made always a great impression on the king : and 
to her little practices, as weU as to the king's own 
temper, the sequel of all his misfortunes was owing. 
I know it was a maxim infused into his sons, which 
I have often heard from king James, that he was 
undone by his concessions. This is true in some 
respect : for his passing the act that the parliament 
should sit during pleasure, was indeed his ruin, to 
which he was drawn by the queen. But if he had 
not made great concessions, he had sunk without 
being able to make a struggle for it^; and could 
not have divided the nation, or engaged so many to 
have stood by him : since by the concessions that 
he made, especially that of the triennial parliament, 
the honest and quiet part of the nation was satisfied, 
and thought their religion and liberties were se- 
cured : so they broke off from ^ those violenter pro- 
positions that occasioned the war. 

The truth was, the king did not come into those 
concessions seasonably, nor with a good grace : all 
appeared to be extorted from him. There were also 
grounds, whether true or plausible, to make it to be 
believed, that he intended not to stand to them any 
longer than he lay under that force that visibly drew 
them from him contrary to his own inclinations k. 

* In a letter of the earl of " the loss of the whole king- 
Northumberland (printed a- " dom) the giving way to the 
niong the Sydney papers, vol. " remove of divers persons, as 
ii. p. 663.) to the earl of Lei- " well as other things, that will 
cester, and dated Nov. 13th, "be demanded by the parlia- 
1640, he says, " the king is in " ment." O. 
" such a strait, that I do not ^ Dark nonsense. S. 
" know how he will possibly e Sad trash. S. 
" avoid (without endangering 

E 3 


The proofs that appeared of some particulars, that 
made this seem true, made other things that were 
whispered to be more readily believed : for in all 
critical times there are deceitful people of both sides, 
that pretend to merit by making discoveries, on 
condition that no use shall be made of them as wit- 
nesses ; which is one of the most pestiferous ways of 
calumny possible. Almost the whole court had been 
concerned in one illegal grant or another : so these 
courtiers, to get their faults passed over, were as so 
many spies upon the king and queen : they told all 
they heard, and perhaps not without large additions, 
to the leading men of the house of commons. This 
inflamed the jealousy, and pushed them on to the 
making still new demands. One eminent passage 
was told me by the lord HoUis : 
An account Thc earl of Strafford had married his sister : so, 

of the earl 

of straf- though in that parliament he was one of the hottest 
given up'by mcu of the party, yet when that matter was before 
the king. .|^^j^ he always withdrew. When the bill of at- 
tainder was passed, the king sent for him to know 
what he could do to save the earl of Strafford. 
Hollis answered, that if the king pleased, since the 
execution of the law was in him, he might legally 
grant him a reprieve, which must be good in law ; 
but he would not advise it. That which he pro- 
posed was, that lord Strafford should send him a pe- 
tition for a short respite, to settle his affairs, and to 
prepare for death ; upon which he advised the king 
to come next day with the petition in his hands, 
and lay it before the two houses, with a speech 
which he drew for the king; and Hollis said to 
him, he would try his interest among his friends to 
get them to consent to it. He prepared a great 


many by assuring them, that if they would save 
lord Strafford, he would become wholly theirs in 
consequence of his first principles : and that he 
might do them much more service by being pre- 
served, than he could do, if made an example upon 
such new and doubtful points. In this he had 
wrought on so many, that he believed, if the king's 
party had struck into it, he might have saved him. 
It was carried to the queen, as if Hollis had en- 
gaged that the earl of Strafford should accuse her, 
and discover all he knew: so the queen not only 
diverted the king from going to the parliament, 
changing the speech into a message all writ with 
the king's own hand, and sent to the house of lords 
by the prince of Wales : (which Hollis had said, 
would have perhaps done as well, the king being 
apt to spoil things by an unacceptable manner:) 
but to the wonder of the whole world, the queen 
prevailed with him to add that mean postscript, if 
he must die, it were charity to reprieve him till 
Saturday: which was a very unhandsome giving 
up of the whole message. When it was communi- 
cated to both houses, the whole court party was 
plainly against it: and so he fell truly by the 
queen's means. 

The mentioning this makes me add one particular 
concerning archbishop Laud: when his impeach- 
ment was brought to the lords bar, he apprehend- 
ing how it would end, sent over Warner, bishop of 
Rochester, with the keys of his closet and cabinet, 
that he might destroy, or put out of the way, aU pa- 
pers that might either hurt himself or any body 
else. He was at that work for three hours, till 
upon Laud's being committed to the black rod, a 

E 4) 


messenger went over to seal up his closet, who came 
after all was withdrawn. Among the writings he 
took away, it is believed the original Magna Charta, 
passed by king John in the mead near Stains, was 
one. This was found among Warner's papers by 
33 his executor : and that descended to his son and 
executor, colonel Lee, who gave it to me. So it is 
now in my hands ; and it came very fairly to me ''. 
For this conveyance of it we have nothing but con- 

I do not intend to prosecute the history of the 
wars. I have told a great deal relating to them in 
the memoirs of the dukes of Hamilton. Rush- 
worth's collections contain many excellent mate- 
rials : and now the first volume of the earl of Cla- 
rendon's history gives a faithful representation of 
the beginnings of the troubles, though writ in favour 
of the court, and full of the best excuses that such 
ill things Were capable of. I shall therefore only 
set out what I had particular reason to know, and 
what is not to be met with in books. 
The new The kirk was now settled in Scotland with a new 

model of the . n i- ii i-ii 

presbytery mixturc 01 rulmg cldcrs ; which, though they were 
cot an . ^g^jjgjj f J.QJJJ tjie Geneva pattern to assist, or rather to 
be a check on the ministers in the managing the 
parochial discipline, yet these never came to their 
assemblies till the year 1638, that they thought it 
necessary to make them first go and carry all the 
elections of the ministers at the several presbyteries, 

'' There was reason enough tory of the Reformation) in 

for the bishop's giving an ac- searching all records, private 

count how he came by this most and public, gave good grounds 

valuable piece of antiquity : his to suspect he had obtained it 

having been trusted (especially in a less justifiable manner. D. 
after his publication of the His- 


and next come themselves and sit in the assemblies. 
The nobility and chief gentry offered themselves 
upon that occasion : and the ministers, since they 
saw they were like to act in opposition to the king's 
orders, were glad to have so great a support. But 
the elders that now came to assist them beginning 
to take, as the ministers thought, too much on them, 
they grew weary of such imperious masters : so they 
studied to work up the inferior people to much zeal : 
and as they wrought any up to some measure of 
heat and knowledge, they brought them also into 
their eldership ; and so got a majority of hot zealots 
who depended on them. One out of these was de- 
puted to attend on the judicatories. They had sy- 
nods of all the clergy, in one or more counties, who 
met twice a year : and a general assembly met once 
a year : and at parting that body named some, 
called the commission of the kirk, who were to sit 
in the intervals to prepare matters for the next as- 
sembly, and to look into all the concerns of the 
church, to give warning of dangers, and to inspect 
all proceedings of the state, as far as related to the 
matters of religion : by these means they became 
terrible to all their enemies. In their sermons, and 
chiefly in their prayers, all that passed in the state 
was canvassed: men were as good as named, and 
either recommended or complained of to God as 
they were acceptable or odious to them. This grew 
up in time to an insufferable degree of boldness. 
The way that was given to it, when the king and 
the bishops were their common themes, made that 
afterwards the humour could not be restrained : and 34 
it grew so petulant, that the pulpit was a scene of 
news and passion. For some years this was ma- 


naged with great appearances of fervour by men of 
age and some authority : but when the younger and 
hotter zealots took it up, it became odious to almost 
all sort of people, except some sour enthusiasts, who 
thought aU their impertinence was zeal, and an ef- 
fect of inspiration ; which flowed naturally from the 
conceit of extemporary prayers being praying by the 
The chief Hcndcrson, a minister of Edenburgh, was by 
th'e°pa^.° much the wisest and gravest of them aU : but as aU 
his performances that I have seen are flat and heavy, 
so he found it was an easier thing to raise a flame 
than to quench it. He studied to keep his party to 
him : yet he found he could not moderate the heat 
of some fiery spirits : so when he saw he could fol- 
low them no more, but that they had got the peo- 
ple out of his hands, he sunk both in body and 
mind, and died soon after [the papers had passed 
between the king and him at Newcastle.] The 
person next to him was Douglas, believed to be de- 
. scended from the royal family, though the wrong 
way : [for he was, as was said, the bastard of a bas- 
tard of queen Mary of Scotland, by a child that she 
secretly bare to Douglas, who was half brother to 
the earl of Murray, the regent, and had the keeping 
of her in the castle of Lochlevin intrusted to him ; 
from whence he helped to make her escape on that 
consideration.] There appeared an air of greatness 
in him, that made all that saw him inclined enough 
to believe he was of no ordinary descent. He was 
a reserved man : he had the scriptures by heart, to 
^ the exactness of a Jew ; for he was as a concord- 
ance : he was too calm and too grave for the furious 
men, but yet he was much depended on for his pru- 


dence. I knew him in his old age ; and saw plainly 
he was a slave to his popularity, and durst not own 
the free thoughts he had of some things for fear of 
offending the people. 

I will not run out in giving the characters of the 
other leading preachers among them, such as Dick- 
son, Blair, Rutherford, Baily, Cant, and the two 
GiUispys. They were men all of a sort: they af- 
fected great sublimities in devotion : they poured 
themselves out in their prayers with a loud voice, 
and often with many tears. They had but an ordi- 
nary proportion of learning among them ; some- 
thing of Hebrew, and very little Greek : books of 
controversy with papists, but above all with the Ar- 
minians, was the height of their study. A way of 
preaching by doctrine, reason, and use, was that they 
set up on : and some of them affected a strain of 
stating cases of conscience, not with relation to mo- 
ral actions, but to some reflexions on their condition 
and temper '. That was occasioned chiefly by their 
conceit of praying by the Spirit, which every one 
could not attain to, or keep up to the same heat in at 
all times. The learning they recommended to theirxheirsta- 

,. . -^ dies, and 

young divuies were some German systems, some other me- 
commentators on the scripture, books of controversy, *^°'^*' 
and practical books : they were so careful to oblige 35 
them to make their round in these, that if they had 
no men of great learning among them, yet none 
were very ignorant : as if they had thought an ' 
equality in learning was necessary to keep up the 
parity of their government. None could be suffered 
to preach as expectants, (as they called them,) but 

' Great nonsense. Rutherford was half fool, half mad. S. 


after a trial or two in private before the ministers 
alone : then two or three sermons were to be 
preached in public, some more learnedly, some more 
practically : then a head in divinity was to be com- 
mon placed in Latin, and the person was to main- 
tain theses upon it : he was also to be tried in Greek 
and Hebrew, and in scripture chronology. The 
questionary trial came last, every minister asking 
such questions as he pleased. When any had passed 
through aU these with approbation, which was done in 
a course of three or four months, he was allowed to 
preach when invited. And if he was presented or 
called to a church, he was to pass through a new set 
of the same trials. This made that there was a small 
circle of knowledge in which they were generally 
well instructed. True morality was little studied 
or esteemed by them. [They were proud and pas- 
sionate, insolent and covetous.] They took much 
pains among their people to maintain their autho- 
rity : they aifected all the ways of familiarity that 
were like to gain on them : [even in sacred matters 
they got into a set of very indecent phrases.] 
Their great They forced all people to sign the covenant : and 
the greatest part of the episcopal clergy, among 
whom there were two bishops, came to them, and 
renounced their former principles, and desired to be 
received into their body. At first they received all 
that offered themselves : but afterwards they re- 
pented of this: and the violent men among them 
were ever pressing the purging the kirk, as they 
called it, that is, the ejecting all the episcopal clergy. 
Then they took up the term of malignants, by which 
aU who differed from them were distinguished : but 
the strictness of piety and good life, which had 


gained them so much reputation before the war, 
began to wear off; and instead of that, a fierceness 
of temper, and a copiousness of many long sermons, 
and much longer prayers, came to be the distinction 
of the party. This they carried even to the saying 
grace before and after meat sometimes to the length 
of a whole hour. But as every new war broke out, 
there was a visible abatement of even the outward 
shews of piety. Thus the war corrupted both sides. 
When the war broke out in England, the Scots had 
a great mind to go into it. The decayed nobility, 
the military men, and the ministers, were violently 
set on it. They saw what good quarters they had 
in the north of England. And they hoped the um- 
pirage of the war would fall into their hands. The 
division appearing so near an equaUty in England, 
they reckoned they would turn the scales, and so be 36 
courted of both sides : and they did not doubt to 
draw great advantages from it, both for the nation 
in general, and themselves in particular. Duke 
Hamilton was trusted by the king with the ma- 
nagement of his affairs in that kingdom, and had 
powers to offer, but so secretly, that if discovered it 
could not be proved, for fear of disgusting the Eng- 
lish, that if they would engage in the king's side he <^onditions 
would consent to the uniting Northumberland, Cum- the Scots. 
berland, and Westmerland, to Scotland; and that 
Newcastle should be the seat of the government; 
that the prince of Wales should hold his court al- 
ways among them ; that every third year the king 
should go among them ; and every office in the 
king's household should in the third turn be given to 
a Scotchman. This I found not among duke Ha- 
milton's papers : but the earl of Lauderdale assured 


me of it, and that at the Isle of Wight they had all 
the engagements from the king that he could give. 
Duke Hamilton quickly saw, it was a vain imagina- 
tion to hope that kingdom could be brought to 
espouse the king's quarrel. The inclination ran 
strong the other way : aU he hoped to succeed in 
was to keep them neuter for some time : and this 
he saw could not hold long : so after he had kept 
off their engaging with England all the year 1643, 
he and his friends saw it was in vain to struggle 
any longer. The course they aU resolved on was, 
that the nobility should fall in heartily with the in- 
clinations of the nation to join with England, that so 
they might procure to themselves and their friends 
the chief commands in the army : and then, when 
they were in England, and that their army was as a 
distinct body separated from the rest of the king- 
dom, it might be much easier to gain them to the 
king's service than it was at that time to work on 
the whole nation. 
Montrose's This was uot a very sincere way of proceedinff : 
ings. but it was intended lor the king s service, and would 
probably have had the effect designed by it, if some 
accidents had not happened that changed the face 
of affairs, which are not rightly understood: and 
therefore I will open them clearly. The earl of 
Montrose and a party of high royalists were for 
entering into an open breach with the country in 
the beginning of the year 1643, but offered no pro- 
bable methods of maintaining it; nor could they 
reckon themselves assured of any considerable party. 
They were fuU of undertakings : but when they 
were pressed to shew what concurrence might be 
depended on, nothing was offered but from the 


Highlanders : and on this wise men could not rely : 
so duke Hamilton would not expose the king's af- 
fairs by such a desperate way of proceeding. Upon 
this they went to Oxford, and filled aU people there 37 
with complaints of the treachery of the Hamiltons ; 
and they pretended they could have secured Scot- 
land, if their propositions had been entertained. 
This was but too suitable to the king's own inclina- 
tions, and to the humour that was then prevailing 
at Oxford. So when the two Hamiltons came up, 
they were not admitted to speak to the king : and 
it was believed, if the younger brother had not made 
his escape, that both would have suffered ; for when 
the queen heard of his escape, she with great com- 
motion said, Abercom has missed a dukedom ; for 
that earl was a papist, and next to the two bro- 
thers '^. They could have demonstrated, if heard, 
that they were sure of above two parts in three of 
the officers of the army ; and did not doubt to have 
engaged the army in the king's cause. But the fail- 
ing in this was not all. The earl, then made mar- 
quis of Montrose, had powers given him such as he 
desired, and was sent down with them : but he could 
do nothing till the end of the year. A great body 
of the Macdonalds, commanded by one col. Killoch, 

^ Before the civil war the familiarities with Harry Jer- 
queen had a very particular myn ; after which she never 
aversion to duke Hamilton, durst refuse the duke any thing 
which he perceiving, prevailed he desired of her. This, sir 
with Mrs. Seymour, who at- Francis Compton told me, he 
tended upon her in her bed- had from his mother, the coun- 
chamber, to let him into the tess of Northampton, who was 
queen's private apartment at very intimately acquainted with 
Somerset House, (the usual Mrs. Seymour, that was after- 
place for her retirement,) where wards drowned in shooting 
he surprised the queen in great London Bridge. D. 


came over from Ireland to recover Kentire, the best 
country of all the Highlands, out of which they had 
been driven by the Argile family, who had possessed 
their country about fifty years. The head of these 
was the earl of Antrim, who had married the duke of 
Buckingham's widow : and being a papist, and hav- 
ing a great command in Ulster, was much relied on 
by the queen. He was the main person in the first 
rebellion, and was the most engaged in bloodshed 
of any in the north : yet he continued to correspond 
with the queen to the great prejudice of the king's 
affairs. When the marquis of Montrose heard they 
were in Argileshire, he went to them, and told 
them, if they would let him lead them, he would 
carry them into the heart of the kingdom, and pro- 
cure them better quarters and good pay : so he led 
them into Perthshire. The Scots had at that time 
an army in England, and another in Ireland : yet 
they did not think it necessary to call home any 
part of either; but despising the Irish, and the 
Highlanders, they raised a tumultuary army, and 
put it under the command of some lords noted for 
want of courage, and of others who wished well to 
the other side. The marquis of Montrose's men 
were desperate, and met with little resistance : so 
that small body of the covenanters army was routed. 
And here the marquis of Montrose got horses and 
ammunition, having but three horses before, and 
powder only for one charge. Then he became con- 
siderable : and he marched through the northern 
parts by Aberdeen. The marquis of Huntly was in 
the king's interests ; but would not join with him, 
38 though his sons did. Astrology ruined him : he be- 
lieved the stars, and they deceived him : he said 


often, that neither the king, nor the Hamiltons, nor 
Montrose would prosper : he believed he should out- 
live them all, and escape at last ; as it happened in 
conclusion, as to outliving the others. He was na- 
turally a gallant man : but the stars had so subdued 
him, that he made a poor figure during the whole 
course of the wars. 

The marquis of Montrose's success was very mis- Good ad- 

. . ty. . vices given 

chievous, and proved the rum of the kmg's affairs : to the king. 
on which I should not have depended entirely, if I 
had had this only from the earl of Lauderdale, who 
was indeed my first author : but it was fully con- 
firmed to me by the lord Hollis, who had gone in 
with great heat into the beginnings of the war : but 
he soon saw the ill consequences it already had, and 
the worse that were like to grow with the progress 
of it: he had in the beginning of the year forty- 
three, when he was sent to Oxford with the propo- 
sitions, taken great pains on all about the king to 
convince them of the necessity of their yielding in 
time ; since the longer they stood out, the conditions 
would be harder: and when he was sent by the 
parliament, in the end of the year forty-four, with 
other propositions, he and Whitlock entered into 
secret conferences with the king, of which some ac- 
count is given by Whitlock in his memoirs. They, 
with other commissioners that were sent to Oxford, 
possessed the king, and all that were in great credit 
with him, with this, that it was absolutely necessary 
the king should put an end to the war by a treaty : 
a new party of hot men was springing up, that were 
plainly for changing the government : they were 
growing much in the army, but were yet far from 
carrying any thing in the house : they had gained 

VOL. I. F 


much strength this summer : and they might make 
a great progress by the accidents that another year 
might produce : they confessed there were many 
things hard to be digested, that must be done in 
order to a peace: they asked things that were un- 
reasonable : but they were forced to consent to those 
demands : otherwise they would have lost their cre- 
'•■ ^'- dit with the city and the people, who could not be 
satisfied without a very entire security, and a full 
satisfaction : but the extremity to which matters 
might be carried otherwise made it necessary to 
come to a peace on any terms whatsoever ; since no 
terms could be so bad as the continuance of the 
war : the king must trust them, though they were 
not at that time disposed to trust him so much as 
it were to be wished : they said farther, that if a 
peace should follow, it would be a much easier thing 
to get any hard laws now moved for to be repealed, 
39 than it was now to hinder their being insisted on. 
With these things HoUis told me that the king and 
many of his counsellors, who saw how his affairs de- 
clined, and with what difficulty they could hope to 
continue the war another year, were satisfied. The 
king more particularly began to feel the insolence of 
the military men, and of those who were daily re- 
proaching him with their services ; so that they 
were become as uneasy to him as those of West- 
minster had been formerly. But some came in the 
interval from lord Montrose with such an account 
of what he had done, of the strength he had, and of 
his hopes next summer, that the king was by that 
prevailed on to beHeve his affairs would mend, and 
that he might afterwards treat on better terms. 
But not This unhappily wrought so far, that the limitations 



he put on those he sent to treat at Uxbridge made 
the whole design miscarry. That raised the spirits 
of those that were akeady but too much exaspe- 
rated. The marquis of Montrose made a great pro- 
gress the next year : but he laid no lasting founda- 
tion, for he did not make himself master of the 
strong places or passes of the kingdom. After his 
last and greatest victory at Kilsyth, he was lifted up 
out of measure. The Macdonalds were every where 
fierce masters and ravenous plunderers : and the 
other Highlanders, who did not such military ex- 
ecutions, yet were good at robbing : and when they 
had got as much as they could carry home on their 
backs, they deserted. The Macdonalds also left him 
to go and execute their revenge on the Argiles 
country. The marquis of Montrose thought he was 
now master, but had no scheme how to fix his con- 
quests : he wasted the estates of his enemies, chiefly 
the Hamiltons J ; and went towards the borders of 
England, though he had but a small force left about 
him : but he thought his name carried terror with 
it. So he writ to the king, that he had gone over 
the land from Dan to Beersheba: he prayed the 
king to come down in these words. Come thou, and 
take the city, lest I take it, and it he called by my 
name. This letter was writ, but never sent ; for he 
was routed, and his papers taken, before he had de- 
spatched the courier. [In his defeat, he took too 
much care of himself; for he was never willing to 
expose himself too much.] When his papers were 
taken, many letters of the king, and of others at 

j Which might have been an of the marquis of Montrose's 
inducement for the bishop to transactions. D. 
give so malicious an account 

F 2 


Oxford, were found, as the earl of Crawford, one 
appointed to read them, told me ; which increased 
the disgusts : but these were not published. Upon 
this occasion [the marquis of ArgUe and the preach- 
ers shewed a very bloody temper ;] many prisoners 
that had quarters given them were murdered in cold 
blood : and as they sent them to some towns that 
had been iU used by lord Montrose's army, the peo- 
ple in revenge fell on them, and knocked them on 
the head. Several persons of quality were con- 
40 demned for being with them : and they were pro- 
ceeded against both with severity and with indigni- 
ties. The preachers thundered in their pulpits 
against all that did the work of the Lord deceit- 
fully ; and cried out against all that were for mode- 
rate proceedings, as guilty of the blood that had 
been shed. Thine eye shall not pity, and thou 
shalt not spare, were often inculcated after every 
execution : they triumphed with so little decency, 
that it gave all people very ill impressions of them. 
But this was not the worst effect of Lord Mon- 
trose's expedition. It lost the opportunity at Ux- 
bridge : it alienated the Scots much from the king : 
it exalted all that were enemies to peace. Now 
they seemed to have some colour for all those asper- 
sions they had cast on the king, as if he had been 
in a correspondence with the Irish rebels, when the 
worst tribe of them had been thus employed by 
him '^. His affairs declined totally in England that 
summer : and lord HoUis said to me, all was owing 
to lord Montrose's unhappy successes. -' < 

Antrim's Upon this occasiou I will relate somewhat con- 
correspond- * 
encewith ccming the earl of Antrim. I had in my hand 

the king 

and queen. ^ Lord Clarendon differs from all this. S. 


several of his letters to the king in the year 1646, 
writ in a very confident style : [for he was a very 
arrogant, as well as a very weak man.] One was 
somewhat particular : he in a postscript desired the 
king to send the inclosed to the good woman, with- 
out making any excuse for the presumption ; by 
which, as foUows in the postscript, he meant his 
wife, the duchess of Buckingham. This made me 
more easy to believe a story that the earl of Essex 
told me he had from the earl of Northumberland : 
upon the restoration, in the year 1660, lord Antrim 
was thought guilty of so much bloodshed, that it 
was taken for granted he could not be included in 
the indemnity that was to pass in Ireland: upon 
this he (lord Antrim) seeing the duke of Ormond 
set against him, came over to London, and was 
lodged at Somerset House : and it was believed, 
that having no children, he settled his estate on Jer- 
myn, then earl of St. Alban's : but before he came 
away, he had made a prior settlement in favour of 
his brother. He petitioned the king to order a com- 
mittee of council to examine the warrants that he 
had acted upon. The earl of Clarendon was for re- 
jecting the petition, as containing a high indignity 
to the memory of king Charles the first : and said 
plainly at council table, that if any person had pre- 
tended to affirm such a thing while they were at 
Oxford, he would either have been severely pu- 
nished for it, or the king would soon have had a 
very thin court. But it seemed just to see what he 
had to say for himself: so a committee was named, 
of which the earl of Northumberland was the chief 
He produced to them some of the king's letters : but 
they did not come up to a full proof In one of 

F 3 


41 them the king wrote, that he had not then leisure; 
but referred himself to the queen's letter ; and said, 
that was all one as if he writ himself. Upon this 
foundation he produced a series of letters writ by 
himself to the queen, in which he gave her an ac- 
count of every one of these particulars that were 
laid to his charge, and shewed the grounds he went 
on, and desired her directions to every one of these : 
he had answers ordering him to do as he did. This 
the queen-mother espoused with great zeal; and 
said, she was bound in honour to save him. I saw 
a great deal of that management, for I was then at 
court '. But it was generally believed, that this train 
of letters was made up at that time in a collusion 
between the queen and him : so a report was pre- 
pared to be signed by the committee, setting forth 
that he had so fully justified himself in every thing 
that had been objected to him, that he ought not to 
be excepted out of the indemnity. This was brought 
first to the earl of Northumberland to be signed by 
him : but he refused it ; and said, he was sorry he 
had produced such warrants, but he did not think 
they could serve his turn; for he did not believe 
any warrant from the king or queen could justify so, 
much bloodshed, in so many black instances as were 
laid against him. Upon his refusal, the rest of the 
committee did not think fit to sign the report : so it 
was let fall : and the king was prevailed on to write 
to the duke of Ormond, telling him that he had so 
vindicated himself, that he must endeavour to get 
him to be included in the indemnity. That was 
done ; and was no small reproach to the king, that 

' (The bishop was born in 1643, and did not visit England 
till 1663. See his Life, by his son, p. 674.) 


did thus sacrifice his father's honour to his mother's 
importunity. Upon this the earl of Essex told me, The origi- 

1 1 , 1 , ,, 1 • , 11 • . nal of the 

that he had taken aU the pains he could to mquire Irish mas- 
into the original of the Irish massacre, but could *^^^' 
never see any reason to believe the king had any 
accession to if". He did indeed believe that the 
queen hearkened to the propositions made by the 
Irish, who undertook to take the government of 
Ireland into their hands, which they thought they 
could easily perform : and then, they said, they 
would assist the king to subdue the hot spirits at 
Westminster. With this the plot of the insurrection 
began : and all the Irish believed the queen encou- 
raged it. But in the first design there was no 
thought of a massacre : that came in head as they 
were laying the methods of executing it : so, as 
those were managed by the priests, they were the 
chief men that set on the Irish to aU the blood and 
cruelty that followed. 

I kno%^ nothing in particular of the sequel of the 
war, nor of all the confusions that happened till the 
murder of king Charles the first : only one passage 
I had from lieutenant general Drumond, afterwards 42 
lord Strathallan. He served on the king's side : but 
he had many friends among those who were for the 
covenant : so the king's affairs being now ruined, he 
was recommended to Cromwell, being then in a 
treaty with the Spanish ambassador, who was nego- 
ciating for some regiments to be levied and sent 
over from Scotland to Flanders : he happened to be 
with Cromwell when the commissioners, sent from 
Scotland to protest against the putting the king to 
death, came to argue the matter with him. Crom- 
"• And who but a beast ever believed it ? fc>. 

r 4 


well bade Brumond stay and hear their confer- 
ence, which he did. They began in a heavy languid 
style to lay indeed great load on the king : but they 
still insisted on that clause in the covenant, by 
which they swore they would be faithful in the pre- 
servation of his Majesty's person : with this they 
shewed upon what terms Scotland, as well as the 
two houses, had engaged in the war, and what so- 
lemn declarations of their zeal and duty to the king 
they all along published ; which would now appear, 
to the scandal and reproach of the Christian name, 
to have been false pretences, if when the king was 
in their power they should proceed to extremities. 
Cromwell Upon this, Cromwcll entered into a lonff discourse 

argues with " 

the Scots of the nature of the regal power, according to the 
theTiog's^ principles of Mariana and Buchanan : he thought 
^**''* a breach of trust in a king ought to be punished 
more than any other crime whatsoever : he said, as 
to their covenant, they swore to the preservation 
of the king's person in defence of the true Religion : 
if then it appeared that the settlement of the true 
religion was obstructed by the king, so that they 
could not come at it but by putting him out of 
the way, then their oath could not bind them to 
the preserving him any longer. He said also, their 
covenant did bind them to bring aU mahgnants, in- 
cendiaries, and enemies to the cause, to condign pu- 
nishment : and was not this to be executed im- 
partially? What were all those on whom public 
justice had been done, especially those who suffered 
for joining with Montrose, but small offenders 
acting by commission from the king, who was 
therefore the principal, and so the most guilty? 
Drumond said, Cromwell had plainly the better of 


them at their own weapon, and upon their own 
principles". At this time presbytery was at its 
height in Scotland. 

In summer 1648, when the parliament declared The opposi- 
they would engage to rescue the king irom his im- general as- 
prisonment, and the parliament of England fromthTpad^i^- 
the force it was put under by the army, the nobility "^"** 
went into the design, all except six or eight. The 
king had signed an engagement to make good his 
offers to the nation of the northern counties, with 
the other conditions formerly mentioned : and par- 43 
ticular favours were promised to every one that 
concurred in it. The marquis of Argile gave it out 
that the Hamiltons, let them pretend what they 
would, had no sincere intentions to their cause, but 
had engaged to serve the king on his own terms : 
he filled the preachers with such jealousies of this, 
that though all the demands that they made for the 
security of their cause, and in declaring the grounds 
of the war, were complied with, yet they could not 
be satisfied, but still said the Hamiltons were in a 
confederacy with the malignants in England, and 
did not intend to stand to what they promised. The 
general assembly declared against it, as an unlawful 
confederacy with the enemies of God; and called 
it the unlawful engagement, which came to be the 
name commonly given to it in all their pulpits. 
They every where preached against it, and opposed 
the levies all they could by solemn denunciations of 
the wrath and curse of God on all concerned in 
them. This was a strange piece of opposition to 
the state, little inferior to what was pretended to, 
and put in practice by the church of Rome. 
" Aiid Burnet thought as Cromwell did. S. 

an iDSurrec 


The south-west counties of Scotland have seldom 
com enough to serve them round the year : and the 
northern parts producing more than they need, 
those in the west come in the summer to buy at 
Leith the stores that come from the north : and 
from a word whiggam, used in driving their horses, 
all that drove were called the whiggamors, and 
The minis- shortcr the whiggs. Now in that year, after the 
news came down of duke Hamilton's defeat, the mi- 
nisters animated their people to rise, and march to 
Edenburgh : and they came up marching on the 
head of their parishes, with an unheard-of fury, 
praying and preaching all the way as they came. 
The marquis of Argile and his party came and 
headed them, they being about 6000. This was 
called the whiggamors inroad : and ever after that 
all that opposed the court came in contempt to be 
called whiggs: and from Scotland the word was 
brought into England, where it is now one of our 
unhappy terms of distinction °. 

The committee of their estates, with the force 
they had in their hands, could easily have dissipated 
this undisciplined herd. But they, knowing their 
own weakness, sent to Cromwell, desiring his assist- 
ance. Upon that, the committee saw they could not 
stand before him : so they came to a treaty, and de- 
livered up the government to this new body. Upon 
their assuming it, they declared all who had served 

° ^^Tiich unhappy distinctions it his business to rake all the 

no man living was more ready spiteful stories he could collect 

to foment than the good bishop together, in order to lessen their 

himself; and the first inqiiiry he esteem in the world, which he 

made into any body's character was very free to publish, with- 

was, whether he were a whigg out any regard to decency or 

or a tory : if the latter, he made modesty. D. 


or assisted in the engagement incapable of any em- 
ployment, till they had first satisfied the kirk of the 
truth of their repentance, and made public profes- 
sions of it. All churches were upon that fuU of 44 
mock penitents, some making their acknowledg- 
ments all in tears, to gain more credit with the new 
party. The earl of Lowdun, that was chancellor, 
had entered into solemn promises both to the king 
and the Hamiltons : but when he came to Scotland, 
his wife, a high covenanter, and an heiress by whom 
he had both honour and estate, threatened him, if 
he went on that way, with a process of adultery, in 
which she could have had very copious proofs : he 
durst not stand this, and so compounded the matter 
by the deserting his friends, and turning over to 
the other side : of which he made public profession 
in the church of Edenburgh with n\any tears, con- 
fessing his weakness in yielding to the temptation 
of what had a shew of honour and loyalty, for which 
he expressed a hearty sorrow. Those that came in 
early, with great shews of compunction, got easier 
off : but those who stood out long, found it a harder 
matter to make their peace. CromweU came down 
to Scotland, and saw the new model fuUy settled. 

Durinff his absence from the scene, the treaty of Tiie treaty 

° . . •' in the isle 

the isle of Wight was set on foot by the parhament, of Wight. 
who seeing the army at such a distance, took this 
occasion of treating with the king. Sir Henry 
Vane, and others who were for a change of govern- 
ment, had no mind to treat any more. But both 
city and country were so desirous of a personal 
treaty, that it could not be resisted. Vane, Pier- 
point, and some others, went to the treaty on pur- 
pose to delay matters, till the army could be brought 


up to London. All that wished well to the treaty 
prayed the king, at their first coming, to dispatch 
the business with all possible haste, and to grant 
the first day all that he could bring himself to grant 
on the last. Hollis and Grimstone told me, they 
had both on their knees begged this of the king. 
They said, they knew Vane would study to di'aw 
out the treaty to a great length : and he, who de- 
clared for an unbounded Uberty of conscience, would 
try to gain on the king's party by the offer of a to- 
leration for the common prayer and the episcopal 
clergy. His design in that was to gain time, till 
Cromwell should settle Scotland and the north. 
But they said, if the king would frankly come in, 
without the formaUty of papers backward and for- 
ward, and send them back next day with the con- 
cessions that were absolutely necessary, they did not 
doubt but he should, in a very few days, be brought 
up with honour, freedom, and safety to the parlia- 
ment, and that matters should be brought to a pre- 
sent settlement. Titus, who was then much trusted 
by the king, and employed in a negociation with 
45 the presbyterian party, told me he had spoke often 
and earnestly to him in the same strain : but the 
king could not come to a resolution : and he still 
fancied, that in the struggle between the house of 
commons and the army, both saw they needed him 
so much, to give them the superior strength, that he 
imagined by balancing them he would bring both 
sides into a greater dependence on himself, and 
force them to better terms. In this Vane flattered 
the episcopal party, to the king's ruin as well as 
their own. But they still hated the presbyterians 
as the first authors of the war ; and seemed unwiU- 


ing to think well of them, or to be beholding to 
them. Thus the treaty went on with a fatal slow- 
ness : and by the time it was come to some ma- 
turity, Cromwell came up with his army, and over- 
turned all. -^y* iur 

Upon this I wiQ set down what sir Harbotle Cromweirs 
Grimstone told me a few weeks before his death : tion. 
whether it was done at this time, or the year before, 
I cannot tell: I rather believe the latter. When 
the house of commons and the army were a quarrel- 
ling, at a meeting of the officers it was proposed to 
purge the army better, that they might know whom 
to depend on. Cromwell upon that said, he was 
sure of the army ; but there was another body that 
had more need of purging, naming the house of 
commons, and he thought the army only could do 
that. Two officers that were present brought an 
account of this to Grimstone, who carried them with 
him to the lobby of the house of commons, they be- 
ing resolved to justifj^ it to the house. There was 
another debate then on foot : but Grimstone diverted 
it, and said, he had a matter of privilege of the 
highest sort to lay before them : it was about the 
being and freedom of the house. So he charged 
Cromwell with the design of putting a force on the 
house : he had his witnesses at the door, and desired 
they might be examined : they were brought to the 
bar, and justified all that they had said to him, and 
gave a full relation of all that had passed at their 
meetings. When they withdrew, Crontwell fell 
down on his knees, and made a solemn prayer to 
God, attesting his innocence, and his zeal for the 
service of the house : he submitted himself to the 
providence of God, who it seems thought fit to ex- 


ercise him with calumny and slander, but he com- 
mitted his cause to him : this he did with great 
vehemence, and with many tears. After this strange 
and bold preamble, he made so long a speech, justi- 
fying both himself and the rest of the officers, except 
a few that seemed incUned to return back to Egypt, 
that he wearied out the house, and wrought so much 
on his party, that what the witnesses had said was 
so little believed, that had it been moved, Grimstone 
46 thought that both he and they would have been sent 
to the Tower. But whether their guilt made them 
modest, or that they had no mind to have the mat- 
ter much talked of, they let it fall : and there was 
no strength in the other side to carry it farther. 
To complete the scene, as soon as ever Cromwell 
got out of the house, he resolved to trust himself no 
more among them ; but went to the army, and in a 
few days he brought them up, and forced a great 
many from the house. 

I had much discourse on this head with one who 
knew Cromwell well, and all that set of men ; and 
asked him how they could excuse all the prevarica- 
tions, and other ill things of which they were visibly 
guilty in the conduct of their affairs. He told me, 
they believed there were great occasions in which 
some men were called to great services, in the do- 
ing of which they were excused from the common 
rules of morality : such were the practices of Ehud 
and Jael, Samson and David : and by this they fan- 
cied they had a privilege from observing the standing 
rules. It is very obvious how far this principle may 
be carried, and how all justice and mercy may be 
laid aside on this pretence by every bold enthusiast. 
Ludlow, in his memoirs, justifies this force put on 


the parliament, as much as he condemns the force 
that Cromwell and the army afterwards put on the 
house : and he seems to lay this down for a maxim, 
that the military power ought always to be subject 
to the civil: and yet, without any sort of resent- 
ment for what he had done, he owns the share he 
had in the force put on the parliament at this time. 
The plain reconciling of this is, that he thought 
when the army judged the parliament was in the 
wrong, they might use violence, but not otherwise : 
which gives the army a superior authority, and an 
inspection into the proceedings of the parliament. 
This shews how impossible it is to set up a com- 
monwealth in England : for that cannot be brought 
about but by a military force : and they will ever 
keep the parliament in subjection to them, and so 
keep up their own authority v. 

I will leave all that relates to the king's trial and 
death to common historians, knowing nothing that 
is particular of that great transaction, which was 
certainly one of the most amazing scenes in his- 
tory ^. Ireton was the person that drove it on : for The men 

chiefly en- 

Cromwell was all the while in some suspense about gaged in 
it. Ireton had the principles and the temper of a the king's 
Cassius in him : he stuck at nothing that might ^'^^* 
have turned England to a commonwealth : and 
he found out Cook and Bradshaw, two bold law- 
yers, as proper instruments for managing it. Fair- 

P Weak. S. in Cromwell and most of them 

1 And was most certainly a (with a mixture of enthusiasm) 

murder, as his cause, at that for private ends, and security 

time, was become the cause of to themselves ; and has the jus- 

the nation, and the sense of it ; tification only of an highway- 

and that of those who put him man, who kills, because he 

to death, and were but few, was would not be killed. O. 


fax was much distracted in his mind, and changed 
47 purposes often every day \ The presbyterians and 
the body of the city were much against it, and were 
every where fasting and praying for the king's pre- 
servation. There was not above 8000 of the army 
about the town : but these were selected out of the 
whole army, as the most engaged in enthusiasm : 
and they were kept at prayer in their way almost 
day and night, except when they were upon duty : 
so that they were wrought up to a pitch of fury, 
that struck a terror into all people. On the other 
hand, the king's party was without spirit : and, as 
many of themselves have said to me, they could 
never believe his death was really intended tiU it 
was too late. They thought aU was a pageantry to 
strike a terror, and to force the king to such con- 
cessions as they had a mind to extort from him. 
The king's The king himself shewed a calm and a composed 
firmness, which amazed aU people : and that so 
much the more, because it was not natural to him % 
It was imputed to a very extraordinary measure of 
supernatural assistance. Bishop Juxon did the duty 
of his function honestly, but with a dry coldness 
that could not raise the king's thoughts : so that it 
was owing wholly to somewhat within himself that 
he went through so many indignities with so much 

^ Fairfax had hardly common where I stood by him during 

sense. S. his supper; and he told me all 

* Sir Philip Meadows told that had happened to him at 

me he was at Newmarket when Feversham with as much im- 

the army brought the king thi- concernedness as if they had 

ther, and observed that the been the adventures of some 

king's was the only cheerful other person, and directed a 

face in the place; which put great deal of his discourse to 

me in mind of the night king me, though I was but a boy. 

James returned to Whitehall, D. 


true greatness, without disorder or any sort of aflfec- 
tation. Thus he died greater than he had lived; 
and shewed that which has been often observed of 
the whole race of the Stewards, that they bore mis- 
fortunes better than prosperity. His reign, both in 
peace and war, was a continual series of errors : so 
that it does not appear that he had a true judgment 
of things. He was out of measure set on following 
his humour, but unreasonably feeble to those whom 
he trusted, chiefly to the queen. He had too high 
a notion of the regal power, and thought that every 
opposition to it was rebellion. He minded little 
things too much, a,nd was more concerned in the 
drawing of a paper than in fighting a battle. He 
had a firm aversion to popery, but was much in- 
clined to a middle way between protestants and 
papists, by which he lost the one, without gaining 
the other. His engaging the duke of Rohan in the 
war of Rochelle, and then assisting him so poorly, 
and forsaking him at last, gave an ill character of 
him to all the protestants abroad. The earl of Lau- 
derdale told me, the duke of Rohan was at Geneva, 
where he himself was, when he received a very long 
letter, or rather a little book, from my father, which 
gave him a copious account of the beginning of the 
troubles in Scotland : he translated it to the duke of 
Rohan, who expressed a vehement indignation at 
the court of England for their usage of him: of 
which this was the account he then gave. 

The duke of Buckingham had a secret con versa- 48 
tion with the queen of France, of which the queen- ^^^^^^"[j^ 
mother was very jealous, and possessed the king 
with such a sense of it, that he was ordered imme- 
diately to leave the court. Upon his return to 

VOL. I. G 


England, under this affront, he possessed the king 
with such a hatred of that court, that the queen was 
ill used on her coming over, and all her servants 
were sent back. He told him also, that the protest- 
ants were so ill used, and so strong, that if he would 
protect them, they would involve that kingdom in 
new wars ; which he represented as so glorious a 
beginning of his reign, that the king, without weigh- 
ing the consequence of it, sent one to treat with the 
duke of Rohan about it. Great assistance was pro- 
mised by sea : so a war was resolved on, in which 
the share that our court had is well enough known. 
But the infamous part was, that Richlieu got the 
king of France to make his queen write an obliging 
letter to the duke of Buckingham, assuring him 
that, if he would let RocheUe fall without assisting 
it, he should have leave to come over, and should 
settle the whole matter of the religion according to 
their edicts. This was a strange proceeding: but 
cardinal Richlieu could turn that weak king as he 
pleased. Upon this the duke made that shameful 
campaign of the isle of Rhe. But finding next 
winter that he was not to be suffered to go over 
into France, and that he was abused into a false 
hope, he resolved to have followed that matter with 
more vigour, when he was stabbed by Felton. 
A design of Thcrc is another story told of the king's conduct 
™p\n°slNe. during the peaceable part of his reign, which I had 
theriands a from Halcwyu of Dort, who was one of the judges 

common- j ^ »; o 

wealth. in the court of Holland, and was the wisest and 
greatest man I knew among them. He told me he 
had it from his father, who, being then the chief man 
of Dort, was of the states, and had the secret commu- 
nicated to him. When Isabella Clara Eugenia grew 


old, and began to decline, a great many of her coun- 
cil, apprehending what miseries they would fall 
under when they should be again in the hands of 
the Spaniards, formed a design of making them- 
selves a free commonwealth, that in imitation of the 
union among the cantons of Switzerland, that were 
of both religions, there should be a perpetual confe- 
deracy between them and the states of the seven 
provinces. This they communicated to Henry Fre- 
derick prince of Orange, and to some of the states, 
who approved of it, but thought it necessary to en- 
gage the king of England in it. The prince of 
Orange told the English ambassador, that there was 
a matter of great consequence that was fit to be laid 
before the king ; but it was of such a nature, and 
such persons were concerned in it, that it could not 49 
be communicated, unless the king would be pleased 
to promise absolute secrecy for the present. This 
the king did : and then the prince of Orange sent 
him the whole scheme. The secret was ill kept: 
either the king trusted it to some who discovered 
it, or the paper was stolen from him ; for it was 
sent over to the court of Bruxells : one of the mi- 
nistry lost his head for it : and some took the alarm 
so quickly, that they got to Holland out of danger. 
After this the prince of Orange had no commerce 
with our court, and often lamented that so great a 
design was so unhappily lost. He had as ill an 
opinion of the king's conduct of the war ; for when 
the queen came over, and brought some of the ge- 
nerals with her, the prince said, after he had talked 
with them, (as the late king told me,) he did not 
wonder to see the affairs of England decline as they 
did, since he had talked with the king's generals. 

G 2 


I will not enter farther into the military part : for 
I remember an advice of Marshal Schomberg's, never 
to meddle in the relation of military matters \ He 
said, some affected to relate those affairs in all the 
terms of war, in which they committed great er- 
rors, that exposed them to the scorn of all com- 
manders, who must despise relations that pretend to 
an exactness, when there were blunders in every 
part of them. 
The ill ef- In the king's death the iU effect of extreme vio- 

fects of ° , 

violent lent couuscls discovered itself. Ireton hoped that 
counse . ^^ ^^^^ ^ ^^^ conccmed in it would become irre- 

concileable to monarchy, and would act as desperate 
men, and destroy all that might revenge that blood. 
But this had a very different effect. Something of 
the same nature had happened in lower instances 
before : but they were not the wiser for it. The 
earl of Strafford's death made all his former errors 
be forgot : it raised his character, and cast a lasting 
odium on that way of proceeding ; whereas he had 
sunk in his credit by any censure lower than death, 
and had been little pitied, if not thought justly pu- 
nished. The like effect followed upon Archbishop 
Laud's death. He was a learned, a sincere, and 
zealous man, regular in his own life, and humble 
[but very rough and ungracious] in his private de- 
portment; but was a hot, indiscreet man, eagerly 
pursuing some matters that were either very incon- 
j siderable or mischievous ; such as setting the com- 
munion table by the east walls of churches, bowing 
to it, and calling it the altar ; the suppressing the 
Walloons' privileges, the breaking of lectures, the 
encouraging of sports on the Lord's day, with some 
' Very foolish advice, for soldiers cannot write. S. 


other things that were of no value : and yet all the 
zeal and heat of that time was laid out on these. 
His severity in the star-chamber and in the high 50 
commission court, but above all his violent and in- 
deed inexcusable injustice in the prosecution of Bi- 
shop Williams, were such visible blemishes, that no- 
thing but the putting him to death in so unjust a 
manner could have raised his character; which in- 
deed it did to a degree of setting him up as a pat- 
tern, and the establishing all his notions as stand- 
ards, by which judgments are to be made of men, 
whether they are true to the church or not. His 
diary, though it was a base thing to publish it, re- 
presents him as an abject fawner on the duke of 
Buckingham, and as a superstitious regarder of 
di'eams : his defence of himself, writ with so much 
care when he was in the Tower, is a very mean per- 
formance. He intended in that to make an appeal 
to the world. In most particulars he excuses him- 
self by this, that he was but one of many, who either 
in council, star-chamber, or high commission, voted 
illegal things. Now though this was true, yet a 
chief minister, and one in high favour, determines 
the rest so much, that they are generally little better 
than machines acted by him. On other occasions 
he says, the thing was proved but by one witness. 
Now, how strong soever this defence may be in 
law, it is of no force in an appeal to the world ; for 
if a thing is true, it is no matter how full or how 
defective the proof is. The thing that gave me the 
strongest prejudice against him in that book is, that 
after he had seen the ill effects of his violent coun- 
sels ", and had been so long shut up, and so long at 
" All this is full of malice and ill judgment. S. 
G 3 


leisure to reflect on what had passed in the huiTy of 
passion in the exaltation of his prosperity, he does 
not, in any one part of that great work, acknowledge 
his own errors, nor mix in it any wise or pious re- 
flections on the ill usage he met with, or the un- 
happy steps he had made : so that while his enemies 
did really magnify him by their inhuman prosecu- 
tion, his friends Heyhn and Wharton have as much 
lessened him, the one by writing his life, and the 
other by publishing his vindication of himself, 
iiie ac- But the recoiUng of cruel counsels on the authors 

e;»«» b«- of them never appeared more eminently than in the 
«r/x/*«. death of king Charles the first, whose serious and 
christian deportment in it made all his former er- 
rors be entirely forgot, and raised a compassionate 
regard to him, that drew a lasting hatred on the 
actors, and was the true occasion of the great turn 
of the nation in the year 1660. This was much 
heightened by the publishing of his book called 
E/Vwv BacriXiKy}, which was universally believed to be 
his own : and that coming out soon after his death 
had the greatest run in many impressions that any 
book has had in our age ^. There was in it a noble- 
51 ness and justness of thought, with a greatness of 
style, that made it to be looked on as the best writ 
book in the Enghsh language : and the piety of the 
prayers made all people cry out against the murder 
of a prince, who thought so seriously of all his affairs 
in his secret meditations before God. I was bred up 
with a high veneration of this book : and I remem- 
ber that, when I heard how some denied it to be 
his, I asked the earl of Lothian about it, who both 

''I think it a poor treatise, and that tlie king did not write it, S. 


knew the king very well, and loved him little : he 
seemed confident it was his own work ; for he said, 
he had heard him say a great many of those very 
periods that he found in that book. Being thus 
confirmed in that persuasion, I was not a little sur- 
prised, when in the year 1673, in which I had a 
great share of favour and free conversation with the 
then duke of York, afterwards king James the se- 
cond, as he suffered me to talk very freely to him 
about matters of religion, and as I was urging him 
with somewhat out of his father's book, he told me 
that book was not of his father's writing, and that 
the letter to the prince of Wales was never brought 
to him. He said. Dr. Gawden writ it : after the 
restoration he brought the duke of Somerset and 
the earl of Southampton both to the king and to 
himself, who affirmed that they knew it was his 
writing ; and that it was carried down by the earl 
of Southampton, and shewed the king during the 
treaty of Newport, who read it, and approved of it 
as containing his sense of things. Upon this he told 
me, that though Sheldon and the other bishops op- 
posed Gawden's promotion, because he had taken 
the covenant, yet the merits of that service carried 
it for him, notwithstanding the opposition made to 
it. There has been a great deal of disputing about 
this book : some are so zealous for maintaining it to 
be the king's, that they think a man false to the 
church that doubts it to be his : yet the evidence 
since that time brought to the contrary has been so 
strong, that I must leave that under the same un- 
certainty under which I found it : only this is cer- 
tain, that Gawden never writ any thing with that 
force, his other writings being such, that no man, 

G 4 


from a likeness of style, would think him capable of 

writing so extraordinary a book as that is y. 

The Scots Upon the king's death the Scots proclaimed his 

wng^'*^' son king, and sent over sir George Wincam, that 

Charles married my great aunt ^, to treat with him while he 

the second. ^ o 

was in the isle of Jersey. The king entered into a 
negociation with them, and sent him back with 
general assurances of consenting to every reasonable 
proposition that they should send him. He named 
the Hague for the place of treaty, he being to go 
thither in a few days. So the Scots sent over com- 

52 missioners, the chief of whom were the earls of Cas- 
siles and Lothian, the former of these was my first 
wife's father, a man of great virtue and of a consi- 
derable degree of good understanding : [had it not 
been spoiled with many affectations, and an obsti- 
nate stiffness in almost every thing that he did:] 
he was so sincere, that he would suffer no man to 
take his words in any other sense than as he meant 

' them : he adhered firmly to his instructions, but 

y Notwithstanding all that is not to be disputed : but the 

has been said or wrote upon duke of Somerset would readily 

this subject, whoever reads the join in promoting Gawden for 

book will plainly perceive that the share they knew he had in 

nobody but the king himself publishing a book much to the 

could write it : that Gawden honour of their old master, for 

might transcribe, and put it whom they always professed 

into the order it is in at present, the highest respect and duty, 

and lord Southampton carry it This I know, that my grandfa- 

to the king for his perusal and ther, who was many years of his 

correction, is more than likely : bedchamber, and well known 

but that Gawden should furnish to have been much trusted by 

the matter is utterly impossible, him, always looked upon it to 

That king Charles the second be authentic, and prized it ac- 

or king James ever (never) ap- cordingly. D. 

proved of the contents, or had ^ Was that the reason he 

much veneration for their fa- was sent ? S. 
ther's conduct or sentiments. 


with so much candour, that king Charles retained 
very kind impressions of it to his life's end. The 
man then in the greatest favour with the king was 
the duke of Buckingham : he was wholly turned to 
mirth and pleasure : he had the art of turning per- 
sons or things into ridicule beyond any man of the 
age : he possessed the young king with very ill prin- 
ciples, both as to religion and morality, and with a 
very mean opinion of his father, whose stiffness was 
with him a frequent subject ef raillery. He pre- 
vailed with the king to enter into a treaty with the 
Scots, though that was vehemently opposed by al- 
most all the rest that were about him, who pressed 
him to adhere steadily to his father's maxims and 

When the king came to the Hague, William duke Montrose's 
of Hamilton, and the earl of Lauderdale, who had 
left Scotland, entered into a great measure of favour 
and confidence with him. The marquis of Mont- 
rose came likewise to him, and undertook, if he 
would follow his counsels, to restore him to his king- 
doms by main force : but when the king desired the 
prince of Orange to examine the methods which he 
proposed, he entertained him with a recital of his 
own performances, and of the credit he was in 
among the people ; and said, the whole nation would 
rise, if he went over, though accompanied only with 
a page. [The queen-mother hated him (Montrose) 
mortally ; for when he came over from Scotland to 
Paris, upon the king's requiring him to lay down 
his arms, she received him with such extraordinaiy 
favour, as his services seemed to deserve, and gave 
him a large supply in money and in jewels, consi- 
dering the straits to which she was then reduced. 


But she heard that he had talked very indecently of 
her favours to him ; which she herself told the lady 
Susanna Hamilton, a daughter of duke Hamilton, 
from whom I had it. So she sent him word to leave 
Paris, and she would see him no more. He wan- 
dered about the courts of Germany, but was not 
esteemed so much as he thought he deserved.] He 
desired of the king nothing but power to act in his 
name, with a supply in money, and a letter recom- 
mending him to the'king of Denmark for a ship to 
carry him over, and for such arms as he could spare. 
With that the king gave him the garter. He got 
first to Orkney, and from thence into the Highlands 
of Scotland ; but could perform nothing of what he 
had undertaken. At last he was betrayed by one 
of those to whom he trusted himself, Mackland of 
Assin, and was brought over a prisoner to Eden- 
And death, burgh. He was carried through the streets with all 
the infamy that brutal men could contrive : and in 
a few days he was hanged on a very high gibbet : 
and his head and quarters were set up in divers 
places of the kingdom. His behaviour under all 
that barbarous usage was as great and firm to the 
last, looking on aU that was done to him with a 
noble scorn, as the fury of his enemies was black and 
universally detested. This cruelty raised a horror 
in aU sober people against those who could insult 
over such a man in misfortunes. The triumphs that 
53 the preachers made on this occasion rendered them 
odious, and made lord Montrose to be both more 
pitied and lamented, than otherwise he could have 
been. This happened while the Scots commissioners 
were treating with the king at the Hague. The 
violent party in Scotland were for breaking off the 


treaty upon it, though by the date of lord Montrose's 
commission it appeared to have been granted before 
the treaty was begun : but it was carried not to re- 
call their commissioners : nor could the king on the 
other hand be prevailed on by his own court to send 
them away upon this cruelty to a man who had 
acted by his commission, and yet was so used. The 
treaty was quickly concluded : the king was in no 
condition to struggle with them, but yielded to aU 
their demands, of taking the covenant, and suffering 
none to be about him but such as took it. He sailed 
home to Scotland in some Dutch men of war with 
which the prince of Orange furnished him, with all 
the stock of money and arms that his credit could 
raise. That indeed would not have been very great, 
if the prince of Orange had not joined his own to it. 
The duke of Hamilton and the earl of Lauderdale 
were suffered to go home with him : but soon after 
his landing an order came to put them from him. 
The king complained of this : but duke Hamilton 
at parting told him, he must prepare for things of a 
harder digestion : he said, at present he could do 
him no service : the marquis of Argile was then in 
absolute credit : therefore he desired that he would 
study to gain him, and give him no cause of jealousy 
on his account. This king Charles told me himself, 
as a part of duke Hamilton's character. The duke 
of Buckingham took aU the ways possible to gain 
lord Argile and the ministers : only his dissolute 
course of Hfe was excessive scandalous ; which to 
their great reproach they connived at, because he 
advised the king to put himself whoUy into their 
hands. The king wrought himself into as grave a 
deportment as he could: he heard many prayers 


and sermons, some of a great length. I remember 
in one fast day there were six sermons preached 
without intermission. I was there my self, and not 
a little weary of so tedious a service ^. The king 
was not allowed so much as to walk abroad on Sun- 
days : and if at any time there had been any gayety 
at court, such as dancing, or playing at cards, he 
was severely reproved for it. This was managed 
with so much rigour and so little discretion, that it 
contributed not a little to beget in him an aversion 
to all sort of strictness in religion. All that had 
acted on his father's side were ordered to keep at a 
great distance from him : and because the common 
54 people shewed some affection to the king, the crowds 
that pressed to see him were also kept off from com- 
ing about him. Cromwell was not idle : but seeing 
the Scots were calling home their king, and know- 
ing that from thence he might expect an invasion 
into England, he resolved to prevent them, and so 
marched into Scotland with his army. The Scots 
brought together a very good army : the king was 
suffered to come once to see it, but not to stay in 
it; for they were afraid he might gain too much 
upon the soldiers : so he was sent away. 
The defeat The army was indeed one of the best that ever 

at Dunbar. , , 

Scotland had brought together : but it was ill com- 
manded : for all that had made defection from their 
cause, or that were thought indifferent as to either 
side, which they called detestable neutrality, were 
put out of commission. The preachers thought it 
an army of saints, and seemed well assured of suc- 
cess. They drew near Cromwell, who being pressed 

• Burnet was not then eight years old. S. 


by them retired towards Dunbar, where his ships and 
provisions lay. The Scots followed him, and were 
posted on a hill about a mile from thence, where 
there was no attacking them. Cromwell was then in 
great distress, and looked on himself as undone. There 
was no marching towards Berwick, the ground was 
too narrow : nor could he come back into the coun- 
try without being separated from his ships, and starv- 
ing his army. The least evil seemed to be to kill his 
horses, and put his army on board, and sail back to 
Newcastle ; which, in the disposition that England 
was in at that time, would have been all their de- 
struction, for it would have occasioned an universal 
insurrection for the king. They had not above three 
days' forage for their horses. So Cromwell called his 
officers to a day of seeking the Lord, in their style. 
He loved to talk much of that matter aU his life long 
afterwards : he said, he felt such an enlargement of 
heart in prayer, and such quiet upon it, that he 
bade aU about him take heart, for God had cer- 
tainly heard them, and would appear for them. After 
prayer they walked in the earl of Roxburgh's gar- 
dens, that lay under the hill: and by prospective 
glasses they discerned a great motion in the Scotish 
camp : upon which CromweU said, God is deUvering 
them into our hands, they are coming down to us. 
Lesley was in the chief command : but he had a 
committee of the states to give him his orders, 
among whom Waristoun was one. These were 
weary of lying in the fields, and thought that Lesley 
made not haste enough to destroy those sectaries ; 
for so they came to call them. He told them, by 
lying there all was sure ; but that by engaging in 
action with gallant and desperate men, all might be 


lost : yet they still called on him to fall on. Many 
have thought that all this was treachery, done on 
55 design to deliver up our army to Cromwell ; some 
laying it upon Lesley, and others upon my uncle. 
I am persuaded there was no treachery in it : only 
Waristoun was too hot, and Lesley was too cold, 
and yielded too easily to their humours, which he 
ought not to have done. They were aU the night 
employed in coming down the hill : and in the 
morning, before they were put in order, Cromwell 
fell upon them. Two regiments stood their ground, 
and were almost all killed in their ranks : the rest 
did run in a most shameful manner : so that both 
their artillery and baggage were lost, and with these 
a great many prisoners were taken, some thousands 
in all. CromweU upon this advanced to Eden- 
burgh, where he was received without any opposi- 
tion ; and the castle, that might have made a long 
resistance, did capitulate. So aU the southern part 
of Scotland came under contribution to CromweU. 
Stirling was the advanced garrison on the king's 
side. He himself retired to St. Johnstoun. A par- 
liament was called that sat for some time at StirUng, 
and for some time at St. Johnstoun, in which a full 
indemnity was passed, not in the language of a par- 
don, but of an act of approbation : only aU that 
joined with Cromwell were declared traitors. But 
now the way of raising a new army was to be 
thought on. 
Disputes A question had been proposed both to the com- 

about the . „ , , . . n i 

admitting mittcc 01 statcs and to the commissioners oi the 
sons to**^ kirk, whether in this extremity those who had made 
serve their defection, or had been hitherto too backward in the 

country. ' 

work, might not upon the profession of their re- 


pentance be received into public trust, and admitted 
to serve in the defence of their country. To this, 
answers were distinctly given by two resolutions : 
the one was, that they ought to be admitted to 
make profession of their repentance : and the other 
was, that after such professions made they might be 
received to defend and serve their country. 

Upon this, a great division followed in the kirk : 
those who adhered to these resolutions were called 
the public resolutioners : but against these some of 
those bodies protested, and they, together with those 
who adhered to them, were called the protestors. 
On the one hand it was said, that every government 
might call out all that were under its protection to 
its defence : this seemed founded on the law of na- 
ture and of nations : and if men had been misled, it 
was a strange cruelty to deny room for repentance : 
this was contrary to the nature of God, and to the 
gospel, and was a likely mean to drive them to de- 
spair : therefore, after two years' time, it seemed 
reasonable to allow them to serve according to their 
birthright in parliament, or in other hereditary of- 
fices, or in the army ; from all which they had been 56 
excluded by an act made in the year 1649, which 
ranged them in different classes, and was from 
thence called the act of classes. But the protest- 
ors objected against all this, that to take in men of 
known enmity to the cause was a sort of betraying 
it, because it was the putting it in their power to 
betray it ; that to admit them into a profession of 
repentance was a profanation, and a mocking of 
God: it was visible, they were willing to comply 
with these terms, though against their conscience, 
only to get into the army : nor could they expect a 


blessing from God on an army so constituted. And 
as to this particular, they had great advantage ; for 
this mock penitence was indeed a matter of great 
scandal. When these resolutions were passed with 
this protestation, a great many of the five western 
counties, Cliddisdale, Renfrew, Air, Galloway, and 
Nithisdale, met, and formed an association apart, 
both against the army of sectaries, and against this 
new defection in the kirk party. They drew a re- 
monstrance against all the proceedings in the treaty 
with the king, when, as they said, it was visible by 
the commission he granted to Montrose that his 
heart was not sincere : and they were also against 
the tendering him the covenant, when they had 
reason to beHeve he took it not with a resolution to 
maintain it, since his whole deportment and private 
conversation shewed a secret enmity to the work of 
God : and, after an invidious enumeration of many 
particulars, they imputed the shameful defeat at 
Dunbar to their prevaricating in these things ; and 
concluded with a desire, that the king might be ex- 
cluded from any share in the administration of the 
government, and that his cause might be put out of 
the state of the quarrel with the army of the secta- 
ries. This was brought to the committee of the 
states at St. Johnstoun, and was severely inveighed 
against by sir Thomas Nicholson, the king's advo- 
cate or attorney general there, who had been till 
then a zealous man of their party : but he had lately 
married my sister, and my father had great influ- 
ence on him. He prevailed so, that the remon- 
strance was condemned as divisive, factious, and 
scandalous : but that the people might not be too 
much moved with these things, a declaration was 


prepared to be set out by the king for the satisfying 

of them. In it there were many hard things. The G'^** ''»'"<'- 

. . . , ships put on 

king owned the sm of his father in marrying into the king. 
an idolatrous family : he acknowledged the blood- 
shed in the late wars lay at his father's door : he 
expressed a deep sense of his own ill education, and 
the prejudices he had drunk in against the cause of 
God, of which he was now very sensible : he con- 
fessed all the former parts of his life to have been a 57 
course of enmity to the work of God : he repented 
of his commission to Montrose, and of every thing he 
had done that gave offence : and with solemn protest- 
ations he affirmed, that he was now sincere in his de- 
claration, and that he would adhere to it to the end 
of his life in Scotland, England, and Ireland. 

The king was very uneasy when this was brought 
to him. He said, he could never look his mother 
in the face if he passed it. But when he was told it 
was necessary for his affairs, he resolved to swallow 
the pill without farther chewing it. So it was pub- 
lished, but had no good effect ; for neither side be- 
lieved him sincere in it. It was thought a strange 
imposition, to make him load his father's memory in 
such a manner. But, while the king was thus beset 
with the high and more moderate kirk parties, the 
old cavaliers sent to him, offering that if he would 
cast himself into their hands they would meet him 
near Dundee with a great body. Upon this the 
king, growing weary of the sad life he led, made his 
escape in the night, and came to the place ap- 
pointed : but it was a vain undertaking ; for he was 
met by a veiy inconsiderable body at Clova, the 
place of rendezvous. Those at St. Johnstoun being 
troubled at this, sent colonel Montgomery after him, 

VOL. I. H 



who came up, and pressed him to return very rudely : 
so the king came back. But this had a very good 
effect. The government saw now the danger of 
using him ill, which might provoke him to desperate 
courses : after that, he was used as well as that 
kingdom, in so ill a state, was capable of. He saw 
the necessity of courting the marquis of Argile, and 
therefore made him great offers : at last he talked 
of marrying his daughter^. Lord Argile was cold 
and backward : he saw the king's heart lay, not to 
him : so he looked on all offers but as so many 
snares. His son, the lord Lorn, was captain of the 
guards : and he made his court more dexterously ; 
for he brought all persons that the king had a 

^ When the king came to 
Scotland, the marquis of Argile 
made great professions of duty 
to him, but said he could not 
serve him as he desired, unless 
he gave some undeniable proof 
of a fixed resolution to support 
the presbyterian party, which 
he thought would be best done 
by marrying into some family 
of quality, that was known to 
be entirely attached to that in- 
terest; which would in great 
measure take off the prejudice 
both kingdoms had to him upon 
his mother's account, who was 
extremely odious to all good 
protestants; and thought his 
own daughter would be the 
properest match for him, not 
without some threats, if he did 
not accept the offer; which the 
king told colonel Legge, who 
was the only person about him 
that he could trust with the se- 
cret. The colonel said it was 
plain the marquis looked upon 

his majesty to be absolutely in 
his power, or he durst not have 
made such a proposal ; there- 
fore it would be necessary to 
gain time, till he could get out 
of his hands, by telling him, in 
common decency he could come 
to no conclusion in an affair of 
that nature before he had ac- 
quainted the queen his mother, 
who was always known to have 
a very particular esteem for the 
marquis and his family, but 
would never forgive such an 
omission. But that was an 
answer far from satisfying the 
marquis, who suspected colonel 
Legge had been the adviser, and 
committed him next day to the 
castle of Edinburgh, where he 
continued till the king made 
his escape from St. Johnstoun, 
upon which he was released, 
the marquis finding it necessary 
to give the king more satisfac- 
tion than he had done before 
that time. D. 


mind to speak with at all hours to him, and was in 
all respects not only faithful but zealous. Yet this 
was suspected as a collusion between the father and 
the son. The king was crowned on the first of Ja- 
nuary : and there he again renewed the covenant : 
and tiow all people were admitted to come to him, 
and to serve in the army. The two armies lay 
peaceably in their winter quarters. But when the 
summer came on, a body of the English passed the 
Frith, and landed in Fife. So the king, having got 
up all the forces he had expected, resolved on a 
march into England. Scotland could not maintain 
another year's war. This was a desperate resolu- 
tion : but there was nothing else to be done. 

I will not pursue the relation of the march to 58 
Worcester, nor the total defeat given the king's 
army on the third of September, the same day in 
which Dunbar fight had been fought the year be- 
fore. These things are so well known, as is also 
the king's escape, that I can add nothing to the 
common relations that have been over and over 
made of them. At the same time that Cromwell 
followed the king into England, he left Monk in 
Scotland, with an army sufficient to reduce the rest 
of the kingdom. The town of Dundee made a rash Scotland 
and HI considered resistance : it was after a few dued b/ 
days' siege taken by storm: much blood was shed,' °° ' 
and the town was severely plundered : no other 
place made any resistance. I remember well of 
three regiments coming to Aberdeen. There was 
an order and discipline, and a face of gravity and 
piety among them, that amazed all people. Most 
of them were independents and anabaptists : they 
were all gifted men, and preached as they were 

H 2 


moved. But they never disturbed the public as- 
semblies in the churches but once. They came and 
reproached the preachers for laying things to their 
charge that were false. I was then present : the 
debate grew very fierce : at last they drew their 
swords : but there was no hurt done : yet Cromwell 
displaced the governor for not punishing this. 
A body When the low countries in Scotland were thus 

stood out in 

the Higii- reduced, some of the more zealous of the nobility 

lands. . . 

went to the Highlands in the year 1653. The earl 
of Glencaim, a grave and sober man, got the tribe of 
the Macdonalds to declare for the king. To these 
the lord Lorn came with about a thousand men : but 
the jealousy of the father made the son be suspected. 
The marquis of Argile had retired into his coun- 
try when the king marched into England ; and 
did not submit to Monk tiU the year fifty-two. 
Then he received a garrison : but lord Lorn sur- 
prised a ship that was sent about with provisions to 
it, which helped to support their little ill-formed 
army. Many gentlemen came to them : and almost 
all the good horses of the kingdom were stolen, and 
carried up to them. They made a body of about 
3000 : of these they had about 500 horse. They 
endured great hardships ; for those parts were not 
fit to entertain men that had been accustomed to 
live softly. The earl of Glencaim had almost spoiled 
all : for he took much upon him : and upon some 
suspicion he ordered lord Lorn to be clapt up, who 
had notice of it, and prevented it by an escape : 
otherwise they had fallen to cut one another's 
throats, instead of marching to the enemy. The 
earl of Belcarras, a virtuous and knowing man, but 
somewhat morose in his humour, went also among 


them. They differed in their counsels : lord Glen- 59 
cairn was for falling into the low countries : and he 
began to fancy he should be another Montrose. 
Belcai'ras, on the other hand, was for keeping in 
their fastnesses : they made a shew of a body for 
the king, which they were to keep up in some re- 
putation as long as they could, till they could see 
what assistance the king might be able to procure 
them from beyond sea, of men, money, and arms : 
whereas if they went out of those fast grounds, they 
could not hope to stand before such a veteran and 
well disciplined army as Monk had; and if they 
met with the least check, their tumultuary body 
would soon melt away. 

Among others, one sir Robert Murray, that had Sir Robert 
married lord Belcarras's sister, came among them : character. 
he had served in France, where he had got into 
such a degree of favour with cardinal Richlieu, that 
few strangers were ever so much considered by him 
as he was. He was raised to be a colonel there, 
and came over for recruits when the king was with 
the Scotch army at Newcastle. There he grew into 
high favour with the king; and laid a design for 
his escape, of which I have given an account in 
duke Hamilton's memoirs : he was the most univer- 
sally beloved and esteemed by men of all sides and 
sorts, of any man I have ever known in my whole 
life. He was a pious man, and in the midst of ar- 
mies and courts he spent many hours a day in de- 
votion, [which was in a most elevating strain.] He 
had gone through the easy parts of mathematics, 
and knew the history of nature beyond any man I 
ever yet knew. He had a genius much like Pei- 
riski, as he is described by Gassendi. He was after- 

H 3 


wards the first former of the royal society, and its 
first president ; and while he Uved, he was the life 
and soul of that body. He had an equality of tem- 
per in him that nothing could alter ; and was in prac- 
tice the only stoic I ever knew. He had a great 
tincture of one of their principles ; for he was much 
for absolute decrees. He had a most diffused love 
to all mankind, and he dehghted in every occasion 
of doing good, which he managed with great dis- 
cretion and zeal. He had a superiority of genius 
and comprehension to most men : and had the 
plainest, but with all the softest, way of reproving, 
chiefly young people, for their faults, that I ever 
met with. [And upon this account, as well as upon 
all the care and affection he expressed unto me, I 
have ever reckoned, that, next to my father, I owed 
more to him, than to any other man. Therefore I 
have enlarged upon his character; and yet I am 
sure I have rather said too little than too much.] 
Sir Robert Murray was in such credit in that little 
army, that lord Glencaim took a strange course to 
break it, and to ruin him. A letter was pretended 
to be found at Antwerp, as writ by him to William 
Murray of the bed-chamber, that had been whip- 
ping-boy to king Charles the first, and upon that 
had grown up to a degree of favour and confidence 
that was very particular: [and, as many thought, 
was as ill used, as it was little deserved.] He 
had a lewd creature there, whom he turned off: 
60 and she, to be revenged on him, framed this plot 
against him. This ill forged letter gave an account 
of a bargain sir Robert had made with Monk for 
killing the king, which was to be executed by Mr. 
Murray : so he prayed him in his letter to make 


haste, and dispatch it. This was brought to the 
earl of Glencau*n : so sir Robert was severely ques- 
tioned upon it, and put in arrest : and it was spread 
about through a rude army that he intended to kill 
the king, hoping, it seems, that some of these wild 
people, believing it, would have fallen upon him with- 
out using any forms. Upon this occasion sir Robert 
practised in a very eminent manner his true Chris- 
tian philosophy, without shewing so much as a cloud 
in his whole behaviour. 

The carl of Belcarras left the Highlands, and went 
to the king ; and shewed him the necessity of send- 
ing a military man to command that body, to whom 
they would submit more willingly than to any of 
the nobiUty. Middletoun was sent over, who was a 
gallant man, and a good officer : he had first served 
on the parliament's side : but he turned over to the 
king, and was taken at Worcester fight, but made 
his escape out of the Tower. He, upon his coming 
over, did for some time lay the heats that were 
among the Highlanders ; and made as much of that 
face of an army for another year as was possible. 

Drumond was sent by him to Paris with an in- Messages 

'' sent to the 

vitation to the king to come among them : for they king. 
had assurances sent them, that the whole nation 
was in a disposition to rise with them : and Eng- 
land was beginning to grow weary of their new go- 
vernment, the army and the parliament being on 
ill terms. The English were also engaged in a war 
with the states : and the Dutch upon that account 
might be incUned to assist the king to give a diver- 
sion to their enemies forces. Drumond told me, 
that upon his coming to Paris he was called to the 
little council that was then about the king: and 

H 4 


when he had delivered his message, chancellor Hide 
asked him how the king would be accommodated, if 
he came among them ? He answered, not so well as 
was fitting, but they would aU take care of him to 
ftimish him with every thing that was necessary. 
He wondered that the king did not check the chan- 
cellor in his demand : for he said, it looked strange 
to him, that when they were hazarding their lives 
to help him to a crown, he should be concerned for 
accommodation. He was sent back with good words 
and a few kind letters. In the end of the year 1654 
Morgan marched into the Highlands, and had a 
smaU engagement with Middletoun, which broke 
that whole matter, of which all people were grown 
61 weary ; for they had no prospect of success, and the 
low countries were so overrun with robberies on the 
pretence of going to assist the Highlanders, that 
there was an universal joy at the dispersing of that 
little unruly army. 
The state of After this the country was kept in great order : 

Scotland i«itt'iiiii • ^ • 

during the somc castlcs lu the Highlands had garrisons put in 
usurpation. |.jjgj^^ ^^^^ wcrc SO carcful in their discipline, and 
so exact to their rules, that in no time the High- 
lands were kept in better order than during the 
usurpation. There was a considerable force of 
about seven or eight thousand men kept in Scot- 
land; these were paid exactly, and strictly disci- 
plined. The pay of the army brought so much 
money into the kingdom, that it continued aU that 
while in a very flourishing state. Cromwell built 
three citadels, at Leith, Air, and Inverness, be- 
sides many little forts. There was good justice 
done, and vice was suppressed and punished; so 
th^^t we always reckon those eight years of usurpa- 


tion a time of great peace and prosperity ''-. There 
was also a sort of union of the three kingdoms 
in one parliament, where Scotland had its repre- 
sentative. The marquis of Argile went up one of 
our commissioners. 

The next scene I must open relates to the^'*P"*«» 

. . among the 

church, and the heats raised in it by the public re- covenant- 
solutions, and the protestation made against them. 
New occasions of dispute arose. A general assembly 
was in course to meet ; and sat at St. Andrew's : so 
the commission of the kirk wrote a circular letter to 
all the presbyteries, setting forth all the grounds of 
their resolutions, and complaining of those who had 
protested against them; upon which they desired 
that they would choose none of those who adhered 
to the protestation to represent them in the next 
assembly. This was only an advice, and had been 
frequently practised in the former years : but now 
it was highly complained of, as a limitation on the 
freedom of elections, which inferred a nuUity on all 
their proceedings : so the protestors renewed their 
protestation against the meeting upon a higher 
point, disowning that authority which hitherto they 
had magnified as the highest tribunal in the church, 
in which they thought Christ was in his throne. 
Upon this a great debate followed, and many books 
were written in a course of several years. The 
public men said, this was the destroying of presby- 
tery, if the lesser number did not submit to the 
greater : it was a sort of prelacy, if it was pretended 
that votes ought rather to be weighed than counted : 
parity was the essence of their constitution : and in 

<^ No doubt vou do. S, 


this all people saw they had clearly the better of the 
argument. The protestors urged for themselves, 
that, since all protestants rejected the pretence of 
infallibility, the major part of the church might fall 
62 into errors, in which case the lesser number could 
not be bound to submit to them : they complained 
of the many corrupt clergymen who were yet among 
them, who were leavened with the old leaven, and 
did on all occasions shew what was still at heart, 
notwithstanding all their outward compliance : (for 
the episcopal clergy, that had gone into the cove- 
nant and presbytery to hold their livings, struck in 
with great heat to inflame the controversy : and it 
appeared very visibly, that presbytery, if not held in 
order by the civil power, could not be long kept in 
quiet :) if in the supreme court of judicature the 
majority did not conclude the matter, it was not 
possible to keep up their beloved parity: it was 
confessed that in doctrinal points the lesser number 
was not bound to submit to the gi'eater : but in the 
matters of mere government it was impossible to 
maintain the presbyterian form on any other bot- 

As this debate grew hot, and they were ready to 
break out into censures on both sides, some were 
sent down from the commonwealth of England to 
settle Scotland : of these sir Henry Vane was one. 
The resolutioners were known to have been more in 
the king's interest ; so they were not so kindly 
looked on as the protestors. Some of the English 
juncto moved, that pains should be taken to unite 
the two parties. But Vane opposed this with much 
zeal : he said, would they heal the wound that they 
had given themselves, which weakened them so 


much? The setting them at quiet could have no 
other effect, but to heal and unite them in their op- 
position to their authority : he therefore moved, 
that they might be left at liberty to fight out their 
own quarrels, and be kept in a greater dependence 
on the temporal authority, when both sides were 
forced to make their appeal to it : so it was resolv^ed 
to suffer them to meet still in their presbyteries and 
synods, but not in general assemblies, which had a 
greater face of union and authority. 

This advice was followed: so the division went 
on. Both sides studied, when any church became 
vacant, to get a man of their own party to be chosen 
to succeed in the election : and upon these occasions 
many tumults happened : in some of them stones 
were thrown, and many were wounded, to the great 
scandal of religion. In all these disputes the pro- 
testors were the fiercer side : for being less in num- 
ber, they studied to make that up with their fury. 
In one point they had the other at a great advan- 
tage, with relation to their new masters, who re- 
quired them to give over praying for the king. The 
protestors were weary of doing it, and submitted 
very readily : but the others stood out longer ; and 
said, it was a duty lying on them by the covenant, 63 
so they could not let it fall. Upon that the English 
council set out an order, that such as should conti- 
nue to pray for the king should be denied the help 
of law to recover theu' tithes, or, as they called 
them, their stipends. This touched them in a sensi- 
ble point: but, that they might not seem to act 
upon the civil authority, they did enact it in their 
presbyteries, that since all duties did not oblige at all 
times, therefore considering the present juncture, in 


which the king could not protect them, they re- 
solved to discontinue that piece of duty. This ex- 
posed them to much censure, since such a carnal 
consideration as the force of law for their benefices, 
(which all regard but too much, though few will 
own it,) seemed to be that which determined them. 

Methods This ffreat breach amonff them being; rather en- 
taken on ° ° ^ . 
both sides, couragcd than suppressed by those who were m 

power, all the methods imaginable were used by the 
protestors to raise their credit among the people. 
They preached often, and very long : and seemed 
to carry their devotions to a greater sublimity than 
others did. Their constant topic was, the sad defec- 
tion and corruption of the judicatories of the church, 
and they often proposed several expedients for 
purging it. The truth was, they were more active, 
and their performances were livelier, than (those of) 
the public men. They were in nothing more sin- 
gular than in their communions. In many places 
the sacrament was discontinued for several years ; 
where they thought the magistracy, or the more 
eminent of the parish, were engaged in what they 
called the defection, which was much more looked 
at than scandal given by bad lives. But where the 
greatest part was more sound, they gave the sacra- 
ment with a new and unusual solemnity. On the 
Wednesday before they held a fast day, with prayers 
and sermons for about eight or ten hours together : 
on the Saturday they had two or three preparation 
sermons : and on the Lord's day they had so very 
many, that the action continued above twelve hours 
in some places : and aU ended with three or four 
sermons on Monday for thanksgiving. A great 
many ministers were brought together from several 


parts : and high pretenders would have gone forty 
or fifty miles to a noted communion. The crowds 
were far beyond the capacity of their churches, or 
the reach of their voices'^, [and the preaching beyond 
the capacities of the crowd :] so at the same time 
they had sermons in two or three different places : 
and all was performed with great shew of zeal. 
They had stories of many sequal (signal) conversions 
that were wrought on these occasions ; [whereas 
others were better believed, who told as many sto- 
ries of much lewdness among the multitudes that 
did then run together.] 

It is scarce credible what an effect this had among 
the people, to how great a measure of knowledge 
they were brought, and how readily they could pray 64! 
extempore, and talk of divine matters. All this 
tended to raise the credit of the protestors. The 
resolutioners tried to imitate them in these prac- 
tices : but they were not thought so spiritual, nor 
so ready at them : so the others had the chief fol- 
lowing. Where the judicatories of the church were 
near an equality of the men of both sides, there 
were perpetual j anglings among them : at last they 
proceeded to deprive men of both sides, as they 
were the majority in the judicatories : but because 
the possession of the church, and the benefice, was 
to depend on the orders of the temporal courts, both 
sides made their application to the privy council 
that Cromwell had set up in Scotland: and they 
were by them referred to CromweU himself. So 
they sent deputies up to London. The protestors 
went in great numbers: they came nearer both to 
^ I believe the church had as much capacity as the minister. S. 


the principles and to the temper that prevailed in 
the army : so they were looked on as the better 
men, on whom, by reason of the first rise of the dif- 
ference, the government might more certainly de- 
pend : whereas the others were considered as more 
in the king's interests. 

The resolutioners sent up one Sharp '^, who had 
been long in England, and was an active and eager 
man : he had a very small proportion of learning, 
and was but an indifferent j^reacher : but having 
some acquaintance with the presbyterian ministers 
at London, whom Cromwell was then courting 
much, by reason of their credit in the city, he was, 
by an error that proved fatal to the whole party, 
sent up in their name to London ; where he conti- 
nued for some years soliciting their concerns, and 
making himself known to all sorts of people. He 
seemed more than ordinary zealous for presbytery. 
And, as Cromwell was then designing to make him- 
self king, Dr. Wilkins told me he often said to him, 
no temporal government could have a sure support 
without a national church that adhered to it, and he 
thought England was capable of no constitution but 
episcopacy ; to which, he told me, he did not doubt 
but Cromwell would have turned, as soon as the de- 
sign of his kingship was settled. Upon this, Wil- 
kins spoke to Sharp, that it was plain by their 
breach that presbytery could not be managed so 
as to maintain order among them, and that an epi- 
scopacy must be brought in to settle them : but 
Sharp could not bear the discourse, and rejected it 
with horror. I have dwelt longer on this matter, 
^ Afterwards archbishop, and murdered. S. 


and opened it more fully, than was necessary, if I 
had not thought that this may have a good effect 
on the reader, and shew him how impossible it is in 
a parity to maintain peace and order, if the magis- 
trate does not interpose : and if he does, that will be 65 
cried out upon by the zealous of both sides, as abo- 
minable Erastianism. 

From these matters I so next to set down some ^'^^^ °^ 

^ ^ Cromwell's 

particulars that I knew concerning CromweU, that I maxims. 
have not yet seen in books. Some of these I had 
from the earls of Carlisle and Orrery : the one had 
been the captain of his guards : and the other had 
been the president of his council in Scotland. But 
he from whom I learned the most was Stouppe, a 
Grison by birth, then minister of the French church 
in the Savoy, and afterwards a brigadier general in 
the French armies : a man of intrigue, but of no 
virtue : [but he was more a frantic deist, than either 
protestant or Christian.] He adhered to the pro- 
testant religion, as to outward appearance : he was 
much trusted by CromweU in foreign affairs ; in 
which CromweU was oft at a loss, and having no fo- 
reign language, but the little Latin that stuck to 
him from his education, which he spoke very vi- 
ciously and scantily, had not the necessary means 
of informing himself. 

When CromweU first assumed the government, 
he had three great parties of the nation aU against 
him, the episcopal, the presbyterian, and the repub- 
lican party. The last was the most set on his ruin, 
looking on him as the person that had perfidiously 
broke the house of commons, and was setting up for 
himself He had none to rely on but the army : 
yet that enthusiastic temper, that he had taken so 


much pains to raise among them, made them very 
intractable : many of the chief officers were broken, 
and imprisoned by him : and he flattered the rest 
the best he coUld. He went on in his old way of 
long and dark discourses, sermons, and prayers. As 
to the cavalier party, he was afraid both of assassi- 
nation and other plottings from them. As to the 
former of these, he took a method that proved very 
effectual : he said often and openly, that in a war 
it was necessary to return upon any side all the vio- 
lent things that any of the one side did to the other. 
This was done for preventing greater mischief, and 
for bringing men to fair war : therefore, he said, 
assassinations were such detestable things, that he 
would never begin them : but if any of the king's 
party should endeavour to assassinate him, and fail 
in it, he would make an assassinating war of it, and 
destroy the whole family : and he pretended he had 
instruments to execute it, whensoever he should 
give order for it. The terror of this was a better 
security to him than his guards. 

The other, as to their plottings, was the more 
dangerous. But he understood that one sir Richard 
Willis was chancellor Hide's chief confidant, to 
whom he wrote often, and to whom all the party 
submitted, looking on him as an able and wise man, 
66 in whom they confided absolutely. So he found a 
way to talk with him : he said, he did not intend to 
hurt any of the party : his design was rather to 
save them from ruin : they were apt, after their 
cups, to run into foolish and ill concerted plots, 
which signified nothing but to ruin those who en- 
gaged in them : he knew they consulted him in 
every thing : all he desired of him was to know all 


their plots, that he might so disconcert them, that 
none might ever suffer for them : if he clapt any of 
them up in prison, it should only be for a little 
time : and they should be interrogated only about 
some trifling discourse, but never about the business 
they had been engaged in. He offered Willis what- 
ever he would accept of, and to give it when or as 
he pleased. He durst not ask or take above two 
hundred pounds a year. None was trusted with 
this but his secretary Thurlo, who was a very dex- 
terous man at getting intelligence. 

Thus Cromwell had aU the king's party in a net. 
He let them dance in it at pleasure : and upon oc- 
casions clapt s them up for a short while : but no- 
thing was ever discovered that hurt any of them. 
In conclusion, after Cromwell's death, WiUis conti- 
nued to give notice of every thing to Thurlo. At 
last, when the plot was laid among the cavaliers for 
a general insurrection, the king was desired to come 
over to that which was to be raised in Sussex : he 
was to have landed near Chichester, all by Willis's 
management : and a snare was laid for him, in 
which he would probably have been caught, if Mor- 
land, Thurlo's under secretary, who was a prying 
man, had not discovered the correspondence be- 
tween his master and WiUis, and warned the king 
of his danger. Yet it was not easy to persuade 
those who had trusted Willis so much, and who 
thought him faithful in all respects, to believe that 
he could be guilty of so black a treachery : so Mor- 
land's advertisement was looked on as an artifice to 
create jealousy. But he, to give a fuU conviction, 

5 Pox of his claps. S. 
VOL. I. I 


observed where the secretary laid some letters of 
advice, on which he saw he relied most, and getting 
the key of that cabinet in his hand to seal a letter 
with a seal that hung to it, he took the impression 
of it in wax, and got a key to be made from it, by 
which he opened the cabinet, and sent over some of 
the most important of those letters. The hand was 
known, and this artful but black treachery was dis- 
covered : so the design of the rising was laid aside. 
Sir George Booth having engaged at the same time 
to raise a body in Cheshire, two several messengers 
were sent to him, to let him know the design could 
not be executed at the time appointed : but both 
these persons were suspected by some garrisons 
through which they must pass, as giving no good 
67 account of themselves in a time of jealousy, and 
were so long stopt, that they could not give him 
notice in time : so he very gallantly performed 
his part : but not being seconded, he was soon 
crushed by Lambert ^. Thus Willis lost the merit 
of great and long services. This was one of Crom- 
well's masterpieces. 

As for the presbyterians, they were so apprehen- 
sive of the fury of the commonwealth party, that 
they thought it a deliverance to be rescued out of 
their hands : many of the republicans begun to pro- 
fess deism : and almost all of them were for destroy- 
ing all clergymen, and for breaking every thing that 
looked like the union of a national church. They 
were for pulling down the churches, for discharging 
the tithes, and for leaving religion free, as they 
called it, without either encouragement or restraint. 

•• See Echard's History of England, p. 729. O. 


Cromwell assured the presbyterians, he would main- 
tain a public ministry with all due encouragement ; 
and he joined them in a commission with some in- 
dependents, to be the triers of all those who were 
to be admitted to benefices. These disposed also of 
all the churches that were in the gift of the crown, 
of the bishops, and of the cathedral churches : so 
this softened them. 

He studied to divide the commonwealth party 
among themselves, and to set the fifth-monarchy 
men and the enthusiasts against those who pre- 
tended to little or no religion, and acted only upon 
the principles of civil liberty ; such as Algernoon 
Sidney, Henry Nevill, Martin, Wildman, and Har- 
rington. The fifth-monarchy men seemed to be 
really in expectation every day when Christ should 
appear : John Goodwin headed these, who first 
brought in Arminianism among the sectaries, for he 
was for liberty of aU sorts. Cromwell hated that 
doctrine : for his beloved notion was, that once a 
child of God was always a child of God : now he 
had led a very strict life for above eight years toge- 
ther before the war ' : so he comforted himself much 
with his reflections on that time, and on the cer- 
tainty of perseverance. But none of the preachers 
were so thoroughpaced for him, as to temporal mat- 
ters, as Goodwin was ; for he not only justified the 
putting the king to death, but magnified it as the 
gloriousest action men were capable of. He filled 

' Archbishop Tillotson, who " believed himself to be the in- 
had married his niece, used to " strument of God, in the great 
say, " that at last Cromwell's " actions of his power, for the 
" enthusiasm had got the better " reformation of the world." O. 
" of his hypocrisy, and that he 

I 2 


all people with such expectation of a glorious thou- 
sand years speedily to begin, that it looked like a 
madness possessing them. 
^^thr^" It was no easy thing for Cromwell to satisfy 
kingship, those, when he took the power into his own hands ; 
since that looked like a step to kingship, which 
Goodwin had long represented as the great Anti- 
christ, that hindered Christ's being set on his throne. 
To these he said, and as some have told me, with 
68 many tears, that he would rather have taken a 
shepherd's staff than the protectorship, since nothing 
was more contrary to his genius than a shew of 
greatness : but he saw it was necessary at that time 
to keep the nation from falling into extreme dis- 
order, and from becoming open to the common 
enemy : and therefore he only stept in between the 
living and the dead, as he phrased it, in that inter- 
val, till God should direct them on what bottom 
they ought to settle : and he assured them, that 
then he would surrender the heavy load lying upon 
him, with a joy equal to the sorrow with which he 
was affected while under that shew of dignity. To 
men of this stamp he would enter into the terms of 
their old equality, shutting the door, and making 
them sit down covered by him, to let them see how 
little he valued those distances that, for form's sake, 
he was bound to keep up with others. These dis- 
courses commonly ended in a long prayer. Thus 
with much ado he managed the repubUcan enthu- 
siasts. The other republicans he called the hea- 
thens, and professed he could not so easily work 
upon them. He had some chaplains of all sorts : 
and he begun in his latter years to be gentler to- 
wards those of the church of England. They had 


their meetings in several places about London with- 
out any disturbance from him. In conclusion, even 
the papists courted him : and he, with great dissi- 
mulation, carried things with all sorts of people 
farther than was thought possible, considering the 
difficulties he met with in all his parliaments : but 
it was generally believed, that his life and all his 
arts were exhausted at once, and that if he had 
lived much longer, he could not have held things to- 

The debates came on very high for setting up a 
king. AU the lawyers, chiefly Glyn, Maynard, Foun- 
tain, and St, Johns, were vehemently for this. They 
said, no new government could be settled legally but 
by a king, who should pass bills for such a form as 
should be agreed on. Till then, all they did was 
Hke building upon sand : stiU men were in danger 
of a revolution : and in that case, all that had been 
done would be void of itself, as contrary to a law yet 
in being, and not repealed. Till that was done, 
every man that had been concerned in the war, and 
in the blood that was shed, chiefly the king's, was 
stiU obnoxious : and no warrants could be pleaded, 
but what were founded on, or approved of by, a law 
passed by king, lords, and commons. They might 
agree to tinist this king as much as they pleased, 
and to make his power determine as soon as they 
pleased, so that he should be d^felo de se, and con- 
sent to an act, if need were, of extinguishing both 
name and thing for ever. And as no man's person 
was safe tiU that was done, so they said all the 69 
grants and sales that had been made were nuU and 
void : all men that had gathered or disposed of the 
public money were for ever accountable. In short, 

I 3 


this point was made out beyond the possibility of 
answering it, except upon enthusiastic principles. 
But by that sort of men all this was called a mis- 
trusting of God, and a trusting to the arm of flesh : 
they had gone out, as they said, in the simplicity of 
their hearts to fight the Lord's battles, to whom 
they had made the appeal : he had heard them, and 
appeared for them, and now they could trust him 
no longer : they had pulled down monarchy with 
the monarch, and would they now build that up 
which they had destroyed : they had solemnly vowed 
to God to be true to the commonwealth, without a 
king or kingship : and under that vow, as under a 
banner, they had fought and prevailed: but now 
they must be secure, and in order to that go back 
to Egypt : they thought, it was rather a happiness 
that they were stiQ under a legal danger: this 
might be a mean to make them more cautious and 
diligent : if kings were invaders of God's right, and 
usurpers upon men's liberties, why must they have 
recourse to such a wicked engine? Upon these 
grounds they stood out : and they looked on all 
that was offered about the limiting this king in his 
power, as the gilding the pill : the assertors of those 
laws, that made it necessary to have a king, would 
no sooner have one, than they would bring forth out 
of the same storehouse all that related to the power 
and prerogative of this king : therefore they would 
not hearken to any thing that was offered on that 
head, but rejected it with scorn. Many of them 
began openly to say, if we must have a king, in con- 
sequence of so much law as was alleged, why should 
we not rather have that king to whom the law cer- 
tainly pointed than any other ? The carl of Orrery 


told me, that, coming one day to Cromwell, during 
those heats, and telling him he had been in the city 
all that day, Cromwell asked him what news he had 
heard there : the other answered, that he was told 
he was in treaty with the king, who was to be re- 
stored, and to marry his daughter. Cromwell ex- 
pressing no indignation at this, lord Orrery said, in 
the state to which things were brought, he saw not 
a better expedient : they might bring him in on what 
terms they pleased : and Cromwell might retain the 
same authority he then had, with less trouble. 
CromweU answered, the king can never forgive his 
father's blood. Orrery said, he was one of many 
that were concerned in that, but he would be alone 
in the merit of restoring him. Cromwell replied, 
he is so damnably debauched, he would undo us all ; 
and so turned to another discourse without any 
emotion, which made Orrery conclude he had often 70 
thought of that expedient. 

Before the day in which he refused the offer of 
the kingship that was made to him by the parlia- 
ment, he had kept himself on such a reserve, that no 
man knew what answer he would give. It was 
thought more likely he would accept of it : but that 
which determined him to the contrary was, that, 
when he went down in the morning to walk in St. 
James's park, Fleetwood and Desborough were wait- 
ing for him : the one had married his daughter, and 
the other his sister. With these he entered into 
much discourse on the subject, and argued for it : 
he said, it was a tempting of God to expose so many 
worthy men to death and poverty, when there was 
a certain way to secure them. The others insisted 
still on the oaths they had taken. He said, these 

I 4 


oaths were against the power and tyranny of kings, 
but not against the four letters that made the word 
Mng. In conclusion, they, believing from his dis- 
course that he intended to accept of it, told him, 
they saw great confusions would follow on it : and 
as they could riot serve him to set up the idol they 
had put down, and had sworn to keep down, so 
they would not engage in any thing against him, 
but would retire and look on. So they offered him 
their commissions, since they were resolved not to 
serve a king : he desired they would stay till they 
heard his answer. It was believed, that he, seeing 
two persons so near him ready to abandon him, 
concluded that many others would follow their ex- 
ample; and therefore thought it was too bold a 
venture. So he refused it, but accepted of the con- 
tinuance of his protectorship. Yet, if he had lived 
out the next winter, as the debates were to have 
been brought on again, so it was generally thought 
he would have accepted of the offer. And it is yet 
a question what the effect of that would have been. 
Some have thought it would have brought on a 
general settlement, since the law and the ancient 
government were again to take place : others have 
fancied just the contrary, that it would have engaged 
(enraged) the army, so that they would either have 
deserted the service, or have revolted from him, and 
perhaps have killed him in the first fray of the tu- 
mult ^. I will not determine which of these would 
have most probably happened. In these debates 
some of the cavalier party, or rather their children, 

^ It has been said, that Pride shoot him through the head, 
told him, if he took the crown, the first opportunity he had for 
he would (if nobody else would) it. O. 


came to bear some share. They were then all zeal- 
ous commonwealth's men, according to the directions 
sent them from those about the king. Their busi- 
ness was to oppose Cromwell on all his demands, 
and so to weaken him at home, and expose him 
abroad. 'SVhen some of the other party took notice 
of this great change, from being the abettors of pre- 71 
rogative to become the patrons of liberty, they pre- 
tended their education in the court and their obli- 
gation to it had engaged them that way ; but now 
since that was out of doors, they had the common 
principles of human nature and the love of liberty in 
them. By this mean, as the old republicans assisted 
and protected them, so [they secured themselves,] 
at the same time they strengthened the faction 
against Cromwell. But these very men at the re- 
storation shook off this disguise, and reverted to 
their old principles for a high prerogative and abso- 
lute power. They said they were for liberty, when 
it was a mean to distress one who they thought had 
no right to govern ; but when the government re- 
turned to its old channel, they were still as firm to 
all prerogative notions, and as great enemies to li- 
berty, as ever ^ 

' I suppose he means the li- and the revohition in 1688, 

berty of plundering, which the sufficiently prove that the peo- 

other party ever were, and al- pie he would asperse, and their 

ways will be, much inclined to, children after them, were no 

as acting altogether upon a friends to arbitrary government, 

principle of self-interest ; which but enemies to what the bishop 

is the true reason why they and his friends have ever had 

constantly set themselves in most at heart, and which they 

opposition to the established have never failed to put in 

religion, it being a thing apt to practice, whenever they have 

interfere with their pickpocket had an opportunity ; which li- 

designs." But the establishment centiousness they are pleased 

upon the restoration in 1660, to call liberty. D. 


Cromwell's I go next to give an account of Cromwell's trans- 
m«f(fwitii actions with relation to foreign affairs. He laid it 
France. down for a maxim, to spare no cost or charge in 
order to procure him intelligence. When he under- 
stood what dealers the Jews were every where in 
that trade that depends on news, the advancing 
money upon high or low interests in proportion to 
the risk they run, or the gain to be made as the 
times might turn, and in the buying and selling of 
the actions of money so advanced, he, more upon 
that account than in compliance with the principle 
of toleration, brought a company of them over to 
England, and gave them leave to build a synagogue. 
All the while that he was negotiating this, they were 
sure and good spies for him, especially with relation 
to Spain and Portugal. The earl of Orrery told me, 
he was once walking with him in one of the galleries 
of Whitehall, and a man almost in rags came in 
view : he presently dismissed lord Orrery, and car- 
ried that man into his closet ; who brought him an 
account of a great sum of money that the Spaniards 
were sending over to pay their army in Flanders, 
but in a Dutch man of war : and he told him the 
places of the ship in which the money was lodged. 
Cromwell sent an express immediately to Smith, af- 
terwards sir Jeremy Smith, who lay in the Downs, 
telling him that within a day or two such a Dutch 
ship would pass the channel, whom he must visit for 
the Spanish money, which was conterband goods, 
we being then in war with Spain. So when the 
ship passed by Dover, Smith sent, and demanded 
leave to search him. The Dutch captain answered, 
none but his masters might search him. Smith sent 
him word, he had set up an hour glass, and if before 


that was run out he did not submit to the search, 
he would force it. The captain saw it was in vain 
to struggle, and so all the money was found. Next 
time that Cromwell saw Orrery, he told him he had 
his intelligence from that contemptible man he saw 72 
him go to some days before. He had on all occa- 
sions very good intelligence : he knew every thing 
that passed in the king's little court : and yet none 
of his spies were discovered, but one only. 

The greatest difficulty on him in his foreign af- 
fairs was, what side to choose, France or Spain. 
The prince of Conde was then in the Netherlands 
with a great many protestants about him. He set 
the Spaniards on making great steps towards the 
gaining Cromwell into their interests. Spain ordered 
their ambassador to compliment him : he was es- 
teemed one of their ablest men : his name was Don 
Alonso de Cardenas : he offered, that if Cromwell 
would join with them, they would engage them- 
selves to make no peace till he should recover Calais 
again to England. This was very agreeable to 
Cromwell, who thought it would recommend him 
much to the nation, if he could restore that town 
again to the English empire, after it had been a 
hundred years in the hands of the French. Mazarin 
hearing of this, sent one over to negotiate with him, 
but at first without a character : and, to outbid the 
Spaniard, he offered to assist Cromwell to take Dun- 
kirk, which was a place of much more importance. 
The prince of Conde sent over likewise to offer 
Cromwell to turn protestant : and, if he would give 
him a fleet with good troops, he would make a de- 
scent in Guienne, where he did not doubt but that 
he should be assisted by the protestants ; and that 


he should so distress France, as to obtain such con- 
ditions for them and for England, as CromweU him- 
self should dictate. Upon this offer CromweU sent 
Stoupe round all France, to talk with their most 
eminent men, to see into their strength, into their 
present disposition, the oppressions they lay under, 
and their inclinations to trust the prince of Conde. 
He went from Paris down the Loire, then to Bour- 
deaux, from thence to Montauban, and cross the 
south of France to Lions : he was instructed to talk 
to them only as a traveller, and to assure them of 
Cromwell's zeal and care for them, which he mag- 
nified every where. The protestants were then very 
much at their ease : for Mazarin, who thought of 
nothing but to enrich his family, took care to main- 
tain the edicts better than they had been in any 
time formerly. So Stoupe returned, and gave Crom- 
weU an account of the ease they were then in, and 
of their resolution to be quiet. They had a very 
bad opinion of the prince of Conde, [as an impious 
and immoral man,] as a man who sought nothing 
but his own greatness, to which they believed that 
he was ready to sacrifice aU his friends, and every 
cause that he espoused. This settled CromweU as 
to that particular. He also found that the cardinal 

73 had such spies on that prince, that he knew every 
message that had passed between them : therefore 
he would have no farther correspondence with him : 
he said upon that to Stoupe, Stultus est, et gm-ru- 

>' lus, et venditur a suis cardinali. That Avhich de- 
termined him afterwards in the choice was this : he 
found the parties grew so strong against him at 
home, that he saw if the king or his brother were 
assisted by France with an army of Huguenots to 


make a descent in England, which was threatened 
if he should join with Spain, this might prove very 
dangerous to him, who had so many enemies at 
home, and so few friends. This particular consider- 
ation, with relation to himself, made great impression 
on him ; for he knew the Spaniards could give those 
princes no strength, nor had they any protestant 
subjects to assist them in any such design. Upon 
this occasion king James told me, that among other 
prejudices he had at the protestant rehgion this was 
one, that both his brother and himself, being in 
many companies in Paris incognito^ where they met 
many protestants, he found they were all alienated 
from them, and were great admirers of Cromwell : 
so he believed they were aU rebels in their heart. 
I answered, that foreigners were no other way con- 
cerned in the quarrels of their neighbours, than to 
see who could or would assist them : the coldness 
they had seen formerly in the court of England with 
relation to them, and the zeal which was then ex- 
pressed, must naturally make them depend on one 
that seemed resolved to protect them. As the ne- 
gotiation went on between France and England, 
Cromwell would have the king and his brother dis- 
missed the kingdom. Mazarin consented to this; 
for he thought it more honourable, that the French 
king should send them away of his own accord, tharf 
that it should be done pursuant to an article with 
Cromwell. Great excuses were made for doing it : 
they had sonie money given them, and were sent 
away loaded with promises of constant supplies that 
were never meant to be performed : and they retired 
to Colen; for the Spaniards were not yet out of 
hope of gaining Cromwell. But when that vanished. 


they invited them to Bruxells, and they settled 
great appointments on them ; in their way, which 
was always to promise much, how little soever they 
could perform. They also settled a pay for such of 
the subjects of the three kingdoms as would come 
and serve under our princes : but few came, except 
from Ireland : of these some regiments were formed. 
But though this gave them a great and lasting in- 
terest in our court, especially in king James's, yet 
they did not much to deserve it. 

The king Bcforc kinff Charles left Paris he changed his re- 
turned pa- _ " ^ *-" 

pist. ligion, but by whose persuasion is not yet known : 

74 only cardinal de Retz was in the secret, and lord 
Aubigny had a great hand in it. It was kept a 
great secret. Chancellor Hide had some suspicion 
of it, but would never suffer himself to believe it 
quite™. Soon after the restoration, that cardinal came 
over in disguise, and had an audience of the king : 
what passed is not known. The first ground I had 
to believe it was this : the marquis de Roucy, who 
was the man of the greatest family in France that 
continued protestant to the last, was much pressed 
by that cardinal to change his religion : he was his 
kinsman, and his particular friend. Among other 
reasons one that he urged was, that the protestant 
religion must certainly be ruined, and that they 
could expect no protection from England, for to his 
certain knowledge both the princes were already 
changed. Roucy told this in great confidence to 
his minister, who after his death sent an advertise- 
ment of it to my self. Sir Allen Broderick, a great 
confident of the chancellor's, who, from being very 

^ See his vindication in the State Trials, vol. viii. p, 386. O. 


atheistical became in the last years of his life an 
eminent penitent, as he was a man of great parts, 
with whom I had Uved long in great confidence, on 
his deathbed sent me likewise an account of this 
matter, which he believed was done in Fontaine- 
bleau, before king Charles was sent to Colen. As 
for king James, it seems he was not reconciled at 
that time : for he told me, that being in a monastery 
in Flanders, a nun desired him to pray every day, 
that if he was not in the right way, God would bring 
him into it ; and he said, the impression these words 
made on him never left him till he changed. 

To return to Cromwell : while he was balancing 
in his mind what was fit for him to do. Gage, who 
had been a priest, came over from the West Indies, 
and gave him such an account of the feebleness, as 
well as of the wealth of the Spaniards in those parts, 
as made him conclude that it would be both a great cromweii's 
and an easy conquest to seize on their dominions, the wes" 
By this he reckoned he would be supplied with such ^"^^*- 
a treasure, that his government would be established 
before he should need to have any recourse to a par- 
liament for money. Spain would never admit of a 
peace with England between the tropics : so he was 
in a state of war with them as to those parts, even 
before he declared war in Europe. He upon that 
equipped a fleet with a force sufficient, as he hoped, 
to have seized Hispaniola and Cuba. And Gage 
had assured him, that success in that expedition 
would make all the rest fall into his hands. Stoupe, 
being on another occasion called to his closet, saw 
him one day very intent in looking on a map, and 
in measuring distances. Stoupe saw it was a map 
of the bay of Mexico, and observed who printed it. 


75 So, there being no discourse upon that subject, 
Stoupe went next day to the printer to buy the 
map. The printer denied he had printed it. Stoupe 
affirmed he had seen it. Then, he said, it must be 
only in Cromwell's hand ; for he only had some of 
the prints, and had given him a strict charge to sell 
none, till he had leave given him. So Stoupe per- 
ceived there was a design that way. And when the 
time of setting out the fleet came on, all were in a 
gaze whither it was to go : some fancied it was to 
rob the church of Loretto, which did occasion a for- 
tification to be drawn round it : others talked of 
Rome itself; for Cromwell's preachers had this often 
in their mouths, that if it were not for the divisions 
at home, he would go and sack Babylon : others 
talked of Cadiz, though he had not yet broke with 
the Spaniards. The French could not penetrate 
into the secret. Cromwell had not finished his al- 
liance with them : so he was not bound to give 
them an account of the expedition. All he said 
upon it was, that he sent out the fleet to guard the 
seas, and to restore England to its dominion on that 
element. Stoupe happened to say in a company, he 
believed the design was on the West Indies. The 
Spanish ambassador, hearing that, sent for him very 
privately, to ask him upon what ground he said it : 
and he offered to lay down 10,000/. if he could 
make any discovery of that. Stoupe owned to me 
he had a great mind to the money ; and fancied he 
betrayed nothing, if he did discover the grounds of 
these conjectures, since nothing had been trusted to 
him: but he expected greater matters from Crom- 
well, and so kept the secret ; and said only, that in 
a diversity of conjectures, that seemed to him more 


probable than any others. But ^ the ambassador 
made no account of that ; nor did he think it worth 
the writing to Don John, then at Bruxells, about it. 
Stoupe writ it over as his conjecture to one about 
the prince of Conde, who at first hearing it was per- 
suaded that must be the design, and went next day 
to suggest it to Don John : but Don John relied so 
much on the ambassador, that this made no impres- 
sion. And indeed aU the ministers whom he em- 
ployed knew that they were not to disturb him with 
troublesome news : of which king Charles told a 
pleasant story. One whom Don John was sending 
to some court in Germany, coming to the king to 
ask his commands, he desired him only to write 
him news: the Spaniard asked him, whether he 
would have true or false news : and, when the king 
seemed amazed at the question, he added, if he writ 
him true news the king must be secret, for he knew 
he must write news to Don John that would be ac- 
ceptable, true or false : when the ministers of that 
court shewed that they would be served in such a 76 
manner, it is no wonder to see how their affairs 
have declined. This matter of the fleet continued 
a great secret. And some months after that, Stoupe 
being accidentally with Cromwell, one came from 
the fleet through Ireland with a letter. The bearer 
looked like one that brought no welcome news. 
And as soon as Cromwell had read the letter, he 
dismissed Stoupe, who went immediately to the earl 
of Leicester, then lord Lisle, and told him what he 
had seen. He being of Cromwell's council went to 
Whitehall, and came back, and told Stoupe of the 
descent made on Hispaniola, and of the misfortune 

A^OL. I. K 


that had happened. It was then late, and was the 
post night for Flanders. So Stoupe writ it as news 
to his correspondent, some days before the Spanish 
ambassador knew any thing of it. Don John was 
amazed at the news, and had never any regard for 
the ambassador after that ; but had a great opinion 
of Stoupe, and ordered the ambassador to make him 
theirs at any rate. The ambassador sent for him, 
and asked him, now that it appeared he had guessed 
right, what were his grounds : and when he told 
what they were, the ambassador owned he had rea- 
son to conclude as he did upon what he saw. And 
upon that he made great use of Stoupe : but he 
himself was never esteemed after that so much as he 
had been. This deserved to be set down so parti- 
cularly, since by it, it appears that the greatest de- 
sign may be discovered by an undue carelessness. 
The court of France was amazed at the undertak- 
ing, and was glad that it had miscarried ; for the 
cardinal said, if he had suspected it, he would have 
made peace with Spain on any terms, rather than to 
have given way to that which would have been such 
an addition to England, as must have brought all 
the wealth of the world into their hands. The fleet 
took Jamaica: but that was a small gain, though 
much magnified to cover the faihng of the main de- 
sign. The war after that broke out, in which Dun- 
kirk was indeed taken, and put in Cromwell's hand : 
but the trade of England suffered more in that, than 
in any former war : so he lost the heart of the city 
of London by that means. 
His zeal CromwcU had two signal occasions given him to 
protestant shcw his zcal in protecting the protestants abroad. 



The duke of Savoy raised a new persecution of the 
Vaudois : so Cromwell sent to Mazarin, desiring 
him to put a stop to that; adding, that he knew 
well they had that duke in their power, and could 
restrain him as they pleased : and if they did not, he 
must presently break with them. Mazarin objected 
to this as unreasonable : he promised to do good of- 
fices : but he could not be obliged to answer for the 
effects they might have. This did not satisfy Crom- 
well : so they obliged the duke of Savoy to put a 77 
stop to that unjust fury : and Cromwell raised a 
great sum for the Vaudois, and sent over Morland 
to settle all their concerns, and to supply all their 
losses. There was also a tumult in Nismes, in 
which some disorder had been committed by the 
Huguenots : and they, apprehending severe proceed- 
ings upon it, sent one over with great expedition to 
Cromwell, who sent him back to Paris in an hour's 
time with a very effectual letter to his ambassador, 
requiring him either to prevail that the matter might 
be passed over, or to come away immediately. Ma- 
zarin complained of this way of proceeding, as too 
imperious : but the necessity of their affairs made 
him yield. These things raised Cromwell's character 
abroad, and made him be much depended on. 

His ambassador in France at this time was Lock- 
hart, a Scotchman, who had married his niece, and 
was in high favour with him, as he well deserved to 
be. He was both a wise and a gallant man, calm 
and virtuous, and one that carried the generosities 
of friendship very far. He was made governor of 
Dunkirk and ambassador at the same time. But 
he told me, that when he was sent afterwards am- 
bassador by king Charles, he found he had nothing 

K 2 


of that regard that was paid him in Cromwell's 
time ". 
A great de- Stoupe told me of a ffreat design Cromwell had 

sign for the . \ ....... 

interest of mtended to begin his kingship with, if he had as- 
antrdi-^* sumed it: he resolved to set up a council for the 
^'°°' protestant religion, in opposition to the congregation 
de propaganda fide at Rome. He intended it 
should consist of seven counsellors, and four secreta- 
ries for different provinces. These were the first, 
France, Switzerland, and the Valleys : the palatinate 
and the other Calvinists were the second : Germany, 
the North, and Turkey were the third: and the 
East and West Indies were the fourth. The secre- 
taries were to have 500/. salary apiece, and to keep 
a correspondence every where, to know the state of 
religion all over the world, that so all good designs 
might be by their means protected and assisted. 
Stoupe was to have the first province. They were 
to have a fund of 10,000/. a year at their disposal 
for ordinary emergencies, but to be farther supplied 
as occasions should require it. Chelsea college was 
to be made up for them, which was then an old de- 
cayed building, that had been at first raised to be a 
college for writers of controversy. I thought it was 
not fit to let such a project as this be quite lost : it 
was certainly a noble one : but how far he would 
have pursued it, must be left to conjecture. 

Stoupe told me a remarkable passage in his em- 

' " No doubt Lockhart was that the king's minister was 

not looked upon in France to not so much regarded as Crom- 

be in the same degree of credit well's, which, if true, must 

in king Charles's court, that he ha vie been personal to the man, 

had been in Oliver's, whose not to his character as an am- 

niece he had married : but the bassador. D. 
bishop would gladly insinuate, 


ployment under Cromwell. Stoupe had desired all Some pas- 
that were under the prince of Conde to let himcromw"iri 
know some news, in return of that he writ to them, ilf^ 
So he had a letter from one of them, giving an ac- 
count of an Irishman newly gone over, who had said 
he would kiU Cromwell, and that he was to lodge 
in King-street, Westminster. With this Stoupe went 
to Whitehall. Cromwell being then at council, he 
sent him a note, letting him know that he had a 
business of great consequence to lay before him. 
Cromwell was then upon a matter that did so en- 
tirely possess him, that he, fancying it was only 
some piece of foreign intelligence, sent Thurlo to 
know what it might be. Stoupe was troubled at 
this, but could not refuse to shew him his letter. 
Thurlo made no great matter of it : he said, they 
had many such advertisements sent them, which 
signified nothing, but to make the world think the 
Protector was in danger of his life : and the looking 
too much after these things had an appearance of 
fear, which did iU become so great a man. Stoupe 
told him. King-street might be soon searched. 
Thurlo answered, if we find no such person, how 
shall we be laughed at? Yet he ordered him to 
write again to Bruxells, and promise any reward 
if a more particular discovery could be made. Stoupe 
was much cast down, when he saw that a piece of 
intelligence which he hoped might have made his 
fortune was so little considered. He wrote to Brux- 
ells : but he had no more from thence, but a con- 
firmation of what had been writ formerly to him. 
And Thurlo did not think fit to make any search, 
or any farther inquiry into it : nor did he so much 
as acquaint Cromwell with it. Stoupe, being un- 

K 3 


easy at this, told lord Lisle of it : and it happened 
that, a few weeks after, Syndercomb's design of as- 
sassinating Cromwell near Brentford, as he was go- 
ing to Hampton court, was discovered. When he 
was examined, it appeared that he was the person 
set out in the letters from Bruxells. So Lisle said 
to Cromwell, this is the very man of whom Stoupe 
had the notice given him". Cromwell seemed amazed 
at this ; and sent for Stoupe, and in great wrath 
reproached him for his ingratitude in concealing a 
matter of such consequence to him. Stoupe upon 
this shewed him the letters he had received; and 
put him in mind of the note he had sent in to him, 
which was immediately after he had the first letter, 
and that he had sent out Thurlo to him. At that 
Cromwell seemed yet more amazed; and sent for 
Thurlo, to whose face Stoupe affirmed the matter : 
nor did he deny any part of it ; but only said, that 
he had many such advertisements sent him, in which 
till this time he had never found any truth. Crom- 
well replied sternly, that he ought to have ac- 
quainted him with it, and left him to judge of the 
79ii^portance of it. Thurlo desired to speak in pri- 
vate with Cromwell. So Stoupe was dismissed, and 
went away, not doubting but Thurlo would be dis- 
graced. But, as he understood from Lisle afterward, 
Thurlo shewed Cromwell such instances of his care 
and fidelity on aU such occasions, and humbly ac- 
knowledged his error in this matter, but imputed it 
wholly to his care, both for his honour and quiet, 

° (Bevil Higgons in his Re- that he was a mortal enemy to 

marks on Bp. Burnet's Hist, the king; which, he observes, 

p. 64. says, that Syndercomb ill agrees with this account.) 
was born in Hampshire, and 


that he pacified him entirely : and indeed he was so 
much in all Cromwell's secrets, that it was not safe 
to disgrace him without destroying him ; and that, 
it seems, Cromwell could not resolve on. Thurlo 
having mastered this point, that he might farther 
justify his not being so attentive as he ought to have 
been, did so much search into Stoupe's whole de- 
portment, that he possessed CromweU with such an 
ill opinion of him, that after that, he never treated 
him with any confidence. So he found how danger- 
ous it was even to preserve a prince, (so he called 
him,) when a minister was wounded in the doing of 
it ; and that the minister would be too hard for the 
prince, even though his own safety was concerned 
in it. 

These are all the memorable things that I have 
learnt concerning Cromwell ; of whom so few have 
spoken with any temper, some commending, and 
others condemning him, and both out of measure, 
that I thought a just account of him, which I had 
from sure hands, might be no unacceptable thing. 
He never could shake off the roughness p of his edu- 
cation and temper : he spoke always long, and very 
ungracefully. The enthusiast and the dissembler 
mixed so equally in a great part of his deportment, 
that it was not easy to tell which was the prevailing 
character. He was indeed both, as I understood 
from Wilkins and Tillotson, the one having married 
his sister, and the other his niece. He was a true 
enthusiast, but with the principle formerly men- 
tioned, from which he might be easily led into all 
the practices both of falsehood and cruelty : which 

P Lord Clarendon and Sir Philip Warwick say quite otherwise. O. 

K 4 


was, that he thought moral laws were only binding 
on ordinary occasions, but that upon extraordinary 
ones these might be superseded. When his own de- 
signs did not lead him out of the way, he was a 
lover of justice and virtue, and even of learning, 
though much decried at that time. 
kis mode- He studicd to seek out able and honest men, and 
govern- to employ them : and so having heard that my fa- 
ther had a very great reputation in Scotland for 
piety and integrity, though he knew him to be a 
royalist, he sent to him, desiring him to accept of a 
judge's place, and to do justice in his own country, 
hoping only that he would not act against his go- 
vernment ; but he would not press him to subscribe 
80 or swear to it. My father refused it in a pleasant 
way, [being a facetious man, and abounding in 
little stories.] When he who brought the message 
was running out into Cromwell's commendation, my 
father told a story of a pilgrim in popery, who came 
to a church where one saint Kilmaclotius was in 
great reverence : so the pilgrim was bid pray to 
him : but he answered, he knew nothing of him, for 
he was not in his breviary : but when he was told 
how great a saint he was, he prayed this collect; 
O sancte Kilmacloti, tu nobis hactemis es incogni- 
tuSf hoc solum a te rogo, ut si bona tua nobis non 
prosintf saltern mala ne noceant. My father replied, 
that he desired no other favour of him, but leave to 
live privately, without the impositions of oaths and 
subscriptions : and ever after, he lived in great quiet. 
And this was an instance of it : Overton, one of 
Cromwell's major-generals, who was a high repub- 
lican, being for some time at Aberdeen, where we 
then lived, my father and he were often together : 


in particular they were shut up alone for about two 
hours the night after the order came from Cromwell 
to take away Overton's commissions, and to put 
him in arrest. Upon that, Howard, afterward earl 
of CarUsle, being sent down to inquire into all the 
plots that those men had been in, heard of this long 
privacy : but when with that he heard what my fa- 
ther's character was, he made no farther inquiry 
into it ; but said, Cromwell was very uneasy when 
any good man was questioned for any thing. 

This gentleness had in a great measure quieted His public 
people's minds with relation to him. And his main-*"^'" ' 
taining the honour of the nation in all foreign coun- 
tries gratified the vanity which is very natural to 
Englishmen ^ ; of which he was so careful, that 
though he was not a crowned head, yet his ambas- 
sadors had aU the respects paid them which our 
king's ambassadors ever had : he said, the dignity 
of the crown was upon the account of the nation, of 
which the king was only the representative head ; 
so the nation being still the same, he would have 
the same regards paid to his ministers. 

Another instance of this pleased him much. Blake 
with the fleet happened to be at Malaga before he 
made war upon Spain : and some of his seamen 
went ashore, and met the hostie carried about ; and 
not only paid no respect to it, but laughed at those 
who did : so one of the priests put the people on re- 
senting this indignity ; and they fell upon them, and 
beat them severely. When they returned to their 

^ I presume the bishop every thing else ; but I believe 

thought his countrymen had whoever reads this book will 

no share in that character, think that one of them, at 

though they claim a third in least, had his full proportion. D. 


ship, they complained of this usage : and upon that 
Blake sent a trumpet to the viceroy, to demand the 
priest who was the chief instrument in that ill 
usage. The viceroy answered, he had no authority 
over the priests, and so could not dispose of him. 
81 Blake upon that sent him word, that he would not 
inquire who had the power to send the priest to 
him, but if he were not sent within three hours, he 
would bum their town : and they, being in no con- 
dition to resist him, sent the priest to him, who jus- 
tified himself upon the petulant behaviour of the 
seamen. Blake answered, that if he had sent a 
complaint to him of it, he would have punished 
them severely, since he would not suffer his men to 
affront the established religion of any place at which 
he touched : but he took it ill, that he set on the 
Spaniards to do it ; for he would have all the world 
to know, that an Englishman was only to be pu- 
nished by an Englishman : and so he treated the 
priest civilly, and sent him back, being satisfied that 
he had him at his mercy. 
All the CromweU was much delighted with this, and read 

afraid of** the letters in council with great satisfaction ; and 
*""• said, he hoped he should make the name of an Eng- 
lishman as great as ever that of a Roman had been. 
The states of Holland were in such dread of him, 
that they took care to give him no sort of umbrage : 
and when at any time the king or his brothers came 
to see their sister, the princess royal, within a day 
or two after they used to send a deputation to let 
them know that Cromwell had required of the states 
that they should give them no harbour. King 
Charles, when he was seeking for colours for the 
war with the Dutch in the year 1672, urged it for 


one, that they suflfered some of his rebels to live in 
their provinces. Borel, then their ambassador, an- 
swered, that it was a maxim of long standing among 
them, not to inquire upon what account strangers 
came to live in their country, but to receive them 
all, unless they had been concerned in conspiracies 
against the persons of princes. The king told him 
upon that, how they had used both himself and his 
brother. Borel, in great simplicity, answered : Ha ! 
sire, c'estoit une autre chose: Cromwell estoit un 
grand homme, et il sejaisoit craindre et par terre 
et par mer. This was very rough. The king's an- 
swer was : Je meferay craindre aussy a mon tour: 
but he was scarce as good as his word ■■. 

Cromwell's favourite alliance was with Sweden. 
Carolus Gustavus and he lived in great conjunction 
of counsels. Even Algemoon Sydney, who was not 
inclined to think or speak well of kings, commended 
him to me ; and said, he had just notions of public 
liberty ; and added, that queen Christina seemed to 
have them likewise. But she was much changed 
from that, when I waited on her at Rome ; for she 
complained of us as a factious nation, that did not 
readily comply with the commands of our princes. 
All Italy trembled at the name of Cromwell, and 
seemed under a panic fear as long as he lived. His 82 
fleet scoured the Mediterranean : and the Turks 
durst not offend him ; but delivered up Hide, who 
kept up the character of an ambassador from the 

■■ Borel might upon that oc- Oliver before the king, as a 

casion represent Cromwell as a means to obtain his ends : but 

tyrant that frighted people into Burnet was always ready to 

doing unreasonable things ; but believe and to report any vul- 

it is highly improbable that he gar stuff he heard, to the dis- 

should be so simple a brute, as paragement of king Charles the 

to fall into encomiums upon second. D. 


king there, and was brought over and executed for 
it. The putting the brother of the king of Portu- 
gal's ambassador to death for murder, was the car- 
rying justice very far ; since, though in the strict- 
ness of the law of nations it is only the ambassador's 
own person that is exempted from any authority 
but his master's that sends him, yet the practice had 
gone in favour of aU that the ambassador owned to 
belong to him. CromweU shewed his good under- 
standing in nothing more, than in seeking out capa- 
ble and worthy men for all employments, but most 
particularly for the courts of law, which gave a ge- 
neral satisfaction. 
The ruin of Thus hc livcd, and at last died, on his auspicious ^ 

his family, , , , . 

third of September, of so slight a sickness, that his 
death was not looked for. He had two sons, and 
four daughters. His sons were weakS but honest 
men. Richard, the eldest, though declared pro- 
tector in pursuance of a nomination pretended to be 
made by Cromwell, the truth of which was much 
questioned, was not at all bred for business, nor in- 
deed capable of it. He was innocent of all the ill 
his father had done : so there was no prejudice lay 
against him : and both the' royalists and the pres- 
byterians fancied he favoured them, though he pre- 
tended to be an independent. But aU the com- 
monwealth party cried out upon his assuming the 
protectorship, as a high usurpation ; since whatever 
his father had from his parliaments was only per- 
sonal, and so fell with him : yet in opposition to 
this, the city of London, and all the counties and 

» On that day he had defeated ter. Note in the 8vo edit. 1755. 
the Scotch at Dunbar, and the * But see Henry Cromwell's 

next year the king at Worces- letters in Thurloe's papers. O. 


cities almost in England, sent him addresses con- 
gratulatory, as well as condoling. So little do these 
pompous appearances of respect signify. TUlotson 
told me, that a week after Cromwell's death he be- 
ing by accident at Whitehall, and hearing there was 
to be a fast that day in the household, he out of 
curiosity went into the presence chamber where it 
was held. On the one side of a table Richard with 
the rest of Cromwell's family were placed, and six 
of the preachers were on the other side : Thomas 
Goodwin, Owen, Carril, and Sterry, were of the 
number. There he heard a great deal of strange 
stuff, enough to disgust a man for ever of that en- 
thusiastic ])oldness. God was, as it were, reproached 
with Cromwell's services, and challenged for taking 
him away so soon. Goodwin, who had pretended 
to assure them in a prayer that he was not to die, 
which was but a very few minutes before he ex- 
pired, had now the impudence to say to God, Thou 
hast deceived us, and we were deceived. Sterry, 83 
praying for Richard, used those indecent words, 
next to blasphemy, make him the brightness of the 
father's glory, and the express image of his per- 
son. Richard was put on giving his father a pom- 
pous funeral, by which his debts increased so upon 
him, that he was soon run out of all credit. When 
the parliament met, his party tried to get a recog- 
nition of his protectorship : but it soon appeared, 
they had no strength to carry it. Fleetwood, who 
married Ireton's widow, set up a council of officers : 
and these resolved to lay aside Richard, who had 
neither genius nor friends, neither treasure nor 
army to support him. He desired only security for 
the debts he had contracted ; which was promised. 


but not performed. And so without any struggle 
he withdrew, and became a private man. And as 
he had done hurt to nobody, so nobody did ever 
study to hurt him ; by a rare instance of the insta- 
bility of human greatness, and of the security of 
innocence. His brother had been made by the fa- 
ther lieutenant of Ireland, and had the most spirit 
of the two ; but he could not stand his ground, 
when his brother quitted his. One of Cromwell's 
daughters was married to Claypole, and died a little 
before himself: another was married to the earl of 
Falconbridge, a wise and worthy woman, more 
likely to have maintained the post than either of 
her brothers; according to a saying that went of 
her, that those who wore breeches deserved petti- 
coats better, but if those in petticoats had been in 
breeches they would have held faster ^. The other 
daughter was married, first to the earl of Warwick's 
heir, and afterwards to one Russel. [I knew both 
lady Falconberg and that sister.] They were both 
very worthy persons. 

Great dis- Upott Richard's leaving the stage, the common- 
orders fol- . IT,. 1.1 

lowed. wealth was agam set up : and the parliament which 
Cromwell had broke was brought together : but the 
army and they fell into new disputes : so they were 

^ She outlived the earl of year he married his highness 

Falconbridge, who, by her pru- the then lord protector of Eng- 

dent management, (as it was land's daughter; which sir Har- 

generally thought,) was a privy ry told her, he feared might 

counsellor to Oliver, Richard, give offence : she answered, that 

king Charles the second, king nobody could dispute matters of 

James the second, and king fact, therefore insisted that it 

William the third. After his should be inserted. I do not 

death she desired sir Harry know if it were ever erected. 

Sheers to write an inscription but sir Harry told me the story, 

for his monument, and would with some encomiums upon the 

have it inserted, that in such a spirit of the lady. D. 


again broke by the army : and upon that the nation 
was like to fall into great convulsions. The enthu- 
siasts became very fierce, and talked of nothing but 
the destroying all the records and the law, which, 
they said, had been all made by a succession of ty- 
rants and papists : so they resolved to model aU 
anew by a levelling and a spiritual government of 
the saints. There was so little sense in this, that 
Nevil and Harrington, with some others, set up in 
Westminster a meeting to consider of a form of go- 
vernment that should secure liberty, and yet pre- 
serve the nation. They ran chiefly on having a 
parliament elected by ballot, in which the nation 
should be represented according to the proportion 
of what was paid in taxes towards the public ex- 
pense : and by this parliament a council of twenty- 
four was to be chosen by ballot : and every year 
eight of these were to be changed, and might not 84 
again be brought into it, but after an interval of 
three years: by these the nation was to be go- 
verned : and they were to give an account of the 
administration to the parliament every year. This 
meeting was a matter of diversion and scorn, to see 
a few persons take upon them to form a scheme of 
government : and it made many conclude, it was 
necessary to call home the king, that so matters 
might again fall into their old channel. Lambert 
became the man on whom the army depended most. 
Upon his forcing the parliament, great applications 
were made to Monk to declare for the parliament : 
but under this the declaring for the king was gene- 
rally understood. Yet he kept himself under such 
a reserve, that he declared all the while in the most 
solemn manner for a commonwealth, and against a 


single person, in particular against the king: so 
that none had any ground from him to believe he 
had any design that way. Some have thought that 
he intended to try, if it was possible, to set up for 
himself: others rather believed, that he had no set- 
tled design any way, and resolved to do as occasion 
should be offered to him. The Scotish nation did 
certainly hope he would bring home the king. He 
drew the greatest part of the army towards the bor- 
ders, where Lambert advanced towards him with 
seven thousand horse. Monk was stronger in foot : 
but being apprehensive of engaging on disadvan- 
tage, he sent Clarges to the lord Fairfax for his ad- 
vice and assistance, who returned answer by Dr. 
Fairfax, afterwards secretary to the archbishop of 
Canterbury, and assured him he would raise York- 
shire on the first of January. And he desired him 
to press upon Lambert, in case that he should send 
a detachment into Yorkshire. On the first of Ja- 
nuary, Fairfax appeared with about one hundred 
gentlemen and their servants. But so much did he 
still maintain his great credit with the army, that the 
night after, the Irish brigade, that consisted of one 
thousand two hundred horse, and was the rear of 
Lambert's army, came over to him. Upon that 
Lambert retreated, finding his army was so little 
sure to him, and resolved to march back to London. 
He was followed by Monk, who when he came to 
Yorkshire met with Fairfax, and offered to resign 
the chief command to him. The lord Fairfax re- 
fused it, but pressed Monk to declare for a free 
parliament : yet in that he was so reserved to him, 
that Fairfax knew not how to depend on him. But 
as Lambert was making haste up, his army moul- 


dered away, and he himself was brought up a pri- 
soner, and was put in the tower of London. Yet 
not long after he made his escape, and gathered a 
few troops about him in Northamptonshire. But 
these were soon scattered: for Ingoldsby, though 85 
one of the king's judges, raised Buckinghamshire 
against him. And so little force seemed now in 
that party, that with very little opposition Ingoldsby 
took him prisoner, and brought him into Northamp- 
ton : where Lambert, as Ingoldsby told me, enter- 
tained him with a pleasant reflection for aU his mis- 
fortunes. The people were in great crowds ap- 
plauding and rejoicing for the success. So Lambert 
put Ingoldsby in mind of what Cromwell had said 
to them both, near that very place, in the year 
1650, when they, with a body of the officers, were 
going down after their army that was marching to 
Scotland, the people aU the while shouting and 
wishing them success : Lambert upon that said to 
Cromwell, he was glad to see they had the nation 
on their side : CromweU answered, do not trust to 
that ; for these very persons would shout as much 
if you and I were going to be hanged. Lambert 
said, he looked on himself as in a fair way to that, 
and began to think Cromwell prophesied. 

Upon the dispersing Lambert's army, Monk 
marched southward, and was now the object of all 
men's hope. At London all sorts of people began 
to cabal together, royalists, presbyterians, and re- 
pubUcans. Hollis told me, the presbyterians pressed 
the royalists to be quiet, and to leave the game in 
their hands; for their appearing would give jea- 
lousy, and hurt that which they meant to promote. 
He and Ashly Cooper, Giimstone and Annesly, met 

VOL. I. L 


often with Manchester, Roberts, and the rest of the 
presbyterian party : and the ministers of London 
were very active in the city : so that when Monk 
came up, he was pressed to declare himself. At 
first he would only declare for the parliament that 
Lambert had forced. But there was then a great 
fermentation all over the nation. Monk and the 
parliament grew jealous of one another, even while 
they tried who could give the best words, and ex- 
press their confidence in the highest terms of one 
another. I will pursue the relation of this trans- 
action no farther : for this matter is weU known. 
All turn to The king had gone in autumn 1659 to the meeting 
side. '°^* at the Pyrenees, where cardinal Mazaiin and Don 
Lewis de Haro were negotiating a peace. He ap- 
plied himself to both sides, to try what assistance 
he might expect upon their concluding the peace. 
It was then known, that he went to mass some- 
times, that so he might recommend himself the 
more effectually to both courts ; yet this was carried 
secretly, and was confidently denied. Mazarin still 
talked to Lockhart upon the foot of the old confi- 
dence : for he went thither to watch over the treaty; 
though England was now in such convulsions, that 
no minister from thence could be much considered, 
86 unless it was upon his own account. But matters 
were ripening so fast towards a revolution in Eng- 
land, that the king came back to Flanders in all 
haste, and went from thence to Breda. Lockhart 
had it in his power to have made a great fortune, if 
he had begun first, and had brought the king to 
Dunkirk. As soon as the peace of the Pyrenees 
was made, he came over, and found Monk at Lon- 
don, and took all the pains he coidd to penetrate 


into his designs. But Monk continued still to pro- 
test to him in the solemnest manner possible, that 
he would be true to the commonwealth, and against 
the royal family. Lockhart went away, persuaded 
that matters would continue still in the same state : 
so that when his old friend Middletoun writ to him 
to make his own terms, if he would invite the king 
to Dunkirk, he said, he was trusted by the common- 
wealth, and could not betray it. 

The house of commons put Monk on breaking 
the gates of the city of London, not doubting but 
that would render him so odious to them, that it 
would force him to depend wholly on themselves. 
He did it: and soon after he saw how odious he 
was become by it. So conceiving a high indigna- 
tion at those who had put him on such an ungra- 
cious piece of service, he sent about all that night 
to the ministers and other active citizens, assuring 
them that he would quickly repair that error, if 
they would forgive it. So the turn was sudden : 
for the city sent and invited him to dine the next 
day at Guildhall : and there he declared for the 
members whom the army had forced away in the 
year forty-seven and forty-eight, who were known 
by the name of secluded members. And some hap- 
pening to caU the body that then sat at Westmin- 
ster, the rump of a parliament, a sudden humom- 
run like a madness through the whole city, of roast- 
ing the rumps of all sorts of animals. And thus the 
city expressed themselves sufficiently. Those at 
Westminster had no support : so they fell unpitied 
and unregarded. The secluded members came, and 
sat down among them. But all they could do was 
to give orders for the summoning a new parliament 

L 2 


to meet the first of May : and so they declared 
themselves dissolved. 
Care taken There was stiU a murmurinff in the army. So 

to manage 

the army, great carc w^as taken to scatter them in wide quar- 
ters, and not to suffer too many of those who were 
still for the old cause to lie near one another. The 
well and the ill affected were so mixed, that in case 
of any insurrection some might be ready at hand to 
assist them. They changed the officers that were 
ill affected, who were not thought fit to be trusted 
with the commanding those of their own stamp: 
and so created a mistrust between the officers and 
the soldiers. And above all they took care to have 
87 no more troops than was necessary about the city : 
and these were the best affected. This was ma- 
naged with great diligence and skill : and by this 
conduct it was, that the great turn was brought 
about without the least tumult or bloodshed, which 
was beyond what any person could have imagined. 
Of aU this Monk had both the praise and the re- 
ward ; though I have been told a very small share 
of it belonged to him". Admiral Montague was 
then in chief command at sea, newly returned from 
the Sound, where he and De Ruyter, upon the orders 
they received from their masters, had brought the 
two northern kings to a peace ; the king of Sweden 
dying as it was a making up. He was soon gained 
to be for the king ; and dealt so effectually with the 
whole fleet, that the turn there was as silently 
brought about, without any revolt or opposition, as 
it had been in the army. The republicans went 
^bout like madmen, to rouse up their party. But 

» Malice. S, 


their time was past. All were either as men amazed 
or asleep. They had neither the skill nor the cou- 
rage to make any opposition. The elections of par- 
liament men run all the other way. So they saw 
their business was quite lost, and they felt them- 
selves struck as with a spirit of giddiness. And 
then every man thought only how to save or secure 
himself. And now they saw how deceitful the ar* 
gument from success was, which they had used sO 
oft, and triumphed so much upoiii For whereat 
success in the field, which was the foundation of 
their argument, depended much upon the conduct 
and courage of armies, in which the will of man 
had a large share, here was a thing of another na- 
ture : a nation, that had run on long in such a 
fierce opposition to the royal family, was now turned 
as one man to call home the king. 

The nation had one great happiness during the 
long course of the civil war, that no foreigners had 
got footing among them. Spain was sinking to no- 
thing : France was under a base spirited minister : 
and both were in war all the while. Now a peace 
was made between them. And very probably, ac- 
cording to what is in Mazarin's letters, they would 
have joined forces to have restored the king. The 
nation was by this means entirely in its own hands : 
and now returning to its wits, was in a condition to 
put every thing in joint again : whereas, if foreign- 
ers had been possessed of any important place, they 
might have had a large share of the management, 
and would have been sure of taking care of them- 
selves. Enthusiasm was now languid: for that, 
owing its mechanical force to the liveliness of the 
blood and spirits, men in disorder, and depressed, 

L 3 


could not raise in themselves those heats, with 
88\yhich they were formerly wont to transport both 
themselves and others. Chancellor Hide was all 
this while very busy : he sent over Dr. Morley, who 
talked much with the presbyterians of moderation in 
general, but would enter into no particulars : only he 
took care to let them know he was a Calvinist : and 
they had the best opinion of such of the church of 
England as were of that persuasion. Hide wrote 
in the king's name to all the leading men, and got 
the king to write a great many letters in a very 
obliging manner. Some that had been faulty sent 
over considerable presents, with assurances that they . 
would redeem all that was past with their zeal for 
the future. These were all accepted of. Their 
money was also very welcome ; for the king needed 
money when his matters were on that crisis, and he 
had so many tools at work. The management of 
all this was so entirely the chancellor's single per- 
formance, that there was scarce any other that had 
so much as a share in it with him. He kept a re- 
gister of all the king's promises, and of his own ; 
and did all that lay in his power afterwards to get 
them all to be performed. He was also all that 
while giving the king many wise and good advices. 
But he did it too much with the air of a governor, 
or of a lawyer. Yet then the king was wholly in 
his hands ^. 

" When the earl of Claren- ther to Breda, gave him strict 

don's history was first publish- charge not to trust Hide with 

ed, the lord Grandville, second any thing that related to his 

son to the earl of Bath, told me own concerns, and desired the 

that Monk had always a very same caution might be given 

l)articular dislike to chancellor the king; and his father told 

Hide, and when he sent his fa- him, the chief thing that stag- 


I need not open the scene of the new parliament, a new par- 
(or convention, as it came afterwards to be called,''*"^"*' 
because it was not summoned by the king's writ :) 
such unanimity appeared in their proceedings, that 
there was not the least dispute among them, but 
upon one single point: yet that was. a very impor- 
tant one. Hale, afterwards the famous chief jus- 
tice, moved that a committee might be appointed to 
look into the propositions that had been made, and 
the concessions that had been offered by the late 
king during the war, particularly at the treaty of 
Newport, that from thence they might digest such 
propositions as they should think fit to be sent over 
to the king. This was seconded, but I do not re- 
member by whom. It was foreseen, that such a 
motion might be set on foot : so Monk was in- 
structed how to answer it, whensoever it should be 
proposed. He told the house, that there was yet, 
beyond all men's hope, an universal quiet all over 
the nation ; but there were many incendiaries stiU 
on the watch, trying where they could first raise 
the flame. He said, he had such copious informa- 
tions sent him of these things, that it was not fit 
they should be generally known : he could not an- 
swer for the peace, either of the nation or of the 
army, if any delay was put to the sending for the 
king : what need was there of sending propositions 
to him ? Might they not as well prepare them, and 
offer them to him, when he should come over ? He 89 
was to bring neither army nor treasure with him, 

gered Monk in the whole trans- out, and endeavoured ever after 

action was the necessity of to lessen Monk's merits as 

having any thing to do with much as he could, and lord 

him ; which Hide soon found Bath's for the same reason. D. 

L 4 


either to fright them or to corrupt them. So he 
moved, that they would immediately send commis- 
sioners to bring over the king: and said, that he 
must lay the blame of all the blood or mischief that 
might foUow, on the heads of those who should still 
insist on any motion that might delay the present 
settlement of the nation. This was echoed with 
such a shout over the house, that the motion was 
no more insisted on. 
They called 'j'j^jg ^^g indeed the ffreat service that Monk did. 

home the o 

king with- It-'was chiefly owinff to the post he was in, and to 

outatreaty. t i i • i ^ 

the credit he had gained : for as to the restoration 
itself, the tide run so strong, that he only went into 
it dexterously enough, to get much fame, and great 
rewards, for that which wiU have stiU a great ap- 
pearance in history. If he had died soon after, he 
might have been more justly admired, because less 
known, and seen only in one advantageous light : 
but he lived long enough to [have his stupidity 
and other ill qualities weU known, (and to)] make 
it known, how false a judgment men are apt to 
make upon outward appearance. To the king's 
coming in without conditions may be well imputed 
all the errors of his reign. And when the earl of 
Southampton came to see what he was like to 
prove, he said once in gi*eat wrath to chancellor 
Hide, it was to him they owed all they either felt 
or feared ; for if he had not possessed them in aU 
his letters with such an opinion of the king, they 
would have taken care to have put it out of his 
power either to do himself or them any mischief, 
which was like to be the effect of their trusting him 
so entirely. Hide answered, that he thought the 
king had so true a judgment, and so much good na- 


ture, that when the age of pleasure should be over, 
and the idleness of his exile, which made him seek 
new diversions for want of other employment, was 
turned to an obligation to mind affairs, then he 
would have shaken off those entanglements. I must 
put my reader in mind, that I leave all common 
transactions to ordinary books. If at any time I say 
things that occur in any books, it is partly to keep 
the thread of the narration in an unintangled me- 
thod, and partly, because I neither have heard nor 
read those things in books ; or at least, I do not re- 
member to have read them so clearly and so parti- 
cularly as I have related them. I now leave a mad 
and confused scene, to open a more august and 
splendid one. 

THE 91 





Of the first twelve years of the reign of hing 
Charles II. from the year 1660 to the year 

X DIVIDE king Charles's reign into two books, i66o. 
not so much because, consisting of twenty-four 
years, it fell, if divided at all, naturally to put 
twelve years in a book : but I have a much better 
reason for it, since as to the first twelve years, 
though I knew the affairs of Scotland very authen- 
tically, yet I had only such a general knowledge of 
the affah's of England as I could pick up at a dis- 
tance : whereas I lived so near the scene, and had 92! 
indeed such a share in several parts of it, during the 
last twelve years, that I can write of these with 
much more certainty, as well as more fully, than of 
the first twelve. I will therefore enlarge more par- 
ticularly, within the compass that I have fixed for 


1660. this book, on the affairs of Scotland; both out of 
the inbred love that all men have for their native 
country*, and more particularly, that I may leave 
some useful instructions to those of my own order 
and profession, by representing to them the conduct 
of the bishops of Scotland : for having observed, 
with more than ordinary niceness, all the errors 
that were committed, both at the first setting up of 
episcopacy, and in the whole progress of its conti- 
nuance in Scotland, till it was again overturned 
there, I am enabled to set aU that matter in a fuU 
view and in a clear light. 
Many went As soou as it was fixcd that the king was to be 
Hague. ** restored, a great many went over to make their 
court : among these Sharp, who was employed by 
the resolutioners of Scotland, was one. He carried 
with him a letter from the earl of Glencairn to 
Hide, made soon after earl of Clarendon, recom- 
mending him as the only person capable to manage 
the design of setting up episcopacy in Scotland : 
upon which he was received into great confidence. 
Yet, as he had observed very carefully the success 
of Monk's solemn protestations against the king and 
for a commonwealth, it seems he was so pleased 
with the original, that he resolved to copy after it, 
without letting himself be diverted from it by [anx- 
ious] scruples, [or any tenderness of conscience :] 
for he stuck neither at solemn protestations, both 
by word of mouth and by letters, (of which I have 
seen many proofs,) nor at appeals to God of his sin- 
cerity in acting for the presbytery both in prayers 
and on other occasions, joining with these many 

" Could not he keep his inbred love to himself? S. 


dreadful imprecations on himself, if he did prevari- 1660. 
cate'\ He was all the while maintained by the 
presbyterians as their agent, and continued to give 
them a constant account of the progress of his ne- 
gotiation in their service, while he was indeed un- 
dermining it. This piece of craft was so visible, he 
having repeated his protestations to as many per- 
sons as then grew jealous of him, that when he 
threw off the mask, about a year after this, it laid a 
foundation of such a character of him, that nothing 
could ever bring people to any tolerable thoughts 
of a man, whose dissimulation and treachery was so 
well known, and of which so many proofs were to 
be seen under his own hand. 

With the restoration of the king, a spirit of ex- The nation 
travagant joy spread over the nation, that brought run with 
on with it the throwing off the very professions of ^'^.^^j^^"^ 
virtue and piety : all ended in entertainments and "^*^- 
drunkenness, which overrun the three kingdoms to 
such a degree, that it very much corrupted all their 
morals. Under the colour of drinking the king's 
health, there were great disorders and much riot 
every where : and the pretences of religion, both in 
those of the hypocritical sort, and of the more ho- 
nest but no less pernicious enthusiasts, gave gi*eat 
advantages, as well as they furnished much matter, 
to the profane mockers of true piety. Those who 
had been concerned in the former transactions 
thought, they could not redeem themselves from 
the censures and jealousies that those brought on 
them by any method that was more sure and more 
easy, than by going into the stream, and laughing 

^ Sure there was some secret personal cause of all this malice 
against Sharp. S. 

1660. at all religion, telling or making stories to expose 


both themselves and their party as impious and ri- 
The king's The king was then thirty years of age, and, as 
might have been supposed, past the levities of youth, 
and the extravagance of pleasure. He had a very 
good understanding. He knew well the state of 
affairs both at home and abroad. He had a soft- 
ness of temper, that charmed all who came near 
him, till they found how little they could depend on 
good looks, kind words, and fair promises ; in which 
he was liberal to excess, because he intended no- 
thing by them, but to get rid of importunities, and 
to silence all farther pressing upon him. He seemed 
to have no sense of religion : both at prayers and 
sacrament he, as it were, took care to satisfy peo- 
ple, that he was in no sort concerned in that about 
which he was employed. So that he was very far 
from being an hypocrite, unless his assisting at 
those performances was a sort of hypocrisy, (as no 
doubt it was ;) but he was sure not to increase that 
by any the least appearance of religion. He said 
once to my self, he was no atheist, but he could not 
think God would make a man miserable only for 
taking a little pleasure out of the way. He dis- 
guised his popery to the last. But when he talked 
freely, he could not help letting himself out against 
the liberty that under the reformation all men took 
of inquiring into matters of religion : for from their 
inquiring into matters of religion, they carried the 
humour farther, to inquire into matters of state. He 
said often, he thought government was a much safer 
and easier thing where the authority was believed 
infallible, and the faith and submission of the people 


was implicit: about which I had once much dis- iQ6o. 
course with him. He was affable and easy, and 
loved to be made so by all about him. The great 
art of keeping him long was, the being easy, and 
the making every thing easy to him*^. He had made 
such observations on the French government, that 94 
he thought a king who might be checked, or have 
his ministers called to an account by a parUament, 
was but a king in name. He had a great compass 
of knowledge, though he was never capable of much 
appUcation or study. He understood the mecha- 
nics and physic : and was a good chemist, and much 
set on several preparations of mercury, chiefly the 
fixing it. He understood navigation well : but above 
all he knew the architecture of ships so perfectly, 
that in that respect he was exact rather more than 
became a prince. His apprehension was quick, and 
his memory good. He was an everlasting talker. 
He told his stories with a good grace : but they 
came in his way too often. He had a very ill opi- 
nion both of men and women ; and did not think 
that there was either sincerity or chastity in the 
world out of principle, but that some had either the 
one or the other out of humour or vanity. He 
thought that nobody did serve him out of love : and 
so he was quits with all the world, and loved others 
as little as he thought they loved him. He hated 
business, and could not be easily brought to mind 
any : but when it was necessary, and he was set to 
it, he would stay as long as his ministers had work 
for him. The ruin of his reign, and of all his af- 
fairs, was occasioned chiefly by his delivering him- 

^ Eloquence. S. 


1660. self up at his first coming over to a mad range of 
' pleasure. One of the race of the Villers, then mar- 

ried to Palmer, a papist, soon after made earl of 
Castlemain, who afterwards, being separated from 
him, was advanced to be duchess of Cleveland, was 
his first and longest mistress, by whom he had five 
children '^. She was a woman of great beauty, but 
most enormously vicious and ravenous ; foolish but 
imperious, very uneasy to the king, and always car- 
rying on intrigues with other men, while yet she 
pretended she was jealous of him. His passion for 
her, and her strange behaviour towards him, did so 
disorder him, that often he was not master of him- 
self, nor capable of minding business, which, in so 
critical a time, required great application : but he 
did then so entirely trust the earl of Clarendon, that 
he left all to his care, and submitted to his advices 
as to so many oracles. 
Clarendon's The carl of Clarcudon was bred to the law, and 
was like to grow eminent in his profession when the 
wars began. He distinguished himself so in the 
house of commons, that he became considerable, and 
was much trusted all the while the king was at Ox- 
ford. He stayed beyond sea following the king's 
fortune, tiU the restoration ; and was now an abso- 
lute favourite, and the chief or the only minister, 
but with too magisterial a way. He was always 
pressing the king to mind his affairs, but in vain. 

' ^ He had her the first night her to be his, and left her his 

he arrived at London ; she was estate when he died ; but she 

then some months gone with was generally understood to be- 

child of the late countess of long to another, the old earl of 

Sussex, whom the king adopted Chesterfield, whom she resem- 

for his daughter, though lord bled very much both in face 

Castlemain always looked upon and person. D. 


He was a good chancellor, only a little too rough, \66o. 
but very impartial in the administration of justice. ~ 
He never seemed to understand foreign affairs well ^ : 
and yet he meddled too much in them. He had too 
much levity in his wit, and did not always observe 
the decorum of his post. He was high, and was apt 
to reject those who addressed themselves to him 
with too much contempt. He had such a regard to 
the king, that when places were disposed of, even 
otherwise than as he advised, yet he would justify 
what the king did, and disparage the pretensions of 
others, not without much scorn ; which created him 
many enemies. He was indefatigable in business, 
though the gout did often disable him from waiting 
on the king : yet, during his credit, the king came 
constantly to him when he was laid up by it. 

The next man in favour with the king was the omnond's 
duke of Ormond : a man every way fitted for a 
court : of a graceful appearance, a lively wit, and a 
cheerful temper: a man of great expense, decent 
even in his vices ^ ; for he always kept up the form 
of rehgion. He had gone through many transac- 
tions in Ireland with more fidelity than success. 
He had made a treaty with the Irish, which was 
broken by the great body of them, though some few 
of them adhered stiU to him. But the whole Irish 
nation did still pretend, that, though they had broke 

c The author had not seen, the master of the rolls, (sir 

I believe, the MS. History of Thomas Clarke,) that the lord 

Lord Clarendon's Life, written Clarendon never made a decree 

by himself. He at least under- in Chancery without the assist- 

stood foreign affairs better than ance of two of the judges. O. 
any other of the ministers. ' See Cartes History of the 

None of them were much Life of this Duke of Ormond, 

esteemed for that abroad, as vol. ii. p. 555. See also the 

has been said. I was told by Biogr. Brit. p. 899. O. 

VOL. I. M 


1660. the agi'eement first, yet he, or rather the king, in 
whose name he had treated with them, was bound to 
perform all the articles of the treaty. He had mis- 
carried so in the siege of Dublin, that it very much 
lessened the opinion of his military conduct. Yet his 
constant attendance on his master, his easiness to him, 
and his great sufferings for him, raised him to be lord 
. steward of the household, and lord lieutenant of Ire- 
land. He was firm to the protestant religion, and 
so far firm to the laws, that he always gave good 
advices : but when bad ones were followed, he was 
not for complaining too much of them. 
southamp- The carl of Southampton was next to these. He 

ton's clia- . in 1 

ratter. was a man 01 great virtue, and or very good parts. 
He had a lively apprehension, and a good judgment. 
He had merited much by his constant adhering to 
the king's interest during the war, and by the 
large supplies he had sent him every year during 
his exile ; for he had a great estate, and only three 
daughters to inherit it. He was lord treasurer : but 
he grew soon weary of business ; for as he was sub- 
ject to the stone, which returned often and vio- 
lently upon him, so he retained the principles of 
liberty, and did not go into the violent measures of 
the court. When he saw the king's temper, and his 
96 way of managing, or rather of spoiling business, he 
grew very uneasy, and kept himself more out of the 
way than was consistent with that high post. The 
king stood in some awe of him ; and saw how po- 
' pular he would grow, if put out of his service : and 
therefore he chose rather to bear with his ill hu- 
mour and contradiction, than to dismiss him. He 
left the business of the treasury wholly in the hands 
of his secretary, sir Philip Warwick, who was an 


honest but a weak man; understood the common 1660. 
road of the treasury; [but, though he pretended to 
wit and politics, he was not cut out for that, and 
least of all for writing of history. But] he was an 
incorrupt man, and during seven years manage- 
ment of the treasury made but an ordinary fortune 
out of it s. Before the restoration, the lord treasurer 
had but a small salary, with an allowance for a 
table ; but he gave, or rather sold, all the subaltern 
places, and made great profits out of the estate of 
the crown : but now, that estate being gone, and 
the earl of Southampton disdaining to sell places, 
the matter was settled so, that the lord treasurer 
was to have 8000/. a year, and the king was to 
name all the subaltern officers. It continued to be 
so all his time : but since that time the lord trea- 
surer has both the 8000/. and a main hand in the 
disposing of those places. 

The man that was in the greatest credit with the shafts- 
earl of Southampton was sir Anthony Ashly Cooper, racter. 
who had married his niece, and became afterwards 
so considerable, that he was raised to be earl of 
Shaftsbury. And since he came to have so great a 
name, and that I knew him for many years in a 
very particular manner, I wiU dwell a little longer 
on his character ; for it was of a very extraordinary 
composition. He began to make a considerable 
figure very early. Before he was twenty, he came 
into the house of commons, and was on the king's 
side ; and undertook to get Wiltshire and Dorset- 

s He had been secretary then worth reading. O. (See Lord 

when bishop Juxon was trea- Clarendon's testimony to the 

surer, and made so by him. great worth of Sir Philip War- 

His memoirs have some curi- wick, in the Continuation of his 

osities in them that make them own Life, p. 325.) 

M 2 


1660. shire to declare for him: but he was not able to 
effect it. Yet prince Maurice breaking articles to a 
town, that he had got to receive him, furnished him 
with an excuse to forsake that side, and to turn to 
the parHament. He had a wonderful faculty in 
speaking to a popular assembly, and could mix both 
the facetious and the serious way of arguing very 
agreeably. He had a particular talent to make 
others trust to his judgment, and depend on it : and 
he brought over so many to a submission to his opi- 
nion, that I never knew any man equal to him in 
the art of governing parties, and of making himself 
the head of them. He was, as to religion, a deist 
at best ^. He had the dotage of astrology in him 
to a high degree : he told me, that a Dutch doctor 
had from the stars foretold him the whole series of 
his Ufe. But that which was before him, when he 
told me this, proved false, if he told me true : for he 
said, he was yet to be a greater man than he had 
'97 been. He fancied, that after death our souls lived 
in stars. He had a general knowledge of the slighter 
parts of learning, but understood little to the bot« 
tom : so he triumphed in a rambling way of talking, 
but argued sUghtly when he was held close to any 
point. He had a wonderful faculty at opposing, and 

'' A person came to make at last, " People differ in their 

him a visit whilst he was sitting " discourse and profession about 

one day with a lady of his fa- " these matters, but men of 

mily, who retired upon that to " sense are really but of one re- 

another part of the room with '* ligion." Upon which says. 

her work, and seemed not to the lady of a sudden, " Pray,, 

attend to the conversation be- " my lofd, what religion is that 

tween the earl and the other " which men of sense agree 

person, which turned soon into " in V " Madam," says the 

some dispute upon subjects of earl, " men of sense never tell 

religion ; after a good deal of "it." O. 
that sort of talk, the earl said 


running things down; but had not the like force in 1660, 
building up. He had such an extravagant vanity in 
setting himself out, that it was very disagreeable. 
•He pretended that CromweU offered to make him 
-king. He was indeed of great use to him, in with- 
-standing the enthusiasts of that time. He was one 
of those who pressed him most to accept of the 
kingship, because, as he said afterwards, he was sure 
it would ruin him. His strength lay in the know- 
ledge of England, and of all the considerable men 
in it. He understood well the size of their under- 
standings, and their tempers : and he knew how to 
apply himself to them so dexterously, that, though 
by his changing sides so often it was very visible 
how little he was to be depended on, yet he was to 
the last much trusted by all the discontented par- 
ty '. [He had no regard to either truth or justice.] 
He was not ashamed to reckon up the many turns 
he had made : and he valued himself on the doing 
it at the properest season, and in the best manner : 
[and was not out of countenance in owning his un- 
steadiness and deceitfulness.] This he did with so 
much vanity, and so little discretion, that he lost 
many by it. And his reputation was at last run so 
low, that he could not have held much longer, had 
he not died in good time, either for his family or for 
his party : the former would have been ruined, if he 
had not saved it by betraying the latter. 

Another man, very near of the same sort, who Anglesey's 


' I was told by one that was found great benefit by all his 

very conversant with him, that life ; and the reason he gave 

he had a constant maxim, never for it was, that he did not know 

to fall out with any body, let how soon it might be necessary 

the provocation be never so to have them again for his best 

great, which he said he had friends. D. 

M 3 


1660. passed through many great employments, was An- 
nesly, advanced to be earl of Anglesey ; who had 
much more knowledge, and was very learned, chief- 
ly in the law. He had the faculty of speaking in- 
defatigably upon every subject : but he spoke un- 
gracefully ; and did not know that he was not good 
at raillery, for he was always attempting it. He 
understood our government well, and had examined 
far into the original of our constitution. He was 
capable of great application : and was a man of a 
grave deportment ; but stuck at nothing, and was 
ashamed of nothing. He was neither loved nor 
trusted by any man or any side : and he seemed to 
have no regard to common decencies, [the common 
decencies of justice and truth,] but sold every thing 
that was in his power : and sold himself so often, 
that at last the price fell so low, that he grew use- 
less, [because he was so well known, that he was 
universally despised.] 
Houis's Hollis was a man of great courage, and of as 

great pride : he was counted for many years the 
head of the presbyterian party. He was faithful 
and firm to his side, and never changed through the 
whole course of his life. He engaged in a particular 
opposition to CromweU in the time of the war. They 
98 hated one another equally. Hollis seemed to carry 
this too far : for he wovdd not allow Cromwell to 
have been either wise or brave ; but often applied 
Solomon's observation to him, that the battle was 
not to the strongs nor favour to the man of under- 
standings hut that time and chance happened to all 
men. He was well versed in the records of parlia- 
ment : and argued well, but too vehemently ; for he 
could not bear contradiction. He had the soul of 


an old stubborn Roman in him. He was a faithful 1660. 
but a rough friend, and a severe but fair enemy. He 
had a true sense of religion : and was a man of an 
unblamable course of life, and of a sound judgment 
when it was not biassed by passion. He was made a 
lord for his merits in bringing about the restoration. 

The earl of Manchester was made lord chamber- Manches- 
lain : a man of a soft and obliging temper, of no racter. 
great depth, but universally beloved, being both a 
virtuous and a generous man. The lord Roberts Roberts's 
was made lord privy seal, afterwards lord lieutenant 
of Ireland, and at last lord president of the council. 
He was a man of a more morose and cynical tem- 
per, just in his administration, but vicious under the 
appearances of virtue : learned beyond any man of 
his quality, but intractable, stiff and obstinate, proud 
and jealous. 

These five, whom I have named last, had the 
chief hand in engaging the nation in the design of 
the restoration. They had great credit, chiefly with 
the presbyterian party, and were men of much dex- 
terity. So the thanks of that great turn was owing 
to them : and they were put in great posts by the 
earl of Clarendon's means. By which he lost most 
of the cavaliers, who could not bear the seeing such 
men so highly advanced, and so much trusted ^. 

^ The earl of Clarendon, upon (though he had as much as the 

the restoration, made it his bu- king could well grant;) and the 

siness to depress every body's people who had suffered most 

merits to advance his own, and in the civil war were in no con- 

(the king having gratified his dition to purchase his favour, 

vanity with high titles) found He therefore undertook the 

it necessary, towards making a protection of those who had 

fortune in proportion, to apply plundered and sequestered the 

himself to other means than others, which he very artfully 

what the crown could afford ; contrived, by making the king 

M 4 


1660. At the king's first coming over. Monk and Moun- 
tague were the most considered. They both had 
the garter. The one was made duke of Albemarle, 
and the other earl of Sandwich, and had noble 
estates given them. Monk was ravenous, as weU as 
his wife, who was a mean contemptible creature. 
They both asked and sold aU. that was within their 
reach, nothing being denied them for some time ; 
till he became so useless, that little personal regard 
could be paid him. But the king maintained still 
the appearances of it : for the appearance of the ser- 
vice he did him was such, that the king thought it 
fit to treat him with great distinction, even after he 
saw into him, and despised him. He took care to 
raise his kinsman GreenviU, who was made earl of 
Bath, and groom of the stole, a [mean minded] 
man, who thought of nothing but of getting and 
spending money. [Only in spending he had a pecu- 
liar talent of doing it with so ill a grace and so bad 
a conduct, that it was long before those who saw 
how much he got, and how little he spent visibly. 

believe it was necessary for his Paiilett was an humble peti- 
own ease and quiet to make tioner to his sons, for leave to 
his enemies his friends ; upon take a copy of his grandfather 
which he brought in most of and grandmother's pictures, 
those who had been the main (whole lengths drawn by Van- 
instruments and promoters of dike,) that had been plundered 
the late troubles, who were not from Hinton St. George ; which 
wanting in their acknowledg- was obtained with great diffi- 
ments in the manner he ex- culty, because it was thought 
pected, which produced the that copies might lessen the 
great house in the Picadille, value of the originals. And 
fiirnished chiefly with cavaliers' whoever had a mind to see 
goods, brought thither for what great families had been 
peace-offerings, which the right plundered during the civil war, 
owners durst not claim when might find some remains either 
they were in his possession, at Clarendon house or at Com- 
In my own remembrance earl bury. D. 


would believe he was so poor as he was found to be 1660. 
at his death : which was thought the occasion of his 
son's shooting himself in the head a few days after 
his death, finding the disorder of his affairs ; for both 
father and son were buried together.] The duke of 
Albemarle raised two other persons. One was Clar- ciarges's 
ges, his wife's brother, who was an honest butoo 
haughty man. He became afterwards a very consi- 
derable parliament man, and valued himself on his 
opposing the court, and on his frugality in managing 
the pubhc money ; for he had CromweU's economy 
ever in his mouth, and was always for reducing the 
expense of war to the modesty and parsimony of 
those times. Many thought he carried this too far : 
but it made him very popular. After he was be- 
come very rich himself by the public money, he 
seemed to take care that nobody else should grow 
as rich as he was in that way. Another man raised 
by the duke of Albemarle was Morrice, who was the Mornce's 
person that had prevailed with Monk to declare for 
the king. Upon that he was made secretary of 
state. He was very learned, but full of pedantry 
and affectation. He had no true judgment about 
foreign affairs. And the duke of Albemarle's judg- 
ment of them may be measured by what he said, 
when he found the king grew weary of Morrice, but 
that in regard to him (he) had no mind to turn him 
out : [upon which the duke of Albemarle repUed,] he 
did not know what was necessary for a good secre- 
tary of state in which he was defective, for he could 
speak French and write short hand. 

Nicolas was the other secretary, who had been ^'''^''^^'* 

"^ ^ character, 

employed by king Charles the first during the war, 
and had served him faithfully, but had no under- 


1660. standing in foreign affairs. He was a man of vir- 
tue, but could not fall into the king's temper, or be- 
come acceptable to him. So not long after the re- 
Ariington's storatiou, Bcnnet, advanced afterwards to be earl of 
Arlington, was by the interest of the popish party 
made secretary of state ; and was admitted into so 
particular a confidence, that he began to raise a 
party in opposition to the earl of Clarendon. He 
was a proud [and insolent] man. His parts were so- 
lid, but not quick. He had the art of observing the 
king's temper, and managing it beyond all the men 
of that time. He was believed a papist. He had 
once professed it : and when he died, he again re- 
conciled himself to that church K Yet in the whole 
course of his ministry, he seemed to have made it a 
maxim, that the king ought to shew no favour to 
popery, but that aU his affairs would be spoiled if 
ever he turned that way ; which made the papists 
become his mortal enemies, and accuse him as an 
apostate, and the betrayer of their interests. [He 
was a man of great vanity, and lived at a vast ex- 
pense, without taking any c^re of paying the debt 
he contracted to support it.] His chief friend was 
Charles Berkeley, made earl of Falmouth, who, with- 
out any visible merit "', unless it was the managing 
the king's amours, was the most absolute of all the 
king's favourites : and, which was peculiar to him- 

' He was esteemed so good Lambert, (who died a prisoner 

a courtier, that it was said he in the isle of Jersey,) declared 

died a Roman Catholic to make a little before his death, he 

his court to king James. But had always been of the church 

whatever his religion might be, of Rome. D. 
he always professed himself of ^ See the History of lord 

the whig party, as many pa- Clarendon's Life, for part of this 

pists had done before him : man's merit. O. 
and particularly the famous 


self, he was as much in the duke of York's favour as 1660. 
in the king's. Berkeley was generous in his expense : " 

and it was thought, if he had outlived the lewdness 
of that time, and come to a more sedate course of 
life, he would have put the king on great and noble 100 
designs. This I should have thought more likely, 
if I had not had it from the duke, who had so wrong 
a taste, that there was reason to suspect his judg- 
ment both of men a^d things. Bennet and Berkeley 
had the management of the mistress. And all the 
earl of Clarendon's enemies came about them : the 
chief of whom were the duke of Buckingham and 
the earl of Bristol. 

The first of these was a man of noble presence. Bucking- 
He had a great liveliness of wit, and a peculiar fa- xlcl^u ^ 
culty of turning all things into ridicule with bold fi- 
gures and natural descriptions. He had no sort of 
literature : only he was drawn into chemistry : and 
for some years he thought he was very near the 
finding the philosopher's stone ; which had the effect 
that attends on all such men as he was, when they 
are drawn in, to lay out for it. He had no prin- 
ciples of religion, virtue, or Mendship. Pleasure, 
frolic, or extravagant diversion, was all that he laid 
to heart. He was true to nothing, for he was not 
true to himself". He had no steadiness nor con- 
duct : he could keep no secret, nor execute any de- 
sign without spoiling it°. He could never fix his 
thoughts, nor govern his estate, though then the 
greatest in England. He was bred about the king : 
and for many years he had a great ascendent over 
him : but he spake of him to all persons with that 

" No consequence. S. ° Nonsense. S. 


1660. contempt, that at last he drew a lasting disgrace 
' upon himself. And he at length ruined both body 

and mind, fortune and reputation equally. The 
madness of vice appeared in his person in very emi- 
nent instances ; since at last he became contempt- 
ible and poor, sickly, and sunk in his parts, as weU 
as in all other respects, so that his conversation was 
as much avoided as ever it had been courted. He 
found the king, when he cam^ from his travels in 
the year forty-five, newly come to Paris, sent over 
by his father when his affairs declined : and finding 
the king enough inclined to receive ill impressions, 
he, who was then got into all the impieties and 
vices of the age, set himself to corrupt the king, in 
which he was too successful, being seconded in that" 
wicked design by the lord Percy. And to complete 
the matter, Hobbs was brought to him, under the 
pretence of instructing him in mathematics : and he 
laid before him his schemes, both with relation to 
religion and politics, which made deep and lasting 
impressions on the king's mind. So that the main 
blame of the king's ill principles and bad morals 
was owing to the duke of Buckingham p. 
Bristol's The earl of Bristol was a man of courage and 

learning, of a bold temper and a lively wit, but of 
no judgment nor steadiness. He was in the Queen's 
101 interest during the war at Oxford. And he studied 
to drive things past the possibility of a treaty, or 
any reconciliation ; fancying that nothing would 
' make the military men so sure to the king, as his 

P The famous Butler (author " of vice." And says also of 

of Hudibras) says in his Cha- this abominable man, " that 

racters, lately published, " The " continual wine, women, and 

" duke of Bucks is one that " music, had debauched his 

" has studied the whole body " understanding." O. 


being sure to them, and giving them hopes of shar- 1660. 
ing the confiscated estates among them; whereas, 
he thought, all discourses of treaty made them feeble 
and fearful. When he went beyond sea, he turned 
papist. But it was after a way of his own : for he 
loved to magnify the difference between the church 
and the court of Rome. He was esteemed a very 
good speaker: but he was too copious, and too florid. 
He was set at the head of the popish party, and was 
a violent enemy of the earl of Clarendon. 

Having now said as much as seems necessary to Ladder- 
describe the state of the court and ministry at the racter. 
restoration, I will next give an account of the chief of 
the Scots, and of the parties that were formed among 
4hem. The earl of Lauderdale, afterwards made 
duke, had been for many years a zealous covenanter : 
but in the year forty-seven he turned to the king's 
interests ; and had continued a prisoner all the while 
after Worcester fight, where he was taken. He was 
kept for some years in the tower of London, in Port- 
land castle, and in other prisons, tiU he was set at 
liberty by those who called home the king. So he 
went over to Holland. And since he continued so 
long, and contrary to aU men's opinions in so high 
a degree of favour and confidence, it may be ex- 
pected that I should be a little copious in setting 
out his character ; for I knew him very particularly. 
He made a very iU appearance: he was very big: 
his hair red, hanging oddly about him : his tongue 
was too big for his mouth, which made him bedew 
all that he talked to : and his whole manner was 
rough and boisterous, and very unfit for a court. 
He was very learned, not only in Latin, in which he 
was a master, but in Greek and Hebrew. He had 


1660. read a great deal of divinity, and almost all the his- 
torians ancient and modern : so that he had great 
materials. He had with these an extraordinary 
memory, and a copious but unpolished expression. 
He was a man, as the duke of Buckingham called 
him to me, of a blundering understanding. He was 
haughty beyond expression, abject to those he saw 
he must stoop to, but imperious to all others. He 
had a violence of passion that carried him often to 
fits like madness, in which he had no temper. If he 
took a thing wrong, it was a vain thing to study to 
convince him : that would rather provoke him to 
swear, he would never be of another mind : he was 
to be let alone : and perhaps he would have forgot 
what he had said, and come about of his own ac-* 
cord. He was the coldest friend and the violentest 
enemy I ever knew : I felt it too much not to know 
102 it. He at first seemed to despise wealth : but he 
delivered himself up afterwards to luxury and sen- 
suality : and by that means he ran into a vast ex- 
pense, and stuck at nothing that was necessary to 
support it. In his long imprisonment he had great 
impressions of religion on his mind : but he wore 
these out so entirely, that scarce any trace of them 
was left. His great experience in affairs, his ready 
compliance with every thing that he thought would 
please the king, and his bold offering at the most 
desperate counsels, gained him such an interest in 
the king, that no attempt against him, nor com- 
plaint of him, could ever shake it, till a decay of 
strength and understanding forced him to let go his 
hold. He was in his principles much against popery 
and arbitrary government : and yet, by a fatal train 
of passions and interests, he made way for the for- 


mer, and had almost established the latter. And, 1660. 

whereas some by a smooth deportment made the 
first beginnings of tyranny less discernible and un- 
acceptable, he, by the fury of his behavio^ur, height- 
ened the severity of his ministry, which was liker 
the cruelty of an inquisition than the legality of jus- 
tice. With all this he was a presbyterian, and re- 
tained his aversion to king Charles I. and his party 
to his death. 

The earl of Crawford had been his fellow prisoner Crawford's 
for ten years. And that was a good title for main- '^ ^^^ ^^' 
taining him in the post he had before, of being lord 
treasurer. He was a sincere but weak man, pas- 
sionate and indiscreet, and continued still a zealous 
presbyterian. The earl, afterwards duke of Rothes, Rothes's 
had married his daughter, and had the merit of a 
long imprisonment likewise to recommend him : he 
had a ready dexterity in the management of affairs, 
with a soft and insinuating address : he had a quick 
apprehension with a clear judgment : he had no ad- 
vantage of education, no sort of literature : nor had 
he travelled abroad: all in him was mere nature. 
[But it was nature very much depraved; for he 
seemed to have freed himself from all impressions 
of virtue or religion, of honour or good nature. 
He delivered himself, without either restraint or 
decency, to all the pleasures of wine and women. 
He had but one maxim, to which he adhered firmly, 
that he was to do every thing, and deny himself in 
nothing, that might maintain his greatness, or gra- 
tify his appetites. He was unhappily made for 
drunkenness. For as he drank aU his friends dead, 
and was able to subdue two or three sets of drunk- 
ards one after another ; so it scarce ever appeared. 

.1660. that he was disordered; and after the greatest ex- 

cesses, an hour or two of sleep carried them all oflf 
so entirely, that no sign of them remained. He 
would go about business without any uneasiness, or 
discovering any heat either in body or mind. This 
had a terrible conclusion ; for after he had killed aU 
his friends, he fell at last under such a weakness of 
stomach, that he had perpetual cholics, when he was 
not hot within, and full of strong liquor, of which 
he was presently seized ; so that he was always either 
sick or drunk.] 
Tweedaie's The carl of Twccdalc was another of lord Lauder- 
dale's friends. He was early engaged in business, 
and continued in it to a great age. He understood 
all the interests and concerns of Scotland well : he 
had a great stock of knowledge, with a mild and 
obliging temper. He was of a blameless, or rather 
an exemplary life in all respects. He had loose 
thoughts both of civil and ecclesiastical government; 
and seemed to think, that what form soever was up- 
permost was to be complied with. He had been in 
Cromwell's parliament, and had abjured the royal 
family, which lay heavy on him. But the disputes 
about the guardianship of the duchess of Monmouth 
and her elder sister, to which he pretended in the 
103 right of his wife, who was their father's sister, against 
her mother, who was lord Rothes's sister, drew him 
into that compliance which brought a great cloud 
upon him : though he was in all other respects the 
ablest and worthiest man of the nobility ; only he 
was too cautious and fearful. 
D.Hamii- A SOU of the marquis of Douglas, made earl of 
raaer!'*^ Selkirk, had married the heiress of the family of 
Hamilton, who by her father's patent was duchess 


of Hamilton : and when the heiress of a title in 1660. 
Scotland marries one not equal to her in rank, it is 
ordinary, at her desire, to give her husband the title 
for life : so he was made duke of Hamilton. He 
then passed for a soft man, who minded nothing but 
the recovery of that family from the great debts 
under which it was sinking, till it was raised up 
again by his great management. After he had com- 
passed that, he became a more considerable man. 
He wanted all sort of polishing : he was rough and 
sullen, but candid and sincere. His temper was 
boisterous, neither fit to submit nor to govern. He 
was mutinous when out of power, and imperious in 
it. He wrote well, but spoke ill : for his judgment, 
when calm, was better than his imagination. He 
made himself a great master in the knowledge of 
the laws, of the history, and of the families of Scot- 
land; and seemed always to have a regard to jus- 
tice, and the good of his country : but a narrow and 
selfish temper brought such an habitual meanness on 
him, that he was not capable of designing or under- 
taking great things. 

Another man of that side, that made a good fi-Kincair- 
gure at that time, was Bruce, afterwards earl otracter. 
Kincairdin, who had married a daughter of Mr. So- 
melsdych in Holland : and by that means he had 
got acquaintance with our princes beyond sea, and 
had supplied them liberally in their necessities. He 
was both the wisest and the worthiest man that be- 
longed to his country, and fit for governing any af- 
fairs but his own ; which he by a wrong turn, and 
by his love for the public, neglected to his ruin ; for 
they consisting much in works, coals, salt, and 
mines, required much care ; and he was very capa- 

voi.. I. N 

1660. ble of it, having gone far in mathematics, and being 

a great master of mechanics. His thoughts went 
slow, and his words came much slower : but a deep 
judgment appeared in every thing he said or did. 
He had a noble zeal for justice, in which even 
friendship could never bias him. He had solid 
principles of religion and virtue, which shewed them- 
selves with great lustre on all occasions. He was a 
faithful friend, and a merciful enemy. I may be 
perhaps inclined to carry his character too far ; for 
he was the first man that entered into friendship 
with me. We continued for seventeen years in so 
104 entire a friendship, that there was never either re- 
serve or mistake between us all the while till his 
death. And it was from him that I understood the 
whole secret of affairs ; for he was trusted with 
every thing. He had a wonderful love to the king ; 
and would never believe me, when I warned him 
what he might look for, if he did not go along with 
an abject compliance in every thing. He found it 
true in conclusion. And the love he bore the king 
made his disgrace sink deeper in him, than became 
such a philosopher or so good a Christian as he was. 
I now turn to another set of men, of whom the 
earls of Midletoun and Glencairn were the chief. 
The general They Were foUowcd by the herd of the cavalier 
of tiie*^oid party, who were now very fierce, and full of courage 
cjiraiiers. ^^^j. ^jjgjj. cups, though they had been very discreet 
managers of it in the field, and in time of action. 
^ But now every one of them boasted that he had 
killed his thousands. And all were full of merit, 
and as fuU of high pretensions ; far beyond what all 
the wealth and revenues of Scotland could answer. 
priraerose's fhc subtilcst of all lord Midletoun's friends was sir 



Archibald Primerose : a man of long and great prac- 1660. 
tice in affairs ; for he and his father had served the 
crown successively an hundred years all but one, 
when he was turned out of employment. He was 
a dexterous man in business : he had always expe- 
dients ready at every difficulty. He had an art of 
speaking to all men according to their sense of 
things : and so drew out their secrets, while he con- 
cealed his own : for words went for nothing with 
him. He said every thing that was necessary to 
persuade those he spoke to, that he was of their 
mind; and did it in so genuine a way, that he 
seemed to speak his heart. He was always for soft 
counsels and slow methods : and thought that the 
chief thing that a great man ought to do was, to 
raise his family and his kindred, who naturally stick 
to him ; for he had seen so much of the world, that 
he did not depend much on friends, and so took no 
care in making any. He always advised the earl of 
Midletoun to go slowly in the king's business ; but 
to do his own effectually, before the king should see 
he had no farther occasion for him. That earl had 
another friend, who had more credit with him, 
though Primerose was more necessary for managing 
a parliament : he was sir John Fletcher, made the Fletcher** 
king's advocate, or attorney-general: for Nicolson 
was dead. Fletcher was a man of a generous tem- 
per, who despised wealth, except as it was necessary 
to support a vast expense. He was a bold and fierce 
man, who hated all mild proceedings, and could 
scarce speak with decency or patience to those of 
the other side. So that he was looked on by all 
that had been faulty in the late times, as an inqui- 105 
sitpr-general. On the other hand, Primerose took 

N 2 


1660. money liberally, and was the intercessor for all who 
■ made such effectual applications to him. 

Advices of- The first thing that was to be thought on, with 
scotish relation to Scotish affairs, was the manner in which 
offenders in the late times were to be treated : for 
all were at mercy. In the letter the king writ from 
Breda to the parliament of England, he had pro- 
mised a full indemnity for all that was past, except- 
ing only those who had been concerned in his fa- 
ther's death : to which the earl of Clarendon per- 
suaded the king to adhere in a most sacred manner ; 
since the breaking of faith in such a point was that 
which must for ever destroy confidence, and the ob- 
serving all such promises seemed to be a funda- 
mental maxim in government, which was to be 
maintained in such a manner, that not so much as a 
stretch was to be made in it. But there was no 
promise made for Scotland : so all the cavaliers, as 
they were full of revenge, hoped to have the estates 
of those who had been concerned in the late wars 
For a ge- divided among them. The earl of Lauderdale told 
deinnity. the king, on the other hand, that the Scotish nation 
had turned eminently, though unfortunately, to serve 
his father in the year forty-eight; that they had 
♦" ' brought himself among them, and had lost two ar- 
mies in his service, and had been under nine years' 
oppression on that account; that they had encou- 
raged and assisted Monk in all he did : they might 
be therefore highly disgusted, if they should not 
have the same measure of grace and pardon that he 
was to give England. Besides, the king, while he 
was in Scotland, had, in the parliament of Stirling, 
. c< passed a very full act of indemnity, though in the 
terms and with the title of an act of approbation. 

/:v OF KING CHARLES II. rirr 181 

It is true, the records of that parliament were not 1660. 
extant, but had been lost in the confusion that fol- 
lowed upon the reduction of that kingdom : yet the 
thing was so fresh in every man's memory, that it 
might have a very ill effect, if the king should pro- 
ceed without a regard to it. There was indeed an- 
other very severe act made in that parliament 
against all that should treat or submit to Cromwell, 
or comply in any sort with him : but he said, a dif- 
ference ought to be made between those who during 
the struggle had deserted the service, and gone over 
to the enemy, of which number it might be fit to 
make some examples, and the rest of the kingdom, 
who upon the general reduction had been forced to 
capitulate : it would be hard to punish any for sub- 
mitting to a superior force, when they were in no 
condition to resist it. This seemed reasonable : and 
the earl of Clarendon acquiesced in it. But the earl 
of Midletoun and his party complained of it, and de- 
sired that the marquis of Argile, whom they charged IO6 
with an accession to the king's murder, and some 
few of those who had joined in the remonstrance 
while the king was in Scotland, might be proceeded 
against. The marquis of Argile's craft made them 
afraid of him : and his estate made them desire to 
divide it among them. His son, the lord Lorn, was 
come up to court, and was well received by the 
king: for he had adhered so firmly to the king's 
interest, that he would never enter into any en- 
gagements with the usurpers : and upon every new 
occasion of jealousy he had been clapt up. In one 
of his imprisonments he had a terrible accident from 
a cannon bullet, which the soldiers were throwing 
to exercise their strength, and by a recoil struck 

N 3 

J 660. him in the head, and made such a fracture in his 

skuU, that the operation of the trepan, and the cure, 
was counted one of the greatest performances of 
surgery at that time. The difference between his 
father and him went on to a total breach ; so that 
his father was set upon the disinheriting him of aU 
that was stiU left in his power. Upon the restora- 
tion the marquis of Argile went up to the Highlands 
for some time, tiU he advised with his friends what 
to do, who were divided in opinion. He writ by 
his son to the king, asking leave to come and wait 
on him. The king gave an answer that seemed to 
encourage it, but did not bind him to any thing. I 
have forgot the words : there was an equivocating 
in them that did not become a prince : but his son 
told me, he wrote them very particularly to his fa- 
ther, without any advice of his own. Upon that the 
marquis of Argile came up so secretly, that he was 
within Whitehall, before his enemies knew any 
ii thing of his journey. He sent his son to the king, 
Argile sent to bcg admittance. But instead of that, he was sent 
tower. to the tower. And orders were sent down for clap- 
ping up three of the chief remonstrators. Of these 
Waristoun was one : but he had notice sent him be- 
fore the messenger came : so he made his escape, 
and went beyond sea, first to Hamburgh. He had 
been long courted by Cromwell, and had stood at a 
distance from him for seven years : but in the last 
year of his government he had gone into his coun- 
sels, and was summoned as one of his peers to the 
other house, as it was called. He was after that put 
into the council of state after Richard was put out : 
and then he sat in another court put up by Lambert 
and the army, called the committee of safety. So 


there was a great deal against him. Swinton, one 1660. 
of CromweU's lords, was also sent a prisoner to Scot- 
land. And thus it was resolved to make a few ex- 
amples in the parliament that was to be called, as 
soon as the king could be got to prepare matters for 
it. It was resolved on, to restore the king's author- 107 
ity to the same state it was in before the wars, and 
to raise such a force as might be necessary to secure 
the quiet of that kingdom for the future. 

It was a harder point, what to do with the cita- '^'^^ cita- 
dels in 
dels that were built by Cromwell, and with the Scotland 

English garrisons that were kept in them. Many 
said, it was necessary to keep that kingdom in that 
subdued state ; at least till all things were settled, 
and that there was no more danger from thence. 
The earl of Clarendon was of this mind. But the 
earl of Lauderdale laid before the king, that the 
conquest Cromwell had made of Scotland was for 
their adhering to him : he might then judge what 
they would think, who had suffered so much and so 
long on his account; if the same thraldom should 
be now kept up by his means : it would create an 
universal disgust. He told the king, that the time 
might come, in which he would wish rather to have 
Scotch garrisons in England : it would become a 
national quarrel, and loose the affections of the coun- 
try to such a degree, that perhaps they would join 
with the garrisons, if any disjointing happened in 
England against him : whereas, without any such 
badge of slavery, Scotland might be so managed, 
that they might be made entirely his. The earl of 
Midletoun and his party durst not appear for so un- 
popular a thing. So it was agreed on, that the cita- 
dels should be evacuated and slighted, as soon as the 

N 4 


1660. money could be raised in England for paying and 
disbanding the army. Of all this the earl of Lau- 
derdale was believed the chief adviser. So he be- 
came very popular in Scotland. 
Disputes The next thing that feU under consideration was 

concerning ,,, iiii-t 

episcopacy, the church, and Avhether bishops were to be re- 
stored, or not. The earl of Lauderdale at his first 
coming to the king stuck firm to presbytery. He 
told me, the king spoke to him to let that go, for it 
was not a religion for gentlemen. He being really 
a presbyterian, but at the same time resolving to get 
into the king's confidence, studied to convince the 
king by a very subtle method to keep up presbytery 
still in Scotland. He told him, that both king James 
and his father had ruined their affairs by engaging 
in the design of setting up episcopacy in that king- 
dom : and by that means Scotland became discon- 
tented, and was of no use to them : whereas the 
king ought to govern them according to the grain 
of their own inclinations, and to make them sure to 
him : he ought, instead of endeavouring an uniform- 
ity in both kingdoms, to keep up the opposition be- 
tween them, and rather to increase than to allay 
that hatred that was between them : and then the 
Scots would be ready, and might be easily brought 
to serve him upon any occasion of dispute he might 
108 afterwards have with the parliament of England: 
aU things were then smooth : but that was the ho- 
ney-moon, and it could not last long : nothing would 
keep England more in awe, than if they saw Scot- 
land firm in their duty and affection to him : where- 
as nothing gave them so much heart, as when they 
knew Scotland was disjointed : it was a vain attempt 
to think of doing any thing in England by means of 


the Irish, who were a despicable people, and had a 1660, 
sea to pass : but Scotland could be brought to en- 
gage for the king in a more silent manner, and 
could serve him more effectually : he therefore laid 
it down for a maxim, from which the king ought 
never to depart, that Scotland was to be kept quiet 
and in good humour, that the opposition of the two 
kingdoms was to be kept up and heightened : and 
then the king might reckon on every man capable 
of bearing arms in Scotland, as a listed soldier, who 
would willingly change a bad country for a better. 
This was the plan he laid before the king. I cannot 
teU, whether this was to cover his zeal for presby- 
tery, or on design to encourage the king to set up 
arbitrary government in England. 

To fortify these advices, he wrote a long letter in 
white ink to a daughter of the earl of Cassilis, lady 
Margaret Kennedy, who was in great credit with 
the party, and was looked on as a very wise and 
good woman, and was out of measure zealous for 
them. I married her afterwards, and after her 
death found this letter among her papers : in which 
he expressed great zeal for the cause : he saw the 
king was indifferent in the matter : but he was easy 
to those who pressed for a change : which, he said, 
nothing could so effectually hinder, as the sending 
up many men of good sense, but without any noise, 
who might inform the king of the aversion the na- 
tion had to that government, and assure him that, if 
in that point he would be easy to them, he might 
depend upon them as to every thing else ; and parti- 
cularly, if he stood in need of their service in his 
other dominions : but he charged her to trust very 
few of the ministers with this, and to take care that 


1660. Sharp might know nothing of it : for he was then 
jealous of him. This had all the effect that the earl 
of Lauderdale intended by it. The king was no 
more jealous of his favouring presbytery; but looked 
on him as a fit instrument to manage Scotland, and 
to serve him in the most desperate designs : and on 
this all his credit with the king was founded. In 
the mean time Sharp, seeing the king cold in the 
matter of episcopacy, thought it was necessary to 
lay the presbyterians asleep, to make them appre- 
hend no danger to their government, and to engage 
109 the public resolution ers to proceed against all the 
protesters ; that so those who were like to be the 
most inflexible in the point of episcopacy might be 
censured by their own party, and by that means the 
others might become so odious to the more violent 
presbyterians, that thereby they might be the more 
easily disposed to submit to episcopacy, or at least 
might have less credit to act against it. So he, be- 
ing pressed by those who employed him to procure 
somewhat from the king that might look like a con- 
firmation of their government, and put to silence all 
discourses of an intended change, obtained by the 
earl of Lauderdale's means, that a letter should be 
writ ])y the king to the presbytery of Edenburgh, to 
be communicated by them to aU the other presby- 
teries in Scotland, in which he confirmed the general 
assemblies that sat at St. Andrew's and Dundee while 
he was in Scotland, and that had confirmed the pub- 
■ lie resolutions ; in which he ordered them to proceed 
to censure all those who had then protested against 
them, and would not now submit to them. The 
king did also confirm their (the) presbyterian govern- 
ment, as it was by law established. This was signed. 


and sent down without communicating it to the earl 1660. 
of Midletoun or his party. But as soon as he heard 
of it, he thought Sharp had betrayed the design ; 
and sent for him, and charged him with it. Sharp 
said, in his own excuse, that somewhat must be 
done for quieting the presbyterians, who were begin- 
ning to take the alarm : that might have produced 
such applications, as would perhaps make some im- 
pression on the king : whereas now all was secured, 
and yet the king was engaged to nothing ; for his 
confirming their government, as it was established 
by law, could bind him no longer than while that 
legal establishment was in force : so the reversing of 
that would release the king. This allayed the eai'l 
of Midletoun's displeasure a little. Yet Primerose 
told me, he spoke often of it with great indignation, 
since it seemed below the dignity of a king thus to 
equivocate with his people, and to deceive them. It 
seemed, that Sharp thought it not enough to cheat 
the party himself, but would have the king share 
with him in the fraud. This was no honourable 
step to be made by a king, and to be contrived by a 
clergyman. The letter was received with trans- 
ports of joy : the presbyterians reckoned they were 
safe, and began to proceed severely against the pro- 
testers ; to which they were set on by some aspiring 
men, who hoped to merit by the heat expressed on 
tliis occasion. And if Sharp's impatience to get into 
the archbishopric of St. Andrews had not wrought 
too strong on him, it would liave given a great ad- 
vantage to the restitution of episcopacy, if a general 
assembly had been called, and the two parties had 110 
been let loose on one another: that would have 
shewn the impossibility of maintaining the govern- 


1660. ment of the church in a parity, and the necessity of 
setting a superior order over them for keeping them 
in unity and peace. 
A ministry The king settled the ministry in Scotland. The 
S:otLn'd! earl of Midletoun was declared the king's commis- 
sioner for holding the parliament, and general of the 
forces that were to be raised : the earl of Glencaim 
was made chancellor : the earl of Lauderdale was 
secretary of state : the earl of Rothes president of 
the council : the earl of Crawford was continued in 
the treasury : Primerose was clerk register, which is 
very like the place of master of the roUs in England. 
The rest depended on these. But the earls of Mi- 
dletoun and Lauderdale were the two heads of the 
parties. The earl of Miciletoun had a private in- 
struction, which, as Lauderdale told me, was not 
communicated to him, to try the inclinations of the 
nation for episcopacy, and to consider of the best 
method of setting it up. This was drawn from the 
king by the earl of Clarendon : for he himself was 
observed to be very cold in it, while these things 
were doing. Primerose got an order from the king 
to put up all the public registers of Scotland, which 
CromweU had brought up, and lodged in the tower 
of London, as a pawn upon that kingdom, in imita- 
tion of what king Edward the first was said to have 
done when he subdued that nation. They were 
now put up in fifty hogsheads : and a ship was ready 
to carry them down. But it was suggested to lord 
Clarendon, that the original covenant, signed by the 
king, and some other declarations under his hand, 
^} \ were among them K And he, apprehending that at 

* Dr. Montague shewed it me in the library belonging to Tri- 
nity college in Cambridge. D. 


some time or other an ill use might have been made 1660. 

of these, would not suffer them to be shipped till 
they were visited : nor would he take Primerose's 
promise of searching for these carefully, and sending 
them up to him. So he ordered a search to be made. 
None of the papers he looked for were found. But 
so much time was lost, that the summer was spent : 
so they were sent down in winter : and by some 
easterly gusts the ship was cast away near Berwick. 
So we lost all our records. And we have nothing 
now but some fragments in private hands to rely on, 
having made at. that time so great a shipwreck of all 
our authentic writings. This heightened the dis- 
pleasure the nation had at the designs then on foot. 
: The main thing, upon which all other matters de- a council 
pended, was the method in which the affairs of Scot- sit at court 
land were to be conducted. The earl of Clarendon Iffaire?*'*** 
moved, that there might be a council settled to sit 
regularly at Whitehall on Scotish affairs, to which 111 
every one of the Scotch privy council that happened 
to be on the place should be admitted : but with this 
addition, that, as two Scotch lords were called to the 
English council, so six of the English were to be of 
the Scotch council. The effect of this would have been, 
that whereas the Scotch counsellors had no great 
force in English affairs, the English, as they were 
men of great credit with the king, and were always 
on the place, would have the government of the af- 
fairs of Scotland wholly in their hands. This pro- 
bably would have saved that nation from much in- 
justice and violence, when there was a certain me- 
thod of laying their giievances before the king: 
complaints would have been heard, and matters weU 
examined : Englishmen would not, and durst not. 


1660. have given way to crying oppression and illegal 
proceedings : for though these matters did not fall 
under the cognizance of an English parliament, yet 
it would have very much blasted a man's credit, who 
should have concurred in such methods of govern- 
ment as were put in practice afterwards in that 
kingdom : therefore all people quickly saw how wise 
a project this was, and how happy it would have 
proved, if affairs had still gone in that channel. But 
the earl of Lauderdale opposed this with aU his 
strength. He told the king, it would quite destroy 
the scheme he had laid before him, which must be 
managed secretly, and by men that were not in fear 
of the parliament of England, nor obnoxious to it. 

' He said to all Scotchmen, this would make Scotland 

a province to England, and subject it to English 
counsellors, who knew neither the laws nor the in- 
terests of Scotland, and yet would determine every 
s ■ thing relating to it : and all the wealth of Scotland 
would be employed to bribe them, who, having no 
concern of their own in the affairs of that kingdom, 
must be supposed capable of being turned by private 
considerations. To the presbyterians he said, this 
would infallibly bring in, not only episcopacy, but 
every thing else from the English pattern. Men 
who had neither kindred nor estates in Scotland 
would be biased chiefly by that which was most in 
vogue in England, without any regard to the incli- 
nations of the Scots. These things made great im- 
pressions on the Scotish nation. The king himself 
did not much like it. But the earl of Clarendon 
told him, Scotland, by a secret and ill management;, 
had begun the embroilment in his father's affairs, 
which could never have happened, if the affairs of 


that kingdom had been under a more equal inspec- 1660. 
tion : if Scotland should again fall into new disor- 
ders, he must have the help of England to quiet 
them : and that could not be expected, if the Eng- 
lish had no share in the conduct of matters there. 112 
The king yielded to it : and this method was fol- 
lowed for two or three years ; but was afterwards 
broke by the earl of Lauderdale, when he got into 
the chief management. He began early to observe 
some uneasiness in the king at the earl of Claren- 
don's positive way. He saw the mistress hated him : 
and he believed she would in time be too hard for 
him : therefore he made great applications to her. 
But his conversation was too coarse : and he had not 
money enough to support himself by presents to her: 
so he could not be admitted into that cabal which 
was held in her lodgings. He saw, that in a council, 
where men of weight, who had much at stake in 
England, bore the chief sway, he durst not have pro- 
posed those things, by which he intended to esta- 
blish his own interest with the king, and to govern 
that kingdom which way his pride or passion might 
guide him. Among others, he took great pains to 
persuade me of the great service he had done liis 
country by breaking that method of governing it ; 
though we had many occasions afterwards to see 
how fatal that proved, and how wicked his design in 
it was. 

I have thus opened with some copiousness the be- The com- 

n 1 • • • J^^ I'iii mittee of 

gmnmgs of this reign; since, as they are little estates 
known, and I had them from the chief of both sides, scouand. 
so they may guide the reader to observe the progress 
of things better in the sequel than he could other- 
wise do. In August the earl of Glencairn was sent 


1660. down to Scotland, and had orders to call together 
the committee of estates. This was a practice be- 
gun in the late times : when the parliament made a 
recess, they appointed some of every state to sit, and 

Si' to act as a council of state in their name till the 
next session ; for which they were to prepare mat- 
ters, and to which they gave an account of their 
proceedings. When the parliament of Stirling was 
adjourned, the king being present, a committee had 
been named : so, such of these as were yet alive 
were summoned to meet, and to see to the quiet of 
the nation, till the parliament should be brought to- 
gether; which did not meet before January. On 
the day in which the committee met, ten or twelve 
of the protesting ministers met likewise at Eden- 
burgh, and had before them a warm paper prepared 
by one Guthery, one of the violentest ministers of 
the whole party. In it, after some cold compliment 
to the king upon his restoration, they put him in 
mind of the covenant which he had so solemnly 
sworn while among them : they lamented that, in- 
stead of pursuing the ends of it in England, as he 
had sworn to do, he had set up the common prayer 
in his chapel, and the order of bishops : upon which 

113 they made terrible denunciations of heavy judg- 
ments from God on him, if he did not stand to the 
covenant, which they called the oath of God. The 
earl of Glencairn had notice of this meeting : and 
he sent and seized on them, together with this re- 
monstrance. The paper was voted scandalous and 
seditious : and the ministers were aU clapt up in 
' prison, and were threatened with great severities. 
Guthery was kept still in prison, who had brought 
the others together : but the rest, after a while's im- 


prisonment were let go. Guthry, being minister 1660. 
of Stirling while the king was there, had let fly at 
him in his sermons in a most indecent manner; 
which at last became so intolerable, that he was 
cited to appear before the king to answer for some 
passages in his sermons : he would not appear, but 
declined the king and his council, who, he said, 
were not proper judges of matters of doctrine, for 
which he was only accountable to the judicatories of 
the kirk. He also protested for remedy of law 
against the king, for thus disturbing him in the ex- 
ercise of his ministry. This personal affront had ir- I 
ritated the king more against him, than against any 
other of the party. And it was resolved to strike a 
terror into them all, by making an example of him. 
He was a man of courage, and went through all his 
trouble with great firmness. But this way of pro- 
ceeding struck the whole party with such a conster- 
nation, that it had all the effect which was designed 
by it : for whereas the pulpits had, to the great 
scandal of religion, been places where the preachers 
had for many years vented their spleen and ar- 
raigned all proceedings, they became now more de- 
cent, and there was a general silence every where 
with relation to the affairs of state : only they could 
not hold from many sly and secret insinuations, as 
if the ark of God was shaking, and the glory de- 
parting. A great many offenders were summoned, 
at the king's suit, before the committee of estates, 
and required to give bail, that they should appear 
at the opening of the parliament, and answer to 
what should be then objected to them. Many saw 
the design of this was to fright them into a compo- 
sition, and also into a concurrence with the mea- 

VOL. I. O 


1660. sures that were to be taken. For the greater part 
' they complied, and redeemed themselves from far- 
ther vexation by such presents as they were able 
to make. And in these transactions Primerose and 
Fletcher were the great dealers. 

Apariia- Jn the end of the year the earl of Midletoun 

ment in ... 

Scotland, came down with great magnificence ; his way of 
living was the most splendid the nation had ever 
seen : but it was likewise the most scandalous ; for 
vices of all sorts were the open practices of those 
about him. Drinking was the most notorious of aU, 
114 which was often continued through the whole night 
to the next morning : and many disorders happen- 
ing after those irregular heats, the people, who had 
never before that time seen any thing like it, came 
to look with an ill eye on every thing that was 
done by such a set of lewd and vicious men. This 
laid in aU men's minds a new prejudice against epi- 
scopacy : for they, who could not examine into the 
nature of things, were apt to take an ill opinion of 
every change in religion that was brought about by 
such bad instruments. There had been a face of 
gravity and piety in the former administration, 
which made the libertinage of the present time 
more odious. 

1661. The earl of Midletoun opened the parliament on 
the first of January with a speech setting forth the 
blessing of the restoration : he magnified the king's 
person, and enlarged on the affection that he bore 
to that his ancient kingdom : he hoped they would 
make suitable returns of zeal for the king's service, 
that they would condemn aU the invasions that had 
been made on the regal authority, and assert the 
just prerogative of the crown, and give supplies for 


keeping up such a force as was necessary to secure i66i. 
,the public peace, and to preserve them from the re-' 
turn of such calamities as they had so long felt. 
The parliament writ an answer to the king's letter 
full of duty and thanks. The first thing proposed 
was to name lords of the articles. In order to the 
apprehending the importance of this, I will give 
some account of the constitution of that kingdom. 

The parliament was anciently the king's court, The lords 
where all who held land of him were bound to ap-cies. 
pear. All sat in one house, but were considered as 
three estates. The first was the church, represented 
by the bishops, and mitred abbots, and priors. The 
second was the baronage, the nobility and gentry 
who held their baronies of the king. And the third 
was the boroughs, who held of the king by barony, 
though in a community. So that the parliament 
was truly the baronage of the kingdom. The lesser 
barons grew weary of this attendance : so in king 
James the first's time (during the reign of Henry IV. 
of England) they were excused from it, and were 
impowered to send proxies, to an indefinite number, 
to represent them in parliament. Yet they neglected 
to do this. And it continued so till king James the 
sixth's time, in which the mitred abbots being taken 
away, and few of the titular bishops that were then 
continued appearing at them, the church lands be- 
ing generally in lay hands, the nobility carried mat- 
ters in parliament as they pleased : and as they op- 
pressed the boroughs, so they had the king much 
under them. Upon this the lower barons got them- 115 
selves to be restored to the right which they had 
neglected near two hundred years. They were al- 
lowed by act of parliament to send two from a 

o 2 


1661. county: only some smaller counties sent but one. 
This brought that constitution to a truer balance. 
The lower barons have a right to choose, at their 
county courts after Michaelmas, their commissioners, 
to serve in any parliament that may be called within 
that year. And they who choose them sign a com- 
mission to him who represents them. So the she- 
riff has no share of the return. And in the case of 
controverted elections the parliament examines the 
commissions, to see who has the greatest number, 
and judges whether every one that signs it had a 
right to do so. The boroughs only choose their 
members when the summons goes out : and all are 
chosen by the men of the corporation, or, as they 
caU them, the town council. AU these estates sit in 
one house, and vote together. Anciently the par- 
liament sat only two days, the first and the last. 
On the first they chose those who were to sit on the 
articles, eight for every state, to whom the king 
joined eight officers of state. These received all the 
heads of grievances or articles that were brought to 
them, and formed them into bills as they pleased : 
and on the last day of the parliament, these were 
all read, and Were approved or rejected by the whole 
4 body. So they were a committee that had a very 
extraordinary authority, since nothing could be 
brought before the parliament but as they pleased. 
This was pretended to be done only for the shorten- 
ing and dispatching of sessions. The crown was 
not contented with this limitation, but got it to be 
carried farther. The nobility came to choose eight 
bishops, and the bishops to choose eight noblemen : 
and these sixteen choose the eight barons, (so the 
representatives for the shires are called,) and the 

:- OF KING CHARLES II. irr 197 

eight burgesses. By this means our kings did upon 1661. 
the matter choose all the lords of the articles. So 
entirely had they got the liberties of that parliament 
into their hands. 

During the late troubles they had still kept up a 
distinction of three estates, the lesser barons making 
one : and then every estate might meet apart, and 
name their own committee : but still all things were 
brought in, and debated in full parliament. So now 
the first thing proposed was, the returning to the 
old custom of naming lords of the articles. The 
earl of Tweedale opposed it, but was seconded only 
by one person. So it passed with that small op- 
position. Only, to make it go easier, it was pro- 
mised, that there should be frequent sessions of par- 
liament, and that the acts should not be brought in 
in a hurry, and carried with the haste that had been 
practised in former times. 

The parliament granted the king an additional 116 
revenue for life of 40,000/. a year, to be raised by pas^ed^in 
an excise on beer and ale, for maintaining a small *^'*®^**'°°' 
force: upon which two troops and a regiment of , 
foot guards were to be raised. They ordered the 
marquis of Montrose's quarters to be brought toge- 
ther : and they were buried with great state. They 
fell next upon the acts of the former times that had 
limited the prerogative: they repealed them, and 
asserted it with a full extent in a most extraordi- 
nary manner. Primerose had the drawing of these 
acts. He often confessed to me, that he thought he 
was as one bewitched while he drew them: for, 
not considering the iU use might be made of them 
afterwards, he drew them with preambles full of 
extravagant rhetoric, reflecting severely on the pro- 

o 3 


1661. ceedings of the late times, and swelled them up 
with the highest phrases and fuUest clauses that he 
could invent. In the act which asserted the king's 
power of the militia, the power of arming and levy- 
ing the subjects was carried so far, that it would 
have ruined the kingdom, if Gilmore, (an eminent 
lawyer, and a man of great integrity, who had now 
the more credit, for he had always favoured the 
king's side,) had not observed that, as the act was 
worded, the king might require all the subjects to 
serve at their own charge, and might oblige them, 
in order to the redeeming themselves from serving, 
to pay whatever might be set on them. So he 
made such an opposition to this, that it could not 
pass till a proviso was added to it, that the kingdom 
should not be obliged to maintain any force levied 
by the king, otherwise than as it should be agreed 
to in parliament, or in a convention of estates. 
This was the only thing that was then looked to : 
for all the other acts passed in the articles as Prime- 
rose had penned them. They were brought into 
parliament : and upon one hasty reading them they 
were put to the vote, and were always carried. 

One act troubled the presbyterians extremely. 
In the act asserting the king's power in treaties of 
peace and war, aU leagues with any other nation, 
not made by the king's authority, were declared 
treasonable : and in consequence of this, the league 
and covenant made with England in the year 1643 
' was condemned, and declared of no force for the 
future. This was the idol of all the presbyterians : so 
they were much alarmed at it. But Sharp re- 
strained all those with whom he had credit : he told 
them, the only way to preserve their government 


was, to let all that related to the king's authority 1661. 
be separated from it, and be condemned, that so 
they might be no more accused as enemies to mo- 
narchy, or as leavened with the principles of rebel- 
lion. He told them, they must be contented to let 117 
that pass, that the jealousy which the king had of 
them, as enemies to his prerogative, might be ex- 
tinguished in the most effectual manner. This re- 
strained many. But some hotter zealots could not 
be governed. One Macquair, a hot man, and consi- 
derably learned, did in his church at Glasgow openly 
protest against this act, as contrary to the oath of 
God, and so void of itself. To protest against an 
act of parliament was treason by their law. And 
Midletoun was resolved to make an example of him 
for the terrifying others. But Macquair was as 
stiff as he was severe, and would come to no sub- 
mission. Yet he was only condemned to perpetual 
banishment. Upon which he, and some others, who 
were afterwards banished, went and settled at Rot- 
terdam, where they formed themselves into a pres- 
bytery, and writ many seditious books, and kept a 
correspondence over all Scotland, that being the 
chief seat of the Scotish trade ; and by that means 
they did much more mischief to the government, 
than they could have done had they continued still 
in Scotland. 

The lords of the articles grew weary of preparing ^n act re- 

P .^ r r » scinding all 

so many acts as the practices of the former times parliaments 

„,,.- - , -,- held since 

gave occasion lor ; but did not know how to meddle the year 
with those acts that the late king had passed in the ^^^^' 
year forty-one, or the present king had passed while 
he was in Scotland. They saw, that, if they should 
proceed to repeal those by which presbyterian go- 

o 4 


1661. vemment was ratified, that would raise much oppo- 
sition, and bring petitions from all that were for 
that government over the whole kingdom ; which 
Midletoun and Sharp endeavoured to prevent, that 
the king might be confirmed in what they had 
affirmed, that the general bent of the nation was 
now turned against presbytery and for bishops. So 
Primerose proposed, but half in jest, as he assured 
me, that the better and shorter way would be to 
pass a general act rescissory, (as it was called,) an- 
nulling aU the parliaments that had been held since 
the year 1633, during the whole time of the war, as 
faulty and defective in their constitution. But it 
was not so easy to know upon what point that de- 
fect was to be fixed. The only colourable pretence 
in law was, that, since the ecclesiastical state was 
not represented in those parliaments, they were not 
a full representative of the kingdom, and so not 
true parliaments. But this could not be alleged by 
this present parliament, which had no bishops in it : 
if that inferred a nullity, this was no parliament. 
Therefore they could only fix the nullity upon the 
pretence of force and violence. Yet it was a great 
strain to insist on that, since it was visible that nei- 
ther the late king nor the present were under any 
118 force when they passed them: they came of their 
own accord, and passed those acts ^ If it was in- 
sisted on, that the ill state of their affairs was in the 
nature of a force, the ill consequences of this were 
visible; since no prince by this means could be 
bound to any treaty, or be concluded by any law 
that limited his power, these being always drawn 

^- Both kings were under a force. S. 


from them by the necessity of their affairs, which i66i. 
can never be called a force, as long as their persons 
are free. So, upon some debate about it on those 
grounds, at a private juncto, the proposition, though 
well liked, was let fall, as not capable to have good 
colours put upon it : nor had the earl of Midletoun 
any instruction to warrant his passing any such act. 
Yet within a day or two, when they had drunk 
higher, they resolved to venture on it. Primerose 
was then ill. So one was sent to him to desire him 
to prepare a bill to that effect. He set about it: 
but perceived it was so ill grounded, and so wild in 
all the frame of it, that he thought, when it came 
to be better considered, it must certainly be laid 
aside. But it fell out otherwise : his draught was 
copied out next morning, without altering a word 
in it, and carried to the articles, and from thence to 
the parliament, where it met indeed with great op- 
position. The earl of Crawford and the duke of 
Hamilton argued much against it. The parliament 
in the year forty-one was legally summoned : the 
late king came thither in person with his ordinary 
attendance, and without the appearance of any force: 
if any acts then passed needed to be reviewed, that 
might be well done : but to annul a parliament was 
a terrible precedent, which destroyed the whole se- 
curity of government ^ : another parliament might 
annul the present parliament, as well as that which 
was now proposed to be done : so no stop could be 
made, nor any security laid down for fixing things 
for the future : the parliament in the year forty- 
eight proceeded upon instructions under the king's 

. * Wrong arguing. S. 


1661. own hand, which was all that could be had, consi- 
dering his imprisonment : they had declared for the 
king, and raised an army for his preservation. To 
this the earl of Midletoun, who, contrary to custom, 
managed the debate himself, answered, that though 
there was no visible force on the late king in the 
year forty-one, yet they aU knew he was under a 
real force, by reason of the rebellion that had been 
in this kingdom, and the apparent danger of one 
ready to break out in England, which forced him 
to settle Scotland on such terms as he could bring 
them to : so that distress on his affau's was really 
equivalent to a force on his person ^ : yet he con- 
fessed, it was just, that such an appearance of a 
parliament should be a full authority to all who 
acted under it : and care was taken to secure these 

119 by a proviso that was put in the act to indemnify 
them: he acknowledged the design of the parlia- 
ment in the year forty-eight was good: yet they 
declared for the king in such terms, and had acted 
so hypocritically in order to the gaining of the kirk 
party, that it was just to condemn the proceedings, 
though the intentions of many were honourable and 
loyal : for we went into it, he said, as knaves, and 
therefore no wonder if we miscarried in it as fools ". 
This was very ill taken by all who had been con- 
cerned in it. The bill was put to the vote, and 
carried by a great majority : and the earl of Midle- 
toun immediately passed it without staying for an 

I instruction from the king. The excuse he made for 
it was, that, since the king had by his letter to the 
presbyterians confirmed their government as it was 

t It was so. S; " True. S. 


established by law, there was no way left to get out 1661. 
of that, but the annulling all those laws. 

This was a most extravagant act, and only fit to it was not 
be concluded after a drunken bout. It shook all king, 
possible security for the future, and laid down a 
most pernicious precedent. The earl of Lauderdale 
aggi-avated this heavily to the king. It shewed, 
that the earl of Midletoun understood not the first 
principles of government, since he had, without any 
warrant for it, given the king's assent to a law that 
must for ever take away all the security that law 
can give : no government was so well established, 
as not to be liable to a revolution : this would cut 
off aU hopes of peace and submission, if any disorder 
should happen at any time thereafter''. And since 
the earl of Clarendon had set it up for a maxim 
never to be violated, that acts of indemnity were 
sacred things, he studied to possess him against the 
earl of Midletoun, who had now annulled the very 
parliaments in which two kings had passed acts of 
indemnity. This raised a great clamour. And upon 
that the earl of Midletoun complained in parlia- 
ment, that their best services were represented to 
the king as blemishes on his honour, and as a pre- 
judice to his affairs : so he desired they would send 
up some of the most eminent of their body to give 
the king a true account of their proceedings. The 
earls of Glencairn and Rothes were sent : for the 
earl of Rothes gave secret engagements to both 
sides, resolving to strike into that to which he saw 
the king most inclined. The earl of Midletoun's 
design was to accuse the earl of Lauderdale of mis- 

* Wrong weak reasoning. S. _ ■■' 


1661. representing the proceedings of parliament, and of 
belying the king's good subjects, called in the Scot- 
ish law leasing making, which either to the king of 
the people, or to the people of the king, is capital. 
Thepresby- Sharp wcnt up with these lords to press the 
great dis- spccdj Setting up of episcopacy, now that the great- 
"''^^'^ .- g^ est enemies of that government were under a ge- 
neral consternation, and were upon other accounts 
so obnoxious that they durst not make any opposi- 
tion to it, since no act of indemnity was yet passed. 
He had expressed a great concern to his old bre- 
thren, when the act rescissory passed, and acted that 
part very solemnly for some days : yet he seemed to 
take heart again, and persuaded the ministers of 
that party, that it would be a service to them, since 
now the case of ratifying their government was se- 
parated from the rebellion of the late times : so that 
hereafter it was to subsist by a law passed in a par- 
liament that sat and acted in full freedom. So he 
undertook to go again to court, and to move for an 
instruction to settle presbytery on a new and undis- 
puted bottom. The poor men were so struck with 
the ill state of their affairs, that they either trusted 
him, or at least seemed to do it; for indeed they 
had neither sense nor courage left them. During 
the session of parliament, the most aspiring men of 
the clergy were picked out to preach before the 
parliament. They did not speak out : but they all 
insinuated the necessity of a greater authority than 
was then in the church, for keeping them in order. 
One or two spoke plainer : upon which the presby- 
tery of Edenburgh went to the earl of Midletoun, 
and complained of that, as an affront to the law and 
to the king's letter. He dismissed them with good 


words, but took no notice of their complaint. The i66l. 
synods in several places resolved to prepare ad- 
dresses both to king and parliament, for an act 
establishing their government. And Sharp dissem- 
bled so artificially, that he met with those who were 
preparing an address to be presented to the synod 
of Fife, that was to sit within a week after: and 
heads were agreed on. Honyman, afterwards bi- 
shop of Orkney, drew it up with so much vehe- 
mence, that Wood, their divinity professor, told me, 
he and some others sat up almost the whole night 
before the synod met, to draw it over again in a 
smoother strain. But Sharp gave the earl of Midle- 
toun notice of this. So the earl of Rothes was sent 
over to see to their behaviour. As soon as the minis- 
ters entered upon that subject, he, in the king's 
name, dissolved the synod, and commanded the 
ministers, under pain of treason, to retire to their 
several habitations. Such care was taken that no 
public application should be made in favour of pres- 
bytery. Any attempt that was made on the other 
hand met with great encouragement y. The synod 
of Aberdeen was the only body that made an ad- 
dress looking towards episcopacy. In a long pre- 
amble they reflected on the confusions and violence 
of the late times, of which they enumerated many 
particulars ; and they concluded with a prayer, that 
since the legal authority upon which their courts 121 
proceeded was now annulled, that therefore the 
king and parliament would settle their government, 
conform to the scriptures and the rules of the pri- 
mitive church. The presbyterians saw what was 

>■ Does the man write like a bishop ? S. 


1661. driven at, and how their words would be under- 
stood : but I heard one of them say, (for I was pre- 
sent at that meeting,) that no man could decently 
oppose those words, since by that he would insinu- 
ate that he thought presbytery was not conform to 

In this session of parliament another act passed, 
which was a new affliction to aU the party : the 
twenty-ninth of May was appointed to be kept as a 
holy day ; since on that day an end had been put to 
three and twenty years' course of rebellion, of which 
the whole progress was reckoned up in the highest 
strain of Primerose's eloquence. The ministers saw, 
that by observing this act passed with such a pre- 
amble, they condemned all their former proceedings, 
as rebellious and hypocritical. They saw, that by 
obeying it they would lose aU their credit, and con- 
tradict aU they had been building up in a course of 
so many years. Yet such was the heat of that time, 
that they durst not except to it on that account. 
So they laid hold on the subtilty of a holy day ; and 
covered themselves under that controversy, denying 
it was in the power of any human authority to 
make a day holy. But withal they feU upon a poor 
shift : they enacted in their several presbyteries 
that they should observe that day as a thanksgiving 
for the king's restoration : so they took no notice of 
the act of parliament, but observed it in obedience 
to their own act. But this, though it covered them 
! from prosecution, since the law was obeyed, yet 
it laid them open to much contempt. When the 
earls of Glencaim and Rothes came to court, the 
king was soon satisfied with the account they gave 
of the proceedings of parliament : and the earl of 


Lauderdale would not own that he had ever misre- 1661. 
presented them. They were ordered to proceed in 
their charging of him, as the earl of Clarendon 
should direct them. But he told them the assault- 
ing of a minister, as long as he had an interest in 
the king, was a practice that never could be ap- 
proved: it was one of the uneasy things that a 
house of commons of England sometimes ventured 
on, which was ungrateful to the court : such an at- 
tempt, instead of shaking the earl of Lauderdale, 
would give him a faster root with the king. They 
must therefore content themselves with letting the 
king see how well his service went on in their 
hands, and how unjustly they had been misrepre- 
sented to him : and thus by degrees they would 
gain their point, and the earl of Lauderdale would 
become useless to the king. So this design was let 122 
fall. But the earl of Rothes assured Lauderdale, he 
had diverted the storm : though Primerose told me, 
this was the ti-ue ground on which they proceeded. 
They became aU friends, as to outward appearance. 

Thus I have gone through the actings of the first 
session of this parliament with relation to public af- 
fairs. It was a mad roaring time, full of extrava- 
gance. And no wonder it was so, when the men of 
affairs were almost perpetually drunk. I shall in 
the next place give an account of the attainders 
passed in it. 

The first and chief of these was of the marquis of Argiie's at. 
Argile. He was indicted at the king's suit for a 
great many facts, that were reduced to three heads. 
The first was of his public actings during the wars, 
of which many instances were given ; such as his 
Ijeing concerned in the delivering up of the king to 


1661. the English at Newcastle, his opposing the engage- 
ment in the year 1648, and his heading the rising 
in the west, in opposition to the committee of 
estates : in this, and many other steps made during 
the war, he was esteemed the principal actor, and 
so ought to be made the greatest example for terri- 
fying others. The second head consisted of many 
murders, and other barbarities, committed by his 
officers, during the war, on many of the king's 
party ; chiefly on those who had served under the 
marquis of Montrose, many of them being murdered 
in cold blood. The third head consisted of some 
articles of his concurrence with CromweU and the 
usurpers, in opposition to those who appeared for 
the king in the Highlands; his being one of his 
parliament, and assisting in proclaiming him pro- 
tector, with a great many other particulars, into 
which his compliance was branched out. He had 
counsel assigned him, who performed their part very 

The substance of his defence was, that during 
the late wars he was but one among a great many 
more : he had always acted by authority of parlia- 
ment, and according to the instructions that were 
given him, as oft as he was sent on any expedition 
or negotiation. As to all things done before the 
year 1641, the late king had buried them in an act 
of oblivion then passed, as the present king had also 
done in the year 1651 : so he did not think he was 
bound to answer to any particular before that time. 
For the second head, he was at London when most 
of the barbarities set out in it were committed : nor 
did it appear that he gave any orders about them. 
It was well known that great outrages had been 

6P ittN6 CHAfttES fl. m 

committed by the Macdonalds : and he believed his 1661. 
jieople, when they had the better of them, had 
taken cruel revenges : this was to be imputed to the 
heat of the time, and to the tempers of the people, 123 
who had been much provoked by the burning of his 
whole country, and by much blood that was shed. 
And as to many stories laid to the charge of his 
men, he knew some of them were mere forgeries, 
and others were aggravated much beyond the truth : 
but, what truth soever might be in them, he could 
not be answerable but for what was done by him- 
self, or by his orders. As to the third head, of his 
compliance with the usurpation, he had stood out 
till the nation was quite conquered: and in that 
case it was the received opinion both of di\'ines and 
lawyers, that men might lawfully submit to an 
usurpation, when forced to it by an inevitable ne- 
cessity. It was the epidemical sin of the nation. 
His circumstances were such, that more than a bare 
compliance was required of him. What he did that 
way was only to preserve himself and his family, 
and was not done on design to oppose the king's in- 
terest. Nor did his service suiFer by any thing he 
did. This was the substance of his defence in a 
long speech, which he made with so good a grace 
and so skilfully, that his character was as much 
raised as his family suffered by the prosecution. In 
one speech, excusing his compliance with Cromwell, 
he said, what could he think of that matter, after a 
man so -eminent in the law as his majesty's advo- 
cate had taken the engagement? This inflamed 
the other so much, that he called him an impudent 
viUain, and was not so much as chid for that bar- 
barous treatment. Lord Argile gravely said, he had 
voi,. I. p 


1661. learnt in his affliction to bear reproaches: but if 
the parliament saw no cause to condemn him, he 
was less concerned at the king's advocate's railing. 
The king's advocate put in an additional article, of 
charging him with accession to the king's death, for 
which all the proof he offered lay in a presumption : 
Cromwell had come down to Scotland with his 
army in September 1648, and at that time he had 
many and long conferences with Argile ; and imme- 
diately upon his return to London the treaty with 
the king was broken off, and the king was brought 
to his trial: the advocate from thence inferred, that 
it was to be presumed that Cromwell and Argile 
had concerted that matter between them. While 
this process was carried on, which was the solemnest 
that ever was in Scotland, the lord Lorn continued 
at court soliciting for his father; and oljtained a 
letter to be writ by the king to the earl of Midle- 
toun, requiring him to order his advocate not to in- 
sist on any public proceedings before the indemnity 
he himself had passed in the year 1651. He also 
required him, when the trial was ended, to send up 
the whole process, and lay it before the king, before 

I2!4the parliament should give sentence. The earl of 
Midletoun submitted to the first part of this : so aU 
farther inquiry into those matters was superseded. 
But as to the second part of the letter, it looked so 
like a distrust of the justice of the parliament, that he 
said, he durst not let it be known, till he had a se- 

■ cond and more positive order, which he earnestly 
desired might not be sent ; for it would very much 
discourage this loyal and affectionate parliament: 
and he begged earnestly to have that order recalled ;. 
which ,was done. For.^ome time there was £i stop 


to the proceedings, in which lord Argile was con- 1661. 
triving an escape out of the castle. He kept his 
bed for some days : and his lady being of the same 
stature with himself, and coming to him in a chair, 
he had put on her clothes, and was going into the 
chair : but he apprehended he should be discovered, 
and his execution hastened ; and so his heart failed 
him. The earl of Midletoun resolved, if possible, to 
have the king's death fastened on him. By this 
means, as he would die with the more infamy, so he 
reckoned this would put an end to the family, since 1 
nobody durst move in favour of the son of one judged 
guilty of that crime. And he, as was believed, 
hoped to obtain a grant of his estate. Search was 
made into all the precedents of men who had been 
at any time condemned upon presumption. And 
the earl of Midletoun resolved to argue the matter 
himself, hoping that the weight of his authority 
would bear down all opposition. He managed it 
indeed with more force than decency : he was too 
vehement, and maintained the argument with a 
strength that did more honour to his parts than to 
his justice or his character. But Gilmore, though 
newly made president of the session, which is the 
supreme court of justice in that kingdom, abhorred 
the precedent of attainting a man upon so remote a 
presumption ; and looked upon it as less justifiable, 
than the much decried attainder of the earl of Straf- 
ford. So he undertook the argument against Mi- 
dletoun : they replied upon one another thirteen or 
fourteen times in a debate that lasted many hours. 
Gilmore had so clearly the better of the argument, 
that though the parliament was so set against Ar- 
gile, that every thing was like to pass that might 

P 2 


1661. blacken him, yet, when it was put to the vote, he 
was acquitted as to that by a great majority : at 
which he expressed so much joy, that he seemed 
little concerned at any thing that could happen to 
him after that. All that remained was to make his 
compliance with the usurpers appear to be treason. 
The debate was like to have lasted long. The earl 
of Lowdun, who had been lord chancellor, and was 
counted the eloquentest man of that time, for he 
had a copiousness in speaking that was never ex- 
125hausted, (he was come of his family, and was his 
particular friend,) had prepared a long and learned 
argument on that head. He had gathered the opi- 
nions both of divines and lawyers, and had laid to- 
gether a great deal out of history, more particularly 
out of the Scotish history, to shew that it had never 
been censured as a crime : but that, on the contrary, 
in all their confusions, the men, who had merited 
the most of the crown in all its shakings, were per- 
sons who had got credit by compliance with the 
side that prevailed, and by that means had brought 
things about again. But, while it was very doubt- 
ful how it would have gone. Monk, by an inex- 
cusable baseness, had searched among his letters, 
and found some that were writ by Argile to himself, 
that were hearty and zealous on their side. These 
he sent down to Scotland. And after they were 
read in parliament, it could not be pretended that 
his compUance was feigned, or extorted from him. 
Every body blamed Monk for sending these down, 
since it was a betraying the confidence that they (had) 
then lived in. They were sent by an express, and 
came to the earl of Midletoun after the parhament 
was engaged in the debate. So he ordered the let- 


tei*s to be read. This was much blamed, as contrary 1661. 

to the forms of justice, since probation was closed 
on both sides. But the reading of them silenced all 
farther debate. All his friends went out: and he 
was condemned as guilty of treason ^. The marquis 
of Montrose only refused to vote. He owned, he 
had too much resentment to judge in that matter. 
It was designed he should be hanged, as the mar- 
quis of Montrose had been : but it was carried that 
he should be beheaded, and that his head should be - 
set up where lord Montrose's had been set. He re- 
ceived his sentence decently, and composed himself 
to suffer, [with a courage that was not expected 
from him.] 

The day before his death he wrote to the king, And execu- 
justifying his intentions in all he had acted in the 
matter of the covenant -. he protested his innocence, 
as to the death of the late king : he submitted pa- 
tiently to his sentence, and wished the king a long 
and happy reign : he cast his family and children 
upon his mercy ; and prayed that they might not 
suffer for their father's fault. On the twenty-se- 
venth of May, the day appointed for his execution, 
he came to the scaffold in a very solemn but un- 
daunted manner, accompanied with many of the 

^ (Many negative arguments perhaps sufficiently confirmed 

tiave been brought against this by the similar statements of 

charge on Monck, both by Baillie in his Letters, who lived 

Campbell in the Biographia in those times, and of Cunning- 

Britannica, and in his Lives of ham in his History of Great 

the Admirals; and by Rose, in Britain, vol. i. p. 13, who is 

his Observations on Fox's His- said to have been connected 

torical Work. But they have with the Argyle family, and who 

been ably discussed by Sergeant does not appear to have founded 

Heyvvood in his Vindication of his report on the authority of 

the last mentioned work ; and his contemporary, bishop Bur- 

the truth of the acousatioq is net.) 

P 3 

1661. nobility and some ministers. He spoke for half an 

hour with a great appearance of serenity. Cun- 
ningham, his physician, told me he touched his 
pulse, and that it did then beat at the usual rate, 
calm and strong. He did in a most solemn manner 
vindicate himself from all knowledge or accession to 
126 the king's death : he pardoned aU his enemies ; and 
submitted to the sentence, as to the will of God : he 
spoke highly in justification of the covenant, calling 
it the cause and work of God; and expressed his 
apprehension of sad times like to foUow ; and ex- 
horted aU people to adhere to the covenant, and to 
resolve to suffer rather than sin against their con- 
sciences. He parted with all his friends very de- 
cently. And after some time spent in his private 
devotions he was beheaded^; [and did end his days 
much better than those who knew him the former 
part of his life expected. Concerning which the 
earl of Crawford told me this passage : he lived al- 
ways on ill terms with him, and went out of town 
the day of his execution. The earl of Midletoun, 
when he saw him first after it was over, asked him, 
if he did not believe his soul was in hell ? He an- 
swered, not at all. And when the other seemed 
surprised at that, he said, his reason was, he knew 
Argile was naturally a very gi-eat coward, and was 
always afraid of dying. So since he heard he had 
died with great resolution, he was persuaded, that 
was from some supernatural assistance ; he was sure 
it was not his natural temper.]^ 

The execn. ^ fg^ jj^ys after, Guthry suffered. He was ac- 
tion of Gu- ^ ' ^ 

thry, a mi- cused of acccssiou to the remonstrance when the 
king was in Scotland, and for a book he had printed 

■* He was the greatest villain of his age. S, 



with the title of the causes of God's wrath upon 1661. 
the nation ; in which the treating with the king, "~~~" 
the tendering him the covenant, and the admitting 
him to the exercise of the government, were highly 
aggravated, as great acts of apostasy. His declining 
the king's authority to judge of his sermons, and his 
protesting for remedy of law against him, and the 
late seditious paper that he was drawing others to 
concur in, were the matters objected to him. He 
was a resolute and stiff man : so when his lawyers 
offered him legal defences, he would not be advised 
by them, but resolved to take his own way. He ' 
confessed, and justified all that he had done, as 
agreeing to the principles and practices of the kirk, 
who had asserted aU along that the doctrine deli- 
vered in their sermons did not fall under the cogni- 
zance of the temporal courts, till it was first judged 
by the church ; for which he brought much tedious 
proof. He said, his protesting for remedy of law 
against the king was not meant at the king's per- 
son, but was only with relation to costs and da- 
mages. The earl of Midletoun had a personal ani- 
mosity against him; for in the late times he had 
excommunicated him : so his eagerness in the pro- 
secution did not look well. The defence he made 
signified nothing to justify himself, but laid a great 
load on presbytery ; since he made it out beyond all 
dispute, that he had acted upon their principles, 
which made them the more odious, as having among 
them some of the worst maxims of the church of 
Rome ; that in particular, to make the pulpit a pri- 
vileged place, in which a man might safely vent 
treason, and be secure in doing it, if the church ju- 
dicatory should agree to acquit him. So upon this 

p 4 

1661. occasion great advantage was taken, to shew how 

near the spirit that had reigned in presljytery came 
up to popery. It was resolved to make a public 
example of a preacher : so he was singled out. He 
gave no advantage to those who wished to have 
saved him by the least step towards any submission, 
but much to the contrary. Yet, though all people 
127 were disgusted at the earl of Midletoun's eagerness 
in the prosecution, the earl of Tweedale was the 
only man that moved against the putting him to 
death. He said, banishment had been hitherto the 
severest censure that had been laid on the preachers 
for their opinions : he knew Guthry was a man apt 
to give personal provocation : and he wished that 
might not have too great a share in carrying the 
matter so far. Yet he was condemned to die. I 
saw him suffer. He was so far from shewing any 
fear, that he rather expressed a contempt of death. 
He spoke an hour upon the ladder, with the com- 
posedness of a man that was delivering a sermon 
rather than his last words. He justified all he had 
done, and exhorted all people to adhere to the cove^ 
nant, which he magnified highly. With him one 
Gouan was also hanged, who had deserted the army 
while the king was in Scotland, and had gone over 
to Cromwell. The man was inconsiderable, till they 
made him more considered by putting him to death 
on such an account at so great a distance of time. 
Some others The gToss iniquity of the court appeared in no- 
ceeded™ thing morc eminently than in the favour shewed 
against. Maccloud of Assiu, who had betrayed the marquis 
of Montrose, and was brought over upon it. He in 
prison struck up to a high pitch of vice and impiety, 
and gave great entertainments : and that, notwith-* 


standing the baseness of the man and of his crimes, 1661. 
begot him so many friends, that he was let go with- ' 

out any censure. The proceedings against Waristoun 
were soon despatched, he being absent ^ It was 
proved, that he had presented the remonstrance, 
that he had acted under Cromwell's authority, and 
had sat as a peer in his parliament, that he had 
confii'med him in his protectorship, and had like- 
wise sat as one of the committee of safety : so he 
was attainted. Swintoun had been attainted in the 
parliament at Stirling for going over to CromweU : 
so he was brought before the parliament to hear 
what he could say, why the sentence should not be 
executed. He was then become a quaker; and 
4id, with a sort of eloquence that moved the whole 
house, lay out all his own errors, and the iU spirit 
he was in when he committed the things that were 
charged on him, with so tender a sense, that he 
seemed as one indifferent what they should do with 
him : and, without so much as moving for mercy, 
or even for a delay, he did so effectually prevail on 
them, that they recommended him to the king, as a 
fit object of his mercy. This was the more easily 
consented to by the earl of Midletoun, in hatred to 
the eai'l of Lauderdale, who had got the gift of his 
estate. He had two great pleas in law : the one 
was, that the record of his attainder at Stirling, with 
^ that had passed in that pailiament, was lost : the 
other was, that by the act rescissory that parliament 128 
being annulled, all that was done by it was void: 
but he urged neither, since there was matter enough 
to attaint him anew, if the defects of that supposed 
attainder had been observed. So tiU the act of in- 
denmity was passed he was still in danger, having 
^ Waristojun was an abominable dog, S. 

1661. been the man of all Scotland that had been the most 

trusted and employed by Cromwell : but upon pass- 
ing the act of indemnity he was safe. 
Midietoun The scssion of parliament was now brought to a 
count of all conclusion, without any motion for an act of indem- 
paslelfui iiity. The secret of this was, that since episcopacy 

parliament ^^g ^^ j^g gg^ ^^ ^j^^ ^^^^ thoSC who WCrC mOSt Ukc 

to the king. ^' 

to oppose it were on other accounts obnoxious, it 
was thought best to keep them under that fear, till 
the change should be made. The earl of Midietoun 
went up to court fuU of merit, and as full of pride. 
He had a mind to be lord treasurer ; and told the 
king, that, if he intended to set up episcopacy, the 
earl of Crawford, who was a noted presbyterian, 
must be put out of that post : it was the opinion of 
the king's zeal for that form of government that 
must bear down aU the opposition that might other- 
wise be made to it : and it would not be possible to 
persuade the nation of that, as long as they saw the 
white staff in such hands. Therefore, on the first 
day on which a Scotish council was called after he 
came up, he gave a long account of the proceedings 
of parliament, and magnified the zeal and loyalty 
that many had expressed, while others that had 
been not only pardoned, but were highly trusted by 
the king, had been often cold and backward, and 
sometimes plainly against the service. The earl of 
Lauderdale was ill that day : so the earl of Craw- 
ford undertook to answer this reflection, which he 
thought was meant of himself, for opposing the act 
rescissory. He said, he had observed such an entire 
unanimity in carrying on the king^s service, that he 
did not know of any that had acted otherwise : and 
therefore he moved, that the earl of Midietoun might 
speak plain, and name persons. The earl of Midle- 


toun desired to be excused: he did not intend to 1661. 
accuse any ; but yet he thought, he was bound to 
let the king know how he had been served. The 
earl of Crawford still pressed him to speak out after 
so general an accusation : no doubt, he would in- 
form the king in private who these persons were : 
and since he had already gone so far in public, he 
thought he ought to go farther. The earl of Midle- 
toun was in some confusion ; for he did not expect 
to be thus attacked : so to get off, he named the op- 
position that the earl of Tweedale had made to the 
sentence passed on Guthry, not without making in- 
decent reflections on it, as if his prosecution had 
flowed from the king's resentments of his behaviour 129 
to himself: and so he turned the matter, that the 
earl of Tweedale's reflection, which was thought 
indeed pointed against himself, should seem as 
meant against the king. The earl of Crawford upon 
this said, that the earl of Midletoun ought to have 
excepted to the words when they were first spoken ; 
and no doubt the parliament would have done the 
king justice : but it was never thought consistent 
with the liberty of speech in parliament, to bring 
men into question afterwards for words spoken in 
any debate, when they were not challenged as soon 
as they were spoken. The earl of Midletoun ex- 
cused himself: he said, the thing was passed before 
he made due reflections on it ; and so asked pardon 
for that omission. The earl of Crawford was glad 
he himself had escaped, and was silent as to the 
earl of Tweedale's concern : so, nobody offering to 
excuse him, an order was presently sent down for 
committing him to prison, and for examining him 
upon the words he had spoken, and on his meaning 


1661. in them. That was not a time in which men dm-st 
fft'etend to privilege, or the freedom of debate : so he 
did not insist on it ; but sent up such an account of 
his words, and such an explanation of them, as fuUy 
satisfied the king. So after the imprisonment of 
some weeks, he was set at liberty. But this raised 
a great outcry against the earl of Midletoun, as a 
thing that was contrary to the freedom of debate, 
and destructive of the liberty of parliament. It 
lay the more open to censure, because the earl of 
Midletoun had accepted of a great entertainment 
from the earl of Tweedale, after Guthry's business 
was over : and it seemed contrary to the rules of 
€' hospitality, to have such a design in his heart 
against a man in whose house he had been so 
treated : all the excuse he made for it was, that he 
never intended it; but that the earl of Crawford 
had pressed him so hard upon the complaint he had 
made in general, that he had no way of getting out 
of it without naming some particulars ; and he had 
no other ready then at hand. 

Another difference of greater moment fell in be- 
tween him and the earl of Crawford. The earl of 
Midletoun was now raising the guards, that were to 
be paid out of the excise granted by the parliament. 
So he moved, that the excise might be raised by 
collectors named by himself as general, that so he 
might not depend on the treasury for the pay of the 
forces. The earl of Crawford opposed this with 
great advantage, since all revenues given the king 
did by the course of law come into the treasury. 
Scotland was not in a condition to maintain two 
treasurers : and, as to what was said, of the neces- 
(Sity of having the pay of the army well ascertained 


and ever ready, otherwise it would become a griev- iQ6\. 
ance to the kingdom, he said the king was master, TTT 
and what orders soever he thought fit to send to the 
treasury, they should be most punctually obeyed. 
But the earl of Midletoun knew, there would be a 
great overplus of the excise beyond the pay of the 
troops : and he reckoned, that, if the collection was 
put in his hands, he would easily get a grant of the 
overplus at the year's end. The earl of Crawford 
said, no such thing was ever pretended to by any 
general, unless by such as set up to be independent, 
and who hoped by that means to make themselves 
the masters of the army. So he carried the point, 
which was thought a victory. And the earl of Mi- 
dletoun was much blamed for putting his interest 
at court on such an issue, where the pretension was 
so unusual and so unreasonable. 

The next point was concerning lord Argile's 
estate. The king was inclined to restore the lord 
Lorn ; though much pains was taken to persuade 
him, that all the zeal he had expressed in his ser- 
vice was only an artifice between his father and 
him to preserve the family in all adventures : it was 
said, that had been an ordinary practice in Scotland 
for father and son to put themselves in different 
sides. The marquis of Argile had taken very ex- 
traordinary methods to raise his own family to such 
a superiority in the Highlands, that he was a sort 
of a king among them. The marquis of Huntly 
had man-ied his sister : and during their friendship 
Argile was bound with him for some of his debts. 
After that, the marquis of Huntly, as he neglected 
his affairs, so he engaged in the king's side, by which 
Argile saw he must be undone. So he pretended. 


1661. that he only intended to secure himself, when he 
bought in prior mortgages and debts, which, as was 
bdieved, were compounded at very low rates. The 
friends of the marquis of Huntly's family pressed 
the king hard to give his heirs the confiscation of 
that part of Argile's estate, in which the marquis of 
Huntly's debts, and all the pretension on his estate 
were comprehended. And it was given to the mar- 
quis of Huntly, now duke of Gordon, then a young 
child : but no care was taken to breed him a pro- 
testant. The marquis of Montrose, and all others 
whose estates had been ruined under Argile's con- 
duct, expected likewise reparation out of his estate ; 
which was a very great one, but in no way able to 
satisfy aU those demands. And it was believed, that 
the earl of Midletoun himself hoped to have carried 
away the main bulk of it : so that both the lord Lorn 
and he concurred, though with different views, to 
put a stop to all the pretensions made upon it. 
It was re- The poiut of the greatest importance then under 
set up epi- consideration was, whether episcopacy should be re- 
S?and.'^ stored in Scotland, or not. The earl of Midletoun 
131 assured the king, it was desired by the greater and 
honester part of the nation. One synod had as good 
as petitioned for it : and many others wished for it, 
though the share they had in the late wars made 
them think it was not fit or decent for them to 
move for it. Sharp assured the king, that none but 
the protestors, of whom he had a very bad opinion, 
- were against it ; and that of the resolutioners there 
would not be found twenty that would oppose it. 
AU those who were for making the change agreed, 
that it ought to be done now, in the first heat of 
joy after the restoration, and before the act of in- 


demnity passed. The earl of Lauderdale and all 1661. 
his friends, on the other hand, assured the king, that 
the national prejudice against it was still very 
strong, that those who seemed zealous for it ran 
into it only as a method to procure favour, but that 
those who were against it would be found stiff and 
eager in their opposition to it, that by setting it up 
the king would lose the affections of the nation, and 
that the suj^porting it would grow a heavy load on 
his government. The earl of Lauderdale turned aU r 
this, that looked like a zeal for presbytery, to a 
dexterous insinuating himself into the king's con- 
fidence ; as one that designed nothing but his great- 
ness, and his having Scotland sure to him, in order 
to the executing of any design he might afterwards 
be engaged in. The king went very coldly into the 
design. He said, he remembered well the aversion 
that he himself had observed in that nation to any 
thing that looked like a superiority in the church. 
But to that the earl of Midletoun and Sharp an- 
swered, by assuring him that the insolencies com- 
mitted by the presbyterians while they governed, 
and the ten years' usurpation that had followed, had 
made such a change in peoples tempers, that they 
were much altered since he had been among them. 
The king naturally hated presbytery : and, having 
called a new parliament in England, that did with 
great zeal espouse the interests of the church of 
England, and were now beginning to complain of 
the evacuating the garrisons held by the army in 
that kingdom, he gave way, though with a visible 
reluctancy, to the change of the chui'ch government 
in Scotland. The aversion he seemed to express 
was imputed to his own indifference as to all those 


1661. matters, and to his unwillingness to involve his go- 
vernment in new trouble. But the view of things 
that the earl of Lauderdale had given him was the 
true root of all that coldness. The earl of Claren- 
don set it on with great zeal. And so did the duke 
of Ormond: who said, it would be very hard to 
maintain the government of the church in Ireland, 
if presbytery continued in Scotland ; since the north- 
em counties, which were the best stocked of any 
132 they had, as they were originally from Scotland, so 
they would still follow the way of that nation. 
Upon all this diversity of opinion, the thing was 
proposed in a Scotch council at WTiitehall. The 
earl of Crawford declared himself against it: but 
the earl of Lauderdale, duke Hamilton, and sir 
Robert Murray, were only for delaying the making 
any such change, till the king should be better sa- 
tisfied concerning the inclinations of the nation. 
The result of the debate (all the rest who were 
present being earnest for the change) was, that a 
letter was writ to the privy council of Scotland, in- 
timating the king's intentions for setting up episco- 
pacy, and demanding their advice upon it. The 
earl of Glencaim ordered the letter to be read, hav- 
ing taken care that such persons should be present 
who he knew would speak warmly for it, that so 
others, who might intend to oppose it, might be 
frightened from doing it. None spoke against it^ 
but the earl of Kincairdin. He proposed, that some 
certain methods might be taken, by which they 
might be well informed, and so be able to inform 
the king, of the temper of the nation, before they 
offered an advice, that might have such effects a» 
might very much perplex, if not disorder, all their 


affairs. Some smart repartees passed between the ip6i. 
earl of Glencairn and him. This was all the oppo- 
sition that was made at that board. So a letter was 
writ to the king from thence, encouraging him to 
go on, and assuring him, that the change he in- 
tended to make would give a general satisfaction to 
the main body of the nation. 

Upon that the thing was resolved on. It re- Men sought 

. ^ ® . out to be 

mained after this only to consider the proper me-bishops. 
thods of doing it, and the men who ought to be 
employed in it. Sheldon and the English bishops 
had an aversion to all that had been engaged in the 
covenant : so they were for seeking out all the epi- 
scopal clergy, who had been driven out of Scotland 
in the beginning of the troubles, and preferring 
them. There was but one of the old bishops left 
ahve, Sydserfe, who had been bishop of GaUoway. 
He had come up to London, not doubting but that 
he should be advanced to the primacy of Scotland. 
It is true, he had of late done some very irregular 
things : when the act of uniformity required aU men 
who held any benefices in England to be episcopally 
ordained, he, who by observing the ill effects of 
their former violence was become very moderate, 
with others of the Scotch clergy that gathered about 
him, did set up a very indefensible practice of or- 
daining all those of the Enghsh clergy who came to 
him, and that without demanding either oaths or 
subscriptions of them. Some believed, that this was 
done by him, only to subsist on the fees that arose 
from the letters of orders so granted; for he was 
very poor. This did so disgust the English bishops 133 
at him and his company, that they took no care of 
him or them. Yet they were much against a set of 

VOL. I. Q 


i60i. presbyterian bishops. They believed they could have 
no credit, and that they would have no zeal. This 
touched Sharp to the quick : so he laid the matter 
before the earl of Clarendon. He said, these old 
episcopal men, by their long absence out of Scot- 
land, knew nothing of the present generation : and 
by the ill usage they had met with they were so 
irritated, that they would run matters quickly to 
great extremities : and, if there was a faction among 
the bishops, some valuing themselves upon their 
constant steadiness, and looking with an ill eye on 
those who had been carried away with the stream, 
this would divide and distract their counsels, where- 
as a set of men of moderate principles would be 
more uniform in their proceedings. This prevailed 
with the earl of Clarendon, who saw the king so re- 
miss in that matter, that he resolved to keep things in 
as great temper as was possible. And he, not doubt- 
ing but that Sharp would pursue that in which he 
seemed to be so zealous and hot, and carry things 
with great moderation, persuaded the bishops of 
England to leave the management of that matter 
wholly to him. And Sharp, being assured of that 
at which he had long aimed, laid aside his mask ; 
and owned, that he was to be archbishop of St. An- 
drews. He said to some, from whom I had it, that 
when he saw that the king was resolved on the 
change, and that some hot men were Like to be ad- 
vanced, whose violence would ruin the country, he 
had submitted to that post on design to moderate 
matters, and to cover some good men from a storm 
'»-< that might otherwise break upon them. So deeply 
did he still dissemble : for now he talked of nothing 
so much as of love and moderation. 


Sydserfe was removed to be bishop of Orkney, 1661. 
one of the best revenues of any of the bishoprics in 
Scotland : but it had been almost in all times a si- 
necure. He lived little more than a year after his 
translation. He had died in more esteem, if he had 
died a year before it. But Sharp was ordered to 
find out proper men for filling up the other sees. 
That care was left entirely to him. The choice was 
generally very bad. 

Two men were brought up to be consecrated in 
England, Fairfoul, designed for the see of Glasgow, 
and Hamilton, brother to the lord Belhaven, for 
Galloway. The former of these was a pleasant and 
facetious man, insinuating and crafty : but he was a 
better physician than a divine. His life was scarce 
free from scandal : and he was eminent in nothing 
that belonged to his own function. He had not 
only sworn the covenant, but had persuaded others 134» 
to do it. And when one objected to him, that it 
went against his conscience, he answered, there were 
some very good medicines that could not be chewed, 
but [these] were to be swallowed down, [Uke a pill 
or a bolus ;] and since it was plain that a man could 
not live in Scotland unless he sware it, therefore it 
must be swallowed down without any farther ex- 
amination. Whatever the matter was, soon after 
the consecration his parts sunk so fast, that in a few 
months he, who had passed his whole life long for 
one of the cunningest men in Scotland, became al- 
most a changeUng ; upon which it may be easily col- 
lected what commentaries the presbyterians would 
make. Sharp lamented this to me, as one of their 
great misfortunes. He said, it began to appear in 
less than a month after he came to London. Ha- 

Q 2 


1661. milton was a good natured man, but weak. He was 
always believed episcopal. Yet he had so far com- 
plied in the time of the covenant, that he affected a 
peculiar expression of his counterfeit zeal for their 
cause, to secure himself from suspicion : when he 
gave the sacrament, he excommunicated all that 
were not true to the covenant, using a form in the 
Old Testament of shaking out the lap of his gown ; 
saying, so did he cast out of the church and com- 
munion aU that dealt falsely in the covenant. 
Bishop With these there was a fourth man found out, 

character!' * who was then at London at his return from the 
Bath, where he had been for his health : and on 
' him I will enlarge more copiously. He was the son 
of doctor Leightoun, who had in archbishop Laud's 
time writ Zion's Plea against the Prelates; for 
which he was condemned in the star-chamber to 
1 f; have his ears cut and his nose slit. He was a man 
of a violent and ungovemed heat*^. He sent his 
eldest son Robert to be bred in Scotland, who was 
accounted a saint from his youth up. He had great 
quickness of parts, a lively apprehension, with a 
charming vivacity of thought and expression. He 
had the greatest command of the purest Latin that 
ever I knew in any man. He was a master both of 
Greek and Hebrew, and of the whole compass of 
theological learning, chiefly in the study of the 
scriptures. But that which excelled all the rest 
was, he was possessed with the highest and noblest 
sense of divine things that I ever saw in any man. 
He had no regard to his person, unless it was to 

*^ (In his book, which was all the bishops, and to smite 
dedicated to the parliament, he them under the fifth rib.) 
incited the members of it to kill 


mortify it by a constant low diet, that was like a 1661. 
perpetual fast. He had a contempt both of wealth 
and reputation. He seemed to have the lowest 
thoughts of himself possible, and to desire that all 
other persons should think as meanly of him as he 
did himself: he bore all sorts of ill usage and re- 
proach, like a man that took pleasure in it. He had 
so subdued the natural heat of his temper, that in a 
great variety of accidents, and in a course of twenty- 135 
two years' intimate conversation with him, I never 
observed the least sign of passion, but upon one 
single occasion. He brought himself into so com- 
posed a gravity, that I never saw him laugh, and 
but seldom smile. And he kept himself in such 
a constant recollection, that I do not remember that 
ever I heard him say one idle word. There was a 
visible tendency in aU he said to raise his own mind, 
and those he conversed with, to serious reflections. 
He seemed to be in a perpetual meditation. And, 
though the whole course of his life was strict and 
ascetical, yet he had nothing of the sourness of tem- 
per that generally possesses men of that sort. He 
was the freest from superstition, of censuring others, 
or of imposing his own methods on them, possible. 
So that he did not so much as recommend them to 
others. He said there was a diversity of tempers ; 
and every man was to watch over his own, and to 
turn it in the best manner he could. [When he 
spoke of divine matters, which he did almost per- 
petually, it was in such an elevating manner, that I 
have often reflected on these words, and felt some- 
what like them within myself while I was with him. 
Did Hot our hearts burn within us, ivhile he talked 
ivith us hy the way f ] His thoughts were lively, 



1661. oft out of the way, and surprising, yet just and ge- 
nuine. And he had laid together in his memory the 
greatest treasure of the best and wisest of all the an- 
cient sayings of the heathens as well as christians, 
that I have ever known any man master of: and he 
used them in the aptest manner possible. He had 
been bred up with the greatest aversion imaginable 
to the whole frame of the church of England. From 
Scotland his father sent him to travel. He spent 
some years in France, and spoke that language like 
one bom there. He came afterwards and settled in 
Scotland, and had presbyterian ordination. But he 
quickly broke through the prejudices of his educa- 
tion. His preaching had a sublimity both of thought 
and expression in it. The grace and gravity of his 
pronunciation was such, that few heard him without 
a very sensible emotion : I am sure I never did. [It 
was so different from all others, and indeed from 
every thing that one could hope to rise up to, that 
it gave a man an indignation at himself, and all 
others. It was a very sensible humiliation to me, 
and for some time after I heard him, I could not 
bear the thought of my own performances, and was 
out of countenance when I was forced to think of 
preaching.] His style was rather too fine*^: but 
there was a majesty and beauty in it that left so 
deep an impression, that I cannot yet forget the ser- 
mons I heard him preach thirty years ago. And 
yet with this he seemed to look on himself as so or- 
dinary a preacher, that while he had a cure he was 
ready to employ aU others : and when he was a bi- 
shop he chose to preach to small auditories, and 
would never give notice beforehand : he had indeed 
'' Burnet is not guilty of that. S. 


a very low voice, and so could not be heard by a 1661. 
great crowd. He soon came to see into the follies 
of the presbyterians, and to dislike their covenant ; 
particularly the imposing it, and their fury against 
all who differed from them. He found they were 
not capable of large thoughts : theirs were narrow, 
as their tempers were sour. So he grew weary of 
mixing with them. He scarce ever went to their 
meetings, and lived in great retirement, minding 
only the care of his own parish at Newbottle near 
Edenburgh. Yet all the opposition that he made to 136 
them was, that he preached up a more exact rule of 
life than seemed to them consistent with human na- 
ture: but his own practice did even outshine his 

In the year 1648 he declared himself for the en- 
gagement for the king. But the earl of Lothian, 
who lived in his parish, had so high an esteem for 
him, that he persuaded the violent men not to med- 
dle with him : though he gave occasion to great ex- 
ception ; for when some of his parish, who had been 
in the engagement, were ordered to make public 
profession of their repentance for it, he told them, 
they had been in an expedition, in which, he be- 
lieved, they had neglected their duty to God, and 
had been guilty of injustice and violence, of drunk- 
enness and other immoralities, and he charged them 
to repent of these very seriously, without meddling 
with the quaiTel, or the grounds of that war. He 
entered into a great correspondence with many of 
the episcopal party, and with my own father in par- 
ticular; and did whoUy separate himself from the 
presbyterians. At last he left them, and withdrew 
from his cure : for he could not do the things im- 

Q 4 


1661. posed on him any longer. And yet he hated all 
contention so much, that he chose rather to leave 
them in a silent manner, than to engage in any dis- 
putes with them. But he had generally the reputa- 
tion of a saint, and of something above human na- 
ture in him : so the mastership of the coUege of 
Edenburgh falling vacant some time after, and it 
being in the gift of the city, he was prevailed with 
to accept of it, because in it he was wholly separated 
from all church matters. He continued ten years in 
that post : and was a great blessing in it ; for he 
talked so to aU the youth of any capacity or distinc- 
tion, that it had great effect on many of them. He 
preached often to them : and if crowds broke in, 
which they were apt to do, he would have gone on 
in his sermon in Latin, with a purity and life that 
charmed all who understood it. Thus he had lived 
above twenty years in Scotland, in the highest repu- 
tation that any man in my time ever had in that 

He had a brother well known at court, sir Elisha, 
who was very like him in face and in the vivacity 
of his parts, but the most unlike him in aU other 
things that can be imagined : for, though he loved 
to talk of great sublimities in religion, yet he was a 
very immoral man, [both lewd, false, and ambitious.] 
He was a papist of a form of his own : but he had 
changed his religion to raise himself at court ; for 
he was at that time secretary to the duke of York, 
and was very intimate with the lord Aubigny, a bro- 
ther of the duke of Richmond's, who had changed 
his religion, and was a priest, and had probably been 
a cardinal, if he had lived a little longer. He main- 
137tained an outward decency, and had more learning 


and better notions, than men of quality, who enter 1661, 
into orders in that church, generally have. Yet he 
was a very vicious man : and that perhaps made 
him the more considered by the king, who loved and 
trusted him to a high degree. No man had more 
credit with the king ; for he was on the secret as to 
his religion, and was more trusted with the whole 
design that was then managed in order to establish 
it, than any man whatsoever. Sir Elisha brought 
his brother and him acquainted : for Leigh toun 
loved to know men in all the varieties of religion. 

In the vacation time he made excursions, and 
came oft to London ; where he observed all the emi- 
nent men in CromweU's court, and in the several 
parties then about the city of London. But he told 
me, he could never see any thing among them that 
pleased him. They were men of unquiet and med- 
dhng tempers : and their discourses and sermons 
were dry and unsavoury, full of airy cant, or of bom- 
bast swellings. Sometimes he went over to Flan- l 
ders, to see what he could find in the several orders 
of the church of Rome. There he found some of 
Jansenius's followers, who seemed to be men of ex- 
traordinary tempers, and studied to bring things, if 
possible, to the purity and simplicity of the primitive 
ages ; on which all his thoughts were much set. He 
thought controversies had been too much insisted 
on, and had been carried too far. His brother, who 
thought of nothing but the raising himself at court, 
fancied that his being made a bishop might render 
himself more considerable. So he possessed the lord 
Aubigny with such an opinion of him, that he made 
the king apprehend, that a man of his piety and his 
notions (and his not being married was not forgot) 


1661. might contribute to carry on their design. He fan- 
cied such a monastic man, who had a great stretch 
of thought, and so many other eminent qualities, 
would be a mean at least to prepare the nation for 
popery, if he did not directly come over to them ; 
for his brother did not stick to say, he was sure that 
lay at root with him. So the king named him of 
his own proper motion, which gave all those that 
began to suspect the king himself great jealousies of 
him. Leightoun was averse to this promotion, as 
much as was possible. His brother had great power 
over him ; for he took care to hide his vices from 
him, and to make before him a shew of piety. He 
seemed to be a papist rather in name and shew than 
in reality, of which I wiU set down one instance 
that was then much talked of. Some of the church 
of England loved to magnify the sacrament in an 
extraordinary manner, affirming the real presence, 
only blaming the church of Rome for defining the 
138 manner of it; saying, Christ was present in a most 
unconceivable manner. This was so much the mode, 
that the king and all the court went into it. So the 
king, upon some raillery about transubstantiation, 
asked sir Elisha if he believed it. He answered, he 
could not well tell ; but he was sure the church of 
England believed it. And when the king seemed 
amazed at that, he replied, do not you believe that 
■ Christ is present in a most unconceivable manner ? 
Which the king granted: then said he, that is just 
transubstantiation, the most unconceivable thing 
that was ever yet invented. When Leightoun was 
prevailed on to accept a bishopric, he chose Dun- 
blane, a small diocese, as well as a little revenue. 
But the deanery of the chapel royal was annexed to 


that see. So he was willing to engage in that, that 1661. 
he might set up the common prayer in the king's 
chapel; for the rebuilding of which orders were 
given. The EngHsh clergy were well pleased witli 
him, finding him both more learned, and more tho- 
roughly theirs in the other points of uniformity, than 
the rest of the Scotch clergy, whom they could not 
much value. And though Sheldon did not much 
like his great strictness, in which he had no mind 
to imitate him, yet he thought such a man as he 
was might give credit to episcopacy, in its first in- 
troduction to a nation much prejudiced against it. 
Shai'p did not know what to make of all this. He 
neither hked his strictness of life nor his notions. 
He believed they would not take the same methods, 
and fancied he might be much obscured by him ; 
for he saw he would be well supported. He saw 
the earl of Lauderdale began to magnify him. And 
so Sharp did all he could to discourage him, but 
without any effect ; for he had no regard to him. 
I bear still the greatest veneration for the memory 
of that man that I do for any person ; and reckon 
my early knowledge of him, which happened the 
year after this, and my long and intimate conversa- 
tion with him, that continued to his death for twen- 
ty-three years, among the greatest blessings of my 
life, and for which I know I must give an account 
to God in the great day in a most particular man- 
ner. And yet, though I know this account of his 
promotion may seem a blemish upon him, I would 
not conceal it, being resolved to write of all persons 
and things with all possible candor. I had the re- 
lation of it from himself, and more particularly from 
his brother. But what hopes soever the papists had 


1661. of him at this time, when he knew nothing of the 
design of bringing in popery, and had therefore 
talked of some points of popery with the freedom of 
an abstracted and speculative man ; yet he expressed 
another sense of the matter, when he came to see it 
was really intended to be brought in among us. He 
139 then spoke of popery in the complex at much an- 
other rate : and he seemed to have more zeal against 
it, than I thought was in his nature with relation to 
any points in controversy ; for his abstraction made 
him seem cold in all those matters. But he gave all 
who conversed with him a very different view of 
popery, when he saw we were really in danger of 
coming under the power of a religion, that had, as 
he used to say, much of the wisdom that was earth- 
ly, sensual, and devilish, but had nothing in it of 
the wisdom that was from above, and was pure and 
peaceable. He did indeed think the corruptions 
and cruelties of popery were such gross and odious 
things, that nothing could have maintained that 
church under those just and visible prejudices, but 
the several orders among them, which had an ap- 
pearance of mortification and contempt of the world, 
and with all the trash that was among them main- 
tained a face of piety and devotion. He also thought 
the great and fatal error of the reformation was, 
that more of those houses, and of that course of life, 
free from the entanglements of vows and other mix- 
tures, was not preserved : so that the protestant 
' churches had neither places of education, nor re- 
treat for men of mortified tempers. I have dwelt 
long upon this man's character. But it was so sin- 
gular, that it seemed to deserve it. And I was so 
singularly blessed by knowing him as I did, that I 


am sure he deserved it of me, that I should give so 1661. 
full a view of him; which I hope may be of some' 
use to the world. 

When the time fixed for the consecration of the The Scotish 
bishops of Scotland came on, the English bishops cons*-' 
finding that Sharp and Leightoun had not episcopaP'^*^''' 
ordination, as priests and deacons, the other two 
having been ordained by bishops before the wars ^, 
they stood upon it, that they must be ordained, first 
deacons and then priests. Sharp was very uneasy 
at this, and remembered them of what had hap- 
pened when king James had set up episcopacy. 
Bishop Andrews moved at that time the ordaining 
them, as was now proposed : but that was overruled 
by king James, who thought it went too far towards 
the unchurching of all those who had no bishops 
among them ^ But the late war, and the disputes 
during that time, had raised these controversies 
higher, and brought men to stricter notions, and to 
maintain them with more fierceness. The Enghsh 
bishops did also say, that by the late act of uniform- 
ity that matter was more positively settled, than it 
had been before ; so that they could not legally con- 
secrate any, but those who were, according to that 
constitution, made first priests and deacons. They 
also made this difference between the present time 
and king James's : for then the Scots were only in 
an imperfect state, having never had bishops among 
them since the reformation ; so in such a state of 140 
things, in which they had been under a real neces- 

* (The author of Archbishop History, pag. 514. O. (Com- 

Sharp's Life, published in 1 723. pare Heylin's Hist, of the Pres- 

agrees with this statement.) byterians, b. xi. c. 4. p. 514.) 

' See Archbishop Spotiswood's 


1661. sity, it was reasonable to allow of their orders, how 
defective soever : but that of late they had been in 
a state of schism, had revolted from their bishops, 

"- and had thrown off that order : so that orders given 
in such a wilful opposition to the whole constitution 

■ ' of the primitive church was a thing of another na- 
ture. They were positive in the point, and would 
not dispense with it. Sharp stuck more at it than 
could have been expected from a man that had 
swallowed down greater matters. Leightoun did 
not stand much upon it. He did not think orders 
given without bishops were null and void. He 
thought, the forms of government were not settled 
by such positive laws as were unalteral)le ; but only 
by apostolical practices, which, as he thought, au- 
thorized episcopacy as the best form. Yet he did 
not think it necessary to the being of a church. 
But he thoughts that every church might make 
such rules of ordination as they pleased, and that 
they might reordain all that came to them from 
any other church ; and that the reordaining a priest 
ordained in another church imported no more, but 
that they received him into orders according to their 
rules, and did not infer the annulling the orders he 
had formerly received. These two were upon this 
privately ordained deacons and priests. And then 
all the four were consecrated publicly in the abbey 
of Westminster. Leightoun told me he was much 
struck with the feasting and joUity of that day : it 
had not such an appearance of seriousness or piety, 
as became the new modelling of a church. When 
that was over, he made some attempts to work up 


8 Think, thought, tliought, think, thought. S. 


Sharp to the two designs which possessed him most. ^66i. 

The one was, to try what could be done towards 
the uniting the presbyterians and them. He offered 
Usher's reduction, as the plan upon which they 
ought to form their schemes. The other was, to 
try how they could raise men to a truer and higher 
sense of piety, and bring the worship of that church 
out of their extempore methods into more order; 
and so to prepare them for a more regular way of 
worship, which he thought was of much more im- 
portance than a form of government. But he was 
amazed, when he observed that Sharp had neither 
formed any scheme, nor seemed so much as willing 
to talk of any. He reckoned they would be esta- 
blished in the next session of parliament, and so 
would be legally possessed of their bishoprics : and 
then every bishop was to do the best he could to 
get all once to submit to his authority : and when 
that point was carried, they might proceed to other 
things, as should be found expedient: but he did 
not care to lay down any scheme. Fairfoul, when 
he talked to him, had always a merry tale ready at 141 
hand to divert him : so that he avoided all serious 
discourse, and indeed did not seem capable of any. 
By these means Leightoun quickly lost all heart 
and hope ; and said often to me upon it, that in the 
whole progress of that affair there appeared such 
cross characters of an angry providence, that, how 
fully soever he was satisfied in his own mind as to 
episcopacy itself, yet it seemed that God was against 
them, and that they were not like to be the men 
that should build up his church ; so that the strug- 
gling about it seemed to him like a fighting against 
God. He who had the greatest hand in it pro- 


1661. ceeded with so much dissimulation; and the rest of 
the order were so mean and so selfish ; and the earl 
of Midletoun, with the other secular men that con- 
ducted it, were so openly impious and vicious, that 
it did cast a reproach on every thing relating to re- 
ligion, to see it managed by such instruments. 

1662. All the steps that were made afterwards were of 
ings of the a piece with this melancholy beginning. Upon the 
forbilidmr* cousccration of the bishops, the presbyteries of Scot- 
land that were still sitting began now to declare 
openly against episcopacy, and to prepare protesta- 
tions, or other acts or instruments, against them. 
Some were talking of entering into new engage- 
ments against the submitting to them. So Sharp 
moved, that, since the king had set up episcopacy, a 
proclamation might be issued out, forbidding clergy- 
men to meet together in any presbytery, or other 
judicatory, tiQ the bishops should settle a method of 
proceeding in them. Upon the setting out this pro- 
clamation, a general obedience was given to it : only 

( the ministers, to keep up a shew of acting on an ec- 
clesiastic authority, met once, and entered into their 
books a protestation against the proclamation, as an 
invasion on the liberties of the church, to which 
they declared they gave obedience only for a time, 
and for peace sake. Sharp procured this without 
any advice : and it proved very fatal. For when 
king James brought in the bishops before, they had 
stiU. suffered the inferior judicatories to continue sit- 
ting, tiU the bishops came and sat down among 
them : some of them protested indeed against that : 
yet they sat on ever after : and so the whole church 
had a face of unity, while all sat together in the 


same judicatories, though upon different principles. 1662. 
The old presbyterians said they sat still as in a ~^ 
court settled by the laws of the church and state : 
and though they looked on the bishops sitting among 
them, and assuming a negative vote, as an usurpa- 
tion, yet, they said, it did not infer a nullity on the 
court : whereas now, by this silencing these courts, 
the case was much altered : for if they had conti- 142 
nued sitting, and the bishops had come among them, 
they would have said, it was like the bearing with 
an usurpation, when there was no remedy: and 
what protestations soever they might have made, or 
what opposition soever they might have given the 
bishops, that would have been kept within their 
own walls, but would not have broken out into such 
a distraction, as the nation was cast into upon this : 
all the opposition that might have been made would 
have died with those few that were disposed to make 
it : and, upon due care to fill the vacant places with 
worthy and well-affected men, the nation might 
have been brought off from their prejudices. But 
these courts being now once broken, and brought 
together afterwards by a sort of connivance, without 
any legal authority, only as the bishop's assistants 
and ofl&cials, to give him advice, and to act in his 
name, they pretended they could not sit in them 
any more, unless they should change their principles, 
and become throughly episcopal, which was too 
great a turn to be soon brought about. So fatally 
did Sharp precipitate matters. He affected to have 
the reins of the church wholly put into his hands. 
The earl of Lauderdale was not sorry to see him 
commit errors; since the worse things were ma- 
naged, his advices would be thereby the more justi* 

VOL. I. R 


1662. fied. And the earl of Midletoun and his party took 
^no care of any business, being almost perpetually 
drunk : by which they came in a great measure to 
lose the king. For though, upon a frolic, the king, 
with a few in whose company he took pleasure, 
would sometimes run into excess, yet he did it sel- 
dom, and had a very bad opinion of all that got into 
the habit and love of drunkenness. 
The new The bishops came down to Scotland soon after 
came^dowii their consecration, all in one coach. Leightoun told 
iand*^°* me, he believed they were weary of him, for he was 
very weary of them : but he, finding they intended 
to be received at Edenburgh with some pomp, left 
them at Morpeth, and came to Edenburgh a few 
days before them. He hated all the appearances of 
vanity. He would not have the title of lord given 
him by his friends, and was not easy when others 
forced it on him. In this I always thought him too 
stiff: it provoked the other bishops, and looked like 
singularity and affectation, and furnished those that 
were prejudiced against him with a specious appear- 
ance, to represent him as a man of odd notions and 
practices. The lord chancellor, with all the nobility 
and privy-counsellors, then at Edenburgh, went out, 
together with the magistracy of the city, and brought 
the bishops in, as in triumph. I looked on ; and 
though I was thoroughly episcopal, yet I thought 
143 there was somewhat in the pomp of that entry, that 
did not look like the humility that became their 
i function : soon after their arrival, six other bishops 
were consecrated, but not ordained priests and dea- 
cons. The see of Edenburgh was for some time 
kept vacant. Sharp hoped that Douglas might be 
prevailed on to accept it : but he would enter into 


no treaty about it. So the earl of Midletoun forced 1662. 
upon Sharp one Wishart, who had been the marquis 
of Montrose's chaplain, and had been taken prisoner, 
and used with so much cruelty in the gaol of Eden- 
burgh, that it seemed but justice to advance a man 
in that place, where he had '' [been so near an ad- 
vancement of another sort.] 

The session of parliament came on in April 1662 : They were 

111 1 brought 

where the first thing that was proposed by the earl into par- 
of Midletoun was, that since the act rescissory had '*™^" * 
annulled aU the parliaments after that held in the 
year 1633, the former laws in favour of episcopacy 
were now again in force, the king had restored that 
function which had been so long glorious in the 
church, and for which his blessed father had suffered 
so much : and though the bishops had a right to 
come and take their place in parliament, yet it was 
a piece of respect to send some of every state to in- 
vite them to come, and sit among them. This was 
agreed to : so upon the message, the bishops came 
and took their places. Leightoun went not with 
them, as indeed he never came to parliament but 
when there was something before them that related 
to religion or to the church. 

The first act that passed in this session was for 
restoring episcopacy, and settling the government of 
the church in their hands. Sharp had the framing 
of this act, as Primerose told me. [And it appeared 
to be his ; for, according to the fable of the harpies, 
he had an art of spoiling every thing that he 

^ {where he had suffered so Jacobo Marchione Montisrosa- 

much, was substituted in the rum in Scotia gestis. Paris, 

printed copy. He was the au- 1648. See more of this able 

thor of the book De Rebus a and good man, p. 236.) 

R 2 


1662. touched.] The whole government and jurisdiction 
of the church in the several dioceses was declared to 
be lodged in the bishops, which they were to exer- 
cise with the advice and assistance of such of their 
clergy as were of known loyalty and prudence : aU 
men that held any benefice in the church were re- 
quired to own and submit to the government of the 
church, as now by law established. This was plain- 
ly the setting episcopacy on another bottom than it 
had been ever on in Scotland before this time : for 
the whole body of the presbyterians did formerly 
maintain such a share in the administration, that 
the bishops had never pretended to any more, than 
to be their settled presidents with a negative voice 
upon them. But now it was said, that the whole 
power was lodged simply in the bishop, who was 
only bound to carry along with him in the adminis- 
tration so many presbyters, as he thought fit to sin- 
gle out, as his advisers and assistants ; which was 
the taking all power out of the body of the clergy : 
church judicatories were now made only the bishop's 
144 assistants: and the few of the clergy that must as- 
sist being to be picked out by him, that was only a 
matter of shew ; nor had they any authority lodged 
with them, all that being vested only in the bishop : 
nor did it escape censure, that among the qualifica- 
tions of those presbyters that were to be the bishop's 
advisers and assistants, loyalty and prudence were 
only named ; and that piety and learning were for- 
! got, which must always be reckoned the first quali- 
fications of the clergy. As to the obligation to own 
and submit to the government thus established by 
law, they said, it was hard to submit to so high an 
authority as was now lodged with the bishops ; but 


to require them to own it, seemed to import an an- 1662. 
tecedent approving, or at least a subsequent justify- 
ing, of such an authority, which carried the matter 
far beyond a bare obedience, even to an imposing 
upon conscience. These were not only the excep- 
tions made by the presbyterians, but by the episco- 
pal men themselves, who had never carried the ar- 
gument farther in Scotland than for a precedency, 
with some authority in ordination, and a negative 
in matters of jurisdiction. They thought, the body 
of the clergy ought to be a check upon the bishops, 
and that, without the consent of the majority, they 
ought not to be legally empowered to act in so im- 
perious a manner, as was warranted by this act. 
Many of them would never subscribe to this form of 
owning and submitting: and the more prudent bi- 
shops did not impose it on their clergy. The whole 
frame of the act was liable to great censure. It was 
thought an unexcusable piece of madness, that, 
when a government was brought in upon a nation 
so averse to it, the first step should carry their 
power so high. AU the bishops, except Sharp, dis- 
owned their having any share in the penning this 
act ; which indeed was passed in haste, without due 
consideration. Nor did any of the bishops, no not 
Sharp himself, ever carry their authority so high, as 
by the act they were warranted to do. But all the 
enemies to episcopacy had this act ever in their 
mouths, to excuse their not submitting to it ; and 
said, it asserted a greater stretch of authority in bi- 
shops, than they themselves thought fit to assume. 

Soon after that act passed, some of the presby- Scmpies 
tenan preachers were summoned to answer before oath of su- 
the parliament for some reflections made in their ^'^^'"**^^* 

R 3 


1662. sermons against episcopacy. But nothing could be 
made of it : for their words were general, and ca- 
pable of different senses. So it was resolved, for a 
proof of their loyalty, to tender them the oath of 
allegiance and supremacy. That had been enacted 
in the former parliament, and was refused by none 
but the earl of Cassilis. He desired, that an expla- 
nation might be made of the supremacy : the words 

145 of the oath were large: and when the oath was 
enacted in England, a clear explanation was given 
in one of the articles of the church of England, and 
more copiously afterwards in a discourse by archbi- 
shop Usher, published by king James's order. But 
the parliament would not satisfy him so far. And 
they were weU pleased to see scruples raised about 
the oath, that so a colour might be put on their se- 
verities against such as should refuse it, as being 
men that refused to swear allegiance to the king. 
Upon that the earl of Cassilis left the parliament, 
and quitted all his employments : for he was a man 
of a most inflexible firmness. Many said, there was 
no need of an explanation, since how ambiguous 
soever the words might be in themselves, yet that 
oath, being brought to Scotland from England, 
ought to be understood in the same sense in which 
it was imposed in that kingdom. On the other 
hand, there was just reason for some men's being 
tender in so sacred a matter as an oath. The earl 
of Cassilis had offered to take the oath, provided he 

* might join his explanation to it. The earl of Mi- 
dletoun was contented to let him say what he 
pleased, but he would not suffer him to put it in 
writing. The ministers, to whom it was now ten- 
dered^ offered to upon the same terms ; 9,nd 


in a petition to the lords of the articles they offered 1662. 

their explanation. Upon that a debate arose, whe- 
ther an act explanatory of the oath should be offered 
to the parliament, or not. This was the first time 
that Leightoun appeared in parliament. He pressed 
it might be done, with much zeal. He said, the 
land mourned by reason of the many oaths that had 
been taken : the words of this oath were certainly 
capable of a bad sense : in compassion to papists a 
limited sense had been put on them in England : 
and he thought there should be a like tenderness 
shewed to protestants, especially when the scruple 
was just, and there was an oath in the case, in 
which the matter ought certainly to be made clear : 
to act otherwise looked like the laying snares for 
people, and the making men offenders for a word. 
Sharp took this iU from him, and replied upon him 
with great bitterness : and said, it was below the 
dignity of government to make acts to satisfy the 
weak scruples of peevish men : it ill became them, 
who had imposed their covenant on all people with- 
out any explanation, and had forced all to take it, 
now to expect such extraordinary favours. Leigh- 
toun insisted, that it ought to be done for that very 
reason, that aU people might see a difference be- 
tween the mild proceedings of the government now, 
and their severity : and that it ill became the very 
same persons, who had complained of that rigour, 
BOW to practise it themselves; for thus it may be 
said, the world goes mad by turns. This was illl46 
taken by the earl of Midletoun and all his party : 
for they designed to keep the matter so, that the 
presbyterians should be possessed with many scruples 
on this head; and that, when any of the party 

R 4 


1662. should be brought before them, whom they believed 
in fault, but had not fuU proof against, the oath 
should be tendered as the trial of their allegiance, 
and that on their refusing it they should censure 
them as they thought fit. So the ministers' petition 
was rejected, and they were required to take the 
oath as it stood in the law, without putting any 
sense upon it. They refused to do it, and were 
upon that condemned to perpetual banishment, as 
men that denied allegiance to the king. And by 
this an engine was found out to banish as many as 
they pleased: for the resolution was taken up by 
the whole party to refuse it, unless with an expla- 
nation. So soon did men forget all their former 
complaints of the severity of imposing oaths, and 
began to set on foot the same practices now, when 
they had it in their power to do it. But how un- 
becoming soever this rigour might be in laymen, it 
was certainly much more indecent when managed 
by clergymen. And the supremacy which was now 
turned against the presbyterians was, not long after 
this, laid much heavier on the bishops themselves : 
and then they desired an explanation, as much as 
the presbyterians did now, but could not obtain it. 

The parliament was not satisfied with this oath : 
for they apprehended, that many would infer, that, 
since it came from England, it ought to be under- 
stood in the public and established sense of the 
words that was passed there, both in an article of doc- 
\\: trine and in an act of parhament. Therefore an- 
other oath was likewise taken from the English 
pattern, of abjuring the covenant ; both the league 
and the national covenant. It is true, this was only 
imposecl on men in the magistracy, or in public em- 


ployments. By it all the presbyterians were turned 1662. 

out: for this oath was decried by the ministers as 
little less than open apostasy from God, and a 
throwing oflf their baptismal covenant. 

The main business of this session of - parliament, Debates 
now that episcopacy was settled, and these oaths act of in. 
were enacted, was the passing of the act of indem- ^^'^^^' 
nity. The earl of Midletoun had obtained of the 
king an instruction to consent to the fining of the 
chief offenders, or to other punishments not extend- 
ing to life. This was intended to enrich him and 
his party, since all the rich and great offenders 
would be struck with the terror of this, and choose 
rather to make him a good present, than to be fined 
on record, as guilty persons. This matter was de- 
bated at the council in Whitehall. The earls ofl47 
Lauderdale and Crawford argued against it. They 
said, the king had granted a fuU indemnity in Eng- 
land, out of which none were excepted but the re- 
gicides : it seemed therefore an unkind and an un- 
equal way of proceeding towards Scotland, that had 
merited eminently at the king's hands ever since 
the year 1648, and suffered much for it, that the 
one kingdom should not have the same measure of 
grace and pardon that was gi'anted in the other. 
The earl of Midletoun answered, that all he desired 
was in favour of the loyal party in Scotland, who 
were undone by their adhering to the king : the re- 
venue of the crown was too small, and too much 
charged, to repair their losses : so the king had no 
other way to be just to them, but to make theu* 
enemies pay for their rebellion. Some plausible 
limitations were offered to the fines to which any 
should be condemned ; as, that they should be only 


1662. for offences committed since the year 1650, and 
that no man should be fined in above a year's rent 
of his estate. These were agreed to. So he had 
an instruction to pass an act of indemnity, with a 
power of fining restrained to these rules. Th6re 
was one sir George Mackenzie, since made lord 
Tarbot and earl of Cromarty, a young man of great 
vivacity of parts, but full of ambition, [and very 
crafty,] and had the art to recommend himself to 
all sides and parties by turns, and [is yet alive, hav- 
ing] made' a great figure in that country now 
above fifty years. He had great notions of virtue 
and religion : but they were only notions, at least 
they have not had great effect on himself at all 
times. He became now the earl of Midletoun's chief 
favourite. Primerose was grown rich and cautious : 
and his maxim having always been, that, when he 
apprehended a change, he ought to lay in for it by 
courting the side that was depressed, that so in the 
next turn he might secure friends to himself, he be- 
gan to think that the earl of Midletoun went too 
fast to hold out long. He had often advised him to 
manage the business of restoring episcopacy in a 
slow progress. He had formed a scheme, by which 
it would have been the work of seven years [in a 
slow progress.] But the earl of Midletoun's heat 
and Sharp's vehemence spoiled aU his project. The 
earl of Midletoun, after his own disgrace, said often 
to him, that his advices had been always wise and 
faithful : but he thought princes were more sensible 
of services, and more apt to reflect on them, and to 
reward them, than he found they were. 

' The printed book substituted and has made. 


When the settlement of episcopacy was over, the 1662. 
next care was to prepare the act of indemnity, it ^as de- 
Some proposed, that, besides the power of fining, ^JJJ|^*JJ^*j 
they should move the kinsr, that he would consent ^^ »ncapa. 

•^ ^ ^' _ _ citated. 

to an instruction, empowering them likewise to put 
some under an incapacity to hold any public trust. 
This had never been proposed in public. But the 148 
earl of Midletoun pretended, that many of the best 
affected of the parliament had proposed it in private 
to himself. So he sent the lord Tarbot up to the 
king with two draughts of an act of indemnity, the 
one containing an exception of some persons to be 
fined, and the other containing likewise a clause for 
the incapacitating of some, not exceeding twelve, 
from all public trust. He was ordered to lay both 
before the king : the one was penned according to 
the earl of Midletoun's instructions : the other was 
drawn at the desire of the parliament, for which he 
prayed an instruction, if the king thought fit to ap- 
prove of it. The earl of Lauderdale had no appre- 
hension of any design against himself in the motion. 
So he made no objection to it. And an instruction 
was drawn, empowering the earl of Midletoun to 
pass an act with that clause. Tarbot was then 
much considered at court, as one of the most extra- 
ordinary men that Scotland had produced, and was 
the better liked, because he was looked on as the 
person that the earl of Midletoun intended to set up 
in the earl of Lauderdale's room, who was then so 
much hated, that nothing could have preserved him 
but the course that was taken to ruin him. So lord 
Tarbot went back to Scotland. And the duke of 
Richmond and the eaii of Newburgh went down 
with him, by whose wild and ungovemed extra va- 


1662. gancies the earl of Midletoun's whole conduct feU 
under such an universal odium, and so much con- 
tempt, that, as his own iU management forced the 
king to put an end to his ministry, so he could not 
have served there much longer with any reputation. 
One instance of unusual severity was, that a let- 
ter of the lord Lorn's to the lord DufFus was inter- 
cepted, in which he did a little too plainly, but very 
truly, complain of the practices of his enemies in 
endeavouring to possess the king against him by 
many lies : but he said, he had now discovered 
them, and had defeated them, and had gained the 
person upon whom the chief among them depended. 
This was the earl of Clarendon, upon whom the 
earl of Berkshire had wrought so much, that he re- 
solved to oi3pose his restoration no ;more : and for 
this the earl of Berkshire was to have a thousand 
pounds. This letter was carried into the parUa- 
ment, and complained of as leasing-making ; since 
lord Lorn pretended, he had discovered the lies of 
his enemies to the king, which was a sowing dis- 
sension between the king and his subjects, and the 
creating in the king an ill opinion of them. So the 
parliament desired, the king would send him down 
to be tried upon it. The king thought the letter 
very indiscreetly writ, but could not see any thing 
in it that was criminal. Yet, in compliance with 
149 the desire of so zealous a parliament, lord Lorn was 
sent down upon his parole : but the king writ posi- 
tively to the earl of Midletoun, not to proceed to 
the execution of any sentence that might pass upon 
Idnft'- Lord Lorn, upon his appearance, was made a 
prisoner: and an indictment was brought against 
him for leasing-making. He made no defence : but 


in a long speech he set out the great provocation he 1662. 
had been under, the many libels that had been 
printed against him : some of these had been put in 
the king's own hands, to represent him as unworthy 
of his grace and favour: so, after all that hard 
usage, it was no wonder, if he had writ with some 
sharpness : but he protested, he meant no harm to 
any person ; his design being only to preserve and 
save himself from the malice and lies of others, and 
not to make lies of any. In conclusion, he submitted 
to the justice of the parliament, and cast himself on 
the king's mercy. He was upon this condemned to Lom con- 
die, as guilty of leasing-making : and the day of his ^"°^^* 
execution was left to the earl of Midletoun by the 

I never knew any thing more generally cried out 
on than this was, unless it was the second sentence 
passed on him twenty years after this, which had 
more fatal effects, and a more tragical conclusion. 
He was certainly born to be the signalest instance 
in this age of the rigour, or rather of the mockery, 
of justice. All that was said at this time to excuse 
the proceeding was, that it was certain his life was 
in no danger. But since that depended on the 
king, it did not excuse those who passed so base a 
sentence, and left to posterity the precedent of a 
parliamentary judgment, by which any man may 
be condemned for a letter of common news. This 
was not all the fury with which this matter was 
. driven : for an act was passed against aU persons, 
who should move the king for restoring the child- 
ren of those who were attainted by parliament ; 
which was an unheard-of restraint on applications 
to the king for his grace and mercy. This the earl 


1662. of Midletoun also passed, though he had no instruc- 
tion for it. There was no penalty put in the act: 
for it was a maxim of the pleaders for prerogative, 
that the fixing a punishment was a limitation on 
the crown : whereas an act forbidding any thing, 
though without a penalty, made the offenders cri- 
minal : and in that case they did reckon, that the 
punishment was arbitrary; only that it could not 
extend to life. A committee was next appointed 
for setting the fines. They proceeded without any 
regard to the rules the king had set them. The 
most obnoxious compounded secretly. No consi- 
deration was had either of men's crimes or of their 
estates : no proofs were brought. Inquiries were not 
so much as made : but as men were delated, they 
150 were marked down for such a fine: and all was 
transacted in a secret committee. When the list of 
the men and of their fines was read in parliament, 
exceptions were made to divers ; particularly some 
who had been under age all the time of transgres- 
sion, and others abroad. But to every thing of that 
kind an answer was made, that there would come a 
proper time in which every man was to be heard in 
his own defence : for the meaning of setting the 
fine was only this, that such persons should have no 
benefit by the act of indemnity, unless they paid 
the fine : therefore every one that could stand upon 
his innocence, and renounce the benefit of the in- 
demnity, was thereby free from the fine, which was 
•' only his composition for the grace and pardon of 
the act. So all passed in that great hurry. 
Some inca- The Other point, concerning the incapacity, was 
ballot. carried farther than was perhaps intended at first ; 
though the lord Tarbot assured me, he had from 


the beginning designed it. It was infused into all 1662. 
people, that the king was weary of the earl of Lau- 
derdale, but that he could not decently throw him 
off, and that therefore the parliament must help 
him with a fair pretence for doing it. Yet others 
were very apprehensive, that the king could not ap- 
prove of a parliament's falling upon a minister. So 
lord Tarbot proposed two expedients. The one was, 
that no person should be named, but that every 
member should do it by ballot, and should bring 
twelve names in a paper; and that a secret com- 
mittee of three of every estate should make the 
scrutiny ; and that they, without making any report 
to the parliament, should put those twelve names 
on whom the greater number fell in the act of in- 
capacity ; which was to be an act apart, and not 
made a clause of the act of indemnity. This was 
taken from the ostracism in Athens, and seemed the 
best method in an act of oblivion, in which all that 
was passed was to be forgotten : and no seeds of 
feuds would remain, when it was not so much as 
known against whom any one had voted. The 
other expedient was, that a clause should be put in 
the act, that it should have no force, and that the 
names in it should never be published, unless the 
king should approve of it. By this means it was 
hoped, that, if the king should dislike the whole 
thing, yet it would be easy to soften that, by letting 
him see how entirely the act was in his power. 
Emissaries were sent to every parliament man, di- 
recting him how to make his Ust, that so the earls 
of Lauderdale, Crawford, and sir Robert Murray, 
might be three of the number. This was managed 
so carefully, that })y a great majority they were 


1 662. three of the incapacitated persons. The earl of Mi- 
. dietoun passed the act, though he had no instruc- 

151 tion about it in this form. The matter was so se- 
cretly carried, that it was not let out till the day 
before it was done : for they reckoned their success 
in it was to depend on the secrecy of it, and in their 
carrying it to the king, before he should be pos- 
sessed against it by the earl of Lauderdale or his 
party. So they took great care to visit the packet, 
and to stop any that should go to court post: 
and all people were under such terror, that no cou- 
rage was left. Only lord Lorn sent one on his own 
horses, who was to go on in cross roads, tiU he got 
into Yorkshire ; for they had secured every stage to 
Durham. By this means the earl of Lauderdale 
had the news three days before the duke of Rich- 
The king mond and lord Tarbot got to court. He carried it 
pleased with presently to the king, who could scarce believe it. 
*^'*' But when he saw by the letters that it was cer- 
tainly true, he assured the earl of Lauderdale, that 
he would preserve him, and never suffer such a de- 
structive precedent to pass. He said, he looked for 
no better upon the duke of Richmond's going to 
Scotland, and his being perpetually drunk there. 
This mortified the earl of Lauderdale ; for it looked 
like the laying in an excuse for the earl of Midle- 
toun. From the king, by his orders, he went to the 
earl of Clarendon, and told all to him. He was 
amazed at it ; and said, that certainly he had some 
secret friend that had got into their confidence, and 
had persuaded them to do as they had done on de- 
sign to ruin them. But growing more serious, he 
added, he was sure the king on his own account 
would take care not to suffer such a thing to pass : 


otherwise no man could serve him : if way was 1662. 
given to such a method of proceeding, he himself " 

would go out of his dominions as fast as his gout 
would suffer him. 

Two days after this, the duke of Richmond and 
lord Tarbot came to court. They brought the act 
of incapacity sealed up, together with a letter from 
the parliament, magnifying the earl of Midletoun's 
services, and another letter signed by ten of the bi- 
shops, setting forth his zeal for the church, and his 
care of them all : and in particular they set out the 
design he was then on, of going round some of the 
worst affected counties to see the church estabUshed 
in them, as a work that was highly meritorious. At 
the same time he sent over the earl of Newburgh to 
Ireland, to engage the duke of Ormond to represent 
to the king the good effects that they began to feel 
in that kingdom from the earl of Midletoun's admi- 
nistration in Scotland, hoping the king would not 
discourage, much less change, so faithful a minister. 
The king received the duke of Richmond and lord 
Tarbot very coldly. When they delivered the act 
of incapacity to him, he assured them, it should ne- 
ver be opened by him ; and said, their last actings 152 
were like madmen, or like men that were perpe- 
tually drunk. Lord Tarbot said, all was yet entire, 
and in his hands, the act being to live or to die as he 
pleased : he magnified the earl of Midletoun's zeal 
in his service, and the loyal affections of his parKa- 
ment, who had on this occasion consulted both the 
king's safety and his honour : the incapacity act was 
only intended to put it out of the power of men, 
who had been formerly bad instruments, to be so 
any more : and even that was submitted by them to 

VOL. I. s 


1662. the king's judgment. The king heard them pa- 
" tiently, and, without any farther discourse on the 

subject, dismissed them : so they hoped they had 
molUfied him. But the earl of Lauderdale turned 
the matter upon the earl of Midletoun and lord 
Tarbot, who had made the king believe that the 
parhament desired leave to incapacitate some, 
whereas no such desire had ever been made in par- 
liament : and then, after that the king upon that 
misrepresentation had given way to it, the parlia- 
ment was made believe that the king desired that 
some might be put under that censure : so that the 
abuse had been equally put on both : honours went 
by ballot at Venice: but punishments had never 
gone so, since the ostracism at Athens, which was 
the factious practice of a jealous commonwealth, ne- 
ver to be set up as a precedent under a monarchy : 
even the Athenians were ashamed of it when Ari- 
stides, the justest man among them, feU under the 
censure : and they laid it aside not long after. 
Great pains The carl of Clarcndou gave up the thinff as inex- 

takento . ° ^ inn*. 

excuse Mi- cusablc : but he studied to preserve the earl of Mi- 
dletoun. The change newly made in the church of 
Scotland had been managed by him with zeal and 
success : but though it was well begun, yet if these 
laws were not maintained by a vigorous execution, 
the presbyterians, who were quite dispirited by the 
steadiness of his conduct, would take heart again ; 
especially if they saw the earl of Lauderdale grow 
upon him, whom they looked on as theirs in his 
heart : so he prayed the king to forgive one single 
fault, that came after so much merit. He also sent 
advices to the earl of Midletoun to go on in his care 
of establishing the church, and to get the bishops to 


send up copious accounts of all that he had done. 1662. 
The king ordered him to come up, and to give him 
an account of the affairs in Scotland. But he re- 
presented the absolute necessity of seeing some of 
the laws lately made put in execution : for it was 
hoped, the king's displeasure would be allayed, and 
go off, if some time could be but gained. 

One act passed in the last parliament that re- The pres- 

1 1 • 1 c 1 1 • -byterian 

stored the rights 01 patronage, the taking away of ministers 
which even presbytery could not carry till the year *'^^°*^ * 
1649, in which they had the parliament entirely 153 
in their hands. Then the election of ministers 
was put in the church session and the lay elders : 
so that, from that time, all that had been admitted 
to churches came in without presentations. One 
clause in the act declared all these incumbents to be 
unlawful possessors : only it indemnified them for 
what was past, and required them before Michaelmas 
to take presentations from the patrons, who were 
obliged to give them, being demanded, and to get 
themselves to be instituted by the bishops; other- 
wise their churches were declared vacant on Mi- 
chaelmas day. This took in all the young and hot 
men : so the presbyterians had many meetings about 
it, in which they aU resolved not to obey the act. 
They reckoned, the taking institution from a bishop 
was such an owning of his authority, that it was a 
renouncing of all their former principles : whereas 
some few, that had a mind to hold their benefices, 
thought that was only a secular law for a legal 
right to their tithes and benefices, and had no rela- 
tioii to their spiritual concerns ; and therefore they 
thought they might submit to it, especially where 
bishops were so moderate as to impose no subscrip- 

s 2 


1662. tion upon them, as the greater part were. But the 
resolution taken by the main body of the presby- 
terians was, to pay no obedience to any of the acts 
made in this session, and to look on, and see what 
the state would do. The earl of Midletoun was 
naturally fierce, and that was heightened by the ill 
state of his affairs at court : so he resolved on a 
punctual execution of the law. He and all about 
him were at this time so constantly disordered by 
high entertainments and other excesses, that, even 
in the short intervals between their drunken bouts, 
they were not cool nor calm enough to consider 
what they were doing. He had also so mean an 
opinion of the party, that he believed they would 
comply with any thing, rather than lose their bene- 
fices. And therefore he declared, he would execute 
the law in its utmost rigour. On the other hand, 
the heads of the presbyterians reckoned, that if 
great numbers were turned out all at once, it would 
not be possible to fiU their places on the sudden ; 
and that the government would be forced to take 
them in again, if there were such a vacancy made, 
that a great part of the nation were cast destitute, 
and had no divine service in it. For that which all 
the wiser of the party apprehended most was, that 
the bishops would go on slowly, and single out some 
that were more factious upon particular provoca- 
tions, and turn them out by degrees, as they had 
men ready to put in their room ; which would have 
been more insensible, (defensible,) and more excusable, 
if indiscreet zealots had, as it were, forced censures 
from them. The advice sent over all the country, from 
154 their leaders, who had settled measures at Eden- 
burgh, was, that they should do and say nothing 


that might give a particular distaste, but should 1662. 
look on, and do their duty as long as they were 
connived at ; and that if any proclamation should 
be issued out, commanding them to be silent, they 
should all obey at once. In these measures both 
sides were deceived in their expectations. The bi- 
shops went to their several dioceses : and according 
as the people stood affected, they were weU or iU re- 
ceived : and they held their synods every where in 
October. In the northern parts very few stood out : 
but in the western parts scarce any came to them. 
The earl of Midletoun went to Glasgow before Mi- 
chaelmas. So when the time fixed by the act was 
past, and that scarce any one in aU those counties 
had paid any regard to it, he called a meeting of 
the privy council, that they might consider what 
was fit to be done. Duke Hamilton told me, they 
were all so drunk that day, that they were not ca- 
pable of considering any thing that was laid before 
them, and would hear of nothing but the executing 
the law without any relenting or delay. So a pro- 
clamation was issued out, requiring all who had 
their livings without presentations, and who had 
not obeyed the late act, to give over all farther 
preaching, or serving the cure, and to withdraw 
from their paiishes immediately : and the mihtary 
men that lay in the country were ordered to pull 
them out of their pulpits, if they should presume to 
go on in their functions. This was opposed only by 
duke Hamilton, and sir James Lockhart, father to 
sir WiUiam Lockhart. They represented, that the 
much greater part of the preachers in these counties 
had come into their churches since the year 1649 ; 
that they were very popular men, both esteemed 

s 3 


1662. and beloved of their people: it would be a great 
scandal, if they should be turned out, and none be 
ready to be put in their places : and it would not be 
possible to find a competent number of well qualified 
men, to fill the many vacancies that this proclama- 
tion would make. The earl of Midletoun would 
hear of nothing, but the immediate execution of the 
law. So the proclamation was issued out : and upon 
it above two hundred churches were shut up in one 
day : and above one hundred and fifty more were to 
be turned out for not obeying, and submitting to 
the bishops summons to their synods. All this was 
done without considering the consequence of it, or 
communicating it to the other bishops. Sharp said 
to my self, that he knew nothing of it ; nor did he 
imagine, that so rash a thing could have been done, 
till he saw it in print. He was glad that this was 
done without his having any share in it : for by it 
he was furnished with somewhat, in which he was 
155 no way concerned, upon which he might cast all the 
blame of all that followed. Yet this was suitable 
enough to a maxim that he and all that sort of peo- 
ple set up, that the execution of laws was that by 
which all governments maintained their strength, as 
well as their honour ^. The earl of Midletoun was 
surprised at this extraordinary submission of the 
presbyterians. He had fancied, that the greatest 
part would have complied, and that some of the 
more intractable would have done some extraordi- 
' nary thing, to have justified the severities he would 
have exercised in that case ; and was disappointed 
both ways. Yet this obedience of a party, so little 

. . '' Dunce, can there be a better maxim? S. 


accustomed to it, was much magnified at court. It 1662. 
was said, that all plied before him : they knew he 
was steady : so they saw how necessary it was not 
to change the management, if it was really intended 
to preserve the church. Lord Tarbot told me, that 
the king had expressed to himself the esteem he 
had for Sheldon, upon the account of the courage 
that he shewed in the debate concerning the execu- 
tion of the act of uniformity at the day prefixed, 
which was St. Bartholomew's : for some suggested 
the danger that might arise, if the act were vigor- 
ously executed. From thence, it seems, the earl of 
Midletoun concluded, the zeal he shewed now would 
be so acceptable, that aU former errors would be 
forgiven, if he went through with it ; as indeed he 
stuck at nothing. Yet the clamour of putting se- 
veral counties, as it were, under an interdict, was 
very great. So all endeavours were used to get as 
many as could be had to fill those vacancies. And 
among others, I was much pressed, both by the earl 
of Glencaim and the lord Tarbot, to go into any of 
the vacant churches that I liked. I was then but 
nineteen ' : yet there is no law in Scotland limiting 
the age of a priest. And it was upon this account 
that I was let so far into the secret of all affairs : 

' It is a little surprising that faculty he had in keeping a se- 

a youth of nineteen should have cret; which I gave queen Ann 

been let into the secret of all a proof of, by telling her be- 

affairs. No doubt the great forehand I would tell the bishop 

moderation, and zeal for epi- of Salisbury a particular story, 

scopacy, which he mentions and enjoin him secrecy, which 

with a singular degree of mo- he readily promised, but came 

desty, which appeared early in two days after from London to 

him, and continued to his dy- Windsor, to tell it her, which 

ing day, must have been the in- made her laugh very heartily, 

ducements : besides a notable D. 

s 4 

1662. for they had such an imagination of some service I 

might do them, that they treated me with a very 
particular freedom and confidence. But I had 
drunk in the principles of moderation so early, that, 
though I was entirely episcopal, yet I would not 
engage with a body of men, that seemed to have 
the principles and tempers of inquisitors in them, 
and to have no regard to religion in any of their 
proceedings. So I stood upon my youth, and could 
not be wrought on to go to the west ; though the 
earl of Glencairn offered to carry me with him 
under his protection. 

There was a sort of an invitation sent over the 
kingdom, like a hue and cry, to aU persons to accept 
of benefices in the west. The livings were generally 
well endowed, and the parsonage houses were well 
built, and in good repair : and this drew many very 
156 worthless persons thither, who had little learning, 
less piety, and no sort of discretion. They came 
thither with great prejudices against them, and had 
A general many diflEiculties to wrestle with. The former in- 
them. cumbents, who were for the most part protestors, 
were a grave, solemn sort of people. Their spirits 
were eager, and their tempers sour : but they had 
an appearance that created respect. They were re- 
lated to the chief families in the country, either by 
blood or marriage ; and had lived in so decent a 
manner, that the gentry paid great respect to them. 
They used to visit their parishes much, and were 
so full of the scriptures, and so ready at extempore 
prayer, that from that they grew to practise extem- 
pore sermons : for the custom in Scotland was after 
dinner or supper to read a chapter in the scripture : 
and where they happened to come, if it was accept- 


able, they on the sudden expounded the chapter. 1662. 
They had brought the people to such a degree of 
knowledge, that cottagers and servants would have 
prayed extempore. I have often overheard them at 
it : and, though there was a large mixture of odd 
stuff, yet I have been astonished to hear how co- 
pious and ready they were in it. Their ministers 
generally brought them about them on the Sunday 
nights, where the sermons were talked over; and 
every one, women as well as men, were desired to 
speak their sense and their experience : and by these 
means they had a comprehension of matters of reli- 
gion, greater than I have seen among people of that 
sort any where. The preachers went all in one 
track, of raising observations on points of doctrine 
out of their text, and proving these by reasons, and 
then of applying those, and shewing the use that 
was to he made of such a point of doctrine, both for 
instruction and terror, for exhortation and comfort, 
for trial of themselves upon it, and for furnishing 
them with proper directions and helps : and this 
was so methodical, that the people grew to follow a 
sermon quite through every branch of it. To this 
some added, the resolving of doubts concerning the 
state they were in, or their progress pr decay in it ; 
which they called cases of conscience : and these 
were taken from what their people said to them at 
any time, very oft being under fits of melancholy, or 
vapours, or obstructions, which, though they flowed 
from natural causes, were looked on as the work of 
the Spirit of God, and a particular exercise to them ; 
and they fed this disease of weak minds too much. 
Thus they had laboured very diligently, though with 
a wrong method and wrong notions. But as they 


1662. lived in great familiarity with their people, and used 
to pray and to talk oft with them in private, so it 
can hardly be imagined to what a degree tliey were 
157 loved ^iid reverenced by them. They kept scandal- 
ous persons under a severe discipline : for breach of 
sabbath, for an oath, or the least disorder in drunk- 
enness, persons were cited before the church session, 
that consisted of ten or twelve of the chief of the 
parish, who with the minister had this care upon 
them, and were solemnly reproved for it : for forni- 
cation they were not only reproved before these, but 
there was a high place in the church, called the 
stool or piQar of repentance, where they sat at the 
times of worship for three Lord's-days, receiving ad- 
monitions, and making profession of repentance on 
all those days ; which some did with many tears, 
and serious exhortations to all the rest, to take 
warning by their fall "'. For adultery they were to 
sit six months in that place, covered with sackcloth. 
These things had a grave appearance. Their faults 
and defects were not so conspicuous. They had a 
very scanty measure of learning, and a narrow com- 
pass in it. They were little men, of a very indif- 
ferent size of capacity, and apt to fly out into great 
excess of passion and indiscretion. They were ser- 
vile, and too apt to fawn upon and flatter their ad- 
mii'ers. They were affected in their deportment. 

*" This puts me in mind of a down, for his penance was 

ridiculous story duke Hamilton over. " It may be so," said 

told me of the old earl of Eg- the earl, " but 1 shall always 

lington, who had done penance " set here for the future, be- 

for fornication, and the fourth " cause it is the best seat in 

Lord's day came, and set there " the kirk, and I do not see a 

again, which the minister per- " better man to take it from 

ceiving, called to him to come. " me." D. 


and very apt to censure all who differed from them, 1662. 
and to believe and report whatsoever they heard to 
their prejudice. And they were superstitious and 
haughty ". In their sermons they were apt to en- 
large on the state of the present time, and to preach 
against the sins of princes and courts : a topic that 
naturally makes men popular. It has an appearance 
of courage : and the people are glad to hear those 
sins insisted on, in which they perceive they have 
no share, and to believe that all the judgments of 
God come down by the means and procurement of 
other men's sins. But their opinions about the in- 
dependence of the church and clergy on the civil 
power, and their readiness to stir up the people to 
tumults and wars, was that which begot so ill an 
opinion of them at this time in all men, that very 
few, who were not deeply engaged with them in 
these conceits, pitied them much, under all the ill 
usage they now met with. I hope this is no imper- 
tinent nor ungrateful digression. It is a just and 
true account of these men and those times, from 
which a judicious reader will make good inferences. 
I will conclude this with a judicious answer that 
one of the wisest and best of them, Colvil, who suc- 
ceeded Leightoun in the headship of the college of 
Edenburgh, made to the earl of Midletoun, when he 
pressed him in the point of defensive arms to tell 
plainly his opinion, whether they were lawful or 
not. He said, the question had been often put to 
him, and he had always declined to answer it : but 
to him he plainly said, he wished that kings and 
their ministers would believe them lawful, and so 
govern as men that expect to be resisted; but he 158 
° Strange inconsistent stuff. S. 


1662. wished that all their subjects would believe them to 
be unlawful, and so the world would be at quiet. 
Prejudices I do uow rctum to end the account of the state 

infused n ^ 1 • • m-i 

against 01 that couutry at this time. Ihe people were 
episcopacy. j^^^Y^ troublcd, whcu SO many of their ministers 
were turned out. Their ministers had, for some 
months before they were thus silenced, been infus- 
ing this into their people, both in public and pri- 
vate ; that aU that was designed in this change of 
church government was to destroy the power of 
godliness, and to give an impunity to vice ; that 
prelacy was a tyranny in the church, set on by am- 
bitious and covetous men, who aimed at nothing but 
authority and wealth, luxury and idleness ; and that 
they intended to encourage vice, that they might 
procure to themselves a great party among the im- 
pious and immoral. The people, thus prepossessed, 
seeing the earl of Midletoun, and all the train that 
followed him through those counties, running into 
excesses of aU sorts, and railing at the very appear- 
ance of virtue and sobriety, were confirmed in the 
belief of all that their ministers had told them. 
What they had heard concerning Sharp's betraying 
those that had employed him, and the other bishops, 
who had taken the covenant, and had forced it on 
others, and now preached against it, openly owning 
that they had in so doing gone against the express 
dictate of their own conscience, did very much 
heighten all their prejudices, and fixed them so in 
them, that it was scarce possible to conquer them 
afterwards. All this was out of measure increased 
by the new incumbents, who were put in the places 
of the ejected preachers, and were generally very 
mean and despicable in all respects. They were the 


worst preachers I ever heard: they were ignorant 1662. 
to a reproach : and many of them were openly yi- '■ 

cious. They were a disgrace to their orders, and 
the sacred functions ; and were indeed the dreg and 
refuse of the northern parts. Those of them who 
arose above contempt or scandal, were men of such 
violent tempers, that they were as much hated as 
the others were despised. This was the fatal be- 
ginning of restoring episcopacy in Scotland, of which 
few of the bishops seemed to have any sense. Fair- 
foul, the most concerned, had none at aU : for he 
fell into a paralytic state, in which he languished a 
year before he died. I have thus opened the first 
settlement in Scotland : of which I myself observed 
what was visible, and understood the more secret 
transactions from those who had such a share in 
them, that it was not possible for them to mistake 
them : and I had no reason to think they intended 
to deceive or misinform me. 

I will in the next place change the climate, and 1660. 
eive as particular an account as I can of the settle- ^^9 

. . The affairs 

ment of England both in church and state : which, of England. 
though it will be perhaps imperfect, and will in 
some parts be out of order, yet I am well assured it 
will be found true ; having picked it up at several 
times, from the earl of Lauderdale, Sir Robert Mur- 
ray, the earl of Shaftsbury, the earl of Clarendon 
the son of the lord chancellor, the lord HoUis, and 
sir Harbottle Grimstone, who was the speaker of 
the house of commons, under whose protection I 
lived nine years when I was preacher at the rolls, 
he being then master of the rolls. From such 
hands I could not be misled, when I laid all to- 


1660. gether, and considered what reason I had to make 
allowances for the different accounts that diversity' 
of parties and interests may lead men to give, they 
too easily believing some things, and as easily reject- 
ing others, as they stood affected. 
f'^ After the king came over, no person in the house 
of commons had the courage to move the offering 
propositions for any limitation of prerogative, or the 
defining of any doubtful points. All was joy and 
rapture. If the king had applied himself to busi- 
ness, and had pursued those designs which he stu- 
died to retrieve all the rest of his reign, when it was 
too late, he had probably in those first transports 
carried every thing that he would have desired, ei- 
ther as to revenue or power. But he was so given 
up to pleasure, that he devolved the management of 
all his affairs on the earl of Clarendon ; who, as he 
had his breeding in the law, so he had all along de- 
clared himself for the ancient liberties of England, 
as weU as for the rights of the crown. A domestic 
accident had happened to him, which heightened 
his zeal for the former. He, when he began to 
grow eminent in his profession, came down to see 
his aged father, a gentleman of Wiltshire : who, one 
day, as they were walking in the field together, told 
him, that men of his profession did often stretch law 
and prerogative, to the prejudice of the liberty of the 
Subject, to recommend and advance themselves : so 
he charged him, if ever he grew to any eminence in 
' his profession, that he should never sacrifice the 
laws and liberties of his country to his own interests, 
or to the will of a prince. He repeated this twice : 
and immediately he fell into a fit of an apoplexy, of 
which he died in a few hours. This the earl of Cla- 


rendon told the lady Ranelagh, who put him often wdOi 
in mind of it : and from her I had it. " 

He resolved not to stretch the prerogative beyond clarendon's 
what it was before the wars, and would neither set moderate 
aside the petition of right, nor endeavour to raise ""*"'"*' 
the courts of the star-chamber or the high commis- 
sion again, which could have been easily done, if he 
had set about it : nor did he think fit to move for 
the repeal of the act for triennial parliaments, till 
other matters were well settled. He took care in- 
deed to have all tlie things that were extorted by 
the long parliament from king Charles I. to be re- 
pealed. And since the dispute of the power of the 
militia was the most important, and the most in- 
sisted on, he was very earnest to have that clearly 
determined for the future. But as to all the acts 
relating to property, or the just limitation of the 
prerogative, such as the matter of the ship-money, 
the tonnage and poundage, and the habeas corpus 
act, he did not touch on these. And as for the 
standing revenue, 1,200,000/. a year was all that 
was asked : and, though it was much more than any 
of our kings had formerly, yet it was readily grant- 
ed. This was to answer aU the ordinary expense of 
the government. It was believed, that if two mil- 
lions had been asked, he could have carried it. But 
he had no mind to put the king out of the necessity 
of having recourse to his parliament. The king 
came afterwards to believe that he could have raised 
both his authority and revenue much higher, but 
that he had no mind to carry it farther, or to trust 
him too much. Whether all these things could 
have been got at that time, or not, is above my con- 
jecture. But this I know, that all the earl of Cla- 


1660. rendon's [court] enemies after his faU said, these 

things had been easily obtained, if he had taken any 

pains in the matter, but that he himself had no mind 
to it : and they infused this into the king, so that 
he believed it, and hated him mortally on that ac- 
count. And in his difficulties afterwards he said 
often, all those things might have been prevented, if 
the earl of Clarendon had been true to him ". 
Venner's The king had not been many days at Whitehall, 
^^^' when one Venner, a violent fifth-monarchy man, 
who thought it was not enough to believe that 
Christ was to reign on earth, and to put the saints 
in the possession of the kingdom, (an opinion that 
they were all unspeakably fond of,) but added to 
this, that the saints were to take the kingdom them- 
selvesP. He gathered some of the most furious of 
the party to a meeting in Coleman-street. There 
they concerted the day and the manner of their ris- 
ing to set Christ on his throne, as they called it; 
But withal they meant to manage the government 
in his name ; and were so formal, that they had pre- 
pared standards and colours with their devices on 
them, and furnished themselves with very good 
arms. But when the day came, there was but a 
small appearance, not exceeding twenty. However 
161 they resolved to venture out into the streets, and 
cry out, No king but Christ. Some of them seemed 
persuaded that Christ would come down, and head 

i * ° He himself is silent as to this great and lasting service ta 

all this, in the history of his his country, has been, and is, 

life; but that may be accounted the universal persuasion. Qui- 

for without having any doubt que sui memores alios fecere me- 

of its truth. If it is true of rendo. O. 
him, how much are we all in- p This wants grammar. S. 

debted to him? That he did 


them. They scoured the streets before them, and 1660. 
made a great progress. Some were afraid, and all 
were amazed at this piece of extravagance. They 
killed a great many, but were at last mastered by 
numbers : and were all either killed, or taken and 
executed. Upon this some troops of guards were 
raised. And there was a great talk of a design, as 
soon as the army was disbanded, to raise a force 
that should be so chosen and modelled that the king 
might depend upon it ; and that it should be so con- 
siderable, that there might be no reason to appre- 
hend new tumults any more. The earl of South- 
ampton looked on a while : and when he saw how 
this design seemed to be entertained and magnified, 
he entered into a very free expostulation with the 
earl of Clarendon about it. He said, they had felt 
the effects of a military government, though sober 
and religious, in CromweU's army : he believed vi- 
cious and dissolute troops would be much worse : 
the king would gi'ow fond of them : and they would 
quickly become insolent and ungovernable : and then 
such men as he was must be only instruments to 
serve their ends. He said he would not look on, 
and see the ruin of his country begun, and be silent : 
a white staff should not bribe him. The earl of 
Clarendon was persuaded he was in the right, and 
promised he would divert the king from any other 
force than what might be decent to make a shew 
with, and what might serve to disperse unruly mul- 
titudes. The earl of Southampton said, if it went 
no farther, he could bear it; but it would not be 
easy to fix such a number, as would please om' 
princes, and not give jealousy. The earl of Claren- 
don persuaded the king, that it was necessary for 

VOL. I. T" 


1660. him to carry himself with great caution, tiU the old 
army should be disbanded : for, if an ill humour got 
among them, they knew both their courage and 
their principles, which the present times had for a 
while a little suppressed : yet upon any just jealousy 
there might be great cause to fear new and more 
violent disorders. By these means the king was so 
wrought on, that there was no great occasion given 
for jealousy. The army was to be disbanded, but in 
such a manner, with so much respect, and so exact 
an account of arrears, and such gratuities, that it 
looked rather to be the dismissing them to the next 
opportunity, and a reserving them till there should 
be occasion for their service, than a breaking of 
them. They were certainly the bravest, the best 
disciplined, and the soberest army that had been 
known in these latter ages : every soldier was able 
to do the functions of an officer. The court was at 
great quiet, when they got rid of such a burden, as 
162 lay on them from the fear of such a body of men. 
The guards, and the new troops that were raised, 
were made up of such of the army as Monk recom- 
mended, and answered for. And with that his 
great interest at court came to a stand. He was 
little considered afterwards. 
The trial jn quc thing the temper of the nation appeared 

and execu- " '■ 

tion of the to bc Contrary to severe proceedings : for, though 
regici es, ^^^ rcgicidcs wcrc at that time odious beyond all 
expression, and the trials and executions of the first 
that suffered were run to by vast crowds, and aU 
people seemed pleased with the sight, yet the odious- 
ness of the crime grew at last to be so much flat- 
tened by the frequent executions, and most of those 
who suffered dying with much firmness and shew of 


piety, justifying all they had done, not without a 1660. 
seeming joy for their suffering on that account, that """"^ 
the king was advised not to proceed farther, at least 
not to have the scene so near the court as Charing- 
cross. It was indeed remarkable that Peters, a sort 
of an enthusiastical buffoon preacher, though a very 
vicious man, who had been of great use to Crom- 
well, and had been outrageous in pressing the king's 
death with the cruelty and rudeness of an inquisi- 
tor, was the man of them all that was the most sunk 
in his spirit, and could not in any sort bear his pu- 
nishment. He had neither the honesty to repent of 
it, nor the strength of mind to suffer for it, as all 
the rest of them did. He was observed all the 
while to be drinking some cordial liquors to keep 
him from fainting. Harrison was the first that suf- 
fered. He was a fierce and bloody enthusiast. And 
it was believed, that while the army was in doubt, 
whether it was fitter to kill the king privately, or to 
bring him to an open trial, that he offered, if a pri- 
vate way was settled on, to be the man that should 
do it. So he was begun with. But, however rea- 
sonable this might be in it self, it had a very ill ef- 
fect : for he was a man of great heat and resolution, 
fixed in his principles, and so persuaded of them, 
that he had never looked after any interests of his 
own, but had opposed Cromwell when he set up for 
himself. He went through all the indignities and 
severities of his execution, in which the letter of the 
law in cases of treason was punctually observed, 
with a calmness, or rather a cheerfulness, that as- 
tonished the spectators. He spoke very positively, 
that what they had done was the cause and work of 
God, which he was confident God would own and 

T 2 


1660. raise up again, how much soever it suffered at that 
time. Upon this a report was spread, and generally 
believed, that he said he himself should rise again : 
though the party denied that, and reported the 
words as I have set them down. One person escaped, 
as was reported, merely by his vices : Henry Mar- 
163 tin, who had been a most violent enemy to mo- 
narchy. But all that he moved for was upon Ro- 
man or Greek principles. He never entered into 
matters of religion, but on design to laugh both at 
them and all morality ; for he was both an impious 
and vicious man. And now in his imprisonment he 
delivered himself up to vice and blasphemy. It was 
said, that this helped him to so many friends, that 
upon that very account he was spared p. John Good- 
win and Milton did also escape all censure, to the 
surprise of all people. Goodwin had so often not 
only justified, but magnified the putting the king to 
death, both in his sermons and books, that few 
thought he could have been either forgot or ex- 
cused : for Peters and he were the only preachers 
that spoke of it in that strain. But Goodwin had 
been so zealous an Arminian, and had sown such di- 
vision among all the sectaries upon these heads, that 
it was said this procured him friends. Upon what 
account soever it was, he was not censured. Milton 
had appeared so boldly, though with much wit, and 
great purity and elegancy of style, against Salmasius 
j and others, upon that argument of the putting the 
king to death, and had discovered such violence 
against the late king and all the royal family, and 
against monarchy, that it was thought a strange 

P He censures even mercy. S. 


omission if he was forgot, and an odd strain of cle- 1660. 
mency if it was intended he should be forgiven. 
He was not excepted out of the act of indemnity ^. 
And afterwards he came out of his concealment, and 
lived many years, much visited by all strangers, and 
much admired by all at home for the poems he writ, 
though he was then blind ; chiefly that of Paradise 
Lost, in which there is a nobleness both of contriv- 
ance and execution, that, though he affected to write 
in blahk verse without rhyme, and made many new 
and rough words, yet it was esteemed the beautiful- 
est and perfectest poem that ever was writ, at least 
in our language ^ 

But as the sparing these persons was much cen- 1661. 
sured, so on the other hand the putting Sir Henry ^('^"^^^t^j. 
Vane to death was as much blamed : for the decla- 
ration from Breda being full for an indemnity to all, 
except the regicides, he was comprehended in that '^ ; 
since, though he was for changing the government, 
and deposing the king, yet he did not approve of the 
putting him to death, nor of the force put on the 
parliament, but did for some time, while these things 
were acted, withdraw from the scene ^ This was so 

'1 His life was spared by the Salmon's Examination of Bishop 

means of the famous sir Wil- Burnet's Hist. vol. i. p. 506. 

liam Davenant, whose life he But there was an address in his 

had saved under the former favour after this by the parlia- 

powers. O. ment, the prayer of which was 

^ A mistake, for it is in Eng- assented to by the king.) 

lish. S. ^ (" His hand was proved to 

* ("In the Declaration from " a warrant issued out to the 

" Breda, all those are excepted " oflicers of the navy to put the 

" out of the indemnity, who " fleet in readiness, on that 

" should afterwards be excepted " very 30th of January 1648. 

" by parliament, and sir Harry " on which the king was niur- 

" Vane was excepted by name." " dered. He was proved also 

T 3 



1661. represented by his friends, that an address was made 
by both houses on his behalf, to which the king gave 
a favourable answer, though in general words. So 
he reckoned that he was safe"; that being equivalent 
to an act of parliament, though it wanted the neces- 
sary forms. Yet the great share he had in the at- 
I64tainder of the earl Strafford, and in the whole turn 
of affairs to the total change of government, but 
above all the great opinion that was had of his 
parts and capacity to embroil matters again, made 
the court think it necessary to put him out of the 
way ^. He was naturally a very fearful man : this 
one who knew him well told me, and gave me emi- 
nent instances of it. He had a head as darkened in 
his notions of religion, as his mind was clouded with 
fear y ; for though he set up a form of religion in a 

" to be an acting member in 
" the rebels' council of state on 
" the 13th of February, and 
" the 23d of March following : 
" and it was proved that he 
" continued to act in their 
" councils and armies until 
•• the year 1659 inclusive." 
Salmon, ibid. p. 507.) 

" So did every body at that 
time, and it was so designed : it 
was a medium to accommodate 
the diiference between the two 
houses, upon his case. The 
commons had expressly pro- 
vided for the sparing of his life. 
The lords disagreed to that, 
and the commons only yielded 
upon the proposal of this joint 
address. The words of the ad- 
dress, or rather petition, were, 
" That, as his majesty had de- 
" clared he would proceed 
" only against the immediate 

" murderers of his father, they 
" (the lords and commons) 
" not finding sir Henry Vane 
" or colonel Lambert to be of 
" that number, are humble 
" suitors to his majesty, that if 
" they shall be attainted, yet 
" execution as to their lives 
" maybe remitted." The king's 
answer, as reported by the lord 
chancellor, was, " That his ma- 
" jesty grants the desires in 
" the said petition." It is true, 
in the next parliament, there 
was an address to prosecute 
them. Lambert was attainted 
as well as sir Henry Vane, but 
his life was spared. He lived 
several years afterwards in pri- 
son, and died a papist. O. 

^ A malicious turn. Vane 
was a dangerous enthusiastic 
beast. S. 

y See lord Clarendon's His- 


way of his own, yet it consisted rather in a with- 166 1. 
drawing from all other forms, than in any new or 
particular opinions or forms ; from which he and his 
party were called seekers, and seemed to wait for 
some new and clearer manifestations. In these 
meetings he preached and prayed often himself, but 
with so peculiar a darkness, that though I have 
sometimes taken pains to see if I could find out his 
meaning in his works, yet I could never reach it. 
And since many others have said the same, it may 
be reasonable to believe he hid somewhat that was a 
necessary key to the rest. His friends told me he 
leaned to Origen's notion of an universal salvation of 
aU, both of devils and the damned, and to the doc- 
trine of pre-existence. When he saw his death was 
designed, he composed himself to it, with a resolu- 
tion that surprised aU who knew how little of that 
was natural to him. Some instances of this were 
very extraordinary, though they cannot be men- 
tioned with decency '^. He was beheaded on Tower- And execu- 
Hill, where a new and very indecent practice was 
begun. It was observed that the dying speeches of 
the regicides had left impressions on the hearers, 
that were not at all to the advantage of the govern- 
ment. So strains of a peculiar nature being ex- 
pected from him, to prevent that, drummers were 
placed under the scaffold, who, as soon as he began 

story of the Rebellion, vol. iii. made upon her, if she proved 
p. 544. O. with child : which occasioned 
^ His lady conceived of him an unlucky jest when his son 
the night before his execution, was made a privy-counsellor 
S. He cohabited with his lady with father Peters in king 
the night before he was exe- James's reign. The earl of 
cuted, and declared he had Dorset said, he believed his fa- 
done so, next morning ; for ther got him after his head 
fear any reflection should be was off. D. 

T 4 



i6'di. to speak of the public, upon a sign given, struck up 
'with their drums. This put him in no disorder. He 
desired they might be stopped, for he understood- 
what was meant by it. Then he went through his 
devotions. And, as he was taking leave of those 
about him, he happening to say somewhat with re- 
lation to the times, the drums struck up a second 
time : so he gave over, and died with so much com- 
posedness, that it was generally thought the govern- 
ment had lost more than it had gained by his 
death ^. 
The king The act of indemnity passed with very few ex- 
feifupto ceptions; at which the cavaliers were highly dis- 
sures/* satisfied, and made great complaints of it. In the 
disposal of offices and places, as it was not possible 
to gratify all, so there was little regard had to men's 
merits or services. The king was determined to 

» " Hamton courte, Saturday, 
two in the afternoon. 

" The relation that has 
been made to me of sir H. 
Vane's carriage yesterday in 
the hall, is the occasion of 
this letter, which, if I am 
rightly informed, was so inso- 
lent, as to justyfy all he had 
done ; acknowledgeing no su- 
preame power in England, 
but a parliament: and many 
things to that purpose. You 
have had a true accounte of 
all, and if he has given new 
occasion to be hanged, cer- 
taynly he is too dangerous a 
' man to lett live, if we can 
honestly put him out of the 
way. Thinke of this, and 
give me some accounte of it 
tomorrow, till when I have no 
more to say to you. C." In- 

dorsed in Lord Clarendon's 
hand. The King, yth June. 

Sir Henry Vane was be- 
headed that day sennight, viz. 
14th of June, 1662. See among 
the State Trials that of sir 
Henry Vane, especially the lat- 
ter end of what is printed there. 
1 6th of April, 1766. 

The above letter I had co- 
pied from the original, which 
is in the possession of — (James 
West, of Covent Garden, Esq.) 
and which I saw, the 24th of 
June, 1759. Arthur Onslow. 

I find this letter is lately 
printed in Dr. Harris's Account 
of king Charles the second. 
But how he came by it, I do 
not know. O. 

Vane was beheaded for new 
attempts, not here mention- 
ed. S, 


most of these by the cabal that met at mistress Pal- 1661. 

mer's lodgings. And though the earl of Clarendon ^qk 
did often prevail with the king to alter the resolu- 
tions taken there, yet he was forced to let a great 
deal go that he did not like. He would never make 
applications to mistress Palmer, nor let any thing 
pass the seal in which she was named ^, as the earl 
of Southampton would never suffer her name to be 
in the treasury books. Those virtuous ministers 
thought it became them to let the world see that 
they did not comply with the king in his vices. But 
whether the earl of Clarendon spoke so freely to the 
king about his course of life, as was given out, I 
cannot tell. When the cavaliers saw they had not 
that share in places that they expected, they com- 
plained of it so highly, that the earl of Clarendon, to 
excuse the king's passing them by, was apt to beat 
down the value they set on their services. This 
laid the foundation of an implacable hatred in many 
of them, that was completed by the extent and com- The act of 
prehensiveness of the act of indemnity, which cut J^^j^^'J^i^Jj 
off their hopes of being reimbursed out of the fines, 
if not the confiscations of those, who had, during the 
course of the wars, been on the parliament's side. It 
is true, the first parliament, called, by way of dero- 
gation, the convention, had been too much on that 
side not to secure themselves and their friends. So 
they took care to have the most comprehensive 
words put in it that could be thought of*^. But 

b For which reason the hus- chamber to the queen. She 

bandwas prevailed upon, though was not created duchess of 

with difficulty, to accept of an Cleveland till about the year 

Irish patent to be viscount Cas- 1670. O. 

tlemain, that she might be qua- '^ In the interval between the 

lifted to be a lady of the bed- two parliaments many persons 


1661. when the new parliament was called, a year after, in 
which there was a design to set aside the act of in- 
demnity, and to have brought in a new one, the 
king did so positively insist on his adhering to the 
act of indemnity, that the design of breaking into it 
was laid aside. The earl of Clarendon owned it 
was his counsel. Acts or promises of indemnity, he 
thought, ought to be held sacred : a fidelity in the 
' observation of them was the only foundation upon 
which any government could hope to quiet seditions 
or civil wars : and if people once thought that those 
promises were only made to deceive them, without 
an intention to observe them religiously, they would 
never for the future hearken to any treaty. He 
often said it was the making those promises had 
brought the king home, and it was the keeping 
them must keep him at home. So that whole work, 
from beginning to the end, was entirely his. The 
angry men, that were thus disappointed of all their 
hopes, made a jest of the title of it. An act ofoh- 
livion and of indemnity ; and said, the king had 
passed an act of oblivion for his friends, and of in- 
demnity for his enemies. To load the earl of Cla- 
rendon the more, it was given out that he advised 
the king to gain his enemies, since he was sure of 
his friends by their principles. With this he was 
often charged, though he always denied it ''. Whe- 
l66ther the king fastened it upon him after he had dis- 

obtained particular pardons un- '' He might deny the words, 

der the great seal, for what but the practice was suitable to 

was included in the act of in- such doctrine, and every body 

demnity. My great grandfa- knew there was nothing done 

ther had one, which I have at that time but by his ad- 

seen. O. vice. D. 


graced him, to make him the more odious, I cannot 1661. 
tell. It is certain the king said many very hard 
things of him, for which he was much blamed : and 
in most of them he was but Uttle believed. 

It was natural for the king, upon his restoration, 1662. 
to look out for a proper marriage. And it was soon ^arri'^f.^ 
observed, that he was resolved not to marry a pro- 
testant. He pretended a contempt of the Germans, 
and of the northern crowns. France had no sister. 
He had seen the duke of Orleans's daughters, and 
Uked none of them. Spain had only two infantas : 
and as the eldest was married to the king of France, 
the second was to go to Vienna. So the house of 
Portugal only remained, to furnish him a wife, 
among the crowned heads. Monk began to hearken 
to a motion made him for this by a Jew, that ma- 
naged the concerns of Portugal, which were now 
given for lost, since they were abandoned by France 
by the treaty of the Pyrenees ; in which it appears, 
by cardinal Mazarin's letters, that he did entirely 
deliver up their concerns; which was imputed to 
his desire to please the queen-mother of France, 
who, being a daughter of Spain, owned herself still 
to be in the interests of Spain in every thing in 
which France was not concerned, for in that case 
she pretended she was true to the crown of France. 
And this was the true secret of Cardinal Mazarin's 
carrying on that war so feebly as he did, to gratify 
the queen-mother on the one hand, and his own co- 
vetousness on the other : for the less public expense 
was made, he had the greater occasions of enriching 
himself, which was all he thought on. The Portu- 
gueze being thus, as they thought, cast off by 


1662. France, were very apprehensive of falling under the 
Castillians, who, how weak soever they were in op- 
position to France, yet were like to be too hard for 
them, when they had nothing else on their hands. 
So, vast offers were made, if the king would marry 
their infanta, and take them under his protection. 
Monk was the more encouraged to entertain the 
proposition, because some pretended, that, in the 
beginning of the war of Portugal, king Charles had 
entered into a negotiation for a marriage between 
his son and this infanta. And the veneration paid 
his memory was then so high, that every thing he 
had projected was esteemed sacred. Monk pro- 
mised to serve the interests of Portugal : and that 
was, as sir Robert Southwell told me, the first step 
made in that matter^. Soon after the king came 
into England, an embassy of congratulation came 
from thence, with orders to negotiate that business. 
The Spanish ambassador, who had a pretension of 
167 merit from the king in behalf of that crown, since 
they had received and entertained him at Brussels, 
when France had thrown him off, set himself much 
against this match : and, among other things, af- 
firmed, that the infanta was incapable of having 
children. But this was little considered. The Spa- 
niards are not very scrupulous in affirming any 
thing that serves their ends : and this marriage was 
like to secure the kingdom of Portugal. So it was 
no wonder that he opposed it : and little regard was 
had to all that he said to break it. 
An alliance At this time mousicur Fouquet was araininff an 

proposed ^ 100 

from ascendant in the counsels of France, cardinal Maza- 


^ See post p, 297. O. 


rin falling then into a languishing, of which he died 1 662. 
a year after. He sent one over to the king with a 
project of an alliance between France and England. 
He was addressed first to the earl of Clarendon, to 
whom he enlarged on aU the heads of the scheme 
he had brought, of which the match with Portugal 
was a main article. And, to make all go down the 
better, Fouquet desired to enter into a particular 
friendship with the earl of Clarendon ; and sent 
him the offer of 10,000/. and assured him of the re- 
newing the same present every year. The lord 
Clarendon told him, he would lay all that related to 
the king faithfully before him, and give him his an- 
swer in a little time : but for what related to him- 
self, he said, he served a gi'eat and bountiful master, 
who knew well how to support and reward his ser- 
vants : he would ever serve him faithfully ; and, 
because he knew he must serve those from whom 
he accepted the hire, therefore he rejected the offer 
with great indignation. He laid before the king 
the heads of the proposed alliance, which required 
much consultation. But in the next place he told 
both the king and his brother what had been offered 
to himself. They both advised him to accept of it. 
Why, said he, have you a mind that I should betray 
you ? The king answered, he knew nothing could 
corrupt him. Then, said he, you know me better 
than I do my self: for if I take the money, I shall 
find the sweet of it, and study to have it continued 
to me by deserving it. He told them, how he had 
rejected the offer; and very seriously warned the 
king of the danger he saw he might faU into, if he 
suffered any of those who served him, to be once 
pensioners to other princes : those presents were 


1662. made only to bias them in their counsels, and to 
discover secrets by their means: and if the king 
gave way to it, the taking money would soon grow 
to a habit, and spread like an infection through the 
whole court. 
168 As the motion for the match with Portugal was 
y^]^,j!^"„fjf carried on, an incident of an extraordinary nature 
nage. happened in the court. The earl of Clarendon's 
daughter, being with child, and near her time, called 
upon the duke of York to own his marriage with 
her. She had been maid of honour to the princess 
royal : and the duke, who was even to his old age 
of an amorous disposition, tried to gain her to com- 
ply with his desires. She managed the matter with 
so much address, that in conclusion he married her. 
Her father did very solemnly protest, that he knew 
nothing of the matter, till now that it broke out ^ 
The duke thought to have shaken her from claim- 
ing it by great promises, and as great threatenings s. 

f Lord Shaftsbury told sir had been informed, by the king's 
Mich. Wharton, from whom I order, of the marriage, and 
had it, he had observed a respect whilst it still remained a secret 
from lord Clarendon and his from the public. King Charles's 
lady to their daughter, that was conduct in this business was ex- 
very unusual from parents to cellent throughout, that of Cla- 
their children, which gave him rendon worthy an ancient Ro- 
a jealousy she was married to man. See Continuation of the 
one of the brothers, but sus- Life of the Earl of Clarendon, 
pected the king most. D. (As by himself, p. 27 — 40.) 
far as lord Clarendon's lady is s And a scandalous attempt 
concerned in this story, sir Mi- was made to affect her repu- 
chael Wharton's veracity is esta- tation, as my lord Clarendon 
Wished by Locke's Memoirs of says, in a manuscript history, 
the Earl of Shaftsbury. See written by himself, of his life, 
Locke's Works, vol. iii. p. 493. or rather a continuation of it. 
And it appears, from lord Cla- from the restoration to within 

rendon's account of this trans- of his death. 1 had the 

action, that his daughter resided reading of this manuscript, by 

with him for some time after he the favour of the lord Corn- 


But she was a woman of a great spirit. She said, she 1662. 
was his wife, and would have it known that she ' 

was so, let him use her afterwards as he pleased. 
Many discourses were set about upon this occasion. 
But the king ordered some bishops and judges to 
peruse the proofs she had to produce : and they re- 
ported that, according to the doctrine of the Gospel, 
and the law of England, it was a good marriage. 
So it was not possible to break it, but by trying 
how far the matter could be carried against her, for 
marrying a person so near the king without his 
leave. The king would not break with the earl of 
Clarendon : and so he told his brother, he must 
drink as he brewed, and live with her whom he had 
made his wife. All the earl of Clarendon's enemies 
rejoiced at this : for they reckoned, how much so- 
ever it seemed to raise him at present, yet it would 
raise envy so high against him, and make the king 
so jealous of him, as being more in his brother's in- 
terests than in his own, that they looked on it as 
that which would end in his ruin. And he himself 
thought so, as his son told me : for, as soon as he 
knew of it, and when he saw his son lifted up with 
it, he protested to him, that he knew nothing of the 
matter, till it broke out ; but added, that he looked 
on it, as that which must be all their ruin sooner or 

Upon this I will digress a little, to give an ac- The duke's 


count of the duke's character, whom I knew for 
some years so particularly, that I can say much 

bury that now is, (1748,) and king, his ministers, and court, 

found in it great confirmations O. (This work was first pub- 

of what is in this history within lished by the university of Ox- 

ihat period, which relate to the ford, in 1 759.) 


1660. upon my own knowledge. He was very brave in 
his youth, and so much magnified by monsieur Tu- 
renne, that, till his marriage lessened him, he really 
clouded the king, and passed for the superior genius. 
He was naturally candid and sincere, and a firm 
friend, tiU affairs and his religion wore out all his 
first principles and inclinations. He had a great 
desire to understand affairs : and in order to that 
he kept a constant journal of all that passed, of 
169 which he shewed me a great deal. The duke of 
Buckingham gave me once a short but severe cha- 
racter of the two brothers. It was the more severe, 
because it was true : the king (he said) could see 
things if he would, and the duke would see things 
if he could. He had no true judgment, and was 
soon determined by those whom he trusted : but he 
was obstinate against all other advices. He was 
• bred with high notions of the kingly authority, and 
laid it down for a maxim, that aU who opposed the 
king were rebels in their hearts. He was perpe- 
tually in one amour or other, without being very 
nice in his choice : upon which the king said once, 
he believed his brother had his mistresses given him 
by his priests for penance. He gave me this ac- 
count of his changing his religion : when he escaped 
out of the hands of the earl of Northumberland, 
who had the charge of his education trusted to him 
by the parliament, and had used him with great re- 
spect, all due care was taken, as soon as he got be- 
yond sea, to form him to a strict adherence to the 
church of England : among other things, much was 
said of the authority of the church, and of the tradi- 
tion from the apostles in support of episcopacy : so 
that, when he came to observe that there was more 


reason to submit to the catholic church than to one 1660. 
particular church, and that other traditions might 
be taken on her word, as well as episcopacy was re- 
ceived among us, he thought the step was not great, 
but that it was very reasonable to go over to the 
church of Rome : and doctor Steward having taught 
him to believe a real but inconceivable presence of 
Christ in the sacrament, he thought this went more 
than half way to transubstantiation. He said, that 
a nun's advice to him to pray every day, that, if he 
was not in the right way, God would set him right, 
did make a great impression on him. But he never 
told me when or where he was reconciled. He suf- 
fered me to say a great deal to him on all these 
heads. I shewed the difference between submission 
and obedience in matters of order and indifferent 
things, and an implicit submission from the belief of 
infallibility. I also shewed him the difference be- 
tween a speculation of a mode of Christ's presence, 
when it rested in an opinion, and an adoration 
founded on it : though the opinion of such a pre- 
sence was wrong, there was no great harm in that 
alone : but the adoration of an undue object was 
idolatry. He suffered me to talk much and often 
to him on these heads. But I plainly saw, it made 
no impression : and aU that he seemed to intend by 
it was, to make use of me as an instrument to 
soften the aversion that people began to be pos- 
sessed with to him. He was naturally eager and 
revengeful : and was against the taking off any that 
set up in an opposition to the measures of the court, 170 
and who by that means grew popular in the house 
of commons. He was for rougher methods. He 
continued for many years dissembling his religion, 
VOL. I. u 


1 660. and seemed zealous for the church of England : but 
it was chiefly on design to hinder all propositions 
that tended to unite us among ourselves. He was a 
fi'ugal prince, and brought his court into method and 
magnificence : for he had 100,000/. a year allowed 
him. He was made high admiral : and he came to 
understand all the concerns of the sea very particu- 
larly. He had a very able secretary about him, sir 
William Coventry : a man of great notions and 
eminent virtues, the best speaker in the house of 
commons, and capable of bearing the chief ministry, 
as it was once thought he was very near it. The 
duke found all the great seamen had a deep tinc- 
ture from their education : they both hated popery 
and loved liberty : they were men of severe tem- 
pers, and kept good discipline. But in order to the 
putting the fleet into more confident hands, the 
duke began a method of sending pages of honour, 
and other young persons of quality, to be bred to 
the sea. And these were put in command, as soon 
as they were capable of it, if not sooner. This dis- 
couraged many of the old seamen, when they saw 
in what a channel advancement was like to go; 
who upon that left the service, and went and com- 
manded merchantmen. By this means the virtue 
and discipline of the navy is much lost. It is true, 
we have a breed of many gallant men, who do dis- 
tinguish themselves in action. But it is thought, 
the nation has suffered much by the vices and dis- 
' orders of those captains, who have risen by their 
( '; quality more than by merit or service. 
Thedu- The duchess of York was a very extraordinary 

chess's cha- '' 

racter. womau. She had great knowledge, and a lively 
sense of things. She soon understood what belonged 


^ a princess; and took state on her rather too 1660. 

rnuch'^. She writ well; and had begun the duke's " 

life, of which she shewed me a volume. It was 

all drawn from his journal: and he intended to 

have employed me in carrying it on. She was bred 

to great strictness in religion, and practised secret 

confession. Morley ' told me, he was her confessor. 

She began at twelve years old, and continued under 

his direction, till, upon her father's disgrace, he was 

put from the court. She was generous and friendly; 

but was too severe an enemy. 

The king's third brother, the duke of Glocester, The duke of 
was of a temper different from his two brothers, character. 
He was active, and loved business, was apt to have 
particular friendships ; and had an insinuating tem- 
per, which was generally very acceptable. The 
king loved him much better than the duke of York. 
3ut he was uneasy, when he saw there was no post 1 71 
left for him, since Monk was general. So he spoke 
to the earl of Clarendon, that he might be made lord 
treasurer. But he told him, it was a post below his 

^ Her marriage with the duke dren : the duke said he believed 
created great uneasiness in the it was not prudent, but she 
royal family. The princess royal smelt so strong of her father's 
could little bear the giving place green bag, that he could not 
to one she thought she had ho- get the better of himself, when- 
noured very much in having ad- ever he had the misfortune to 
mitted into her service, and be in her presence. Queen- 
avoided being in a room with mother, who hated the chan- 
ber as much as she could; and cellor, was with great difficulty 
Ihe duke of Gloucester could persuaded to see her, and gave 
never be prevailed upon to shew it for a reason to induce the 
her any sort of civility. My king to agree to the princess 
grandfather (who loved him the Henrietta's marriage with the 
best of all his old master's chil- duke of Orleans, that she might 
dren) told him he feared it might avoid being insulted by Hyde's 
prove prejudicial to him if the daughter. D. 
king should die without chil- ' (The bishop of Winchester.) 

U 2 


1660. dignity. He would not be put off with that : for 
he could not bear an idle life, nor to see his brother 
at the head of the fleet, when he himself had nei- 
ther business nor dependence. But the mirth and 
entertainments of that time raised his blood so high, 
that he took the small-pox ; of which he died, much 
lamented by aU, but most particularly by the king, 
who was never in his whole life seen so much trou- 
, bled, as he was on that occasion. Those who would 
not believe he had much tenderness in his nature, 
imputed this rather to his jealousy of the brother 
that survived, since he had now lost the only person 
that could balance him. Not long after him, the 
princess royal died likewise of the small-pox ; but 
was not much lamented. She had lived in her wi- 
dowhood for some years with great reputation, kept 
a decent court, and supported her brothers very li- 
berally ; and lived within bounds. But her mother, 
who had the art of making herself believe any thing 
she had a mind to, upon a conversation with the 
queen mother of France, fancied the king of France 
might be inclined to marry her. So she writ to her 
to come to Paris. In order to that, she made an 
equipage far above what she could support. So she 
ran herself into debt, sold all her jewels, and some 
estates that were in her power as her son's guar- 
dian ; and was not only disappointed of that vain 
expectation, but feU into some misfortunes, that 
lessened the reputation she had formerly lived in K 

^ Particularly in relation to was more favoured by king 
young Harry Jermin, nephew William than any Roman Ga- 
te the earl of St. Alban's, who tholic that had been in king 
left him his heir, and was after James's service; in regard, as 
created lord Dover by king was thought, to the favour he 
James. At the revolution he had been in with his mother. 


Upon her death, it might have been expected, both 1660. 
in justice and gratitude, that the king would in a 
most particular manner have taken her son, the 
young prince of Orange, into his protection. But 
he fell into better hands : for his grandmother be- 
came his guardian, and took care both of his estate 
and his education. 

Thus two of the branches of the royal family The pro- 

_, „ - , .. A 1 1 • spect of the 

were cut off soon after the restoration. And so ut- royai fami- 
tle do the events of things answer the first appear- J.^j^'J^eJ 
ances, that a royal family of three princes and two 
princesses, aU young and graceful persons, that pro- 
mised a numerous issue, did moulder away so fast, 
that now, while I am writing, all is reduced to the 
person of the queen, and the duchess of Savoy'. 
The king had a very numerous issue, though none 
by his queen. The duke had by both his wives, and 
some irregular amours, a very numerous issue. And 
the present queen has had a most fruitful marriage as 
to issue, though none of them survive. The princess 
Henriette was so pleased with the diversion of the 172 
French court, that she was glad to go thither again 
to be married to the king's brother, [a poor-spirited 
and voluptuous prince ; monstrous in his vices, and 
effeminate in his luxury in more senses than one. 

who was suspected to have been the private marriages said to 

rtiarried to him ; which king have taken place between these 

William was willing to have be- parties.) 

lieved, (rather than worse,) ' (Namely, queen Anne, and 

though it was not proper for this duchess, who was daughter 

her to own the marriage. And of Henrietta, duchess of Or- 

the late behaviour of her mo- leans, the youngest daughter 

ther with the earl of St. Alban's, of king Charles the first : the 

and her aunt with the earl of bishop setting aside the other 

Craven, seemed to countenance, children then living of the duke 

if not justify, such a manage- of York, afterwards James the 

ment. D. (His lordship means second.) 

u 3 

1660, He had not one good or great quality, but courage : 

so that he became both odious and contemptible.] 
Schomberg As the treaty with Portugal went on, France did 
through engage in the concerns of that crown, though they 
PortS.*° ^^^ ^y ^^^^^y promised the contrary to the Spa- 
niards. To excuse their perfidy, count Schomberg, 
a German by birth, and a Calvinist by his religion, 
was ordered to go thither, as one prevailed with by 
the Portugal ambassador, and not as sent over by 
the orders of the court of France. He passed 
through England to concert with the king the mat- 
ters of Portugal, and the supply that was to be sent 
thither from England. He told me, the king had 
admitted him into great familiarities with him at 
Paris. He had known him first at the Hague : for 
he was the prince of Orange's particular favourite ; 
but had so great a share in the last violent actions 
of his Hfe, seizing the states, and in the attempt 
upon Amsterdam, that he left the service upon his 
death ; and gained so great a reputation in France, 
that, after the prince of Conde and Turenne, he was 
thought the best general they had. He had much 
free discourse with the king, though he found his 
mind was so turned to mirth and pleasure, that he 
seemed scarce capable of laying any thing to heart. 
He advised him to set up for the head of the pro- 
testant religion : for though, he said to him, he 
knew he had not much religion, yet his interests 
led him to that. It would keep the princes of Ger- 
many in a great dependence on him, and make him 
the umpire of aU their affairs ; and would procure 
him great credit with the Huguenots of France, and 
keep that crown in perpetual fear of him. He ad- 
vised the king to employ the military men that had 


served under Cromwell, whom he thought the best 1661. 

officers he had ever seen : and he was sorry to see, 
they were dismissed, and that a company of wild 
young men were those the king relied on. But 
what he pressed most on the king, as the business 
then in agitation, was concerning the sale of Dun- 
kirk. The Spaniards pretended it ought to be re- Dunkirk 
stored to them, since it was taken from them by p" ^^q^J ^"^^ 
Cromwell, when they had the king and his brothers 
in their armies : but that was not much regarded. 
The French pretended, that, by then* agreement 
with Cromwell, he was only to hold it, tiQ they had 
repayed the charge of the war : therefore they, of- 
fering to lay that down, ought to have the place de- 
Hvered to them. The king was in no sort bound 
by this. So the matter under debate was, whether 
it ought to be kept or sold? The military men, 
who were believed to be corrupted by France, said, 
the place was not tenable ; that in time of peace it 
would put the king to a great charge, and in time 
of war it would not quit the cost of keeping it'". 173 
The earl of Clarendon said, he understood not those 
matters; but appealed to Monk's judgment, who 
did positively advise the letting it go for the sum 
that France offered. To make the business go the 
easier, the king promised, that he would lay up all 
the money in the Tower ; and that it should not be 
touched, but upon extraordinary occasions. Schom- 
berg advised, in opposition to all this, that the king 

'^ See D'Estrades's letters ; 399, 80. More of this will ap- 

but see too my lord Claren- pear to the world, whenever 

don's defence of himself, as to my lord Clarendon's history of 

this matter. It is printed in these times shall be published, 

the 8th vol. of State Trials, p. I have read it in MS. O. 

U 4 


1661. should keep it; for, considering the naval power of 
England, it could not be taken. He knew, that, 
though France spoke big, as if they would break 
with England unless that was delivered up, yet they 
were far from the thoughts of it. He had consi- 
dered the place well ; and he was sure it could ne- 
ver be taken, as long as England was master of the 
sea. The holding it would keep both France and 
Spain in a dependence upon the king. But he was 
singular in that opinion. So it was sold " : and all 
the money that was paid for it was immediately 
squandered away among the mistress's creatures. 
Tangier a gy thig the kinff lost his rcputatiou abroad. The 

part of the •' . ° ^ 

queen's por- court was beUcved venal. And because the earl of 
Clarendon was in greatest credit, the blame was 
cast chiefly on him ; though his son assured me, he 
kept himself out of that affair entirely ". The cost 
bestowed on that place since that time, and the 

" There is some reason to they say : Carte, in his second 
suspect, from some things in vol. p. 250, &c. Oldmixon, in 
Carte's history of the first duke his History of the Stuarts, p. 
of Ormonde, that the sale of 490. See also the General Die- 
Dunkirk, as well as the Por- tionary, vol. vi. p. 337. and 
tugal match, veere first settled Rennet's History of England, 
between the king and the p. 224. See also a letter in 
French king, by the interven- MS. of sir Robert Southwell to 
tion only of the queen-mother the second earl of Clarendon, 
of England and the court of at the end of my second vol. 
Portugal; and my lord Claren- (8vo edition) of the Lord Chan- 
don says, in his Defence above cellor Clarendon's Life. See 
mentioned, " It is very well also Lord Clarendon's Life, p. 
" known to his majesty, and to 201, &c. O. 
" several persons yet alive, that ° In his opinion and advice, 
! " the parting with Dunkirk was but not in his actings : an un- 
•' resolved upon before I ever happy distinction of his, which 
" heard of it." Carte does not went to other matters, and 
indeed mention Dunkirk ; but made him to be called the au- 
Oldmixon does, when he speaks thor of many things he was 
of the errand of the queen-mo- really averse to. O. 
ther to England. See what 


great prejudice we have suffered by it, has made 1661. 

that sale to be often reflected on very severely. 

But it was pretended, that Tangier, which was of- 
fered as a part of the portion that the infanta of 
Portugal was to bring with her, was a place of 
much greater consequence. Its situation in the 
map is indeed very eminent. And if Spain had 
been then in a condition to put any restraint on our 
trade, it had been of great use to us ; especially, if 
the making a mole there had been more practicable 
than it proved to be. It was then spoken of in the 
court in the highest strains of flattery. It was said, 
this would not only give us the entire command of 
the Mediterranean trade, but it would be a place of 
safety for a squadron to be always kept there, for 
securing our West and East India trade. And such 
mighty things were said of it, as if it had been re- 
served for the king's reign, to make it as glorious 
abroad, as it was happy at home : though since that 
time we have never been able, neither by force nor 
treaty, to get ground enough round the town from 
the Moors to maintain the garrison. But every 
man that was employed there studied only his own 
interest, and how to rob the king. If the money, 
that was laid out in the mole at different times, had 
been raised all in a succession, as fast as the work 
could be carried on, it might have been made a 
very valuable place. But there were so many dis- 
continuings, and so many new undertakings, that 
after an immense charge the court grew weary of 174 
it: and in the year 1683 they sent a squadron of 
ships to bring away the garrison, and to destroy all 
the works. 

To end this matter of the king's marriage with 


1661. the infanta of Portugal all at once: it was at last 
concluded. The earl of Sandwich went for her, and 
was the king's proxy in the nuptial ceremony. The 
king communicated the matter both to the parlia- 
ment of England and Scotland. And so strangely 
were people changed, that though they all had seen 
the mischievous effects of a popish queen in the for- 
mer reign, yet not one person moved against it in 
either parliament, except the earl of CassUis in 
Scotland ; who moved for an address to the king to 
marry a protestant. He had but one to second 
him : so entirely were men run from one extreme 
to another. 

1662. When the queen was brought over, the king met 
ner^of the ^cr at Winchcstcr in summer 1662. The archbi- 
riS* ^^'' ^^^P ^^ Canterbury came to perform the ceremony : 
but the queen was bigoted to such a degree, that 
she would not say the words of matrimony, nor 
bear the sight of the archbishop. The king said 
the words hastily : and the archbishop pronounced 
them married persons. Upon this some thought af- 
terwards to have dissolved the marriage, as a mar- 
riage only de facto, in which no consent had been 
given. But the duke of York told me, they were mar- 
ried by the lord Aubigny according to the Roman 
ritual, and that he himself was one of the witnesses : 
and he added, that, a few days before he told me this, 
the queen had said to him, that she heard some in- 
'^ tended to call her marriage in question ; and that, if 
that was done, she must call on him, as one of her 
witnesses, to prove it. I saw the letter that the king 
writ to the earl of Clarendon the day after their mar- 
riage, by which it appeared very plainly, [if not too 


plainly,] that the marriage was consummated, and 1662. 
that the king was well pleased with her p, [which " 

convinced me of the falsehood of the reports that had 
been set about ; that I was once persuaded of them, 
that she was not fit for marriage.] The king himself 
told me, she had been with child : and Willis, the 
great physician, told doctor Lloyd, from whom I 
had it, that she had once miscarried of a child, 
which was so far advanced, that, if it had been care- 
fully looked to, the sex might have been distin- 
guished. But she proved a barren wife, and was a 
woman of a mean appearance, and of no agreeable^ 
temper: so that the king never considered her 
much. And she made ever after but a very mean 
fiffure. For some time the king carried things de- The king 

^^ . ... lived in aa 

cently, and did not visit his mistress openly. But avowed 
he grew weary of that restraint ; and shook it off so lewdness. 
entirely, that he had ever after that mistresses to 
the end of his life, to the great scandal of the world, 
and to the particular reproach of all that served 175 
about him in the church. He usually came from 
his mistress's lodgings to church, even on sacrament 
days. He held as it were a court in them : and aU 
his ministers made applications to them. Only the 
earls of Clarendon and Southampton would never so 
much as make a visit to any of them, which was 
maintaining the decencies of virtue in a very solemn 
manner. The lord Clarendon put the justice of the 

P Before he was married, he a bad. matter. She was very 

told old colonel Legge (who he short and broad, of a swarthy 

knew had never approved of complexion, one of her fore 

the match,) that he thought teeth stood out, which held up 

they had brought him a bat, in- her upper lip ; had some very 

stead of a woman ; but it was nauseous distempers, besides ex- 

too late to find fault, and he cessively proud and ill-huniour- 

niust make the best he could of ed. D. 


1662. nation in very good hands; and employed some 
who had been on the bench in Cromwell's time, the 
famous sir Matthew Hale in particular. 

1660. The business of Ireland was a harder province. 

The settle- 

inent of The Irish that had been in the rebellion had made 
" *" * a treaty with the duke of Ormond, then acting in 
the king's name, though he had no legal power 
under the great seal, the king being then a prisoner. 
But the queen-mother got, as they give out, the 
crown of France to become the guarantee for the 
performance. By the treaty they were to furnish 
him with an army, to adhere to the king's interests, 
and serve under the duke of Ormond : and for this 
they were to be pardoned all that was past, to 
have the open exercise of their religion, and a free 
admittance into all employments, and to have a free 
parliament without the curb of Poyning's law. But 
after the misfortune at Dublin, they set up a su- 
preme council again, and refused to obey the duke 
of Ormond ; in which the pope's nuncio conducted 
them. After some disputes, and that the duke of 
Ormond saw he could not prevail with them to be 
commanded by him any more, he left Ireland. And 
Cromwell came over, and reduced the whole coun- 
try, and made a settlement of the confiscated 
estates, for the pay of the undertakers for the Irish 
war, and of the officers that had served in it. The 
king had, in his declaration from Breda, promised 
■ to confirm the settlement of Ireland. So now a 
great debate arose between the native Irish and the 
English settled in Ireland. The former claimed the 
articles that the duke of Ormond had granted them. 
He in answer to this said, they had broken firgt on 


their part, and so had forfeited their claim to them. 1660. 
They seemed to rely much on the court of France, 
and on the whole popish party abroad, of which 
they were the most considerable branch at home. 
But England did naturally incline to support the 
English interests. And, as that interest in Ireland 
had gone in very unanimously to the design of the 
king's restoration, and had merited much on that 
account, so they drew over the duke of Ormond to 
join with them, in order to an act confirming Crom- 
well's settlement. Only a court of claims was set 
up, to examine the pretensions of some of the Irish, 
who had special excuses for themselves, why they 1 76 
should not be included in the general forfeiture of 
the nation. Some were under age : others were 
travelling, or serving abroad: and many had dis- 
tinguished themselves in the king's service, when 
he was in Flanders; chiefly under the duke of 
York, who pleaded much for them, and was always 
depended on by them, as their chief patron. It was 
thought most equitable, to send over men from 
England, who were not concerned in the interests 
or passions of the parties of that kingdom, to try 
those claims. Their proceedings were much cried 
out on : for it was said, that every man's claim, who 
could support it with a good present, was found 
good, and that all the members of that court came 
back very rich. So that, though the Irish thought 
they had not justice enough done them, the English 
said they had too much. When any thing was to 
be proved by witnesses, sets of them were hired, to 
depose according to the instructions given them. 
This was then cried out on, as a new scene of wick- 
edness, that was then opened, and which must in 


1660. the end subvert all justice and good government. 
The infection has spread since that time, and 
crossed the sea. And the danger of being ruined by 
false witnesses has become so terrible, that there is 
no security against it, but from the sincerity of ju- 
ries. And if these come to be packed, then all men 
may be soon at mercy, if a wicked government 
should set on a violent prosecution, as has happened 
oftener than once. I am not instructed enough in 
the affairs of Ireland, to carry this matter into more 
particulars P. The English interest was managed 
chiefly by two men of a very indifferent reputation : 
(l . the earls of Anglesey and Orrery. The chief ma- 
nager of the Irish interest was Richard Talbot, one 
of the duke's bedchamber men, who had much cun- 
ning, and had the secret both of his master's plea- 
sures and of his religion, for some years, and was 
afterwards raised by him to be earl and duke of 
Tirconnel. Thus I have gone over the several 
branches of the settlement of matters after the re- 
storation. I have reserved the affairs of the church 
last, as those about which I have taken the most 
pains to be well informed ; and which I do there- 
fore offer to the reader with some assurance, and on 
which I hope due reflection will be made. 
The bishops At the restoration, Juxon, the ancientest and 
then the most eminent of the former -bishops, who had as- 
TtSu^ sisted the late king in his last hours, was promoted 

I 'i'- *J There is a large account, in wrote from good materials ; and 

Carte's fiistory before men- as far as they go, his history is 

tioned, of the acts of settle- of use. It is the same with re- 

ment for these lands, and of gard to his other historical per- 

the execution of them, which, formances. See lord Claren- 

and of other transactions in don's account, in the History 

Ireland after the restoration, he of his Life. O. 


to Canterbury, more out of decency, than that he i^^- 

was then capable to fill that post ; for as he was ne- 
ver a great divine, so he was now superannuated. 
Though others have assured me, that after some 
discourses with the king, he was so much struck 177 
with what he observed in him, that upon that he 
lost both heart and hope. The king treated him 
with outward respect, but had no great regard to 
him. Sheldon and Morley were the men that had 
the greatest credit. Sheldon was esteemed a learned 
man before the wars : but he was now engaged so 
deep in politics, that scarce any prints of what he 
had been remained. He was a very dexterous man 
in business, had a great quickness of apprehension, 
and a very true judgment. He was a generous and 
charitable man. He had a great pleasantness of 
conversation, perhaps too great. He had an art, 
that was peculiar to him, of treating all that came 
to him in a most obliging manner: but few de- 
pended much on his professions of friendship. He 
seemed not to have a deep sense of religion, if any 
at all : and spoke of it most commonly as of an en- 
gine of government, and a matter of policy. By 
this means the king came to look on him as a wise 
and honest clergyman, [though he had little virtue, 
and less religion '.] Sheldon was at first made bishop 
of London, and was, upon Juxon's death, promoted 
to Canterbury. Morley had been first known to the 
world as a friend of the lord Falkland's : and that 
was enough to raise a man's character. He had 

■■ (Echard, in his History of " learning and piety, he is par- 
England, under the year 1677, " ticularly distinguished by his 
in which year the archbishop " munificent benefactions." See 
died, says of him, "Besides his further a note at p. 243.) 


1660. continued for many years in the lord Clarendon's 

family, and was his particular friend. He was a 

Calvinist with relation to the Arminian points, and 
was thought a friend to the puritans before the 
T . wars : but he took carfe after his promotion to free 
himself from all suspicions of that kind. He was a 
pious and charitable man, of a very exemplary life, 
but extreme passionate, and very obstinate. He 
was first made bishop of Worcester. Doctor Ham- 
mond, for whom that see was designed, died a little 
before the restoration, which was an unspeakable 
loss to the church : for, as he was a man of great 
learning, and of most eminent merit, he having been 
the person that, during the bad times, had main- 
tained the cause of the church in a very singular 
manner, so he was a very moderate man in his tem- 
per, though with a high principle ; and probably he 
would have fallen into healing counsels. He was 
also much set on reforming abuses, and for raising 
in the clergy a due sense of the obligations they lay 
under. But by his death Morley was advanced to 
Worcester : and not long after he was removed to 
Winchester, void by Duppa's death, who had been 
the king's tutor, though no way fit for that post ; 
but he was a meek and humble man, and much 
loved for the sweetness of his temper; and would 
have been more esteemed, if he had died before the 
restoration ; for he made not that use of the great 
wealth that flowed in upon him that was expected. 
' Morley was thought always the honester man of the 
2 78 two, as Sheldon was certainly the abler man. 
Debates The first poiut in debate was, whether concessions 

concerning ,,,, , ,. -it 

the uniting should bc made and pams taken to gam the dis- 
presbyteri- scntcrs, or not ; especially the presbyterians. The 


earl of Clarendon was much for it; and got the 16^. 
king to publish a declaration \ soon after his restora- 
tion, concerning ecclesiastical affairs, to which if he 
had stood, very probably the greatest part of them 
might have been gained. But the bishops did not 
approve of this : and after the service they did that 
lord in the duke of York's marriage, he would not 
put any hardship on those who had so signally 
obliged him. This disgusted the lord Southampton, 
who was for carrying on the design that had been 
much talked of during the wars, of moderating mat- 
ters, both with relation to the government of the 
church, and the worship and ceremonies : which 
created some coldness between him and the earl of 
Clarendon, when the lord chancellor went off from 
those designs. The consideration that those bishops 
and their party had in the matter was this : the 
presbyterians were possessed of most of the great 
benefices in the church, chiefly in the city of Lon- 
don, and in the two universities. It is true, all that 
had come into the room of those who were turned 
out by the parliament, or the visitors sent by them, 
were removed by the course of law, as men that 
were illegally possessed of other men's rights : and 
that even where the former incumbents were dead, 
because a title originally wrong was still wrong in 
law. But there were a great many of them in very 

* The house of commons See Journal of the House of 

thanked the king for this decla- Commons, 6. 28 Nov. 1660. 

ration, and ordered in a bill, at See also the latter part of the 

the motion of sergeant Hales, lord chancellor's speech to the 

(afterwards the famous chief parliament, on the 13th of 

justice,) as may be gathered Sept. 1660. It is best to be 

from the journal, for making it seen in the printed Journal of 

effectual ; but the bill was the House of Conmions. O. 
dashed after the first reading. 

VOL. I. X 


1660. eminent posts, who were legally possessed of them. 
Many of these, chiefly in the city of London, had 
gone into the design of the restoration in so signal a 
manner, and with such success, that they had great 
merit, and a just title to very high preferment. 
Now, as there remained a great deal of the old ani- 
mosity against them, for what they had done during 
the wars, so it was said, it was better to have a 
schism out of the church than within it ; and that 
the half conformity of the puritans before the war 
had set up a faction in every city and town between 
the lecturers and the incumbents ; that the former 
took all methods to render themselves popular, and 
to raise the benevolence of their people, which was 
their chief subsistence, by disparaging the govern- 
ment both in church and state. They had also 
many stories among them, of the credit they had in 
the elections of parliament men, which they infused 
in the king, to possess him with the necessity of 
having none to serve in the church, but persons that 
should be firmly tied to his interest, both by princi- 
ple, and by subscriptions and oaths. It is true, the 
joy then spread through the nation had got at this 
time a new parhament to be elected of men so high 
179 and so hot, that, unless the court had restrained 
them, they would have carried things much farther 
than they did, against all that had been concerned 
in the late wars : but they were not to expect such 
j success at all times : therefore they thought it was 
necessary to make sure work at this time : and, in- 
stead of using methods to bring in the sectaries, 
they resolved rather to seek the most effectual ones 
for casting them out, and bringing a new set of men 
into the church. This took with the king, at least 


it seemed to do so. But, though he put on an out- 1660. 
ward appearance of moderation, yet he was in an- 
other and deeper laid design, to which the heat of 
these men proved subservient, for bringing in of po- 
pery. A popish queen was a gi*eat step to keep it 
in countenance at court, and to have a great many 
priests going about the court making converts. It 
was thought, a toleration was the only method for 
setting it a going all the nation over. And nothing 
could make a toleration for popery pass, but the 
having great bodies of men put out of the church, 
and put under severe laws, which should force them 
to move for a toleration, and should make it reason- 
able to grant it to them. And it was resolved, that 
whatever should be granted of that sort should go 
in so large a manner, that papists should be compre- 
hended within it. So the papists had this generally, 
spread among them, that they should oppose all pro-; 
positions for comprehension, and should animate the 
church party to maintain their ground against all 
the sectaries. And in that point they seemed zeal- 
ous for the church. But at the same time they 
spoke of toleration, as necessary both for the peace 
and quiet of the nation, and for the encouragement 
of trade ^ And with this the duke was so pos- 
sessed, that he declared himself a most violent enemy 
to comprehension, and as zealous for toleration. The 
king being thus resolved on fixing the terms of con- 
formity to what they had been before the war, with- 
out making the least abatement or alteration, they 
carried on still an appearance of moderation, till the 
strength of the parties should appear in the new 

* This b inconsistent, S. 
X 2 


1660. So, after the declaration was set out, a commission 
A treaty in was granted to twelve of a side, with nine assistants 
the Savoy. ^^ ^^^^j^ gj^^^ ^j^^ werc appointed to meet at the 

Savoy, and to consider on the ways of uniting both 
sides. At their first meeting, Sheldon told them, 
that those of the church had not desired this meet- 
ing, as being satisfied with the legal establishment ; 
and therefore they had nothing to offer ; but it be- 
longed to the other side, who moved for alterations, 
to offer both their exceptions to the laws in being* 
and the alterations that they proposed. He told 
180 them, they were to lay all they had to offer before 
them at once ; for they would not engage to treat 
about any one particular, tiU they saw how far their 
demands went : and he said that all was to be trans- 
acted in writing, though the others insisted on an 
amicable conference ; which was at first denied : yet 
some hopes were given of allowing it at last. Pa- 
pers were upon this given in. The presbyterians 
moved that bishop Usher's reduction should be laid 
down as a groundwork to treat on ; that bishops 
should not govern their diocese by their single au- 
thority, nor depute it to lay officers in their courts, 
but should, in matters of ordination and jurisdiction, 
take along with them the counsel and concurrence 
of the presbyters. They did offer several exceptions 
to the liturgy, against the many responses by the 
people; and they desired all might be made one 
continued prayer. They desu-ed that no lessons 
! should be taken out of the apocryphal books ; that 
the psalms used in the daily service should be ac- 
cording to the new translation. They excepted to 
many parts of the office of baptism, that import the 
inward regeneration of all that were baptized. But 


as they proposed these amendments, so they did also 1660. 
offer a liturgy new drawn by Mr. Baxter. They 
insisted mainly against kneeling at the sacrament of 
the Lord's supper, chiefly against the imposing it ; 
and moved that the posture might be left free, and 
that the use of the surplice, of the cross in bap- 
tism, of godfathers being the sponsors in baptism, 
and of the holy days, might be abolished. Sheldon 
saw well what the effect would be of putting them 
to make all their demands at once. The number of 
them raised a mighty outcry against them, as people 
that could never be satisfied. But nothing gave so 
great an advantage against them, as their offering a 
new liturgy. In this they were divided among 
themselves. Some were for insisting only on a few 
important things, reckoning that if they were gained, 
and a union followed upon that, it would be easier 
to gain other things afterwards. But all this was 
overthrown by Mr. Baxter, who was a man of great 
piety; and, if he had not meddled in too many 
things, would have been esteemed one of the learned 
men of the age : he writ near two hundred books *■ : 
of these, three are large folios : he had a very mov- 
ing and pathetical way of writing, and was his whole 
life long a man of great zeal and much simplicity ; 
but was most unhappily subtle and metaphysical in 
every thing. There was a great submission paid to 
him by the whole party. So he persuaded them, 
that from the words of the commission they were 
bound to offer every thing that they thought might 

" Very sad ones. S. (Dr. Baxter lie should read, he said, 

Samuel Johnson was of a dif- ** Read any of them, they are 

ferent opinion ; for when asked " all good." Boswell's Life of 

by Mr. Boswell, what works of Johnson, vol. iv. p. 242.) 

X 3 


1660. conduce to the good or peace of the church, without 
-. Qi considering what was like to be obtained, or what 
effect their demanding so much might have, in irri- 
tating the minds of those who were then the superior 
body in strength and number. All the whole matter 
was at last reduced to one single point, whether it 
was lawful to determine the certain use of things 
indifferent in the worship of God? The bishops 
held them to that point, and pressed them to shew 
that any of the things imposed were of themselves 
, unlawful. The presbyterians declined this ; but af- 
firmed, that other circumstances might make it be- 
come unlawful to settle a peremptory law about 
things indifferent; which they applied chiefly to 
kneeling in the sacrament, and stood upon it, that a 
law, which excluded all that did not kneel from the 
sacrament, was unlawful, as a limitation in the point 
of communion put on the laws of Christ, which 
ought to be the only condition of those who had a 
right to it. Upon this point there was a free con- 
ference, that lasted some days. The two men that 
had the chief management of the debate, were the 
most unfit to heal matters, and the fittest to widen 
them, that could have been found out. Baxter was 
the opponent, and Gunning was the respondent, 
who was afterwards advanced, first to Chichester, 
and then to Ely : he was a man of great reading, 
and noted for a special subtilty of arguing : aU the 
arts of sophistry were made use of by him on all oc- 
casions, in as confident a manner as if they had been 
sound reasoning : he was a man of an innocent life, 
unweariedly active to very little purpose: he was 
much set on the reconciling us with popery in some 
point?: and because the charge of idolatry. seeiTie<J 


a bar to aU thoughts of reconciliation with them, he \66o. 
set himself with very great zeal to clear the church 
of Rome of idolatry : this made many suspect him 
as inclining to go over to them: but he was far 
from it ; and was a very honest, sincere man, but of 
no sound judgment, and of no prudence in affairs : 
he was for our conforming in all things to the rules 
of the primitive church, particularly in praying for 
the dead, in the use of oil, with many other rituals : 
he formed many in Cambridge upon his own no- 
tions, who have carried them perhaps farther than 
he intended. Baxter and he spent some days in 
much logical arguing, to the diversion of the town, 
who thought here were a couple of fencers engaged 
in disputes, that could never be brought to an end, 
nor have any good effect. In conclusion, this com- 
mission, being limited to such a number of days, 
came to an end, before any one thing was agreed 
on. The bishops insisted on the laws that were still 
in force, to which they would admit of no exception, 
unless it was proved that the matter of those laws 
was sinful. They charged the presbyterians with 182 
having made a schism, upon a charge against the 
church for things, which now they themselves could 
not call sinful. They said there was no reason to 
gratify such a sort of men in any thing; one de- 
mand granted would di'aw on many more : all au- 
thority both in church and state was struck at by 
the position they had insisted on, that it was not 
lawful to impose things indifferent, since they seemed 
to be the only proper matter in which human au- 
thority could interpose. So this furnished an occa- 
sion to expose them as enemies to all order. Things 
had been carried at the Savoy with great sharpness, 

X 4 


1660. and many reflections. Baxter said once, such things 
"would offend many good men in the nation. Steam, 

the archbishop of York ", upon that took notice, that 
he would not say kingdom, but nation, because he 
would not acknowledge a king. Of this gTeat com- 
plaints were made, as an indecent return for the 
zeal they had shewn in the restoration. 

1661. The conference broke up without doing any good. 
of'confom-It did rathcr hurt, and heightened the sharpness 
hlrde?^^ that was then on people's minds to such a degree, 

that it needed no addition to raise it higher. The 
presbyterians laid their complaints before the king : 
but little regard was had to them. And now aU the 
concern that seemed to employ the bishops' thoughts 
was, not only to make no alteration on their ac- 
count, but to make the terais of conformity much 
stricter than they had been before the war. So it 
was resolved to maintain conformity to the height, 
and to put lecturers in the same condition with the 
incumbents, as to oaths and subscriptions ; and to 
oblige all persons to subscribe an unfeigned assent 
and consent to all and every particular contained 
and prescribed in the book of common prayer ^^. 

* He was then bishop of with a clause added to it, " de- 
Carlisle. O. " daring the subscription of as- 

^ In the session of parlia- " sent and consent, &c. should 

ment, in the year 1663, a bill "be understood only as to 

was sent from the commons to " practice and obedience;" but 

the lords, for the relief of such the commons rejected the clause, 

persons, as by sickness or other which the lords not insisting 

impedimentswere disabled from upon, the bill passed without 

subscribing to the declaration it ; when this clause was added 

of assent and consent, to tlie by the lords, some of them 

book of common prayer, re- dissented to it, and entered 

quired by the act of uniform- their protestations against it, in 

ity. The bill passed the lords these words ; " being destruc- 


Many, who thought it lawful to conform in submis- 1661. 
sion, yet scrupled at this, as importing a particular 
approbation of every thing: and great distinction 
was made between a conformity in practice, and so 
full and distinct an assent. Yet men got over that, 
as importing no more but -a consent of obedience : 
for though the words of the subscription, which 
were also to be publicly pronounced before the con- 
gi'egation, declaring the person's unfeigned assent 
and consent, seemed to import this, yet the clause 
of the act that enjoined this carried a clear expla- 
nation of it ; for it enacted this declaration as an as- 
sent and consent to the use of aU things contained 
in the book. Another subscription was enacted, 
with relation to the league and covenant ; by which 
they were requii'ed to declare it unlawful upon any 
pretence whatsoever to take arms against the king, 183 
renouncing the traitorous position of taking arms by 
his authority against his person, or those commis- 
sioned by him, together with a declaration, that no 
obligation lay on them or any other person, from the 
league or covenant, to endeavour any change or al- 
teration of government in church and state, and that 
the covenant was in it self an unlawful oath. This 
was contrived against all the old men, who had both 
taken the covenant themselves, and had pressed it 
upon others. So they were now to own themselves 
very guilty in that matter. And those who thought 
it might be lawful upon great and illegal provoca- 
tion to resist unjust invasions on the laws and liber- 
ties of the subjects, excepted to the subscription, 

" tive to the church of Eng- some few temporal lords ; but 

"land, as now established." not one bishop. See .Tour nal of 

The protest was first signed by the Lords of 25th of July 1663. 

the duke of York, and then by O. 


1661. though it was scarce safe for any at that time to 

have insisted on that point. Some thought, that 
since the king had taken the covenant, he at least 
was bound to stand to it. 
The act of Another point was fixed by the act of uniformity, 
uni ormi y. ^j^'^j^ ^^g morc at large formerly : those who came 
to England from the foreign churches had not been 
required to be ordained among us : but now all, that 
had not episcopal ordination, were made incapable 
of holding any ecclesiastical benefice. Some few al- 
terations were made in the liturgy by the bishops 
themselves : a few new collects were made, as the 
prayer for all conditions of men, and the general 
thanksgiving. A coUect was also drawn for the 
parliament, in which a new epithet was added to the 
king's title, that gave great offence, and occasioned 
much indecent raillery : he was styled our most re- 
ligious king^. It was not easy to give a proper 
sense to this, and to make it go well down ; since, 
whatever the signification of religion might be in 
the Latin word, as importing the sacredness of the 
king's person, yet in the English language it bore a 
signification that was no way applicable to the king. 
And those who took great liberties with him have 
often asked him, what must all his people think, 
when they heard him prayed for as their most reli- 
gious king ? Some other lesser additions were made. 

* (The same expressions of ginning of which prayer, as far 

our most religious and gracious as the words of our sovereign 

king, as appear in the present and his kingdoms, and its con- 

prayer for the parliament, oc- elusion. These and all other ne- 

cur in that which was used for cessaries, &c. are exactly the 

the same assembly in 1625. It same as in the present form, 

is to be found in the Summary except in the late substitution 

of Devotions compiled and used of dominions for kingdoms.) 
by archbishop Laud. The be- 


But care was taken that nothing should be altered, 1661. 
so as it had been moved by the presbyterians ; for it 
was resolved to gratify them in nothing. One im- 
portant addition was made, chiefly by Guwden's 
means y. He pressed that a declai'ation, explaining 
the reasons of their kneeling at the sacrament, 
which had been in king Edward's liturgy, but was 
left out in queen Elizabeth's time, should be again 
set where it had once been. The papists were high- 
ly offended, when they saw such an express declara- 
tion made against the real presence ; and the duke 
told me, that when he asked Sheldon how they 
came to declare against a doctrine, which he had 
been instructed was the doctrine of the church, 
Sheldon answered. Ask Gawden about it, who is a 184 
bishop of your own making: for the king had or- 
dered his promotion for the service he had done. 
The convocation that prepared those alterations, as 
they added some new holy days, St. Barnabas, and 
the conversion of St. Paul, so they took in more les- 
sons out of the Apocrypha, in particular the story of 
Bell and the Dragon ^ : new offices were also drawn 
for two new days, the thirtieth of January, called 
king Charles the Martyr, and the twenty-ninth of 
May, the day of the king's birth and return. San- 
croft drew for these some offices of a very high 
strain. Yet others of a more moderate strain were 
preferred to them. But he, coming to be advanced 
to the see of Canterbury, got his offices to be pub- 
lished by the king's authority, in a time when so 
high a style as was in them did not sound well in 

y See the author's History of Rennet's Roister, p. 585. O. 
the Reformation, vol. iii. page 5 ^1 think they acted wrong, 

of the preface. See bishop S. 



1661. the nation ^. Such care waS taken in the choice and 
returns of the members of the convocation, that 
every thing went among them as was directed by 
Sheldon and Morley. When they had prepared aU 
their alterations, they offered them to the king, who 
sent them to the house of commons, upon which the 
act of uniformity was prepared by Keeling, after- 
wards lord chief justice. 

" But the words " grand re- 
" hellion" were not put in, or 
the other alterations made, till 
king James came to the throne. 
The word rebellion, 1 think, is 
never used in any act of parlia- 
ment, except in one. See the 
act of 13. 14. of Charles II. 
for the distribution of 6o,oool. 
to the loyal and indigent offi- 
cers, &c. See also the Journal 
of the House of Commons, 3 1 st 
of October, 1665. Note, I had 
the above observation from lord 
chancellor King, relating to the 
former times. See with regard 
to the services for the 30th of 
January and 29th of May, 
those in king Charles's time, 
and those of king James's, and 
compare them well. See my 
folio Clarendon, vol. iii. page 
last. When these services for 
the 30th of January, and 29th 
of May, in the two reigns, are 
compared, it may perhaps be 
deemed more prudent to re- 
store those of Charles the se- 
cond, than to abolish the reli- 
gious observance of those two 
days. The suffering of the 
forms of king James to con- 
tinue after the revolution, might 
possibly be in some measure 
owing to this author, who, in 
his speech upon Sacheverel's 

impeachment, says, the war be- 
tween the king and the parlia- 
ment was " plainly a rebellion" 
in the latter. I say nothing of 
his reasons, but see the whole 
passage in the State Trials, vol. 
V. pages 652, 653. For the 
distinction between the war, 
and the taking off the king's 
head, see Journal of the House 
of Commons, i3^thofMay t66o, 
I have said that in some mea- 
sure it might be owing to this 
author, that the old forms for 
the 30th of January and 29th 
of May were not restored at the 
revolution : but the chief rea- 
son, no doubt, was the general 
principle of policy that governed 
that whole change, which was 
to connect it as little as pos- 
sible with what had happened 
in the time of the former trou- 
bles, against which the clergy, 
and the body of the people, at 
that time had very strong pre- 
judices. O. (With respect to 
the observation on the term re- 
bellion, words explicitly con- 
demning the lawfulness of the 
war levied by the parliament 
against the king, are to be foxmd 
in the act of parliament, called 
the militia act, which was passed 
in the year 1662.) 


When it was brought into the house, many did 1661. 
apprehend that so severe an act might have ill ef- 
fects, and began to abate of their first heat : upon 
which reports were spread, and much aggravated as 
they were reported to the house of commons, of the 
plots of the presbyterians in several counties. Many 
were taken up on those reports : but none were ever 
tried for them ''. So, the thing being let fall, it has 
been given out since, that these were forged by the 
direction of some hot spirits, who might think such 
arts were necessary to give an alarm, and by render- 
ing the party odious, to carry so severe an act 
against them. The lord Clarendon himself was 
charged as having directed this piece of artifice: 
but I could never see any ground for fastening it on 
him : though there were great appearances of foul 
dealing among some of the fiercer sort. The act 
passed by no gi'eat majority ^, And by it all who 
did not conform to the Uturgy by the twenty-fourth 
of August, St. Bartholomew's day, in the year 1662, 
were deprived of all ecclesiastical benefices, without 
leaving any discretional power with the king in the 
execution of it, and without making provision for 
the maintenance of those who should be so deprived : 
a severity neither practised by queen Elizabeth . in 
the enacting her liturgy, nor by Cromwell in eject- 
ing the royalists '^, in both which a fifth part of the 
benefice was reserved for their subsistence. St. Bar- 
tholomew's day was pitched on, that, if they were 
then deprived, they should lose the profits of the 185 

^ A common practice. S. not admitting any debate upon 

^ See the Journal of the the amendments made by the 

House of Commons, of i6th of convocation to the former Book 

April, 1662, for a very extra- of Common Prayer. O. 
ordi nar)- resolution, as to their ^ But by king William. S. 


1661. whole year, since the tithes are commonly due at 
Michaelmas. The presbyterians remembered what 
a St, Bartholomew's had been held at Paris ninety 
years before, which was the day of that massacre, 
and did not stick to compare the one to the other. 
The book of common prayer with the new correc- 
tions was that to which they were to subscribe. But 
the corrections were so long a preparing, and the 
vast number of copies, above two thousand, that 
were to be wrought off for all the parish churches of 
England, made the impression go on so slowly, that 
there were few books set out to sale when the day 
came^. So, many that were weU affected to the 
church, but that made conscience of subscribing to 
a book that they had not seen, left their benefices 
on that very account. Some made a journey to 
London on purpose to see it. With so much preci- 
pitation was that matter driven on, that it seemed 
expected that the clergy should subscribe implicitly 
to a book they had never seen. This was done by 
too many, as I was informed by some of the bishops. 
But the presbyterians were now in great difficulties. 
They had many meetings, and much disputing about 
conformity. Reynolds accepted of the bishopric of 
Norwich. But Calamy and Baxter refused the sees 

' See the Journal of the some lords against the said 
Lords, 25th of July 1663 ; and clause, in which none of the bi- 
of the Commons the same day, shops did join ; and therefore it 
relating to the bill for the relief may be presumed that they 
of such as were disabled from were for the clause ; quod nota ; 
subscribing the declaration in and also that the first person 
the act of uniformity, and ob- who signed the protestation 
serve the clause added by the was the duke of York : see the 
lords to the said bill, but dis- provision ia4he act of uniform- 
agreed to by the commons. Ob- ity enjoining the said declara- 
serve also the protestation of tion. O. 


of Litchfield and Hereford. And about two thou- 1661. 
sand of them fell under the parliamentary depriva- 
tion, as they gave out. The numbers have been 
much controverted. This raised a grievous outcry 
over the nation ; though it was less considered at 
that time, than it would have been at any other. 
Baxter told me, that had the terms of the king's 
declaration been stood to, he did not believe that 
above three hundred of these would have been so 
deprived. Some few, and but few, of the episcopal 
party were troubled at this severity, or apprehensive 
of the very ill effects it was like to have. Here 
were many men, much valued, some on better 
grounds, and others on worse, who were now cast 
out ignominiously, reduced to great poverty, pro- 
voked by much spiteful usage, and cast upon those 
popular practices that both their principles and their 
circumstances seemed to justify, of forming separate 
congi'egations, and of diverting men from the pub- 
lic worship, and from considering their successors as 
the lawful pastors of those churches in which they 
had served. The blame of all this fell heaviest on 
Sheldon. The earl of Clarendon was charged with 
his having entertained the presbyterians with hopes 
and good words, while he was all the while carrying 
on, or at least giving way to the bishops' project. 
When the convocation had gone through the book 
of common prayer, it was in the next place pro- 
posed, that, according to a clause in the king's li- 
cence, they should consider the canons of the church. 186 
They had it then in their power to have reformed 
many abuses, and particularly to have provided an 
effectual remedy to the root of aU those, which arise 
from the poor maintenance that is reserved to the 


1661. incumbents. Almost aU the leases of the church 
estates over England were fallen in, there having 
been no renewal for twenty years. The leases for 
years were determined : and the wars had carried 
off so many men, that most of the leases for lives 
were fallen into the incumbents' hands. So that the 
church estates were in them : and the fines raised 
by the renewing the leases rose to about a million 
and a half. It was an unreasonable thing to let 
those who were now promoted carry off so great a 
The great trcasurc. If the half had been applied to the buy- 
raised in" ing of tithes or glebes for small vicarages, here a 
estate's"m^ fouudation had been laid down for a great and ef- 
appiied. fectual reformation^. In some sees forty or fifty 
thousand pound was raised, and applied to the en- 
riching the bishops' families. Something was done 
to churches and colleges, in particular to St. Paul's 
in London : and a noble collection was made for re- 
deeming all the English slaves that were in any 
part of Barbary. But this fell far short of what 
might have been expected. In this the loi'd Cla- 
rendon was heavily charged, as having shown that 
he was more the bishops' friend than the church's. 
It is true, the law made those fines belong to the in- 
cumbents. But such an extraordinary occasion de- 
served that a law should have ])een made on pur- 
pose. What the bishops did with those great fines 
was a pattern to all the lower dignitaries, who gene- 
rally took more care of themselves than of the 
1 church. The men of merit and service were loaded 
with many livings and many dignities. With this 
great accession of wealth there broke in upon the 

^ He judges here right, in my opinion. S. 


church a great deal of luxury and high livings on 1661. 
the pretence of hospitality s ; while others made pur- 
chases, and left great estates, most of which we have 
seen melt away ^. And with this overset of wealth 
and pomp, that came on men in the decline of their 
parts and age, they, who were now growing into old 
age, became lazy and negligent in all the true con- 
cerns of the church : they left preaching and writing 
to others, while they gave themselves up to ease and 
sloth. In all which sad representation, some few ex- 
ceptions are to be made ; but so few, that, if a new 
set of men had not appeared of another stamp, the 
church had quite lost her esteem over the nation •. 

These were generally of Cambridge, formed under Divines 

... . called 

some divines, the chief of whom were Drs. Whitch- latitudi 


cot, Cudworth, Wilkins, More, and Worthington. 
Whitchcot was a man of a rare temper, very mild 
and obliging. He had great credit with some that 187 
had been eminent in the late times ; but made all 
the use he could of it to protect good men of all per- 
suasions. He was much for liberty of conscience : 
and being disgusted with the dry systematical way 
of those times, he studied to raise those who con- 
versed with him to a nobler set of thoughts, and to 
consider religion as a seed of a deiform nature, (to 
use one of his own phrases.) In order to this, he 
set young students much on reading the ancient phi- 
losophers, chiefly Plato, Tully, and Plotin, and on 

8 Uncharitable aggravation, the successors of the Caroline 

S. bishops equalled in munificence 

^ A base inuendo. S. Sheldon, Cosin, Morley, and 

(' To omit the mention of Warner, or surpassed in piety 

several of the old clergy, distin- and learning, Sanderson, Pear- 

guished by their erudition as son, and Fell ?) 

well as their loyalty, veho among 

VOL. I. Y 


1661. considering the Christian religion as a doctrine sent 
from God, both to elevate and sweeten human na- 
ture, in which he was a great example, as weU as a 
wise and kind instructor. Cudworth carried this on 
with a great strength of genius and a vast compass 
of learning. He was a man of great conduct and 
prudence : upon which his enemies did very falsely 
accuse him of craft and dissimulation. Wilkins was 
of Oxford, but removed to Cambridge. His first 
rise was in the elector palatine's family, when he 
was in England. Afterwards he married CromweU's 
sister ; but made no other use of that alliance, but 
to do good offices, and to cover the university from 
the sourness of Owen and Goodwin. At Cambridge 
he joined with those who studied to propagate better 
thoughts, to take men off from being in parties, or 
from narrow notions, from superstitious conceits, and 
a fierceness about opinions. He was also a great ob- 
server and a promoter of experimental philosophy, 
which was then a new thing, and much looked after. 
He was naturally ambitious, but was the wisest 
clergyman I ever knew. He was a lover of man- 
kind, and had a delight in doing good. More was 
an open hearted and sincere Christian philosopher, 
who studied to establish men in the great principles 
of religion against atheism, that was then beginning 
to gain ground, chiefly by reason of the hypocrisy of 
some, and the fantastical conceits of the more sin- 
cere enthusiasts. 
Hobbs'8 Hobbs, who had long followed the court, and 
passed there for a mathematical man, though he 
really knew little that way, being disgusted by the 
court, came into England in Cromwell's time, and 
published a very wicked book, with a very strange 


title, The Leviathan. His main principles were, 1661. 
that all men acted under an absolute necessity, in 
which he seemed protected by the then received 
doctrine of absolute decrees. He seemed to think 
that the universe was God, and that souls were ma- 
terial ; thought being only subtil and imperceptible 
motion. He thought interest and fear were the 
chief principles of society : and he put all morality 
in the following that which was our own private 
will or advantage. He thought religion had no 
other foundation than the laws of the land. And 188 
he put aU the law in the will of the prince, or of the 
people : for he writ his book at first in favour of ab- 
solute monarchy, but turned it afterwards to gratify 
the republican party. These were his true princi- 
ples, though he had disguised them, for deceiving 
unwary readers. And this set of notions came to 
spread much. The novelty and boldness of them 
set many on reading them. The impiety of them 
was acceptable to men of corrupt minds, which were 
but too much prepared to receive them by the ex- 
travagancies of the late times. So this set of men 
at Cambridge studied to assert and examine the 
principles of religion and morality on clear grounds, 
and in a philosophical method. In this More led 
the way to many that came after him. Worthing- 
ton was a man of eminent piety and great humility, 
and practised a most sublime way of self-denial and 
devotion. AJl these, and those who were formed 
under them, studied to examine farther into the na- 
ture of things than had been done formerly. They 
declared against superstition on the one hand, and 
enthusiasm on the other. They loved the constitu- 
tion of the church, and the liturgy, and could M^ell 

Y 2 


1661. live under them : but they did not think it unlaw- 
ful to live under another form. They wished that 
things might have been carried with more modera- 
tion. And they continued to keep a good corre- 
spondence with those who had differed from them 
in opinion, and allowed a great freedom both in phi- 
losophy and in divinity : from whence they were 
called men of latitude. And upon this men of nar- 
rower thoughts and fiercer tempers fastened upon 
them the name of Latitudinarians'^. They read Epi- 
scopius much. And the making out the reasons of 
things being a main part of their studies, their ene- 
mies called them Socinians. They were all very 
zealous against popery. And so, they becoming 
soon very considerable, the papists set themselves 
against them to decry them as atheists, deists, or at 
best Socinians. And now that the main principle of 
religion was struck at by Hobbs and his followers^ 
the papists acted upon this a very strange part. 
They went in so far even into the argument for 
atheism, as to publish many books, in which they 
affirmed, that there was no certain proof of the 
Christian religion, unless we took it from the au- 
thority of the church as infallible. This was such a 
delivering up of the cause to them, that it raised in 
all good men a very high indignation at popery; 
that party shewing, that they chose to make men 
who would not turn papists, become atheists, rather 
than believe Christianity upon any other ground than 
189 The most eminent of those, who were formed 
A character undcr those great men I have mentioned, were Til-* 
tvTZ. lotson, Stillingfleet, and Patrick. The first of these 
^ See Sir Phillip Warwick's Memoirs, page 89. O. 


was a man of a clear head and a sweet temper. 1661. 

He had the brightest thoughts and the most correct 

style of aU our divines ; and was esteemed the best 
preacher of the age. He was a very prudent man ; 
and had such a management with it, that I never 
knew any clergyman so universally esteemed and 
beloved, as he was for above twenty years. He was 
eminent for his opposition to popery. He was no 
friend to persecution, and stood up much against 
atheism. Nor did any man contribute more to 
bring the city to love our worship than he did. 
But there was so little superstition, and so much 
reason and gentleness in his way of explaining 
things, that malice was long levelled at him, and in 
conclusion broke out fiercely on him. Stillingfleet 
was a man of much more learning, but of a more 
reserved and a haughtier temper. He, in his youth, 
writ an Irenicum for healing our divisions, with so 
much learning and moderation, that it was esteemed 
a masterpiece. His notion was, that the apostles 
had settled the church in a constitution of bishops, 
priests, and deacons, but had made no perpetual law 
about it, having only taken it in, as they did many 
other things, from the customs and practice of the 
synagogue; from which he inferred, that certainly 
the constitution was lawful, since authorized by 
them, but not necessary, since they had made no 
settled law about it. This took with many; but 
was cried out upon by others, as an attempt against 
the church. Yet the argument was managed with 
so much learning and skill, that none of either side 
ever undertook to answer it I After that, he wrote 

' (The book itself was an- Catalogue of the Bodleian Li- 
swered in the year 1680. See brary, v. Stillingfleet.) 

Y 3 


1661. against infidelity, beyond any that had gone before 
him. And then he engaged to write against popery, 
which he did with such an exactness and livehness, 
that no books of controversy were so much read and 
valued as his were. He was a great man in many 
respects. He knew the world well, and was 
esteemed a very wise man. The writing of his 
Irenicum was a great snare to him ; for, to avoid 
the imputations which that brought upon him, he 
not only retracted the book, but he went into the 
humours of that high sort of people beyond what 
became him, perhaps beyond his own sense of 
things. He applied himself much to the study of 
the law and records, and the original of our consti- 
tution, and was a very extraordinary man, [too 
much conceited of himself, and too much concerned 
for his family.] Patrick was a great preacher. He 
wrote much and well, and chiefly on the scriptures. 
He was a laborious man in his function, of great 
strictness of life, but a little too severe against those 
who differed from him. But that was, when he 
190 thought their doctrines struck at the fundamentals 
of religion. He became afterwards more moderate*". 
To these I sh^ll add another divine, who, though of 
Oxford, yet, as he was formed by bishop Wilkins, so 
he went into most of their principles ; but went far 
beyond them in learning. Lloyd was a gi'eat critic 
in the Greek and Latin authors, but chiefly in the 
scriptures ; of the words and phrases of which he 
carried the most perfect concordance in his memory,, 
and ho^d it the readiest about him, of all men that 
ever I knew. He was an e:j^act historian, and the 

j" .Yes, for he turned a rank whig. S. 



most punctual in chronology of all our divines. He 
had read the most books, and with the best judg-' 
ment, and had made the most copious abstracts out 
of them, of any in this age : so that Wilkins used 
to say, he had the most learning in ready cash of 
any he ever knew. He was so exact in every thing 
he set about, that he never gave over any part of 
study, till he had quite mastered it. But when that 
was done, he went to another subject, and did not 
lay out his learning with the diligence with which 
he laid it in. He had many volumes of materials 
upon ail subjects laid together in so distinct a me- 
thod, that he could with very little labour write on 
any of them. He had more life in his imagination, 
and a truer judgment, than may seem consistent 
with such a laborious course of study". Yet, as 
much as he was set on learning, he had never neg- 


" Uoyd, after several trans- 
lations, was bishop of Worces- 
ter. In the year 17 12, he told 
queen Ann he thought it his duty 
to acquaint her, that the church 
of Rome would be utterly de- 
stroyed, and the city of Rome 
consumed by fire, in less than 
four years; which he could 
prove beyond contradiction, if 
her majesty would have the pa- 
tience to hear him upon that 
subject. The queen appointed 
him next day in the forenoon ; 
and a great Bible was brought, 
which was all he said would be 
wanting. The bishop of Lon- 
don came with him ; and the 
duke of Shrewsbury, lord Ox- 
ford, lor(i Dartmouth, and Dr. 
Arbuthnot were orjdered to at- 
tend by the queen. He shewed 
a rast memory and command 

of the scriptures at that age; 
(for he was then above eighty 
years old ;) but the earl of Ox- 
ford offering to give another 
interpretation to one of his 
texts than he did, though in 
extreme civil terms, the bishop 
turned to the queen in the 
greatest passion I ever saw any 
man, and told her, " So says 
" your treasurer; but God say^ 
" otherwise, whether he like it 
" or no." The queen seeing 
him so angry and rude, called 
for her dinner, after which he 
said, that if what he had ad- 
vanced was not true, he did not 
know any truth, and was a very 
unfit person to be trusted with 
explaining the Gospel to other 
people, and desired the queen 
to dispose of his bishopric to 
some man of greater abilities, 

Y 4 


1661. lected his pastoral care. For several years he had 
the greatest cure in England, St. Martin's, which 
he took care of with an application and diligence 
beyond any about him ; to whom he was an exam- 
ple, or rather a reproach, so few following his ex- 
ample. He was a holy, humble, and patient man, 
ever ready to do good when he saw a proper oppor- 
tunity : even his love of study did not divert him 
from that. He did, upon his promotion, find a very 
worthy successor in his cure, Tenison, who carried 
on and advanced all those good methods that he 
had begun in the management of that great cure. 
He endowed schools, set up a public library, and 
kept many curates to assist him in his indefatigable 
labours among them. He was a very learned man °, 
and took much pains to state the notions and prac- 
tices of heathenish idolatry, and so to fasten that 
charge on the church of Rome. And, Whitehall 
lying within that parish, he stood as in the front of 
the battle all king James's reign ; and maintained, 
as well as managed, that dangerous post with great 
courage and much judgment, and was held in very 
high esteem for his whole deportment, which was 
ever grave and moderate. These have been the 
greatest divines we have had these forty years v : 
and may we ever have a succession of such men to 

ifwhathesaid did not prove true; thing man I ever knew. S. 
and then spoke something to the p (No very accurate asser- 

queen in a very low voice, that tion ; for Pearson, whom the 

nobody else might hear ; which bishop allows to have been the 

she told me afterwards was, greatest divine of the age, was 

that after four years were ex- alive within thirty years of the 

pired, Christ would reign per- bishop's own death, and within 

sonally upon earth for a thou- twenty of his composing this 

sand years. D. history. And doctors Cave and 

•^ The dullest, good for no- South, both of whom were then 


fill the room of those who have already gone off the 1661. 
stage, and of those who, being now very old, cannot TTj 
hold their posts long. Of these I have writ the 
more fully, because I knew them well, and have 
lived long in great friendship with them ; but most 
particularly with TiUotson and Lloyd. And, as I 
am sensible I owe a great deal of the consideration 
that has been had for me to my being known to be 
their friend, so I have really learned the best part 
of what I know from them : [and of the services I 
may have done the church, to them. And if I have 
arrived at any faculty of writing clearly and cor- 
rectly, I owe that entirely to them. For as they 
(Tillotson and Lloyd) joined with Wilkins, in that 
noble though despised attempt of an unwersal cha- 
racter, and a philosophical language; they took 
great pains to observe all the common errors of lan- 
guage in general, and of ours in particular : and in 
the drawing the tables for that work, which was 
Lloyd's province, he looked further into a natural 
purity and simplicity of style, than any man I ever 
knew ; into all which he led me, and so helped me 
to any measure of exactness of writing which may 
be thought to belong to me.] But I owed them 
much more on the account of those excellent princi- 
ples and notions, of which they were in a particular 
manner communicative to me. This set of men 
contributed more than can be well imagined to re- 
form the way of preaching ; which, among the di- 
vines of England before them, was overrun with pe- 
dantry, a great mixture of quotations from fathers 

living, not to mention the bi- nant at Tenison's, if not at 
shops Beverage, Hooper, and most of the others', being pre- 
Kidder, would have felt indig- ferred to them.) 


1661. and ancient writers, a long opening of a text with 
, _.'; . the concordance of every word in it, and a giving 

all the different expositions with the grounds of 
The way of them, and the entering into some parts of contro- 
which then versy, and all concluding in some, but very short, 
prevai e . ppg^^^^j^,^ applications, according to the subject or 
the occasion. This was both long and heavy, when 
all was pye-baUed % full of many sayings of different 
languages. The common style of sermons was ei- 
ther very flat and low, or swelled up with rhetoric 
to a false pitch of a wrong subhme. The king had 
little or no literature, but true and good sense ; and 
had got a right notion of style ^; for he was in 
France at a time when they were much set on re- 
forming their language. It soon appeared that he 
had a true taste. So this helped to raise the value 
of these men, when the king approved of the style 
their discourses generally ran in ; which was clear, 
plain, and short. They gave a short paraphrase of 
their text, unless where great difficulties required a 
more copious enlargement : but even then they cut 
off unnecessary shews of learning, and applied them- 
selves to the niatter, in which they opened the na- 
ture and reasons of things so fully, and with that 
simplicity, that their hearers felt an instruction of 
another sort than had commonly been observed be- 
fore. So they became very much followed : and a 
set of these men brought off the city in a great 
measure from the prejudices they had formerly to 
I the church. 

1662. There was a great debate in council, a little be- 

1 A noble epithet. S. ■■ How came Burnet not to learn this 
style? S. 


fore St. Bartholomew's day, whether the act of 1662. 
uniformity should be punctually executed, or not. ^he act »f 
Some moved to have the execution of it delayed ""'^"""j*? 

•' executed 

to the next session of parliament. Others were^'t'»"s°"'f- 
for executing it in the main, but to connive at some 
eminent men, and to put curates into their churches 
to read and officiate according to the common 
prayer, but to leave them to preach on, till they 1 92 
should die out. The earl of Manchester laid all 
these things before the king with much zeal, but 
with no great force. Sheldon, on the other hand, 
pressed the execution of the law : England was ac- 
customed to obey laws : so while they stood on that 
ground, they were safe, and needed fear none of the 
dangers that seemed to be threatened : he also un- 
dertook to fill all the vacant pulpits, that should be 
forsaken in London^ better and more to the satisfac- 
tion of the people, than they had been before : and 
he seemed to apprehend, that a very small number 
would fall under the deprivation, and that the gross 
of the party would conform. On the other hand, 
those who led the party took great pains to have 
them all stick together : they infused it into them, 
that if great numbers stood out, that would shew 
their strength, and produce new laws in their fa- 
vour ; whereas they would be despised, if, after so 
much noise made, the greater part of them should 
conform. So it was thought, that many went out , 
in the crowd to keep their friends company. Many 
of these were distinguished by their abilities and 
zeal. They cast themselves upon the providence of 
God, and the charity of their friends, which had a 
fair appearance, as of men that were ready to suffer 
persecution for theii' consciences. This begot esteem. 


1662. and raised compassion : whereas the old clergy, now 
""much enriched, were as much despised. But the 
young clergy that came from the universities did 
good service. Learning was then high at Oxford ; 
chiefly the study of the oriental tongues, which was 
much raised by the Polyglot bible, then lately set 
forth. They read the fathers much there. Mathe- 
matics and the new philosophy were in great esteem. 
And the meetings that Wilkins had begun at Ox- 
ford were now held in London too, in so public 
manner, that the king himself encouraged them 
much, and had many experiments made before him. 
The royal The mcu that formed the royal society in Lon- 


don were, sir Robert Murray, the lord Brounker, a 
profound mathematician, and doctor Ward, soon 
after promoted to Exeter, and afterwards removed 
to Salisbury. Ward was a man of great reach, went 
deep in mathematical studies, and was a very dex- 
terous man, if not too dexterous ; for his sincerity 
was much questioned. He had complied during the 
late times, and held in by taking the covenant : so 
he was hated by the high men as a time-server. 
But the lord Clarendon saw, that most of the bi- 
shops were men of merit by their sufferings, but of 
no great capacity for business. He brought Ward 
in, as a man fit to govern the church : for Ward, to 
get his former errors to be forgot, went into the 
high notions of a severe conformity, and became the 
193 most considerable man on the bishops' bench. He 
was a profound statesman, but a very indifferent 
clergyman. Many physicians, and other ingenious 
men, went into the society for natural philosophy. 
But he who laboured most, at the greatest charge, 
and with the most success at experiments, was Ro- 


bert Boyle, the earl of Cork's youngest son. He 1662. 
was looked on by all who knew him as a very per- 
feet pattern. He was a very devout Christian, 
humble and modest, almost to a fault, of a most 
spotless and exemplary life in all respects. He was 
highly charitable ; and was a mortified and self-de- 
nied man, that delighted in nothing so much as in 
the doing good. He neglected his person, despised 
the world, and lived abstracted from all pleasures, 
designs, and interests ^ I preached his funeral ser- 
mon, in which I gave his character so truly, that I 
do not think it necessary now to enlarge more upon 
it. The society for philosophy grew so considera- 
ble, that they thought fit to take out a patent, which 
constituted them a body, by the name of the royal 
society ; of which sir Robert Murray was the first 
president, bishop Ward the second, and the lord 
Brounker the third. Their history is writ so well 
by doctor Sprat, that I will insist no more on them, 
but go on to other matters. 

After St. Bartholomew's day, the dissenters, see- consuita- 
ing both court and parliament was so much set tliTpapUtsf 
against them, had much consultation together what 
to do. Many were for going over to Holland, and 
settling there with their ministers. Others pro- 
posed New England, and the other plantations. 
Upon this the earl of Bristol drew to his house a 
meeting of the chief papists in town : and after an 
oath of secrecy he told them, now was the proper 
time for them to make some steps towards the 
bringing in of their religion : in order to that it 
seemed advisable for them to take pains to procure 

^ Boyle was a very silly writer. S. 


1662. favour to the nonconformists ; (for that became the 
common name to them all, as puritan had been be- 
fore the war :) they were the rather to bestir them- 
selves to procure a toleration for them in general 
terms, that they themselves might be comprehended 
within it. The lord Aubigny seconded the motion. 
He said, it was so visibly the interest of England to 
make a great body of the trading men stay within 
the kingdom, and be made easy in it, that it would 
- have a good grace in them to seem zealous for it : 
and, to draw in so great a number of those, who 
had been hitherto the hottest against them, to feel 
their care, and to see their zeal to serve them ; he 
recommended to them to make this the subject of 
all their discourses, and to engage all their friends 
in the design. Bennet did not meet with them, 
but was known to be of the secret; as the lord 
^ Stafford told me in the tower a little before his 

194 death.' But that lord soon withdrew from those 
meetings : for he apprehended the earl of Bristol's 
heat, and that he might raise a storm against them 
by his indiscreet meddling. * 

A deciara- The king was so far prevailed on by them, that 
leration. in Deccmbcr 1662 he set out a declaration, that 
was generally thought to be procured by the lord 
Bristol : but it had a deeper root, and was designed 
by the king himself. In it the king expressed his 
aversion to all severities on the account of religion, 
but more particularly to all sanguinary laws; and 
gave hopes, both to papists and nonconformists, that 
he would find out such ways for tempering the se- 
verities of the laws, that all his subjects should be 
easy under them. The wiser of the nonconformists 
saw at what all this was aimed, and so received it 


coldly. But the papists went on more warmly, and 1662. 
were preparing a scheme for a toleration for them. 
And one part of it raised great disputes among 
themselves. Some were for their taking the oath of 
allegiance, which renounced the pope's deposing 
power. But aU those that were under a manage- 
ment from Rome refused this. And the internuncio 
at Brussels proceeded to censure those that were 
for it, as enemies to the papal authority. A propo- 
sition was also made for having none but secular 
priests tolerated in England, who should be under a 
bishop, and under an estabUshed government. But 
that all the regulars, in particular all Jesuits, should 
be under the strictest penalties forbid the kingdom. 

The earl of Clarendon set this on ; for he knew Designed 
well it would divide the papists among themselves. p'Jsts/ *** 
But, though a few honest pyiests, such as Blacklow, 
Serjeant, Caron, and Walsh, were for it, yet they 
could not make a party among the leading men of 
their own side. It was pretended, that this was set 
on foot with a design to divide them, and so to 
break their strength. The earl of Clarendon knew, 
that cardinal de Retz, for whom he saw the king 
had a particular esteem, had come over incognito, 
and had been with the king in private. So, to let 
the king see how odious a thing his being suspected 
of popery would be, and what a load it would lay 
on his government, if it came to be beheved, he got 
some of his party, as sir AUain Brodrick told me, to 
move in the house of commons for an act rendering 
it capital to say the king was a papist. And, 
whereas the king was made to believe that the old 
cavaliers were become milder with relation to po- 
pery, the lord Clarendon upon this new act inferred. 


1662. that it still appeared that the opinion of his being a 
papist would so certainly make him odious, that for 
that reason the parliament had made the spreading 
195 those reports so penal. But this was taken by an- 
other handle, while some said, that this act was 
made on purpose, that, though the design of bring- 
ing in popery should become ever so visible, none 
should dare to speak of it. The earl of Clarendon 
had a quite contrary design in it, to let the king see 
how fatal the effects of any such suspicions were 
like to be. When the earl of Bristol's declaration 
was proposed in council, lord Clarendon and the 
bishops opposed it. But there was nothing in it 
directly against law, hopes being only given of en- 
deavours to make all men easy under the king's go- 
vernment: so it passed. The earl of Bristol car- 
ried it as a great victory. And he, with the duke 
of Buckingham, and all lord Clarendon's enemies, 
declared openly against him. But the poor priests, 
who had made those honest motions, were very iU 
looked on by all their own party, as men gained on 
design to betray them. I knew aU this from Peter 
Walsh himself, who was the honestest and leam- 
edest man I ever knew among them. He was of 
Irish extraction, and of the Franciscan order : and 
was indeed in all points of controversy almost wholly 
protestant : but he had senses of his own, by which 
he excused his adhering to the church of Rome: 
and he maintained, that with these he could conti- 
! nue in the communion of that church without sin : 
and he said, that he was sure he did some good, 
staying stiU on that side, but that he could do none 
at all, if he should come over : he thought, no man 
ought to forsake that religion in which he was born 


and bred, unless he was clearly convinced, that he 1662. 
must certainly be damned if he continued in it. He 
was an honest and able man, much practised in in- 
trigues, and knew well the methods of the Jesuits, 
and other missionaries. He told me often, there 
was nothing which the whole popish party feared 
more than an union of those of the church of Eng- - 
land with the presbyterians : they knew, we grew 
the weaker, the more our breaches were widened ; 
and that, the more we were set against one another, 
we would mind them the less \ The papists had 
two maxims, from which they never departed : the 
one was to divide us : and the other was, to keep 
themselves united, and either to set on an indiscri- 
minated toleration, or a general prosecution ; for so 
we loved to soften the harsh word of persecution. 
And he observed, not without great indignation at 
us for our folly, that we, instead of uniting among 
ourselves, and dividing them, according to their max- 
ims, did all we could to keep them united, and to 
disjoint our own body : for he was persuaded, if the 
government had held an heavy hand on the regulars 
and the Jesuits, and had been gentle to the seculars, 
and had set up a distinguishing test, renouncing all 
sort oi power in the pope over the temporal rights 196 
of princes, to which the regulars and the Jesuits 
could never submit, that this would have engaged 
them into such violent quarrels among themselves, 
that censures would have been thundered at Rome 
against aU that should take any such test ; which 
would have procured much disputing, and might 
have probably ended in the revolt of tiie soberer 

* Rogue. S. 
VOL. I. Z 


1662. part of that church. But he found, that, though 
the earl of Clarendon and the duke of Ormond liked 
the project, little regard was had to it by the go- 
verning party in the court. 

1663. The church party was alarmed at all this. And 
designs.* though they were unwilling to suspect the king or 

the duke, yet the management for popery was so 
visible, that in the next session of parliament the 
king's declaration was severely arraigned, and the 
authors of it were plainly enough pointed at. This 
was done chiefly by the lord Clarendon's friends. 
And at this the earl of Bristol was highly dis- 
pleased, and resolved to take all possible methods to 
ruin the earl of Clarendon. He had a great sldU in 
astrology, and had possessed the king with an high 
opinion of it * : and told the duke of Buckingham, 
as he said to the earl of Rochester, WUmot, from 
whom I had it, that he was confident that he would 
lay that before the king, which would totally alien- 
ate him both from his brother and from the lord 
Clarendon : for he could demonstrate, by the princi- 
ples of that art, that he was to fall by his brother's 
means, if not by his hand: and he was sure this 
would work on the king. It would so, said the 
duke of Buckingham, but in another way than he 
expected : for it would make the king be so afraid 

' It was always an objec- Flanders, who had a very great 
- tion to his skill in astrology, esteem for him, and there was 
i that he declared himself a pa- little prospect of the change 
pist the year before the restora- that happened the year after, 
tion, which had disqualified him nor had any almanack foretold 
from any employment in Eng- it : but he took care to have his 
land : but the truth was, he children brought up protest- 
had turned, to qualify himself ants, that they might not lie 
to serve under Don John, in under the like disadvantage. D. 


of offending him, that he would do any thing rather 1663. 
than provoke him. Yet the lord Bristol would lay 
this before the king. And the duke of Buckingham 
believed, that it had the effect ever after, that he 
had apprehended : for though the king never loved 
nor esteemed the duke, yet he seemed to stand in 
some sort of awe of him. 

But this was not all : the lord Bristol resolved to He accused 


offer articles of impeachment agamst the earl ofin the house 
Clarendon to the house of lords, though it was ° 
plainly provided against by the statute against ap- 
peals in the reign of Henry the fourth. Yet both 
the duke of Buckingham and the lord Bristol, the 
fathers of these two lords, had broken through that 
in the former reign. So the lord Bristol drew his 
impeachment, and carried it to the king, who took 
much pains on him in a soft and gentle manner to 
dissuade him from it. But he would not be wrought 
on. And he told the king plainly, that, if he for- 
sook him, he would raise such disorders, that alll97 
England should feel them, and the king himself 
should not be without a large share in them. The 
king, as the earl of Lauderdale told me, who said 
he had it from himself, said, he was so provoked at 
this, that he durst not trust himself in answering it, 
but went out of the room, and sent the lord Au- 
bigny to soften him : but all was in vain. It is 
very probable, that the lord Bristol knew the secret 
of the king's religion, which both made him so bold, 
and the king so fearful. The next day he carried 
the charge to the house of lords. It was of a very 
mixed nature : in one part he charged the lord Cla- 
rendon with raising jealousies, and spreading reports 
of the king's being a papist : and yet in the other 

z 2 


1663. articles he charged him with correspondence with 
the court of Rome, in order to the making the lord 
Aubigny a cardinal, and several other things of a 
very strange nature. As soon as he put it in, he, it 
seems, either repented of it, or at least was pre- 
vailed with to abscond. He was ever after that 
looked on as a man capable of the highest extrava- 
gances possible. He made the matter worse by a 
letter that he wrote to the lords, in which he ex- 
pressed his fear" of the danger the king was in by 
the duke's having of guards. Proclamations went 
out for discovering him. But he kept out of the 
way, till the storm was over. The parliament ex- 
pressed a firm resolution to maintain the act of uni- 
formity. And the king being run much in debt, 
they gave him four subsidies, being willing to return 
to the ancient way of taxes by subsidies. But these 
were so evaded, and brought in so little money, that 
the court resolved never to have recourse to that 
method of raising money any more, but to betake 
themselves for the future to the assessment begun 
in the war. The convocation gave at the same 
time four subsidies, which proved as heavy on them, 
as they were light on the temporalty. This was the 
last aid that the spiritualty gave : for the whole 
proving so inconsiderable, and yet so unequally 
heavy on the clergy, it was resolved on " hereafter 

" By verbal agreement be- have constantly voted for mem- 

tween archbishop Sheldon and bers of the house of commons, 

lord Clarendon, and in conse- and although there be no ex- 

quence of which, without the press laws for it. But see the 

intervention of any express law, other volume, p. 281. O. 

and contrary to a former reso- (Where there is a longer note 

lution of the house of commons, on this subject.) 
the inferior beneficed clergy 


to tax church benefices as temporal estates were 1663. 
taxed ; which proved indeed a lighter burden, but 
was not so honourable as when it was given by 
themselves. Yet interest prevailing above the point 
of honour, they acquiesced in it. So the convoca- 
tions being no more necessary to the crown, this 
made that there was less regard had to them after- 
wards. They were often discontinued and pro- 
rogued : and when they met, it was only for form. 
The parliament did pass another act, that was very 
acceptable to the court, and that shewed a con- 
fidence in the king, repealing the act of triennial 
parliaments, which had been obtained with so much 
difficulty, and was clogged with so many clauses, 198 
which seemed to transfer the power from the crown 
to the people, that, when it was carried, it was 
thought the greatest security that the people had 
for all their other liberties. But it was now given 
up without a struggle, or any clauses for a certainty 
of parliaments, besides a general one, [hereafter the 
sitting and holding of parliament shall not be inter- 
mitted or discontinued above three years at the 
most, but] that there should be a parliament called 
within three years after the dissolution of the pre- 
sent parliament, and so ever afterwards ; but with- 
out any severe clauses, in case the act was not ob- 

As for our foreign negotiations, I know nothing 
in particular concerning them. Secretary Bennet 
had them all in his hands : and I had no confidence 
with any about him. Our concerns with Portugal 
were public : and I knew no secrets about these. 

By a melancholy instance to our private family it a plot dis- 
appeared, that France was taking all possible me- 

z 3 


1063. thods to do every thing that the king desired. The 
commonwealth's-men were now thinking, that they 
saw the stream of the nation beginning to turn 
against the court : and upon that they were meet- 
ing, and laying plots to retrieve their lost game. 
One of these being taken, and apprehending he was 
in danger, begged his life of the king, and said, if 
he might be assured of his pardon, he would tell 
where my uncle Waristoun was, who was then in 
Rouen : for the air of Hamborough agreed so ill 
, with him, that he was advised to go to France ; and 
this man was on the secret. The king sent one to 
the court of France, desiring he might be put in his 
hands : and this was immediately done : and no no- 
tice was sent to my uncle to go out of the way, as 
is usual in such cases, when a person is not charged 
with assassinations, or any infamous action, but only 
with crimes of state. He was sent over, and kept 
some months in the tower of London ; and from that 
was sent to Scotland, as shall be told afterwards. 
The design of a war with Holland was now work- 
The design ing. I havc bccu vcry positively assured by states- 
withThe ^^^ of both sides, that the French set it on in a 
states. ygj.y artificial manner: for while they encouraged 
us to insist on some extravagant demands, they, at 
the same time, pressed the Dutch not to yield to 
them : and as they put them in hopes, that, if a 
rupture should foUow, they would assist them ac- 
cording to their alliance, so they assured us that 
! they would do us no hurt. Downing was then em- 
ployed in HoUand, a crafty fawning man, who was 
ready to turn to every side that was uppermost, and 
to betray those who by their former friendship and 
services thought they might depend on him ; as he 


did some of the regicides, whom he got in his hands 1663. 
under trust, and then delivered them up. He had 
been Cromwell's ambassador in HoUand, where he 
had offered personal affronts both to the king and 
the duke : yet he had by some base practices got 199 
himself to be so effectually recommended by the 
duke of Albemarle, that all his former offences were 
forgiven, and he was sent into Holland as the king's 
ambassador, whose behaviour towards the king him- 
self the States had observed. So they had reason 
to conclude he was sent over with no good intent, 
and that he was capable of managing a bad design, 
and very ready to undertake it^. There was no 
visible cause of war. A complaint of a ship taken 
was ready to have been satisfied. But Downing 
hindered it. So it was plain, the king hated them ; 
and fancied they were so feeble, and the English 
were so much superior to them, that a war would 
humble them to an entire submission and depend- 
ence on him in aU things. The States had treated, 
and presented the king with great magnificence, and 
at a vast charge, during the time that he had stayed 
among them, after England had declared for him. 
And, as far as appearances could go, the king 
seemed sensible of it : insomuch that the party for 
the prince of Orange were not pleased, because 
their applications to him could not prevail to make 
him interpose, either in the behalf of himself or of 
his friends, to get the resolutions taken against him 

^ Sir George Downing mar- his good behaviour for the fu- 

ried Frances Howard, sister to tare. But the bishop delights 

the first earl of CarHsle of that in throwing dirt upon the duke 

family, who had been very in- of Albemarle, and making a 

strumental in the restoration of mystery of every thing, though 

the king, who not only pro- never so plain and well known, 

tected him, but answered for D. 

z 4 

1663. to be repealed, or his party again put in places of 

trust and command. The king put that off, as not 
proper to be pressed by him at that time. But nei- 
ther then nor afterwards did he bestir himself in 
that matter. Though, if either gratitude or interest 
had been of force, and if these had not been over- 
ruled by some more prevalent considerations, he 
must have been inclined to make some returns for 
the services the late prince did him : and he must 
have seen, what a figure he must make by having 
the prince of Orange tied to him in interest, as 
much as he was by blood *. France and popery were 
the true springs of all these counsels. It was the 
interest of the king of France, that the armies of 
the States might fall under such a feebleness, that 
they should be in no condition to make a vigorous 
resistance, when he should be ready either to invade 
them or to fall into Flanders; which he was re- 
solved to do, whensoever the king of Spain should 
die. The French did thus set on the war between 
the English and the Dutch, hoping that our fleets 
should mutually weaken one another so much, that 
the naval force of France, which was increasing 
very considerably, should be near an equality to 
them, when they should be shattered by a war. 
The States were likewise the greatest strength of 
the protestant interest, and were therefore to be 
humbled. So, in order to make the king more 
considerable both at home and abroad, the court re- 
200 solved to prepare for a war, and to seek for such 

" (From lord Arlington's let- of the prince, so far as was 

ters to sir William Temple, the consistent with the relations 

king does not appear to have subsisting between England 

been inattentive to the interests and the States.) 


colours as might serve to justify it. The earl of i663. 
Clarendon was not let into the secret of this design, 
and was always against it. But his interest was 
now sunk low : and he began to feel the power of 
an imperious mistress over an amorous king, who 
was so disgusted at the queen, that he abandoned 
himself wholly to amour and luxury. 

This was, as far as I could penetrate into it, the 
state of the court for the first four years after the 
restoration. I was in the court a great part of the 
years 1662, 1663>^, and 1664; and was as inquisitive 
as I could possibly be, and had more than ordinary 
occasions to hear and see a great deal. 

But now I return to the affairs of Scotland : the The affairs 
earl of Midletoun, after a delay of some months, 
came up to London, and was very coldly received 
by the king. The earl of Lauderdale moved that a 
Scotish council might be called. The lord Claren- 
don got this to be delayed a fortnight. When itMidietoun 
met, the lord Lauderdale accused the earl of Midle- by Lauder- 
toun of many malversations in the great trust he*^^^^' 
had been in, which he aggravated severely. The 
lord Midletoun desired he might have what was ob- 
jected to him in writing. And when he had it, he 
sent it to Scotland ; so that it was six weeks before 
he had his answer ready ; all on design to gain time. 
He excused some errors in point of form, by saying, 
that, having served in a military way, he under- 
stood not so exactly what belonged to law and 
form: but insisted on this, that he designed no- 

>■ (This may be reconciled would be, according to the 

with his son's account before reckoning of those days, called 

mentioned, of the bishop's 1662 till the 25th day of March, 

journey to England in 1663, sup- He was then nineteen years of 

posing that he came hidher in age.) 
the early part of that year, which 


1663. thing, but that the king's service might go on, and 
that his friends might be taken care of, and his ene- 
mies be humbled, and that so loyal a parliament 
might be encouraged, who were full of zeal and af- 
fection to his service; that, in complying with 
them, he had kept every thing so entirely in his 
majesty's power, that the king was under no diffi- 
culties by any thing they had done. In the mean 
while Sheldon was very earnest with the king to 
forgive the lord Midletoun's crime, otherwise he 
concluded the change so newly made in the church 
would be so ill supported, that it must fall to the 
ground. The duke of Albemarle, who knew Scot- 
land, and had more credit on that head than on any 
other, pretended that the lord Midletoun's party 
was that on which the king could only rely: he 
magnified both their power and their zeal ; and re- 
presented the earl of Lauderdale's friends as cold 
and hollow in the king's service : and, to support all 
this, the letters that came from Scotland were fuU 
of the insolencies of the presbyterians, and of the 
dejection the bishops and their friends were under. 
Sharp was prevailed on to go up. He promised to 
201 all the earl of Midletoun's friends, that he would 
stick firm to him ; and that he would lay before the 
king, that his standing or falling must be the stand- 
ing or falhng of the church. Of this the earl of 
Lauderdale had advice sent him. Yet when he 
came to London, and saw that the king was alien- 
i ated from the lord Midletoun, he resolved to make 
great submissions to the lord Lauderdale. When he 
reproached him for his engagements with the earl of 
Midletoun, he denied all; and said, he had never 
gone farther than what was decent, considering his 
post. He also denied, he had writ to the king in 


his favour. But the king had given the original 1663. 
letter to the lord Lauderdale, who upon that shewed 
it to Sharp ; with which he was so struck, that he 
fell a crying in a most abject manner. He begged 
pardon for it ; and said, what could a company of 
poor men refuse to the earl of Midletoun, who had 
done so much for them, and had them so entirely in 
his power. The lord Lauderdale, upon this, com- 
forted him ; and said, he would forgive them all 
that was past, and would serve them and the 
church at another rate than lord Midletoun was ca- 
pable of doing. So Sharp became whoUy his. Of 
all this lord Lauderdale gave me a fuU relation the 
next day; and shewed me the papers that passed 
between lord Midletoun and him. Sharp thought 
he had escaped well. The earl of Midletoun treated 
the bishops too much as his creatures, and assumed 
a great deal to himself, and expressed a sort of au- 
thority over them ; which Sharp was uneasy under, 
though he durst not complain of it, or resist it : 
whereas he reckoned, that lord Lauderdale, know- 
ing the suspicions that lay on him, as favouring the 
presbyterians, would have less credit and courage in 
opposing any thing that should be necessary for 
their support. It proved that in this he judged 
right : for the lord Lauderdale, that he might main- 
tain himself at court, and with the church of Eng- 
land, was reaUy more compliant and easy to every 
proposition that the bishops made, than he would 
otherwise have been, if he had been always of the 
episcopal party. But aU he did that way was 
against his heart, except when his passions were ve- 
hemently stirred, which a very slight occasion would 
readily do. 


1663. When the earls of Lauderdale and Midletoun had 
been writing papers and answers for above three 
months, an accident happened which hastened lord 
Midletoun's disgrace. The earl of Lauderdale laid 
before the king the unjust proceedings in the laying 
on of the fines. And, to make all that party sure to 
himself, he procured a letter from the king to the 
council in Scotland, ordering them to issue out a 
proclamation, for superseding the execution of the 
act of fining tiU farther order. The privy council 
being then for the greater part composed of lord 
202 Midletoun's friends, it was pretended by some of 
them, that, as long as he was the king's commis- 
sioner, they could receive and execute no orders 
from the king, but through his hands. So they 
writ to him, desiring him to represent to the king, 
that this would be an affront put on the proceedings 
of parliament, and would raise the spirits of a party 
that ought to be kept down. Lord Midletoun writ 
back, that he had laid the matter before the king ; 
and that he, considering better of it, ordered, that 
no proceeding should be made upon his former let- 
ter. This occasioned a hot debate in council. It 
was said, a letter under the king's hand could not 
be countermanded, but from the same hand. So the 
council wrote to know the king's mind in the matter. 
The king protested he knew nothing of it, and that 
lord Midletoun had not spoke one word on the sub- 
ject to him. He upon that sent for him, and chid 
j him so severely, that lord Midletoun concluded from 
it that he was ruined. Yet he always stood upon 
it, that he had the king's order by word of mouth 
for what he had done, though he was not so cautious 
as to procure an instruction under his hand for his 


warrant. It is very probable, that he spoke of it to i663. 
the king, when his head was full of somewhat else, ' 

so that he did not mind it ; and that, to get rid of 
the earl of Midletoun, he bid him do whatsoever he 
proposed, without reflecting much on it. For the 
king was at that time often so distracted in his 
thoughts, that he was not af all times master of 
himself. The queen-mother had brought over from 
France one Mrs. Steward, reckoned a very great 
beauty'^, who was afterwards married to the duke 
of Richmond. The king was believed to be deeply 
in love with her. Yet his former mistress kept her 
ground still. And what with her humours and 
jealousy, and what with this new amour, the king 
had very little quiet, between both their passions 
and his own. 

Towards the end of May the king called many of 
the English counsellors together, and did or(ter all 
the papers that had passed between the earls of 
Lauderdale and Midletoun to be read to them. 
When that was done, many of them who were Mi- 
dletoun's friends said much in excuse of his errors, 
and of the necessity of continuing him still in that 
high trust. But the king said, his errors were so 
great and so many, that the credit of his affairs 
must suffer, if he continued them any longer in such 
hands. Yet he promised them he would be still 
kind to him ; for he looked on him as a very honest 
man. Few days after that, secretary Morrice was And turned 
sent to him, with a warrant under the king's hand, 
requiring him to deliver up his commission, which 
he did. And so his ministry came to an end, after 

* A pretty phrase. S. 


i663. 3. sort of a reign of much violence and injustice : for 
~~ he was become very imperious. He and his com- 
pany were delivered up to so much excess, and to 
such a madness of frolic and intemperance, that as 
Scotland had never seen any thing like it, so upon 
this disgrace there was a general joy over the king- 
dom : though that lasted not long ; for those that 
came after him grew worse than ever he was like to 
be. He had lived in great magnificence, which 
made him acceptable to many * : and he was a firm 
friend, though a violent enemy. The earl of Rothes 
was declared the king's commissioner. But the earl 
of Lauderdale would not trust him. So he went 
down with him, and kept him too visibly in a de- 
pendence on him for all his high character. 
waris- Quc of the first things that was done in this ses- 
cution. sion of parliament was the execution of my unfor- 
tunate uncle, Waristoun^. He was so disordered 

^ Hurt perhaps in his for- standing with brass plates upon 
tune by that ; for he retired it, that had Midletoun Bridge 
after his disgrace to the friery inscribed upon them. This gen- 
near Guildford, to one Dalma- tleman Dalmahoy being much 
hoy there, a genteel and gene- in the interest of the duke of 
rous man, who was of Scotland, York, and a man to be relied 
had been gentleman of the upon, and being a candidate 
horse to William, duke Hamil- for the town of Guildford, at 
ton, (killed at the battle of the election of the parliament 
Worcester,) married that duke's after the long one in 1678, and 
widow, and by her had this being opposed, as I think, by 
house, and a considerable estate the famous Algernon Sydney, 
adjoining to it, where, over the the duke of York came from 
river, which nms through the Windsor to Dalmahoy's house 
estate, this earl built a very to countenance his election, 
handsome large bridge, calling and appeared for him in the 
it by his own name, and was open court, where the election 
the present he made to Mr. was taken. O. 
Dalmahoy for entertaining him •> Was he hanged or be- 
at this place. The bridge is headed ? A fit uncle for such a 
now down ; but I remember it bishop. S. 


both in body and mind, that it was a reproach to a 1663. 
government to proceed against him : his memory ' 

was so gone, that he did not know his own children. 
He was brought before the parliament, to hear what 
he had to say, why his execution should not be 
awarded. He spoke long, but in a broken and dis- 
ordered strain, which his enemies fancied was put 
on to create pity. He was sentenced to die. [The 
presbyterians came about him, and prayed for him 
in a style like an upbraiding of God with services 
he had done him.] His deportment was unequal, as 
might be expected from a man in his condition. 
Yet, when the day of his execution came, he was 
very serene. He was cheerful, and seemed fully 
satisfied with his death. He read a speech twice 
over on the scaffold, that to my knowledge he com- 
posed himself, in which he justified all the proceed- 
ings in the covenant, and asserted his own sincerity ; 
but condemned his joining with Cromwell and the 
sectaries, though even in that his intentions had 
been sincere, for the good of his country and the 
security of religion. Lord Lauderdale had lived in 
great friendship with him : but he saw the king was 
so set against him, that he, who at all times took 
more care of himself than of his friends, would not 
in so critical a time seem to favour a man, whom 
the presbyterians had set up as a sort of an idol 
among them, and on whom they did depend more 
than on any other man then alive. 

The business of the parliament went on as the 
lord Lauderdale directed. The whole proceeding in 
the matter of the balloting was laid open. It ap- 
peared that the parliament had not desired it, but 
had been led into it by being made believe that the 


1063, king had a mind to it. And of all the members of 
^———' parliament not above twelve could be prevailed on 
to own, that they had advised the earl of Midletoun 
to ask leave of the king for it, whose private sug- 
gestions he had represented to the king as the de- 
sire of the parliament. This finished his disgrace, 
204 as well as it occasioned the putting all his party out 
of employments. 
An act While they were going on with their affairs, they 

conventi- undcrstood that an act had passed in the parliament 
of England against all conventicles, empowering jus- 
tices of peace to convict offenders without juries ; 
which was thought a great breach on the security of 
the English constitution, and a raising the power of 
justices to a very arbitrary pitch. Any meeting for 
religious worship, at which five were present more 
than the family, was declared a conventicle. And 
every person above sixteen, that was present at it, 
was to lie three months in prison, or to pay 5l. for 
the first offence ; six months for the second offence, 
or to pay 20/. fine ; and for the third offence, being 
convict by a jury, was to be banished to any planta- 
tion, except New England or Virginia, or to pay an 
100/. AU people were amazed at this severity '^. 
But the bishops in Scotland took heart upon it, and 
resolved to copy from it. So an act passed there, 

^ ("This act was temporary; " agents also m London, and 

" it was made upon occasion *' an oath of secrecy passed 

" of that general disaffection " amongst them. They assured 

" that appeared about this time " their friends, that the insur- 

" among the dissenters in Eng- " rection would be general, 

" land and Scotland. In the " and that they expected forces 

" north the dissenters broke " from Holland and other coun- 

" out into actual rebellion, £Hid " tries to join them." Salmon's 

" assembled at Farnly wood in Examination of Bishop Burnet's 

** Yorkshire. They had their Hist. p. 553. D. 


almost in the same terms. And, at the passing it, 1663. 
lord Lauderdale in a long speech expressed great 
zeal for the church. There was some little opposi- 
tion made to it by the earl of Kincardin, who was 
an enemy to all persecution. But, though some few 
voted against it, it was carried by a great majority. 

Another act passed, declaring the constitution of The con- 

j - stitution 

a national synod. It was to be composed 01 the of a na- 
archbishops and bishops, of all deans, and of two tOsy^'nod. 
be deputed from every presbytery; of which the 
moderator of the presbytery named by the bishop 
was to be one : all things were to be proposed to 
this court by the king or his commissioner. And 
whatsoever should be agreed to by the majority and 
the president, the archbishop of St. Andrews, was 
to have the force of an ecclesiastical law, when it 
should be confirmed by the king. Great exceptions 
were taken to this act. The church was restrained 
from meddling with any thing, but as it should be 
laid before them by the king ; which was thought a 
severe restraint, like that of the propone7itihus le~ 
gaits so much complained of at Trent. The put- 
ting the negative, not in the whole bench of the bi- 
shops, but singly in the president, was thought very 
in'egular. But it passed with so little observation, 
that the lord Lauderdale could scarce believe it was 
penned, as he found it to be, when I told him of it. 
Primerose told me. Sharp put that clause in with 
his own hand. The inferior clergy complained that 
the power was wholly taken from them ; since, as 
one of their deputies was to be a person named by 
the bishops, so, the moderators claiming a negative 
vote in their presbyteries as the bishops' delegates, 
the other half were only to consist of persons to 205 
VOL. I. A a 


1663. whom they consented. The act was indeed so pen- 
' ned, that nobody moved for a national synod, when 

they saw how it was to be constituted. 

Two other acts passed in favour of the crown. 
The parliament of England had laid great imposi- 
tions on aU things imported from Scotland : so the 
parliament, being speedily to be dissolved, and not 
having time to regulate such impositions on English 
goods, as might force the English to bring that mat- 
ter to a just balance, they put that confidence in the 
king, that they left the laying of impositions on aU 
foreign merchandize wholly to him. 
An act Another act was looked oif as a pompous compU- 

offerin^ an ^ . i • i 

army to mcut : and so it passed without observation, or any 
°^ opposition. In it they made an offer to the king of 
an army of twenty thousand foot and two thousand 
horse, to be ready upon summons to march with 
forty days' provision into any part of his Majesty's 
dominions, to oppose invasions, to suppress insurrec- 
tions, or for any other cause in which his authority, 
power, or greatness was concerned. Nobody dreamt 
that any use was ever to be made of this. Yet the 
earl of Lauderdale had his end in it, to let the king 
see what use he might make of Scotland, if he 
should intend to set up arbitrary government in 
England. He told the king, that the earl of Midle- 
toun and his party understood not what was the 
greatest service that Scotland could do him : they 
had not much treasure to offer him : the only thing 
j they were capable of doing was, to furnish him with 
a good army, when his affairs in England should re- 
quire it. And of this he made great use afterwards 
to advance himself, though it could never have sig- 
nified any thing to the advancing the king's ends. 


Yet so easy was it to draw the parliament of Scot- i663. 
land to pass acts of the greatest consequence in a 
hurry, without considering the effects they might 
have. After these acts were passed, the parliament 
was dissolved ; which gave a general satisfaction to 
the country, for they were a furious set of people. 
The government was left in the earl of Glencaim's 
hands, who began, now that he had little favour at 
court, to set himself on all occasions to oppose 
Sharp's violent notions. The earl of Rothes stuck 
firm to Sharp; and was recommended by him to 
the bishops of England, as the only man that sup- 
ported their interests. The king at this time re- 
stored lord Lorn to his grandfather's honour, of be- 
ing earl of Argile, passing over his father ; and gave 
him a great part of his estate, leaving the rest to be 
sold for the payment of debts, which did not raise in 
value above a third part of them. This occasioned 
a great outcry, that continued long to pursue him. 

Sharp went up to London to complain of the lord i664. 
Glencaim and of the privy council ; where, he said, z'r 

■^ •' Sharp 

there was such a remissness, and so much popularity drove very 
appeared on all occasions, that, unless some more 
spirit were put in the administration, it would be 
impossible to preserve the church. That was the 
word always used, as if there had been a charm in 
it. He moved that a letter might be writ, giving 
him the precedence of the lord chancellor. This 
was thought an inexcusable piece of vanity : for in 
Scotland, when there was no commissioner, all mat- 
ters passed through the lord chancellor's hands, who 
by act of parliament was to preside in all courts, 
and was considered as representing the king's per- 

A a 2 


1G64. son. He also moved, that the king would grant a 
■ special commission to some persons for executing 

. the laws relating to the church. All the privy coun- 
sellors were to be of it. But to these he desired 
many others might be added, for whom he under- 
took that they would execute them with zeal. Lord 
Lauderdale saw that this would prove a high com- 
Lauderdaie missiou court : yct he gave way to it, though much 

gave way . , 

to it. agamst his own mmd. Upon these thmgs 1 took 
the liberty, though then too young to meddle in 
things of that kind, to expostulate very freely with 
him. I thought he was acting the earl of Traquair's 
part, giving way to all the foUies of the bishops, on 
design to ruin them. He upon that ran into a great 
deal of freedom with me : he told me many passages 
of Sharp's past life : he was persuaded he would 
ruin all : but, he said, he was resolved to give him 
line : for he had not credit enough to stop him ; nor 
would he oppose any thing that he proposed, unless 
it were very extravagant : he saw the earl of Glen- 
cairn and he would be in a perpetual war : and it 
was indifferent to him how matters might go be- 
tween them : things would run to a height : and 
then the king would of himself put a stop to their 
career : for the king said often, he was not priest- 
ridden : he would not venture a war, nor travel 
again for any party. This was all that I could ob- 
tain from the earl of Lauderdale. I pressed Sharp 
himself to think of more moderate methods. But he 
j despised my applications : and from that time he 
was very jealous of me. 

Burnet, Fairfoul, archbishop of Glasgow, died this year : 


of Glasgow, and one Burnet succeeded him, who was a near 
kinsman of the lord Rutherford's ; who, from being 


governor of Dunkirk, when it was sold, was sent to i664. 
Tangier, but soon after in an unhappy encounter, 
going out to view some grounds, was intercepted, 
and cut to pieces by the Moors. Upon Rutherford's 
recommendation, Burnet, who had lived many years 207 
in England, and knew nothing of Scotland, was sent 
thither, first to be bishop of Aberdeen, and from 
thence he was raised to Glasgow. He was of him- 
self a soft and good natured man, tolerably learned, 
and of a blameless life : but was a man of no genius : 
and though he was inclined to peaceable and mo- 
derate counsels, yet he was much in the power of 
others, and took any impression that was given him 
very easily. I was much in his favour at first, but 
could not hold it long : for as I had been bred up 
by my father to love liberty and moderation, so I 
spent the greatest part of the year 1664 in Holland 
and France, which contributed not a little to root 
and fix me in those principles. 

I saw much peace and quiet in HoUand, notwith- a view of 

. !• ,i_ !• ., fi • • .1 the state of 

standing the diversity or opimons among them ; affairs in 
which was occasioned by the gentleness of the go-^j^p^^ce 
vemment, and the toleration that made all people 
easy and happy. An universal industry was spread 
through the whole country. There was little aspir- 
ing to preferment in the state, because little was to 
be got that way. . [It was true, there seemed to be 
among them too much coldness and indifference in 
matters of religion. But I imputed that to their 
phlegmatic tempers, that were not apt to take fire, 
rather than to the liberty they enjoyed.] They 
were then apprehending a war with England, and 
were preparing for it. From thence, where every 
thing was free, I went to France, where nothing 

A a 3 


1664. was free. The king was beginning to put things in 
great method, in his revenue, in his troops, in his 
government at home, but above aU in the increasing 
of trade, and the building of a great fleet. His own 
deportment was solemn and grave, save only that he 
kept his mistresses very avowedly. He was diligent 
in his own counsels, and regular in the despatch of 
his affairs : so that all things about him looked like 
the preparing of matters for all that we have seen 
acted since. The king of Spain was considered as 
dying: and the infant his son was like to die as 
soon as he : so that it was generally believed, the 
French king was designing to set up a new empire 
in the west. He had carried the quarrel at Rome 
about the Corses so high with the house of Ghigi, 
that the protestants were beginning to flatter them- 
selves with great hopes. When I was in France, 
cardinal Ghigi came, as legate, to give the king fuU 
satisfaction in that matter. Lord Hollis was then 
ambassador at Paris. I was so effectually recom- 
mended to him, that he used me with great free- 
dom, which he continued to do to the end of his 
days. He stood upon all the points of an ambassa- 
dor with the stiffness of former ages, which made 
him very unacceptable to a high-spirited young 
prince, who began even then to be flattered, as if he 
had been somewhat more than a mortal. This esta- 
blished me in my love of law and liberty, and in my 
hatred of absolute power. AVhen I came back, I 
208 stayed for some months at court, and observed the 
scene as carefully as I could, and became acquainted 
with all the men that were employed in Scotish af- 
fairs. I had more than ordinary opportunities of 
being well informed about them. This di'ew a jea- 


lousy on me from the bishops, which was increased i664. 
from the friendship into which Leightoun received 
me. I passed for one, who was no great friend to 
church power, nor to persecution. So it was thought 
that lord Lauderdale was preparing me, as one who 
was known to have been always episcopal, to be set 
up against Sharp and his set of men, who were much 
hated by one side, and not loved, nor trusted, by the 
other. r , 

In the mean while the earl of Glencairn died, sharp 
which set Sharp at ease, but put him on new de- to be 
signs. He apprehended, that the earl of Tweedale ^f s^cot-*"^ 
might be advanced to that post : for in the settle- '*°^' 
ment of the duchess of Buccleugh's estate, who was 
married to the duke of Monmouth, the best beloved 
of all the king's children, by which, in default of 
issue by her, it was to go to the duke of Monmouth, 
and the issue he might have by any other wife, the 
earLof Tweedale, though his children were the next 
heirs, who were by this deprived of their right, had 
yet given way to it in so frank a manner, that the 
king was enough inclined both to oblige and to trust 
him. But Sharp had great suspicions of him, as 
cold in their concerns. So he writ to Sheldon, that 
upon the disposal of the seals the very being of the 
church did so absolutely depend, that he begged he 
would press the king very earnestly in the matter, 
and that he .would move that he might be caUed up 
before that post should be filled. The king bid 
Sheldon assure him, he should take a special care of 
that matter, but that there was no occasion for his 
coming up : for the king by this time had a very ill 
opinion of him. Sharp was so mortified with this, 
that he resolved to put all to hazard ; for he believed 

A a 4 


1664. all was at stake : and he ventured to come up. The 
king received him coldly ; and asked him, if he had 
not received the archbishop of Canterbury's letter. 
He said, he had : but he would choose rather to ven- 
ture on his majesty's displeasure, than to see the 
church ruined through his caution or negUgence : 
he knew the danger they were in in Scotland, where 
they had but few and cold friends, and many violent 
enemies : his majesty's protection, and the execution 
of the law, were the only things they could trust to : 
and these so much depended on the good choice of 
a chancellor, that he could not answer it to God and 
the church, if he did not bestir himself in that mat- 
ter: he knew many thought of himself for that 
post : but he was so far from that thought, that, if 
209 his majesty had any such intention, he would rather 
choose to be sent to a plantation : he desired, that 
he might be a churchman in heart, but not in habit, 
that should be raised to that trust. These were his 
very words, as the king reported them. From him 
he went to Sheldon, and pressed him to move the 
king for himself, and furnished him with many rea- 
sons to support the proposition ; a main one being, 
that the late king had raised his predecessor Spots- 
wood to that trust. Sheldon upon that did move 
the king with more than ordinary earnestness in it. 
The king suspected Sharp had set him on, and 
charged him to tell him the truth. The other did 
it, though not without some uneasiness. Upon that 
j the king told him what he had said to himself. And 
then it may be easily imagined in what a style they 
both spoke of him. Yet Sheldon prayed the king 
that, whatsoever he might think of the man, he 
would consider the archbishop and the church ; 


which the king assured him he would do. Sheldon i664. 
told Sharp, that he saw the motion for himself did 
not take ; so he must think of somewhat else. Sharp 
proposed, that the seals might be put in the earl of 
Rothes's hands, till the king should pitch on a pro- 
per person. He also proposed, that the king would 
make him his commissioner, in order to the prepar- 
ing matters for a national synod, that they might 
settle a book of common prayer, and a book of ca- 
nons. This, he said, must be carried on slowly, and 
with great caution ; of which the late troubles did 
demonstrate the necessity. 

All this was easily agreed to : for the king loved Rothes had 
the lord Rothes : and the earl of Lauderdale would power of 
not oppose his advancement : though it was a very p!if|Q"'Jis 
extravagant thing to see one man possess so many'"*"'^*- 
of the chief places of so poor a kingdom. The earl 
of Crawford would not abjure the covenant : so he 
had been made lord treasurer in his place : he con- 
tinued to be still, what he was before, lord president 
of the council : and, upon the earl of Midletoun's 
disgrace, he was made captain of a troop of guards : 
and now he was both the king's commissioner, and 
upon the matter lord chancellor. Sharp reckoned 
this was his masterpiece. Lord Rothes, being thus 
advanced by his means, was in aU things governed 
by him. His instructions were such as Sharp pro- 
posed, to prepare matters for a national synod, and 
in the mean while to execute the laws that related 
to the church with a steady firmness. So, when he 
parted from Whitehall, Sharp said to the king, that 
he had now done all that could be desired of him 
for the good of the church : so that, if all matters 
went not right in Scotland, none must bear the 


1664. blame, but either the earl of Lauderdale or Rothes. 
* ^T7 And so they came to Scotland, where a very furious 

scene of illegal violence was opened. Sharp governed 
lord Rothes, who abandoned himself to pleasure : 
[and was more barefaced in some indecent court- 
ships, than that kingdom had ever seen before.] 
And, when some censured this, all the answer that 
was made was a severe piece of raillery, that the 
king's commissioner ought to represent his person. 

1665. The government of Scotland as to civil matters 
sevTre pro- was vcry casy. All were quiet and obedient. But 
sTo't'iand." ^^ those couutics that lie towards the west became 

very fierce and intractable : and the whole work of 
the council was to deal with them, and to subdue 
them. It was not easy to prove any thing against 
any of them, for they did stick firm to one another. 
The people complained of the new set of ministers 
that was sent among them, as immoral, stupid, and 
ignorant. Generally they forsook their churches. 
And, if any of them went to church, they said they 
were little edified with their sermons. And the 
whole country was full of strange reports of the 
weakness of their preaching, and of the indecency of 
their whole deportment. The people treated them 
with great contempt, and with an aversion that 
broke out often into violence and injustice. But 
their ministers on their parts were not wanting in 
their complaints, aggravating matters, and possess- 
ing the bishops with many stories of designs and 
plottings against the state. So, many were brought 
before the council, and the new ecclesiastical com- 
mission, for pretended riots, and for using their mi- 
nisters ill, but chiefly for not coming to church, and 


for holding conventicles. The proofs were often de- 1665. 
fective, and lay rather in presumptions, than clear 
evidence : and the punishments proposed were often 
arbitrary, not warranted by law. So the judges and 
other lawyers, that were of those courts, were care- 
ful to keep proceedings according to forms of law : 
upon which Shar^ was often complaining, that favour 
was shown to the enemies of the church, under the 
pretence of law. It was said that the people of the 
country were in such a combination, that it was not 
possible to find witnesses to prove things fully : and 
he often said. Must the church be ruined for punc- 
tilios of law ? When he could not carry matters by 
a vote, as he had a mind, he usually looked to the 
earl of Rothes ; who upon that was ever ready to 
say, he would tak^ it upon him to order the matter 
as Sharp proposed, and would do it in the king's 
name. Great numbers were cast in prison, where 
they were kept long, and ill used : and sometimes 
they were fined, and the younger sort whipped about 
the streets. The people grew more sullen on all 
this ill usage. Many were undone by it, and went 
over to the Scots in Ulster, where they were well 211 
received, and had aU manner of liberty as to theu' 
way of religion ^. 

Burnet was sent up to possess the king with the 
apprehensions of a rebellion in the beginning of the 
Dutch war. He proposed that about twenty of the 
chief gentlemen of those counties might be secured : 
and he undertook for the peace of the country, if 
they were clapped up. This was plainly illegal. But 
the lord Lauderdale opposed nothing. So it was 
done : but with a very ill effect. For those gentle- 
^ The more the pity. S. 


1665. men, knowing how obnoxious they were, had kept 
' measures a little better : but they being put in pri- 

son, both their friends and tenants laid all to the 
door of the clergy, and hated them the more, and 
used them the worse for it. The earls of Argile, 
Tweedale, and Kincardin, who were considered as 
the lord Lauderdale's chief friends, were cold in all 
those matters. They studied to keep proceedings in 
a legal channel, and were for moderate censures. 
Upon which Sharp said, they appeared to be the 
friends and favourers of the enemies of the church. 
Turner exe- Whcrcver the pcoplc had generally forsaken their 

cuted the * / ^ -^ 

laws in a churchcs, the guards were quartered through the 
way.*"^^ country. Sir James Turner, that commanded them, 
was naturally fierce, but was mad when he was 
drunk ; and that was very often. So he was ordered 
by the lord Rothes to act according to such direc- 
tions as Burnet should send him. And he went 
about the country, and received such lists as the 
ministers brought him, of those who came not to 
church : and, without any other proof, or any legal 
conviction, he set such a fine on them as he thought 
they could pay, and sent soldiers to lie on them till 
it was paid. I knew him well afterwards, when he 
came to himself, being out of employment. He was 
a learned man ; but had been always in armies, and 
knew no other rule but to obey orders. He told me, 
he had no regard to any law, but acted, as he was 
commanded, in a military way. He confessed, it 
went often against the grain with him to serve such 
a debauched and worthless company, as the clergy 
generally were ; and that sometimes he did not act 
up to the rigour of his orders ; for which he was 
often chid, both by lord Rothes and Sharp, but was 


never checked for his illegal and violent proceedings. 1665. 

And though the complaints of him were very high, 

so that, when he was afterwards seized on by the 
party, they intended to make a sacrifice of him ; yet, 
when they looked into his orders, and found that 
his proceedings, how fierce soever, fell short of these, 
they spared him, as a man that had merited by be- 
ing so gentle among them. 

The truth is, the whole face of the government 212 
looked liker the proceedings of an inquisition, than 
of legal courts : and yet Sharp was never satisfied. So 
lord Rothes and he went up to court in the first year 
of the Dutch war. When they waited first on the king, 
Sharp put him in mind of what he had said at his last 
parting, that if their matters went not well, none must 
be blamed for it, but either the earl of Lauderdale, 
or of Rothes : and now he came to tell his majesty, 
that things were worse than ever : and he must do 
the earl of Rothes the justice to say, he had done 
his part. Lord Lauderdale was aU on fire at this, but 
durst not give himself vent before the king. So he 
only desired that Sharp would come to particulars : 
and then he should know what he had to say. Sharp 
put that off in a general charge ; and said, he knew 
the party so well, that, if they were not supported 
by secret encouragements, they would have been 
long ago weary of the opposition they gave the go- 
vernment. The king had no mind to enter farther 
into their complaints. So lord Rothes and he with- 
drew : and were observed to look very pleasantly 
upon one another, as they went away. Lord Lau- 
derdale told the king he was now accused to his 
face : but he would quickly let him see what a man 
Sharp was. So he obtained a message from the 


1665. king to him, of which he himself was to be the 
' bearer, requiring him to put his complaints in writ- 

ing, and to come to particulars. He followed Sharp 
home, who received him with such a gayety, as if he 
had given him no provocation. But lord Lauder- 
dale was more solemn ; and told him, it was the 
king's pleasure, that he should put the accusation 
with which he had charged him in writing. Sharp 
pretended he did not comprehend his meaning. He 
answered, the matter was plain : he had accused 
him to the king: and he must either go through 
with it, and make it out, otherwise he would charge 
him with leasing-making : and spoke in a terrible 
tone to him. Upon that, as he told me. Sharp feU a 
trembling and weeping : he protested, he meant no 
harm to him : he was only sorry that his friends 
were upon all occasions pleading for favour to the 
fanatics : (that was become the name of reproach.) 
Lord Lauderdale said, that would not serve turn : 
he was not answerable for his friends, except when 
they acted by directions from him. Sharp offered 
to go with him presently to the king, and to clear 
the whole matter. Lord Lauderdale had no mind 
to break openly with him. So he accepted of this, 
and carried him to the king ; where he retracted all 
he had said, in so gross a manner, that the king 
213 said afterwards, lord Lauderdale was iU natured to 
press it so heavily, and to force Sharp on giving 
himself the lie in such coarse terms. 
Sharp stu- This wcnt to Sharp's heart : so he made a propo- 

dies to 

bring Mi- sition to the earl of Dunfreis, who was a great 
into°bu- friend of the lord Midletoun's, to try if a reconcilia- 
^'"?* tion could be made between him and the earl of 


Rothes, and if he would be content to come into^ 


the government under lord Rothes. Lord Dunfreis 1665. 
went into Kent, where the lord Midletoun was then 
employed in a military command on the account of 
the war : and he laid Sharp's proposition before 
him. The earl of Midletoun gave lord Dunfreis 
power to treat in his name; but said, he knew 
Sharp too well to regard any thing that came from 
him. Before lord Dunfreis came back, Sharp had 
tried lord Rothes, but found he would not meddle 
in it: and they both understood that the earl of 
Clarendon's interest was declining, and that the 
king was like to change his measures. So when 
lord Dunfreis came back to give Sharp an account 
of his negotiation, he seemed surprised, and denied 
he had given him any such commission. This en- 
raged the earl of Dunfreis so, that he published the 
thing in all companies : among others, he told it 
very particularly to my self. 

At that time Leightoun was prevailed on to go to 
court, and to give the king a true account of the 
proceedings in Scotland; which, he said, were so 
violent, that he could not concur in the planting 
the Christian religion itself in such a manner, much 
less a form of government. He therefore begged 
leave to quit his bishopric, and to retire : for he 
thought he was in some sort accessory to the vio- 
lences done by othet^, since he was one of them, 
and all was pretended to be done to establish them 
and their order. There were indeed no violences 
committed in his diocese. He went round it conti- 
nually every year, preaching and catechising from 
parish to parish. He continued in his private and 
ascetic course of life, and gave all his income, be- 
yond the small expense of his own person, to the 


if)65. poor. He studied to raise in his clergy a greater 
sense of spiritual matters, and of the care of souls ; 
and was in all respects a burning and shining light, 
highly esteemed by the greater part of his diocese : 
even the presbyterians were much mollified, if not 
quite overcome, by his mild and heavenly course of 
life. The king seemed touched with the state that 
the country was in : he spoke very severely of 
Sharp: and assured Leightoun he would quickly 
come to other measures, and put a stop to those 
violent methods : but he would by no means suffer 
him to quit his bishopric. So the king gave orders 
that the ecclesiastical commission should be discon- 
tinued ; and signified his pleasure, that another way 
of proceeding was necessary for his affairs. 
214 He understood, by his intelligence from Holland, 
^2 ^n""^* that the exiles at Rotterdam were very busy, and 
Scotland, ^jj^^ perhaps the Dutch might furnish the malecon- 
tents of Scotland with money and arms: so he 
thought it was necessary to raise more troops. Two 
gaUant officers, that had served him in the wars, 
and, when these were over, had gone with his let- 
ters to serve in Muscovy, where one of them, Dal- 
ziell, was raised to be a general, and the other, 
Drumond, was advanced to be a lieutenant-general, 
and governor of Smolensko, were now, not without 
great difficulty, sent back by the czar. So the king 
intended they should command some forces that he 
was to raise. Sharp was very apprehensive of this : 
but the king was positive. A little before this, the 
act of fining, that had lain so long asleep, that it 
was thought forgot, was revived. And aU who had 
been fined were required to bring in one moiety of 
their fines : but the other moiety was forgiven those 


who took the declaration renouncing the covenant. 1665. 
The money was by act of parliament to be given 
among those who had served and suffered for the 
king ; so that the king had only the trust of distri- 
buting it. There was no more Scotish councils 
called at Whitehall after lord Midletoun's fall. 
But upon particular occasions the king ordered the 
privy counsellors of that kingdom, that were about 
the town, to be brought to him : before whom he 
now laid out the necessity of raising some more 
force for securing the quiet of Scotland : he only 
asked their advice, how they should be paid. Sharp 
very readily said, the money raised by the fining 
was not yet disposed of: so he proposed the apply- 
ing it to that use. None opposed this : so it was 
resolved on. And by that means the cavaliers, who 
were come up with- their pretensions, were disap- 
pointed of their last hopes of being recompensed for 
their sufferings. The blame of aU this was cast 
upon Sharp, at which they were out of measure en- 
raged, and charged him with it. He denied it 
boldly. But the king published it so openly, that 
he durst not contradict him. Many, to whom he 
had denied that he knew any thing of the matter, 
and called that advice diabolical invention, affirmed 
it to the king. And the lord Lauderdale, to com- 
plete his disgrace with the king, got many of his 
letters, which he had writ to the presbyterians after 
the time in which the king knew that he was nego- 
tiating for episcopacy, in which he had continued to 
protest with what zeal he was soliciting their con- 
cerns, not without dreadful imprecations on himself 
if he was prevaricating with them, and laid these 
VOL. I. B b 


1665. before the king : so that the king looked on him as 
one of the worst of men ^ 

215 Many of the episcopal clergy in Scotland were 

1666. much offended at all these proceedings. They saw 

Some emi- •!• n -, 

nent cier- the prcjudiccs ot the people were mcreased by them. 
Scotland" They hated violent courses, and thought they were 
thesT^^ro!* contrary to the meek spirit of the Gospel, and that 
ceedings. they aUenatcd the nation more from the church. 
They set themselves much to read church history, 
and to observe the state of the primitive church, 
and the spirit of those times : and they could not 
but observe so great a difference between the con- 
stitution of the church under those bishops and our 
own, that they seemed to agree in nothing but the 
name. I happened to be settled near two of the 
most eminent of them, who were often moved to ac- 
cept of bishoprics, but always refused them, both out 
of a true principle of humility and self-denial, and 
also because they could not engage in the methods 
by which things were carried on. One of these, 
Mr. Nairn, was one of the politest clergymen I ever 
knew bred in Scotland. He had formed clear and 
lively schemes of things, and was the most eloquent 
of aU our preachers. He considered the pastoral 
function as a dedication of the whole man to God 
and his service. He read the moral philosophers 
much ; and had wrought himself into their equal 
temper, as much as could consist with a great deal 
' of fire that was in his own : but he turned it all to 
melting devotion. He had a true notion of super- 

^ Surely there was some se- lice against Sharp. S. (See be- 
cret cause for this perpetual ma- low, p. 217.) -' 

stition, as a narrowness of soul, and a meanness of 1665. 

thought in religion. He studied to raise all that 
conversed with him to great notions of God, and to 
an universal charity. This made him pity the pres- 
byterians, as men of low notions and iU tempers. 
He had indeed too much heat of imagination, which 
carried him to be very positive in some things, in 
which he afterwards changed his mind : and that 
made him pass for an inconstant man. In a word, 
he was the brightest man I ever knew among all 
our Scotish divines. Another of these was Mr. 
Charteris, a man of a composed and serene gravity, 
but without affectation or sourness. He scarce ever 
spoke in company, but was very open and free in 
private. He made true judgments of things and of 
men : and had a peculiar talent in managing such 
as he thought deserved his pains. He had little 
heat, either in body or mind : for as he had a most 
emaciated body, so he spoke both slow, and in so low 
a voice that he could not easily be heard. He had 
great tenderness in his temper; and was a very 
perfect friend, and a most sublime Christian. He 
lived in a constant contempt of the world, and a 
neglect of his person. There was a gravity in his 
conversation that raised an attention, and begot a 
composedness, in all about him, without frightening 216 
them; for he made religion appear amiable in his 
whole deportment. He had read all the lives and the 
epistles of great men very carefully, [and delighted 
much in the mystics.] He had read the fathers 
much ; and gave me this notion of them, that in 
specula^ve points, for which writers of controversy 
searched into their works, they were but ordinary 
men ; but their excellency lay in that, which was 

B b 2 


1665. least sought for, their sense of spiritual things, and 
of the pastoral care. In these he thought their 
strength lay. And he often lamented, not without 
some indignation, that, in the disputes about the 
government of the church, much pains were taken to 
seek out all those passages that shewed what their 
opinions were ; but that due care was not taken to 
set out the notions that they had of the sacred 
function, of the preparation of mind, and inward 
vocation, with which men ought to come to holy 
orders, or of the strictness of life, the deadness to 
the world, the heavenly temper, and the constant 
application to the doing of good, that became them. 
Of these he did not talk like an angry reformer, 
that set up in that strain, because he was neglected 
or provoked; but like a man full of a deep, but 
humble sense of them. He was a great enemy to 
large confessions of faith, chiefly when they were 
imposed in the lump as tests : for he was positive in 
very few things. He had gone through the chief 
parts of learning : but was then most conversant in 
history, as the innocentest sort of study, that did 
not fill the mind with subtilty, but helped to make 
a man wiser and better. These were both single 
persons, and men of great sobriety : and they lived 
K^i in a constant low diet, which they valued more 
than severer fasting. Yet they both became mi- 
serable by the stone. Nairn went to Paris, where 
he was cut of a great one, of which he recovered, 
but lived not many years after. Charteris lived to 
a great age, and died in the end of the year 1700, 
having in his last years suffered unspeakable tor- 
ment from the stone, which the operators would not 
venture to cut. But all that saw what he suffered. 


and how he bore it, acknowledged that in him they 1665. 
saw a most perfect pattern of patience and submis- ~~ 

sion to the will of God. It was a great happiness 
for me, after I had broke into the world by such a 
ramble as I had made, that I fell into such hands, 
with whom I entered into a close and particular 
friendship. They both set me right, and kept me 
right ; though I made at this time a sally that may 
be mentioned, since it had some relation to public 
affairs. I observed the deportment of our bishops 
was in fiU. points so different from what became 
their function, that I had a more than ordinary zeal 
kindled within me upon it. They were not only 
furious against all that stood out against them, but 217 
were very remiss in all the parts of their function. 
Some did not live within their diocese. And those 
who did, seemed to take no care of them : they 
shewed no zeal against vice: the most eminently 
wicked in the county were their particular con- 
fidents : they took no pains to keep their clergy 
strictly to rules, and to their duty : on the contrary, 
there was a levity and a carnal way of living about 
them, that very much scandalized me. There was 
indeed one Scougal, bishop of Aberdeen, that was a 
man of rare temper, great piety and prudence : but 
I thought he was too much under Sharp's conduct, 
and was at least too easy to him ^. 

Upon all this I took a resolution of drawing up a Some of the 

• ini • 1 111* It grievances 

memonal of the grievances we lay under by the ill of the cier- 

conduct of our bishops. I resolved, that no other Ifre^Ve bi- 

B (See a high character of this Soul of Man, in bishop Bur- 
bishop, and of his son, who net's preface to his Life of Be- 
was the author of the book en- dell.) 
titled. The Life of God in the 



lee/j. person besides my self should have a share in any 
trouble it might bring on me : so I communicated 
it to none. This made it not to be in all the parts 
of it so well digested, as it otherwise might have 
been : and I was then but three and twenty. I laid 
my foundation in the constitution of the primitive 
church; and shewed how they had departed from 
it, by their neglecting their diocese, meddling so 
much in secular affairs, raising their famihes out of 
the revenues of the church, and above all by their 
violent prosecuting of those who differed from them. 
Of this I writ out some copies, and signed them, 
and sent them to all the bishops of my acquaint- 
T '. ance. Sharp was much alarmed at it, and fancied 
I was set on to it by some of the lord Lauderdale's 
friends. I was caUed before the bishops, and treated 
with great severity. Sharp called it a Ubel. I said 
I had set my name to it, so it could not be called a 
libel. He charged me with the presumption of of- 
fering to teach my superiors. I said, such things 
had been not only done, but justified in all ages. 
He charged me for reflecting on the king's putting 
them on his counsels : I said, I found no fault with 
the king for calling them to his counsels. But with 
them for going out of that which was their proper 
province, and for giving ill counsel. Then he 
charged me for reflecting on some severities, which, 
he said, was a reproaching pubhc courts, and a cen- 
suring the laws. I said, laws might be made in 
terrorem^ not always fit to be executed : but I only 
complained of clergymen's pressing the rigorous ex- 
ecution of them, and going often beyond what the 
law dictated. He broke out into a great vehe- 
mence ; and proposed to the bishops, that I should 


be summarily deprived and excommunicated: but 1665. 

none of them would agree to that. By this ma- 
nagement of his the thing grew public. What I 
had ventured on was variously censured : but the 
greater part approved of it. Lord Lauderdale and 1666. 
all his friends were delighted with it: and he gavc^^ 
the king an account of it, who was not ill pleased 
at it. Great pains was taken to make me ask par- 
don, but to no purpose : so Sharp let the thing fall^\ 
But, that it might appear that I had not done it 
upon any factious design, I entered into a very close 
state of retirement ; and gave my self wholly to my 
study, and the duties of my function. 

Thus I have run over the state of Scotland in the i664. 
years 1663, 1664, 1665, and till near the end ofEngiand. 
1666. I now return to the affairs of England ; in 
which I must write more defectively, being then so 
far from the scene. In winter 1664, the king de- The Dutch 
clared his resolution of entering into a war with the 
Dutch. The grounds were so slight, that it was 
visible there was somewhat more at bottom than 
was openly owned. A great comet, which appeared 
that winter, raised the apprehensions of those who 
did not enter into just speculations concerning those 
matters. The house of commons was so far from 
examining nicely into the grounds of the war, that 
without any difficulty they gave the king two mil- 
lions and a half for carrying it on. A great fleet 
was set out, which the duke commanded in person ; 

^ (Dr. Cockburn, a nephew Specimen of Remarks, &c. occa- 

of Scougal, bishop of Aberdeen, sioned by Dr. BurneVs History 

gives a different account of Bur- of his own Times, by John 

net's conduct in this affair. See Cockburn, D. D. p. 33 — 43.) 

B b 4 

1665. as Opdam had the command of the Dutch fleet. 

The plague But as sooH as the war broke out, a most terrible 
the slme ** plague brokc out also in the city of London, that 
*""^' scattered all the inhabitants that were able to re- 
move themselves elsewhere. It broke the trade of 
the nation, and swept away about an hundred thou- 
sand souls; the greatest havock that any plague 
had ever made in England. This did dishearten 
all people : and coming in the very time in which 
so unjust a war was begun, it had a dreadful ap- 
pearance. All the king's enemies and the enemies 
of monarchy said, here was a manifest character of 
God's heavy displeasure upon the nation ; as indeed 
the iU Ufe the king led, and the viciousness of the 
whole court, gave but a melancholy prospect. Yet 
God's ways are not as our ways. What all had seen 
in the year 1660 ought to have silenced those who 
at this time pretended to comment on providence. 
But there wiU be always much discourse of things 
that are very visible, as well as very extraordinary. 
Tiie victory Whcu the two flccts met, it is weU known what 

at sea not . 

followed, accidents disordered the Dutch, and what advan- 
tage the EngUsh had. If that first success had been 
followed, as was proposed, it might have been fatal 
to the Dutch, who, finding they had suffered so 
much, steered off. The duke ordered all the sail to 
be set on to overtake them. There was a council 
of war caUed, to concert the method of action, when 
they should come up with them. In that council 
, Pen, who commanded under the duke, happened to 
say, that they must prepare for hotter work in the 
next engagement. He knew well the courage of 
the Dutch was never so high, as when they were 
desperate. The earl of Montague, who was then a 


volunteer, and one of the duke's court, said to me, 1665. 
it was very visible that made an impression. And 
all the duke's domestics said, he had got honour 
enough : why should he ventiu-e a second time ? 
The duchess had also given a strict charge to all 
the duke's servants, to do all they could to hinder 
him to engage too far. When matters were settled, 
they went to sleep : and the duke ordered a call to 
be given him, when they should get up to the Dutch 
fleet. It is not known what passed between the 
duke and Brounker, who was of his bedchamber, 
and was then in waiting : but he came to Pen, as 
from the duke, and said, the duke ordered the saU 
to be slackened. Pen was struck with the order ; 
but did not go to argue the matter with the duke 
himself, as he ought to have done, but obeyed 
it. When the duke had slept, he, upon his waking, 
went out on the quarter-deck, and seemed amazed 
to see the sails slackened, and that thereby all hope 
of overtaking the Dutch was lost. He questioned 
Pen upon it. Pen put it on Brounker, who said 
nothing. The duke denied he had given any such 
order. But he neither punished Brounker for car- 
rying it, nor Pen for obeying it '. He indeed put 
Brounker out of his service ^ : and it was said, that 
he durst do no more, because he was so much in the 
king's favour, and in the mistress's. Pen was more 

' (It appears, from the ex- " him, and he did punish him." 

tract given below by speaker Higgons's Remarks, page 144. 

Onslow, from the Journal of Hume observes, that Burnet 

the House of Commons, that sufficiently accounts for Broun- 

the order was carried, not to ker's impunity, by informing 

Penn, but to Harman.) us that he was a favourite of 

^ (" This is as much as to the duchess of Cleveland, the 

" say, that he did not punish king's favourite mistress.) 


1665. in his favour after that, than ever before, which he 
continued to his son after him, though a quaker; 
and it was thought, that all that favour was to 
oblige him to keep the secret. Lord Montague did 
believe, that the duke was struck, seeing the earl of 
Falmouth, the king's favourite, and two other per- 
sons of quality, kiUed very near him ; and that he 
had no mind to engage again, and that Pen was 
privately with him. If Brounker was so much in 
fault as he seemed to be, it was thought, the duke, 
in the passion that this must have raised in him, 
would have proceeded to greater extremities, and 
not have acted with so much phlegm. This proved 
the breaking the designs of the king's whole reign : 
for the Dutch themselves believed, that, if our fleet 
had followed them with fuU sail, we must have 
come up with them next tide, and have either sunk 
or taken their whole fleet. De Wit was struck 
with this misfortune: and, imputing some part of 
it to errors in conduct, he resolved to go on board 
himself, as soon as their fleet was ready to go to sea 
again '. 

' See T7th of April, 1668, in the enemy, and that there w]ere 

the Journal of the House of but six or seven more of our 

Commons. fleet near; that the discourse 

This paper is transcribed between him and Cox, and the 

from the originals among the lowering of sail, was occasioned 

papers of the House of Com- by Mr. Brunckard's coming on 

mons. the deck, and persuasion that 

Sir John Harman being call- he being spent with the two 
ed in and examined, says, the days' action before, desired rest ; 
duke went off the deck about and left Cox as near the Dutch 
ten of the clock, and gave or- as he could adventure ; that the 
ders to bear up as close to the next morning he found the top- 
Dutch as they could ; which sails lowered as he left them ; 
they did, and were got up so that there were no orders given 
close that night, that they were from the duke in the least ; 
ready to run into the body of that if Cox had kept at the dis- 



Upon this occasion I will say a little of him, and 
of the affairs of Holland. His father was the de- 


tance he left them, they might 
have been close up with the 
Dutch the next morning, but 
they were cast behind, and fur- 
ther off than he expected. 

Sir John Harman, called in a 
second time and examined, says, 
he did give orders to Cox for 
lowering the topsails, but did 
not give orders to bring the 
ship to, but Cox did it of 
his own head ; that when Mr. 
Bnmckard came up, he had a 
conference with him, and asked 
him, whether he was mad, to 
run the duke's person into such 
danger, and used all the argu- 
ments he could to force him to 
lower the sails, as that the duke 
was heir to the crown, and the 
like, and thinks he should have 
done it in a short time after, if 
Mr. Brunckard had not pressed 
it: then the inconveniences 
which were occasioned by low- 
ering sail, and bringing the ship 
to, were very great, as he per- 
ceived the next morning. 

Harman, called in last time, 
said, that having been put in 
mind of some passages by his 
servant, and recollected him- 
self, did remember, that Mr. 
Brunckard did use the duke of 
York's name to him, in a com- 
manding way, that he should 
slack sail. 

Mr. Neve, called in and ex- 
amined, said, that when' the 
duke of York was going to He 
down to rest, he heard him 
give orders to captain Harman 
and captain Cox, to keep up 
close to the enemy, and near 
the light, and appointed Mr. 


An account 

Brunckard to get tip, to see that of the affairs 
they did make sail, and keep i° Holland, 
near the enemy. 

Captain Cox being examined, 
said, that between eleven and 
twelve of the clock, when the 
duke went to rest, he gave or- 
ders that our fleet should keep 
close up with the enemy ; that 
afterwards Mr. Brunckard came 
upon the deck, and used many 
persuasions with him to slack 
sail, but could not prevail. 
That Harman did give orders 
to lower the topsails, but when 
he went off did not give any 
order for hoisting sail again ; 
and that if they had not lower- 
ed sail, they might have been 
near up with the enemy, and 
might have kept the weather of 
them without danger. 

That he told Mr. Brunckard, 
he did wonder the duke's mind 
should be soon altered, having 
but little before given order to 
the contrary. 

That Mr. Brunckard did not 
say, he had orders, but pre- 
tended the safety of the duke's 
person, and the like arguments, 
and that Harman and he had 
no consultation till after Mr. 
Brunckard came upon the deck. 

That the duke's ship lower- 
ing sail was the occasion of the 
other ships lowering sail, and 
that our fleet was cast a mile 
and a half astern of the ene- 
my in the morning; and that 
when the duke came up the 
next morning, he was much 
displeased with it. 

That by lowering sail and 
bringing the ship to, one or 




puty of the town of Dort in the States, when the 
late prince of Orange was so much offended with 

two ships seemed in danger to 
fall foul on each other, and 
that much more might have 
been done against the enemy, 
if sail had not been lowered, 
and the ships kept to ; says, 
that Harman, when he went 
off, gave no order to him to call 
him again, though it was near 
twelve of the clock when the 
sails were lowered : denies that 
Harman gave any orders for 
keeping at the same distance 
off the enemy that he was when 
Harman left him ; and that the 
sails were lowered above an 
hour and a half; that Harman 
said it was necessary to bring 
the ship to, and gave direction 
for it ; but that his opinion was 
against it, for fear of any of our 
ships falling foul of one an- 

That the night was dark, and 
could not (sic) discern our fri- 
gate (that carried the light) 
from the enemy. 

That he was hoisting sail the 
next morning, when Harman 
came up upon the deck. 

Mr. Pearse, called in and 
examined, says, that he was 
on the deck when the duke 
went off, about eleven of the 
clock, and that he then gave 
order to Harman and Cox to 
keep up close to the enemy; 
and that about half an hour 
after, Mr. Brunckard came up, 
and held discourse with Cox, 
and persuaded him to lower 
sail, but could not prevail, and 
afterward went to Harman, 
and used the same arguments 
to him; as that the duke was 

heir to the crown, and had ob- 
tained a glorious victory the 
day before; that the king would 
not take it well they should 
hazard the duke's person, our 
ships being at a distance, and 
the enemy so near; and after 
some discourse, Harman said, 
" Well, if it must be so, it must 
" be so, then lower the sail." 
He says, there was a frigate a- 
head of the duke's ship, and 
that he could plainly see the 
Dutch fleet and our fleet, and 
that our ships were about five 
or six cables' length at distance 
from each other ; that he was 
walking to and fro on the deck, 
and might not hear all that 
passed ; that there were, as he 
did guess, twenty of our ships 
in sight, and near together. 

Hill, the waterman, called in 
and examined, said, that Mr. 
Brunckard came up to Harman, 
and told him, the duke gave 
order to shorten sail, for he 
would not engage in the night. 
That Harman denied to do it, 
and said he would go to the 
duke himself: Mr. Brunckard 
told him, he need not, he would 
go again ; he went down, and 
said he had been with the duke, 
and brought the same orders 
again ; and Harman gave or- 
der to let run the topsails, 
that the ship lay to about an 
hour, till the enemy had got so 
far that we could not overtake 
them, and then the duke, when 
he came up in the morning, 
was very angry at it. 

Duskberry, the waterman, ex- 
amined, says, that presently af- 



their proceedings in disbanding a great part of their 
army : and he was one of those whom he ordered 


ter the lowering of sail, he came 
down to hinii and said, We are 
like to do well, now major 
Brimckard has brought orders 
from the duke to shorten sail. 
That when the ship brought to, 
they were in a wood, like to be 
lost, and fall foul of one an- 
other, and lay musted in the 
sea, till towards morning; that 
all that squadron were close 
round, and near one another, 
and the white squadron were 
gone in pursuit of the enemy, 
and that they heard shooting all 

That we might have kept 
near, as well as the other squa- 

That he did acquaint him 
with the passages between Mr. 
Brunckard and Harman, and 
repeats to the same effect. 

Robert Sumner examined, 
says, that captain Harman had 
given orders for making more 
sail, before Mr. Brunckard came 
up : that when Mr. Brunckard 
came up, he told him he came 
from the duke with command, 
that he must not make more 
sail ; at which Harman was 
much discontented ; said he was 
sorry he must not make more 
sail, but the duke's order must 
be obeyed, retired (perhaps 
Sumner) to his cabin, and took 
tobacco : : 

Harman and Cox quite con- 
trary to each other about bring- 
ing the ships to : 

Pearce and Harman quite 

about the number of 

ships near. 

AH agree that if had (sic) 

bore up, might have been near 
the Dutch in the morning. 

That Tuesday next be given 
to Mr. Brunckard to make his 
further answer. 

That the sergeant at arms 
do apprehend sir John Har- 
man, and bring him in custody 
on Tuesday next, in order to 
his further hearing. 

21 April, 1 668. 
Mr. Speaker, • 

I am in the first place 
to give this honourable house 
thanks for the favourable opi- 
nion of me, and kindness in 
giving me this time to recollect 
myself, and wish I had been so 
happy to have asked it of you, 
before I undertook to give an 
account of what so long since 
happened, by which I should 
have prevented that great trou- 
ble I have given you, and those 
hard censures that are laid upon 
me ; but I humbly hope, that 
whatsoever probable reasons to 
the contrary do appear, you 
will believe what I now affirm 
to be the truth. That winter 
following, after the engage- 
ment, 1 was sent to Crotten- 
burg, where I had a sharp 
sickness, of which I am not 
yet recovered, either in memory 
or hearing, and many relics are 
yet upon me of that disease : 
and have since been wounded, 
of which I lay long, and en- 
dured much pain, and have, 
ever since my recovery, had a 
great hurry of his majesty's af- 
fairs upon me, besides my own, 
and had been this last whole 


1665. upon that to be carried to the castle of Lovestein. 
Soon after that, his design on Amsterdam miscarry- 
ing, he saw a necessity of making up the best he 
could with the States. But, before he had quite 
healed that wound, he died of the small-pox. Upon 
his death all his party fell in disgrace, and the 
Lovesteiners carried all before them. So De Wit 
got his son John, then but twenty-five years of age, 
to be made pensioner of Dort. And within a year 
after, the pensioner of Holland dying, he was made 
pensioner of Holland. His breeding was to the civil 
law, which he understood very well. He was a 
great mathematician : and, as his Elementa Cur va- 
rum shew what a man he was that way, so per- 
haps no man ever applied algebra to all matters of 
trade so nicely as he did. He made himself so en- 
tirely the master of the state of Holland, that he 
understood exactly all the concerns of their reve- 

year in the West Indies, and ly, I should rather have suhmit- 

was but that morning landed, ted myself to the mercy of this 

I came to the house, having had house, than have accused any 

no opportunity to speak with any wrongfully to save myself; but 

that were with me at that time, having now recollected myself 

and also considering my com- fully, and being resolved to 

ing before such an assembly candidly and clearly, in 

that I was wholly unacquainted speaking the whole truth as far 

withal, having the greatest part as I know, 1 must affirm that 

of my life been employed at sea. Mr. Brunckard, after I had de- 

I hope you will excuse my nied to shorten sail upon his 

speaking so disorderly, seeming arguments and persuasions, 

to be in (sic) but do assure went down from me, and com- 

you that all the reasons that ing up again, told me, he came 

moved me say what I did, in from the duke, who command- 

my two first examinations, was ed, as he said, it should be so : 

no other than that I was not whereupon I gave order for the 

fully satisfied in my own me- doing it. The truth of this I 

mory and conscience of what I do affirm, and will not go from, 

last said ; and had I not been Witness my hand this 20 of 

by other circumstances brought April, 1668. 
to remember the thing perfect- John Harman. O. 


nue, and what sums, and in what manner, could be i66$. 
raised upon any emergent of state : for this he had 
a pocketbook full of tables, and was ever ready to 
shew how they could be furnished with money. He 
was a frank, sincere man, without fraud, or any 
other artifice but silence : to which he had so accus- 
tomed the world, that it was not easy to know, 
whether he was silent on design or custom. He 
had a great clearness of apprehension : and when 
any thing was proposed to him, how new soever, he 
heard all patiently, and then asked such questions 
as occurred to him : and by the time he had done 
all this, he was as much master of the proposition, 
as the person was that had made it. He knew no- 
thing of modem history, nor of the state of courts : 
and was eminently defective in all points of form. 
But he laid down this for a maxim, that all princes 
and states followed their own interests : so by ob-; 
serving what their true interests were, he thought, 
he could without great intelligence calculate what 
they were about. He did not enough consider how 
far passions, amours, humours, and opinions, wrought 
on the world ; chiefly on princes. He had the no- 
tions of a commonwealth from the Greeks and Ro- 
mans. And from them he came to fancy, that an 
army commanded by officers of their own country 
was both more in their own power, and would serve 
them with the more zeal^ since they themselves had 
such an interest in the success "^. And so he was 
against their hiring foreigners, unless it was to be 221 
common soldiers, to save their own people. But he 
did not enough consider the phlegm and covetous- 

" He ought to have judged the contrary. S. 


1665. ness of his countrymen ; of which he felt the ill ef- 
fects afterwards. This was his greatest error, and 
it turned fatally upon him. But for the administra- 
tion of justice at home, and for the management of 
their trade, and their forces by sea, he was the 
ablest minister they ever had. He had an heredi- 
tary hatred to the house of Orange. He thought it 
was impossible to maintain their liberty, if they 
were stiU statholders. Therefore he did all that 
was possible to put an invincible bar in their way, 
by the perpetual edict. But at the same time he 
took great care of preserving the young prince's for- 
tune; and looked well to his education, and gave 
him, as the prince himself told me, very just notions 
of every thing relating to their state. For he said, 
he did not know, but that at some time or other he 
would be set over them : therefore he intended to 
render him fit to govern well ". 

The town of Amsterdam became at that time 
very ungovernable. It was thought, that the West 
India company had been given up chiefly by their 
means ; for it was in value so equal to the East In- 
dia company, that the actions of both were often 
exchanged for one another. When the bishop of 
Munster began his pretensions on the city of Mun- 
ster, and on a great part of Westphalia, they offered 
themselves up to the States, if they would preserve 

^ Old Mr. Inglish, who was^ nard, who was surgeon to queen 

surgeon to Chelsea college, told Ann, told the last earl of Ayles- 

]V. me he had it from very good ford and me, that he was at the 

hands in Holland, that De Wit opening of King William ; and 

corrupted the prince's nurse to observed something in relation 

give him a pinch in his secret to his private parts, that he had 

parts, that should hinder his never seen before in any man 

ever having any children : and that was not an eunuch. D. 
I remember Mr. Charles Bar- 


them. But the town of Amsterdam would not con- i665. 
sent to it, nor submit to the charge. Yet they ne- 
ver seemed to set up for a superiority over the rest, 
nor to break the credit of the court at the Hague. 
Only they were backward in every thing that was 
proposed, that increased the charge. And they were 
become so weary of De Wit, that he felt how much 
the late miscarriage at sea had shaken his credit ; "" ' "' 
since misfortunes are always imputed to the errors of 
those that govern. So he resolved to go on board. 
De Ruyter often said, that he was amazed to see 
how soon he came to a perfect understanding of all 
the sea affairs. The winds were so long backward, 
that it was not easy to get their great ships through 
the Zuyder sea. So he went out in boats himself, 
and plummed it all so carefully, that he found many 
more ways to get out by different winds, than was 
thought formerly practicable. He got out in time 
to be master of the sea before the end of the season: 
and so recovered the affront of the former losses, by 
keeping at sea after the EngUsh fleet was forced 
to put in. The earl of Sandwich was sent to the 
north with a great part of the fleet, to lie for the 
East India ships. But he was thought too remiss. 
They got, before he was aware of it, into Berghen 
in Norway. If he had followed them quick, he 222 
would have forced the port, and taken them all. 
But he observed forms, and sent to the viceroy of 
Norway demanding entrance. That was denied him. 
But while these messages went backward and for- 
ward, the Dutch had so fortified the entrance into 
the port, that, though it was attempted with great 
courage, yet Tiddiman, and those who composed 
that squadron, were beat off with great loss, and 
VOL. I. c c 


1665. forced to let go a very rich fleet: for which lord 
Sandwich was much blamed, though he was sent 
ambassador into Spain, that his disgrace might be a 
little softened by that employment. The duke's 
conduct was also much blamed : and it was said, he 
was most in fault, but that the earl of Sandwich 
was made the sacrifice ". 
An account Hcrc I wiU add a particular relation of a trans- 

oftlieaffairs . , /¥> • i n 

of Berghen. actiou rclatmg to that affair, taken from the account 
given of it by sir Gilbert Talbot, then the king's en- 
voy at the court of Denmark, in a MS. that I have 
in my hands. That king did, in June 1665, open 
, himself very freely to Talbot, complaining of the 
States, who, as he said, had drawn the Swedish war 
on him, on design that he might be forced to depend 
on them for supplies of money and shipping, and so 
,to get the customs of Norway and the Sound into 
their hands for their security. Talbot upon that 
told him, that the Dutch Smyrna fleet was now in 
Berghen, besides many rich West India ships ; and 
that they staid there in expectation of a double 
East India fleet, and of De Ruyter, who was re- 
turning with the spoils of the coast of Guinea. So 
he said, the king of Denmark might seize those 
ships before the convoy came, which they expected. 
The king of Denmark said, he had not strength to 
execute that. Talbot said, the king his master 
would send a force to effect it : but it was reason- 
able he should have half of the spoil. To which 
the king of Denmark readily agreed, and ordered 
him to propose it to his master. So he immediately 

, ° " (The duke was at this time "Bergen in Norway." Hig- 
" at London, above one hun- gons's Remarks on this Hist. p. 
" dred and fifty leagues from 145. 

7 ' OF KING CHARtES II. &dt 

transmitted it to the king, who approved of it, and 1665. 
promised to send a fleet to put it in execution. 
The ministers of Denmark were appointed to con- 
cert the matter with Talbot. But nothing was put 
in writing ; for the king of Denmark was ashamed 
to treat of such an affair, otherwise than by word of 
niouth. Before the end of July, news came, that 
De Ruyter, with the East India fleet, was on the 
coast of Norway. Soon after he came into Berg- 
heh. The riches then in that port were reckoned 
at many millions. . :• 

The earl of Sandwich wa^' flien in those seas. So 
Talbot sent a vessel express to him with the news. 
But that vessel fell into the hands of the Dutch 
fleet, and was sent to HoUand. The king of Den- 
mark writ to the viceroy of Norway, and to the go- 
vernor of Berghen, ordering them to use all fair means 223 
to keep the Dutch still in their harbour, promising 
to send particular instructions in a few days to them , 
how to proceed. Talbot sent letters with these, to 
be delivered secretly to the commanders of the 
English frigates, to let them know that they might 
boldly assault the Dutch in port; for the Danes 
would make no resistance, pretending a fear that 
the English might destroy their town : but that an 
account was to be kept of their prizes, that the 
king of Denmark might have a just half of all: 
they were not to be surprised, if the Danes seemed 
at first to talk high : that was to be done for shew : 
but they would grow calmer, when they came to 
engage. The earl of Sandwich sent his secretary 
to Talbot, to know the particulars of the agreement 
with the king of Denmark. But the vessel that 
brought him was ordered, upon landing the secre- 

c c 2 


1665. tary, to come back to the fleet. So that it was im- 
possible to send by that vessel what was desired. 
And no other ships could be got to carry back the 
secretary. And thus the earl of Sandwich went to 
attack the Dutch fleet without staying for an an- 
swer from Talbot, or knowing what orders the go 
vernor of Berghen had yet received : for though the 
orders were sent, yet it was so great a way, ten or 
twelve days' journey, that they could not reach the 
place, but after the English fleet had made the at- 
tack. The viceroy of Norway, who resided at Chris- 
tiana, had his orders sooner, and sent out two gal- 
leys to communicate the agreement to the earl of 
Sandwich ; but missed him, for he was then before 
Berghen. The governor of Berghen, not having 
yet the orders that the former express promised 
him, sent a gentleman to the English fleet, desiring 
they would make no attack for two or three days ; 
for by that time he expected his orders. Clifford 
was sent to the governor, who insisted that till he 
had orders he must defend the port, but that he ex- 
pected them in a very little time. Upon Clifford's 
going back to the fleet, a council of war was called, 
in which the officers, animated with the hope of a 
rich booty, resolved without further delay to attack 
the port, either doubting the sincerity of the Danish 
court, or unwilling to give them so large a share of 
that, on which they reckoned as already their prize. 
Upon this Tiddiman began the attack, which ended 
fatally. Divers frigates were disabled, and many 
officers and seamen were killed. The squadron was 
thus ruined, and Tiddiman was ready to sink : so 
he was forced to slip his cables, and retire to the 
fleet, which lay without the rocks. This action was 


on the third of August : and on the fourth the go- 1665. 
vemor received his orders. So he sent for Clif- 
fcwd, and shewed him his orders. But, as the Eng- 
lish fleet had by their precipitation forced him to do 224 
what he had done, so he could not, upon what had 
"'appened the day before, execute those orders, till 
he sent an account of what had passed to the court 
of Denmark, and had the king's second orders upon 
it. And, if the whole English fleet would not stay 
in those seas so long, he desired they would leave 
six frigates before the harbour ; and he would en- 
gage, the Dutch should not in the mean while go 
out to sea. But the English were sullen upon their 
disappointment, and sailed away. The king of 
Denmark was unspeakably troubled at the loss of 
the greatest treasure he was ever like to have in his 
hands. This was a design well laid, that would 
have been as fatal to the Dutch, as ignominious to 
the king of Denmark, and was, by the impatient 
ravenousness of the English, lost, without possibility 
of recovering it. And indeed there was not one 
good step made after this in the whole progress of 
the war. 

England was at this time in a dismal state. The The pariia- 

1 . p ment at 

plague contmued for the most part of the summer Oxford, 
in and about London, and began to spread over the 
country. The earl of Clarendon moved the king to 
go to Salisbury. But the plague broke out there. 
So the court went to Oxford, where another session 
of parliament was held. And though the conduct 
at sea was severely reflected on, yet all that was ne- 
cessary for carrying on the war another year was 
given. The house of commons kept up the ill hu- 
mour they were in against the nonconformists very 

c c 3 


1665. high. A great many of the ministers of London 

were driven away by the plague ; though some few 
staid. Many churches being shut up, when the in- 
hajsitants were in a more than ordinary disposition 
to profit by good sermons, some of the non-conform- 
ists upon that went into the empty pulpits, and 
preached; and, it was given out, with veiy good 
success : and in many other places they began to 
preach openly, not without reflecting on the sins of 
the court, and on the iU usage that they themselves 
had met with. This was represented very odiously 
at Oxford. So a severe bill was brought in, requir- 
ing all the silenced ministers to take an oath, 4^ 
daring it was not lawful on any pretence whatsoev^ 
to take arms against the king, or any commissioned 
by him ; and that they would not at any time en- 
deavour an alteration in the government of the 
church or state. Such as refused this were not to 
come within five miles of any city, or parliament bo- 
rough, or of the church where they had served. 
This was much opposed in both houses, but more 
faintly in the house of commons. The earl of South- 
ampton spoke vehemently against it in the house of 
225 lords. He said, he could take no such oath him- 
self: for how firm soever he had always been to the 
church, yet, as things were managed, he did not 
know but he himself might see cause to endeavour 
an alteration. Doctor Earl, bishop of Salisbury, 
died at that time. But, before his death, he declared 
himself much against this act. He was the man of 
aU the clergy for whom the king had the greatest 
esteem. He had been his subtutor, and had foK 
lowed him in all his exile with so clear a character, 
that the king could never see or hear of any obs 


thing amiss in him. So he, who had a secret plea- 1665. 
sure in finding out any thing that lessened a man '~~~~~" 
esteemed eminent for piety, yet had a value for him 
beyond aU the men of his order. Sheldon and Ward 
were the bishops that acted and argued most for 
this act, which came to be called the five mile act. 
All that were the secret favourers of popery pro- 
moted it : their constant maxim being, to bring all 
the sectaries into so desperate a state, that they 
should be at mercy, and forced to desire a toleration 
on such terms, as the king should think fit to grant 
it on. Clifford began to make a great figure in the 
house of commons. He was the son of a clergyman, 
bom to a small fortune : but was a man of great vi- 
vacity. He was reconciled to the church of Rome 
before the restoration. The lord Clarendon had 
many spies among the priests : and the news of this 
was brought him among other things. So, when 
Clifford began first to appear in the house, he got 
one to recommend him to the lord Clarendon's fa- 
vour. The lord Clarendon looked into the advice 
that was brought him : and by comparing things to- 
gether, he perceived that he must be that man : and 
upon that he excused himself the best he could. So 
Clifford struck in with his enemies ; and tied him- 
self particularly to Bennet, made Lord, and after- 
wards earl of Arlington. While the act was before 
the house of commons, Vaughan, afterwards made 
chief justice of the common pleas, moved that the 
word legally might be added to the word commis- 
sioned hy the king : but Finch, then attorney -gene- 
ral, said that was needless; since, unless the com- 
mission was legal, it was no commission, and, to 
make it legal, it must be issued out for a lawful oc- 

c c 4 


1665. casion, and to persons capable of it, and must pass 
in the due form of law. The other insisted that the 
addition would clear all scruples, and procure an 
universal compliance. But that could not be ob- 
tained; for it was intended to lay difficulties in the 
way of those against whom the act was levelled. 
When the bill came up to the lords, the earl of 
Southampton moved for the same addition ; but was 
answered by the earl of Anglesey, upon the same 
grounds on which Finch went. Yet this gave great 
226 satisfaction to many who heard of it, this being the 
avowed sense of the legislators. The whole matter 
was so explained by Bridgman, when Bates with a 
■• great many more came into the court of common 
pleas to take the oath. The act passed : and the 
nonconformists were put to great straits. They had 
no mind to take the oath. And they scarce knew 
how to dispose of themselves according to the terms 
of the act. Some moderate men took pains to per- 
suade them to take the oath. It was said by endea- 
vour was only meant an unlawful endeavour ; and 
that it was so declared in the debates in both houses. 
Some judges did on the bench expound it in that 
sense. Yet few of them took it. Many more re- 
fused it, who were put to hard shifts to live, being 
so far separated from the places from which they 
drew their chief subsistence. Yet as all this severity 
in a time of war, and of such a public calamity, 
di'ew very hard censures on the promoters of it, so 
I it raised the compassions of their party so much, 
that I have been told they were supplied more plen- 
tifully at that time than ever. There was better 
reason, than perhaps those of Oxford knew, to sus- 
pect practices against the state. 


Algemoon Sidney, and some others of the com- 1665; 
monwealth party, came to De Wit, and pressed him The desiRns 
to think of an invasion of England and Scotland,*''*^®*'"'"" 

*-' monwealth 

and gave him great assurances of a strong party: party, 
and they were bringing many officers to Holland to 
join in the undertaking. They dealt also with some 
in Amsterdam, who were particularly sharpened 
against the king, and were for turning England 
again into a commonwealth. The matter was for 
some time in agitation at the Hague. But De Wit 
was against it, and got it to be laid aside. He said, 
their going into such a design would provoke France 
to turn against them : it might engage them in a 
long war, the consequences of which could not be 
foreseen : and, as there was no reason to think, that, 
while the parliament was so firm to the king, any 
discontents could be carried so far as to a general 
rising, which these men undertook for ; so, he said, 
what would the effect be of turning England into a 
commonwealth, if it could possibly be brought about, 
but the ruin of Holland ? It would naturally draw 
many of the Dutch to leave their country, that could 
not be kept and maintained but at a vast charge, 
and to exchange that for the plenty and security 
that England afforded. Therefore all that he would 
engage in was, to weaken the trade of England, and 
to destroy their fleet ; in which he succeeded the 
following year beyond all expectation. The busy 
men in Scotland, being encouraged from Rotterdam, 
went about the country, to try if any men of weight 
would set themselves at the head of their designs 227 
for an insurrection. The earl of Cassilis and Lock- 
hart were the two persons they resolved to try. But 
they did it at so great a distance, that, from the 


1^5. proposition made to them, there was no danger of 
" ^ misprision of treason. Lord CassUis had given his 
word to the king, that he would never engage in 
any plots : and he had got under the king's hand a 
promise, that he and his family should not be dis- 
turbed, let him serve God in what way he pleased. 
So he did not suflfer them to come so far as to make 
him any propositions. Lockhart did the same. They 
seeing no other person that had credit enough in 
the country to bring the people about him, gave 
over all the projects for that year. But, upon the 
informations that the king had of their caballing at 
Rotterdam, he raised those troops of which mention 
was formerly made. 
The duke Au accidcut happened this winter at Oxford, too 

of York's . . , , , 1 1 , . , .n . 

jealousy, mcousidcrable and too tender to be mentioned, it it 
were not that great effects were believed to have 
followed on it. The duke had always one private 
amour after another, in the managing of which he 
seemed to stand more in awe of the duchess, than, 
considering the inequality of their rank, could have 
been imagined. Talbot was looked on as the chief 
manager of those intrigues. The duchess's deport- 
ment was unexceptionable, which made her author- 
ity the greater. At Oxford there was then a very 
graceful young man of quality that belonged to her 
court, whose services were so acceptable, that she 
was thought to look at him in a particular manner p. 
This was so represented to the duke, that he, being 

P Mr. Henry Sidney, after- Mary, in a good deal of com- 

* wards earl of Romney. O. pany, as the earl of Jerssey, 

Harry Sidney, since earl of who was present, told me; 

Runiney. Bishop Burnet took only with this difference, that 

the liberty to tell this story he did not conceal the gentle- 

ODoe before her daughter queen man's name. D. 


resolved to emancipate himself into more open prac- i665. 
tices, took up a jealousy ; and put the person out of ''^'''^^ 
his court with so much precipitation, that the thing 
became very public by this means. The duchess 
lost the power she had over him so entirely, that no 
method she could 'think on was like to recover it, 
except one. She began to discover what his religion 
was, though he stiU came not only to church, but to 
sacrament. And upon that, she, to regain what she 
had lost, entered into private discourses with his 
priests ; but in so secret a manner, that there was 
not for some years after this the least suspicion 
given. She began by degrees to slacken in her con- 
stant coming to prayers and to sacrament, in which 
she had been before that regular, almost to supersti- 
tion. She put that on her ill health : for she fell 
into an ill habit of body, wliich some imputed to the 
effect of some of the duke's distempers communi- 
cated to her. A story was set about, and generally 
believed, that the earl of Southesk, that had married 
a daughter of duke Hamilton's, suspecting some fa- His amours. 
miliarities between the duke and his wife, had taken 
a sure method to procure a disease to himself, which 
he communicated to his wife, and was by that means 
set round till it came to the duchess, who was so 
tainted witji it, that it was the occasion of the death 
of all her children, except tbe two daughters, omr 
two queens ; and was believed the cause of an iU-^ 
ness under which she languished long, and died so 
corrupted, that in dressing her body after her death, 
one of her breasts burst, being a mass of corruption. 
Lord Southesk was for some years not iU pleased to 
have this beUeved. It looked like a peculiar strain 
of revenge, with which he seenjed much delighted. 


1665. But I know he has to some of his friends denied the 
whole of the story very solemnly. Another acted a 
better part. He did not like a commerce that he 
observed between the duke and his wife. He went 
and expostulated with him upon it. The duke fell 
a commending his wife much. He told him, he 
came not to seek his wife's character from him : the 
most effectual way of commending her, was to have 
nothing to do with her. He added, that if princes 
would do those wrongs to subjects, who could not 
demand such reparations of honour as they could 
from their equals, it would put them on secreter me- 
thods of revenge : for some injuries were such, that 
men of honour could not bear them. And, upon a 
new observation he made of the duke's designs upon 
his wife, he quitted a very ^ood post, and went with 
her into the country, where he kept her till she 
died ^. Upon the whole matter the duke was often 
iU. The children were born with ulcers, or they 
broke out upon them soon after: and all his sons 
died young, and unhealthy. This has, as far as any 
thing that could not be brought in the way of proof, 
prevailed to create a suspicion, that so healthy a 
child as the pretended prince of Wales could neither 
be his, nor be bom of any wife with whom he had 
lived long ^ The violent pain that his eldest daugh- 
ter had in her eyes, and the gout which has early 
seized our present queen, are thought the dregs of a 
tainted original. Willis, the great physician, being 

1 Countess of Chesterfield, after his dethronement, who 

daughter to the dulce of Or- lived to twenty years of age. 

inond. D. The bishop and his annotator 

■■ (The duke, afterwards king lord Dartmouth mention some 

James II. had a daughter, the ])articulars respecting her, vol. 

princess Louisa, born in France ii. p. 602.) 


called to consult for one of his sons, gave his opinion ^^^5. 
in those words, mala stamina vittB ; which gave such 
offence, that he was never called for afterwards. 

I know nothing of the counsels of the year 1666, i^^- 
nor whose advices prevailed. It was resolved on, 
that the duke should not go to sea ; but that Monk 
should command the great fleet of between fifty and 
sixty ships of the line, and that prince Rupert should 
be sent with a squadron of about twenty-five ships 
to meet the French fleet, and to hinder their con- 
junction with the Dutch : for the French had pro- 229 
raised a fleet to join the Dutch, but never sent it. 
Monk went out so certain of victory, that he seemed 
only concerned for fear the Dutch should not come 
out. The court flattered themselves with the hopes 
of a very happy year : but it proved a fatal one. 
The Dutch fleet came out, De Wit and some of the 
States being on board. They engaged the English The fleet 
fleet for two days, in which they had a manifest su- quite lost, 
periority. But it cost them dear ; for the English pjy ^ved 
fought welL But the Dutch were superior in num-^y pJJ^*^® 
ber, and were so well furnished with chained shot, 
(a peculiar contrivance of which De Wit had the 
honour to be thought the inventor,) that the English 
fleet was quite unrigged. And they were in no 
condition to work themselves off. So they must 
have all been taken, sunk, or burnt, if prince Ru- 
pert, being yet in the channel, and hearing that 
they were engaged by the continued roaring of 
guns, had not made aU possible haste to get to 
them. He came in good time. And the Dutch, 
who had suffered much, seeing so great a force 
come up, steered off. He was in no condition to 


1666. pursue them ; but brought off our fleet, which saved 
us a great loss, that seemed otherwise unavoidable. 
The court gave out that it was a victory : and pub- 
lic thanksgivings were ordered, which was a horrid 

Ah* mocking of God, and a lying to the world ®. We 
had in one respect reason to thank God, that we 
had not lost our whole fleet. But to complete the 
miseries of this year: the plague was so sunk in 
London, that the inhabitants began to return to itj 
and brought with them a great deal of manufacture^ 
which was lying on the hands of the clothiers and 
'' others, now in the second year of the war, in which 
trade and all other consumptions were very low. 
It was reckoned, that a peace must come next win- 
ter. The merchants were upon that preparing to 
go to market as soon as possible. The summer had 
been the driest that was known of some years. And 
London being for the most part built of timber filled 
The fire of up with plaistcr, all was extreme dry. On the se- 
cond of September a fire broke out, that raged for 
three days, as if it had a commission to devour every 

*^*J' thing that was in its way. On the fourth day it 
stopt in the midst of very combustible matter. 

I will not enlarge on the extent nor the destruc- 
tion made by the fire : many books are full of it; 
That which is still a great secret is, whether it was 
casual, or raised on design. The English fleet had 
landed on the Vly, an island lying near the Texel, 
and had burnt it: upon which some came to De 
Wit, and offered a revenge, that, if they were as- 

' " Although the English by " certain who obtained the vic- 

" their obstinate courage reaped " tory." Hume's Hist, of Great 

" the chief honour in the en- Britain, Charles II. p. 1 70. 
" gagement, it is somewhat un- 


sisted, they would set London on fire: [if they iqqq. 

might be well furnished, and well rewarded for it.] 

He rejected the proposition : for he said, he would 
not make the breach wider, nor the quarrel irrecon- 
cilable. He said, it was brought him by one of the 230 
Labadists^, as sent to them by some others. He 
made no farther reflections on the matter till the 
city was burnt. Then he began to suspect there 
had been a design, and that they had intended to 
draw him into it, and to lay the odium of it upon 
the Dutch. But he could hear no news of those 
who had sent that proposition to him. In the April 
before, some commonwealth's men were found in a 
plot, and hanged ; who at their execution confessed 
they had been spoken to, to assist in a design of 
burning London on the second of September. This 
was printed in the gazette of that week, which I 
my self read. Now the fire breaking out on the se- 
cond, made aU people conclude, that there was a de- 
sign some time before on foot for doing it. 

The papists were generally charged with it. One it was 
Hubert, a French papist ", was seized on in Essex, thrpapis*ts. 
as he was getting out of the way in great confusion. 

* (Followers of Labadie the " of the house of commons re- 
mystic.) " ported him to be a papist, al- 

"■ (" Hubert, who was known " though they allowed he pro- 

" to all his countrymen here, " fessed himself to be a pro- 

" as well as the whole town of " testant. But what is more 

" Rouen in Normandy, to have " considerable, by the oath of 

" been bom and bred a pro- " Lawrence Peterson, the mas- 

" testant, lived a protestant, and " ter of the vessel, who brought 

" owned himself to be a pro- " Hubert to England at this 

" testant, on his examination " time, he was still on board, 

" as well as at his execution, if a " and did not set his foot on 

" man who was downright dis- " English ground, till two days 

" tracted may be said to be of " after the fire began." Hig- 

" one religion more than of an- gons's Postscript to his Remarks 

" other. Yet the committee on this Hist. p. 342.) 


1666. He confessed he had begun the fire, and persisted in 
his confession to his death ; for he was hanged upon 
no other evidence but that of his own confession. It 
is true, he gave so broken an account of the whole 
i) matter, that he was thought mad. Yet he was 
blindfolded, and carried to several places of the city : 
and then, his eyes being opened, he was asked, if 
that was the place : and he being carried to wrong 
places, after he looked round about for some time, 
he said that was not the place : but when he was 
brought to the place where it first broke out, he af- 
firmed that was the true place. And Tillotson told 
me, that Howell, then the recorder of London, was 
with him, and had much discourse with him ; and 
that he concluded, it was impossible that it could be 
a melancholy dream : the horror of the fact, and the 
terror of death, and perhaps some engagements in 
confession, might put him in such disorder, that it 
was not possible to draw a clear account of any 
thing from him, but of what related to himself. 
'f^ Tillotson, who believed that the city was burnt on 
design, told me a circumstance that made the pa- 
pists employing such a crazed man in such a service 
more credible. Langhorn, the popish counsellor at 
law, who for many years passed for a protestant, 
was despatching a half-witted man to manage elec- 
tions in Kent before the restoration. Tillotson, be- 
ing present, and observing what a sort of man he 
was, asked Langhorn how he could employ him in 
such services. Langhorn answered, it was a maxim 
with him in dangerous services to employ none but 
half-witted men, if they could be but secret and 
obey orders : for if they should change their minds, 
and turn informers instead of agents, it would be 


easy to discredit them, and to carry off the weight 1666. 
of any discoveries they could make, by shewing they ao-t 
were madmen, and so not like to be trusted in cri* 
tical things. -mi.c^ 

The most extraordinary passage, though it is but a strong 
a presumption, was told me by doctor Lloyd and the tion of h. 
countess of Clarendon. The latter had a great 
estate in the new river that is brought from Ware 
to London, which is brought together at Islington, 
where there is a great room fuU of pipes that con- 
vey it through all the streets of London. The con- 
stant order of that matter was, to set all the pipes a 
running on Saturday night, that so the cisterns 
might be all full by Sunday morning, there being a 
more than ordinary consumption of water on that 
day. There was one Grant, a papist, under whose 
name sir William Petty published his observations 
on the biQs of mortality : he had some time before 
applied himself to Lloyd, who had great credit with 
the countess of Clarendon ^, and said, he could raise 
that estate considerably, if she would make him a 
trustee for her. His schemes were probable: and 
he was made one of the board that governed that 
matter : and by that he had a right to come, as oft 
as he pleased, to view their works at Islington. He 
went thither the Saturday before the fire broke out, 
and called for the key of the place where the heads 
of the pipes were, and turned all the cocks that were 
then open, and stopped the water, and went away, 

^ The countess of Clarendon gy : and the Revelations had 

was a very weak woman, but a turned Lloyd's head, who was 

great pretender to learning and naturally a jealous passionate 

devotion ; which occasioned her man. D. 
conversing much with the cler- 

VOL. I. D d 


1666. and carried the keys with him. So when the fire 
broke out next morning, they opened the pipes in 
the streets to find water, but there was none. And 
some hours were lost in sending to Ishngton, where 
the door was to be broke open, and the cocks turned. 
And it was long before the water got to London. 
Grant indeed denied that he had turned the cocks. 
But the officer of the works affirmed, that he had, 
according to order, set them all a running, and that 
no person had got the keys from him, besides Grant ; 
who confessed he had carried away the keys, but 
pretended he did it without design ". There were 
many other stories set about, as that the papists in 
several places had asked if there was no news of the 
burning of London, and that it was talked of in 
many parts beyond sea, long before the news could 
get thither from London. In this matter I was 
much determined by what sir Thomas Littleton, the 
father, told me. He was a man of a strong head 
and sound judgment. He had just as much know- 
ledge in trade, history, the disposition of Europe, 
and the constitution of England, as served to feed 
and direct his own thoughts, and no more. He lived 
all the summer long in London, where I was his 
next neighbour, and had for seven years a constant 
and daily conversation with him. He was treasurer 

" (The following record is " member of the company has 

produced by Bevill Higgons, p. " power to order the main to 

149 of his Remarks, in contra- " be shut down ; nor can it 

diction to this account. " Is- " ever be done without a par- 

! " lington, March 3, 1724. Cap- " ticular direction of the board, 

" tain John Grant admitted a " of which minutes are always 

" member of the New River " taken ; and there are no mi- 

" Company on Tuesday, Sep- " nutes of this, as will appear 

" tember 25, 1666. (23 days " by the company's books.") 
" after the fire.) No particular 


of the navy in conjunction with Osborn, who was 1666. 
afterwards lord treasurer, who supplanted him in 771 
that post, and got it all into his own hands. He 
had a very bad opinion of the king ; and thought 
that he had worse intentions than his brother, but 
that he had a more dexterous way of covering and 
managing them ; only his laziness made him less 
earnest in prosecuting them. He had generally the 
character of the ablest parliament man in his time. 
His chief estate lay in the city, not far from the 
place where the fire broke out, though it did not 
turn that way. He was one of the committee of 
the house of commons, that examined all the pre- 
sumptions of the city's being burnt on design : and 
he often assured me, that there was no clear pre- 
sumption made out about it, and that many stories, 
which were published with good assurance, came to 
nothing upon a strict examination. He was at that 
time, that the inquiry was made, in employment at 
court. So whether that biassed him, or not, I can- 
not tell. There was so great a diversity of opinions 
in the matter, that I must leave it under the same 
uncertainty in which I found it. If the French and 
Dutch had been at that time designing an impres- 
sion elsewhere, it might have been more reasonable 
to suppose it was done on design to distract our af- 
fairs. But it fell out at a dead time, when no ad- 
vantage could be made of it. And it did not seem 
probable, that the papists had engaged in the design, 
merely to impoverish and ruin the nation ; for they 
had nothing ready then to graft upon the confusion 
that this put all the people in. Above twelve thou- 
sand houses were burnt down, with the greatest part 
of the furniture and merchandise that was in them. 

D d 2 


1666. All means used to stop it proved ineffectual ; though 
the blowing up of houses was the most effectual of 
any. But the wind was so high, that fleaks of fire 
and burning matter were carried in the air cross se- 
veral streets. So that the fire spread not only in 
the next neighbourhood, but at a great distance. 
The king and the duke were almost aU the day long 
on horseback with the guards, seeing to all that 
could be done, either for quenching the fire, or for 
carrying off persons and goods to the fields all about 
London. The most astonishing circumstance of that 
dreadful conflagration was, that, notwithstanding the 
great destruction that was made, and the great con- 
fusion in the streets, I could never hear of any one 
person that was either burnt or trodden to death. 
The king was never observed to be so much struck 
with any thing in his whole life, as with this. But 
the citizens were not so well satisfied with the duke's 
behaviour. They thought he looked too gay, and 
too little concerned. A jealousy of his being con- 
233 cerned in it was spread about with great industry, 
but with very little appearance of truth. Yet it 
grew to be generally believed, chiefly after he owned 
he was a papist. 

Disorders Jn Scotlaud the fermentation went very high. 

in Scotland. _, . . , • /^ 1 i • 

1 urner was sent again mto the west m October this 
year : and he began to treat the country at the old 
rate. The people were alarmed, and saw they were 
to be undone. They met together, and talked with 
some fiery ministers. Semple, Maxwell, Welsh, and 
Guthry were the chief incendiaries. Two gentle- 
men that had served in the wars, one a Ueutenantf 
colonel, Wallace, and the other that had been a major, 
Learmpth, were the best officers they had to rely on. 


The chief gentlemen of those counties were all clapt 1666. 
up in prison, as was formerly told. So that pre- 
served them : otherwise they must either have en- 
gaged with the people, or have lost their interest 
among them. The people were told, that the fire 
of London had put things in that confusion at court, 
that any vigorous attempt would disorder all the 
king's affairs. If the new levied troops had not 
stood in theii* way, they would have been able to 
have carried all things against them : for the two 
troops of guards, with the regiment of foot guards, 
would not have been able to have kept their ground 
before them. The people, as some of them told me 
afterwards, were made to beUeve that the whole 
nation was in the same disposition. So on the 
thirteenth of November they ran together : and two 
hundred of them went to Dunfreis, where Turner 
then lay with a few soldiers about him ; the greatest 
part of his men being then out in parties for the 
levying of finest . So they surprised him before he 
could get to his arms: otherwise, he told me, he 
would have been killed rather than taken, since he 
expected no mercy from them. With himself they 
seized his papers and instructions, by which it ap- 
peared he had been gentler than his orders were. 
So they resolved to keep him, and exchange him as 
occasion should be offered. But they did not tell 
him what they intended to do with him ; so he 
thought, they were keeping him, tiU they might 
hang him up with the more solemnity. There was 
a considerable cash in his hands, partly for the pay 
of his men, partly of the fines which he had raised 
in the country, that was seized : but he, to whom 
y (See above, p. 211.) 

1666. they trusted the keeping of it, ran away with it. 

They spread a report, which they have since printed, 
and it passed for some time current, that this rising 
was the effect of a sudden heat, that the country was 
put in by seeing one of their neighbours tied on a 
horse hand and foot, and carried away, only because 
he could not pay a high fine that was set upon him; 
and that upon this provocation the neighbours, who 
did not know how soon such usage would fall to 
234 their own turn, ran together, and rescued him ; and 
that, fearing some severe usage for that, they kept 
together, and that, others coming into them, they 
went on and seized Turner. But this was a story 
made only to beget compassion : for, after the in- 
surrection was quashed, the privy council sent some 
round the country, to examine the violences that 
had been committed, particularly in the parish where 
it was given out that this was done. I read the re- 
port they made to the council, and aU the depositions 
that the people of the country made before them : 
but this was not mentioned in any one of them. 
A rebellion The ucws of this rising was brought to Eden- 

jfl the west. ... 

burgh, fame increasing their numbers to some thou- 
sands. And this happening to be near Carlisle, the 
governor of that place sent an express to court, in 
which the strength of the party was magnified much 
beyond the truth. The earl of Rothes was then at 
court, who had assured the king, that all things 
were so well managed in Scotland, that they were 
in perfect quiet. There were, he said, some stub- 
bom fanatics stiU left, that would be soon subdued : 
but there was no danger from any thing that they 
or their party could do. He gave no credit to the 
express from Carlisle : but, two days after, the news 


was confirmed by an express from Scotland. Sharp 1666. 

was then at the head of the government : so he ma- 

naged this little war, and gave all the orders and di- 
rections in it. Dalziel was commanded to draw all 
the force they had together, which lay then dis- 
persed in quarters. When that was done, he 
marched westward. A great many ran to the rebels, 
who came to be called whigs. At Lanarick, in Clid- 
disdale, they had a solemn fast day, in which, after 
much praying, they renewed the covenant, and set 
out their manifesto : in which they denied that they 
rose against the king ; they complained of the op- 
pression under which they had groaned ; they de- 
sired that episcopacy might be put down, and that 
presbytery, and the covenant, might be set up, and 
their ministers restored again to them ; and then 
they promised, that they would be in all other things 
the king's most obedient subjects. The Earl of 
Argile raised fifteen hundred men, and wrote to the 
council that he was ready to march upon order. 
Sharp thought, that if he came into the country, 
either he or his men would certainly join with the 
rebels : so he sent him no order at all. But he was 
at the charge of keeping his men together to no pur- 
pose. Sharp was all the while in a dreadful con- 
sternation, and wrote dismal letters to court, pray- 
ing that the forces which lay in the north of 
England might be ordered down : for, he wrote, 
they were surrounded with the rebels, and did not 
know what was become of the king's forces. He 235 
also moved, that the council would go and shut 
themselves up in the castle of Edenburgh. But that 
was opposed by the rest of the board, as an aban^ 
doning of the town, and the betraying an. unbe- 

D d 4 

1666. coming fear, which might very much encourage the 

rebels, and such as intended to go over to them. 
Orders were given out for raising the country: 
but there was no mUitia yet formed. In the mean 
while Dalziel followed the rebels as close as he 
could. He published a proclamation of pardon, as he 
was ordered, to all that should in twenty-four hours' 
time return to their houses, and declared all that 
continued any longer in arms rebels. He found the 
country was so well affected towards them, that he 
could get no sort of intelligence, but what his own 
parties brought into him. The whigs marched to- 
wards Edenburgh, and came within two miles of 
the town. But finding neither town nor country 
declare for them, and that all the hopes their leaders 
had given them proved false, they lost heart. From 
being once above two thousand, they were now come 
to be not above eight or nine hundred. So they re- 
solved to return back to the west, where they knew 
the people were of their side ; and where they could 
more easily disperse themselves, and get either into 
England or Ireland. The ministers were very busy 
in all those counties, plying people of rank not to 
forsake their brethren in this extremity. And they 
had got a company of about three or fourscore gen- 
tlemen together, who were marching towards them, 
when they heard of their defeat : and upon that they 
The defeat dispcrscd thcmselvcs. The rebels thought to have 
febds &t mai'ched back by the way of Pentland hill. They 
pentiand ^gj.g jjq^ much conccmed for the few horses they 
had. And they knew that Dalziel, whose horse was 
fatigued with a fortnight's constant march, could not 
follow them. And if they had gained but one night 
more in their maich, they had got out of his reach. 


But on the twenty-eighth of November, about an 1666. 

hour before sun-set, he came up to them. They 
were posted on the top of a hill : so he engaged with 
a great disadvantage. They, finding they could not 
get off, stopt their march. Their ministers did all 
they could by preaching and praying to infuse cou- 
rage into them : and they sung the seventy-fourth 
and the seventy-eighth Psalms. And so they turned 
on the king's forces. They received the first charge 
that was given by the troop of guards very resolutely, 
and put them in disorder. But that was all the ac- 
tion ; for immediately they lost all order, and ran 
for their lives. It was now dark : about forty were 
killed on the spot, and a hundred and thirty were 
taken. The rest were favoured by the darkness of 
the night, and the weariness of the king's troops, 236 
that were not in case to pursue them, and had no 
great heart to it : for they were a poor harmless 
company of men ^, become mad by oppression : and 
they had taken nothing during all the time they 
had been together, but what had been freely given 
them by the country people. The rebellion was 
broken with the loss of only five on the king's side. 
The general came next day into Edenburgh with his 

The two archbishops were now delivered out of severe pro- 
all their fears : and the common observation, that glLltThe 
cruelty and cowardice go together, was too visibly p"*<"'^"- 
verified on this occasion. Lord Rothes came down 
full of rage : and that (sic) being inflamed by the two 
archbishops, he resolved to proceed with the utmost 
severity against the prisoners. Burnet advised the 
hanging of all those who would not renounce the 
2 A fair historian ! S. 


1666. covenant, and promise to conform to the laws for 
the future : but that was thought too severe. Yet 
he was sent up to London, to procure of the king 
an instruction, that they should tender the decla- 
ration renouncing the covenant to all who were 
thought disaffected ; and proceed against those who 
refused that, as against seditious persons. The best 
of the episcopal clergy set upon the bishops, to lay 
hold on this opportunity for regaining the affections 
of the country, by becoming intercessors for the 
prisoners and for the country, that was like to be 
quartered on and eat up for the favour they had ex- 
pressed to them. Many of the bishops went into 
this, and particularly Wishart of Edenburgh, though 
a rough man, and sharpened by ill usage'*. Yet upon 
this occasion he expressed a very christian temper, 
such as became one who had felt what the rigours 
of a prison had been ; for he sent every day very 
liberal supplies to the prisoners : which was indeed 
done by the whole town in so bountiful a manner, 
that many of them, who being shut up had neither 
air nor exercise, were in greater danger by their 
plenty, than they had been by all their unhappy 
campaign. But Sharp could not be mollified. On 
the contrary, he encouraged the ministers in the dis- 
affected counties to bring in all the informations they 
could gather, both against the prisoners, and against 
aU those who had been among them, that they might 
be sought for, and proceeded against. Most of those 
I got over to Ireland. But the ministers in those 
parts acted so iU a part, so unbecoming their cha- 
racters, that the aversion of the country to them was 
increased to aU possible degrees : they looked on 
^ (See above, p. 143.) 


them now as wolves, and not as shepherds. It was 1666. 
a moving sight, to see ten of the prisoners hanged 
upon one gibbet at Edenburgh : thirty-five more 
were sent to their countries, and hanged up before 237 
their own doors ; their ministers all the while using 
them hardly, and declaring them damned for then* 
rebellion. They might all have saved their Uves, if 
they would have renounced the covenant : so they 
were really a sort of martyrs ^ for it. They did all at 
their death give their testimony, according to their 
phrase, to the covenant, and to all that had been 
done pursuant to it: and they expressed great joy 
in their sufferings. Most of them were but mean 
and inconsiderable men in all respects : yet even 
these were firm and inflexible in their persuasions. 
Many of them escaped, notwithstanding the great 
search was made for them. Guthry, the chief of 
their preachers, was hid in my mother's house, who 
was bred to her brother Waristoun's principles, and 
could never be moved from them : he died next 
spring. One Maccail, that was only a probationer 
preacher, and who had been chaplain in sir James 
Steward's house, had gone from Edenburgh to them. 
It was believed, he was sent by the party in town, and 
that he knew their correspondents. So he was put 
to the torture, which in Scotland they call the boots; 
for they put a paii* of iron boots close on the leg, 
and drive wedges between these and the leg. The 
common torture was only to drive these in the calf 
of the leg : but I have been told they were some- 
times driven upon the shin bone. He bore the tor- 
ture with great constancy : and either he could say 
nothing, or he had the firmness not to discover those 
'' Decent term. S. 


1666. who had trusted him. Every man of them could 
have saved his own Ufe, if he would accuse any 
other: but they were all true to their friends. 
Maccail, for all the pains of the torture, died in a 
rapture of joy : his last words were, Farewell sun, 
moon, and stars, farewell kindred and friends, fare- 
well world and time, farewell weak and frail body ; 
welcome eternity, welcome angels and saints, wel- 
come Saviour of the world, and welcome God the 
Judge of all : which he spoke with a voice and 
manner that struck all that heard it. 

1667. His death was the more cried out on, because it 
more gentle came to bc kuowu aftcrwards, that Burnet, who 
bisTops! ^^^ come down before his execution, had brought 

with him a letter from the king, in which he ap- 
proved of all that they had done ; but added, that 
he thought there was blood enough shed, and there- 
fore he ordered that such of the prisoners as should 
promise to obey the laws for the future should be 
set at liberty, and that the incorrigible should be 
sent to plantations. Burnet let the execution go on, 
before he produced his letter, pretending there was 
no council-day between. But he, who knew the 
contents of it, ought to have moved the lord Rothes 
238 to call an extraordinary council to prevent the ex- 
ecution. So that blood was laid on him. He was, 
conti-ary to his natural temper, very violent at that 
time, much inflamed by his family, and by all about 
) him. Thus this rebellion, that might have been so 
turned in the conclusion of it, that the clergy might 
have gained reputation and honour by a wise and 
merciful conduct, did now exasperate the country 
more than ever against the church. The forces 


were ordered to lie in the west, where Dalziel acted 1667. 
the Muscovite too grossly. He threatened to spit 
men, and to roast them : and he killed some in cold 
blood, or rather in hot blood; for he was then 
drunk, when he ordered one to be hanged, because 
he would not tell where his father was, for whom 
he was in search. When he heard of any that did 
not go to church, he did not trouble himself to set a 
fine upon him : but he set as many soldiers upon 
him, as should eat him up in a night. By this 
means all people were struck with such a terror, 
that they came regularly to church. And the clergy 
were so delighted with it, that they used to speak 
of that time, as the poets do of the golden age. 
They never interceded for any compassion to their 
people ; nor did they take care to live more regu- 
larly, or to labour more carefully. They looked on 
the soldiery as their patrons : they were ever in 
their company, complying with them in their ex- 
cesses : and, if they were not much wronged, they 
rather led them into them, than checked them for 
them. Dalziel himself and his officers were so dis- 
gusted with them, that they increased the com- 
plaints, that had now more credit from them, than 
from those of the country, who were looked on as 
their enemies. Things of so strange a pitch in vice 
were told of them, that they seemed scarce credible. 
The person, whom I believed the best as to all such 
things, was one sir John Cunningham, an eminent 
lawyer, who had an estate in the country, and was 
the most extraordinary man of his profession in that 
kingdom. He was episcopal beyond most men in 
Scotland, who for the far greatest part thought that 
forms of government were in their own nature in- 


1667. different, and might be either good or bad, according 
to the hands in which they fell ; whereas he thought 
episcopacy was of a divine right, settled by Christ. 
He was not only very learned in the civil and canon 
law, and in the philosophical learning, but was very 
universal in all other learning : he was a great di- 
vine, and well read in the fathers and in ecclesiasti- 
cal history. He was, above all, a man of eminent 
probity, and of a sweet temper, and indeed one of 
the piousest ^ men of the nation. The state of the 
church in those parts went to his heart : for it was 
not easy to know how to keep an even hand be- 
2I39tween the perverseness of the people on the one 
side, and the vices of the clergy on the other. They 
looked on all those that were sensible of their mis- 
carriages, as enemies of the church. It was after 
all hard to beHeve aU that was set about against 
A change of The king's affairs in England forced him to 

counsel, and „ . . 

more mode- softcu his govcrnmcnt every where. So at this 
the govern- time the carls of Tweedale and Kincardin went to 
'"^"*' court, and laid before the king the ill state the 
country was in. Sir Robert Murray talked often 
with him about it. Lord Lauderdale was more 
cautious, by reason of the jealousy of his being a 
presbyterian. Upon all which the king resolved to 
put Scotland into other hands. A convention of 
estates had been called the year before, to raise mo- 
ney for maintaining the troops. This was a very 
ancient practice in the Scotish constitution : a con- 
vention was summoned to meet within twenty days : 
they could only levy money, and petition for the re- 

« Is that Scotch ? S. 


dress of grievances ; but could make no new laws ; 1667. 
and meddled only with that for which they were 
brought together. In the former convention Sharp 
had presided, being named by the earl of Rothes as 
the king's commissioner. In the winter 1666, or 
rather in the spring 1667, there was another con- 
vention called, in which the king, by a special let- 
ter, appointed duke Hamilton to preside. And the 
king, in a letter to lord Rothes, ordered him to 
write to Sharp to stay within his diocese, and to 
come no more to Edenburgh. He upon this was 
struck with so deep a melancholy, that he shewed 
as gTeat an abjectness under this slight disgrace, as 
he had shewed insolence before, when he had more 
favour. The convention continued the assessment 
for another year at six thousand pounds a month. 
Sharp, finding he was now under a cloud, studied 
to make himself popular by looking after the educa- 
tion of the marquis of Huntly, now the duke of Gor- 
don. He had an order long before from the king to 
look to his education, that he might be bred a pro- 
testant ; for the strength of popery within that king- 
dom lay in his family. But, though this was or- 
dered during the earl of Midletoun's ministry. Sharp 
had not all this while looked after it. The earl of 
Rothes's mistress was a papist, and nearly related 
to the marquis of Huntly. So Sharp, either to 
make his court the better, or at the lord Rothes's 
desire, had neglected it these four years : but now 
he called for him. He was then above fifteen, well 
hardened in his prejudices by the loss of so much 
time. What pains was taken on him, I know not. 
But, after a trial of some months, Sharp said, he 
saw he was not to be wrought on, and sent him 


1667. back to his mother. So the interest that popery 
had in Scotland was believed to be chiefly owing to 
Sharp's compliance with the earl of Rothes's amours. 
240 The neglect of his duty in so important a matter 
was much blamed: but the doing it upon such a 
motive was reckoned yet more infamous. After the 
convention was over, lord Rothes sent up Drumond 
to represent to the king the iU affections of the 
western parts. And, to touch the king in a sensible 
point, he said, the covenant stuck so deep in their 
hearts, that no good could be done till that was 
rooted out. So he proposed, as an expedient, that 
the king would give the council a power to require 
all whom they suspected to renounce the covenant, 
and to proceed against such as refused it as traitors. 
Drumond had yet too much of the air of Russia 
about him, though not with Dalziel's fierceness : he 
had a great measure of knowledge and learning, and 
some true impressions of religion : but he [was am* 
bitious and covetous, and] thought, that upon such 
powers granted, there would be great dealing in 
bribes and confiscations. A slight accident hap^ 
pened, which raised a jest that spoiled his errand. 
The king flung the cover of the letter from Scot- 
land into the fire, which was carried up all in a 
flame, and set the chimney on fire : upon which it 
was said, that the Scotish letter had fired White* 
hall : and it was answered, the cover had almost set 
Whitehall on fire, but the contents of it would cer- 
) tainly set Scotland all in a flame. It was said, that 
the law for renouncing the covenant inferring only 
a forfeiture of employments to those who refused it, 
the stretching it so far as was now proposed would 
be liable to great exception. Yet in compliance 


with a public message, the instruction was sent 1667. 
down, as it was desired : but by a private letter lord 
Rothes was ordered to make no use of it, except 
upon a special command; since the king had only- 
given way to what was desired, to strike terror in 
the ill affected. The secret of it broke out : so it 
had no effect, but to make the lord Rothes and his 
party more odious. Burnet, upon Sharp's disgrace, 
grew to be more considered. So he was sent up 
with a proposition of a very extraordinary nature, 
that the western counties should be cantoned under 
a special government, and peculiar taxes, together 
with the quartering of soldiers upon them. It was 
said, that those counties put the nation to the 
charge of keeping up such a force : and therefore 
it seemed reasonable that the charge should lie 
whoUy on them. He also proposed, that a special 
council should be appointed to sit at Glasgow : and, 
among other reasons to enforce that motion, he said 
to the king, and afterwards to lord Lauderdale, that 
some at the council board were iQ affected to the 
church, and favoured her enemies, and that traitors 
had been pleaded for at that board. Lord Lauder- 
dale writ down presently to know what ground 
there was for this; since, if it was not true, he 
had Burnet at mercy for leasing-making, which was 241 
more criminal when the whole council was con- 
cerned in the lie that was made. The only ground 
for this was, that one of the rebels, excepted in the 
indemnity that was proclaimed some time before, 
being taken, and it being evident that his brain 
was turned, it was debated in council, whether he 
should be proceeded against, or not: some argued 
against that, and said, it woidd be a reproach to the 
VOL. I. E e 


1667. government to hang a madman. This could in no 
sort justify such a charge : so lord Lauderdale re- 
solved to make use of it in due time. The proposi- 
tion itself was rejected, as that which the king' 
could not do by law. Burnet upon this went to the 
lord Clarendon, and laid before him the sad estate 
of their affairs in Scotland. He spoke to the king 
of it : and he took care to set the English bishops 
on the king, with whom Burnet had more credit, 
as more entirely theirs, than ever Sharp had. The 
earl of Clarendon's credit was then declining : and 
it was a clear sign of it, when the king told lord 
Lauderdale all that he had said to him on Scotish 
affairs; which provoked him extremely. Burnet was 
sent down with good words : but the king was re- 
solved to put the affairs of Scotland under anotlier 
management. Lord Kincardin came down in April, 
and told me, that lord Rothes was to be stript of all 
his places, and to be only lord chancellor. The earl 
of Tweedale and sir Robert Murray were to have 
the secret in their hands. He told me the peace 
was as good as made : and when that was done, the 
army would be disbanded; and things would be 
managed with more temper, both in church and 
state. This was then so great a secret, that nei- 
ther the lord Rothes nor the two archbishops had 
the least hint of it. Some time after this, lord 
Rothes went to the north, [to visit his mistress, who 
was obliged to live in the north;] upon which an 
! accident happened that hastened his fall. 

The Scots had during the war set out many pri- 
vateers ; and these had brought in many rich prizes. 
fleet came The Dutch, bciug provokcd with this, sent Van 
Friti.!^'' Gheudt with a good fleet into the Frith, to burn the 

OF KING CHARLES It^'^ i' 419 
coast, and to recover such ships as were in that 1667- 

part. He came into the PVith on the first of May. 
If he had at first hung out English colours, and at- 
tacked Leith harbour immediately, which was then 
full of ships, he might have done what mischief he 
pleased : for all were secure, and were looking for 
sir Jeremy Smith with some frigates for the defence 
of the coast, since the king had set out no fleet this 
year. There had been such a dissipation of trea- 
sure, that, for all the money that was given, there 
was not enough left to set out a fleet. But the 
court covered this by saying, the peace was as good 
as concluded at Breda, where the lord Hollis and 
sir Wilham Coventry '^ were treating about it as 242 
plenipotentiaries : and, though no cessation was 
agreed on, yet they reckoned on it as sure. Upon 
this, a saying of the earl of Northumberland's was 
much repeated : when it was said, that the king's 
mistress was like to ruin the nation, he said, it was 
she that saved the nation. While we had a house 
of commons that gave aU the money that was asked, 
it was better to have the money squandered away 
in luxury and prodigality, than to have it saved for 
worse purposes. Van Gheudt did nothing in the 
Frith for some hours : he shot against Bruntisland 
without doing any mischief. The country people 
ran down to the coast, and made a great shew. 
But this was only a feint, to divert the king from 
that which was chiefly intended : for he sailed out 
and joined De Ruyter : and so the shameful attack 
was made upon the river of Medway : the chain at 
the mouth of it, which was then all its security, was 

. ^1 ^^^ went 

broke : and the Dutch fleet sailed up to Chatham : to Chat- 
ham, and 
'^ Mr. H. Coventry. O. burnt our 

E e 2 ''''■ 


1667. of which I will say no more in this place, but go on 
' " with the affairs of Scotland. 

Lord Rothes's being out of the way when the 
country was in such danger was severely aggra- 
vated by the lord Lauderdale, and did bring on the 
change somewhat the sooner. In June sir Robert 
Murray came down with a letter from the king, su- 
perseding lord Rothes's commission, putting the 
treasury in commission, and making lord Rothes 
lord chancellor. He excused himself from being 
raised to that post all he could ; and desired to con- 
tinue lord treasurer : but he struggled in vain, and 
was forced to submit at last. Now all was turned 

< to a more sober and more moderate management. 
Even Sharp grew meek and humble : and said to 
my self, it was a great happiness to have to deal 
with sober and serious men ; for lord Rothes and 
his crew were perpetually drunk. When the peace 
of Breda was concluded, the king wrote to the 
Scotish council, and communicated that to them ; 
and with that signified, that it was his pleasure that 
the army should be disbanded ^. The earl of Rothes, 
Burnet, and all the officers, opposed this much. The 
rebellious disposition of the western counties was 
much aggravated : it seemed necessary to govern 
them by a military power. Several expedients were 
proposed on the other hand. Instead of renouncing 
the covenant, in which they pretended there were 
many points of religion concerned, a bond was pro- 

! posed for keeping the peace, and against rising in 

arms. This seemed the better test ; siace it secured 

the public quiet, and the peace of the country, which 

was at present the most necessary: the religious 

* Four thats in one line. S. 


part was to be left to time and good management. 1667. 
So an indemnity of a more comprehensive nature 040 
was proclaimed : and the bond was all the security 
that was demanded. Many came into the bond : 
though there were some among them that pretended 
scruples : for, it was said, peace was a word of a 
large extent : it might be pretended, that ohefying 
all the laws was implied in it. Yet the far greater 
number submitted to this. Those who were dis- 
turbed with scruples were a few melancholy incon- 
siderable persons. - 
In order to the disbanding the army with more 
security, it was proposed, that a county militia should 
be raised, and trained for securing the public peace, 
llhe two archbishops did not like this : they said, 
the commons, of whom the mUitia must be com- 
posed, being generally iU affected to the church, this 
would be a prejudice rather than a security. But, 
to content them, it was concluded, that in counties 
that were ill affected, there should be no foot raised, 
and only some troops of horse. Burnet complained 
openly, that he saw episcopacy was to be pulled 
down, and that in such an extremity he could not 
look on, and be silent. He writ upon these matters 
a long and sorrowful letter to Sheldon : and upon 
that Sheldon writ a very long one to sir R. Murray ; 
which I read, and found more temper and modera- 
tion in it, than I could have expected from him^ 
Murray had got so far into his confidence, and he 
seemed to depend so entirely on his sincerity, that 

^ Sheldon was a very gi-eat of Canterbury, see, besides the 

and excellent man. S. (Of article Sheldon in the Biogra- 

this eminent prelate, who, as it phia Britannica, bishop Parker's 

was said by sir F. Wen man, was work, De Rebus sui Temporis 

born and bred to be archbishop Commentarios, p. 35 — 46.) 

E e 3 


1667. no informations against him could work upon SheU 
don. Upon Burnet's carrying things so high. Sharp 
was better used, and was brought again to the coun- 
cil board, where he began to talk of moderation : 
and in the debate concerning the disbanding the 
army, he said, it was better to expose the bishops to 
whatsoever might happen, than to have the king- 
dom governed, for their sakes, by a military power. 
Yet in private he studied to possess all people with 
prejudices against the persons then employed, as the 
enemies of the church. At that time lord Lauder- 
dale got the king to write to the privy council, let- 
ting them know that he had been informed, traitors 
had been pleaded for at that board. This was le- 
velled at Burnet. The council, in their answer, as 
they denied the imputation, so they desired to know 
who it was that had so aspersed them. Burnet, 
when the letter was offered to him to be signed by 
him, said, he could not say traitors had never been 
pleaded for at that board, since he himself had once 
pleaded for one, and put them in mind of the parti- 
cular case. After this, he saw how much he had ex- 
posed himself, and gi'ew tamer. The army was dis- 
banded : so lord Rothes's authority as general, as 
well as his commission, was now at an end, after it 
had lasted three years. The pretence of his com- 
mission was the preparing matters for a national sy- 

' 244, nod : yet in all that time there was not one step 
made towards one : for the bishops seemed concerned 
only for their authority and their revenues, and 
took no care of regulating either the worship or 
the discipline. The earls of Rothes and Tweedale 
went to court. The former tried what he could do 
by the duke of Monmouth's means^ who had married 


his niece : but he was then young, and was engaged 1667. 
in a mad ramble after pleasure, and minded no busi- 
ness. So lord Rothes saw the necessity of applying 
himself to lord Lauderdale: and he did dissemble 
his discontent so dexterously, that he seemed well 
pleased to be freed from the load of business that 
lay so heavy upon him. He moved to have his ac- 
counts of the treasury passed, to which great ex- 
ceptions might have been made ; and to have an ap- 
probation passed under the gi'eat seal of all he had 
done while he was the king's commissioner. Lord 
Tweedale was against both ; and moved that he 
should be for some time kept under the lash : he 
knew, that, how humble soever he was at that time, 
he would be no sooner secured from being called to 
an account for what was passed, than he would set 
up a cabal in opposition to every thing ; whereas 
they were sure of his good behaviour, as long as he be so obnoxious. The king loved lord 
Rothes : so the earl of Lauderdale consented to all 
he asked. But they quickly saw good cause to re- 
pent of their forwardness. 

At this time a great change happened in the a great 
course of the earl of Lauderdale's life, which made Lauder- 
the latter part of it very different from what the for- Je%er. 
mer had been. Mr. Murray of the bedchamber had 
been page and whipping boy to king Charles L ; and 
had great credit with him, not only in procuring 
private favours, but in all his counsels. He was 
well turned for a court, very insinuating, but very 
false; and of so revengeful a temper, that rather 
than any of the counsels given liy his enemies should 
succeed, he would have revealed them, and betrayed 
both the king and them. It was generally believed, 

E e 4 

1667. that he had discovered the most important of all his 

secrets to his enemies. He had one particular qua- 
lity, that when he was drunk, which was very often, 
he was upon a most exact reserve, though he was 
pretty open at all other times. He got a warrant to 
be an eai'l, which was signed at Newcastle. Yet he 
got the king to antedate it, as if it had been signed 
. at Oxford, to get the precedence of some whom he 
hated : but he did not pass it under the great seal 
during the king's Ufe ; but did it after his death, 
though his warrant, not being passed, died with the 
king. His eldest daughter, to whom his honour, 
such as it was, descended, married sir Lionel Tall- 
245 mash of Suffolk, a man of a noble family. After 
her father's death, she took the title of countess of 
Dysert. She was a woman of great beauty, but of 
far greater parts. She had a wonderful quickness 
of apprehension, and an amazing vivacity in con- 
versation. She had studied not only divinity and 
history, but mathematics and philosophy. She was 
violent in every thing she set about, a violent friend, 
but a much more violent enemy. She had a restless 
ambition, lived at a vast expense, and was raven- 
ously covetous ; and would have stuck at nothing by 
which she might compass her ends. [She had ble- 
mishes of another kind, which she seemed to de- 
spise, and to take little care of the decencies of her 
sex.] She had been early in a correspondence with 
lord Lauderdale, that had given occasion to censure. 
When he was prisoner after Worcester fight, she 
made him believe he was in great danger of his Ufe, 
and that she saved it by her intrigues with Crom- 
well : which was not a little taken notice of Crom- 
well was certainly fond of her, and she took care to 


entertain him in it ; till he, finding what was said 1667. 
upon it, broke it ofF^. Upon the king's restoration, 
she thought that lord Lauderdale made not those 
returns that she expected. They lived for some 
years at a distance. But upon her husband's death 
she made up all quarrels : so that lord Lauderdale 
and she lived so much together, that his lady was 
offended at it, and went to Paris, where she died 
about three years after. The lady Dysert came to 
have so much power over the lord Lauderdale, that 
it lessened him much in esteem of all the world ; for 
he delivered himself up to all her humours and pas- 
sions. All applications were made to her : she took 
upon her to determine every thing: she sold all 
places, and was wanting in no methods that could 
bring her money, which she lavished out in a most 
profuse vanity. As the conceit took her, she made 
him fall out with all his friends, one after another : 
with the earls of ArgUe, Tweedale, and Kincardin, 
with duke Hamilton, the marquis of Athol, and sir 
Robert Murray, who all had their turns in her dis- 
pleasure, which very quickly drew lord Lauderdale's 
after it. If after such names it is not a presump- 
tion to name my self, I had my share likewise. 
From that time to the end of his days he became 
quite another sort of man than he had been in all 
the former parts of his life. Sir Robert Murray 
had been designed by her father to be her husband, 
and was long her true friend. She knew his inte- 
grity was proof against all attempts. He had been 
hitherto the lord Lauderdale's chief friend, and main 
support. He had great esteem paid him, both by 
the king and by the whole court : and he employed 
s Cromwell hfid gallantries with her. S. 


] 667. it all for the earl of Lauderdale's service. He used 
great freedom with him at proper times ; and was a 
faithful adviser, and reprover as much as the other 
246 could bear it. Lady Dysert laid hold on his absence 
in Scotland to make a breach between them. She 
made lord Lauderdale believe, that Murray assumed 
to himself the praise of all that was done, and was 
not ill pleased to pass as his governor. Lord Lauder- 
dale's pride was soon fired with those ill impressions. 
Scotland The government of Scotland had now another 
Si go- face. All payments were regularly made : there 
verned. ^^^ ^^ ovcrplus of 10,000/. of the revenue saved 
every year : a magazine of arms was bought with 
it: and there were several projects set on foot for 
the encouragement of trade and manufactures. Lord 
Tweedale and sir Robert Murray were so entirely 
united, that, as they never disagreed, so all plied be- 
fore them. Lord Tweedale was made a privy coun- 
sellor in England : and, his son having married the 
earl of Lauderdale's only child, they seemed to be 
inseparably united. When he came down from Lon- 
don, he brought a letter from the king to the coun- 
cil, recommending the concerns of the church to 
their care : in particular, he charged them to sup- 
press conventicles, which began to spread generally 
through the western counties : for upon the disband- 
ing the army, the country, being delivered from that 
terror, did now forsake their churches, and got their 
old ministers to come among them ; and they were 
not wanting in holding conventicles from place to 
place. The king wrote also by him a letter to Sharp 
with his own pen, in which he assured him of his 
zeal for the church, and of his favour to himself. 
Lord Tweedale hoped this would have gained him 


to his side : but he was deceived in it. Sharp quickly 1667. 
returned to his former insolence. Upon the earl of 
Tweedale's return, there was a great application to 
public business : no vice was in reputation : justice 
was inipartially administered: and a commission 
was sent to the western counties to examine into all 
the complaints of unjust and illegal oppressions by 
Turner, Dalziel, and others. Turner's warrants had 
been seized with himself; and though upon the de- 
feat given the whigs he was left by them, so that, 
beyond all men's expectations, he escaped out of 
their hands, yet he had nothing to justify himself 
by. The truth is, this inquiry was chiefly levelled 
at lord Rothes and Burnet, to cast the odium of the 
late rebellion on their injustice and ill conduct. 
And it was intended that Turner should accuse 
them : but he had no vouchers to shew. These 
were believed to be withdrawn by an artifice of the 
lord Rothes. But, before the matter was quite 
ended, those in whose hands his papers were left, 
sent them sealed up to his lodgings. But he was by 
that time broken : so, since the government had 
used him hardly, he, who was a man of spirit, 
would not shew his vouchers, nor expose his friends. 247 
So that matter was carried no farther. And the 
people of the country cried out against those cen- 
sures. It was said, that when by such violent pro- 
ceedings men had been inflamed to a rebellion, upon 
which so much blood was shed, all the reparation 
given was, that an oflicer or two were broken ; and a 
great man was taken down a little upon it, without 
making any public examples for the deterring others. 

Sir Robert Murray went through the west of Scot- Great com- 
land. When he came back, he told me, the clergy Lui" of tiie 



1667. were such a set of men, so ignorant, and so scanda- 
lous, that it was not possible to support them, unless 
the greatest part of them could be turned out, and 
better men found to be put in their places. But it 
was not easy to know how this could be done. Bur- 
net had placed them all : and he thought himself in 
some sort bound to support them. The clergy were 
so linked together, that none of them could be got 
to concur in getting proofs of crimes brought against 
their brethren. And the people of the country pre- 
tended scruples. They said, to accuse a minister 
before a bishop was an acknowledging his jurisdic- 
tion over his clergy, or, to use a hard word much in 
use among them, it was homologating his power. 
So Murray proposed, that a court should be consti- 
tuted by a special commission from the king, made 
up of some of the laity as well as the clergy, to try 
the truth of these scandalous reports that went upon 
the clergy : and he writ about it to Sheldon, who 
approved of it. Sharp also seemed well pleased with 
it, though he abhorred it in his heart: for he 
thought it struck at the root of their authority, and 
was Erastianism in the highest degree. Burnet said, 
it was a turning him out of his bishopric, and the 
declaring him either incapable of judging his clergy, 
or unworthy of that trust. His clergy cried out 
upon it ; and said, it was a delivering them up to 
the rage of their enemies, who hated them only for 
the sake of their functions, and for their obedience 
to the laws; and that, if irregular methods were 
taken to encourage them, they would get any thing, 
true or false, to be sworn against them. The diffi- 
culties that arose upon this put a stop to it. And 
the earl of Lauderdale's aversion to sir Robert Mur- 


ray began a disjointing of all the counsels of Scot- 1667* 
land. Lord Tweedale had the chief confidence : 
and next him lord Kincardin was most trusted. 
The presbyterians, seeing a softening in the execu- 
tion of the law, and observing that the archbishops 
were jealous of lord Tweedale, fancied he was theirs 
in his heart. Upon that they grew very insolent. 
The clergy was in many places ill used by them ^. 
They despaired of any farther protection from the 
government. They saw designs were forming to 
turn them all out : and, hearing that they might 248 
be better provided in Ireland, they were in many 
places bought out, and prevailed on to desert their 
cures '. The people of the country hoped, that, upon 
their leaving them, they might have their old minis- 
ters again ; and upon that were willing enough to 
enter into those bargains with them : and so in a 
very little time there were many vacancies made all 
over those counties. The lord Tweedale took great 
pains to engage Leightoun into the same counsels 
with him. He had magnified him highly to the 
king, as much the greatest man of the Scotish clergy. 
And the lord Tweedale's chief aim, with relation to 
church matters, was to set him at the head of them : 
for he often said to me, that more than two parts in 
three of the whole business of the government re- 

^ (Salmon, in his Examina- " could not have been ap- 

tionof Burnet's History, vol. i. " prehended from heathens, 

page 586. produces a passage " From these things I 

from the bishop's Four Con- " may well assume, that the 

ferences, published in 1673, in " persecution lies mainly on the 

which, after particularizing the " conformists' side, who, for 

cruel usage the conforming " their obedience to the laws, 

clergy met with from these peo- " lie thus open to the fury of 

pie, the author says, "Believe " their enemies." p. 290.) 

" me, these barbarous outrages ' So Ireland was well pro- 

*' have been suchj that worse vided. S. 


1667. lated to the church. So he studied to bring in a set 
of episcopal men of another stamp, and to set Leigh- 
toun at their head. He studied to draw in Mr. 
Charteris. But he had such sad thoughts of man- 
kind, and such humble ones of himself, that he 
thought little good could be done, and that, as to 
that little, he was not a proper instrument. Leigh- 
toun was prevailed on to go to London, where, as 
he told me, he had two audiences of the king. He 
laid before him the madness of the former adminis- 
tration of church affairs, and the necessity of turn- 
ing to more moderate counsels : in particular, he 
proposed a comprehension of the presbyterian party, 
by altering the terms of the laws a little, and by 
such abatements as might preserve the whole for 
the future, by granting somewhat for the present. 
But he entered into no expedients : only he studied 
to fix the king in the design that the course of his 
affairs led him to, though contrary to his own incli- 
nations, both in England and Scotland. In order 
to the opening this, I must change the scene. 
Affairs in The Dutch War had turned so fatally on the king, 
Engian , ^^^Qi it made it necessary for him to try how to re- 
cover the affections and esteem of his people. He 
found a slackening the execution of the law went 
a great way in the city of London, and with the 
trading part of the nation. The house of commons 
continued stiU in their fierceness, and aversion to all 
moderate propositions ; but in the intervals of par- 
ciarendon's liament the execution was softened. The earl of 
•sgrace. darejjjjQji found his credit was declining, that all 
the secrets of state were trusted to Bennet, and that 
he had no other share in them than his post re- 
quired. The lady Castlemain set herself most vio- 


lently against him. And the duke of Buckingham, 1667. 
as often as he was admitted to any familiarities with 
the king, studied with all his wit and humour to 
make lord Clarendon and all his counsels appear ri- 
diculous. Lively jests were at all times apt to take 249 
with the king. The earl of Clarendon fell under 
two other misfortunes before the war broke out. 
The king had granted him a large piece of ground 
near St. James's to build a house on : he intended a 
good ordinary house : but, not understanding those 
matters himself, he put the managing of that into 
the hands of others ; who run him into a vast charge 
of about 50,000/. three times as much as he had de- 
signed to lay out upon it ^. During the war, and in 
the plague -year, he had about three hundred men 
at work, which he thought would have been an ac- 
ceptable thing, when so many men were kept at 
work, and so much money, as was duly paid, cir- 
culated about. But it had a contrary effect. It 
raised a great outcry against him. Some called it 
Dunkirk house, intimating that it was built by his 
share of the price of Dunkirk. Otl>ers called it Hol- 
land house, because he was believed to be no friend 
to the war : so it was given out, that he had the 
money from the Dutch. It was visible, that in a 
time of public calamity he was building a very no- 
ble palace. Another accident was, that before the 
war there were some designs on foot for the repair- 

^ His son, the earl of Ro- rest of his actions himself. D. 

Chester, told me, when he left (The bishop's account is also 

England, he ordered him to tell confirmed by that of lord Cla- 

all his friends, that if they could rendon himself, in the Continu- 

excuse the vanity and folly of ation of his Life, p. 512. Com- 

the great house, he would un- pare also speaker Onslow's note 

dertake to answer for all the below, at pi 354' ) 


1667. ing of St. Paul's : and many stones were brought 
thither. That project was laid aside during the 
war. He upon that bought the stones, and made 
use of them in building his own house. This, how 
H slight soever it may seem to be, yet had a great ef- 
fect by the management of his enemies. 
Southamp- Another misfortune was, that he lost his chief 

toil's death. . i i i . 

fnend, to whom he trusted most, and who was his 
greatest support, the earl of Southampton. The pain 
of the stone grew upon him to such a degree, that he 
had resolved to be cut : but a woman came to him, 
who pretended she had an infallible secret for dis- 
solving the stone, and brought such vouchers to him, 
that he put himself into her hands. The medicine 
had a gi'eat operation, though it ended fatally : for 
he passed great quantities of gravel, that looked like 
the coats of a stone sliced of. This encouraged him 
to go on, till his pains increased so, that no man 
was ever seen to die in such torments ; which made 
him oft tremble all over, so that the bed shook with 
it ; yet he bore it with an astonishing patience. He 
not only kept himself from saying any indecent 
thing, but endured all that misery with the firmness 
of a great man, and the submission of a good chris- 
tian. The cause of all appeared when he was 
opened after his death: for the medicine had stripped 
the stone of its outward sUmy coats, which made it 
lay soft and easy upon the muscles of the bladder ; 
whereas when these were dissolved, the inner and 
harder parts of the stone, that were all ragged by 
250 the dissolution that was begun, lay upon the neck of 
the bladder, which raised those violent pains of which 
he died. The court was now delivered of a great 
man, whom they did not much love, and who they 


knew did not love them. The treasury was put in 1667. 
commission : and the earl of Clarendon had no in- 
terest there. He saw the war, though managed by 
other counsels, yet was like to end in his ruin : for 
all errors were cast on him. The business of Chatham 
was a terrible blow : and though the loss was great, 
the infamy was greater. The parliament had given 
above five millions towards the war : but, through 
the luxury and waste of the court, this money was 
so squandered away, that the king could neither set 
but a fleet nor defend his coasts. Upon the news of 
the Dutch fleet's being in the river, the king did not 
ride down himself, nor appear at the head of his peo- 
ple, who were then in such imminent danger. He 
only sent the duke of Albemarle down, and was in- 
tending to retire to Windsor. But that looked so 
like a flying from danger, that he was prevailed on 
to stay. And it was given out, that he was very 
cheerful that night at supper with his mistresses, 
wMch drew many libels upon him, that were writ 
with as much wit as malice, and brought him under 
a general contempt. He was compared to Nero, who 
sung while Rome was burning. A day or two after 
that, he rode through London, accompanied with the 
most popular men of his court, and assured the citi- 
zens he would live and die with his people, upon 
which there were some acclamations : but the mat- 
ter went heavily. The city was yet in ashes : and 
the jealousy of burning it on design had got so 
among them, that the king himself was not free 
from suspicion ^ If the Dutch had pursued their 

' (The house of commons " his majesty for his great care 
resolved, " That the thanks of " and endeavour to prevent the 
" that house should be given " burning of the city of Lon-> 

VOL. I. F f 


1667. advantage in the first consternation, they might have 
done more mischief, and have come a great way up 
the Thames, and burnt many merchant ships : but 
they thought they had done enough, and so they 
sailed away. The court was at a stand what to do : 
for the French had assured them the treaty was as 
good as finished. Whether the French set this on,, 
as that which would both weaken the fleet of Eng- 
land, and alienate the King so entirely from the 
Dutch, that he would be easily engaged into new 
alliances to revenge this affront, as many believe, I 
cannot pretend to determine. 

The earl of Essex was at that time in Paris, on 

his way home from the waters of Bourbon : and he 

told me, the queen-mother of England sent for him, 

as being one of her son's privy council ; and told 

The Irish him, the Irish had sent over some to the court of 

sought the 

protectioa Fraucc, dcsiriug money and arms with some offi- 
cers, and undertook to put that island into the 
hands of the French. He told me, he found the 
queen was in her inclinations and advices true to 
her son's interest : but he was amazed to see, that a 
woman, who in a drawing-room was the liveliest 
woman of the age, and had a vivacity of imagination 
that surprised all who came near her, yet after all 
her practice in affairs, had so little either of judgment 
or conduct : and he did not wonder at the miscar- 
riage of the late king's counsels, since she had such 
251 a share in them. But the French had then greater 

" don." Salmon's Examination, net's account below, he accused 
V. i. p. 602. It is observable, the papists of an intention to 
that Gates makes use of the kill the king during the confla- 
known fact of the king's activity gration, he said that they relent- 
in preventing the progress of the ed upon seeing him so active in 
fire ; for when, according to Bur- quenching it. See p. 427.) 

of France 


things in view. The king of Spain was dead. And 1667^ 
now, after the French had managed the war so, 
that they had been at no part of the expense of it, 
nor brought a ship to the assistance of the Dutch in 
any engagement, and that both England and Hol- 
land had made a great loss both in ships and trea- 
sure, they resolved to manage the peace so, as to 
oblige the king by giving him a peace, when he was 
in no condition to carry on a war. I enter not into 
our negotiation with the bishop of Munster, nor his 
treacherous departing from his engagements, since I 
know nothing of that matter, but what is in print. 

As soon as the peace was made, the king saw 
with what disadvantage he was like to meet his 
parliament. So he thought the disgracing a pub- 
lic minister, who, by his being long in so high a 
post, had drawn upon himself much envy, and 
many enemies, would cover himself and the rest of 
his court. Other things concurred to set this for- 
ward. The king was grown very weary of the 
queen : and it was believed, he had a great mind to 
be rid of her. The load of that marriage was cast 
on the lord Clarendon, as made on design to raise 
his own grandchildren. Many members of the house 
of commons, such as Clifford, Osbom, Ker, Little- 
ton, and Seimour, were brought to the king ; who 
all assured him, that upon his restoration they in- 
tended both to have raised his authority and to 
have increased his revenue; but that the earl of 
Clarendon had discouraged it, and that all his crea- 
tures had possessed the house with such jealousies 
of the king, that they thought it was not fit to trust 
him too much nor too far. This made a deep im- 
pression on the king, who was weary of lord Cla- 

Ff 2 


1667. rendon's imposing way, and had a mind to be freed 
from the authority, to wliich he had been so long 
accustomed, that it was not easy to keep him with- 
in bounds. 
The duke of Yet the kiuff was so afraid to ena-affe himself too 

Richmond's . . '=' . . 

marriage, deep in his owu afFairs, that it was a doubt whe- 
ther he would dismiss him or not, if a concern of 
one of his amours had not sharpened his resent- 
ment ; so that what other considerations could not 
do, was brought about by an ill-gi'ounded jealousy. 
Mistress Steward had gained so much on the king, 
252! and yet had kept her ground with so much firm- 
ness, that the king seemed to design, if possible, to 
legitimate his addresses to her, when he saw no 
hope of succeeding any other way *". The duke of 
Richmond, being a widower, courted her. The king 
seemed to give way to it; and pretended to take 
such care of her, that he would have good settle- 
ments made for her. He hoped by that means to 
have broke the matter decently; for he knew the 
duke of Richmond's affairs were in disorder. So 
the king ordered lord Clarendon to examine the 
estate he pretended to settle. But he was told, 
whether true or false I cannot tell, that lord Cla- 
rendon told her, that the duke of Richmond's af- 
fairs, it was true, were not very clear ; but that a 
family so near related to the king could never be 
left in distress, and that such a match would not 
come in her way every day ; so she had best consi- 

"> The king was once so Charles could not forbear tell- 

iftuch provoked as to tell her, ing the duke of Richmond, 

he hoped he should live to see when he was drunk, at lord 

her ugly and willing : but af- Townshend's in Norfolk, as n>y 

ter she was married, she had uncle told mfe, who was pre- 

more complaisance, which king sent. , D. 


der well, before she rejected it. This was carried 1667. 
to the king, as a design he had that the crown ^ 
might descend to his own grandchildren ; and that 
he was afraid, lest strange methods should be taken 
to get rid of the queen, and to make way for her. 
When the king saw that she had a mind to many 
the duke of Richmond, he offered to make her a 
duchess, and to settle an estate on her. Upon this 
she said, she saw she must either many him, or 
suffer much in the opinion of the world. And she 
was prevailed on by the duke of Richmond, who 
was passionately in love with her, to go privately 
from Whitehall, and marry him without giving the 
king notice. The eaii of Clarendon's son, the lord 
Combury, was going to her lodgings, upon some 
assignation that she had given him about her af- 
fairs, knowing nothing of her intentions. He met 
the king in the door coming out full of fury. And 
he, suspecting that lord Combury was in the design, 
spoke to him as one in a rage, that forgot aU de- 
cency, and for some time would not hear lord Com- 
bury speak in his own defence. In the afternoon 
he heard him with more temper, as he himself told 
me". Yet this made so deep an impression, that 
he resolved to take the seals from his father. The 
king said to the lord Lauderdale, that he had talked 
of the matter with Sheldon ; and that he convinced 
him, that it was necessary to remove lord Clarendon 
from his post. And as soon as it was done, the 
king sent for Sheldon, and told him what he had 
done. But he answered nothing. When the king 
insisted to oblige him to declare himself, he said, 

" Who told him r S. (Lord CJornbury, as it should seem.) 


1667. Sir^ I wish you would put away this woman that 
you keep. The king upon that replied sharply, why- 
had he never talked to him of that sooner, but took 
this occasion now to speak of it. Lauderdale told 
me, he had aU this from the king: and that the 
253 king and Sheldon had gone into such expostulations 
upon it, that from that day forward Sheldon could 
never recover the king's confidence ". 
Bridgman The seals were sdven to sir Orlando Bridgman, 

made lord ... . 

keeper. lord chicf justicc of the common pleas, then in great 
esteem, which he did not maintain long after his 
advancement. His study and practice lay so en- 
tirely in the common law, that he never seemed to 
apprehend what equity was : nor had he a head 
made for business or for such a court. He was a 
man of great integrity, and had very serious im- 
pressions of religion on his mind. He had been al- 
ways on the side of the church p : yet he had great 
tenderness for the nonconformists : and the bishops 
having all declared for lord Clarendon, except one 
or two, he and the new scene of the ministry were 
inclined to favour them. The duke of Buckingham, 

\ • Sheldon had refused the creature Sheldon was known to 
sacrament to the king for living be. And this was the true 
in adultery. S. The king had cause of lord Clarendon's dis- 
asked Sheldon, if the church of grace, D. (Salmon, in his Ex- 
England would allow of a di- amination of Burnet's History, 
vorce, where both parties were remarks, " that if the archbi- 
consenting, and one of them '• shop's friendship to the lord 
lay under a natural- incapacity " Clarendon was one induce- 
of having children ; which he " ment for his grace's using 
took time to consider of, under " this freedom, as our author 
astrictcommandof secresy: but "would insinuate, this rather 
the duke of Richmond's clan- " advances than depresses Shel- 
destine marriage, before he had " don's character.") 
given an answer, made the king p What side should he be 
suspect he had revealed the se- of? S. 
cret to lord Clarendon, whose 


who had been in high disgrace before lord Claren- 1667. 
don's fall, came upon that into high favour, and set "' 

up for a patron of liberty of conscience and of all 
the sects. The see of Chester happened to fall va- 
cant soon after: and doctor Wilkins was by his '■^'■ 
means promoted to that see. It was no small preju- 
dice to him, that he was recommended by so bad a 
man. Wilkins had a courage in him that could 
stand against a current, and against all the re- 
proaches with which ill-natured clergymen studied 
^o load him. He said, he was called for by the 
king, without any motion of his own, to a public 
station, in which he would endeavour to do all the 
good he could, without considering the iU effects 
that it might have on himself. The king had such 
a command of himself, that when his interest. led 
him to serve any end, or to court any sort of men, 
he did it so dexterously, and with such an air of 
sincerity, that tiU men were weU practised in him, 
he was apt to impose on them. He seemed now 
to go into moderation and comprehension with so 
much heartiness, that both Bridgman and Wilkins 
believed he was in earnest in it : though there was 
nothing that the popish counsels were more fixed 
in, than to oppose all motions of that kind. But 
the king saw it was necessary to recover the affec- 
tions of his people. And since the church of Eng- 
land was now gone off from him, upon lord Claren- 
don's disgrace, he resolved to shew some favour to 
the sects, both to soften them, and to force the 
others to come back to their dependence upon him. 

He began also to express his concerns in the af- P* French 

*-' ^ king s pre- 

fairs of Europe: and he brought about the peace tensions to 
between Castile and Portugal. The French king 

Ff 4 


i667. pretended that, by the law of Brabant, his queen, as 
**~"^ the heir of the late king of Spain's first marriage, 

though a daughter, was to be preferred to the 
young king of Spain, the heir of the second venter, 
254 without any regard to the renunciation of any suc- 
cession to his queen stipulated by the peace of the 
Pyrenees : and was upon that pretension like to 
overrun the Netherlands. Temple was sent over to 
enter into an alliance with the Dutch, by which 
some parts of Flanders were yielded up to France, 
but a barrier was preserved for the security of HoU 
land. Into this the king of Sweden, then a child, 
was engaged : so it was called the triple alUance. I 
will say no more of that, since so particular an ac- 
count is given of it by him who could do it best, 
, Temple himself. It was certainly the masterpiece 
of king Charles's life : and, if he had stuck to it, it 
would have been both the strength and the glory of 
his reign. This disposed his people to forgive all 
that was passed, and to renew their confidence in 
him, which was much shaken by the whole conduct 
of the Dutch war. 
Clarendon's ^jje parliament were upon their first opening set 

jntegnty. *■ ^ . . 

on to destroy lord Clarendon. Some of his friends 
went to him a few days before the parliament met ; 
and told him, many were at work to find out mat- 
ter of accusation against him. He best knew what 
could be brought against him with any truth ; for 
' falsehood was infinite, and could not be guessed 
j at. They desired, he would trust some of them 
with what might break out, since probably no- 
(h,i. ' thing could lie concealed against so strict a search. 
And the method in which his friends must manage 
for him, if there was any mixture or allay in him. 


was to be very different from that they could use, 1667. 
if he was sure that nothing could be brought out 
against him. The lord Burlington and bishop Mor- 
ley both told me, they talked to this purpose to 
him. Lord Clarendon upon that told them, that 
if, either in matters of justice or in any negotiations 
abroad, he had ever received a farthing, he gave 
them leave to disown all friendship to him. The 
French king, hearing he had sent for all the books 
of the Louvre impression, had sent these to him, 
which he took, as thinking it a trifle, as indeed it 
was : and this was the only present he ever had 
from any foreign prince : he had never taken any 
thing by virtue of his office, but that which his pre- 
decessors had claimed as a right ^5. But now hue 
and cry were sent out against him : and all persons 
who had heard him say any thing that could bear 
an ill construction, were examined. Some thought, 
they had matters of great weight against him : and, 
when they were told these would not amount to 
high treason, they desired to know what would 
amount to it ^ 

When twenty-three articles were brought into He was im- 
the house against him, the next day he desired his the house 
second son, the now earl of Rochester, to acquaint J* 


I And it has been said, that proof, the last eaxl of Carbery 

he should say to sir Stephen told them, if they would but 

Fox, " If my friends can but impeach him, he would under- 

" forgive me the folly of the take to make out the fact after- 

" great house, there is nothing wards : though I have heard 

" they may not well defend me him since say, he did not know 

*' upon against my enemies." any one thing against him, but 

O. (See above, page 249.) knew he had so many enemies, 

■■ When they made some dif- that he could never waut as- 

ficulty, in the house of com- sistance to make good what he 

mons, of accusing him without said, D. 


1667. the house, that he, hearing what articles were 
TTT brought against him, did in order to the despatch of 
the business, desire that those, who knew best what 
their evidence was, would single out any one of 
the articles that they thought could be best proved ; 
and, if they could prove that, he would submit to 
the censure due upon them aU. But those, who 
had the secret of this in their hands, and knew they 
could make nothing of it, resolved to put the mat- 
ter upon a preliminary, in which they hoped to find 
cause to hang up the whole affair, and fix upon the 
lords the denial of justice. So, according to some 
few and late precedents, they sent up a general im- 
peachment to the lords' bar, of high treason, without 
any special matter ; and demanded, that upon that 
he might be committed to prison. They had rea^ 
son to beHeve the lords would not grant this : and 
therefore they resolved to insist on it; and reck- 
oned, that, when so much money was to be given, 
the king would prevail with the lords. Upon this 
occasion it appeared, that the private animosities of 
a court could carry them to establish the most de- 
structive precedent that could have been thought 
on. For if this had passed, then every minister 
upon a general impeachment was to be ruined, 
though no special matter was laid against him. Yet 
the king himself pressed this vehemently. It was 
said, the very suspicions of a house of commons, espe- 
cially such a one as this was, was enough to blast a 
man, and to secure him : for there was reason td 
! think, that every person so charged would run away, 
if at liberty. Lord Clarendon's enemies had now 
gone far : they thought they were not safe till his 
head was off: and they apprehended, that, if he 


were once in prison, it would be easy either to find, 1667. 

or at least to bring witnesses against him. This ' 

matter is all in print : so I will go no further in the 
particulars. The duke was at this time taken with 
the small-pox : so he was out of the whole debate. 
The peers thought, that a general accusation was 
only a clamour, and that their dignities signified 
little, if a clamour was enough to send them to pri- 
son. All the earl of Clarendon's friends pressed the 
king much on his behalf, that he might be suffered 
to go off gently, and without censure, since he had 
served both his father and himself so long, so faith- 
fully, and with such success. But the king was 
now so sharpened against him, that, though he 
named no particulars, he expressed a violent and ir- 
reconcileable aversion to him ; which did the king 
much hurt in the opinion of all that were not en- 
gaged in the party. The affair of the king's mar- 
riage was the most talked of, as that which indeed 
was the only thing that could in any sort justify 
such a severity. Lord Clarendon did protest, as 
some that had it from himself told me, that he had 
no other hand in that matter, than as a counsellor : 256 
and in that he appealed to the king himself. After 
many debates, and conferences, and protestations, 
in which the whole court went in visibly to that 
which was plainly destructive both to the king and 
to the ministry, the majority of the house stood 
firm, and adhered to their first resolution against 
commitment. The commons were upon that like 
to carry the matter far against the peers, as deny- 
ing justice. The king, seeing this, spoke to the The king 
duke, to persuade lord Clarendon to go beyond sea, would go 
as the only expedient that was left to make up the *^°° 


1667. breach between the two houses : and he let fall 
some words of kindness, in case he should comply 
with this. The earl of Clarendon was all obedi- 
ence and submission ; and was charmed with those 
tender words that the king had said of him. So, 
partly to serve the king, and save himself and his 
family, but chiefly that he might not be the occa^ 
sion of any difference between the king and the 
duke, who had heartily espoused his interest, he 
went privately beyond sea ; and writ a letter from 
Calais to the house of lords, protestirig his innocence 
in all the points objected to him, and that he had 
not gone out of the kingdom for fear, or out of any 
consciousness of guilt, but only that he might not 
be the unhappy occasion of any difference between 
the two houses, or of obstructing public business. 
This put an end to the dispute. But his enemies 
called it a confession of guilt, and a flying from jus- 
tice : such colours wiU people give to the most in- 
nocent actions. 
He was ba- A bill was brought in, banishing him the king's 
act of par. dominious, under pain of treason if he should re- 
lamen . ^^^^ ^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^ made treason to correspond with 

him, without leave from the king. This act did 
not pass without much opposition. It was said, 
there was a known course of law when any man 
fled from justice : and it seemed against the com- 
mon course of justice, to make all corresponding 
with him treason, when he himself was not at- 
tainted of treason ^ : nor could it be just to banish 
him, unless a day were given him to come in : and 
then, if he did not come in, he might incur the pu- 

* -V-- * Bishoj) of Rochester's case. S. 


nishment upon contempt. The duke, whom Ihe I007* 
king had employed to prevail with him to withdraw 
himself, thought he was bound in honour to press 
the matter home on the king; which he did so 
warmly, that for some time a coldness between 
them was very visible. The part the king had 
acted in this matter came to be known; and was 
much censured, as there was just cause for it. The 
vehemence that he shewed in this whole matter was 
imputed by many to very different causes. Those 
who knew him best, but esteemed him least, said to 
me on this occasion, that all the indignation that 257 
appeared in him on this head, was founded on na 
reason at aU ; but was an effect of that easiness, or 
rather laziness of nature, that made him comply 
with every person that had the greatest credit with 
him. The mistress, and the whole bedchamber, 
were perpetually railing at him ^ This, by a sort of 
infection, possessed the king, who, without giving 
himself the trouble of much thinking, did commonly 
go into any thing that was at the present time the 
easiest, without considering what might at any other 

' I have heard ray uncle say, Cleveland, who hated lord Cla- 
(who was a groom of the bed- rendon most heartily, therefore 
chamber,) the first proof the took care he should know what 
courtiers had of his being out of a jest he was made of at court,, 
favour, was Harry Killigrew's in hopes (knowing him to be a 
mimicking of him before the very proud man) that it would 
king ; which he could do in a have provoked him to have quit- 
very ridiculous manner, by car- ted his post. D. In the MS. be- 
rying the bellows about the fore spoken of, he intimates, that 
room, instead of a purse^ and an- his misfortunes were chiefly 
other before him with a shovel owing to the ladies and laugh- 
for a mace, and could counterfeit ers at court. This MS. is now 
his voice and style very exactly ; in print, which see, for the ac- 
which the king was so much count of the prosecution against 
pleased with, that he made him him. O. (Lord Clarendon's 
do it before the duchess of Life and the Continuation.) v 


1667. time follow on it. Thus the lord Clarendon fell 
under the common fate of great ministers ; whose 
employment exposes them to envy, and draws upon 
them the indignation of all who are disappointed in 
their pretensions. Their friends do generally shew, 
that they are only the friends of their fortunes : and 
upon the change of favour, they not only forsake 
them in their extremity, but, that they may secure 
to themselves the protection of a new favourite,^ 
they wiU. labour to redeem all that is past, by 
turning as violently against them as they formerly 
fawned abjectly upon them^: and princes are so 
little sensible of merit or great services, that they 
sacrifice their best servants, not only when their af- 
fairs seem to require it, but to gratify the humour 
of a mistress, or the passion of a rising favourite. 
Thecharac- J ^^jj g^d this relation of lord Clarendon's fall 

ter of his 

two sons, with an account of his two sons. The eldest, now 
the earl of Clarendon, is a man naturally sincere r 
[except in the payment of his debts ; in which he 
had a particular art, upon his breaking of his pro- 
mises, which he does very often, to have a plausible 
excuse, and a new promise ever ready at hand : in 
which he has run longer than one could think possi- 
ble.] He is a friendly and good-natured man. He 
keeps an exact journal of all that passes", and is 
punctual to tediousness in all that he relates. He 
was very early engaged in great secrets : for his fa- 
ther, apprehending of what fatal consequence it would 
have been to the king's affairs, if his correspondence 
had been discovered by unfaithful secretaries, engaged 

" Stupid moralist. S. volumes quarto, from the Cla-: 

r « (It was published, together rendon press in 1763.) 
with his State Letters, in two 


Him when very young to write all his letters to Eng- 1667. 
land in cipher; so that he was generally half the 
day writing in cipher, or deciphering, and was so 
discreet, as weU as faithful, that nothing was ever _ 
discovered by him. He continued to be still the' 
person whom his father trusted most : and was the 
most beloved of all the family ; for he was humble 
and obliging, [but was peevish and splenetic ^.3 
His judgment was not to be much depended on; 
for he was much carried by vulgar prejudices and 
false notions. He was much in the Queen's favour, 
and was her chamberlain long y. His father's being 
so violently prosecuted on the account of her mar- 
riage, made that she thought herself bound to pro- 
tect him in a particular manner. He was so pro- 
voked at the iU usage his father met with, that he 
struck in violently with the party that opposed the 
court : and the king spoke always of him with great 258 
sharpness and much scorn. His brother, now earl 
of Rochester, is a man of far greater parts. He has 
a very good pen '', but speaks not gracefully ^. He 
was thought the smoothest man in the court : and 
during all the dispute concerning his father, he made 
his court so dexterously, that no resentments ever 
appeared on that head. When he came into busi- 

^ though sometimes peevish, knew a man that was so soon 

was substituted by the editors. put into a passion, that was so 

y much, much, much. S. long before he could bring 

* I suppose it was of gold or himself out of it, in which he 

silver. S. would say things that were 

^ He was apt to give a posi- never forgot by any body but 

tive assertion instead of an ar- himself: therefore had always 

gument ; and when any objec- more enemies than he thought : 

tion was made to it, all the an- though he had as many pro- 

swer was, that he could not fessedly so, as any man of hb 

help thinking so. And 1 never time. D. j 


1667. ness, and rose to high posts, he grew violent [and 
insolent:] but was thought an incoiTupt man. He 
has high notions of government, and thinks it must 
be maintained with great severity. He delivers up 
his own notions to his party, that he may lead them; 
[and on aU occasions he is wilful and imperious.] He 
passes for a sincere man, and seems to have toa 
much heat to be false. [This natural heat is in- 
fluenced by frequent excesses in drinking.] Morley 
was long dean of the chapel : but he stuck so to the 
lord Clarendon, that he was sent into his diocese J 
and Crofts, bishop of Hereford, was made dean in his 
room. Crofts was a warm devout man, but of na 
discretion in his conduct : so he lost ground quickly. 
He used much freedom with the king ; but it was iw 
the wrong place, not in private, but in the pulpit. 
The king The king was highly offended at the behaviour of 

was much • i 

offended most of the bishops : and he took occasion to vent 
bishops, it at the council board. Upon the complaints that 
were made of some disorders, and of some convent- 
icles, he said, the clergy were chiefly to blame for 
these disorders ; for if they had lived well, and 
had gone about their parishes, and taken pains to 
convince the nonconformists, the nation might have 
been by that time weU settled. But they thought 
of nothing but to get good benefices, and to keep a 
good table. This I read in a letter that sir Robert 
Murray writ down to Scotland : and it agrees with 
a conversation that the king was pleased to have 
with my self once, when I was alone with him in 
his closet. While we were talking of the ill state 
the church was in, I was struck to hear a prince of 
his course of life so much disgusted at the ambition, 
covetousness, and the scandals of the clergy. He 


said, if the clergy had done their part, it had been 1667. 
an easy thing to run down the nonconformists : but 
he added, they will do nothing, and will have me do 
every thing: and most of them do worse than if 
they did nothing. He told me, he had a chaplain, 
that was a very honest man, but a very great block- 
head ^, to whom he had given a living in Suffolk, 
that was fuU of that sort of people : he had gone 
about among them from house to house ; though he 
could not imagine what he could say to them ; for 
he said he was a very silly feUow : but that, he be- 
lieved, his nonsense suited their nonsense, for he 
had brought them all to church : and, in reward of 259 
his diligence, he had given him a bishopric in Ire- 

Bridgman and Wilkins set on foot a treaty, for a 1668. 
comprehension of such of the dissenters as could be for^a^com- 
brought into the communion of the church, and a Jf^^^jj*"*'^'^" 
toleration of the rest. Hale, the chief justice, con-^'yterians. 
curred with them in the design. Tillotson, Stilling- 
fleet, and Burton joined also in it. Bates, Manton, 
and Baxter were called for on the side of the pres- 
byterians. And a project was prepared, consisting 
chiefly of those things that the king had promised 
by his declaration in the year I66O. Only in the 
point of re-ordination this temper was proposed, 
that those who had presbyterian ordination should 
be received to serve in the church by an imposition 
of hands, accompanied with words which imported, 
that the person so ordained was received to serve as 
a minister in the church of England. This treaty 

" Bishop Woolly of Clonfert. S. 
VOL. I. G g 


1668. became a common subject of discourse. AU lord 
Clarendon's friends cried out, that the church was 
undermined and betrayed : it was said, the cause of 
the church was given up, if we yielded any of those 
points, about which there had been so much disput- 
ing : if the sectaries were humble and modest, and 
would tell what would satisfy them, there might be 
some colour for granting some concessions : but it 
was unworthy of the church to go and court, or 
treat with enemies ; when there was no reason to 
think, that after we had departed from our grounds, 
which was to confess we had been in the wrong, 
(jt. that we should gain much by it, unless it was to 
bring scorn and contempt on ourselves'^. On the 
other hand it was said, the nonconformists could not 
legally meet together, to offer any schemes in the 
name of their party: it was well enough known, 
what they had always excepted to, and what would 
probably bring over most of the presbyterians : such 
a yielding in some lesser matters would be no re- 
proach, but an honour to the church ; that, how 
much soever she might be superior both in point of 
argument and of power, she would yet of her own 
accord, and for peace sake, yield a great deal in 
matters indifferent : the apostles complying with 
many of the observances of the Jews, and the offers 
that the church of Africk made to the Donatists 
were much insisted on : the fears of popery, and the 
progress that atheism was making, did alarm good 
and wise men : and they thought, every thing that 
could be done without sin ought to be done towards 
the healing our divisions. Many books were upon 
that account writ, to expose the presbyterians, as 

^ I think so too. S. 


men of false notions in religion, which led to Anti- 1668. 
nomianism, and which would soon carry them into 26O 
a dissolution of morals, under a pretence of being 
justified by faith only, without works. The three 
volumes of the Friendly Debate, though writ by a 
very good man ^, and with a good intent, had an ill 
effect in sharpening people's spirits too much against 
them. But the most virulent of aU that writ against 
the sects was Parker, afterwards made bishop of 
Oxford by king James ; who was full of satirical vi- 
vacity, and was considerably learned; but was a 
man of no judgment, and of as little virtue, and as 
to religion rather impious. After he had for some 
years entertained the nation with several virulent 
books, writ with much life, he was attacked by the 
liveliest droll ^ of the age, who writ in a burlesque 
strain, but with so peculiar and so entertaining a 
conduct, that, from the king down to the tradesman, 
his books were read with great pleasure. That not [ 

only humbled Parker, but the whole party : for the 
author of the Rehearsal Transprosed ^ had all the 
men of wit (or, as the French phrase it, all the 
laughers) on his side. But what advantages soever 
the men of comprehension might have in any other 
respect, the majority of the house of commons was 
so possessed against them, that when it was known 
in a succeeding session, that a bill was ready to be 
offered to the house for that end, a very extraordi- 
nary vote passed, that no bill to that purpose should 
be received. 

An act passed in this session for rebuilding the The city of 

. "* Writ by bishop Patrick, S. " Parker with pleasure, though built. 

'^ What is a droll ? S. " the book it answers is sunk 

'^ Andrew Marvel. O. ("We " long ago." Swift's Apology 

" still read Marvel's answer to prefixed to the Tale of the Tub.) 

G g 2 


1668. city of London, which gave lord chief justice Hale a 
great reputation : for it was drawn with so true a 
judgment, and so great foresight, that the whole 
city was raised out of its ashes without any suits of 
law ; which, if that bill had not prevented them, 
would have brought a second charge on the city, 
not much less than the fire it self had been. And 
upon that, to the amazement of all Europe, London 
was in four years' time rebuilt, with so much beauty 
and magnificence, that we who saw it in both states, 
before and after the fire, cannot reflect on it without 
wondering where the wealth could be found to bear 
so vast a loss as was made by the fire, and so prodi- 
gious an expense as was laid out in the rebuilding 
it. This did demonstrate, that the intrinsic wealth 
of the nation was very high, when it could answer 
such a dead charge. 
Designs J return to the intrigues of the court. Lord Cla- 

for putting '-' 

away the rcudon's encmics thought they were not safe, as long 
as the duke had so much credit with the king, and 
the duchess had so much power over him : so they 
fell on propositions of a strange nature to ruin them. 
The duke of Buckingham pressed the king to own 
a marriage with the duke of Monmouth's mother : 
261 and he undertook to get witnesses to attest it. The 
duke of York told me, in general, that there was 
much talk about it : but he did not descend to par- 
ticulars. The earl of Carhsle offered to begin the 
matter in the house of lords. The king would not 
consent to this : yet he put it by in such a manner, 
as made them all conclude, he wished it might be 
done, but did not know how to bring it about. 
These discourses were all carried to the duke of 
Monmouth, and got fatally into his head. When 


the duke talked of this matter to me in the year se- '^68. 
venty-three, I asked him, if he thought that the king 
had still the same inclinations ? He said he believed 
not: he thought the duke of Monmouth had not 
spirit enough to think of it : and he commended the 
duchess of Monmouth so highly as to say to me, 
that the hopes of a crown could not work on her to 
do an unjust thing. I thought he gave that matter 
too much countenance, by calling the duke of Mon- 
mouth nephew: but he said it pleased the king. 
When the party saw they could make nothing ot 
the business of the duke of Monmouth, they tried 
next by what methods they could get rid of the 
queen ; that so the king might marry another wife : 
for the king had children by so many different crea- 
tures, that they hoped for issue, if he had a wife ca- 
pable of any. Some thought, the queen and he 
were not legally married : but the avowing a mar- 
riage, and the living many years in that state, did 
certainly supply any defect in point of form. Others 
pretended, she was barren from a natural cause, and 
that seemed equivalent to impotence in men. But 
the king often said, he was sure she had once mis- 
carried s. This, though not overthrown by such an 
evidence, could never be proved ; unless the having 
no children was to be concluded a barrenness : and 
the dissolving a marriage on such an account could 
neither be justified in law nor conscience. Other 
stories were given out of the queen's person, which 
were false : for I saw in a letter under the king's 

B (The earl of Arlingtoa, in a child, of which she had gone 

letter to sir William Temple, twenty weeks. Salmon's Exar 

informs him, that in this year mination, p. 6i6.) 
her majesty miscarried of a 


1668. own hand, that the marriage was consummated. 

' Others talked of polygamy : and officious persons 

were ready to thrust themselves into any thing that 
could contribute to their advancement. Lord Lau- 
derdale and sir Robert Murray asked my opinion of 
these things. I said, I knew speculative people 
could say a great deal in the way of argument for 
polygamy and divorce : yet these things were so de- 
cried, that they were rejected by all christian socie- 
ties : so that all such propositions would throw us 
into great convulsions ; and entail war upon us, if 
any issue came from a marriage so grounded ^. 

A divorce ^u accidcut happened at that time, that made 

enacted for ^ _ ^ ^ 

adultery, the discoursiug of those matters the common subject 
"^""^ of conversation. The lord Roos, afterwards earl of 
Rutland, brought proofs of adultery against his 
wife ; and obtained a sentence of divorce in the 
spiritual court ; which amounting only to a separa- 
tion from bed and board, he moved for a biU dis- 
solving the bond, and enabling him to marry another 
wife. The duke and aU his party apprehended the 
consequences of a parliamentary divorce : so they 
opposed this with great heat: and almost all the 
bishops were of that side : only Cosins and Wilkins, 
the bishops of Durham and Chester, were for it. 
And the king was as earnest in the setting it on, as 
the duke was in opposing it. The zeal which the 

^ (There is extant a brief re- ginal, in the author's hand-writ- 

■ solution by Burnet of two cases ing, was copied at Ham in 1680, 

of conscience, viz. Is a woman's with duke Lauderdale's pennis- 

barrenness a just ground for di- sion, by Paterson, archbishop of 

vorce or polygamy ; and is poly- Glasgow, testified under his 

gamy in any case lawful under episcopal seal, it being then in 

the Gospel? The questions are the duke's possession. The cases 

resolved affirmatively. The ori- were printed in 173 1.) 


two brothers expressed on that occasion made all 1668. 
people conclude, that they had a particular concern 
in the matter. The hall passed 1 and upon that 
precedent some moved the king, that he would or- 
der a bill to be brought in to divorce him from the 
queen. This went so fai', that a day was agreed on 
for making the motion in the house of commons, as 
Mr. May of the privy purse told me ; (who had the 
greatest and longest share in the king's secret coiw. P,^S* 
fidence of any man in that time; for it was never 
broke off, though often shaken, he being in his no- 
tions against every thing that the king was for, both 
France, popery, and arbitrary government : but a 
particular sympathy of temper, and his serving the 
king in his vices, created a confidence much envied, 
and often attempted to be broke, but never with any 
success beyond a short coldness :) but he added, 
when he told me of this design, that three days be- 
fore the motion was to be made, the king called 
for him, and told him, that matter must be let 
alone, for it would not do. This disturbed him 
much J for he had engaged himself far in laying the 
thing, and in managing those who were to under- 
take the debate. l nr^im yd iaiii 

At this time the court fell into mucH extrava- A great dis- 
solution of 
gance in masquerading; both king and queen, and aU morals lu 

the court, went about masked, and came into houses 
unknown, and danced there with a great deal of 
wild frolic. In aU this people were so disguised, 
that without being on the secret none could dis- 
tinguish them '. They were carried about in hackney 
chairs. Once the queen's chairmen, not knowing 

' King George. S. 
G g 4 


1(5(58. who she was, went from her : so she was alone, and 
was much disturbed, and came to Whitehall in a 
hackney coach : some say it was in a cart. The 
duke of Buckingham proposed to the king, that he 
would give him leave to steal her away, and send 
her to a plantation, where she should be well and 
carefully looked to, but never heard of any more ; 
so it should be given out, that she had deserted; 
263 and upon that it would fall in with some princi- 
ples to carry an act for a divorce, grounded upon 
the pretence of a wilful desertion. Sir Robert Mur- 
ray told me, that the king himself rejected this with 
horror. He said, it was a wicked thing to make a 
poor lady miserablCj only because she was his wife, 
and had no children by him, which was no fault of 
hers. The hints of this broke out : for the duke of 
Buckingham could conceal nothing. And upon that 
the earl of Manchester, then lord Chamberlain, told 
the queen, it Was neither decent nor safe for her 
to go about in such a manner as she had done 
of late : so she gave it over. But at last all these 
schemes settled in a proposition, into which the king 
went ; which was to deal with the queen's confessor, 
that he might persuade her to leave the world, and 
to turn rehgious : upon which the parliament would 

i have been easily prevailed on to pass a divorce. This 

came to be known : but what steps were made in it 
were never known. It was believed, that upon this 
the duchess of York sent an express to Rome with 
the notice of her conversion ; and that orders were 
sent from Rome to aU about the queen to persuade 
her against such a proposition, if any should sug- 
gest it to her. She herself had no mind to be a nun : 
and the duchess was afraid of seeing another queen : 


and the mistress, created at that time duchess of 1668. 
Cleveland, knew that she must be the first sacrifice 
to a beloved queen : and she reconciled herself upon 
this to the duchess of York. The duke of Bucking- 
ham upon that broke with her, and studied to take 
the king from her by new amours : and because he 
thought a gayety of humour would take much with 
the king, he engaged him to entertain two players 
one after another, Davies and Guin. The first did not 
keep her hold long ; but Guin, the indiscreetest and 
wildest creature that ever was in a court, continued 
to the end of the king's life in great favour, and was 
maintained at a vast expense. The duke of Buck- 
ingham told me, that when she was first brought to 
the king, she asked only five hundred pounds a year : 
and the king refused it. But when he told me this, 
al30ut four years after, he said, she had got of the 
king above sixty thousand pounds. She acted all 
persons in so lively a manner, and was such a con- 
stant diversion to the king, that even a new mistress 
could not drive her away. But after all, he never 
treated her with the decencies of a mistressJ, [but 
rather with the lewdness of a prostitute ; as she had 
been indeed to a great many : and therefore she 
called the king her Charles the third. Since she had 
been formerly kept by two of that name.] The king 
had another mistress, that was managed by lord 
Shaftsbury, who was the daughter of a clergyman, 
Roberts ; in whom her first education had so deep a 
root, that, though she fell into many scandalous dis- 
orders, with very dismal adventures in them all, yet 
a principle of religion was so deep-laid in her, that, 

j Pray what decencies are those ? S. 

.1668. though it did not restrain her, yet it kept alive in 

~ 264 ^^^ ^"^^ ^ constant horror at sin, that she was never 
easy in an ill course, and died with a great sense of 
her former ill life. I was often with her the last three 
months of her life. The duchess of Cleveland, find- 
ing that she had lost the king'^, abandoned herself to 
great disorders : one of which, by the artifice of the 
duke of Buckingham, was discovered by the king in 
person, the party concerned leaping out of the win- 
dow K She also spoke of the king to all people in 
such a manner, as brought him under much con- 
tempt. But he seemed insensible : and though libels 
of all sorts had then a very free course, yet he was 
never disturbed at it. ,/ JKiftt^om MoS mmhitil 

Many libels The thrcc most eminent wits of that time, on 
best ^ite'of ^^^"^ all the lively libels were fastened, were the 
that time, earls of Dorset and Rochester, and sir Charles Sid- 
ley. Lord Dorset was a generous good-natured man. 
He was so oppressed with phlegm, that till he was a 
little heated with wine he scarce ever spoke : but he 
was upon that exaltation a very lively man. Never 
was so much iU nature in a pen as in his, joined 
with so much good nature as was in himself, even 
to excess; for he was against all punishing, even 
of malefactors. He was bountiful, even to run him- 
self into difficulties : and charitable to a fault ; for 
he commonly gave aU he had about him, when he 
met an object that moved him. But he was so lazy, 

''The king made Will Legge 'Jack Churchill, since duke of 

sing a ballad to her, that began Marlborough, who, the duchess 

with these words — Poor AUin- said, had received a great deal 

da's growing old ; those charms of her money for very little ser- 

are now no more — which she vice done her, to a near relation 

understood were applied to her- of hers, from whom I had it. D. 
self. D. 


that, though the king seemed to court him to be 1668. 
a favourite, he would not give himself the trouble 
that belonged to that post. He hated the court, and 
despised the king, when he saw he was neither ge- 
nerous nor tender hearted. Wilmot, earl of Roches- 
ter, was naturally modest, till the court corrupted 
him. His wit had in it a peculiar brightness, to 
which none could ever arrive. He gave himself up 
to all sorts of extravagance, and to the wildest fro- 
lics that a wanton wit could devise. He would have 
gone about the streets as a beggar, and made love as 
a porter. He set up a stage as an Italian mounte- 
bank. He was for some years always drunk, and was 
ever doing some mischief. The king loved his com- 
pany for the diversion it afforded, better than his 
person : and there was no love lost between them ™. 
He took his revenges in many libels. He found out 
a footman that knew all the court, and he furnished 
him with a red coat and a musket as a centinel, 
and kept him all the winter long every night at the 
doors of such ladies as he believed might be in in- 
trigues. In the court a centinel is little minded, and 
is believed to be posted by a captain of the guards 
to hinder a combat: so this man saw who walked 
about, and visited at forbidden hours. By this means 
lord Rochester made many discoveries. And when 
he was well furnished with materials, he used to 
retire into the country for a month or two to write 265 
libels : once being drunk, he intended to give the 
king a libel that he had writ on some ladies : but 
by a mistake he gave him one written on himself. 
He fell into an ill habit of body : and in several 

•" A noble phrase. S. 


1668. fits of sickness he had deep remorses ; for he was 
guilty both of much impiety and of great immo* 
ralities. But as he recovered he threw these off, 
and turned again to his former ill courses. In the 
last year of his life I was much with him, and have 
writ a book of what passed between him and me. 
I do verily believe, he was then so entirely changed, 
that, if he had recovered, he would have made good 
all his resolutions. Sidley had a more sudden and 
copious wit, which furnished a perpetual run of dis- 
course " : but he was not so correct as lord Dorset, 
nor so sparkling as lord Rochester. The duke of 
Buckingham loved to have these much about him : 
and he gave himself up to a monstrous course of 
studied immoralities of the worst kinds : he was so 
fuU of merciu'y, that he could not fix long in any 
friendship, or to any design. Bennet, now made lord 
Arlington, and he fell out : Bennet was all cunning 
and artifice, and so could not hold long with him, 
who was so open that he disclosed every thing. Lord 
Arlington was engaged in a great intimacy with 
CUfford, Litletoun, and Duncomb. I have already 
given some account of the two first. Duncomb was 
a judicious man, but very haughty, and apt to raise 
enemies against himself: he was an able parliament 
man : but could not go into aU the designs of the 
court ; for he had a sense of religion, and a zeal for 
the liberty of his country. The duke of Bucking- 
ham's chief friends were the earls of Shaftsbury and 
Lauderdale, but above all sir Thomas Osbom, raised 
afterwai'ds [by him] to be lord treasurer and earl of 
Danby, and since made duke of Leeds by the late king, 

" No better a critic in wit than style. S. 


The king took sir William Coventry from the 1668. 
Duke, and put him in the treasury. He was in a fair sirwiuiam 
way to be the chief minister, and deserved it more ^^o^^t^y'* 

'' ^ character. 

than all the rest did. But he was too honest to en- 
gage in the designs into which the court was re- 
solved to go, as soon as it had recovered a little re- 
putation ; which was sunk very low by the ill ma- 
nagement of the Dutch war, and the squandering 
away of the money given for it. He was a man of the 
finest and the best temper that belonged to the 
court". The duke of Buckingham and he fell out; I 
know not for what reason : and a challenge passed 
between them, upon which Coventry was forbid the 
court P. And he upon that seemed to retire very 
willingly : and he was become a very religious man 
when I knew him. He was offered after that the 
best post in the court, often er than once : but he 
would never engage again^. He saw what was at bot- '^^Q 
tom, and was resolved not to go through with it ; and 
so continued to his death in a retired course of life* 

^ Compare this with lord Cla- them, upon which Coventry 

rendon's account of him, in the challenged him, as his nephew* 

History of his own Life. Lord lord Weymouth, told me. D. 
Clarendon and bishop Burnet ^ In any court office : but 

wrote of him, at diiferent parts continued to attend the par- 

of his life, and as they were dif- liament, acting a great part 

ferently acquainted with him. there, in very able though de- 

O. cent opposition to the court 

P Sir William Coventry was measures, and those debates 
the most esteemed and beloved were chiefly carried on ber 
of any courtier that ever sat in tween him and his brother Mr. 
the house of commons, where Henry Coventry, then secre- 
bis word always passed for an tary of state, who however was 
undoubted truth without further of a fair character in himself, 
inquiry, which the Duke of and deemed the only honest mi- 
Buckingham would have had nister the king had since my 
him made use of to deceive lord Clarendon. O. 


1668. The duke of Ormond continued still in the go- 
The govern- vcmment of Ireland, though several interests joined 
T^Tnd together against him. The earls of Orrery and 
changed. Rauelagh on the one hand, and Talbot on the other. 
Lord Orrery [was a deceitful and vain man, who] 
loved to appear in business ; but dealt so much un- 
derhand, that he had not much credit with any side. 
Lord Ranelagh was a young man of great parts, and 
as great vices : he had a pleasantness in his conversa- 
tion that took much with the king, and had a great 
dexterity in business. Many complaints were secretly 
brought against the duke of Ormond. The king 
loved him : and he accommodated himself much to 
the king's humour. Yet the king was, with much 
difficulty, prevailed on to put an end to his govern- 
ment of Ireland, and to put lord Roberts, afterwards 
made earl of Radnor, in his place ; who was a [sul- 
;,. len and] morose man, believed to be severely just, 
and as wise as a cynical humour could allow him to 
be^ The manner of removing the duke of Ormond 
will give a particular character of the king's temper. 
He sent Lord Arlington to him for his commission. 
The duke of Ormond said, he had received it from 
the king's own hands, and he would go and deliver 
it to him. When he carried it to the king, the king 
denied he had sent him any such message. Two 
days after that, lord Arlington was sent again with 
the same message : and he had the same answer : 
and the king disowned it again to the duke. So the 
king declared in the privy council the change of the 
government of Ireland, and made Roberts lord-lieu4' 

^ How does that hinder wisdom ? 


tenant. And it flew abroad as a piece of news. 166&, 
The duke of Ormond hearing that, came to the * 

king in great wrath, to expostulate upon it. But the 
king denied the whole thing, and sent him away : ( 

but he sent for Fitzpatrick, who had married his 
sister, and who told me the whole story, and sent 
him to the duke of Ormond, to tell him, the king 
had denied the matter, though it^ was true, for he 
observed he was in such a heat, that he was afraid 
he might have said indecent things : and he was re- 
solved not to fall out with him : for, though his affairs 
made it necessary to change the government of Ire- 
land, yet he would still be kind to him, and continue 
him lord steward. Lord Radnor did not continue long 
in Ireland : he was cynical in his whole administra- 
tion, and uneasy to the king in every thing : and in 
one of his peevish humours he writ to the king, that 
he had but one thing to ask of him, which if it 
might be granted, he would never ask another, and 
that was, to be discharged of his employment. The' 
lord Berkeley succeeded him, who was brother tcf 
the lord Fitzharding, and from small beginnings had 267 
risen up to the greatest post a subject was capable 
of. In the war he was governor of Exeter for the 
king, and one of his generals. He was named by 
him governor to the duke of York. He was now 
made lord-lieutenant of Ireland; and afterwards 
sent ambassador to France, and plenipotentiary to 
Nimeguen. He was a man [bold and enterprising] 
in whom it appeared with how little true judgment 
courts distribute favours and honours. He had a 
positive way of undertaking and determining in 
every thing, [and looked fierce and big : and was a 


1668. very weak man% and corrupt without shame or de*? 
""^ cencyS] 

The com- The court delivered itself up to vice. And the 
Brook- house of commons lost all respect in the nation ; for 
house. ^j^^y gave stUl all the money that was asked. Yet 
those who opposed the court carried one gi'eat 
point, that a committee should be named to examine 
the accounts of the money that was given during the 
Dutch war. It was carried, that they should be all 
men out of the house. Lord Brereton was the chief 
of them, and had the chair. He was a philosophical 
man, and was ^U his life long in search of the philo- 
sopher's stone, by which he neglected his own affairs ; 
but was a man of great integrity, and was not to be 
gained by the flatteries, hopes, or threatenings of the 
court- Sir William Turner was another of the com- 
mittee, who had been lord mayor of London the for- 
mer year, under whose wise and just administration 
the rebuilding of the city advanced so fast, that he 
would have been chosen lord mayor for the ensuing 
year, if he had not decUned it. Pierpoint was like- 
wise of this committee : so was sir James Langham, a 
very weak man, famed only for his readiness of speakf 
ing florid Latin, which he had attained to a degree 
beyond any man of the age ; but [he was become a 
pedant with it, and] his style was too poetical, and 
full of epithets and figures. :/ 

Halifax's I name sir George Saville last, because he de- 
character. ^ 

* I have read some letters ther's death. They are in the 

of his, which shew him to be a custody of sir Robert Long of 

man of no mean parts, though Wilts. O. 
of very loose principles ; the * The editors substituted, but 

letters were written to Long, was a very weak man, and not 

secretary to Charles the second ; incorrupt. 
both before and after his fa- 


serves a more copious character. He rose after- 1668. 
wards to be viscount, earl, and marquis of Halifax. 
He was a man of a great and ready wit ; full of life, 
and very pleasant ; much turned to satire ". He let 
his wit run much on matters of religion : so that he 
passed for a bold and determined atheist; though 
he often protested to me, he was not one ; and said, 
he believed there was not one in the world: he 
confessed, he could not swallow down every thing 
that divines imposed on the world : he was a Chris- 
tian in submission : he believed as much as he could, 
and he hoped that God would not lay it to his 
charge, if he could not digest iron, as an ostrich 
did, nor take into his belief things that must burst 
him : if he had any scruples, they were not sought 
for, nor cherished by him ; for he never read an 
atheistical book. In a fit of sickness, I knew him 
very much touched with a sense of religion. I was 268 
then often with him. He seemed fuU of good pur- 
poses : but they weht off with his sickness. He 
was always talking of morality and friendship. He 
was punctual in all payments, and just in all his 
private dealings. But, with relation to the public, 
he went backwards and forwards, and changed 
sides so often, that in conclusion no side trusted 
him. He seemed full of commonwealth notions : 
yet he went into the worst pg,rt of king Charles's 
reign. [He was out of measure vain and ambi- 
tious.] The liveliness of his imagination was al- 

^ I remember Burnet once none of that salt which sea- 
made a very long impertinent soned all things ; if it had, he 
speech in the house of lords, for was sure the bishop would 
prohibiting the use of French have spoke more to the pur- 
salt; which the marquis desired pose, though possibly less in 
the house would excuse, it being quantity. D. 

VOL. I. H li 


1668. ways too hard for his judgment. A severe jest was 
preferred by him to all arguments whatsoever. And 
he was endless in consultations : for when after 
much discourse a point was settled, if he could find 
a new jest, to make even that which was suggested 
by himself seem ridiculous, he could not hold, but 
would study to raise the credit of his wit, though it 
made others caU his judgment in question ". When 
he talked to me, as a philosopher, of his contempt 
of the world, I asked him what he meant by get- 
ting so many new titles, which I called the hanging 
himself about with beUs and tinsel. He had no 
other excuse for it, but this, that, since the world 
were such fools as to value those matters, a man 
must be a fool for company : he considered them 
but as rattles : yet rattles please children : so these 
might be of use to his family. His heart was much 
set on raising his family. But, though he made a 
vast estate for them, he buried two of his sons him- 
self, and almost all his grandchildren. The son 
that survived was an honest man, but far inferior to 
him, [which appeared the more sensibly, because he 
affected to imitate him; but the distance was too 
wide.] I do not remember who besides these were 

. "In the house of lords he into ridicule. In king James's 

affected to conclude all his dis- time he told his lady he was 

courses with a jest, though the sorry he must part with her, 

subject were never so serious, but he designed to turn papist, 

and if it did not meet with the She said, she hoped he would 

applause he expected, would be consider better of it, but if he 

extremely out of countenance did, where was the necessity of 

and silent, till an opportunity parting fi'om her? He said, 

offered to retrieve the approba- because he was resolved to be a 

tion he thought he had lost ; priest, and having considered 

but was never better pleased the matter fully, thought it was 

than when he was turning bi- much better to be a coachman 

shop Burnet and his politics than a coach -horse. D, 


of that committee, which, because it sat in Brook- 1668. 
house, was called by the name of that house. i 

The court was much troubled to see an inquiry 1669. 
of this kind set on foot. It was said, the king was na^^^^' 
basely treated, when all his expense was to be"yj£^'"^^ 
looked into. On the other hand it was answered, *^°"'^' 
that the parliament did not look into his revenue, 
but only to the distribution of that treasure that 
was trusted to him for carrying on the war. I was 
told, that, after all the most shameful items that 
eould be put into an account, there was none offered 
for about 800,000/. But I was not then in Eng- 
land : so I was very imperfectly informed as to this 
matter. The chief men that promoted this were 
-taken off, (as the word then was for corrupting 
members,) in which the court made so great a pro- 
gress, that it was thought the king could never 
have been prevailed on to part with a parliament so 
much practised on, and where every man's price 
was known ; for as a man rose in his credit in ,the 
house, he raised his price, and expected to be 
treated accordingly. In all this inquiry the care- 
lessness and luxury of the court came to be so much 
exposed, that the king's spirit was much sharpened 269 
upon it. All the flatterers about him magnified fo- 
reign governments, where the princes were absolute, 
that in France more particularly. Many, to please 
him, said, it was a very easy thing to shake off 
the restraints of law, if the king would but set 
about it. The crown of Denmark was elective, and 
subject to a senate, and yet was in one day, without 
any visible force, changed to be both hereditary and 
absolute, no rebellion nor convulsion of state follow- 

H h 2 


1669. ing on it. The king loved the project in general; 
but would not give himself the trouble of laying or 
managing it. And therefore, tiU his affairs were 
V : made easier, and the project grew clearer, he re- 
solved to keep all things close within himself; and 
went on in the common maxim, to balance party 
against party, and by doing popular things to get 
money of his parliament, under the pretence of sup- 
porting the triple alliance. So money-bills passed 
easily in the house of commons : which by a strange 
reverse came to be opposed in the house of lords ; 
who began to complain, that the money-bills came 
up so thick, that it was said, there was no end of 
their giving. End signifying purpose, as well as a 
measure, this passed as a severe jest at that time. 
Sir John Coventry made a gross reflection on the 
king's amours. He was one of those who struggled 
much against the giving money. The common me- 
thod is : after those who oppose such bills fail in 
the main vote, the next thing they endeavour is, to 
lay^the money on funds that will be unacceptable, 
and win prove deficient. So these men proposed 
the laying a tax on the playhouses, which, in so dis-' 
solute a time, were become nests of prostitution. 
And the stage was defiled beyond all example. Dry- 
den, the great master of dramatic poesy, being a 
monster of immodesty and of impurity of aU sorts. 
This was opposed by the court : it was said, the 
players were the king's servants, and a part of his 
pleasure. Coventry asked, whether did the king's 
pleasure lie among the men or the wonien that 

^ As to his personal charac- are some of them the fullest of 
ter, there was nothing remark- obscenity of any now extant, 
ably vicious in it; but his plays Note in the 8vo edition, 1754. 


acted? This was carried with great indignation to 1669. 
the court. It was said, this was the first time that 
the king was personally reflected on: if it was 
passed over, more of the same kind would follow ; 
and it would grow a fashion to talk so: it was 
therefore fit to take such severe notice of this, that 
nobody should dare to talk at that rate for the fu- 
ture. The duke of York told me, he said all he 
could to the king to divert him from the resolution 
he took; which was to send some of the guards, 
and watch in the streets where sir John lodged, and 
leave a mark upon him. Sands and Obrian, and 
some others, went thither; and as Coventry was 
going home, they drew about him. He stood up to 270 
the wall, and snatched the flambeau out of his ser- 
vant's hands : and with that in the one hand, and 
his sword in the other, he defended himself so weU, 
that he got more credit by it than by all the actions 
of his life. He wounded some of them ; but was 
soon disarmed : and then they cut his nose to the Coventry's 
bone, to teach him to remember what respect hecut.^^** 
owed to the king : and so they left him, and went 
back to the duke of Monmouth's, where Obrian's 
arm was dressed. That matter was executed by 
orders from the duke of Monmouth : for which he 
was severely censured, because he lived then in pro- 
fessions of friendship with Coventry ; so that his 
subjection to the king was not thought an excuse 
for directing so vile an attempt on his friend, with- 
out sending him secret notice of what was designed. 
Coventry had his nose so weU needled up, that the 
scar was scarce to be discerned ^. This put the 

^ Sir J. Coventry always pro- testant, and was much engaged 
fessed himself a zealous pro- in the Whig partv, but in his 

H h 3 ' 



1669. house of commons in a furious uproar. They passed 
a bill of banishment against the actors of it; and 
put a clause in it, that it should not be in the king's 
power to pardon them^. This gave great advan- 
tages to all those that opposed the court : and was 
often remembered, and much improved, by all the 
angry men of this time. The names of the court 
and country party, which tiU now had seemed to be 
forgotten, were again revived. 

When the city was pretty well rebuilt, they be- 
gan to take care of the churches, which had lain in 
ashes some years. And in that time conventicles 
abounded in all the parts of the city. It was 
thought hard to hinder men from worshipping God 
any way as they could, when there were no 
churches, nor ministers to look after them. But 

A new pro- 
secution of 


will recommended his soul to 
the intercession of the Blessed 
Virgin, and desired his body 
might be buried in Somerset 
house chapel, and left most of 
his estate to the English Je- 
suits at St. Omer's ; to the great 
surprise of all his family, (as 
lord Wentworth told me, who 
was his near relation, and pre- 
sent at the opening of it,) there 
never having been the least sus- 
picion during his life. The will 
was afterwards set aside by 
I»w. D. 

y And to perpetuate the me- 
mory of this mean outrage, 
there is a provision in the act 
to make it felony without be- 
nefit of clergy, maliciously to 
maim or disfigure any person 
in the manner there mentioned. 
See, in the State Trials, that of 
one Coke, convicted upon this 
pet. The words spoken by 
Coventry were indiscreet and 

very indecent in the place 
where he was, and the house 
might well have censured him 
for them ; but this method of 
punishing him was of the high- 
est concernment to both houses ; 
and unnoticed, might have been 
of the most dangerous conse- 
quence with regard to their 
privileges. The duke of York's 
behaviour in this matter was 
like that of a great man, and 
the king's and duke of Mon- 
mouth's Jthat of assassins. O. 
(Salmon observes, that "should 
" a man have asked such a 
" question in some other reigns, 
" as sir John Coventry did in 
" this, whether the king's plea- 
" sure lay among the men or 
** women players, he doubts, 
" whether the loss of a nose 
" would have been considered 
" a sufficient punishment for 
" his insolence." Examination^ 
p. 619.) 


they began to raise churches of boards, till the pub- 1669. 
lie allowance should be raised towards the building 
the churches. These they called tabernacles : and 
they fitted them up with pews and galleries as 
churches. So now an act was proposed, reviving 
the former act against conventicles, with some new 
clauses in it. One was very extraordinary, that if 
any doubt should arise concerning the meaning of 
any part of this act, it was to be determined in the 
sense that was the most contrary to conventicles, it 
being the intention of the house to repress them in 
the most effectual manner possible. The other was, 
the laying a heavy fine on such justices of the peace, 
as should not execute the law, when informations 
were brought them. Upon this, many, who would 
not be the instruments of such severities, left the 
bench, and would sit there no longer. This act was 
executed in the city very severely in Starling's 
mayoralty; and put things in such disorder, that 
many of the trading men of the city began to talk 
of removing with their stocks over to Holland. But 271 
the king ordered a stop to be put to farther severi- 
ties. Many of the sects either discontinued their 
meetings, or held them very secretly with small 
numbers, and not in hours of public worship. Yet 
informers were encouraged, and were every where 
at work. The behaviour of the quakers was more 
particular, and had something in it that looked 
bold. They met at the same place and at the 
same hour as before. And when they were seized, 
none of them would go out of the way : they went 
aU together to prison; they staid there till they 
were dismissed ; for they would not petition to be 
set at liberty, nor would they pay their fines set on 

H h 4 


1669. them, nor so much as the jail fees, calling these the 
"^ wages of unrighteousness. And as soon as they 

were let out, they went to their meeting-houses 
again : and, when they found these were shut up 
by order, they held their meetings in the streets, 
before the doors of those houses. They said, they 
would not disown or be ashamed of their meeting 
together to worship God : but, in imitation of Da- 
niel, they would do it the more publicly, because 
they were forbidden the doing it. Some called this 
obstinacy, while others called it firmness. But by 
it they carried their point : for the government 
grew weary of dealing with so much perverseness, 
and so began with letting them alone. 
The king Thc king had by this time got all the money that 
Mioniy to he expected from the house of commons, and that 
S^ic'ras.'*^ after great practice on both lords and commons. 
Many bones of contention were thrown in, to create 
differences between the two houses, to try if by 
both houses insisting on them the money-bills might 
' fall. But, to prevent aU trouble from the lords, the 
king was advised to go, and be present at all their 
debates. Lord Lauderdale valued himself to me on 
this advice, which he said he gave. At first the 
king sat decently on the throne, though even that 
was a great restraint on the freedom of debate; 
which had some effect for a while: though after- 
wards many of the lords seemed to speak with the 
more boldness, because, they said, one heard it to 
whom they had no other access but in that place ; 
and they took the more liberty, because what they 
had said could not be reported wrong. The king, 
who was often weary of time, and did not know 
how to get round the day, liked the going to the 


house, as a pleasant diversion. So he went con- 1669. 
stantly. And he quickly left the throne, and stood 
by the fire; which drew a crowd about him, that 
broke all the decency of that house : for before that 
time every lord sat regularly in his place : but the 
king's coming broke the. order of their sitting as be- 
came senators. The king's going thither had a 
much worse effect : for he became a common soU- 272 
citor, not only in public affairs, but even in private 
matters of justice. He would in a very little time 
have gone round the house, and spoke to every man 
that he thought- worth speaking to. And he was 
apt to do that upon the solicitation of any of the 
ladies in favour, or of any that had credit with 
them. He knew well on whom he could prevail : 
so being once in a matter of justice desired to speak 
to the earl of Essex and the lord Hollis, he said, 
they were stiff and sullen men : but when he was 
next desired to solicit two others, he undertook to 
do it ; and said, they are men of no conscience, so I 
will take the government of their conscience into 
my own hands. Yet when any of the lords told 
him plainly, that they could not vote as he desired, 
he seemed to take it well from them. When the 
act against conventicles was debated in that house, 
Wilkins argued long against it. The king was 
much for having it pass, not that he intended to 
execute it, but he was glad to have that body of 
men at mercy, and to force them to concur in the 
design for a general toleration. He spoke to Wil- 
kins not to oppose it. He answered, he thought it 
an ill thing both in conscience and policy : there- 
fore, both as he was an Englishman and a bishop, 
he was bound to oppose it. The king then desired 
him not to come to the house while it depended. 


1669. He said, by the law and constitution of England, 
'■''"~'~~ and by his majesty's favour, he had a right to debate 
and vote : and he was neither afraid nor ashamed 
to own his opinion in that matter, and to act pursu- 
ant to it. So he went on : and the king was not 
offended with his freedom. But though he bore 
with such a frank refusing to comply with his de- 
*.; sire, yet if any had made him such general answers, 
as led him to believe they intended to be compli- 
ant, and had not in all things done as he expected, 
he called that a juggling with him ; and he was apt 
to speak hardly of them on that account. No 
sooner was the king at ease, and had his fleet put 
in good case, and his stores and magazines well fur- 
nished, than he immediately feU to negotiating with 
France, both to i*uin Holland, and to subvert the 
government of England. The Brook-house busi- 
ness, as well as the burning his fleet, stuck as deep 
as any thing could do in his heart. He resolved to 
revenge the one, and to free himself from the ap- 
prehensions of the other's returning upon him : 
though the house of commons were so far practised 
on, that the report of Brook-house was let fall ; and 
that matter was no more insisted on. Yet he ab- 
horred the precedent, and the discoveries that had 
273 been made upon it. 
Jf^oraugr '^^^ prince of Orange came over to him in the 
^me to the winter 1669. He was then in the twentieth year 
of his age : so he came over, both to see how the 
king intended to pay the great debt that he owed 
him, which had been contracted by his father on 
his account, and likewise to try what offices the 
king would do in order to his advancement to the 
stadtholdership. The king treated him civilly. He 
assured him he would pay the debt: but did not 


lay down any method of doing it: so these were 1669. 
only good words. He tried the prince, as the prince ' 

himself told me, in point of religion : he spoke of 
all the protestants as a factious body, broken among 
themselves ever since they had broken off from the 
main body ; and wished, that he would take more 
pains, and look into these things better, and not to 
be led by his Dutch blockheads. The prince told all 
this to Zuylesteyn, his natural uncle. They were 
both amazed at it: and wondered, how the king 
could trust so great a secret, as his being a papist, 
to so young a person. The prince told me, that he 
never spoke of this to any other person, till after his 
death ^ : but he carried it always in his own mind, 
and could not hinder himself from judging of all the 
king's intentions after that, from the discovery he 
had then made of his own sentiments. Nor did he, 
upon his not complying with that proposition, ex- 
pect any real assistance of the king, but general in- 
tercessions, which signified nothing: and that was 
all he obtained. 

So far have I carried on the thread of the affairs The affairs 

of Scotland. 

of England, down from the peace of Breda to the 
year 1670, in which the negotiation with the court 
of France was set on foot. I am not sure, that 
every thing is told in just order ; because I was all 
the while very much retired from the world and 
from company. But I am confident, I have given 
a true representation of things ; since I had most 
of these matters from persons who knew them well, 
and who were not like to deceive me. But now I 
return to my own country, where the same spirit 
appeared in the administration. 

* That is, his own death. S. 


i66y. The king was now upon measures of moderation. 

J~[^^ and comprehension : so these were also pursued in 

foranac- Scotlaud. Lciffhtoun was the only person among 

tion with the bishops who declared for these methods : and he 

the presby- .,,,.. . 

teriaasin made uo step without talkmg it over to me. A 
^ great many churches were already vacant. The 
people fell off entirely from all the episcopal clergy 
in the western counties : and a set of hot, fiery, 
young teachers went about among them, inflaming 
them more and more : so it was necessary to find a 
remedy for this. Leightoun proposed, that a treaty 
should be set on foot in order to the accommodating 
our differences, and for changing the laws that had 
274 carried the episcopal authority much higher than 
any of the bishops themselves put in practice. He 
saw both church and state were rent : religion was 
like to be lost : popery, or rather barbarity, was like 
to come in upon us : and therefore he proposed such 
a scheme, as he thought might have taken in the 
soberest men of presbyterian principles ; reckoning 
that, if the schism could be once healed, and order 
be once restored, it might be easy to bring things 
into such management, that the concessions then to 
be offered should do no great hurt in present, and 
should die with that generation. He observed the ex- 
traordinary concessions made by the African church 
to the Donatists, who were every whit as wild and 
extravagant as our people were : therefore he went 
indeed very far in the extenuating the episcopal au- 
thority : but he thought it would be easy afterAvards 
to recover what seemed necessary to be yielded at 
present. trm} vrsi <>j irinic : 

He proposed, that the church should be governed 
by the bishops and their clergy, mixing together in 


the church judicatories : in which the bishop should 1669. 

act only as a president, and be determined by the 
majority of his presbyters, both in matters of juris- 
diction and ordination : and that the presbyterians 
should be allowed, when they sat down first in these 
judicatories, to declare, that their sitting under a 
bishop was submitted to by them only for peace 
sake, with a reservation of their opinion with rela- 
tion to any such presidency : and that no negative 
vote should be claimed by the bishop : that bishops 
should go to the churches, in which such as were to 
be ordained were to serve, and hear and discuss any 
exceptions that were made to them, and ordain 
them with the concurrence of the presbytery : that 
such as were to be ordained should have leave to 
declare their opinion, if they thought the bishop was 
only the head of the presbyters. And he also pro- 
posed, that there should be provincial synods, to sit 
in course every thii'd year, or oftener, if the king 
should summon them ; in which complaints of the 
bishops should be received ; and they should be cen- 
sured accordingly. The laws that settled episcopacy, 
and the authority of a national synod, were to be 
altered according to this scheme. To justify, or ra- 
ther to excuse these concessions, which left little 
more than the name of a bishop, he said, as for their 
protestation, it would be little minded, and soon for- 
gotten : the world would see the union that would 
be again settled among us, and the protestation 
would lie dead in the books, and die with those that 
made it : as for the negative vote, bishops generally 
managed matters so, that they had no occasion for 
it : but, if it should be found necessary, it might be 
lodged in the king's name with some secular person, 275 


1669. who should interpose as often as the bishop saw it 
was expedient to use it: and if the present race 
could be but laid in their graves in peace, all those 
heats would abate, if not quite fall off. He also 
thought, it was a much decenter thing, for bishops 
to go upon the place where the minister was to 
serve, and to ordain after solemn fasting and prayer, 
than to huddle it up at their cathedrals, with no so- 
lemnity, and scarce with common decency. It seemed 
also reasonable, that bishops should be liable to cen- 
sure, as well as other people : and that in a fixed 
court, which was to consist of bishops, and deans, 
and two chosen from every presbytery. The hberty 
offered to such as were to be ordained, to declare 
their opinion, was the hardest part of the whole. It 
looked like the perpetuating a factious and irregular 
humour. But few would make use of it. All the 
churches in the gift of the king, or of the bishops, 
would go to men of other principles. But though 
some things of an iU digestion were at such a time 
admitted, yet, if by these means the schism could be 
once healed, and the nation again settled in a peace- 
able state, the advantage of that would balance all 
that was lost by those abatements that were to be 
made in the episcopal authority; which had been 
raised too high, and to correct that was now to be 
let fall too low, if it were not for the good that was 
to be hoped for from this accommodation : for this 
came to be the word, as comprehension was in Eng- 
land. He proposed farther, that a treaty might be 
set on foot, for bringing the presbyterians to accept 
of these concessions. The earl of Kincardin was 
against all treating with them : they were a trifling 
sort of disputatious people, [that loved logic and 



sophistry.] They would fall into much wrangling, \Q6q. 

and would subdivide among themselves : and the 

young and ignorant men among them, that were ac- 
customed to popular declamations, would say, here 
was a bargain made to sell Christ's kingdom and 
his prerogative. He therefore proposed, that since 
we knew both their principles and their tempers, 
we ought to carry the concessions as far as it was 
either reasonable or expedient, and pass these into 
laws : and then they would submit to a settlement 
that was made, and that could not be helped, more 
easily than give a consent beforehand to any thing 
that seemed to entrench on that which they called 
the liberty of the church. Leightoun did fully 
agree with him in this. But lord Lauderdale would 
never consent to that. He said, a law that did so 
entirely change the constitution of the church, when 
it came to be passed and printed, would be construed 
in England as a pulling down of episcopacy ; unless 
he could have this to say in excuse for it, that the 2'^ 6 
presbyterians were willing to come under that mo- 
del. So he said, since the load of what was to be 
done in Scotland would fall heaviest on him, he 
would not expose himself so much, as the passing 
any such act must certainly do, till he knew what 
effects would follow on it. So we were forced to 
try how to deal with them in a treaty. 

I was sent to propose this scheme to Hutchinson, 
who was esteemed the learnedest man among them. 
But I was only to try him, and to talk of it as a no- 
tion of my own. He had married my cousin-ger- 
man; and I had been long acquainted with him. 
He looked on it as a project that would never take 
effect : so he would not give his opinion about it. 


1669. He said, when these concessions were passed into 
laws, he would know what he should think of them : 
but he was one of many, so he avoided to declare 
himself. The next thing under consideration was, 
how to dispose of the many vacancies, and how to 
put a stop to conventicles. Leightoun proposed, 
that they should be kept still vacant, while the 
treaty was on foot; and that the presbyterians 
should see how much the government was in ear- 
nest in the design of bringing them to serve in the 
church, when so many places were kept open for 
An indui- The earl of Tweedale thought the treaty would 

gence pro- *-' ^ _ 

posed. run into a great length and to many niceties, and 
would perhaps come to nothing in conclusion. So 
he proposed the granting some of the outed minis- 
ters leave to go and serve in those parishes by an 
act of the king's indulgence, from whence it came to 
be called the indulgence. Leightoun was against 
this. He thought, nothing would bring on the pres- 
byterians to a treaty, so much as the hopes of being 
again suffered to return to their benefices : whereas^ 
if they were once admitted to them, they would 
reckon they had gained their point, and would grow 
more backward. I was desired to go into the west- 
ern parts, and to give a true account of matters, as 

"* I found them there. So I went, as in a visit to the 

duke of Hamilton ; whose duchess was a woman of 
great piety and great parts. She had much credit 
among them ; for she passed for a zealous presby- 
terian, though she protested to me she never entered 
into the points of controversy, and had no settled 
opinion about forms of government; only she thought 
theu' ministers were good men, who kept the coun- 


try in great quiet and order : they were, she said, i66g. 
blameless in their lives, devout in their way, and di- 
ligent in their labours. The people were all in a 
phrensy, and were in no disposition to any treaty. 
The furiousest men among them were busy in con- 
venticles, inflaming them against aU agreements : so 
she thought, that, if the more moderate presbyte-277 
rians were put in vacant churches, the people would 
grow tamer, and be taken out of the hands of the 
mad preachers, that were then most in vogue : this 
would likewise create a confidence in them : for 
they were now so possessed with prejudices, as to 
believe that aU that was proposed was only an arti- 
fice to make them fall out among themselves, and 
deceive them at last. This seemed reasonable : and 
she got many of the more moderate of them to come 
to me : and they all talked in the same strain. 

A strange accident happened to Sharp in July An attempt 
1668, as he was going into his coach in full day-sh^p. 
light, the bishop of Orkney being with him. A 
man came up to the coach, and discharged a pistol 
at him with a brace of buUets in it, as the bishop of 
Orkney was going up into the coach. He intended 
to shoot through his cloak at Sharp, as he was 
mounting up : but the bullet stuck in the bishop of 
Orkney's arm, and shattered it so, that, though he 
lived some years after that, they were forced to open 
it every year for an exfoliation. Sharp was so uni- 
versally hated, that, though this was done in fuU 
daylight, and on the high street, yet nobody offered 
to seize the assassin. So he walked off, and went 
home, and shifted himself of an odd wig, which he 
was not accustomed to wear, and came out, and 
walked on the streets immediately. But Sharp had 

VOL. I. I i 

1669. viewed him so narrowly, that he discovered him af- 

terwards, as shaU be mentioned in its proper place. 
I lived then much out of the world : yet I thought 
it decent to go and congratulate on this occasion. 
He was much touched with it, and put on a shew 
of devotion upon it. He said with a very serious 

^ look. My times are whoUy in thy hand, O thou God 
of my life ! This was the single expression savour- 
ing of piety that ever fell from him in all the con- 
versation that passed between him and me ". Pro- 
clamations were issued out with great rewards for 
discovering the actor: but nothing followed on them. 
On this occasion it was thought proper that he 
should be called to court, and have some marks of 
the king's favour put on him. He promised to 
make many good motions : and he talked for a while 
like a changed man : and went out of his way, as he 
was going to court, to visit me at my parsonage 
house, and seemed resolved to turn to other me- 
thods. The king, as he had a particular talent that 
way, when he had a mind to it, treated him with 
special characters of favour and respect. But he 
made no proposition to the king : only in general 
terms he approved of the methods of gentleness and 
moderation then in vogue. 

278 When he came back to Scotland, he moved in 
^osSihe' council that an indulgence might be granted to some 

indulging Qf ti^e public resolutioners, with some rules and re- 
some mini- ^ 

stersthat straiuts ; such as, that they should not speak or 
conform, prcach again st episcopacy, and that they should not 
admit to either of the sacraments any of the neigh- 
bouring parishes without a desire from their own 

"^ ■ Rank malice. S. 

1 I 


ministers; and that they should engage themselves 1669. 
to observe these rules. He knew that his proposi- 
tion, for aU the shew of moderation that was in it, 
could have no effect : for the resolutioners and the 
protestors had laid down their old disputes, and 
were resolved to come under no discrimination on 
that account ; nor would they engage to observe any 
limitations that should be laid on them. They said, 
the government might lay restraints on them, and 
punish them if they broke through them : and they 
would obey them, or not, at their peril. But they 
laid down this for a maxim, that they had received 
a complete ministry from Christ, and that the judi- 
catories of the church had only power to govern 
them in the exercise of their function. If the king 
should lay any limitations on them, they might obey 
these, as prudence should direct : but they would 
not bind themselves up by any engagement of their 
own. Burnet and his clergy, (for the diocese of 
Glasgow is above the fourth part of all Scotland,) 
came to Edenburgh full of high complaints, that the 
churches were universally forsaken, and that con- 
venticles abounded in every corner of the country. 
A proclamation was upon that issued out, in imita- 
tion of the Enghsh act, setting a fine of 50/. upon 
every landlord, on whose grounds any conventicle 
was held, which he might recover, as he could, of 
those who were at any such conventicle. This was 
plainly against law ; for the council had no power 
by their authority to set arbitrary fines. It was pre- 
tended, on the other hand, that the act of parliament 
that had restored episcopacy had a clause in it, re- 
commending the execution of that act to the privy 
council by all the best ways they could think of. 

I i 2 


1669. But the lawyers of the council-board said, that in 
matters of property their power was certainly tied 
up to the direction of the law : and the clause men- 
tioned related only to particular methods, but could 
not be construed so far as this proclamation carried 
the matter. The proclamation went out, but was 
never executed. It was sent up to London, and 
had a shew of zeal ; and so was made use of by the 
earl of Lauderdale, to bear down the clamour that 
was raised against him and his party in Scotland, 
as if they designed to pull down episcopacy. The 
model of the county militia was now executed : and 
above two thousand horse, and sixteen thousand 
279 foot were armed, and trained, and cast into inde- 
pendent regiments and troops, who were all to be 
under such orders as the council issued out. All 
this was against law : for the king had only a power 
upon an extraordinary occasion to raise and march 
such a body of men as he should summon together ; 
and that at his own charge : but the converting this 
into a standing miUtia, which carried with it a 
standing charge, was thought a great stretch of pre- 
rogative. Yet it was resolved on ; though great ex- 
ceptions were made to it by the lawyers, chiefly by 
sir John Nisbit, the king's advocate, a man of great 
learning, both in law and in many other things, 
chiefly in the Greek learning : he was a person of 
great integrity, [only he loved money too much : but 
he] always stood firm to the law. The true secret 
of this design was, that , lord Lauderdale was now 
pressing to get into the management of the affairs 
of England. And he saw what the court was aim- 
ing at. And he had a mind to make himself consi- 
derable by this, that he had in his hand a great 


army, with a magazine of arms, and a stock of 1669. 
money laid up in Scotland for any accident that 
might happen. So all his creatures, and lady Dy- 
sert more than all the rest, had this up in all com- 
panies, that none before him ever dreamt how to 
make Scotland considerable to the king : but now it 
began to make a great figure. An army, a maga- 
zine, and a treasure, were words of a high sound; 
chiefly now that the house of commons was Uke to 
grow so intractable, that the duke of Buckingham 
despaired of being able to manage them. He moved 
the dissolving the parliament, and calling a new 
one : and thought the nation would choose men less 
zealous for the church; for these were all against 
him. But the king would n6t venture on it. He 
knew the house of commons was either firm to him 
by their own principles : or by his management they 
could be made so : and therefore he would not run 
the risk of any new election. He had the dissenters 
much in his power, by the severe laws under which 
they lay at his mercy : but he did not know what 
influence they might have in elections, and in a new 
parhament : these he knew were in their hearts ene- 
mies to prerogative ; which he believed they would 
shew, as soon as they got themselves to be delivered 
from the laws, that then put them in the king's 

Lord Tweedale was then at London : and he set Proposi- 

n . . , 1 • 1 i tions for 

on foot a proposition, that came to nothing, but the union 
made so much noise, and was of such importance, tlngdoS! 
that it deserves to be enlarged on. It was for the 
union of both kingdoms ^. The king liked it ; be- 

^ King William told the earl maxim in the Steward family, 
of Jersey, that it was a standing (whatever advances they pre- 



i66g. cause he reckoned, that, at least for his time, he 
aoQ should be sure of all the members that should be 
sent up from Scotland. The duke of Buckingham 
went in easily to a new thing: and lord keeper 
Bridgman was much for it. The lord Lauderdale 
pressed it vehemently : it made it necessary to hold 
a parliament in Scotland, where he intended to be 
the king's commissioner. The earl of Tweedale 
was for it on other accounts, both to settle the esta- 
blishment of the militia, and to get some alterations 
made in the laws that related to the church : and 
he really drove at the union, as a thing which he 
thought might be brought about. Scotland, he said, 
was even then under great uneasiness, though the 
king knew the state of that kingdom : but when 
another king should reign that knew not Joseph, (so 
he expressed it,) the nation would be delivered up 
to favourites, and be devoured by them : rich pro- 
vinces, like those that belonged to Spain, could hold 
out long under oppression ; but a poor country 
would be soon dispeopled, if much oppressed : and 
if a king of deep designs against public liberty 
should caress the Scots, he might easily engage 
them ; since a poor country may be supposed willing 
to change their seats, and to break in on a richer 
one : there was indeed no fear of that at present ; 
for the dotage of the nation on presbytery, and the 
firmness with which the government supported epi- 

tended to make towards it,) pend upon the crown for their 

never to suffer an union be- subsistence ; but said he was 

tween the two kingdoms, though not desirous the experiment 

in his opinion it would be an should be made in his reign, 

advantage ; for it could not be for he had not the good fortune 

done without admitting a good to know what would .satisfy a 

number of Scotch members Scotchman. D. 
into both houses, who must de- 


scopacy, set them so far from one another, that no 1669. 
engagement of that sort could be attempted : but if 
a king should take a dexterous method for putting 
that out of the way, he might carry Scotland to 
any design he thought fit to engage in. Lord 
Tweedale blamed sir Francis Bacon much for laying 
it down as a maxim, that Scotland was to be reck- 
oned as the third part of the island, and to be treated 
accordingly : whereas he assured me, Scotland for 
numbers of people was not above a tenth part, and 
for wealth not above a fortieth part of the island. 

The discourse of the union was kept up, till it 
was resolved to summon a new parliament in Scot- 
land. Then lord Lauderdale made the king reflect 
on the old scheme he had laid before him at the re- 
storation : and he undertook to manage the parlia- 
ment so, as to make it answer that end more effect- 
ually than any before him had ever done. This was 
resolved on in the summer 1 669. I being then at 
Hamilton, and having got the best information of 
the state of the country that I could, wrote a long 
account of all I had heard to the lord Tweedale, 
and concluded it with an advice to put some of the 
more moderate of the presbyterians into the vacant 
churches. Sir Robert Murray told me, the letter 
was so well liked, that it was read to the king. 
Such a letter would have signified nothing, if lord 281 
Tweedale had not been fixed in the same notion. 
He had now a plausible thing to support it. So my 
principles, and zeal for the church, and I know not 
what besides, were raised, to make my advice signify 
somewhat. And it was said, I was the man that 
went most entirely into Leightoun's maxims. So 
this indiscreet letter of mine, sent without commu- 

I i 4 


l66g. nicating it to Leightoun, gave the deciding stroke; 

And, as may be easily believed, it drew much hatred 

on me from all that either knew it, or did suspect 


Tiie king The king wrote a letter to the privy council, or- 

gave orders , , . x ^ 

for the in- dcnug them to mdulge such of the presbyterians as 
"^^°*'^' were peaceable and loyal, so far as to suffer them to 
serve in vacant churches, though they did not sub- 
mit to the present establishment : and he required 
them to set them such rules as might preserve or- 
der and peace, and to look well to the execution of 
them : and as for such as could not be provided to 
churches at that time, he ordered a pension of 
twenty pounds sterling a year to be paid every one 
of them, as long as they lived orderly. Nothing fol- 
lowed on the second article of this letter : the pres- 
byterians looked on this, as the king's hire to be 
silent, and not to do their duty : and none of them 
would accept of it. But, as to the first part of the 
letter, on the first council day after it was read, 
twelve of the ministers were indulged : they had 
parishes assigned them : and about thirty more 
were afterwards indulged in the same manner : and 
then a stop was put to it for some time. With the 
warrants that they had for their churches, there 
was a paper of rules likewise put in their hands. 
Hutcheson, in all their names, made a speech to the 
council : he began with decent expressions of thanks 
to the king and their lordships : he said, they should 
at all times give such obedience to laws and orders, 
as could stand with a good conscience. And so 
they were dismissed. As for those of them that 
were allowed to go to the churches where they had 
served before, no difficulty could be made: but 

those of them that were named to other churches 1669. 

would not enter on the serving them, till the church 
sessions, and the inhabitants of the parish met, and 
made choice of them for their pastors, and gave 
them a caU (as they worded it) to serve among 
them. But upon this, scruples arose among some, 
who said the people's choice ought to be free; 
whereas now they were limited to the person named 
by the council, which looked like an election upon a 
conge d'elire with a letter naming the person, with 
which they had often diverted themselves. But 
scruples are mighty things, when they concur with 
inclination or interest : and when they are not sup- 
ported by these, men learn distinctions to get free 282 
from them. So it happened in this case: for 
though some few were startled at these things, yet 
they lay in no man's way ; for every man went, 
and was possessed of the church marked out for 
him. And at first the people of the country ran to 
them with a sort of transport of joy. Yet this was 
soon cooled. It was hoped, that they would have 
begun their ministry with a public testimony against 
all that had been done in opposition to what they 
were accustomed to call the work of God. But 
they were silent at that time, and preached only 
the doctrines of Christianity. This disgusted aU 
those who loved to hear their ministers preach to 
the times, as they called it. The stop put to the 
indulgence made many conclude, that those who 
had obtained the favour, had entered into secret 
engagements. So they came to caU them the 
king's curates, as they had called the clergy in deri- 
sion the bishops' curates. Their caution brought 
them under a worse character of dumb dogs, that 
could not bark. Those, who by their fierce beha- 

1669. viour had shut themselves out from a share in the 

indulgence, began to call this Erastianism, and the 
civil magistrates assuming the power of sacred mat- 
ters. They said, this was visibly an artifice to lay 
things asleep with the present generation ; and was 
one of the depths of Satan, to give a present quiet, 
in order to the certain destruction of presbytery. 
And it was also said, that there was a visible de- 
parting of the divine assistance from those preach- 
ers : they preached no more with the power and 
authority that had accompanied them at conventi- 
cles. So many began to fall off from them, and 
to go again to conventicles. Many of the preach- 
;;, ers confessed to me, that they found an ignorance 
and a deadness among those who had been the 
hottest upon their meetings, beyond what could 
have been imagined. They that could have ar- 
gued about the intrinsic power of the church, and 
episcopacy, and presbytery, upon which all their 
sermons had chiefly run for several years, knew 
very little of the essentials of religion. But the 
indulged preachers, instead of setting themselves 
with the zeal and courage that became them 
against the follies of the people, of which they con- 
fessed to my self they were very sensible, took a 
different method ; and studied by mean compliances 
to gain upon their affections, and to take them out 
of the hands of some fiery men, that were going up 
and down among them. The tempers of some 
brought them under this servile popularity, into 
which others went out of a desire to live easy. 
283 The indulgence was settled in a huiTy. But 
pitined'of wh^^ it came to be descanted on, it appeared to be 
as against plainly agaiust law : for by the act restoring episco- 
pacy none were capable of benefices, but such as 

;:;) of king charles n.iiiT 491 

should own the authority of bishops, aiid be insti- i66gi 
tuted by them. So now the episcopal party, ^hat ' 

were wont to put all authority in the king, as long 
as he was for them, began to talk of law. They 
said, the king's power was bounded by the law ; 
and that these proceedings were the trampling of 
law under foot. For all parties, as they need the 
shelter of law, or the stretches of the prerogative, 
are apt by turns to magnify the one or the other. 
Burnet and his clergy were out of measure enraged 
at the indulgence. They were not only abandoned, 
but ill used by the people, who were beginning to 
threaten, or to buy them out of their churches, that 
they also might have the benefit of the indulgence. 
The synod of the clergy was held at Glasgow in 
October: and they moved, that an address might 
be drawn up, representing to the king the miseries 
they were under, occasioned by the indulgence : 
they complained of it as illegal, and as like to be 
fatal to the church. This was, according to the words 
in some of their acts of parliament, a misrepresent- 
ing the king's proceedings, in order to the alienating 
the hearts of his subjects from him ; which was 
made capital, as may appear by the account given 
in the former book of the proceedings against the 
lord Balmerinoch '^, He that drew this address was 
one Ross, afterwards archbishop, first of Glasgow, 
and then of St. Andrew's ; who was [always a proud, 
ill-natured, and an ignorant man, covetous^,] and 
violent out of measure. So it was drawn full of 
acrimony. Yet they resolved to keep it secret, till 
advice should be taken upon it ; and accordingly to 

' (See p, 22 — 25.) ^ The first editors printed only, an ig- 

norant man. 


1669. present it to the privy council, or not. A copy of 
■" this^ was procured by indirect methods : and it was 

sent up to court, after the earl of Lauderdale was 
come off, and was in his way to hold the parliament 
in Scotland. Lord Lauderdale had left aU his con- 
cerns at court with sir Robert Murray : for though, 
at his mistress's instigation, he had used him very 
unworthily, yet he had so great an opinion of his 
virtue and candour, that he left all his affairs to his 
care. As soon as the king saw the clergy's address, 
he said, it was a new western remonstrance : and 
he ordered, that Burnet should not be suffered to 
come to the parliament, and that he should be pro- 
ceeded against as far as the law could carry the 
matter. It was not easy to stretch this so far as to 
make it criminal. But Burnet being obnoxious on 
other accounts, they intended to frighten him to 
submit, and to resign his bishopric. 
284 The parliament was opened in November. Lord 
A pariia- Laudcrdalc's speech ran upon two heads. The one 

ment in *■ '■ 

Scotland, was, the recommending to their care the preserva- 
tion of the church, as established by law : upon 
which he took occasion to express great zeal for 
episcopacy. The other head related to the union of 
both kingdoms. All that was done relating to 
that was, that an act passed for a treaty about it^: 
and in the following summer, in a subsequent ses- 
sion, commissioners were named, who went up to 
treat about it. But they made no progress : and 
the thing fell so soon, that it was very visible it was 
never intended in good earnest. 

The supre- Thc two first acts that passed in parliament were 

macy car- 
ried very e j\f) act, passed also in the same purpose, 220! of Charles 
^^^' English parliament, for the the second, chap. 9th. O. 


of more importance, and had a deeper design. The i66g. 
first explained and asserted the king's supremacy: 
but carried it [as they are apt to do in Scotland] 
in such general words, that it might have been 
stretched to every thing. It was declared, that the 
settling all things relating to the external govern- 
ment of the church was a right of the crown : and 
that all things relating to ecclesiastical meetings, ^ 
matters, and persons, were to be ordered according 
to such directions as the king should send to his 
privy council: and that these should be published 
by them, and should have the force of laws. Lord 
Lauderdale very probably knew the secret of the 
duke's religion, and had got into his favour. So it 
was very likely that he intended to establish him- 
self in it, by putting the church of Scotland whoUy 
in his power. But that was yet a secret to us aU in 
Scotland. The method he took to get it passed was 
this : he told aU those who loved presbytery, or that 
did not much favour the bishops, that it was neces- 
sary to keep them under, by making them depend 
absolutely on the king : this was indeed a transfer- 
ring the whole legislature, as to the matters of the 
church, from the parliament, and vesting it singly 
in the king : yet, he told them, if this were done, as 
the circumstances might happen to be favourable, 
the king might be prevailed on, if a dash of a pen 
would do it, to change all on the sudden : whereas 
that could never be hoped for, if it could not be 
brought about, but by the pomp and ceremony of a 
parliament. He made the nobility see, they needed 
fear no more the insolence of bishops, if they were 
at mercy, as this would make them. Sharp did not 
like it, but durst not oppose it. He made a long 

1669, dark speech, copied out of doctor Taylor, distin- 

guishing between the civil and ecclesiastical autho- 
rity ; and then voted for it : so did aU the bishops 
that were present: some absented themselves. Leigh- 
toun was against any such act, and got some words 
to be altered in it. He thought, it might be 
stretched to ill ends : and so he was very averse to 

285 it. Yet he gave his vote for it, not having suffi- 
ciently considered the extent of the words, and the 
consequences that might follow on such an act ; for 
which he was very sorry as long as he lived. But 
at that time there was no apprehensions in Scotland 
of the danger of popery. Many of the best of the 
episcopal clergy, Nairn and Charteris in particular, 
were highly offended at the act. They thought it 
plainly made the king our pope. The presbyterians 
said, it put him in Christ's stead. They said, the 
king had akeady too much power in the matters of 
the church : and nothing ruined the clergy more 
than their being brought into servile compliances 
and a base dependance upon courts. I had no 
share in the counsels about this act. I only thought 
it was designed by lord Tweedale to justify the in- 
dulgence, which he protested to me was his chief 
end in it. And nobody could ever tell me how the 
words ecclesiastical matters were put in the act. 
Leightoun thought, he was sure * it was put in after 
the draught and form of the act was agreed on. It 
was generally charged on lord Lauderdale. And 
when the duke's religion came to be known, then 

' all people saw, how much the legal settlement of 
our religion was put in his power by this means. 
Yet -the preamble of the act being only concerning 
• gUiji H ,J. f Nonsense. S. 


the external government of the church, it was j66q. 

thought that the words ecclesiastical matters were 

to be confined to the sense that was limited by the 

The next act that passed was concerning the mi- An act for 
litia : all that had been done in raising it was ap- mUitiT"*^ 
proved : and it was enacted, that it should still be 
kept up, and be ready to march into any of the 
king's dominions, for any cause in which his ma- 
jesty's authority, power, or greatness should be con- 
cerned ; and that the orders should be transmitted 
to them from the council-board, without any men- 
tion of orders from the king. Upon this great re- 
flections were made. Some said, that by this the 
army was taken out of the king's power and com- 
mand, and put under the power of the council : so 
that if the greater part of the council should again 
rebel, as they did in the year 1638, the army was by 
the words of this act bound to follow their orders. 
But, when jealousies broke out in England of the ill 
designs that lay hid under this matter, it was thought 
that the intent of this clause was, that if the king 
should call in the Scotish army, it should not be ne- 
cessary that he himself should send any orders for 
it ; but that, upon a secret intimation, the council 
might do it without order, and then, if the design 
should miscarry, it should not lie on the king, but 
only on the council, whom in that case the king 
might disown; and so none about him should be 286 
blameable for it. The earl of Lauderdale valued 
himself upon these acts, as if he had conquered 
kingdoms by them. He wrote a letter to the king 
upon it, in which he said all Scotland was now in 
his power : the church of Scotland was now more 


1669. subject to him than the church of England was : 
'■ this militia was now an army ready upon call : and 
that every man in Scotland was ready to march, 
whensoever he should order it, with several very ill 
insinuations in it. But so dangerous a thing it is to 
write such letters to princes : this letter fell into 
duke Hamilton's hands some years after : and I had 
it in my hands for some days. It was intended to 
found an impeachment on it. But that happened 
at the time when the business of the exclusion of 
the duke from the succession of the crown was so 
hotly pursued, that this, which at another time 
would have made great noise, was not so much con- 
sidered as the importance of it might seem to de- 
serve. The way how it came into such hands was 
this : the king, after he had read the letter, gave it 
to sir Robert Murray : and when he died, it was 
found among his papers. He had been much trusted 
in the king's laboratory, and had several of his chy- 
mical processes in his hands. So the king after his 
death did order one to look over all his papers for 
chymical matters : but aU the papers of state were 
let alone. So this, with many other papers, fell into 
the hands of his executors. And thus this letter 
came into duke Hamilton's hands ; who would have 
made use of it, if greater matters had not been then 
in agitation. This is not the single instance, that I 
have known, of papers of great consequence faUing 
into the hands of the executors of great ministers, 
that might have been turned to very bad uses, if 
' they had fallen into ill hands. It seems of great 
concern, that when a minister or an ambassador 
dies, or is recalled, or is disgraced, all papers relating 
to the secrets of his employment should be of right 


in the power of the government. But I of all men 1 669. 
should complain the least of this, since by this re- 
missness many papers of a high nature have fallen 
in my way. 

By the act of supremacy the king was now mas- Burnet 

1 • 1 1 rr^i • turned out, 

ter, and could turn out bishops at pleasure. 1 his and Leigh- 
had its first effect on Burnet; who was offered aarchbShop 
pension, if he would submit and resign, and was ^'^ ^^**sow. 
threatened to be treated more severely, if he stood 
out. He complied, and retired to a private state of 
life, and bore his disgrace better than he had done 
his honours. He lived four years in the shade, and 
was generally much pitied : he was of himself good- 
natured, and sincere ; but was much in the power of 
others : he meddled too much in that which did not 
belong to him, and he did not understand ; for he 287 
was not cut out s for a court, or for the ministry ^ : 
and he was too remiss in that which was properly 
his business, and which he understood to a good de- 
gree ; for he took no manner of care of the spiritual 
part of his function. 

At this time the university of Glasgow, to whom The state 
the choice of the professor of divinity does belong, thing" in at 
chose me, though unknown to them all, to be pro- ^'^s""^ • 
fessor there. There was no sort of artifice or ma- 
nagement to bring this about : it came of themselves : 
and they did it without any recommendation of any 
person whatsoever'. So I was advised by all my 
friends to change my post, and go thither. This 

E A phrase of dignity. S. Burnet bishop of Salisburj' had, 

•* It seems Bnrnet archbishop who was cut out for a court 

of Glasgow, a good natured, and ministry, from nineteen 

sincere man, had not the like years of age to seventy-two. D. 

call to meddle in matters that ' Modest. S. 

did not belong to him, that 

VOL. I. K k 


engaged me both into much study and in a great 
deal of business. The clergy came all to me, think- 
ing I had some credit with those that governed, and 
laid their grievances and complaints before me. 
They were very iU used, and were so entirely for- 
saken by their people, that in most places they shut 
up their churches : they were also threatened and 
affronted on all occasions. On the other hand, the 
gentlemen of the country came much to me, and 
told me such strange things of the vices of some, the 
follies of others, and the indiscretions of them all, 
that, though it was not reasonable to believe all that 
they said, yet it was impossible not to believe a great 
deal of it. And so I soon saw what a hard pro- 
vince I was like to have of it. Accounts of the 
state of those parts were expected from me, and 
were like to be believed. And it was not easy to 
know what ought to be believed, nor how matters 
were to be represented : for I found [lying and] ca- 
lumny were so equally practised on both sides, that I 
came to mistrust every thing that I heard. One 
thing was visible, that conventicles abounded, and 
strange doctrine was vented in them. The king's 
supremacy was now the chief subject of declama- 
tion : it was said, bishops were indeed enemies to 
the liberties of the church, but the king's little finger 
would be heavier than their loins had been. After 
I had been for some months among them, and had 
heard so much, that I believed very little, I wrote 
to lord Tweedale, that disorders did certainly in- 
crease ; but, as for any particulars, I did not know 
what to believe, much less could I suggest what re- 
medies seemed proper : I therefore proposed, that a 
committee of council might be sent round the coun- 


try to examine matters, and to give such orders as 1669. 
were at present necessary for the public quiet; and 
that they might prepare a report against the next 
session of parliament, that then proper remedies 
might be found out. 

Duke Hamilton, lord Kincardin, Primerose, and 288 
Drumond, were sent to these parts. They met first n^jtJ'^of 
at Hamilton, next at Glasgow : then they went to gg^"jjj„„j 
other parts ; and came back, and ended their circuit th* west. 
at Glasgow. They punished some disorders, and 
threatened both the indulged ministers and the 
countries with greater severities, if they should still 
grow more and more insolent upon the favour that 
had been shewed them. I was blamed by the pres- 
byterians for all they did, and by the episcopal party 
for all they did not ; since these thought they did 
too little, as the others thought they did too much. 
They consulted much with me ; and suffered me to 
intercede so effectually for those whom they had put 
in prison, that they were all set at liberty. The 
episcopal party thought I intended to make my self 
popular at their cost : so they began that strain of 
fury and calumny that has pursued me ever since 
from that sort of people **, as a secret enemy to their 
interest, and an underminer of it. But I was, and 
still am, an enemy to all force and violence in mat- 
ters of conscience : and there is no principle that is 
more hated by bad, ill-natured clergymen, than 

The earls of Lauderdale and Tweedale pressed 
Leightoun much to accept of the see of Glasgow. 
He declined it with so much aversion, that we were. 

^ A civil term for all who are episcopal. S. 
K k 2 


^66g. all uneasy at it. Nothing moved him to hearken to 
it, but the hopes of bringing about the accommoda- 
tion that was proposed ; in which he had all assist- 
ance promised him from the government. The king 
ordered him to be sent for to court. He sent for 
me on his way ; where he stopt a day, to know 
from me what prospect there was of doing any good. 
I could not much encourage him : yet I gave him 
all the hopes that I could raise my self to : and I 
was then inclined to think, that the accommodation 
was not impracticable. Upon his coming to Lon- 
don, he found lord Lauderdale's temper was much 
inflamed : he was become fierce and intractable. 
But lord Tweedale made every thing as easy to him 
as was possible. They had turned out an archbi- 
shop : so it concerned them to put an eminent man 
in his room, who should order matters with such 
moderation, that the government should not be. un- 
der perpetual disturbance by reason of complaints 
from those parts. 

1670. But now the court was entering into new de- 
signs, into which lord Lauderdale was thrusting 
himself, with an obsequious, or rather an officious 
zeal. I will dwell no longer at present on that, than 
just to name the duchess of Orleans's coming to Do- 
ver, of which a more particular account shall be 
289 given, after that I have laid together all that relates 
to Scotland in the year 1670, and the whole business 
of the accommodation. Leightoun proposed to the 
king his scheme of the accommodation, and tlie great 
advantages that his majesty's affairs would have, if 
that country could be brought into temper. The 
king was at this time gone off from the design of a 


comprehension in England. Toleration was now 1670. 
thought the best way. Yet the earl of Lauderdale '^^^^^. 
possessed him with the necessity of doinff somewhat *'°°* **"" 

■T •' t' an accom- 

to soften the Scots, in order to the great design hemodation. 
was then engaging in. Upon that the king, who 
seldom gave himself the trouble to think twice of 
any one thing, gave way to it. Leightoun's paper 
was in some places corrected by sir Robert Murray; 
and was turned into instructions, by which lord 
Lauderdale was authorized to pass the concessions 
that were to be offered, into laws. This he would 
never own to me, though Leightoun shewed me the 
copy of them. But it appeared probable, by his con- 
duct afterwards, that he had secret directions to 
spoil the matter, and that he intended to deceive us 
all. Lord Tweedale was more to be depended on. 
But he began to lose ground with lady Dysert: and so 
his interest did not continne strong enough to carry 
on such a matter. 

Leightoun undertook the administration of the 
see of Glasgow : and it was a year after this before 
he was prevailed on to be translated thither. He 
came upon this to Glasgow, and held a synod of his 
clergy ; in which nothing was to be heard, but conr- 
plaints of desertion and iU usage from them all. 
Leightoun, in a sermon that he preached to them, Leightoun's 
and in several discourses, both in public and private, his'dergy. 
exhorted them to look up more to God, to consider 
themselves as the ministers of the cross of Christ, to 
bear the contempt and ill usage they met with, as a 
cross laid on them for the exercise of their faith and 
patience, to lay aside all the appetites of revenge, to 
humble themselves before God, to have many days 



1670. for secret fasting and prayers, and to meet often to- 
gether, that they might quicken and assist one an- 
other in those holy exercises : and then they might 
expect blessings from heaven upon their labours. 
This was a new strain to the clergy. They had no- 
thing to say against it : but it was a comfortless 
doctrine to them : and they had not been accus- 
tomed to it. No speedy ways were proposed for 
forcing the people to come to church, nor for send- 
ing soldiers among them, or raising the fines to 
which they were liable. So they went home, as 
little edified with their new bishop, as he was with 
them. When this was over, he went round some 
parts of the country to the most eminent of the in- 
290dulged ministers, and carried me with him. His 
business was, to persuade them to hearken to propo- 
sitions of peace. He told them, some of them would 
be quickly sent for to Edenburgh, where terms 
would be offered them in order to the making up 
our differences : all was sincerely meant : they would 
meet with no artifices nor hardships : and if they 
received those offers heartily, they would be turned 
into laws : and all the vacancies then in the church 
would be filled by their brethren. They received 
this with so much indifference, or rather neglect, 
that it would have cooled any zeal that was less 
warm and less active than that good man's was. 
They were scarce civil; and did not so much as 
thank him for his tenderness and care : the more 
artful among them, such as Hutcheson, said, it was 
a thing of general concern, and they were but single 
men. Others were more metaphysical, and enter- 
t^ned us with some poor arguings and distinctions. 


Leightoun began to lose heart. Yet he resolved to 1670. 
set the negotiation on foot, and carry it as far as he 

When lord Lauderdale came down to hold a ses- a confe- 
sion of parliament, letters were writ to six of thetween 
presbyterian preachers, ordering them to come toj^^j^j^""^ 
town. There was a long; conference between Leieh- 1'.'^**'?*^' 

<-' *-' nans. 

toun and them, before the earls of Lauderdale, 
Rothes, Tweedale, and Kincardin. Sharp would 
not be present at it : but he ordered Paterson, after- 
wards archbishop of Glasgow, to hear all, and to 
bring him an account of what passed. Leightoun 
laid before them the mischief of our divisions, and 
of the schism that they had occasioned : many souls 
were lost, and many more were in danger by these 
means : so that every one ought to do all he could 
to heal this wide breach, that had already let in so 
many evils among us, which were like to make way 
to many more : for his own part, he was persuaded 
that episcopacy, as an order distinct from presbyters, 
had continued in the church ever since the days of 
the apostles ; that the world had every where re- 
ceived the christian rehgion from bishops, and that 
a pai'ity among clergymen was never thought of in 
the church before the middle of the last century, 
and was then set up rather by accident than on de- 
sign : yet, how much soever he was persuaded of 
this, since they were of another mind, he was now 
to offer a temper to them, by which both sides might 
still preserve their opinions, and yet unite in caiTy- 
ing on the ends of the gospel and their ministry : 
they had moderators amongst them, which was no 
divine institution, but only a matter of order : the 
king therefore might name these : and the making 

Kk 4 


1670. them constant could be no such encroachment on 
theu' function, as that the peace of the church must 
291 be broke on such an account : nor could they say, 
that the blessing of the men named to this function 
by an imposition of hands did degrade them from 
their former office, to say no more of it : so they 
were still at least ministers : it is true, others thought 
they had a new and special authority, more than a 
bare presidency ; that did not concern them, who 
were not required to concur with them in any 
thing, but in submitting to this presidency : and, as 
to that, they should be allowed to declare their own 
opinion against it, in as full and as public a manner 
as they pleased : he laid it to their consciences, to 
consider of the whole matter, as in the presence of 
God, without any regard to party or popularity. 
He spoke in aU near half an hour, with a gravity 
and force that made a very great impression on 
those who heard it. Hutcheson answered, and said, 
their opinion for a parity among the clergy was well 
known : the presidency now spoke of had made way 
to a lordly dominion in the church : and therefore 
how inconsiderable soever the thing might seem to 
be, yet the effects of it both had been and would be 
very considerable : he therefore desired, some time 
might be given them to consider well of the proposi- 
tions now made, and to consult with their brethren 
about them : and, since this might seem an assem- 
bling together against law, he desired they might 
j have the king's commissioner's leave for it. This 
was immediately granted. We had a second con- 
ference, in which matters were more fully opened, 
and pressed home, on the grounds formerly men- 
tioned. Lord Lauderdale made us all dine together. 


and came to us after dinner: but could scarce re- 1670. 

strain himself from flying out; for their behaviour 
seemed both rude and crafty. But Leightoun had 
prepared him for it, and pressed him not to give 
them a handle to excuse their flying off, by any 
roughness in his deportment towards them. The 
propositions offered them were now generally known. 
Sharp cried out, that episcopacy was to be under- 
mined, since the negative vote was to be let go. 
The inferior clergy thought, that if it took effect, 
and the presbyterians were to be generally brought 
into churches, they would be neglected, and that 
their people would forsake them. So they hated the 
whole thing. The bigoted presbyterians thought 
it was a snare, and the doing that which had a fair 
appearance at present, and was meant only to lay 
that generation in their graves in peace ; by which 
means episcopacy, that was then shaking over all 
the nation, would come to have another root, and 
grow again out of that. But the far greater part of 
the nation approved of this design : and they reck- 
oned, either we should gain our point, and then all 292 
would be at quiet, or, if such offers were rejected by 
the presbyterians, it would discover their temper, 
and alienate all indifferent men from them ; and the 
nation would be convinced, how unreasonable and 
stubborn they were, and how unworthy they were 
of any farther favour. AU that was done in this 
session of parliament was, the raising a tax, and the 
naming commissioners for the union with England ; 
besides two severe acts passed against conventicles. 

There had been a great one held in Fife, near New se- 
Dunfermlin, where none had ever been held before, against 
Some gentlemen of estates were among them: and^j*"^"^' 


1G70. the novelty of the thing drew a great crowd to- 
■ gether; for intimation had been given of it some 

days before. Many of these came in their ordinary 
arms. That gave a handle to call them the rendez- 
vous of rebellion. Some of them were taken, and 
brought to Edenburgh, and pressed to name as 
many as they knew of their feUow conventiclers : 
but they refused to do it. This was sent up to 
court, and represented as the forerunner of rebellion. 
Upon which lord Lauderdale, hearing what use his 
enemies made of it, was transported almost to fits of 
rage. Severe acts passed upon it, by which their 
fines were raised higher, and they were made liable 
to arbitrary severities. The earl of Lauderdale with 
his own hand put in a word in the act, that covered 
The re- the papists, the fines being laid on such of the re- 
lig^n, ^^' formed religion as went not to church. He pre- 
tended by this to merit with the popish party, the 
duke in particular ; whose religion was yet a secret 
to us in Scotland, though it was none at court. He 
said to my self, he had put in these words on design 
to let the party know, they were to be worse used 
than the papists themselves. All field conventicles 
were declared treasonable : and in the preacher they 
were made capital. The landlords, on whose grounds 
they were held, were to be severely fined : and aU 
who were at them were to be punished arbitrarily, 
if they did not discover all that were present, whom 
they knew. House conventicles, crowded without 
the doors, or at the windows, were to be reckoned 
and punished as field conventicles. Sir Robert Mur- 
ray told me, that the king was not well pleased with 
this act, as being extravagantly severe; chiefly in 
that of the preachers being to be punished by death. 


He said, bloody laws did no good; and that he 1670. 
would never have passed it, if he had known it be- 
forehand. The half of the parliament abhorred this 
act. Yet so abject were they in their submissions to 
lord Lauderdale, that the young earl of CassUis was 
the single person that voted in the negative. [He 
was heir to his father's stiffness, but not to his vir- 
tues.] This passed in parliament so suddenly, that 
Leightoun knew nothing of it, till it was too late. 293 
He expostulated with lord Tweedale severely about 
it : he said, the whole complex of it was so contrary 
to the common rules of humanity, not to say Chris- 
tianity, that he was ashamed to mix in counsels 
with those who could frame and pass such acts; 
and he thought it somewhat strange, that neither 
he nor I had been advised with in it. The earl of 
Tweedale said, the late field conventicle being a 
new thing, it had forced them to severities, that at 
another time could not be weU excused : and he as- 
sured us, there was no design to put it in execution. 
Leightoun sent to the western counties six epi- 
scopal divines, all, except my self, brought from other 
parts : Nairn and Charteris were two of them : the 
three others, Aird, Cook, and Paterson, were the 
best we could persuade to go round the country to 
preach in vacant churches, and to argue upon the 
grounds of the accommodation with such as should 
come to them. The episcopal clergy, who were yet 
in the country, could not argue much for any thing ; 
and would not at all argue in favour of a proposition 
that they hated. The people of the country came 
generally to hear us, though not in great crowds. 
We were indeed amazed to see a poor commonalty 
so capable to argue upon points of government, and 


1670. on the bounds to be set to the power of princes in 
matters of religion : upon all these topics they had 
texts of scripture at hand; and were ready with 
their answers to any thing that was said to them. 
This measure of knowledge was spread even among 
the meanest of them, their cottagers, and their ser- 
vants. They were indeed vain of their knowledge, 
much conceited of themselves, and were full of a 
most entangled scrupulosity ; so that they found, or 
made, difficulties in every thing that could be laid 
before them. We staid about three months in the 
country : and in that time there was a stand in the 
frequency of conventicles. But, as soon as we were 
gone, a set of those hot preachers went round all the 
places in which we had been, to defeat all the good 
we could hope to do. They told them, the Devil 
was never so formidable, as when he was trans- 
formed into an angel of light. 
The pres- The outcd ministers had many meetings in several 
rJsoived to parts of the kingdom. They found themselves under 
offers made g^cat difficulties. The people had got it among 
them. them, that all that was now driven at, was only to 
extinguish presbytery, by some seeming concessions, 
with the present generation ; and that if the minis- 
ters went into it, they gave up their cause, that so 
they themselves might be provided for during their 
lives, and die at more ease. So they, who were 
strangely subdued by their desire of popularity, re- 
294 solved to reject the propositions, though they could 
not weU tell on what grounds they should justify it. 
A report was also spread among them, which they 
believed, and had its full effect upon them : it was 
said, that the king was alienated from the church of 
England, and weary of supporting episcopacy in 


Scotland; and so was resolved not to clog his go- 1670. 
vemment any longer with it; and that the conces- 
sions now made did not arise from any tenderness 
we had for them, but from an artifice to preserve 
episcopacy : so they were made believe, that their 
agreeing to them was really a strengthening of that 
government, which was otherwise ready to fall with 
its own weight. And because a passage of Scripture, 
according to its general sound, was apt to work much 
en them, that of touch not, taste not, handle not, it 
was often repeated among them. It was generally 
agreed on to reject the offers made them. The next 
debate among them was, about the reasons they were 
to give for rejecting them ; or whether they would 
comply with another proposition, which Leightoun 
had made them, that, if they did not hke the propo- 
sitions he had made, they would see, if they could 
be more happy than he was, and offer at other pro- 
positions. In their meetings [there was much sad 
stuff;] they named [in some of them] two, to main- 
tain the debate, pro and con. They disputed about 
the protestation that they were allowed to make : and 
protestatio contraria facto was a maxim that was 
in great vogue among them. They argued upon the 
obligation by the covenant to maintain their church, 
as then established, in doctrine, worship, discipline, 
and government : and so every thing that was con- 
trary to that was represented as a breach of cove- 
nant : and none durst object to that. But that they 
might make a proposition, which they were sure 
would not be hearkened to, they proposed that among 
the concessions to be insisted on, one might be a 
liberty to ordain without the bishops. When we 
heard what their reasonings were, paj)ers were writ. 


1670. and sent among them, in answer to them. But it is a 
vain thing to argue, when a resolution is taken up, 
not founded on argument ; and arguments are only 
sought for, to justify that which is already resolved 
on. We pressed them with this, that, notwithstand- 
ing their covenant, they themselves had afterwards 
made many alterations, much more important than 
this of submitting to a constant moderator, named 
by the king. Cromwell took from them the power 
of meeting in general assemblies : yet they went on 
doing the other duties of their function ; though this, 
which they esteemed the greatest of all their rights, 
was denied them: when an order came out to se- 
quester the half of the benefices of such as should 
still pray for the king, they upon that submitted, 
295 though before they had asserted it as a duty, to 
which they were bound by their covenant : they had 
discontinued their ministry, in obedience to laws and 
proclamations now for nine years : and those, who 
had accepted the indulgence, had come in by the 
king's authority, and had only a parochial govern- 
ment, but did not meet in presbyteries : from all 
which we inferred, that, when they had a mind to 
lay down any thing that they thought a duty, or to 
submit to any thing that they thought an invasion of 
their rights, they could find a distinction for it : and 
it was not easy to shew, why they were not as com- 
pliant in this particular. But aU was lost labour : 
hot men among them were positive : and all of them 
were fuU of [contentious logic. Two passages of 
' scripture were generally applied to them. To one 
sort of them, that in the Proverbs, Thejhol rageth, 
and is confident: and to the other that in Micah, 
chap. vii. ver. 4. The best of them is as a brier:; 


the most upright (of them) is sharper than a thorn- 1670. 
hedge^.'\ ^ 

Duchess Hamilton sent for some of them, Hutche- 
son in particular. She said, she did not pretend to 
understand nice distinctions, and the terms of dis- 
pute : here was plain sense : the country might be 
again at quiet, and the rest of those that were outed 
admitted to churches, on terms that seemed to all 
reasonable men very easy : their rejecting this would 
give a very ill character of them, and would have 
very bad effects, of which they might see cause to 
repent, when it would be too late. She told me, 
all that she could draw from him, that she under- 
stood, was, that he saw the generality of their party 
was resolved against all treaties, or any agreement : 
and that, if a small number should break off from 
them, it would not heal the old breaches, but would 
create new ones. In conclusion, nothing was like to 
follow on this whole negotiation. We, who were 
engaged in it, had lost all our own side by offering 
at it; and the presbyterians would not make one 
step towards us. 

Leightoun desired another meeting with them at Some confe- 
Pasley, to which he carried me and one or two that su^ect! 
more. They were about thirty. We had two long 
conferences with them. Leightoun laid out before 
them the obligations that lay on them to seek for 
peace at all times, but more especially when we al- 
ready saw the dismal effects of our contentions : 
there could be no agreement, unless on both sides 
there was a disposition to make some abatements, 
and some steps towards one another : it appeared, 

>" The word contention was substituted for this clause. 


1670. that we were willing to make even unreasonable 
ones on our side : and would they abate nothing in 
theirs ? Was their opinion so mathematically cer- 
tain, that they could not dispense with any part of 
it, for the peace of the church, and for the saving 
of souls ? Many poor things were said on their side, 
which would have made a less mild man than he 
was lose all patience. But he bore with all [their 
trifling impertinencies,] and urged this question on 
them. Would they have held communion with the 
296 church of God at the time of the council of Nice, or 
not ? If they should say, not, he would be less de- 
sirous of entering into communion with them ; since 
he must say of the church at that time, Let my soul 
he with theirs : if they said, they would ; then he 
was sure, they would not reject the offers now made 
them, which brought episcopacy much lower than it 
was at that time. One of the most learned among 
them had prepared a speech fuU of quotations, to 
prove the difference between the primitive episco- 
pacy and ours at present. I was then full of those 
matters : so I answered all his speech, and every one 
of his quotations, and turned the whole upon him 
with advantages that were too evident to be so 
much as denied by their own party : and it seemed 
the person himself thought so ; for he did not offer 
at one word of reply. In conclusion, the presby- 
terians desired that the propositions might be given 
them in writing: for hitherto all had passed only 
verbally ; and words, they said, might be misunder- 
stood, misrepeated, and denied. Leightoun had no 
mind to do it : yet, since it was plausible, to say 
they had nothing but words to shew to their bre- 
thren, he wrote them down, and gave me the ori- 


ginal, which I still have in my hands; but suffered 1670. 
them to take as many copies of it as they pleased. ^ 

At parting, he desired them to come to a final reso- 
lution, as soon as they could ; for he believed they 
would be called for by the next January to give 
their answers. And by the end of that month they 
were ordered to come to Edenburgh. I went thi- 
ther at the same time upon Leightoun's desire. 

We met at the earl of Rothes's house, where all At last they 
this treaty came to a short conclusion. Hutcheson, accept of 
in all their names, said, they had considered the pro-s|lfns,°"'^^^' 
positions made to them, but were not satisfied in 
their consciences to accept of them. Leightoun de- 
sired to know upon what grounds they stood out. 
Hutcheson said, it was not safe to argue against law. 
Leightoun said, that since the government had set 
on a treaty with them, in order to the altering the 
laws, they were certainly left to a full freedom of 
arguing against them : these offers were no laws : 
so the arguing about them could not be called an 
arguing against law : he offered them a public con- 
ference upon them, in the hearing of all that had a 
mind to be rightly informed: he said, the people 
were drawn into those matters so far, as to make a 
schism upon them : he thought it was therefore 
very reasonable, that they should likewise hear the 
grounds examined, upon which both sides went. 
Hutcheson refused this: he said, he was but one 
man ; and that what he said was in the name of his 
brethren, who had given him no farther authority. 
Leightoun then asked, if they had nothing on their 297 
side to propose towards the healing of our breaches. 
Hutcheson answered, their principles were well 
enough known, but he had nothing to propose* 

VOL. I. L 1 

1670. Upon this Leightoun, in a long discourse, told what 

was the design he had been driving at in aU this, 
negotiation ; it was to procure peace and to pro- 
mote religion : he had offered several things, which 
he was persuaded were great diminutions of the just 
rights of episcopacy : yet since all church power 
was for edification, and not for destruction, he had 
thought, that in our present circumstances it might 
have conduced as much to the interest of religion, 
that episcopacy should divest itself of a great part of 
the authority that belonged to it, as the bishops' 
using it in former ages had been an advantage to re- 
ligion : his offers did not flow from any mistrust of 
the cause : he was persuaded episcopacy was handed 
down through aU the ages of the church from the 
Apostles' days : perhaps he had wronged the order 
by the concessions he had made : yet he was confi* 
dent God would forgive it, as he hoped his brethren 
would excuse it : now they thought fit to reject these 
concessions, without either offering any reason for 
doing it, or any expedient on their side : therefore 
the continuance of our divisions must lie at their 
door, both before God and man : if iU effects followed 
upon this, he was free of all blame, and had done his 
part. Thus was this treaty broke off, to the amaze- 
ment of all sober and dispassionate people, and to 
the great joy of Sharp, and the rest of the bishops ; 
who now for a while seemed even pleased with us, 
because we had all along asserted episcopacy, and 
had pleaded for it in a high and positive strain. 
Censures I hopc this will bc thought an useful part of the 
E whok " history of that time : none knew the steps made in 
matter. j^ better than my self. The fierce episcopal men 
will see, how much they were to blame for accusing 

OF KING CHARLES II. )) i> 515 

that apostolical man Leightoun, as they did, on 1.670, 
this occasion ; as if he had designed in this whole 
matter to betray his own order, and to set up. 
presbytery. The presbyterians may also see, how 
much their behaviour disgusted all wise, moderate, 
and good men, [how little sincere and honest they 
were in it, when the desire of popularity made them 
reject "] propositions, that came so home even to the 
maxims they had set up, that nothing but the fear 
of offending, that is, of losing the credit they had 
with their party, could be so much as pretended for 
their refusing to agree to them. Our part in the 
whole negotiation was sincere and open. We were 
acted with no other principle, and had no other de-. 
sign, but to allay a violent agitation of men's spirits, 
that was throwing us into great distractions ; and to 
heal a breach, that was like to let in an inundation 
of miseries upon us, as has appeared but too evi-298 
dently ever since. The high party, keeping still their 
old bias to persecution, and recovering afterwards 
their credit with the government, carried violent 
proceedings so far, that, after they had thrown the 
nation into great convulsions, they drew upon them- 
selves such a degree of fury from enraged multitudes, 
whom they had oppressed long and heavily, that, in 
conclusion, the episcopal order was put down, [with 
as much injustice and violence, as had been practised 
in supporting it,] as shall be told in its proper place.. 
The roughness of our own side, and the perverseness- 
of the presbyterians, did so much alienate me from 
both, that I resolved to withdraw my self from any 

^ when they rejected wsls substituted. 
L 1 2 


1670. farther meddling, and to give my self wholly to 
study. I was then, and for three years after that, 
offered to be made a bishop : but I refused it. I 
saw the counsels were altering above: so I resolved 
to look on, and see whither things would turn. 

1671. My acquaintance at Hamilton, and the favour and 

The Me- . , 

moirs of the friendship I met with from both the duke and duch- 
HamTiton ^ss, made me offer my service to them, in order to 
m^aTtha/ *^^ scarch of many papers that were very carefuUy 
time. preserved by them : for the duchess's uncle had 
charged her to keep them with the same care, as 
she kept the writings of her estate ; since in these a 
full justification of her father's public actings, and 
of his own, would be found, when she should put 
them in the hands of one that could set them in or- 
der, and in a due light. She put them all in my 
hands, which I acknowledge was a very great trust : 
and I made no ill use of it. I found there materials 
for a very large history. I writ it with great sin- 
cerity; and concealed none of their errors. I did 
indeed conceal several things that related to the 
king : I left out some passages that were in his let- 
ters ° ; in some of which was too much weakness, 

° The letters, if they had been '* majesties name to the asseni- 

published, could not have given " bly, so strictly conscientious 

a worse character. S. See those " was his majesty (Charles I.) 

Memoirs, p. 379. O. (Salmon, *' that he wrote his sense of it 

in his Examination, vol. i. p. 69 1. " in the following letter, which 

points out a passage in these " is here subjoined." Speaker 

Memoirs of the Dukeof Hamil- Onslow refers to p. 379. of the 

! ton, p. 93. in which the bishop Memoirs, and in this page are the 

thus expresses himself: "Be- following words : "Having 

" cause of an ambiguous word " proposed to myself nothing 

"which was in the paper the " more in this whole work, than 

" marquis was to oflfer in his " to let the world see the great 


and in others too much craft and anger. [And this 1671. 
I owe to truth to say, that by many indications, that" 
lay before me in those letters, I could not admire ei- 
ther the judgment, the understanding, or the temper 
of that unfortunate prince. He had little regard to 
law, and seemed to think he was not bound to ob- 
serve promises or concessions, that were extorted 
from him by the necessity of his affairs. He had lit- 
tle tenderness in his nature ; and probably his go- 
vernment would have been severe, if he had got the 
better in the war : his ministers had a hard time un- 
der him. He loved violent counsels, but conducted 
them so ill, that they saw they must all perish with 
him. Those who observed this, and advised him to 
make up matters with his parliament by concessions, 
rather than venture on a war, were hated by him, 
even when the extremities to which he was driven 
made him follow their advices, though generally too 
late, and with so ill a grace, that he lost the merit of 
his concessions in the awkward way of granting 
them. This was truly duke Hamilton's fate, who in 
the beginning of the troubles went in warmly enough 
into acceptable counsels ; but when he saw how un- 
happy the king was in his conduct, he was ever after 
that against the king's venturing on a war, which 
he always believed would be fatal to him in the con- 
clusion.] I got through that work in a few months. 
When the earl a£ Lauderdale heard that I had 
finished it, he desired me to come up to him ; for he 

" piety and strictness of con- " had not formerly been seen 

*' science that blessed prince " or known, I shall therefore 

" carried along with him in all " insert a copy of verses writ- 

" his affairs, and to publish " ten by his majesty in his cap- 

" such remains of his pen ts '*,tivity.") 



J 671. was sure he could both rectify many things and en- 
large on a great many more. His true design was 
to engage me to put in a great deal relating to him- 
self in that work. I found another degree of kind- 
ness and confidence from him upon my coming up, 
than ever before. I had nothing to ask for my self^ 
but to be excused from the offer of two bishop- 
rics. But whatsoever I asked for any other person 
was granted : and I was considered as his favourite. 
He trusted me with all secrets, and seemed to have 
no reserves with me. He indeed pressed me to give 
up with sir Robert Murray : and I saw, that upon 
my doing that, I should have as much credit with 
him as I could desire. Sir Robert himself appre- 
299 hended this would be put to me : and pressed me to 
comply with him in it. But I hated servitude, as 
much as I loved him : so I refused it flatly. I told 
lord Lauderdale, that sir Robert had been as a se- 
cond father or governor to me, and therefore I could 
not break friendship with him. But I promised to 
speak to him of nothing that he trusted to me. And 
this was all that ever he could bring me to, though 
he put it often to me. [I was in great doubt, whe- 
ther it was fit for me to see his mistress. Sir Robert 
put an end to that; for he assured me, there was 
nothing in that commerce that was between them 
besides a vast fondness. Yet I asked lord Lauder- 
dale how he had parted with his wife. He gave me 
a better account of it than I expected. I knew that 
] she was an imperious and ill-tempered woman. He 
said that she herself deserved (perhaps desired) it; 
and that she owned that she was not at aU jealous of 
his familiarities with lady Dysert ; but that she could 
not endure it, because she hated her. I was then per- 


suaded to go to her, and was treated by them both?] 1671; 
with an entire confidence. Applications were made 
to me : and every thing that I proposed was done. 
I laid before him the ill state the affairs of Scotland 
were falling into, by his throwing off so many of his 
friends. Duke Hamilton and he had been for some 
years in ill terms. I laid down a method for bringing 
them to a better understanding. I got kind letters 
to pass on both sides, and put their reconciliation in 
so fair a way, that upon my return to Scotland it was 
for that time fully made up. I had authority from 
him to try how both the earls of Argile and Twee- 
dale might return to their old friendship with him. 
The earl of Argile was ready to do every thing. But 
the earl of Athol had proposed a match between his 
son and lady Dysert's daughter, and he had an here- 
ditary hatred to the lord Argile and his family : so 
that could not be easily brought about. Lord Twee- 
dale was resolved to withdraw from business. The 
earl of Lauderdale had for many years treated his 
brother the lord Halton with as much contempt as 
he deserved ; for he was both weak and violent, in- 
solent and corrupt. He had promised to settle his 
estate on his daughter, when the lord Tweedale's son 
married her. But his brother offered now every thing 
that lady Dysert desired, provided she would get his 
brother to settle his estate on him. So lord Halton 
was now taken into affairs ; and had so much credit 
with his brother, that all the dependance was upon 
him. And thus the breach between the earls of Lau- 
derdale and Tweedale was irreconcileable ; though I 
did all I could to make it up. 

As to church affairs, lord Lauderdale asked my 
P / was treated by hitn, was substituted. 


1671. opinion concerning them. I gave it frankly to this 
purpose : there were many vacancies in the disaf- 
fected counties, to which no conformable men of 
A farther any worth could be prevailed on to go : so I pro- 
proposed, posed, that the indulgence should be extended to 
them all ; and that the ministers should be put into 
those parishes by couples, and have the benefice di- 
vided between them; and, in the churches where 
the indulgence had already taken place, that a se- 
cond minister should be added, and have the half of 
the benefice : by this means I reckoned that all the 
outed ministers would be again employed, and kept 
from going round the uninfected parts of the king- 
dom : [I said, if this was done, either the parishes 
would by gratuities mend their benefices, that so 
the two, who had only the legal provision of one, 
might subsist ; and if they did this, as I had reason 
to doubt of it, it would be a settled tax of them, of 
which they would soon grow weary; but if they 
did not, it would create quarrels, and at least a 
coldness among them.] I also proposed that they 
300 should be confined to their parishes, not to stir out 
of them without leave from the bishop of the dio- 
cese, or a privy counsellor; and that, upon trans- 
gressing the rules that should be set them, a pro- 
portion of their benefice should be forfeited, and ap- 
plied to some pious use. Lord Lauderdale heard 
me to an end : and then, without arguing one word 
upon any one branch of this scheme, he desired me 
^ to put it in writing ; which I did. And the next 
year, when he came down again to Scotland, he 
made one write out my paper, and turned it into 
the style of instructions. So easily did he let him- 
self be governed by those whom he trusted, even in 

>: OF KING CHARLES Il.ifrr 521 

matters of great consequence. Four bishops hap- 1671. 
pened to die that year, of which Edenburgh was 
one. I was desired to make my own choice : but I 
refused them all Yet I obtained a letter to be 
writ, by the king's order, to lord Rothes, that he 
should call the two ai'chbishops, and four of the of- 
ficers of state, and send up their opinion to the king 
of the persons fit to be promoted: and a private •; 
letter was writ to the lords, to join with Leightoun 
in recommending the persons that he should name. 
Leightoun was uneasy, when he found that Char- 
teris, and Nairn, as well as my self, could not be 
prevailed on to accept bishoprics. They had an ill 
opinion of the court, and could not be brought to 
leave their retirement^. Leightoun was troubled 
at this. He said, if his friends left the whole load 
on him, he must leave all to Providence. Yet he 
named the best men he could think on. And, that 
Sharp might not have too public an affront put on 
him, Leightoun agreed to one of his nomination. 
But now I go to open a scene of another nature. 

The court was now going into other measures. Foreign af- 
The parliament had given the king all the money 
he had asked for repairing his fleet, and for supply- 
ing his stores and magazines. Additional revenues An aiMance 
were also given for some years. But at their last set on foot. 
sitting, in the beginning of the year 1670, it ap- 
peared that the house of commons were out of 
countenance for having given so much money, and 
seemed resolved to give no more. All was obtained 
under the pretence of maintaining the triple alli- 
ance. When the court saw how little reason they 
had to expect farther supplies, the duke of Buck- 
^ For that very reason they should have accepted bishoprics. S. 


J 671. ingham told the king, that now the time was come 
in which he might both revenge the attempt on 
Chatham, and shake off the uneasy restraint of a 
house of commons. And he got leave from the king 
to send over sir Ellis Leightoun to the court of 
France, to offer the project of a new alliance and a 
new war. Sir Ellis told me this himself: and was 
301 proud to think that he was the iirst man employed 
in those black and fatal designs. But, in the first 
proposition made by us, the subduing of England, 
and the toleration of popery, here was offered, as 
that with which the design must be begun. France, 
seeing England so inclined, resolved to push the 
matter farther. 
Js^of Or-' ^^^ king's sister, the duchess of Orleans, was 
leans carae thought the witticst womau in France, [but she 
had no sort of virtue, and scarce retained common 
decency.] The king of France had made love to her, 
[which she had readily entertained, but] with which 
she was highly incensed, when she saw it was only a 
pretence to cover his addresses to madamoiseUe la 
Valiere, one of her maids of honour, whom he after- 
wards declared openly to be his mistress : yet she had 
reconciled herself to the king ; and was now so en- 
tirely trusted by him, that he ordered her to pro- 
pose an interview with her brother at Dover. The 
king went thither, and was so much charmed with 
his sister, that every thing she proposed, and every 
favour she asked, was granted: [it did not pass 
, without the severest censures ^] The king could 

• "■ (" Before her death, it is " interview with her brother, 

" said, that she sent for Mr. " swearing in the most solemi* 

" Ralph Mountague, the Eng- " manner, that the suspicion of 

" Hsh ambassador, and disco- " having entertained too fami- 

" vered to him the object of her " liar attachment to any of her 


deny her nothing. She proposed an alliance, in or- 1671. 
der to the conquest of Holland ^ The king had a 
mind to have begun at home. But she diverted 
him from that. It could not be foreseen what dif- 
ficulties the king might meet with upon the first 
opening the design : as it would alarm aU his peo- 
ple, so it would send a great deal of wealth and 
trade, and perhaps much people, over to Holland : 
and by such an accession they would grow stronger, 
as he would grow weaker. So she proposed, that 
they should begin with Holland, and attack it vi- 
gorously, both by sea and land ; and upon their suc- 
cess in that, all the rest would be an easy work. 
This account of that negotiation was printed twelve 
years after, at Paris, by one abbot Primi. I had 
that part of the book in my hands in which this 
was contained. Lord Preston was then the king's 
envoy at Paris : so he, knowing how great a preju- 
dice the publishing this would be to his master's af- 
fairs, complained of it. The book was upon that 

" own blood was utterly ground- " me if I had remembered what 
*' less." Cunningham's History " she had said to me the night 
of Great Britain, translated by " before, of your majesty's in- 
J)r. Thomson, from the Latin " tentions to join with France 
MS. vol. i. p. 25. Compare " against Holland ; I told her, 
Burnet below, p. 612, Mr. "Yes. Pray then, said she, tell 
Fox, in his Life of James the " my brother, I never persuad- 
Second, observes, that though " ed him to it out of my own 
Burnet more covertly, and Lud- " interest, or to be more con- 
low more openly, insinuates " sidered in this country; but 
that his fondness for his sister " because I thought it for his 
was of a criminal nature, he " honour and advantage." Mon- 
could never find that there was tague's Letter to the King, giv- 
any ground whatever for such a ing an account of his sister's 
suspicion ; and that the little death, added to the Earl of Ar- 
that remains of their epistolary lington's Letters, addressed to 
correspondence gives it not the sir fVilliam Temple, and pub- 
smallest countenance, p. 71.) lished in 1701, p. 444.) 
* (" She (the duchess) asked 


1671. suppressed; and the writer was put in the Bastille, 
But he had drawn it out of the papers of Mr. le 
Tellier's office : so there is little reason to doubt of 
the truth of the thing. Madame, as this book says, 
prevailed to have her scheme settled, and so went 
back to France. The journey proved fatal to her : 
for the duke of Orleans had heard such things of 
her behaviour, that it was said he ordered a great 
dose of sublimate to be given her in a glass of suc- 
Soon after cory watcr, of which she died a few hours after in 
ed!* poison- gj.^^^ torments : and when she was opened, her sto- 
mach was all ulcerated \ 
Some of her Siuce I mcutiou her death, I will set down one 
" ' story of her, that was told me by a person of dis- 
tinction, who had it from some who were weU in- 
302 formed of the matter^. The king of France had 
courted madame Soissons, and made a shew of 
courting madame. But his affections fixing on ma- 
damoiselle la Valiere, she whom he had forsaken, 
as well as she whom he had deceived, resolved to be 
revenged : and they entered into a friendship in 
order to that. They had each of them a gaUant ; 
madame had the count de Guiche", and the other 
had the marquis des Vardes, then in great favour 

^Mountague (afterwards duke report, but finding there was 

of) seems to think she was more in it than was fit to be 

poisoned, as appears in some known, unless he had been in a 

manuscript letters of his, which condition to resent it as a great 

I have seen, and which are king ought, advised him to drop 

now, (1756,) in the hands of the inquiry, for fear it should pre- 

the earl of Cardigan. Mounta- judice her daughters, who were 

gue was then our ambassador afterwards married to the duke 

' in France, and, as he says in of Savoy and king of Spain. D. 
one of these letters, was with ^ Poor authority. S. 

her at the time of her death. O. " (Sir John Reresby, in his 

Sir William Temple told me, Memoirs, as others also, men- 

the king employed him in tions this count as a reputed Hi- 

senrching into the truth of this vourite of the duchess, p. 10.) 

OF KING CHARLES II. ,,iir 525 

with the king, and a very graceful person. When 1671. 
the treaty of the king of France's marriage was set 
on foot, there was an opinion generally received, 
that the infanta of Spain was a woman of great ge- 
nius, and would have a considerable stroke in all 
affairs. So, many young men of quality set them- 
selves to learn the Spanish language, to give them 
the more credit with the young queen. All that 
fell to the ground, when it appeared how weak a 
woman she was. These two were of that number. 
Count de Guiche watched an occasion, when a let- 
ter from the king of Spain was given to his daugh- ';<i 
ter by the Spanish ambassador, and she tore the 
envelope, and let it fall. He gathered up all the 
parcels of it, together with the seal. From these 
they learnt to imitate the king of Spain's writing. 
And they sent to Holland to get a seal engraven 
from the impression of the wax. When all was pre- 
pared, a letter was writ, as in the name of the king 
of Spain, reproaching his daughter for her tameness 
in suffering such an affront as the king put on her 
by his amours, with reflections fuU both of contempt 
and anger against the king. There was one Spanish Some of ti.e 

, , n ^ 1 intrigues. 

lady left about the queen : so they forged another 
letter, as from the Spanish ambassador to her, with 
that to the queen inclosed in it, desiring her to de- 
liver it secretly into the queen's own hand. And 
they made a livery, such as the Spanish ambassa- 
dor's pages wore : and a boy was sent in it with the 
letter. The lady suspected no forgery ; but fancied 
the letter might be about some matter of state. She 
thought it safest to carry it to the king, who, read- 
ing it, ordered an inquiry to be made about it. The 
Spanish ambassador saw he was abused in it. The 


1671. king spoke to the marquis des Vardes, not suspect-t 
ing that he was in it, and charged him to search 
after the author of this ahuse that was intended to 
be put on him. The two ladies now rejoiced, that 
the looking after the discovery was put in the hands 
of a man so much concerned in it. He amused the 
king with the inquiries that he was making, though 
he was ever in a wrong scent. But in all this time 
madame was so pleased with his conduct, that she 
came to like his person ; and had so little command 
of herself, that she told madame Soissons, she was 
303 her rival. The other readily complied with her. 
And, by an odd piece of extravagance, he was sent 
for: and madame Soissons told him, since he was 
in madame's favour, she released him from all obli- 
gations, and delivered him over to her. The mar- 
quis des Vardes thought, this was only an arti- 
fice of gallantry, to try how faithful he was to his 
^ amours : so he declared himself incapable of chang- 
ing, in terms fuU of respect for madame, and of pas- 
sion for the other. This raised in madame so deep 
a resentment, that she resolved to sacrifice Des 
Vardes, but to save the count de Guiche. So she 
gave him notice, that the king had discovered the 
whole intrigue ; and charged him to hasten out of 
France. And, as soon as she believed that he was 
in Flanders, she told all to the king of France. 
Upon which Des Vardes was not only disgraced, 
but kept long a prisoner in Aigues Mortes. And 
afterwards he was suffered to come to Montpe- 
lier. And it was almost twenty years after, be- 
fore he was suffered to come to court. I was at 
court when he came first to it. He was much 
broke in his health, but was become a philosopher. 


and was in great reputation among all Des Cartes's 1671. 
followers. Madame had an intrigue with another " 

person, whom I knew well, the count of Treville. 
When she was in her agony, she said, Adieu Tre- 
ville. He was so struck with this accident, that it 
had a good effect on him ; for he went and lived 
many years among the fathers of the oratory, and 
became both a very learned and devout man. He 
came afterwards out into the world. I saw him 
often ^. He was a man of a very sweet temper, only 
a little too formal for a Frenchman. But he was 
very sincere. He was a Jansenist. He hated the 
Jesuits. And had a very mean opinion of the king, 
which appeared in all the instances in which it was 
safe for him to shew it. 

Upon madame's death, as the marshal Bellefonds 
came from France with the compliment to the court 
of England, so the duke of Buckingham was sent The treaty 

. 1 • 1 w'*'* France 

thither on pretence to return the compliment, but negotiated. 
really to finish the treaty. The king of France 
used him in so particular a manner, knowing his 
vanity, and caressed him to such a degree, that he 
went in without reserve into the interests of France. 
Yet he protested to me, that he never consented to 
the French fleet's coming into our seas and har- 
bours. He said, he was offered 40,000/. if he could 
persuade the king to yield to it : and he appealed 
to the earl of Dorset for this, who was on the secret. 
He therefore concluded, since, after all the uneasi- 
ness shewed at first, the king had yielded to it, that 
lord Arlington had the money. Lord Shaftsbury laid 
the blame of this chiefly on the duke of Bucking- 

" Pretty jumping periods. S. 


1671. ham: for he told me, that he himself had writ a 
aQ4 peremptory instruction to him from the king, to 
give up all treaty, if the French did insist on the 
sending a fleet to our assistance. And therefore he 
blamed him^, as having yielded it up, since he 
ought to have broke off all farther treaty, upon 
their insisting on this. But the duke of York told 
me, there was no money given to corrupt the king's 
ministers ; that the king and he had long insisted 
on having all their supplies from France in money, 
without a fleet ; and that the French shewed them 
it was not possible for them to find out funds for so 
great an expense, unless we took a squadron of 
their ships ; since they could not both maintain 
their own fleet, and furnish us with the money that 
would be necessary, if we took not their squadron. 
It was agreed, that the king should have 350,000/. 
a year during the war, together with a fleet from 
France. England was to attack the Dutch by sea, 
while the king of France should invade them by 
land with a mighty army. It was not doubted, but 
that the States would find it impossible to resist so 
great a force, and would therefore submit to the 
two kings : so the division they agreed on was, that 
England should have Zealand, and that the king of 
France should have all the rest, except Holland, 
which was to be given to the prince of Orange, if 
he would come into the alliance : and it should be 
still a trading country, but without any capital 
ships. Lord Lauderdale said upon that occasion to 
me, that whatsoever they intended to do, they were 
resolved to do it eff*ectually all at once ; but he 

y Who blamed who ? (whom?) S. 


would not go into farther particulars. That the 1671. 
year 1672 might be fatal to other commonwealths, 
as well as to the States, the duke of Savoy was en- 
couraged to make a conquest of Grenoa'^; though 
he afterwards failed in the attempt: and the king 
of Denmark was invited into the alliance, with the 
offer of the town of Hamburgh, on which he had 
long set his heart. The duke of Richmond was 
sent to give a lustre to that negotiation, which was 
chiefly managed by Mr. Henshaw; who told me, 
that we offered that king some ships to assist him 
in seizing that rich town. But he was then in 
those engagements with the states of HoUand, that 
even this offer did not prevail on him. ^i 

Lockhart was at this time brought to court byLockhart 
lord Lauderdale, hoping that he would continue in France. 
an entire dependance on him, and be his creature. 
He was under so great a jealousy from the govern- 
ment for his former actings, that he was too easy to 
enter into any employment that might bring him 
into favour, not so much out of any ambition to 
rise, as from a desii'e to be safe, and to be no longer 
looked on as an enemy to the court : for when a fo- 
reign minister asked the king's leave to treat with 
him in his master's name, the king consented ; but 305 
with this severe reflection, that he believed he would 
be true to any body but himself*. He was sent to 
the courts of Brandenburgh and Lunenburgh, either 
to draw them into the alliance, or, if that could not 
be done, at least to secure them from all apprehen- 
sions. But in this he had no success. And indeed 
when he saw into what a negotiation he was en- 

^ Geneva. S. » Does he mean Lockhart would not be trup to 
Lockhart ? S. 

VOL. I. M m 


1671. gaged, he became very uneasy: for though the 
blackest part of the secret was not trusted to him, 
as appeared to me by his instructions, which I read 
after his death; yet he saw whither things were 
going. And that affected him so deeply, that it 
was believed to have contributed not a little to the 
languishing he soon feU under, which ended in his 
death two years after. 
Pretended The War- being thus resolved on, some pretences 

reasons for , 

the Dutch wcrc m the next place to be sought out to excuse 
it: for, though the king of France went more 
roundly to work, and pubhshed that he was so ill 
satisfied with the conduct of the States, that it did 
not consist with his glory to bear it any longer, yet 
we thought it decent for us to name some particu- 
lars. It was said, we had some pretensions on Su- 
rinam, not yet completely satisfied; and that the 
States harboured traitors, that fled from justice, and 
lived in Holland : some medals were complained of, 
that seemed dishonourable to the king ; as ako some 
pictures : and, though these were not made by pub- 
lic order, yet a great noise was raised about them. 
But an accident happened, that the court laid great 
hold o£ The Dutch fleet lay off* the coast of Eng- 
land the former year : and one of the king's yachts 
sailed by, and expected they should strike sail. 
They said, they never refused it to any man of 
war : but they thought that honour did not belong 
to such an inconsiderable vessel. I was then at 
court: and I saw joy in the looks of those that 
were in the secret. Selden had, in his Mare clau- 
sum, raised this matter so high, that he made it one 
of the chief rights and honours of the crown of 
England, as the acknowledgment of the king's em- 


pire in the four seas. The Dutch offered all satis- 1671, 
faction for the future in this matter : but they 
would not send their admiral over as a criminal. 
While France was treating with England, they 
continued to amuse the Dutch : and they so pos- 
sessed De Groot, then the Dutch ambassador at 
Paris, or they corrupted him into a belief that they 
had no design on them ^, that they were too secure, 
and depended too much on his advertisements. Yet 
the States entered into a negotiation, both with 
Spain and the emperor, and with the king of Den- 
mark, the elector of Brandenburgh, and the duke of 
Lunenburgh. The king of Sweden was yet under 306 
age : and the ministry there desired a neutrality. 
France and England sent two ambassadors to them, 
both men of great probity, Pompone and Coventry "^^ 
who were both recalled at the same time to be se- 
cretaries of state. Coventry was a man of wit and 
heat, of spirit and candour. He never gave bad 
advices : but when the king followed the ill advices 
that others gave, he thought himself bound to ex- 
cuse, if not to justify them ''. For this the duke of 
York commended him much to me. He said, in 
that he was a pattern to all good subjects, since he 
defended all the king's counsels in public, even 

^ Who on whom ? S. would otherwise have been afraid 

•= Henry Coventry. O. to have attempted. The trea- 

^ A very unhappy practice of surer Southampton did not act 

my lord Clarendon's, which so. But in one instance my 

subjugated him to more censure lord Clarendon did very nobly 

for what he was not the author oppose, in the house of lords, a 

of, than what he really did ad- favourite measure of the king's, 

vise procured him either blame It may be seen, in the printed 

or approbation. It wrought his History of his Life. The part he 

ruin with the people, and put acted on this occasion contri- 

the king himself very likely up- buted very much to his" ruin 

on venturing at measures he with the king. O. 

M m 2 


1671. when he had blamed them most in private with the 
king himself. [He had accustomed himself to the 
northern ways of entertainment; and this grew 
upon him with age.] 

1672. Our court havinff resolved on a war, did now 

The shut- , , ,, 

ting up of look out for money to carry it on. The king had 
chequtr. been running into a great debt ever since his restor- 
ation. One branch of it was for the pay of that 
fleet that brought him over. The main of it had 
been contracted during the former Dutch war. The 
king, in order to the keeping his credit, had dealt 
with some bankers, and had assigned over the re- 
venue to them. They drove a great trade, and had 
made great advantage by it. The king paid them 
at the rate of 8 per cent : and they paid those who 
put money in their hands only 6 per cent : and had 
great credit; for payments were made very punc- 
tually. The king had in some proclamations given 
his faith, that he would continue to make good all 
^ his assignments, tUl the whole debt should be paid, 

which was now growing up to almost a million and 
a half. So one of the ways proposed for supplying 
the king with money was, that he should stop these 
payments for a year, it being thought certain that 
hy the end of the year the king would be out of all 
his necessities, by the hopes they had of success in 
the war. The earl of Shaftsbury was the chief man 
in this advice ^. He excused it to me, telling me 

^ Clifford bad the merit of " cuted by tbe lord treasurer 

this. S. (" Tbis counsel, sup- " Clifford ; though, considering 

" posed to be the invention of " the impending evils from the 

" the earl of Shaftsbury, then " Dutch, since it was war with 

' ii " chancellor of the exchequer, " them, it might as well have 

" was as unhappily given, as " pleaded necessity, as other 

" desperately taken and exe- " steps in latter times have 


what advantage the bankers had made, and how 1672. 
just it was for the king to bring them to an account 
for their usury and extortions : and added, that he 
never meant the stop should run beyond the year. 
He certainly knew of it beforehand ; and took all 
his own money out of the bankers' hands, and warned 
some of his friends to do the like ^. Lord Lauder- 
dale did about this time marry lady Dysert upon his 
own lady's death : and she writ me a long account of 
the shutting up the exchequer, as both just and ne- 
cessary. The bankers were broke ; and great mul- 
titudes, who had trusted their money in their hands, 
were ruined by this dishonourable and perfidious ac- 307 
tion. But this gave the king only his own revenue 
again. So other ways were to be found for an in- 
crease of treasure. 

By the peace of Breda it was provided, that, in The at- 
order to the security of trade, no merchants' ships th^Dutch 
should be for the future fallen on, till six months ^^^J*^"* 
after a declaration of war. The Dutch had a rich 

" done. It is plain enough Duncombe, who had a very 

" that as matters stood, it was great sum of his own in the ex- 

*' of evils the lesser; and the chequer, besides thirty thou- 

" wrong done to the bankers sand pounds of the marquis of 

'* and their creditors might Winchester's, that he drew out 

" have been repaired by the before the stop ; which was 

" parliament ; but ill humour the reason the duke of Bolton 

" succeeded, and that could espoused his interest so zeal- 

" not be obtained. But at . ously, upon his impeachment 

" length the king himself, out in king William's reign: and 

"of his great justice, made brought him off by one vote in 

" amends by a perpetiial inter- the house of Lords ; though it 

" est charged upon the here- was generally thought, not 

" ditary excise." North's Ex- without some charge to Dun- 

amen of the complete Hist, combe : besides some engage- 

of England, p. 37. Compare ments in relation to another