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Full text of "Bishop Burnet's History of his own time: with the suppressed passages of the first volume, and notes by the earls of Dartmouth and Hardwicke, and Speaker Onslow, hitherto unpublished"

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THE 617 





Of the reign of King James II. 

JL AM now to prosecute this work, and to give the i685. 
relation of an inglorious and unprosperous reign, ^ reign 
that was begun with great advantages : but these ''JJ^ buJ**' 
were so poorly managed, and so ill improved, that 'ngiorious 

, , all over. 

bad designs were ill laid, and worse conducted ; and 
all came, in conclusion, under one of the strangest 
catastrophes that is in any history. A great king, 
with strong armies and mighty fleets, a vast trea- 
sure and powerful allies, fell all at once : and his 
whole strength, like a spider's web, was so irre- 
coverably broken with a touch, that he was never 
able to retrieve, what for want both of judgment 
and heart he threw up in a day. Such an unex-618 
pected revolution deserves to be well opened : I will 
do it as fully as I can. But, having been beyond 
sea almost all this reign, many small particulars, 


1685. that may well deserve to be remembered, may have 
escaped me : yet as I had good opportunities to be 
well informed, I will pass over nothing that seems 
->,j-of any importance to the opening such great and 
unusual transactions. I wiU endeavour to watch 
over my pen with more than ordinary caution, that 
I may let no sharpness, from any ill usage I my self 
met with, any way possess my thoughts, or bias my 
mind : on the contrary, the sad fate of this unfor- 
tunate prince will make me the more tender in not 
aggravating the errors of his reign. As to my own 
particular, I will remember how much I was once 
in his favour, and how highly I was obliged to him. 
And as I must let his designs and miscarriages be 
seen, so I will open things as fuUy as I can, that it 
may appear on whom we ought to lay the chief load 
of them : which indeed ought to be chiefly charged 
on his religion *, and on those who had the manage- 

* And as much on the arbi- cause of each other, and indeetl 

trariness of his own nature, they cannot easily be separated, 

with some disposition to cruel- The protestant faith is founded 

ty. It has been said, that this upon inquiry and knowledge, 

temper of his inclined him to the popish upon submission and 

poper)', as strongly as his con- ignorance. And nothing leads 

victions, and that the protestant more to slavery' in the state, 

religion was, in this country at than blind obedience in matters 

least, according to his opinion, of religion ; as nothing tends 

the source of faction and rebel- more to civil liberty, than that 

lion, and what ruined his father. spirit of free inquiry, which is 

He loved and aimed at absolute the life of protestantism. So 

power, and believed that no- that king James's system was 

thing could introduce and sup- consistent enough in itself; but 

port it but the catholic religion, he either was mistaken in the 

as the Romanists call theirs ; application of it to this coun- 

''*^and this increased his zeal for try, or wanted skill to conduct 

it, and that zeal increased his it. This last did, undoubtedly, 

disposition to arbitrary power : precipitate his ruin ; but how 

so that in truth, his religion far the other was true or not, 

and his politics were partly the (that he was mistaken in his 


ment of his conscience, his priests, and his Italian lOss. 
queen ; which last had hitherto acted a popular part 
with great artifice and skill, but came now to take 
off the mask, and to discover her self. 

This prince was much neglected in his childhood, The kings 

° first educ*- 

during the time he was under his fathers care.tion. 
The parliament, getting him into their hands, put 
him under the earl of Northumberland's govern- 
ment, who, as the duke himself told me, treated 
him with great respect, and a very tender regard. 
When he escaped out of their hands, by the means 
of colonel Bamfield, his father writ to him a letter 
in cipher, concluding in these plain words. Do this 
as you expect the blessing of your loving father. 
This was sent to William duke of Hamilton, but 
came after he had made his escape : and so I found 
it among his papers : and I gave it to the duke of 
York in the year 1674. He said to me, he believed 

general design,) is a matter of time, he would have been too 

more difficulty. Happily for well able to have established 

these nations, the age produced that part of his work. The 

a prince formed and circum- high principles in government 

stanced as the prince of Orange which the clergy professed, 

was,and that the then stateofEu- would certainly have carried (it«*l*ll 

rope made his enterprise for us them so far with him, and they ""^^^ 

to becritical for them who dread- large numbers of church lay- '" 

ed the power of France. With men of the same high notions. 

this, ii was not unhappy too for He would have had besides all 

this country, that the introduc- his courtiers, and the expectants 

tion of popery was the chief to be such, and in all probabi- 

part of the king's scheme. That lity in this he would have had 

engaged the clergy and the body his army too. By this force he 

of the church laity against him ; might, for a time at least, have 

but if he had not made it a su|)pressed the civil rights of 

quarrel of religion, and had de- his people, and subdued the 

signed only to make his power true protestant spirit of liberty, 

absolute, (which he was much (that has always been the best 

inclined to,) it was as much to guard of the other,) and only 

be feared, that, considering the suffered the name and shadow 

state of the kingdom at that of it to remain. O. 

B 2 


1685. he had his father's cipher among his papers, and 
that he would try to decipher the letter : but I be- 
lieve he never did it. I told him I was confident, 
that as the letter was writ when his escape .was un- 
der consideration, so it contained an order to go to 
the queen, and to be obedient to her in all things, 
except in matters of religion. The king appointed 
sir John Berkeley, afterwards lord Berkeley, to be 
his governor. It was a strange choice, if it was not 
that, in such a want of men who stuck to the king 
619 as was then, there were few capable in any sort of 
such a trust. Berkeley was bold and insolent, and 
seemed to lean to popery : he was certainly very ar- 
bitrary, both in his temper and notions. The queen 
took such a particular care of this prince, that he 
was soon observed to have more of her favour than 
either of his two brothers : and she was so set on 
making proselytes, hoping that to save a soul would 
cover a multitude of sins, that it is not to be 
doubted but she used more than ordinary arts to 
draw him over to her religion. Yet, as he himself 
told me, he stood out against her practices. 

He learned Duriug his Stay in Fraucc he made some cam- 
war under . i-m«-im i i-i* 

Turenne. paigns undcr Mr. de I urenne, who took him so par- 
ticularly under his care, that he instructed him in 
aU that he undertook, and shewed him the reasons 
of every thing he did so minutely, that he had 
great advantages by being formed under the greatest 
general of the age. Turenne was so much taken 
with his application, and the heat that he shewed, 
that he recommended him out of measure. He said 
often of him, There was the greatest prince, and like 
to be the best general of his time. This raised his 
character so much, that the king was not a little 


eclipsed by him. Yet he quickly ran into amours J 685. 
and vice. And that by degi'ees wore out any cou- 
rage that had appeared in his youth. And in the 
end of his life he came to lose the reputation of a 
brave man and a good captain so entirely, that ei- 
ther he was never that which flatterers gave out 
concerning him, or his age and affairs wrought a 
very unusual change on him. 

He seemed to follow his mother's maxims all the 
while he was beyond sea. He was the head of a 
party that was formed in the king's small court 
against lord Clarendon. And it was believed that 
his applications to lord Clarendon's daughter were 
made at first on design to dishonour his family, 
though she had the address to turn it another way. 

After his brother's restoration, he applied himself He was 
much to the marine, in which he anived at great Eilgilnd. 
skill, and brought the fleet so entirely into his de- -*. „»^ 
pendance, that even after he laid down the com- ' '*** 
mand he was stUl the master of our whole sea force. 
He had now for these last three years directed all 
our counsels with so absolute an authority, that the 
king seemed to have left the government wholly in 
his hands : only the unlooked-for bringing in the 
duke of Monmouth put him under no small appre- 
iiensions, that at some time or other the king might 
slip out of his hands : now that fear was over. 

The king was dead : and so all the court went 620 
immediately and paid their duty to him. Orders "roXTLed 
were presently given for proclaiming him king. It '''"&• 
was a heavy solemnity : few tears were shed for the 
former, nor were there any shouts of joy for the 
present king. A dead silence, but without any dis- 

B 8 ^ 


1 685. order or tumult, followed it through the streets ^. 
When the privy counsellors came back from the pro- 
clamation, and waited on the new king, he made a 
short speech to them ; which it seems was well con- 
sidered, and much liked by him, for he repeated it 
to his parliament, and upon several other occasions. 
His first jje began with an expostulation for the ill cha- 
racter that had been entertained of him. He told 
them, in very positive words, that he would never 
depart from any branch of his prerogative : but with 
that he promised, that he would maintain the liberty 
and property of the subject. He expressed his good 
opinion of the church of England, as a friend to 
monarchy. Therefore, he said, he would defend and 
maintain the church, and would preserve the go- 
vernment in church and state, as it was established 

>r. I. 

by law. •" 

well re- This spccch was soon printed, and gave great 

content to those who believed that he would stick 
to the promises made in it. And those few who 
did not believe it, yet durst not seem to doubt of it. 
The pulpits of England were fuD of it, and of 

^ This is so far from the history of his own life. See 
truth, that the death of no also sir John Reresby's Me- 
prince was ever so universally moirs, p. 107. And with re- 
lamented ; especially by the spect to the new king, Dr. 
common people, who had en- Welwood, whom no one can 
joyed more ease and plenty suspect of partiality towards 
during his reign, than ever they him, for he is known to have 
had done before, or expected answered one of the king's de- 
after. D. (The truth of this clarations after his dethrone- 
latter account of the sorrow ment, says in his Memoirs, p. 
occasioned by the death of 154. " All the former animosi- 
Charles, is confirmed by CoUey " ties seemed to be forgotten 
Gibber, the poet laureat, who " amidst the loud acclamations 
was no friend of the house of " of his people on his accession 
Stuart, in the beginning of the " to the throne.") "i 


thanksgivings for it. , It was magnified as a security ] 685. 
far greater than any that laws could give. The 
common phrase was, We have now the word of a 
king, and a word never yet broken. 

Upon this a new set of addresses went round Addresses 
England, in which the highest commendations 
flattery could , in vent were given to the late king; 
and assurances of loyalty and fidelity were renewed 
to the king, in terms that shewed there were no 
jealousies nor fears left. The university of Oxford 
in their address promised to obey the king without 
limitations or restrictions. The king's promise 
passed for a thing so sacred, that they were looked 
on as ill bred that put in their address, our religion 
established by law ; which looked like a tie on the 
king to maintain it : whereas the style of the more 
courtly was to put all our security upon the king's 
promise. The clergy of London added a word to 
this in their address, our religion established by *"-^ 
laWy dearer to us than our lives. This had such 
an insinuation in it, as made it very unacceptable. 
Some followed their pattern. But this was marked 621 
to be remembered against those that used so me- 
nacing a form. 

All employments were ended of course with the 
life of the former king. But the king continued all 
in theii* places : only the posts in the household were 
given to those who had served the king, while he 
was duke of York. The marquis of Halifax had 
reason to look on himself as in ill terms with the 
king : so in a private audience he made the best ex- 
cuses he could for his conduct of late. The king 
diverted the discourse; and said, he would forget 
every thing that was past, except his behaviour 

B 4 




The earl 
of Ro- 
made lord 

The earl 
of Sunder- 
land in 

in the business of the exclusion. The king also 
added, that he would expect no other service of him 
than what was consistent with law. He prepared 
him for the exaltation of the earl of Rochester. He 
said, he had served him well, and had suffered on 
his account, and therefore he would now shew fa- 
vour to him : and the next day he declared him lord 
treasurer. His brother the earl of Clarendon was 
made lord privy seal : and the marquis of Halifax 
was made lord president of the council. The earl 
of Sunderland was looked on as a man lost at court : 
and so was lord GodoljDhin. But the former of these 
insinuated himself so into the queen's confidence, 
that he was, beyond all people's expectation, not 
only maintained in his posts, but grew into great 
degrees of favour. 

The queen was made to consider the earl of Ro- 
chester as a person that would be in the interest of 
the king's daughters, and united to the church 
party. So she saw it was necessary to have one in 
a high post, who should depend wholly on her, and 
be entirely hers. And the earl of Sunderland was 
the only person capable of that. The earl of Ro- 
chester did upon his advancement become so violent 
and boisterous, that the whole court joined to sup- 
port the earl of Sunderland, as the proper balance to 
the other. Lord Godolphin was put in a great post 
in the queen's household ''. 

*= He was mad^e lord cham- 
berlain to the queen, and more 
esteemed and trusted by her 
than any man in England. 
After the revolution, he kept a 
constant correspondence with 
her to his dying day : (which 

was managed by the countess 
of Lichfield :) notwithstanding 
Mr. Caesar of Hartfordshire 
was sent to the tower for say- 
ing so in the house of com- 
mons, in the reign of queen 
Ann. D. irr3 


But before the earl of Rochester had the white \685. 

staff, the court engaged the lord Godolphin, and the customs 
other lords of the treasury, to send orders to the f"^!!^*"^!^*^ 
commissioners of the customs to continue to levy the s*'"** ^»*'- 
customs, though the act that granted them to the 
late king was only for his life, and so was now de- 
termined with it. It is known how much this mat- 
ter was contested in king Charles the first's time, 
and what had passed upon it. The legal method ** 
was to have made entries, and to have taken bonds 
for those duties, to be paid when the parliament 622 
should meet, and renew the grant. Yet the king 
declared, that he would levy the customs, and not 
stay for the new grant. But, though this did not 
agree well with the king's promise of maintaining 
liberty and property, yet it was said in excuse for it, 
that, if the customs should not be levied in this in- 
terval, great importations would be made, and the 
markets would be so stocked, that this would very 
much spoil the king's customs*. But in answer to 
this it was said again, entries were to be made, and 
bonds taken, to be sued when the act granting them 
should pass. Endeavours were used with some of 
the merchants to refuse to pay those duties, and to 
dispute the matter in Westminster hall: but none 
would venture on so bold a thing. He who should 
begin any such opposition would probably be ruined 

•* The least illegal and the plea, " that the merchants, who 

only justifiably, he should have " had their warehouses full of 

said. O. (It was the proposal " goods, for which custom had 

of lortl keeper North, whilst " been paid, would be under- •^„-^^^.e^ 

the other which was adopted " sold in all the markets by 

was suggested by Jetteries. See " those who now should pay 

North's Life of the Lord Keep- " no duties." Vol. i. Hist, of 

er, p. 255,) Great Britain, p. 428.) 

' (Macpherson adds to this 


1685. by it : so none would run that hazard. The earl of 
' Rochester got this to be done before he came into 

the treasury : so he pretended, that he only held on 
in the course that was begun by others. 

The additional excise had been given to the late 
king only for life. But there was a clause in the 
act that empowered the treasury to make a farm of 
it for three years, without adding a limiting clause, 
in case it should be so long due. And it was thought 
a great stretch of the clause, to make a fraudulent 
farm, by which it should continue to be levied three 
years after it was determined, according to the letter 
and intendment of the act. A farm was now brought 
out, as made during the king's life, though it was 
well known that no such farm had been made ; for 
it was made after his death, but a false date was 
put to it. This matter seemed doubtful. It was 
laid before the judges. And they aU, except two, 
were of opinion that it was good in law. So two 
proclamations were ordered, the one for levying the 
customs, and the other for the excise. 

These came out in the first week of the reign, 
and gave a melancholy prospect. Such beginnings 
did not promise well, and raised just fears in the 
minds of those who considered the consequences of 
such proceedings. They saw, that by violence and 
fraud duties were now to be levied without law. 
But all people were under the power of fear or flat- 
tery to such a degree, that none durst complain, and 
few would venture to talk of those matters. 
The king's Persons of all ranks went in such crowds to pay 

coldness to r j 

h^^b*^*"* their duty to the king, that it was not easy to ad- 

for the ex- mit them aU. Most of the whigs that were ad- 

gggmitted were received coldly at best. Some were 


sharply reproached for their past behaviour. Others \685. 

were denied access. The king began likewise to 
say, that he would not be served as his brother had 
been : he would have all about him serve him with- 
out reserve, and go thorough in his business. Many 
were amazed to see such steps made at first. The 
second Sunday after he came to the throne, he, to 
the surprise of the whole court, went openly to 
mass, and sent Caryl to Rome with letters to the 
pope, but without a character. 

In one thing only the king seemed to comply He seemed 
with the genius of the nation, though it proved in equal terms 
the end to be only a shew. He seemed resolved prendl"* 
not to be governed by French counsels, but to act'''"^- 
in an equality with that haughty monarch in all 
things. And, as he entertained all the other foreign 
ministers with assurances that he would maintain 
the balance of Europe with a more steady hand SJ) 
than had been done formerly; so, when he sent over 
the lord Churchil to the court of France with the 
notice of his brother's death, he ordered him to ob- 
serve exactly the ceremony and state with which he 
was received, that he might treat him, who should 
be sent over with the compliment in return to that, 
in the same manner. And this he observed very 
punctually, when the marshal de Lorge came over. 
This was set about by the courtiers as a sign of an- 
other spirit, that might be looked for in a reign so 
begun. And this made some impression on the 
court of France, and put them to a stand. But, 
not long after this, the French king said to the duke 
of Villeroy, (who told it to young Rouvigny, now 
earl of Galway, from whom I had it,) that the king 
of England, after all the high things given out in 


1685. his name, was willing to take his money, as well as 
his brother had done ^. 

The king did also give out, that he would live in 
a particular confidence with the prince of Orange, 
and the States of Holland. And, because Chud- 
leigh, the envoy there, had openly broken with the 
prince, (for he not only waited no more on him, but 
acted openly against him ; and once in the Vorhaut 
had affronted him, while he was driving the princess 
upon the snow in a trainau, according to the Ger- 
man manner, and pretending they were masked, and 
that he did not know them, had ordered his coach- 
man to keep his way, as they were coming towards 
f-^ the place where he drove S;) the king recalled him, 
and sent Shelton in his room, who was the haugh- 
tiest, but withal the weakest man, that he could 
have found out. He talked out all secrets, and 
624 made himself the scorn of all Holland. The court- 
iers now said every where, that we had a martial 

^ (From the now ascertained " nour, and ordered his troops 

fact of James's receiving money " to salute him at reviews when 

from France, the truth of the " he happened to be present, 

anecdote here related cannot, " The king (Charles) had for- 

as Mr. Fox observes, be doubt- •' bid it to those he had in the 

ed. See Fox's Hist, of the " service of the States, by Mr. 

Reign of James II. p. io6.) " Chudley, then minister at the 

8 A pretty parenthesis. S. (See " Hague, which the prince took 

before, p. 594; but D'Orleans, " so ill, that he was in a pas- 

in his History of the Revolu- " sion with Chudley, who had 

tions in England, which was " given those orders to the 

written, according to lord Bo- " officers, without acquainting 

lingbroke in his Dissertation on " him, and threatened him. 

Parties, p. 28. on materials fur- " lifting up his hand. The 

nished him by James II. gives " minister complained to his 

the following account of the " master, who was so highly 

difference between the prince of " offended at it, that he for- 

Orange and Chudleigh : "The "bad him seeing the prince." 

" prince of Orange still did the p. 276, Compare p. 576 of 

" duke of Monmouth much ho- Burnet's Histor)'.), ;;_•;' 


prince who loved glory, who would bring France i685. 
into as humble a dependance on us, as we had been 
formeriy on that court. 

The king did, some days after his coming to the The king's 

, , 1 1 • • 11 course of 

crown, promise the queen and his priests, that he ufe. 
would see Mrs. Sidley no more, by whom he had 
some children. And he spoke openly against lewd- 
ness, and expressed a detestation of drunkenness. 
He sat many hours a day about business with the 
council, the treasury, and the admiralty. It was 
upon this said, that now we should have a reign of 
action and business, and not of sloth and luxury, as 
the last was. Mrs. Sidley had lodgings in White- 
hall : orders were sent to her to leave them. This 
was done to mortify her ; for [as she was naturally 
bold and insolent] she pretended that she should 
now govern as absolutely as the duchess of Ports- [) 
mouth had done: yet the king still continued a 
secret commerce with her. And thus he began his 
reign with some fair appearances. A long and 
great frost had so shut up the Dutch ports, that for 
some weeks they had no letters from England : at 
last the news of the king's sickness and death, and 
of the beginnings of the new reign, came to them 
all at once. 

The first difficulty the prince of Orange was in, The prince 
was with relation to the duke of Monmouth. HeLntTwfJ 
knew the king would immediately, after the first o5\Jo„! 
compliments were over, ask him to dismiss him, if ™o"^*»- 
not to deliver him up. And as it was no way de- 
cent for him to break with the king upon such a 
point, so he knew the states would never bear it. 
He thought it better to dismiss him immediately, as 
of himself. The duke of Monmouth seemed sur- 


1685. prised at this. Yet at parting he made great pro- 
testations both to the prince and princess of an in- 
violable fidelity to their interests. So he retired to 
Brussels, where he knew he could be suffered to 
stay no longer than till a return should come from 
Spain, upon the notice of king Charles's death, and 
the declarations that the king was making of main- 
taining the balance of Europe. The duke was upon 
that thinking to go to Vienna, or to some court in 
Germany. But those about him studied to inflame 
him both against the king and the prince of Orange. 
They told him, the prince by casting him off had 
cancelled all former obligations, and set him free 
from them : he was now to look to himself: and in- 
stead of wandering about as a vagabond, he was to 
set himself to deliver his country, and to raise his 
g25 party and his friends, who were now like to be used 
very iU for their adhering to him and to his in- 
Some in They sent one over to England to try men's 

b"^n'to pulses, and to see if it was yet a proper time to 
mOTefor make an attempt. Wildman, Charlton, and some 
others, went about trying if men were in a disposi- 
tion to encourage an invasion. They talked of this 
in so remote a way of speculation, that though one 
could not but see what lay at bottom, yet they did 
not run into treasonable discourse. I was in general 
sounded by them : yet nothing was proposed that 
ran me into any danger from concealing it. I did 
not think fears and dangers, nor some illegal acts in 
the administration, could justify an insurrection, as 
lawful in itself: and I was confident an insurrection 
undertaken on such grounds would be so ill se- 
conded, and so weakly supported, that it would not 


only come to nothing, but it would precipitate our ]685. 

ruin. Therefore I did all I could to divert all per- ' 

sons with whom I had any credit from engaging in 

such designs. These were for some time carried on 

in the dark. The king, after he had put his affah's 

in a method, resolved to hasten his coronation, and 

to have it performed with gi*eat magnificence : and 

for some weeks he was so entirely possessed with 

the preparations for that solemnity, that all business 

was laid aside, and nothing but ceremony was 

thought on. 

At the same time a parliament was summoned : strange 

. practices in 

and all arts were used to manage elections so, that elections of 
the king should have a parliament to his mind, m^n?""^"* 
Complaints came up from all the parts of England 
of the injustice and violence used in elections, be- 
yond what had ever been practised in former times. 
And this was so universal over the whole nation, 
that no comer of it was neglected. In the new 
charters that had been granted, the election of the 
members was taken out of the hands of the inhabit- 
ants, and restrained to the corporation men, all 
those being left out who were not acceptable at 
court. In some boroughs they could not find a 
number of men to be depended on : so the neigh- 
bouring gentlemen were made the corporation-men ^ 
and, in some of these, persons of other counties, not 
so much as known in the borough, were named. 
This was practised in the most avowed manner in 
Cornwall by the earl of Bath ; who to secure him- 
self the groom of the stole's place, which he held all 
king Charles's time, put the officers of the guards 
names in almost all the charters of that county ; 626 
which sending up forty-four memljers, they were 


1685. for most part so chosen, that the king was sure of 
their votes on all occasions. 

These methods were so successful over England, 
that when the elections were all returned, the king 
said, there were not above forty members, but such 
as he himself wished for. They were neither men 
of parts nor estates ^ : so there was no hope left, 
either of working on their understandings, or of 
making them see their interest, in not giving the 
king aU at once. Most of them were furious and 
violent, and seemed resolved to recommend them- 
selves to the king by putting every thing in his 
power, and by ruining all those who had been for the 
exclusion. Some few had designed to give the king 
the revenue only from three years to three years '. 
The earl of Rochester told me, that was what he 
looked for, though the post he was in made it not 
so proper for him to move in it. But there was no 
prospect of any strength in opposing any thing that 
the king should ask of them. 

^ That was not so, for al- his Remarks. ExatDine what 

though very bad practices were the bishop himself relates after^ . 

used in the elections, yet the re- wards at p. 667. concerning the 

turns shew, they were in general conduct of these gentlemen, 

men of fashion and fortune in and the candid character given 

the countries they were chosen of them by the continuator of 

for, but most of them indeed Rapin's History of England, 

very high tories. O. (Bevill See also Echard's Hist, of Eng- 

Higgons says, that in regard to land, p. 1056. and his Hist, of 

their estates and circumstances, the Revolution, p. 630.) 
he must refer the reader to the ' Might not these persons 

printed list, supposing him to have suggested the giving of 

know the gentlemen of fortune king William the principal re- 

and quality in the respective venues but from year to year ? 

counties of England ; and adds, which subsisted for some time, 

that they were both good sub- much to the dissatisfaction of 

jects and good patriots ; the last the king. See vol. ii. pp. 12, 

shown by their being afterwards 13, 14. O. 
dissolved in anger, p. 301. of 


This gave all thinking men a melancholy pro- \685. 
spect. England now seemed lost, unless some gvii pro- 
happy accident should save it. All people saw the^PJ^J/^^^ 
way for packing a parliament now laid open'. A"a"««^- 
new set of charters and corporation-men, if those 
now named should not continue to be still as com- 
pliant as they were at present, was a certain re- 
medy, to which recourse might be easily had. The 
boroughs of England saw their privileges now 
wrested out of their hands, and that their elections, 
which had made them so considerable before, were 
hereafter to be made as the court should direct : so 
that from henceforth little regard would be had to 
tliem ; and the usual practices in courting, or rather 
in corrupting them, would be no longer pursued. 
Thus all people were alarmed : but few durst speak 
out, or complain openly. Only the duke of Mon- 
mouth's agents made great use of this to inflame their 
party. It was said, here was a parliament to meet, that 
was not the choice and representative of the nation, 
and therefore was no parliament. So they upon 
this possessed all people with dreadful apprehensions 
that a blow was now given to the constitution, 
which could not be remedied but by an insurrection. 
It was resolved to bring up petitions against some 
elections, that were so indecently managed, that it 
seemed scarce possible to excuse them : but these 
were to be judged by a majority of men, who knew 
their own elections to be so faulty, that to secure 
themselves they would justify the rest : and fair 627 
dealing was not to be expected from those, who 
(Were so deeply engaged in the like injustice. 
^ All that was offered on the other hand to lay 

' Just our case at the queen's death. S. 


1685. those fears, which so ill an appearance did raise, 
. was, that it was probable the king would go into 
measures against France. All the offers of submis- 
sion possible were made him by Spain, the empire, 
and the States ^. 
The prince The kiuff had beeim with the prince of Orange 

ot Orange . . . . 

submits in upon a hard point. He was not satisfied with his 
to the king, dismissing the duke of Monmouth, but wrote to 
him to break aU those officers who had waited on 
him while he was in Holland. In this they had 
only foUowed the prince's example : so it was hard 
to punish them for that which he himself had en- 
couraged. They had indeed shewed their affections 
to him so evidently, that the king wrote to the prince, 
that he could not trust to him, nor depend on his 
friendship, as long as such men served under him. 
This was of a hard digestion. Yet, since the break- 
ing them could be easily made up by employing them 
afterwards, and by continuing their appointments 
to them, the prince complied in this likewise. And 
the king was so weU pleased with it, that when bi- 

^ This was a crisis that might concurrence of incidents to pro- 
have made this country as great duce all this : but the family 
in Europe, or greater, than it had was not made to govern this 
been in any age, and put the country. A false policy run 
king at the head of all foreign through their four reigns, and 
transactions, to have engaged they either did not know, or did 
in them more or less, as it suited not know how to make use of, 
either his interest or his ho- the true genius and greatness 
nour : and had he but have of their people. The British 
kept his religion to his own nation, in its freedom, may be 
practice of it, and governed by the first power of Europe ; and 
parliaments, he would have been a king who shews them he 
the happiest and greatest king means their interest only, be 
at the same time, both at honie the best obeyed. When they see 
and abroad, that this nation him their king, they will be his 
had almost ever seen. There subjects. O. 

never happened before such a 



shop Turner complained of some things relating to 1635. 
the prince and princess, and proposed rougher me- ' 
thods, the king told him, it was absolutely necessary 
that the prince and he should continue in good cor- 
respondence. Of this Turner gave an account to 
the other bishops, and told them very solemnly, that 
the church would be in no hazard during the pre- 
sent reign ; but that they must take care to secure 
themselves against the prince of Orange, otherwise 
they would be in great danger. 

The submission of the prince and the States to 
the king made some fancy that this would over- 
come him. All people concluded, that it would 
soon appear, whether bigotry or a desire of glory 
was the prevailing passion ; since if he did not 
strike in with an alliance that was then projected 
against France, it might be concluded that he was 
resolved to deliver himself up to his priests, and to 
sacrifice all to their ends. The season of the year 
made it to be hoped, that the first session of parlia- 
ment would be so short, that much could not be 
done in it, but that when the revenue should be 
granted, other matters might be put off to a winter 
session. So that, if the parliament should not deli- 
ver up the nation in a heat all at once, but should 
leave half their work to another session, they might 
come under some management, and either see the 628 
interest of the nation in general, or their own in 
particular ; and so manage their favours to the court 
in such a manner as to make themselves necessary, 
and not to give away too much at once, but be spar- 
ing in their bounty ; which they had learned so well 
in king Charles's time, that it was to be hoped they 
would soon fall into it, if they made not too much 

c 2 


1685. haste at their first setting out. So it was resolved 

' ""^not to put them on too hastily in their first session 

to judge of any election, but to keep that matter 

entire for some time, tiU they should break into 


The king The coronatiou was set for St. Greorge's day. 

was crown- 
ed. Turner was ordered to preach the sermon : and 

both king and queen resolved to have all done in 
the protestant form, and to assist in all the prayers : 
only the king would not receive the sacrament, 
which is always a part of the ceremony. In this 
certainly his priests dispensed with him, and he had 
such senses given him of the oath, that he either 
took it as a sin with a resolution not to keep it, or 
he had a reserved meaning in his own mind. The 
crown was not well fitted for the king's head: it 
came down too far, and covered the upper part of 
his face. The canopy carried over him did also 
break. Some other smaller things happened that 
were looked on as iU omens : and his son by Mrs. 
Sidley died that day'. The queen with the peer- 
esses made a more graceful figure. The best thing 
in Turner's sermon was, that he set forth that part 
of Constantius Chlorus's history very handsomely, in 
which he tried who would be true to their religion, 

' At the coronation of the discerned it, change counte- 
present king, (George the se- nance and turn pale. I was 
cond,) and the queen, the dean then in an upper gallery of the 
of Westminster, (bishop Brad- church, just over the place 
ford,) who was then old and where this part of the ceremo- 
very feeble, in bringing the nial was performed. The au- 
crown from the communion ta- thor should not have taken no- 
ble, tottered with it in coming tice of these superstitious ob- 
dowu the steps, and had much* servations upon accidents that 
ado to save it from falling ; upon may happen alike to all. O. 
which I saw the queen, who 


and reckoned that those would be faithfullest to i685.. 

himself who were truest to their God. 

I must now say somewhat concerning my self, i ^ent out 
At this time I went out of England. Upon king 
Charles's death, I had desired leave to come and 
pay my duty to the king by the marquis of Halifax. 
The king would not see me. So, since I was at 
that time in no sort of employment, not so much as 
allowed to preach any where, I resolved to go 
abroad. I saw we were like to fall into great con- 
fusion ; and were either to be rescued, in a way 
that I could not approve of, by the duke of Mon- 
mouth's means, or to be delivered up by a meeting 
that had the face and name of a parliament. I 
thought the best thing for me was to go out of the 
way. The king approved of this, and consented to 
my going : but still refused to see me. So I was to 
go beyond sea, as to a voluntary exile. This gave 
me great credit with all the malecontents : and I 629 
made the best use of it I could. I spoke very ear- 
nestly to the lord de la Meer, to Mrs. Hambden *", 
and such others as I could meet with, who I feared 
might be drawn in by the agents of the duke of 
Monmouth. The king had not yet done that which 
would justify extreme counsels. A raw rebellion would 
be soon crushed, and give a colour for keeping up a 
standing army, or for bringing over a force from 
France. I perceived, many thought the constitu- 
tion was so broken into by the elections of the house 
of commons, that they were disposed to put all to 
hazard. Yet most people thought the crisis was not 
so near, as it proved to be. 

'" (Mr. Hambden.) 
c 3 


1685. The deliberations in Holland, among the English 

Argiie de- and Scotch that fled thither, came to ripen faster 
ilfvmit*** t^^" ^^s expected. Lord Argiie had been quiet 
Scouand. gygj. gincc the disappointment in the year eighty- 
three. He had lived for most part in Frizeland, 
but came oft to Amsterdam, and met with the rest 
of his countrymen that lay concealed there : the 
chief of whom were the lord Melvill, sir Patrick 
Hume, and sir John Cochran. [The first of these, 
(Melvill,) was a fearful and mean-spirited man, a 
zealous presbyterian, but more zealous in preserving 
his person and estate. Hume was a hot and eager 
man, full of passion and resentment, and instead of 
minding the business then in hand, he was always 
forming schemes about the modelling of matters, 
when they should prevail ; in which he was so ear- 
nest, that he fell into perpetual disputes and quar- 
rels about it : Cochran was more tractable.] With 
these lord Argiie communicated all the advices that 
Were sent him. He went on still with his first pro- 
ject. He said, he wanted only a sum of money to 
buy arms, and reckoned, that as soon as he was fur- 
nished with these, he might venture on Scotland. 
He resolved to go to his own country, where he 
hoped he could bring five thousand men together. 
And he reckoned that the westeni and southern 
counties were under such apprehensions, that with- 
out laying of matters, or having corresiDondence 
among them, they would all at once come about 
him, when he had gathered a good force together in 
his own country. There was a rich \\ddow in Am- 
sterdam, who was full of zeal : so she, hearing at 
what his designs stuck, sent to him, and furnished 
him with ten thousand pounds. With this money 


he bought a stock of arms and ammunition, which i685. 

was very dexterously managed by one that traded 
to Venice, as intended for the service of that repub- 
lic. All was performed with great secrecy, and put 
on board". They had sharp debates among them 
about the course they were to hold. He was for 
sailing round Scotland to his own country. Hume 
was for the shorter passage : the other was a long 
navigation, and subject to great accidents. Argile 
said, the fastnesses of his own countiy made that to 
be the safer place to gather men together. He pre- 
sumed so far on his own power, and on his manage- 
ment hitherto, that he took much upon him : so 630 
that the rest were often on the point of breaking 
with him. 

The duke of Monmouth came secretly to them, The duke 
and made up all their quarrels. He would will- mouth 
ingly have gone with them himself: but Argile did a°n*ii!lj°^ed 
not offer him the command: on the contrary he'"^"*""*' 
pressed him to make an impression on England at 
the same time. This was not possible : for the 
duke of Monmouth had yet made no preparations. 
So he was hurried into a fatal undertaking, before 
things were in any sort ready for it. He had been 
indeed much pressed to the same thing by Wade, 
Ferguson, and some others about him, but chiefly 
by the lord Grey, and the lady Wentworth, who 
followed him to Brussells desperately in love with 
him. And both he and she came to fancy, that he 
being married to his duchess while he was indeed of 

" It is said, in lord Grey's pounds on this occasion. See 

papers before mentioned, that that paper for the whole of 

the famous Mr. Lock, then in this enterprise, by Monmouth 

Holland, advanced a thousand and Argyle. O. 

c 4 


1685. the age of consent, but not capable of a free one, 
the marriage was null : so they lived together : and 
she had heated both herself and him with such en- 
thusiastical conceits, that they fancied what they 
did was approved of God. With this small council 
he took his measures. Fletcher ", a Scotch gentle- 
man of great parts, and many virtues, but a most 
violent republican, and extravagantly passionate, did 
not like Argile's scheme : so he resolved to run for- 
tunes with the duke of Monmouth. He told me, 
that all the English among them were stiU pressing 
the duke of Monmouth to venture. They said, all 
the west of England would come about him, as 
soon as he appeared, as they had done five or six 
years ago. They reckoned there would be no fight- 
ing, but that the guards, and others who adhered to 
the king, would melt to nothing before him. They 
fancied, the city of London would be in such a dis- 
position to revolt, that if he should land in the west 
the king would be in great perplexity. He could 
not have two armies : and his fear of tumults near 
his person would oblige him to keep such a force 
about him, that he would not be able to send any 
against him. So they reckoned he would have time 
to form an army, and in a little while be in a con- 
dition to seek out the king, and fight him on equal 

This appeared a mad and desperate undertaking 

° He of Salton, so well next day for any body's being 

known aftenvards in Scotland of an opiuion that he was of 

and England. O. He was himself the night before, but 

very brave,.and a man of great very constant in his dislikes of 

integrity, but had strange chi- bishop Burnet, whom he always 

merical notions of govern- spoke of with the utmost con- 

uient, which were so unsettled, tempt. D. 
that he would be very angry 


to the duke of Monmouth himself. He knew what i685. 
a weak body a rabble was, and how unable to deal 
with troops long trained. He had neither money 
nor officers, and no encouragement from the men of 
estates and interest in the country. It seemed too 
early yet to venture. It was the throwing away all 
his hopes in one day. Fletcher, how vehemently 
soever he was set on the design in general, yet saw 
nothing in this scheme that gave any hopes : so he 
argued much against it. And he said to me, that 
the duke of Monmouth was pushed on to it against 
his own sense and reason : but he could not refuse 63 
to hazard his person, when others were so forward. 
Lord Grey said, that Henry the seventh landed 
with a smaller number, and succeeded. Fletcher 
answered, he was sure of several of the nobility, 
who were little princes in those days''. Ferguson, 

P Fletcher told itie he had Macpherson's Extracts from the 

good grounds to suspect that Life of King James, p. 147, it is 

the prince of Orange underhand stated, that Bentinck, the prince 

encouraged the expedition, with of Orange's ambassador, though 

design to ruin the duke of he found that Monmouth had 

Monmouth. D. (Sir John Dal- said nothing of his master, was 

rjmple, who has published this never quiet till Monmouth's 

note of lord Dartmouth's, in the head was off. That many }>eo- 

second volume of his Memoirs, pie in those times considered 

p. 137, observes, that the au- the prince, who was in their 

thority is high, because that estimation Monmouth's rival for 

Fletcher was in a situation to the crown of England, to be ea- 

know, and was incapable of ger for the immediate possession 

lying. D'Orleans, in his Revo- of it, even during the reigns of 

lutions of England, p. 276, re- both his uncles, is certain; but 

lates, that certain proofs of the that the opinion was well 

intelligence kept up between founded, depends principally 

Bentinck, the prince's ambas- on the authority of D'Avaux's 

sador, and Monmouth, were Negotiations, year 1679, &c. 

found by Skelton, who succeed- What his intentions were, when 

ed Chudleigh as minister at he finally determined on his ex- 

the Hague, in the duke of pedition to this country, can- 

Moumouth's house. And in not reasonably be doubted, and 


1685. iti his enthusiastical way, said, it was a good 

cause, and that God would not leave them un- 
less they left him. And though the duke of Mon- 
mouth's course of life gave him no great reason to 
hope that God would appear signally for him, yet 
even he came to talk enthusiastically on the subject. 
But Argile's going, and the promise he had made of 
coming to England with all possible haste, had so 
fixed him, that, all further deliberations being laid 
aside, he pawned a parcel of jewels, and bought up 
arms ; and they were put aboard a ship freigHted 
for Spain. 
These de- King Jamcs was so intent upon the pomp of his 
^medon corouatiou, that for some weeks more important 
Mcrec^?** matters were not thought on. Both Argile and 
Monmouth's people were so true to them, that no- 
thing was discovered by any of them. Yet some 
days after Argile had sailed, the king knew of it : 
for the night before I left London, the earl of Arran 
came to me, and told me, the king had an advertise- 
ment of it that very day. I saw it was fit for me to 
nvake haste : otherwise I might have been seized on, 
if it had been only to put the affront on me, of being 
suspected of holding correspondence with traitors. 
Argile Argile had a very prosperous voyage. He sent 

Scotund. out a boat at Orkney to get intelligence, and to take 
prisoners. This had no other effect, but that it gave 
intelligence where he was : and the wind chopping, 
he was obliged to sail away, and leave his men to 
mercy. The winds were very favourable, and turned 
as his occasions required : so that in a very few days 

is perhaps actually implied in declaration, where he promises 
ene of the clauses of his famous to send home his foreign troops.) 


he arrived in Argileshire. The misunderstandings i685i 

between him and Hume grew very high ; for he car- 
ried all things with an air of authority, that was not 
easy to those who were setting up for liberty. At 
his landing he found, that the early notice the coun- 
cil had of his designs had spoiled his whole scheme ; 
for they had brought in all the gentlemen of his 
country to Edenburgh, which saved them, though 
it helped on his ruin. Yet he got above five and 
twenty hundred men to come to him. If with these 632 
he had immediately gone over to the western coun- 
ties of Air and Renft-ew, he might have given the go- 
vernment much trouble. But he lingered too long, 
hoping still to have brought more of his Highlanders 
together. He reckoned these were sure to him, and 
would obey him blindfold : whereas, if he had gone 
out of his own country with a small force, those who 
might have come in to his assistance might also have 
disputed his authority : and he could not bear con- 
tradiction. Much time was by this means lost : and .-^u-rf-. 
all the country was summoned to come out against **** 

him. At last he crossed an arm of the sea, and 
landed in the isle of Bute ; where he spent twelve 
days more, till he had eat up that island, pretending 
still that he hoped to be joined by more of his High- 

He had left his arms in a castle, with such a guard But was de. 
as he could spare : but they were routed by a party taken, 
of the king's forces. And with this he lost both 
heart and hope. And then, apprehending that all 
was gone, he put himself in a disguise, and had al- 
most escaped : but he was taken. A body of gentle- 
men that had followed him stood Ix^tter to it, and 
forced their way through : so tliat the greater part 


1685. of them escaped. Some of these were taken : the 
■■ chief of them were Sir John Cochran, Ailoffe, and 

Rumbold. These two last were Englishmen : but I 
knew not upon what motive it was, that they chose 
rather to run fortunes with Argile, than with the 
duke of Monmouth. Thus was this rebellion brought 
to a speedy end, with the effusion of very little blood. 
Nor was there much shed in the way of justice; for 
it was considered, that the Highlanders were under 
such ties by their tenures, that it was somewhat ex- 
cusable in them to follow their lord. Most of the 
gentlemen were brought in by order of council to 
Edenburgh, which preserved them. One of those 
that were with Argile, by a great presence of mind, 
got to Carlile, where he called for post horses, and 
said, he was sent by the general to carry the good 
news by word of mouth to the king. And so he got 
to London ; and there he found a way to get beyond 
Argiie'sex- Argile was brought in to Edenburgh. He ex- 
pressed even a cheerful calm under all his misfor- 
tunes. He justified all he had done : for he said, he 
was unjustly attainted : that had dissolved his alle- 
giance : so it was justice to himself and his family, 
to endeavour to recover what was so wrongfully 
taken from him. He also thought, that no allegiance 
was due to the king, tiU he had taken the oath 
633 which the law prescribed to be taken by our kings 
at their coronation, or the receipt of their princely 
dignity. He desired that Mr. Charteris might be 
ordered to attend upon him; which was granted. 
When he came to him, he told him he was satisfied 
in conscience with the lawfulness of what he had 
done, and therefore desired he would not disturb him 


with any discourse on that subject. The other, after 1685. 
he had told him his sense of the matter, complied — — — 
easily with this. So all that remained was to prepare 
him to die, in which he expressed an unshaken firm- 
ness. The duke of Queensbury examined him in 
private. He said, he had not laid his business with 
any in Scotland. He had only found credit with a 
person that lent him money; upon which he had 
trusted, perhaps too much, to the dispositions of the 
people, sharpened by their administration. When 
the day of his execution came, Mr. Charteris hap- 
pened to come to him as he was ending dinner : he 
said to him pleasantly, Sero venientibus ossa. He 
prayed often with him, and by himself, and went to 
the scaffold with great serenity. He had complained 
of the duke of Monmouth much, for delaying his 
coming so long after him, and for assuming the name 
of king ; both which, he said, were contrary to their 
agreement at parting. Thus he died, pitied by all. 
His death, being pursuant to the sentence passed 
three years before, of which mention was made, was 
looked on as no better than murder. But his con- 
duct in this matter was made up of so many errors, 
that it appeared he was not made for designs of this 

Ailoffe had a mind to prevent the course of jus- 
tice, and having got a penknife into his hands gave 
himself several stabs. And thinking he was cer- 
tainly a dead man, he cried out, and said, now he 
defied his enemies. Yet he had not pierced his 
guts : so his wounds were not mortal. And, it be- 
ing beUeved that he could make great discoveries, he 
was brought up to London. 

-rt . Rumbold at 

Rumbold was he that dwelt in Rye-house, where his deatii 

denied the 


1685. it was pretended the plot was laid for murdering the 
"late and the present king. He denied the truth of 
that conspiracy. He owned, he thought the prince 
was as much tied to the people, a« the people were 
to the prince ; and that, when a king departed from 
the legal measures of government, the people had a 
right to assert their liberties, and to restrain him. 
He did not deny, but that he had heard many pro- 
positions at West's chambers about killing the two 
brothers, and upon that he had said, it could have 
634 been easily executed near his house ; upon which 
some discourse had followed, how it might have been 
managed. But, he said, it was only talk, and that 
nothing was either laid, or so much as resolved on. 
He said, he was not for a commonwealth, but for 
kingly government according to the laws of Eng- 
land : but he did not think that the king had his au- 
thority by any divine right, which he expressed in 
rough but significant words. He said, he did not 
believe that God had made the greater part of man- 
kind with saddles on their backs, and bridles in their 
mouths, and some few booted and spurred to ride 
the rest. 

Cochran had a rich father, the earl of Dundonald : 
and he offered the priests 5,000/. to save his son. 
They wanted a stock of money for managing their 
designs : so they interposed so effectually, that the 
bargain was made. But, to cover it, Cochran pe- 
titioned the council that he might be sent to the 
king ; for he had some secrets of great importance, 
which were not fit to be communicated to any but to 
the king himself. He was upon that brought up to 
London : and, after he had been for some time in 
private with the king, the matters he had discovered 


were said to be of such importance, that in consi- )685. 
deration of that the king pardoned him. It was 
said, he had discovered all their negociations with 
the elector of Brandenburg and the prince of Orange. 
But this was a pretence only given out to conceal 
the bargain ; for the prince told me, he had never 
once seen him. The secret of this came to be known 
soon after. 

When Ailoffe was brought up to London, the king 
examined him, but could draw nothing from him, 
but one severe repartee. He being sullen, and re- 
fusing to discover any thing, the king said to him ; 
Mr. Ailoffe, you know it is in my power to pardon 
you ; therefore say that which may deserve it. It 
was said that he answered, that though it was in his 
power, yet it was not in his nature to pardon. He 
was nephew to the old earl of Clarendon by mar- 
riage ; for Ailoffe's aunt was his first wife, but she 
had no children. It was thought, that the nearness 
of his relation to the king's children might have 
moved him to pardon him, which would have been 
the most effectual confutation of his bold repartee : 
but he suffered with the rest^. 

Immediately after ArgUe's execution, a parliament a pariia-' 
was held in Scotland. Upon king Charles's death, Scotland. 
the marquis of Queensbury, soon after made a duke, 
and the earl of Perth, came to court. The duke 

'I As the bislioj) has stated the a thing to a king he expected 

case, he had no relation to the to live under. D. (He did not 

king's children ; but Ailoffe's expect to live under him ; and 

having stabbed himself at first, he appears to have uttered, if 

and the insolence of what the the story is true, what he was 

bishop calls a bold repartee, in- firmly assured of, either from his 

clines me to believe, he was re- own knowledge of the king's 

solved not to accept of a par- disposition, or by what he had 

don ; for certainly no man in heard of it from others.) 
his senses would have said such 


i<)85. of Queensbury told the king, that if he had any 
go K thoughts of changing the established religion, he 
could not make any one step with him in that mat- 
ter. The king seemed to receive this very kindly 
•from him; and assured him, he had no such inten- 
tion, but that he would have a parliament called, to 
which he should go his commissioner, and give all 
possible assurances in the matter of religion, and get 
the revenue to be settled, and such other laws to be 
passed as might be necessary for the common safety. 
The duke of Queensbury pressed the earl of Perth 
to speak in the same strain to the king. But, though 
he pretended to be still a protestant, yet he could 
not prevail on him to speak in so positive a style. I 
had not then left London : so the duke sent me word 
of this, and seemed so fuUy satisfied with it, that he 
thought all would be safe. So he prepared instruc- 
tions by which both the revenue and the king's au- 
thority were to be carried very high. He has often 
since that time told me, that the king made those 
promises to him in so frank and hearty a manner, 
that he concluded it was impossible for him to be 
acting a part. Therefore he always believed, that the 
priests gave him leave to promise every thing, and 
that he did it very sincerely ; but that afterwards 
they pretended, they had a power to dissolve the 
obligation of all oaths and promises ; since nothing 
could be more open and free than his way of ex- 
pressing himself was, though afterwards he had no 
sort of regard to any of the promises he then made. 
The test had been the king's own act while he was 
in Scotland. So he thought, the putting that on all 
persons would be the most acceptable method, as 
well as the most effectual, for securing the protestant 


religion. Therefore he proposed an instruction oblig- i685. 

ing all people to take the test, not only to qualify 
them for pubhc employments, but that all those to 
whom the council should tender it should be bound 
to take it under the pain of treason : and this was 
granted. He also projected many other severe laws, 
that left an arbitrary power in the privy council. 
And, as he was naturally violent and imperious in 
his own temper, so he saw the king's inclinations to 
those methods, and hoped to have recommended 
himself effectually, by being instrumental in setting 
up an absolute and despotic form of government. 
But he found afterwards how he had deceived him- 
self, in thinking that any thing, but the delivering up 
his religion, could be acceptable long. And he saw, 
after he had prepared a cruel scheme of government, 
other men were trusted with the management of it : 636 
and it had almost proved fatal to himself. 

The parliament of Scotland sat not long. No op- Granted nil 
position was made. The duke of Queensbury gave king desired. 
very full assurances in the point of religion, that the 
king would never alter it, but would maintain it, as 
it was estal)lished by law. And in confirmation of 
them he proposed that act enjoining the test, which 
was passed, and was looked on as a full security ; 
though it was very probable, that all the use that 
the council would make of this discretional power . 
lodged with them, would be only to tender the test 
to those that might scruple it on other accounts, but 
that it would be offered to none of the church of 
Rome. In return for this, the parliament gave the 
king for life all the revenue that had l>een given to 
his brother: and with that some additional taxes 
were given. 



1685. Other severe laws were also passed. By otie of 
Severe laws these an inquisitioii was upon the matter set up. All 
were passed, persons Were required, under the pain of treason, to 
answer to all such questions as should be put to them 
by the privy council. This put all men under great 
apprehensions, since upon this act an inquisition 
might have been grafted, as soon as the king pleased. 
Another act was only in one particular case : but it 
was a crying one, and so deserves to be remembered. 
When Carstairs was put to the torture, and came 
to capitulate in order to the making a discovery, he 
got a promise from the council, that no use should 
be made of his deposition against any person what- 
soever. He in his deposition said somewhat that 
brought sir Hugh Campbell and his son under the 
guilt of treason, who had been taken up in London 
two years before, and were kept in prison all this 
while. The earl of Melfort got the promise of his 
estate, which was about 1000/. a year, as soon as 
he should be convicted of high treason. So an act 
was brought in, which was to last only six weeks ; 
and enacted, that if within that time any of the 
privy council would depose that any man was proved 
to be guilty of high treason, he should upon such a 
proof be attainted. Upon which, as soon as the act 
was passed, four of the privy council stood up, and 
affirmed that the Campbells were proved by Carstairs's 
deposition to be guilty. Upon this both father and 
son were brought to the bar, to see what they had to 
say, why the sentence should not be executed. The 
old gentleman, then near eighty, seeing the rum of his 
family was determined, and that he was condemned 
637 in so unusual a manner, took courage, and said, the 
oppression they had been under had driven them 


to despair, and made them think how they might i685. 

secure their lives and fortunes : upon this he went 
to London, and had some meetings with BaUlie, and 
others : that one was sent to Scotland to hinder all 
risings : that an oath of secrecy was indeed offered, 
but was never taken upon all this. So it was pre- 
tended, he had confessed the crime, and by a shew of 
mercy they were pardoned: but the earl of Melfort 
possessed himself of their estate. The old gentleman 
died soon after. And very probably his death was 
hastened by his long and rigorous imprisonment, and 
this unexampled conclusion of it ; which was so uni- 
versally condemned, that when the news of it was 
writ to foreign parts, it was not easy to make peo- 
ple believe it possible. 

But now the sitting of the parliament of England oates con- 
came on. And, as a preparation to it, Oates was perjury, 
convicted of perjury, upon the evidence of the wit- 
nesses from St. Omar's, who had been brought over 
before to discredit his testimony. Now juries were 
so prepared, as to believe more easily than formerly. 
So he was condemned to have his priestly habit 
taken from him, to be a prisoner for life, to be set on 
the pillory in all the public places of the city, and 
ever after that to be set on the pillory four times a 
year, and to be whipt by the common hangman from and crueiiy 
Aldgate to Newgate one day, and the next from 
Newgate to Tyburn ; which was executed with so 
mucli rigour, that his back seemed to be all over 
flead. This was thought too little if he was guilty, 
and too much if innocent, and was illegal in all the 
parts of it : for as the secular court could not order 
the ecclesiastical habit to be taken from him, so to 
condemn a man to a perpetual imprisonment was not 

D 2 


1685. in the power of the court: and the extreme rigour 
of such whipping was without a precedent. Yet he, 
who was an original in all things, bore this with a 
constancy that amazed all those who saw it. So 
that this treatment did rather raise his reputation 
than sink it. 
Sf"''*^^'' And, that I may join things of the same sort to- 
gether, though they were transacted at some distance 
of time, Dangerfield, another of the witnesses in the 
popish plot, was also found guilty of perjury, and 
had the same punishment \ But it had a more ter- 
rible conclusion ; for a brutal student of the law, 
who had no private quarrel with him, but was only 
transported with the heat of that time, struck him 
638 over the head with his cane, as he got his last lash. 
This hit him so fatally, that he died of it imme- 
diately. The person was apprehended. And the 
king left him to the law. And, though great inter- 
cession was made for him, the king would not inter- 
pose. So he was hanged for it \ 

' It was for his narrative, nately went into his eye. And 

See, for a better account of this that Dangerfield lived so long 

matter, Echard's History, page afterwards, as to cause a very 

1055. O. great debate among the sur- 

* (Higgons relates the fol- geons, who attended the coro- 
lowing circumstances of exte- ner's inquest, whether he died of 
nuation in this assault. That the wound in his eye, or of the 
Dangerfield was returning from effects of his punishment, Re- 
the place of punishment in a marks, p. 302. A similar ac- 
coach, which stopping near count is given in the Life of 
Gray^s Inn, Francis, a student King James II. published from 
of that house, approached, and the Stuart Papers, vol. ii. p. 47. 
used insulting language to him ; Echard, in his Hist, of the Re- 
on which Dangerfield spit in volution, says, with some pro- 
his face ; that Francis, having a bability, that Francis was ex- 
small bamboo cane in his hand, ecuted to satisfy the murmurs 
thrust it at the other in the of the people.) 
coach, and the ferrel unfortu- 


At last the parliament met. The king in his 1685. 

speech repeated that which he had said to the a pariia- 
council upon his first accession to the throne. HcKngiand. 
told them, some might think, the keeping him low 
would be the surest way to have frequent parlia- 
ments : but they should find the contrary, that the 
using him well would be the best argument to per- 
suade him to meet them often. This was put in to 
prevent a motion, which was a little talked of abroad, 
but none would venture on it within doors, that it 
was safest to grant the revenue only for a term of 
years '. 

The revenue was granted for life, and eveiy thing Grants the 

ii'i 1 />•!! revenue for 

else that was asked, with such a proiusion, that the life. 
house was more forward to give, than the king was to 
ask : to which the king thought fit to put a stop by 
a message, intimating that he desired no more mo- 
ney that session". And yet this forwardness to 
give in such a reign was set on by Musgrave and 
others, who pretended afterwards, when money was 
asked for just and necessary ends, to be frugal pa- 
triots, and to be careful managers of the public trea- 
sure ^. 

As for religion, some began to propose a new and And trusts 

, , , to the 

firmer security to it. But all the courtiers run out king's pro- 
into eloquent harangues on that subject : and pressed 
a vote, that they took the king's word in that mat- 
ter, and would trust to it ; and that this should be 
signified in an address to him. This would bind the 

> u 

* See antea, p. 626. O. made by sergeant Heyward, in 

" (To the charge of Mr. Rose the Appendix to his Vindication 

against the bishop, of a mis- of Mr. Fox's Historical Work, 

statement of a fact in asserting, p. 1 1 t — 141.) 

that the king sent a message to "A party remark. S. 

this effect, a full reply has been 

D 3 



1685. king in point of honour, and gain his heart so en- " 
tirely, that it would be a tie above all laws whatso- 
ever. And the tide run so strong that way, that 
the house went into it without opposition. 

The lord Preston, who had been for some years 
envoy in France, was brought over, and set up to be 
a manager in the house of commons. He told them, 
the reputation of the nation was beginning to rise 
very high all Europe over, under a prince whose 
name spread terror every where : and if this was 
confirmed by the entire confidence of his parliament, 
even in the tenderest matters, it would give such a 
turn to the affairs of Europe, that England would 
again hold the balance, and their king would be the 
arbiter of Europe. This was seconded by aU the 
639 court flatterers. So in their address to the king, 
thanking him for his speech, they told him, they 
trusted to him so entirely, that they relied on his 
word, and thought themselves and their religion 
safe, since he had promised it to them. 

When this was settled, the petitions concerning 
the elections were presented. Upon those Seimour 
spoke very high, and with much weight y. He said, 
the complaints of the irregularities in elections were 
so great, that many doubted whether this was a 
true representative of the nation, or not. He said, 
little equity was expected upon petitions, where so 
many were too guilty to judge justly and impar- 
tially. He said, it concerned them to look to these : 
for if the nation saw no justice was to be expected 

y (Mr. Fox in his Historical tions, but a suggestion to that 

Work observes, that Seymour's effect made in his speech upon 

speech was not a regular mo- the question of a grant to the 

tion for inquiring into the elec- crown : p. 147 — 150.) 


from them, other methods would be found, in which ^685. 

they might come to suffer that justice which they 
would not do. He was a haughty man, and would 
not communicate his design in making this ^notion 
to any : so all were surprised with it, but none se- 
conded it. This had no effect, not so much as to 
draw on a debate. 

The courtiers were projecting many laws to ruin The pariia- 
all who opjjosed their designs. The most important violent, 
of these was an act declaring treasons during that 
reign, by which words were to be made treason. 
And the clause was so drawn, that any thing said 
to disparage the king's person or government was 
made treason ; within which every thing said to the 
dishonour of the king's religion would have been 
comprehended, as judges and juries were then mo- 
delled. This was chiefly opposed by sergeant May- 
nard, who in a very grave speech laid open the in- 
convenience of making words treason : they were 
often ill heard and ill understood, and were apt to 
be misrecited by a very small variation : men in 
passion or in drink might say things they never in- 
tended : therefore he hoped they would keep to the 
law of the twenty-fifth of Edward the third, by 
which an overt act was made the necessary proof of 
ill intentions. And when others insisted, that out 
of the abundance of the heart the mouth s^pake^ he 
brought the instance of our Saviour's words. De- 
stroy this temple ; and shewed how neai* the temple 
was to this temple^ pronouncing it in Syriac, so 
that the difference was almost imperceptible^. There 
was nothing more innocent than these words, as our 

' (John ii. 19.) 
D 4 


1685. Saviour meant and spoke them : but nothing was 

] more criminal than the setting on a multitude to 
destroy the temple. This made some impression at 
that time =^. But if the duke of Monmouth's land- 
640 ing had not brought the session to an early conclu- 
sion, that, and every thing else which the officious 
courtiers were projecting, would have certainly 
passed ^, 
The lords The most important business that was before the 
cautious, house of lords was the reversing the attainder of the 
lord Stafford. It was said for it, that the witnesses 
were now convicted of perjury, and therefore the 
restoring the blood that was tainted by their evi- 
dence was a just reparation. The proceedings in 
the matter of the popish plot were chiefly founded 
on Oates's discovery, which was now judged to be a 
thread of perjury. This stuck with the lords, and 
would not go down ^. Yet they did justice both to 

' (The title of the intended gainst the errors of Rome in 

act was, " A bill for the pre- defence of the protestant reli- 

" servation of the person and gion should be construed to be 

" government of his gracious within that act. The second 

" majesty king James the se- was, that all informations with- 

" cond." See Rose's Observa- in that statute should be made 

tions on Fox, p. 157, and Hey- within forty-eight hours. With 

ward's Vindication, p, 218 — these two provisos, it is added, 

234; where, p. 251, lord Lons- the force of it was so muti- 

dale's Memoir of the reign of lated, that it was not thought 

James II. is cited, in which worth having, and so it died.) 
sergeant Maynard's argument is ^ (" The bill passed easily 

expressly noticed ; and the ac- " through that house, and was 

curacy of bishop Burnet is thus " read twice in the commons ; 

maintained against Mr. Rose's " but it being sent down but 

doubts.) " in June, and the rebellions 

^ (Lord Lonsdale, in his un- " in England and Scotland 

published Memoir just men- " happening at the same time, 

tioned, reports, p. 9, that there " and the parliament being 

were two provisos agreed on in " prorogued on these accounts 

a committee ; the one was, that " the second of July, the bill 

no preaching or teaching a- " never came to a third readr 


the popish lords then in the tower, and to the earl iggs. 

of Danby, who moved the house of lords, that they 

might either be brought to their trial, or be set at 
liberty '*. This was sent by the lords to the house 
of commons, who returned answer, that they did 
not think fit to insist on the impeachments. So 
upon that they were discharged of them, and set at 
liberty. Yet, though both houses agreed in this of ^ 
prosecuting the popish plot no further, the lords had 
no mind to reverse and condemn past proceedings. 

But while all these things were in agitation, the The duke 
duke of Monmouth's landing brought the session to mouth 
a conclusion. As soon as lord Argile sailed for J^^'^^ *^ **' 
Scotland, he set about his design with as much 
haste as was possible. Arms were bought, and a 
ship was freighted for Bilbao in Spain. The duke 
of Monmouth pawned all his jewels : but these 
could not raise much : and no money was sent him 
out of England. So he was hurried into an ill de- 
signed invasion. The whole company consisted but 
of eighty-two persons. They were all faithful to 
one another. But some spies, whom Shelton the 
new envoy set on work, sent him the notice of a 
suspected ship sailing out of Amsterdam with arms. 
Shelton neither understood the laws of Holland, nor 
advised with those who did : otherwise he would 
have carried with him an order from the admiralty 
of Holland, that sat at the Hague, to be made use 

" ing." Salmon's Examination whom says, that after one read- 

of this Hist. p. looi. The bill ing it was dropped by the coni- 

certainly passed the lords; but mons.) 

compare Dalrymple's Memoirs, '• But see the Journals of 

vol. i. p. 79, Fox's Hist, of the both houses with regard to 

Reign of James II. p. 161, and both these matters, and see 

Hume's Hist, of England, anteap. 591. O. 
James II. p. 382 ; the last of 


1585. of as the occasion should require. AVhen he came 
to Amsterdam, and applied himself to the magi- 
strates there, desiring them to stop and search the 
ship that he named, they found the ship was already 
sailed out of their port, and their jurisdiction went 
no further. So he was forced to send to the ad- 
miralty at the Hague. But those on board, hearing 
what he was come for, made all possible haste. And, 
641 the wind favouring them, they got out of the Texel, 
before the order desired could be brought from the 

After a prosperous course, the duke landed at 
Lime in Dorsetshire : and he with his small com- 
pany came ashore with some order, but with too 
much day light, which discovered how few they 
An act of The alarm was brought hot to London : where, 
passed upon the general report and belief of the thing, an 
h^',°*' act of attainder passed both houses in one day; 
some small opposition being made by the earl of 
Anglesey, because the evidence did not seem clear 
enough for so severe a sentence, which was grounded 
on the notoriety of the thing ^. The sum of 5000/. 

^ (Mr. Rose, in the Appen- To this attack on the bishop, 
dix to his Observations on Fox's sergeant Heyward, amongst 
Historical Work, p. liv, denies, other considerations of import- 
in opposition to bishop Burnet, ance, replies, that the letter of 
that the act passed on a gene- the mayor, which as a founda- 
ral report, or that it was tion for the act of attainder 
grounded on the notoriety of was in fact never read, " might 
the thing, because the king on " be sufficient to authorize an 
the 1 2th of June communicated " address, but not a bill of at- 
to the two houses a letter from " tainder, a sort of prerogative 
Alford, the mayor of Lyme, " trial, in which the legislature 
giving a particular account of " by an extraordinary interfer- 
the duke's landing there, and " ence removes the considera- 
taking possession of the town. " tion of an offence from the 


was set on his head. And with that the session of i685. 

parliament ended ; which was no small happiness to 
the nation, such a body of men being dismissed with 
doing so little hurt. The duke of Monmouth's 
manifesto was long, and ill penned : full of much 
black and dull malice. It was plainly Ferguson's 
style, which was both tedious and fulsome. It 
charged the king with the burning of London, the 
popish plot, Godfrey's murder, and the earl of Es- 
sex's death : and to crown all, it was pretended, 
that the late king was poisoned by his orders : it 
was set forth, that the king's religion made him in- 
capable of the crown ; that three subsequent houses 
of commons had voted his exclusion : the taking 
away the old charters, and all the hard things done 
in the last reign, were laid to his charge : the elec- 
tions of the present parliament were also set forth 
very odiously, with great indecency of style : the na- 
tion was also appealed to, when met in a free par- 
liament, to judge of the duke's own pretensions^: 
and all sort of liberty, both in temporals and spirit- 
uals, was promised to persons of all persuasions. 

Upon the duke of Monmouth's landing, many of a rabble 
the country people came in to join him, but veryj^oined*" 
few of the gentry. He had quickly men enough **""• 
about him to use all his arms. The duke of Albe- 
marle, as lord lieutenant of Devonshire, was sent 
down to raise the militia, and with them to make 
head against him. But their ill affection appeared 
very evidently : many deserted, and all were cold in 

" common tribunals, and takes ^ He asserted that his nio- 

" it upon itself." Vindication ther was the lawful wife of his 

of Mr. Fox's Historical Work, father. O. 
Appendix, no. 5. p. 1 1 1 .) 


1685. the service. The duke of Monmouth had the whole 
country open to him for almost a fortnight, during 
which time he was very diligent in training and 
animating his men. His own behaviour was so 
gentle and obliging, that he was master of all their 
hearts, as much as was possible. But he quickly 
found, what it was to be at the head of undisci- 
642plined men, that knew nothing of war, and that 
Lord Grey's wcrc not to bc uscd with rigour. Soon after their 
landing, lord Grey was sent out with a small party. 
He saw a few of the militia, and he ran for it : but 
his men stood, and the militia ran from them. Lord 
Grey brought a false alarm, that was soon found to 
be so : for the men whom their leader had aban- 
doned came back in good order. The duke of Mon- 
mouth was struck with this, when he found that 
the person on whom he depended most, and for 
whom he designed the command of the horse, had 
already made himself infamous by his cowardice. 
He intended to join Fletcher with him in that com- 
mand. But an unhappy accident made it not con- 
venient to keep him longer about him. He sent 
him out on another party : and he, not being yet 
furnished with a horse, took the horse of one who 
had brought in a great body of men from Taunton. 
He was not in the way : so Fletcher, not seeing 
him to ask his leave, thought that all things were to 
be in common among them, that could advance the 
service. After Fletcher had rid about as he was or- 
dered, as he returned, the owner of the horse he 
rode on, who was a rough and ill bred man, re- 
proached him in very injurious terms, for taking out 
his horse without his leave. Fletcher bore this 
longer than could have been expected from one of 


his impetuous temper. But the other persisted in i685. 

giving him foul language, and offered a switch or a 
cane : upon which he discharged his pistol at him, 
and fatally shot him dead. He went and gave the 
duke of Monmouth an account of this, who saw it 
was impossible to keep him longer about him, with- 
out disgusting and losing the country people, who 
were coming in a body to demand justice. So he 
advised him to go aboard the ship, and to sail on to 
Spain, whither she was bound. By this means he 
was preserved for that time. 

Ferguson ran among the people with all the fmy 
of an enraged man, that affected to pass for an en- 
thusiast, though all his performances that way were 
forced and dry. The duke of Monmouth's great 
error was, that he did not in the first heat venture 
on some hardy action, and then march either to 
Exeter or Bristol ; where, as he would have found 
much wealth, so he would have gained some reputa- 
tion by it. But he lingered in exercising his men, 
and stayed too long in the neighbourhood of Lime. 

By this means the king had time both to bring 
troops out of Scotland, after Argile was taken, and 
to send to Holland for the English and Scotch regi- 
ments that were in the service of the States ; which 643 
the prince sent over very readily, and offered his 
own person, and a greater force, if it was necessary. 
The king received this with great expressions of ac- 
knowledgment and kindness. It was very visible, 
that he was much distracted in his thoughts, and 
that what appearance of courage soever he might 
put on, he was inwardly full of apprehensions and 
fears. He durst not accept of the offer of assist- 
ance that the French made him: for by that he 


1685. would have lost the hearts of the English nation, 

And he had no mind to be much obliged to the 

prince of Orange, or to let him into his counsels or 
affairs. Prince George committed a great error in 
not asking the command of the army : for the com- 
mand, how much soever he might have been bound 
to the counsels of others, would have given him 
some lustre ; whereas his staying at home in such 
time of danger brought him under much neglect s. 
The earl The kinff could not choose worse than he did, 

of Fever- ° 

sham com- whcu hc gavc the command to the earl of Fever- 
Se"king's sham, who was a Frenchman by birth, and nephew 
*™^* to Mr. de Turenne. Both his brothers changing 
religion, though he continued still a protestant, made 
that his religion was not much trusted to. He was 
an honest, brave, and good natured man, but weak 
to a degree not easy to be conceived. And he con- 
ducted matters so ill, that every step he made was 
like to prove fatal to the king's service. He had no 

8 Prince George of Denmark terposing was a prejudice in 

was the most indolent of all obtaining favours at court. All 

mankind, had given great foreign princes had him in very 

proofs of bravery in his own low esteem ; and Mr. Hill told 

country, where he was much me, the duke of Savoy asked 

beloved. King Charles the se- him if prince George ever lay 

cond told my father he had with the queen, for he had no 

tried him, drunk and sober, but notion how a prince that was 

" God's fish," there was no- married to the queen, could be 

thing in him. His behaviour so much neglected as not to 

at the revolution shewed he be king, unless he had some 

could be made a tool of upon natural infirmities. After thirty 

occasion ; but king William years living in England, he 

treated him with the utmost died of eating and drinking, 

contempt. When queen Ann without any man's thinking 

came to the crown, she shewed himself obliged to him : but I 

him little respect, but expected have been told, that he would 

every body else should give him sometimes do ill offices, though 

more than was his due : but it he never did a good one. D. 
was soon found out that his in- jfi 


parties Abroad. He got no intelligence: and was \685. 
almost surprised, and like to be defeated, when he 
seemed to be under no apprehension, but was a-bed 
without any care or order. So that, if the duke of 
Monmouth had got but a very small number of 
good soldiers about him, the king's affairs would 
have fallen into great disorder. 

The duke of Monmouth had almost surprised lord 
Feversham, and all about him, while they were 
a-bed. He got in between two bodies, into which 
the army lay divided. He now saw his error in lin- 
gering so long. He began to want bread, and to 
be so straitened, that there was a necessity of push- 
ing for a speedy decision. He was so misled in his 
march, that he lost an hour's time : and when he 
came near the army, there was an inconsiderable 
ditch, in the passing which he lost so much more 
time, that the officers had leisure to rise and be 
dressed, now they had the alarm. And they put 
themselves in order. Yet the duke of Monmouth's 
foot stood longer and fought better than could have 
been expected ; especially, when the small body of 
horse they had, ran upon the first charge, the blame 644 
of which was cast on the lord Grey. The foot being 
thus forsaken, and galled by the cannon, did run at 
last. About a thousand of them were killed on the 
spot : and fifteen hundred were taken prisoners. 
Their numbers, when fullest, were between five and 
six thousand. The duke of Monmouth left the field The duke 
too soon for a man of courage, who had such high mouth de- 
pretensions : for a few days before he had suffered '****'^* 
himself to be called king, which did him no service, 
even among those that followed him. He rode to- 
wards Dorsetshire : and when his horse could carry 


i685. hini no further, he changed clothes with a shepherd, 
and went as far as his legs could carry him, being 
accompanied only with a German, whom he had 
brought over with him. At last, when he could go 
no further, he lay down in a field where there was 
hay and straw, with which they covered themselves, 
so that they hoped to lie there unseen till night. 
Parties went out on all hands to take prisoners. 
The shepherd was found by the lord Lumley in the 
duke of Monmouth's clothes. So this put them on 
his track, and having some dogs with them they 
followed the scent, and came to the place where the 
German was first discovered. And he immediately 
pointed to the place where the duke of Monmouth 
And lay. So he was taken in a very indecent dress and 



His body was quite sunk with fatigue : and his 
mind was now so low, that he begged his Ufe in a 
manner that agi'eed ill with the courage of the for- 
mer parts of it. He called for pen, ink, and paper ; 
and wrote to the earl of Feversham, and both to 
the queen, and the queen dowager, to intercede 
with the king for his life. The king's temper, as 
well as his interest, made it so impossible to hope 
for that, that it shewed a great meanness in him to 
ask it in such terms as he used in his letters. He 
was carried up to Whitehall ; where the king exa- 
mined him in person, which was thought very inde- 
cent, since he was resolved not to pardon him ^. He 

^ The duke of Monmouth but when he found it ended in 

pressed extremely that the king nothing but lower sxibmission 

would see him, from whence than he either expected or de- 

the king concluded he had sired, he told him plainly he 

something to say to him, that had put it out of his power to 

he wpuld tell to nobody else.: pardon him, by having pro- 


made new and unbecoming submissions, and insinu- i685. 

ated a readiness to change his religion : for he said, 
the king knew what his first education was in reli- 
gion'. There were no discoveries to be got from 
him ; for the attempt was too rash to be well con- 
certed, or to be so deep laid that many were in- 
volved in the guilt of it. He was examined on 
Monday, and orders were given for his execution on 
Wednesday ^. 

Turner and Ken, the bishops of Ely and of Bath 645 
and Wells, were ordered to wait on him. But he ^;^^'*^" * j" 
called for Dr. Tennison. The bishops studied to 
convince him of the sin of rebellion. He answered, 
he was sorry for the blood that was shed in it : but 
he did not seem to repent of the design. Yet he 
confessed that his father had often told him, that 
there was no truth in the reports of his having mar- 
ried his mother. This he set under his hand, pro- 
bably for his children's sake, who were then prisoners 
in the Tower, that so they might not be ill used on 
his account. He shewed a great neglect of his duch- 
ess. And her resentments for his course of life with 
the lady Wentworth wrought so much on her, that 
[she seemed not to have any of that tenderness left, 
that became her sex and his present circumstances ; 
for] though he desired to speak privately with her, she 
would have witnesses to hear all that passed, to jus- 
claimed himself king. Thus, doubts, is now confirmed by the 
as the bishop observes in an- account of this interview in the 
other place, may the most inno- Life of .Tames the second, pub- 
cent actions of a man's life be lished by Dr. Clarke, from the 
sometimes turned to his disad- Stuart Papers, vol. ii. p. 37.) 
vantage. D. ^ (Mr. Fox observes, p. 278, 

' (This particular, concern- that the bill of attainder which 
ingwhichMr.Fox, inhis Histo- had lately passeel, superseded 
rical Work, p. 277, professes his the necessity of a legal trial.) 



i685. tify herself, and to preserve her family. They parted 
very coldly^ He only recommended to her the 
breeding their children in the protestant religion. 
The Bishops continued still to press on him a deep 
sense of the sin of rebellion ; at which he grew so 
uneasy, that he desired them to speak to him of 
other matters. They next charged him with the sin 
of living with the lady Wentworth as he had done. 
In that he justified himself: he had married his 
duchess too young to give a true consent : he said, 
that lady was a pious worthy woman, and that he 
had never lived so well in all respects, as since his 
engagements with her. All the pains they took to 
convince him of the unlawfulness of that course of 
life had no effect. They did certainly very weU in 
discharging their consciences, and speaking so plainly 
to him. But they did very ill to talk so much of 
this matter, and to make it so public as they did ; 
for divines ought not to repeat what they say to dy_ 
ing penitents, no more than what the penitents say 
to them. By this means the duke of Monmouth had 
little satisfaction in them, and they had as little in 

' (Mr. Rose, in the Appendix " offences to her, and prayed 
to his Observations on Fox's " her to continue her kindness 
Historical ^^'^ork, has printed " and care to his j>oor children. 
irom a MS. belonging to the " At this expression, she fell 
Buccleugh family an account of " down on her knees with her 
the behaviour of the duke of " eyes full of tears, and begged 
Monmouth from the time he " him to pardon her, ifjever she 
was taken to his execution, in " had done any thing to offend 
which a different representation " and displease him, and em- 
is made of the conduct of both " bracing his knees fell into a 
parties. " He (the duke) gave " sound out of which they had 
" her the kindest character that " much ado to raise her up, in 
" could be, aqd begged her par- " a good while after." p. Ixxii.) 
" don of his many failings and 


He was much better pleased with Dr. Tennison, i685. 

who did very plainly speak to him, with relation to 
his public actings, and to his course of life : but he 
did it in a softer and less peremptory manner. And 
having said all that he thought proper, he left those 
f)oints, in which he saw he could not convince him, 
to his own conscience, and turned to other things fit 
to l)e laid before a dying man. The duke begged 
one day more of life with such repeated earnestness, 
that as the king was much blamed for denying so 
small a favour, so it gave occasion to others to be- 
lieve, that he had some hope from astrologers, that, 
if he outlived that day, he might have a better fate'". 646 
As long as he fancied there was any hope, he was 
too much unsettled in his mind to be capable of any 

But when he saw all was to no purpose, and that He died 
he must die, be complained a little that his death c^mueM? 
was hurried on so fast. But all on the sudden he 

" My uncle, col. AVilliain a most indeceut manner to in- 
Legge, who went in the coach tercede once more with the king 
with him to London, as a guard, for his life, upon any terms ; and 
with orders to stab him, if there told him he knew lord Dart- 
were any disorders upon the month loved kingCharles ; there- 
road, shewed me several charms fore for his sake, and God's 
that w«re tied aboiit him when sake, to tr\- if there were yet no 
he was taken, and his tablebook, room for mercy. My father 
which was full of astrological fi- said, the J<ing had told him the 
gures that nobodj' conld under- truth, which was, that he had 
stand. But he told ray uncle made it impracticable to save 
that they had been given him his life, by having declared Uim- 
some years before in Scotland, self king. " That's my misfor- 
and said he now found they " tune," said he, *' anki «h«se that 
were but foolish conceits. D. " put me ujx)n it will fare better 
(The bishop's account is con- " themselves :" and then told 
firmed also by king James, in him, that lord Grey had threat- 
his Life lately publislied, p. 40.) ened to leave him upon th^r 

" When my father carried him first landing, if he ditl not ^o 

to «he tower, he pressed him in it. D. 

E 2 


1685. came into a composure of mind that surprised those 
that saw it. There was no affectation in it. His 
whole behaviour was easy and calm, not without a 
decent cheerfulness. He prayed God to forgive all 
his sins, unknown as well as known. He seemed 
confident of the mercies of God, and' that he was 
going to be happy with him. And he went to the 
place of execution on Tower-hill with an air of un- 
disturbed courage, that was grave and composed. 
He said little there, only that he was sorry for the 
blood that was shed : but he had ever meant well to 
the nation. When he saw the ax, he touched it, 
and said, it was not sharp enough. He gave the 
hangman but half the reward he intended; and said, 
if he cut off his head cleverly, and not so butcherly 
as he did the lord Russel's, his man would give him 
the rest. The executioner was in great disorder, 
trembling all over: so he gave him two or three 
strokes without being able to finish the matter, and 
then flung the ax out of his hand. But the sheriff 
forced him to take it up : and at three or four more 
strokes he severed his head from his body : and both 
were presently buried in the chapel of the tower. 
Thus lived and died this unfortunate young man. 
He had several good qualities in him, and some that 
were as bad. He was soft and gentle even to excess, 
and too easy to those who had credit with him. He 
was both sincere and good-natured, and understood 
war well. But he was too much given to pleasure 
and to favourites". 

" (An anecdote favourable to " (Gerard,) the duke said to me, 

Monmouth's character is given " had made a barbarous propo- 

by lord Grey in his Confession, " sal, which was, the murther- 

p. 6i. " My lord Macclesfield, " ing your majesty, (then duke 


The lord Grey, it was thought, would go next. i685. 

But he had a great estate that by his death was to Lord Grey 
go over to his brother. So the court resolved to pre- p"**""***- 
serve him, till he should be brought to compound for 
his life. The earl of Rochester had 16,000/. of him p. 
Others had smaller shares. He was likewise obliged 
to tell all he knew^, and to be a witness in order to 
the conviction of others, but with this assurance, that 
nobody should die upon his evidence. So the lord 

" of York,) for that, my lord 
" said, would frighten the king 
" into a compliance. The duke 
" of Monmouth expressed him- 
" self with the greatest abhor- 
" rence of such an .action that 
" can be imagined, and said, he 
" would not consent to the 
*' murthering the meanest crea- 
" ture, (though the worst enemy 
" he had in the world,) for all 
" the advantages under heaven ; 
" and should never have any 
" esteem for my lord Maccles- 
" field while he lived." On the 
other hand it must be observed, 
that Sir John Dalrymple, in his 
Memoirs, vol. i. page 60, men- 
tions the following circumstance. 
" Brigadier Hook, the author of 
" the Memoirs, who was after- 
" wards pardoned by king 
" James, followed him into 
" France, and became his se- 
" cretary there, owned to James, 
" when he was seized during 
" Monmouth's rebellion, that • 
" Danvers and he had engaged 
" to Monmouth to assassinate 
" him, if they could not bring 
" about the insurrection (in 
" London) they meditated." It 
is probable that Hook did not 
give this information, till after 

the duke's execution, otherwise 
the king would have been still 
more justified in ordering it to 
take place.) 

P It was a bond for 40,000^. 
which he had no benefit from, 
chiefly by the interventions of 
parliamentary privilege, till aft^r 
the act for the restraining of the 
privilege of parliament, 1 2 and 
13 of William IH. chap. 3. 
which act was obtained by the 
earl of Rochester's friends, and 
after it passed, the lord Grey, 
then earl of Tankerfield, com- 
pounded with the earl of Ro- 
chester for 1 6,000/. Many good 
public laws have arisen from 
private cases. Sir John LevisoQ 
Gower carried the bill through 
the house of conuuons. He was 
brother to the wife of the earl 
of Rochester's eldest son. O. 

'I In a narrative that has been 
lately published, by which he 
discovers also the whole of the 
plot of 1683, and makes lord 
Russel to have been very deep 
in it, except as to the king's 
jierson, or change of the govern- 
ment. This is the same with 
what I have mentioned before, 
under the appellation of lord 
Grey's paper. O. 

E 3 


168.0. Brandon, son to the earl of Macclesfield, was con- 

victed by his and some other evidence. Mr. Hamb- 

den was also brought on his trial. And he was told, 

ihat he must expect no favour, unless he would plead 

g47 guilty. And he, knowing that legal evidence would 

be brought against him, submitted to this ; and 

begged his life with a meanness, of which he himself 

Was so ashamed afterwards, that it gave his spirits a 

depression and disorder that he could never quite 

master ''. And that had a ten-ible conclusion ; for 

about ten years after, he cut his ow n throat. 

The king The king was now as successful as his own heart 

uj^wi'tiAiis could wish. He had held a session of parliament in 

successes, j^^^i^ kiugdoms, that had settled his revenue : and 

now two ill prepared and ill managed rebellions had 

so broken all the party that was against him, that 

he seemed secure in his throne, and above the power 

of all his enemies. And certainly a reign that was 

now so beyond expectation successful in its first six 

months seemed so well settled, that no ordinary 

mismanagement could have spoiled such beginnings. 

If the king had ordered a speedy execution of such 

persons as were 'fit to be made public examples, and 

had upon that gi'anted a general indemnity, and if 

he had but covered his intentions till he had got 

through another session of parliament, it is not easy 

W imagine with what advantage he might then have 

opened and pursued his designs. 

But it had But his own temper, and the fury of some of his 

In llis^S-^ ministers, and the maxims of his priests, who were 

^"- become enthusiastical upon this success, and fancied 

that nothing could now stamd before him : all these 

1 See antea, p. 539. O. 


concuiTed to make him lose advantages that were i685. 
never to be recovered : for the shews of mercy, that 
were afterwards put on, were looked on as an after- 
game, to retrieve that which was now lost. The army 
was kept for some time in the western counties, 
where both officers and soldiers lived as in an enemy's 
country, and treated all that were believed to be ill 
affected to the king with gi'cat rudeness and vio- 

Kirk, who had commanded long in Tangier, was Great cm- 
become so savage by the neighbourhood of the Moors f,llued by 
there, that some days after the battle, he ordered '"'* *°''''"^"- 
several of the prisoners to be hanged up at Taunton, 
without so much as the form of law, he and his 
company looking on from an entertainment they 
were at. At every new health another prisoner was 
hanged up. And they were so brutal, that observ- 
ing the shaking of the legs of those whom they 
hanged, it was said among them, they were dancing ; 
and upon that music was called for. This was both 
so illegal and so inhuman, that it might have been 
expected that some notice would have been taken of 
it. But Kirk was only chid for it ^ And it was 
said, that he had a paiticular order for some military ()4,8 
executions: so that he could only be chid for the 
manner of it. [Some particulars relating to that 
matter are too indecent to be mentioned by me.] 

But, as if this had been nothing, Jefferies was sent '^"'^ "»ucii 

. . greater by 

the western cucuit to try the pnsoners. His be- Jefferies. 

■■ The bishop might have engagement lie was under to 

added, that no man was better the king of Morocco, in another 

received, or njore caressed by place, (p. 684,) which it is 

king William ; but he does him jjossible procured him so much 

the justice to take notice of the favour, tj. 

E 4 


1685. haviour was beyond any thing that was ever heard 
of in a civilized nation. He was perpetually either 
drunk or in a rage, liker a fury than the zeal of a 
judge. He required the prisoners to plead guilty. 
And in that case he gave them some hope of favour, 
if they gave him no trouble : otherwise, he told them, 
he would execute the letter of the law upon them in 
its utmost severity. This made many plead guilty, 
who had a great defence in law. But he shewed no 
mercy. He ordered a great many to be hanged up 
immediately, without allowing them a minute's time 
to say their prayers. He hanged, in several places, 
about six hundred persons ^ The greatest part of 
these were of the meanest sort, and of no distinc- 
tion. The impieties with which he treated them, 
and his behaviour towards some of the nobility and 
gentry that were weU affected, but came and pleaded 
in favour of some prisoners, would have amazed one, 
if done by a bashaw in Turkey. England had never 
known any thing like it. The instances are too 
many to be reckoned up. 
With which But that which brousrht aU his excesses to be im- 

tlie king t i • i • -in 1 

was well puted to the king himseli, and to the orders given by 
please . j^.^^ ^^^ ^j^^^ ^^^ ^mg had a particular account of 

* " (JeflFeries condemned in by the military commanders, 

" all these places above five that two hundred and fifty-one 

" hundred persons, whereof two are computed to have fallen by 

" hundred and thirty were ex- the hands of justice. Vol. vi. 

" ecuted, and had their quarters p. 386. In an account printed 

" set up in the principal places in 17 16, of the proceedings 

" and roads of those countries, against the rebels in tlie west, 

"to the terror of passengers, beforeJefferies and other judges, 

" and the great annoyance of there is a list of the names of 

" those parts." Echard's Hist, persons ordered for transporta- 

of England, p. 1068. Hume tion, amounting to more than 

says, besides those butchered eight hundred and fifty.) 


all his proceedings writ to him every day". And he i685. 
took pleasure to relate them in the di*awing room to 
foreign ministers, and at his table, calling it Jef- 
feries's campaign : speaking of all he had done in a 
style that neither became the majesty nor the 
mercifulness of a great prince. Dykfield was at that 
time in England, one of the ambassadors whom the 
States had sent over to congratulate the king's com- 
ing to the crown. He told me, that the king talked 
so often of these things in his hearing, that he won- 
dered to see him break out into those indecencies. 
And upon Jefferies's coming back, he was created a 
baron and peer of England : a dignity which, though 
anciently some judges were raised to it, yet in these 
latter ages, as there was no example of it, so it was 
thought inconsistent with the character of a judge ^. 

Two executions were of such an extraordinary The execu- 
nature, that they deserve a more particular recital, women. ^** 
The king apprehended that many of the prisoners 
had got into London, and were concealed there. So 
he said, those who concealed them were the worst 
sort of traitors, who endeavoured to preserve such 649 
persons to a better time. He had likewise a great 
mind to find out any among the rich merchants, 
who might afford great compositions to save their 
lives : for though there was much blood shed, there 
was little booty got to reward those who had served. 
Upon this the king declared, he would sooner par- 
don the rebels than those who harboured them. 

There was in London one Gaunt, a woman that 
was an anabaptist, who spent a great part of her life 

" See postea, p, 65 1 . O. of the Lords, 1 9th of May, 

*■ He was created a baron 1685. O. 
and j)eer before. See Journal 


1685. in acts of charity, visiting the gaols, and looking 
~- after the poor of what persuasion soever they were. 

One of the rebels found her out, and she harboured 
him in her house ; and was looking for an occasion 
of sending him out of the kingdom. He went about 
in the night, and came to hear what the king had 
said. So he, by an unheard of baseness, went and 
delivered himself, and accused her that harboured 
him. She was seized on and tried. There was no 
witness to prove that she knew that the person she 
harboured was a rebel, but he himself: her maid 
witnessed only, that he was entertained at her house. 
But though the crime was her harbouring a traitor, 
and was proved only by this infamous witness, yet 
the judge charged the jury to bring her in guilty, 
pretending that the maid was a second witness, 
though she knew nothing of that which was the cri- 
minal part. She was condemned, and burnt, as the 
law directs in the case of women convict of treason. 
She died with a constancy, even to a cheerfulness, 
that struck all that saw it. She said, charity was a 
part of her religion, as well as faith : this at worst 
was the feeding an enemy : so she hoped, she had 
her reward with him, for whose sake she did this 
service, how unworthy soever the person was, that 
made' so ill a return for it : she rejoiced, that God 
had honoured her to be the first that suffered by 
fire in this reign : and that her suffering was a mai*- 
tyrdom for that religion which was all love. Pen, 
the quaker, told me, he saw her die. She laid the 
straw aljout her for burning her speedily ; and be- 
haved herself in such a manner, that all the specta- 
tors melted in tears. 

The other execution was of a woman of greater 


quality : the lady Lisle. Her husband had been a i685. 
regicide, and was one of Cromwell's lords, and was 
called the lord Lisle '^. He went at the time of the 
restoration beyond sea, and lived at Lausanne. 
But three desperate Irishmen, hoping by such a ser- 
vice to make their fortunes, went thither, and killed 
him as he was going to church ; and being well 
mounted, and ill pursued, got into France. His 
lady was known to be much affected with the king's. 650 
death, and not easily reconciled to her husband for 
the share he had in it. She was a woman of great 
piety and charity. The night after the action, 
Hicks, a violent preacher among the dissenters, and 
Nelthorp, came to her house. She knew Hicks, and 
treated him civilly, not asking from whence they 
came. But Hicks told what brought them thither ; 
for they had been with the duke of Monmouth; 
Upon which she went out of the room immediately, 
and ordered her chief servant to send an information 
concerning them to the next justice of peace, and in 
the mean while to suflfer them to make their escape. 
But, before this could be done, a party came about 
the house, and took both them and her for harbour- 
ing them ". Jefferies resolved to make a sacrifice of 
her; and obtained of the king a promise that he 

"' He had been a commis- " her defence." Sabnon's Elr- 

HJoner of the great seal in those animation of Dvmet's Hist 

times. O. p. B005. This lady, whose con- 

" (" Nelthorp's name was in a demnation the most infamous 

" proclamation, and Mrs. Lisle of judges procured by terrifying 

" acknowledges in the trial,, the witnesses, and bullying a 

" that she knew at the time he jury composed of the first gentry 

" came to her house that he was of the county, was of very an- 

** named in it. As to having cient extraction ; as was also her 

*' inforniefl a justice of peace of huslmnd Lisle, whose family, 

" the rebels being at her house, very lately cxtincl, took its name 

"she never makes this u]»rt of from the Isle of Wight.) 


1685. would not pardon her. Which the king owned to 
* the earl of Feversham, when he, upon the offer of a 
1000/. if he could obtain her pardon, went and 
begged it. So she was brought to her trial. No legal 
proof was brought, that she knew that they were re- 
bels : the names of the persons found in her house 
were in no proclamation : so there was no notice 
given to beware of them. Jefferies affirmed to the 
jury upon his honour, that the persons had confessed 
that they had been with the duke of Monmouth. 
This was the turning a witness against her, after 
which he ought not to have judged in the matter. 
And, though it was insisted on, as a point of law, 
that till the persons found in her house were con- 
victed, she could not be found guilty, yet Jefferies 
charged the jury in a most violent manner to bring 
her in guUfy. All the audience was strangely af- 
fected with so unusual a behaviour in a judge. Only 
the person most concerned, the lady herself, who 
was then past seventy, was so little moved at it, that 
she feU asleep. The jury brought her in not guilty. 
But the judge in great fury sent them out again. 
Yet they brought her in a second time not guilty. 
Then he seemed as in a transport of rage. He upon 
that threatened them with an attaint of jury. And 
they, overcome with fear, brought her in the third 
time guilty. The king would shew no other favour, 
but that he changed the sentence from burning to 
beheading. She died with great constancy of mind; 
and expressed a joy, that she thus suffered for an 
act of charity and piety. 
The behavi- Most of those that had suffered expressed at their 
who suf- death such a calm firmness, and such a zeal for their 
religion, which they believed was then in danger, 


that it made great impressions on the spectators. i6S5. 
Some base men among them tried to save themselves g^j 
by accusing others. Goodenough, who had been 
under-sheriff of London when Cornish was sheriff, 
offered to swear against Cornish ; and also said, 
that Rumsey had not discovered all he knew y. So 
Rumsey, to save himself, joined with Goodenough, 
to swear Cornish guilty of that for which the lord 
Russel had suffered. And this was driven on so fast, 
that Cornish was seized on, tried, and executed 
within the week. If he had got a little time, the 
falsehood of the evidence would have been proved 
from Rumsey's former deposition, which appeared so 
clearly soon after his death, that his estate was re- 
stored to his family, and the witnesses were lodged 
in remote prisons for their lives. Cornish at his 
death asserted his innocence with great vehemence; 
and with some acrimony complained of the methods 
taken to destroy him. And so they gave it out, that 
he died in a fit of fury. But Pen, who saw the exe- 
cution, said to me, there appeared nothing but a just 
indignation that innocence might very naturally 
give. Pen might be well relied on in such matters, 
he being so entirely in the king's interests. He said 
to me, the king was much to be pitied, who was 
hurried into all this effusion of blood by Jefferies's 
impetuous and cruel temper ^. But, if his own in- 

> Goodenough went to Ire- ing him to a remembrance and 
land, practised law, and died repentance of his sins, he men- 
there. S. tioned to him what the world 

' See antea, p. 648. When had said of his behaviour in 

Jefteries was dying in the tower, these prosecutions : upon which 

he was attended upon that occa- Jefferies thanked him for put- 

sion by Dr. Scot, one of the most ting him in mind of that, and 

reputable divines of that time : with some emotion said to 

and as the doctor was exhort- Scot, " Whatever I did then, I 


iSss. clinations had not been biassed that way, and if his 

priests had not thought it the interest of their party 

Xo let that butcher loose, by which so many men that 

were like to appose them were put out of the way, 

it is not to be imagined, that there would have been 

such a run of barbarous cruelty, and that in so many 


The nation It gave a general horror to the body of the nation : 

ciwnge"d by ^ud it let aU people see, what might be expected! 

ntgement. ^0^1 a rcigu that sccmcd to delight in blood. Even 

some of the fairest of Tories began to relent a little, 

and to think they had trusted too much, and gone 

too far. The king had raised new regiments, and 

had given commissions to papists. This was over- 

*' did by express orders ; and I 
" have this farther to say for 
" myself, that I was not half 
" bloody enough for him who 
" sent me thither," and soon 
afterwards expired. This I had 
-from sir J. Jekyl, who told me, 
that my lord Somers told it 
him, and that he (lord Somers) 
had it from Scot himself. O. 
(The king's conduct is endea- 
voured to be excused in his 
Life, lately published from the 
Stuart Papers, vol. ii. p. 42 — 
46. The duke of Bucks says, 
that James never forgave the 
lord Jefferies's cruelties in the 
west ; committed against his 
express orders. Account of the 
Revolution, p. 4. His credit 
afterwards was certainly much 
diminished at court. That the 
king was not offended with bi- 
shop Ken for his daily relieving 
and praying with great numbers 
of the rebel prisoners at Wells, 
is ascertained. See tlie Life of 

Ken, in the Biographia Britan- 
nica. And in addition to this, 
sir Thomas Cutler, the com- 
manding officer at Wells, as- 
serted, that when, out of com- 
passion for these poor people, 
he and bishop Ken jointly in- 
terceded for the extension of 
the royal mercy to them, their 
request was granted without 
any signs of reluctance; and 
that the king afterwards meet- 
ing with sir Thomas thanked 
him for his intercession, ex- 
pressed how agreeable it was to 
him, and wished that the like 
humanity had engaged others 
to act in the same way. See 
Reflections upon Dr. Burnet's 
Posthumous Hist. 1724, 8vo. 
p. 100. On the other hand, the 
truth of the fact, that Jefferies 
threw the blame on the king in 
his last hours, cannot be doubt- 
ed, as it is supported by the tes- 
timony of such men as Onslow, 
Jekyll, Somers, and Scott.) 


looked during the time of danger, in which all men's iGss. 
service was to be made use of: and by law they might 
serve three months. But now, as that time was near 
lapsing, the king began to say, the laws for the two 
tests were made on design against himself: the first 
was made to turn him out of the admiralty, and the 
second to make way for the exclusion : and, he 
added, that it was an affront to him to insist on the 
observance of tliose laws. So these persons, notwith- 
standing that act, were continued in commission : 
and the king declared openly, that he must look on 652 
all those, who would not consent to the repeal of 
those laws, in the next session of parliament, as his 

The courtiers began every where to declaim Great dis- 

1 T '11 • 1 ' 1 A P"tes for 

agamst them. It was said to be agamst the rights and against 
of the crown to deny the king the service of all his ^''^ ****** 
subjects, to be contrary to the dignity of peerage >to 
subject peers to any other tests than their allegiance, 
and that it was an insufferable affront done the 
king, to obUge all those whom he should employ, to 
swear that his reUgion was idolatrous. On the 
other hand all the people saw, that, if those acts 
were not maintained, no employment would be 
given to any but papists, or to those who gave 
hopes that they would change : and, if the parlia- 
ment test was taken off, then the way was opened 
to draw over so many members of both houses, as 
would be in time a majority, to bring on an entire 
change of the laws with relation to religion. As i) 
long as the nation reckoned their kings were true 
-a«d sure to their rehgion, there was no such need of 
those tests, while the giving «employnieats was left 


1685. free, and our princes were Hke to give them only to 
those of their own religion. But, since we had a 
prince professing another religion, it seemed the 
only security that was left to the nation, and that 
the tests stood as a barrier to defend us from popery. 
It was also said, that those tests had really quieted 
the minds of the greater part of the nation, and had 
united them against the exclusion ; since they reck- 
oned their religion was safe by reason of them. The 
military men went in zealously into those notions ; 
for they saw, that, as soon as the king should get 
rid of the tests, they must either change their reli- 
gion, or lose their employments. The clergy, who 
for most part had hitherto run in with fury to all 
the king's interests, began now to open their eyes. 
Thus all on a sudden the temper of the nation was 
much altered. The marquis of Halifax did move in 
council, that an order should be given to examine, 
whether all the officers in commission had taken the 
test, or not. But none seconded him : so the mo- 
tion fell. And now aU endeavours were used, to fix 
the repeal of the tests in the session that was com- 
ing on. 
Some Some few converts were made at this time. The 

their reii- chicf of thcsc wcrc the earl of Perth, and his bro- 
^''°* ther the earl of Melfort. Some differences fell in 
between the duke of Queensborough and the earl of 
Perth. The latter thought the former was haugh- 
ty and violent, and that he used him in too impe- 
653 rious a manner. So they broke. At that time the 
king published the two papers found in his brother's 
strong box. So the earl of Perth was either over- 
come with the reasons in them, or he thought it 


would look well at court, if he put his conversion i685. 
upon these. He came up to complain of the duke 
of Queensborough. And his brother going to meet 
him at Ware, he discovered his design to him, who 
seemed at first much troubled at it: but he plied 
him so, that he prevailed on him to join with him in 
his pretended conversion, which he did with great 
shews of devotion and zeal. But when his objec- 
tions to the duke of Queensborough's administration 
were heard, they were so slight, that the king was 
ashamed of them ; and all the court justified the 
duke of Queensborough. A repartee of the marquis 
of Halifax was much talked of on this occasion. 
The earl of Perth was taking pains to convince him, 
that he had just gi'ounds of complaint, and seemed 
little concerned in the ill effect this might have on 
himself. The marquis answered him, he needed 
fear nothing, his faith would maJee him whole : 
and it proved so. 

Before he declared his change, the king seemed The duke 
so well satisfied with the duke of Queensborough, borough 
that he was resolved to bring the earl of Perth to a *'"'^™**''* 
submission, otherwise to dismiss him. But such 
converts were to be encouraged. So the king, hav- 
ing declared himself too openly to recall that so 
soon, ordered them both to go back to Scotland; 
and said, he would signify his pleasure to them 
when they should be there. It followed them down 
very quickly. The duke of Queensborough was 
turned out of the treasury, and it was put in com- 
mission : and he, not to be too much irritated at 
once, was put first in the commission. And now it 
l)ecame soon very visible, that he had the secret no 
more ; but that it was lodged between the two bio- 



1685. thers, the eails of Perth and Melfort. Soon after 
that, the duke of Queensborough was not only 
turned out of all his employments, but a design was 
laid to ruin him. All persons were encouraged to 
bring accusations against him, either with relation 
to the administration of the government, or of the 
treasury. And, if any colourable matter could have 
been found against him, it was resolved to have 
made him a sacrifice. This sudden hatred, after so 
entire a confidence, was imputed to the suggestions 
the earl of Perth had made of his zeal against 
popery, and of his having engaged all his friends to 
stick firm in opposition to it. It was said, there 
654 was no need of making such promises, as he had 
engaged the king to make to the parliament of 
Scotland : nobody desired or expected them : he 
only drove that matter on his own account : so it 
was fit to let all about the king see what was to be 
looked for, if they pressed any thing too severely 
with relation to religion. 
The king But to Icavc Scotland, and return to England: 
glhiTtthe the king, after he had declared that he would be 
tests. served by none but those who would vote for the 
repeal of the tests, called for the marquis of Halifax, 
and asked him, how he would vote in that matter. 
He very frankly answered, he would never consent 
to it : he thought, the keeping up those laws was 
necessary, even for the king's service, since the na-' 
tion trusted so much to them, that the public quiet 
was chiefly preserved by that means. Upon this 
the king told him, that though he would never for- 
get past services, yet since he could not be prevailed 
on in that particular, he was resolved to have all of 
a piece. So he was turned out. And the earl of 


Sunderiand was made lord president, and continued i685. 
still secretary of state. More were not questioned 
at that time, nor turned out: for it was hoped, 
that, since all men saw what was to be expected if 
they should not comply with the" king's intentions, 
this would have its full effect upon those who had 
no mind to part with their places. 

The king resolved also to model Ireland, so as to Proceedings 
make that kmgdom a nursery tor his army m Kng- 
land, and to be sure at least of an army there, while 
his designs were to go on more slowly in the isle of 
Britain. The Irish =* bore an inveterate hatred to 
tlie duke of Ormond : so he was recalled. But, to 
dismiss him with some shew of respect, he was still 
continued lord steward of the household. The earl 
of Clarendon was declared lord lieutenant. But the 
army was put under the command of Talbot, who 
was made earl of Tirconnell. And he began very 
soon to model it anew. The archbishop of Armagh 
had continued lord chancellor of Ireland, and was in 
all points so compliant to the court, that even his 
religion came to be suspected on that account^. 
Yet, it seemed, he was not thought tlioroughpacedL 
So sir Charles Porter, who was a zealous promoter 
of every thing that the king proposed, and was a 
man of ready wit, and being poor was thought a 
person fit to be made a tool of, was declared lord 
chancellor of Ireland '^. To these the king said, he 
was resolved to maintain the settlement of Ireland. 655 
They had authority to promise this, and to act pur- 
suant to it. But, as both the earl of Clarendon and 
Porter were poor, it was hoped, that they would 

" Irish papists, 1 suppose he *• False. S. 

means. O. <: False and scandalous. S. 

F 2 


i685. understand the king's intentions, and see through 
those promises, that were made only to lay men 
asleep ; and that therefore they would not insist too 
much on them, nor pursue them too far. 
The perse- But uow, before I come to relate the short session 
France. of pai'liameut that was abruptly broken off, I must 
mention one great transaction that went before it, 
and had no small influence on all men's minds. And 
since I saw that dismal tragedy, which was at this 
time acted in France, I must now change the scene, 
• and give some account of my self. When I resolved 
to go beyond sea, there was no choice to be made. 
So many exiles and outlawed persons were scattered 
up and down the towns of Holland, and other pro- 
vinces, that I saw the danger of going where I was 
sure many of them would come about me, and try 
to have involved me in guilt by coming into my 
company, that so they might engage me into their 
designs. So I resolved to go to France : and, if I 
found it not convenient 'to stay there, I intended to 
go on to Geneva or Switzerland. I asked the French 
ambassador, if I might be safe there. He after 
some days, I suppose after he had writ to the court 
upon it, assured me, I should be safe there; and 
that, if the king should ask after me, timely notice 
should be given me, that I might go out of the 
way. So I went to Paris. And, there being many 
there whom I had reason to look on as spies, I took 
a little house, and lived by my self as privately as 
I could. I continued there till the beginning of 
August, that I went to Italy. I found the earl of 
Moimtague ^ at Paris, with whom I conversed much, 

'^ Lord Mountague. O. 


and got from him most of the secrets of the court, i685. 
and of the negotiations he was engaged in. The ' 

king of France had been for many years weakening 
the whole protestant interest there, and was then 
upon the last resolution of recalling the edict of 
Nantes. And, as far as I could judge, the affairs of 
England gave the last stroke to that matter. 

This year, of which I am now writing, must ever A fatal year 

° to the pro- 

be remembered, as the most fatal to the protestant testant reii- 

religion. In February, a king of England declared^"*"* 
himself a papist. In June, Charles the elector pala- 
tine dying without issue, the electoral dignity went 
to the house of Newburgh, a most bigoted popish 
family. In October, the king of France recalled 
and vacated the edict of Nantes. And in December, 
the duke of Savoy being brought to it, not only by 656 
the persuasions, but even by the threatenings of the 
court of France, recalled the edict that his father 
had granted to the Vaudois. So it must be con- 
fessed, that this was a very critical year. And I 
have ever reckoned this the fifth gi'eat crisis of the 
protestant reHgion. 

For some years the priests were every where 
making convei*sions in France. The hopes of pen- 
sions and preferment wrought on many. The 
plausible colours that the bishop of Meaux, then 
bishop of Condom, put on all the errors of the 
church of Rome, furnished others with excuses for 
clianging. Many thought, they must change at last, 
or be quite undone : for the king seemed to be en- 
gaged to go through with the matter, both in com- 
pliance with the shadow of conscience that he 
seemed to have, which was to follow implicitly the 
conduct of his confessor, and of the archbishop of 

F 3 


1685. Paris, he himself being ignorant in those matters 

beyond what can be well imagined; and because 
his glory seemed also concerned to go through with 
every thing that he had once begun. 
Rouvigny's Q\^ Rouvifi'ny, who was the deputy general of 

behaviour. & ./ ' f J b 

the churches, told me, that he was long deceived m 
his opinion of the king. He knew he was not na- 
turally bloody. He saw his gross ignorance in those 
matters. His bigotry could not rise from any in- 
ward principle. So for many years he flattered 
himself with the hopes, that the design would go on 
so slowly, that some unlocked for accident might 
defeat it. But after the peace of Nimeguen he saw 
such steps made with so much precipitation, that Ije 
told the king he must beg a full audience of him 
upon that subject. He gave him one that lasted 
some hours. He came well prepared. He told him, 
what the state of France was during the wars in 
his father's reign ; how happy France had been now 
for fifty years, occasioned chiefly by the quiet it was 
in with relation to those matters. He gave him an 
account of their numbers, their industry and wealth, 
their constant readiness to advance the revenue, and 
that all the quiet he had with the court of Rome 
was chiefly owing to them : if tliey were rooted out,, 
the court of Rome would govern as absolutely in 
France, as it did in Spain. He desired leave to un- 
deceive him, if he was made believe they would all 
change, as soon as he engaged his authority in the 
matter : many would go out of the kingdom, and 
carry their wealth and industry into other coun- 
657 tries. And by a scheme of particulars he reckoned 
how far that would go. In fine, he said, it would 
come to the shedding of much blood : many would 


suffer, and others would be precipitated into despe- i685. 
rate courses. So that the most glorious of all reigns 
would be in conclusion disfigured and defaced, and 
become a scene of blood and horror. He told me, 
as he went through these matters the king seemed 
to hearken to him very attentively. But he per- 
ceived they made no impression : for the king never 
asked any particulars, or any explanation, but let 
him go on. And, when he had ended, the king 
said, lie took his freedom well, since it flowed from /i^.^ 

his zeal to his service. He believed all that he had 
told him, of the prejudice it might do him in his 
affairs : only he thought, it would not go to the 
shedding of blood. But he said, he considered him- 
self as so indispensably bound to endeavour the con- 
version of all his subjects, and the extirpation of he- 
resy, that if the doing it should require tliat with 
one hand he should cut off the other, he would sub- 
mit to that. After this, Rouvigny gave all his 
friends hints of wliat they were to look for. Some 
were for flying out into a new civil war. But, their 
chief confidence being in the assistance they expected 
from England, he, who knew what our princes were, 
and had reason to believe that king Charles was at 
least a cold protestant, if not a secret papist, and 
knew that the States would not embroil their affairs 
in assisting them, their maxims rather leading them 
to connive at any thing that would bring great 
numbers and much wealth into their country than 
to oppose it, was against all motions of that kind. 
He reckoned, those risings would be soon crushed, 
and so would precipitate their ruin with some colour 
of justice. He was much censured for this Ijy some 
hot men among them, as having betrayed them to 

F 4 


1685- the court. But he was very unjustly blamed, as 

appeared both by his own conduct, and by his son's ; 
who was received at first into the survivance of be- 
ing deputy general for the churches, and afterwards, 
at his father's desire, had that melancholy post given 
him, in which he daily saw new injustices done, and 
was only suffered, for form's sake, to inform against 
them, but with no hope of success. 
He came The father did, upon king Charles's death, write 

over to _ , 1 1 • 

England, a letter 01 congratulation to the king, who wrote 
him such an obliging answer, that upon it he wrote 
to his niece the lady Russel, that, having such as- 
surances given him by the king of a high sense of 
658 his former services, he resolved to come over, and 
beg the restoring her son's honour. The marquis of 
Halifax did presently apprehend, that this was a 
blind, and that the king of France was sending him 
over to penetrate into the king's designs ; since from 
all hands intimations were brought of the promises 
that he made to the ministers of the other princes 
of Europe. So I was ordered to use all endeavours 
to divert him from coming over : his niece had in- 
deed begged that journey of him, when she hoped it 
might have saved her husband's life, but she would 
not venture to desire the journey on any other con- 
sideration, considering his great age, and that her 
son was then but five years old. I pressed this so 
much on him, that, finding him fixed in his resolu- 
tion, I could not hinder my self from suspecting, 
that such a high act of friendship, in a man some 
years past fourscore, had somewhat under it : and it 
was said, that, when he took leave of the king of 
France, he had an audience of two hours of him. 
But this was a false suggestion : and I was assured 


afterwards that he came over only in friendship to i685. 

his niece, and that he had no directions nor mes- 
sages fi'om the court of France. 

He came over, and had several audiences of the 
king, who used him with gi'eat kindness, but did 
not grant him that which he said he came for : only 
he gave him a general promise of doing it in a pro- 
per time. 

But whether the court of France was satisfied by 
the conversation that Rouvigny had with the king, 
that they needed apprehend nothing from England ; 
or whether the king's being now so settled on the 
throne, made them conclude that the time was come 
of repealing the edicts, is not certain : Mr. de Lou- 
voy, seeing the king so set on the matter, proposed 
to him a method, which he believed would shorten 
the work, and do it effectually : which was, to let Dragoons 
loose some bodies of dragoons to live upon the pro-ffve^o^^dis- 
testants on discretion^. They were put under no re- "^on°thc 
straint, but only to avoid rapes, and the killing pirotestant'' 
them. This was begun in Beam. And the people 
were so struck with it, that, seeing they were to be 
eat up first, and, if that prevailed not, to be cast in 
prison, when all was taken from them, till they 
should change, and being required only to promise 
to reunite themselves to the church, they, overcome 
with fear, and having no time for consulting to- 
gether, did universally comply. This did so animate 

' It has been said that Lou- " testants ;" to which Louvoy 
voy took the thought of this immediately replied, " Why 
from some person who, in op- " should not that be done } it 
posing other methods which " is the best thing for the pur- 
were mentioned, said, (to shew " pose that has been spoken 
the cruelty of them,) " that the " of;" and so went to the king 
" king might as well let loose with it, who approved of it. O. 
" his dragoons upon the pro- 


i685. the court, that upon it the same methods were taken 

in most places of Guienne, Languedoc, and Dau- 
phine, where the greatest numbers of the protest- 
659 ants were. A dismal consternation and feebleness 
Many of ran through most of them, so that great numbers 
yielded yielded. Upon which the king, now resolved to go 
fear."^ through with what had been long projected, pub- 
lished the edict repealing the edict of Nantes, in 
which (though that edict was declared to be a per- 
petual and irrevocable law) he set forth, that it was 
only intended to quiet matters by it, tiU more ef- 
fectual ways should be taken for the conversion of 
heretics. He also promised in it, that, though all 
the public exercises of that religion were now sup- 
pressed, yet those of that persuasion who lived 
quietly should not be disturbed on that account, 
while at the same time not only the dragoons, but 
all the clergy, and the bigots of France, broke out 
into all the instances of rage and fury against such 
as did not change upon their being required in the 
king's name to be of his religion ; for that was the 
style every where. : t/x^/# 

Great Men and women of all ages, who would not yield, 

every wcrc uot ouly stiipt of all they had, but kept long 
from sleep, driven about from place to place, and 
hunted out of their retirements. The women were 
earned into nunneries, in many of which they were 
almost starved, whipped, and barbarously treated. 
Some few of the bishops, and of the secular clergy, 
to make the matter easier, drew formularies, import- 
ing that they were resolved to reunite themselves to 
the catholic church, and that they renounced the 
errors of Luther and Calvin. People in such ex- 
tremities are easy to put a stretched sense on any 


words that may give them present relief. So it was i685. 

said, what harm was it to promise to be united to 
the catholic church : and the renouncing those men's 
errors did not renounce their good and sound doc- 
trine. But it was very visible, with what intent 
those subscriptions or promises were asked of them : 
so their compliance in that matter was a plain equi- 
vocation. But, how weak and faulty soever they 
might be in this, it must be acknowledged, here was 
one of the most violent persecutions that is to be 
found in history. In many respects it exceeded 
them all, both in the several inventions of cruelty, 
and in its long continuance. I went over the great- 
est part of France while it was in its hottest rage, 
from Marseilles to Montpelier, and from thence to 
Lions, and so to Geneva. I saw and knew so many 
instances of their injustice and violence, that it ex- 
ceeded even what could have been well imagined ; 
for all men set their thoughts on work to invent 
new methods of cnielty. In all the towns through 
which I passed, I heard the most dismal accounts of 
those things possible ; but chiefly at Valence, where 660 
one Dherapine seemed to exceed even the furies of 
inquisitors. One in the streets could have known 
the new converts, as they were passing by them, by 
a cloudy dejection that appeared in their looks and 
deportment. Such as endeavoured to make their 
escape, and were seized, (for guards and secret 
agents were spread along the whole roads and fron- 
tier of France,) were, if men, condemned to the gal- 
leys, and, if women, to monasteries. To complete 
this cruelty, orders were given, that such of the new 
converts as did not at their death receive the sacra- 
ment, should be denied burial, and that their bodies 


1685. should be left where other dead carcases were cast 
out, to be devoured by wolves or dogs. This was 
executed in several places with the utmost barbarity : 
and it gave all people so much hon-or, that, finding 
the ill effect of it, it was let fall. This hurt none, 
but struck all that saw it even with more horror 
than those sufferings that were more felt. The fury 
that appeared on this occasion did spread it self 
with a sort of contagion : for the intendants and 
other officers, that had been mild and gentle in the 
former parts of their life, seemed now to have laid 
aside the compassion of Christians, the breeding of 
gentlemen, and the common impressions of human- 
ity. The greatest part of the clergy, the regulars 
especially, were so transported with the zeal that 
their king shewed on this occasion, that their ser- 
mons were full of the most inflamed eloquence that 
they could invent, magnifjdng their king in strains 
too indecent and blasphemous to be mentioned by 
I went into I stayed at Paris till the beginning of August. 
Barrillon sent to me to look to my self; for the king 
had let some words fall importing his suspicion of 
me, as concerned in the duke of Monmouth's busi- 
ness. Whether this was done on design, to see if 
such an insinuation could fright me away, and so 
bring me under some appearance of guilt, I cannot 
tell : for in that time every thing was deceitfully 
managed. But I, who knew that I was not so much 
as guilty of concealment, resolved not to stir from 
Paris tiU the rebellion was over, and that the pri- 
soners were examined and tried. When that was 
done, Stouppe, a brigadier general, told me, that 
Mr. de Louvoy had said to him, that the king was 


resolved to put an end to the business of the Hugue- i685, 
nots that season : and, since he was resolved not to 
change, he advised him to make a tour into Italy, 
that he might not seem to do any thing that op- 
posed the king's service. Stouppe told me this in 
confidence. So we resolved to make that journey 661 
together. Some thought it was too bold an adven- 
ture in me, after what I had written and acted in 
the matters of religion, to go to Rome. But othei*s, 
who judged better, thought I ran no hazard in going 
thither : for, liesides the high civility with which all 
strangers are treated there, they were at that time 
in such hopes of gaining England, that it was not 
reasonable to think, that they would raise the ap- 
prehensions of the nation, by using any that be- 
longed to it ill : and the destroying me would not 
do them the service that could in any sort balance 
the prejudice that might arise from the noise it 
would make. And indeed I met with so high a ci- 
vility at Rome, that it fully justified this opinion. 

Pope Innocent the eleventh, Odescalchi, knew who And was 
I was tlie day after I came to Rome. And he ordered ceived at 
the captain of the Swiss guards to tell Stouppe, that """*' 
he had heard of me, and would give me a private au- 
dience abed, to save me from the ceremony of the 
pantoufle ^. But I knew the noise that this would 

•^ Burnet, in the year 1677, was understood to be a fair ad - 

published a book in vindication vance towards a reconciliation 

of the ordinations of the church with the church of Rome, fun- 

of England, in which is this danientals and essentials being 

passage, page 62. " Yet as we granted. D. (All sound di- 

■" acknowledge the church of vines of the church of England ^q 

*' Rome holds still the funda- confess as much. But they at the 

*• mentjils of the Chrislian re- same time remember what and 

" ligion ; so we confess she how much the church of Rome 

" retains the essentials of ordi- has added to scriptural funda- 

*' nation." Which, no doubt, mentals.) 


1685. make : so I resolved to avoid it, and excused it upon 
my speaking Italian so iU as I did. But cardinal 
Howard and the cardinal d'Estrees treated me with 
great freedom. The latter talked much with me 
concerning the orders in our church, to know whe- 
ther they had been brought down to us by men truly 
ordained, or not: for, he said, they apprehended 
things would be much more easily l^rought about, if 
our orders could be esteemed valid, though given in 
heresy and schism. I told him, I was glad they 
were possessed with any opinion that made the re- 
conciliation more difficult ; but, as for the matter of 
fact, nothing was more certain, than that the ordi- 
nations in the beginning of queen Elizabeth's reign 
were canonical and regular. He seemed to be per- 
suaded of the truth of this, but lamented that it was 
impossible to bring the Romans to think so. 
Cardinal Cardinal Howard shewed me all his lett-ers from 

Howard's t-iiii i«it i t i 

freedom England, by which 1 saw, that those who wrote to 
him reckoned that their designs were so well laid, 
that they could not miscarry. They thought, they 
should certainly carry every thing in the next ses- 
sion of parliament. There was a high strain of in- 
solence in their letters ; and they reckoned, they 
were so sure of the king, that they seemed to have 
no doubt left of their succeeding in the reduction of 
England. The Romans and Italians were much 
troubled at all this : for they were under such ap- 
prehensions of the growth of the French power, and 
had conceived such hopes of the king of England's 
662 putting a stop to it, that they were sorry to see the 
king engage himself so in the design of changing 
the religion of his subjects, which they thought 
would create him so much trouble at home, that he 


would neither have leisure nor strength to look after i685. 
the common concerns of Europe. The cardinal told 
me, that all the advices writ over from thence to 
England were for slow, calm, and moderate courses. 
He said, he wished he was at liberty to shew me the 
copies of them: but he saw violent courses were 
more acceptable, and would probably be followed. 
And he added, that these were the production of 
England, far different from the counsels of Rome. 

He also told me, that they had not instruments 
enough to work with : for, though they were send- 
ing over all that were capable of the mission, yet he 
expected no great matters from them. Few of them 
spoke true English. They came over young, and 
retained all the English that they brought over with 
them, which was only the language of boys : but, 
their education being among strangers, they had 
formed themselves so upon that model, that really 
they preached as Frenchmen or Italians in English 
words ; of which he was every day warning them, 
for he knew this could have no good effect in Eng- 
land. He also spoke with great sense of the pro- 
ceedings in France, which he apprehended would 
have very ill consequences in England. I shall only 
add one other particular, which will shew the soft 
temper of that good natured man. 

He used me in such a manner, that it was much 
observed by many others. So two French gentlemen 
desired a note from me to introduce them to him. 
Their design was to be furnished with reliques ; for 
he was then the cardinal that looked after that mat- 
ter. One evening I came in to him as he was very 
busy in giving them some reliques. So I was called 
in to see them : and I whispered to him in English,* 


168/5. that it was somewhat odd, that a priest of the 
'"—-— church of England should be at Rome helping them 
off with the ware of Babylon. He was so pleased 
with this, that he repeated it to the others in French ; 
and told the Frenchmen, that they should teU their 
countrymen, how bold the heretics and how mild 
the cardinals were at Rome ?. 

I stayed in Rome till prince Borghese came to me, 
and told me it was time for me to go. I had got 
great acquaintance there. And, though I did not 
provoke any to discourse of points of controversy, 
yet I defended my self against all those who at- 
tacked me, with the same freedom that I had done 
663 in other places. This began to be taken notice of. 
So upon the first intimation I came away, and re- 
turned by Marseilles. And then I went through 
those southern provinces of France, that were at 
that time a scene of barbarity and cruelty. 
Cruelties in I intended to have gone to Orange : but Tesse 
with a body of dragoons was then quartered over 
that small principality, and was treating the protest- 
ants there in the same manner that the French sub- 
jects were treated in other parts. So I went not in, 
but passed near it, and had this account of that 
matter from some that were the most considerable 
men of the principality. Many of the neighbouring 
places fled thither from the persecution : upon which 
a letter was writ to the government there, in the 
name of the king of France, requiring them to put 
aU his subjects out of their territory. This was 
hard. Yet they were too naked and exposed to dis- 
pute any thing with those who could command every 

8 Did our author understand this in a soft sense towards him- 
self? O. " i 


thing. So they ordered all the French to withdraw : i685. 
upon which Tesse, who commanded in those parts, 
wrote to them, that the king would be well satisfied 
with the obedience they had given his orders. They 
upon this were quiet, and thought there was no dan- 
ger. But the next morning Tess^ marched his dra- 
goons into the town, and let them loose upon them, 
as he had done upon the subjects of France. And 
they plied as feebly as most of the French had done. 
This was done while that principality was in the 
possession of the prince of Orange, pursuant to an 
article of the treaty of Nimeguen, of which the king 
of England was the guarantee. Whether the French 
had the king's consent to this, or if they presumed 
upon it, was not known. It is certain, he ordered 
two memorials to be given in at that court, com- 
plaining of it in very high terms. But nothing fol- 
lowed on it. And, some months after, the king of 
France did unite Orange to the rest of Provence, 
and suppressed all the rights it had, as a distinct 
principality. The king writ upon it to the princess 
of Orange, that he could do no more in that matter, 
unless he should declare war upon it ; which he 
could not think fit for a thing of such small import- 

But now the session of parliament drew on. And Another 

* ^ session of 

there was a great expectation of the issue of it. For parliament. 
some weeks before it met, there was such a number 
of refugees coming over every day, who set about a 
most dismal recital of the persecution in France, 
and that in so many instances that were crying and 
odious, that, though all endeavours were used to 664 
lessen the clamour this had raised, yet the king did 


1685. not stick openly to condemn it, as both unchristian 
and impolitic. He took pains to clear the Jesuits 
of it, and laid the blame of it chiefly on the king, on 
madame de Maintenon, and the archbishop of Paris. 
He spoke often of it with such vehemence, that 
there seemed to be an affectation in it. He did 
more. He was very kind to the refugees. He was 
liberal to many of them. He ordered a brief for a 
charitable collection over the nation for them all : 
upon which great sums were sent in. They were 
deposited in good hands, and well distributed. The 
king also ordered them to be denised without pay- 
ing fees, and gave them great immunities. So that 
in all there came over, first and last, between forty 
and fifty thousand of that nation. Here was such a 
real argument of the cruel and persecuting spirit of 
popery, wheresoever it prevailed, that few could re- 
sist this conviction. So that all men confessed, that 
the French persecution came very seasonably to 
awaken the nation, and open men's eyes in so cri- 
tical a conjuncture : for upon this session of parlia- 
ment all did depend. 
Theiiing's When it was opened, the king told them how 
ajcainst tiie happy his forces had been in reducing a dangerous 
**'**■ rebellion, in which it had appeared, how weak and 

insignificant the militia was : and therefore he saw 
the necessity of keeping up an army for all their se- 
curity. He had put some in commission, of whose 
loyalty he was well assured : and they had served 
him so well, that he would not put that affront on 
them, and on himself, to turn them out. He told 
them, all the world saw, and they had felt the hap- 
piness of a good understanding between him and his 


parliament : so he hoped, nothing should be done on i685. 
their part to interrupt that ; as he, on his own part, 
would observe all that he had promised. 

Thus he fell upon the two most unacceptable 
points that he could have found out ; which were, a 
standing army, and a violation of the act of the test. 
There were some debates in the house of lords about 
thanking the king for his speech. It was pressed by 
the courtiers, as a piece of respect that was always 
paid. To this some answered, that was done when 
there were gracious assurances given. Only the earl 
of Devonshire said, he was for giving thanks, be- 
cause the king had spoken out so plainly, and 
warned them of what they might look for. It was 
carried in the house to make an address of thanks 
for the speech. The lord Guilford, North, was now 665 
dead. He was a crafty and designing man. He 
had no mind to part with the great seal: and yet 
he saw, he could not hold it without an entire com- 
pliance with the pleasure of the court. An appeal 
against a decree of his had been brought before the 
lords in the former session ^ : and it was not only 
reversed with many severe reflections on him that 
made it, but the earl of Nottingham, who hated him 
because he had endeavoured to detract from his fa- 
ther's memory, had got together so many instances 
of his ill administration of justice, that he exposed 
him severely for it. And, it was believed, that gave 
the crisis to the uneasiness and distraction of mind 
he was labouring under. He languished for some 

'" There were not two sessions ; the second meeting was upon 
an adjournment. O. 

G 2 



1685. time; and died despised and ill thought of by the 
whole nation «. 
jefferies Nothinff but his successor made him be remem- 

made lord ^ " 

chancellor, bcred with regret : for Jefferies had the seals. He 
had been made a peer while he was chief justice, 
which had not been done for some ages : but he af- 
fected to be an original in every thing. A day or 

> (According to his brother's 
account, in his Life of the Lord 
Keeper, he delayed resigning 
his office from regard to the 
king's service, notwithstanding 
the affronts he received from 
his court enemies, Sunderland 
and Jefferies ; but at length, the 
melancholy he had contracted, 
want of health, and the uneasi- 
ness he felt at the then state of 
affairs, obliged him to give it 
up. In an audience with the 
king, he honestly advised his 
majesty to avoid giving occa- 
sion to the public discontent, 
and to place no reliance on an 
army, or confidence in the dis- 
senters ; reminding him, that 
although the duke of Mon- 
mouth was gone, yet there was 
still a prince of Orange remain- 
ing. His brother, the historian 
of the family, whose love of truth 
was the theme of the neighbour- 
hood in which, after he had been 
the queen's attorney general, 
he resided, goes on to observe, 
that although the lord keeper 
actually made use of these very 
suggestions to the king, it was 
only to satisfy his own con- 
science ; " for he knew the king's 
" humour, and that nothing that 
*• he could say to hirh would 
" take place or sink with him. 

" So strong were his prejudices, 
•' and so feeble his genius, that 
" he took none to have any right 
" understanding, that were not 
" in his measures, and that the 
" counsel given him to the 
" contrary was for policy of 
" party more than for friendship 
" to him." p. 273. Mr. North 
acknowledges, that the lord 
keeper was much vilified both 
during his life and after his 
death ; yet says, that his justice 
was so exact, and course of life 
so unexceptionable, that the 
author of one of the vilest writ- 
ten libels in those times was 
reduced, for want of something 
worse, to the calling him sly- 
boots. He relates also, that 
some particular acts were al- 
leged after his death, impeach- 
ing his conduct as lord keeper ; 
to all which charges the author 
replies at full. See North's 
Life of the Lord Keeper Guil- 
ford, p. 271 — 284. Sir John 
Dalrymple, in his preface to 
the second volume of his Me- 
moirs, remarks, that the lord 
Guilford is one of the very few 
virtuous characters, which are 
to be found in the history of 
the reign of Charles the se- 


two after the session was opened, the lords went i685. 
upon the consideration of the king's speech : and, 
when some began to make remarks upon it, they 
were told, that by giving thanks for the speech, 
they had precluded themselves from finding fault 
with any part of it. This was rejected with indig- 
nation, and put an end to that compliment of giving 
thanks for a speech when there was no special rea- 
son for it. The lords Halifax, Nottingham, and 
Mordaunt, were the chief arguers among the tem- 
poral lords. The bishop of London spoke often 
likewise : and twice or thrice he said, he spoke not 
only his own sense, but the sense of that whole 
bench. They said, the test was now the best fence 
they had for their religion : if they gave up so great 
a point, all the rest would soon foUow : and if the 
king might by his authority supersede such a law, 
fortified with so many clauses, and above all with 
that of an incapacity, it was in vain to think of law 
any more : the government would become arbitrary 
and absolute. Jefferies began to argue in his rough 
manner : but he was soon taken down ; it appearing, 
that how furiously soever he raved on the bench, 
where he played the tyrant, yet where others might 
speak with him on equal terms, he was a very con- 
temptible man : and he received as great a mortifi- 
cation, as such a brutal man as he was capable of. 

But as the scene lay in the house of commons, so The house 

^111 1 • /k • A of commons 

the debates there were more important. A project was address the 
offered for making the militia more useful, in order ge°5„g'^the 
to the disbanding the army. But, to oppose that,'"'^- 
the court shewed, how great a danger we had lately 
escaped, and how much of an ill leaven yet remained 
in the nation, so that it was necessary a force should 

G 3 


1685. be kept up. The court moved for a subsidy, the 
king having been at much extraordinary charge in 
reducing the late rebellion. Many, that were re- 
solved to assert the business of the test with great 
firmness, thought, the voting of money first was the 
decentest way of managing the opposition to the 
court : whereas others opposed this, having often 
observed, that the voting of money was the giving 
up the whole session to the court. The court 
wrought on many weak men with this topic, that 
the only way to gain the king, and to dispose him 
to agree to them in the business of the test, was to 
begin with the supply. This had so great an effect, 
that it was carried only by one vote to consider the 
king's speech J, before they should proceed to the 
supply. It was understood, that when they received 
satisfaction in other things, they were resolved to 
give 500,000/. 

They went next to consider the act about the 
test, and the violations of it, with the king's speech 
upon that head. The reasoning was clear and full 
on the one hand. The court offered nothing on the 
other hand in the way of argument, but the danger 

J That part of it which re- them to their faces for the voting 
lated to the dispensing power, as they did ; and a captain Ken- 
See the Journal of the House dal being one of them, the earl 
of Commons, upon the divi- said to him there, " Sir, have 
sion, when it was carried by " not you a troop of horse in 
one only against the court. The ♦' his majesty's service ?"" Yes, 
earl of Middleton of Scotland, " my lord," says the other ; 
then a secretary of state for " but my brother died last 
England, and a member of the " night, and has left me 700/. 
house of commons here, seeing " a year." This I had from 
many go out upon the division my uncle, the first lord Onslow, 
against the court, who were in who was then of the house of 
the service of the government, commons, and present. This 
went down to the bar, and as incident upon one vote, very 
they were told in, Reproached likely, saved the nation. O. 


of offending the king, and of raising a misundei*- i685. 
standing between him and them. So the whole 
house went in unanimously into a vote for an ad- 
dress to the king, that he would maintain the laws, 
in particular that concerning the test. But with 
that they offered to pass a bill for indemnifying 
those who had broken that law ; and were ready to 
have considered them in the supply that they in- 
tended to give. 

The king expressed his resentments of this with The king 
much vehemence, when the address was brought tOoirei.ded 
him. He said, some men iniendcd to disturb the^*'^'"^' 
good correspondence that was between him and 
them, which would be a great prejudice to the na- 
tion : he had declared his mind so positively in that 
matter, that he hoped they would not have meddled 
with it : yet, he said, he would still observe all the 
promises that he had made. This made some reflect 
on the violations of the edict of Nantes by many of 
the late edicts that were set out in France before 
the last that repealed it, in which the king of France 
had always declared, that he would maintain that 
edict, even when the breaches made upon it were 667 
the most visible and notorious. The house, upon 
this rough answer, was in a high fermentation. Yet, 
when one Cook ^ said, that they were Englishmen, 
and were not to be threatened, because this seemed 
to be a want of respect, they sent him to the tower ; 
and obliged him to ask pardon for those indecent 
words. But they resolved to insist on their address, 
and then to proceed upon the petitions concerning 
elections. And now those, that durst not open their 
mouth before, spoke with much force upon this 
^ (Mr. Cote of Derbyshire, of the Coke family.) 
G 4 


1685. head. They said, it was a point upon which the 

nation expected justice, and they had a right to 
claim it. And it was probable, they would have 
condemned a great many elections : for an intima- 
tion was set round, that all those who had stuck to 
the interest of the nation, in the main points then 
before them, should be chosen over again, though it 
should be found that their election was void, and 
that a new writ should go out. By this means 
those petitions were now encouraged, and were like 
to have a fair hearing, and a just decision : and it 
was believed, that the abject courtiers would have 
been voted out K 
The pariia- The king saw, that both houses were now so 
prorogued, fixed, that he could carry nothing in either of them, 
unless he would depart from his speech, and let the 
act of the test take place. So he prorogued the 
parliament, and kept it by repeated prorogations 
stiU on foot for about a year and a half, but without 
holding a session. AU those, who had either spoken 
or voted for the test, were soon after this disgraced, 
and turned out of their places, though many of these 
had served the king hitherto with great obsequious- 
ness and much zeal. He called for many of them, 
and spoke to them very earnestly upon that subject 
in his closet : upon which the term of closeting was 
much tossed about. Many of these gave him very 
flat and hardy denials : others, though more silent, 
yet were no less steady. So that, when, after a long 

' (Lord Lonsdale, who him- the debate had ever been re- 
self moved, that the house would sumed, probably some thing 
name a committee, to consider considerable would have been 
of a mode of applying to the done in the affair, the house 
king for a remedy against this seeming so well inclined and so 
iniquity, observes, in his un- zealous in it. Ralph errs in this 
published Memoir, p. 7, that if point. See p. 909 of his Hist.) 


practice, both of threatening and ill usage on the one i685. 
hand, and of promises and corruption on the other, 
the king saw he could not bring them into a com- 
pliance with him, he at last dissolved the parlia- 
ment : by which he threw off a body of men that 
were in all other respects sure to him, and that 
would have accepted a very moderate satisfaction 
from him at any time. And indeed in all England 
it would not have been easy to have found five hun- 
dred men, so weak, so poor, and so devoted to the 
court, as these were *". So happily was the nation 668 
taken out of their hands, by the precipitated violence 
of a bigoted court. 

Soon after the prorogation, the lord de la Meer The lord 
was brought to his trial. Some witnesses swore tried, nn^ 
high treason against him only upon report, that he**"^"'"^^' 
had designed to make a rebellion in Cheshire, and 
to join with the duke of Monmouth. But, since, 
those swore only upon hearsay, that was no evi- 
dence in law. One witness swore home against 
him, and against two other gentlemen, who, as he 
said, were in company with him ; and that treason- 
able messages were then given to him by them all 
to carry to some others. That which gave the 
greatest credit to the evidence was, that this lord 
had gone from London secretly to Cheshire at the 
time of the duke of Monmouth's landing, and that 
after he had stayed a day or two in that country, lie 
had come up as secretly to London. This looked 

*" But see the first note in would have accepted satisfac- 

page 626. O. (Consider also tion for the past, and securities 

the preceding account given by in future, from their sovereign ; 

the bishop himself; but he is yet this would not have suited 

perhaps well founded in his the views of either English or 

opinion, that this parliament foreign politicians.) 


1685, suspicious, and made it to be believed, that he went 
to try what could be done. The credit of that sin- 
gle witness was overthrown by many unquestionable 
proofs, by which it appeared that the two gentle- 
men, who he said met with that lord in Cheshire, 
were all that while still in London. The witness, 
to gain the more credit, had brought others into the 
plot, by the common fate of false swearers, who 
bring in such circumstances to support their evi- 
dence, as they think will make it more credible, Ijut, 
being ill laid, give a handle to those concerned to 
find out their falsehood. And that was the case of 
this witness : for, though little doubt was made of 
the truth of that which he swore against this lord, 
as to the main of his evidence, yet he had added 
such a mixture of falsehood to it, as being fuUy 
proved destroyed the evidence. As for the secret 
journey to and again between London and Cheshire, 
that lord said, he had been long a prisoner in the 
tower upon bare suspicion : he had no mind to be 
lodged again there : so he resolved in that time of 
jealousy to go out of the way : and hearing that a 
child, of which he was very fond, was sick in Che- 
shire, he went thither : and hearing from his lady 
that his eldest son was very ill at London, he made 
haste back again. This was well proved by his 
physicians and domestics, though it was a thing of 
very ill appearance, that he made such journeys so 
quick and so secretly at such a time. The solicitor 
general. Finch, pursuant to the doctrine he had 
maintained in former trials, and perhaps to atone 
for the zeal he had shewed in the house of commons 
for maintaining the act of the test, made a violent 
declamation, to prove that one witness with presumpf 


tions was sufficient to convdct one of high treason". iG85. 
The peers did unanimously acquit the lord. So that ggQ 
trial ended to the great joy of the whole town ; 
which was now turned to be as much against the 
court, as it had been of late years for it. Finch had 
been continued in his employment only to lay the 
load of this judgment upon him : and he acted his 
part in it with his usual vehemence *'. He was pre- 
sently after turned out. And Powis succeeded 
him, who was a compliant young aspiring lawyer, 
though in himself he was no ill natured man i'. 
Now the posts in the law began to be again taken 
care of: for it was resolved to act a piece of pa- 
geantry in Westminster-hall, with which the next 
year began. 

Sir Edward Hales, a gentleman of a noble family 1686. 
in Kent, declared himself a papist, though he had ^J" *[,'*j^g 
long disguised it; and had once to myself so so-**^^''"'^*'»« 
lemnly denied it, that I was led from thence to see, 
there was no credit to be given to that sort of men, 
where their church or religion was concerned. He 
had an employment : and not taking the test, his 
coachman was set up to inform against him, and to 
claim the 500/. that the law gave to the informer. 
When this was to be brought to trial, the judges Many 
were secretly asked their opinions : and such as werejurued out. 
not clear to judge as the court did direct were 
turned out : and upon two or three canvassings the 
half of them were dismissed, and others of more 

" Jefferies was high steward before. O. 
upon this trial, and behaved ° But see the trial. O. 

himself with a decency and a i' Sir Thomas Powis, a good 

dignity, that he had never shewn dull lawyer. S. 


1686. pliable and obedient understandings were put in 

their places. Some of these were weak and ignorant 

to a scandal. The suit went on in a [mock and] 

feeble prosecution : and in Trinity term judgment 

was given. 

Herbert, There was a new chief justice found out, very 

tice, gives different indeed from Jefferies, sir Edward Herbert. 

for the*"' He was a weU bred and a virtuous man, generous, 

king;s dis- gjj^j orood uaturcd. He was but an indifferent law- 

pensing *-> 

power. yer; and had gone to Ireland to find practice and 
preferment there. He unhappily got into a set of 
very high notions 'vvith relation to the king's prero- 
gative. His gravity and virtues gave him great ad- 
vantages, chiefly his succeeding such a monster as 
had gone before him. So he, being found to be a fit 
tool, was, without any application of his own, raised 
up all at once to this high post ^. After the coach- 
man's cause had been argued with a most indecent 
coldness, by those who were made use of on design 
to expose and betray it, it was said, in favour of the 
prerogative, that the government of England was 
670 entirely in the king : that the crown was an im- 
perial crown, the importance of which was, that it 
was absolute : all penal laws were powers lodged in 
the crown to enable the king to force the execution 
of the law, but were not bars to limit or bind up the 
king's power: the king could pardon all offences 
against the law, and forgive the penalties : and why 

'i After the revolution he grant of his estate, which he 

made his escape into France, afterwards left to the earl of 

where he was created earl of Lincoln ; and his librarj', which 

Portland, and lord chancellor, was esteemed a very vjiluablc 

by king James. His brother collection, especially for law 

Arthur, created earl of Torring- books, to lord llarcourt. D. 
ton by king William, had q 


could not he as well dispense with them? Acts of i68(>. 
parliament had been oft superseded : the judges had 
some times given directions in their charges at cir- 
cuits to inquire after some acts of parliament no 
more : of which one late instance happened during 
the former reign : an act passed concerning the size 
of carts and waggons, with many penalties upon the 
transgressors : and yet, when it appeared that the 
model prescribed in the act was not practicable, the 
judges gave direction not to execute the act. 

These were the arguments brought to support the 
king's dispensing power. In opposition to this it 
was said, though not at the bar, yet in the common 
discourse of the town, that if penalties did arise only 
by virtue of the king's proclamation, it was reason- 
able that the power of dispensing should be only in 
the king : but since the prerogative was both con- 
stituted and limited by law, and since penalties were 
imposed to force the observation of laws that were 
necessary for the public safety, it was an overturn- 
ing the whole government, and the changing it from 
a legal into a despotic form, to say that laws, made 
and declared not to be capable of being dispensed 
with, where one of the penalties was an incapacity, 
which by a maxim of law cannot be taken away 
even by a pardon, should at the pleasure of the 
prince be dispensed with : a fine was also set by the 
act on offenders, but not given to the king, but to 
the informer, which thereby became his. So that 
the king could no more pardon that, than he could 
discharge the debts of the subjects, and take away 
property "^ : laws of small consequence, when a visible 
error not observed in making them was afterwards 
•^ Wrong reasoning. S. 


1686. found out, like that of the size of carts, might well 
be superseded : for the intention of the legislature 
being the good of the subject, that is always to be 
presumed for the repeal of an impracticable law. 
But it was not reasonable to infer from thence, that 
a law made for the security of the government, with 
the most effectual clauses that could be contrived, 
on design to force the execution of it, even in bar to 
the power of the prerogative, should be made so pre- 
671 carious a thing, especially when it was so lately as- 
serted with so much vigour by the representatives 
of the nation. It was said, that, though this was 
now only applied to one statute, yet the same force 
of reason would hold to annul all our laws : and the 
penalty being that which is the life of the law, the 
dispensing with penalties might soon be carried so 
far as to dissolve the whole government : and the 
security that the subjects had were only from the 
laws, or rather from the penalties, since laws with- 
out these were feeble things, which tied men only 
according to their own discretion. 

Thus was this matter tossed about in the argu- 
ments with which aU people's mouths were now 
filled. But judges, who are beforehand determined 
how to give their opinions, will not be much moved 
even by the strongest arguments. The ludicrous 
ones used on this occasion at the bar were rather a 
farce, fitter for a mock trial in a play, than such as 
became men of learning in so important a matter. 
Great expectations were raised, to hear with what 
arguments the judges would maintain the judgment 
that they should give. But they made nothing of 
it ; and without any arguing gave judgment for the 
defendant, as if it had been in a cause of course. 


Now the matter was as much settled, as a decision i q^q. 

in the king's bench could settle it. Yet so little I'e-^j^,;^, 
ffard had the chief justice's nearest friends to his "^'^*"''^'* 

" " ^ nrniiiess. 

opinion in this particular, that his brother, admiral 
Herbert, being pressed by the king to promise that 
he would vote the repeal of the test, answered the 
king very plainly, that he could not do it either in 
honour nor conscience \ The king said, he knew he 
was a man of lionour, liut the rest of his life did not 
look like a man that had great regard to conscience \ 
He answered boldly, he had his faults, but they 
were such, that other people, who talked more of 
conscience, were guilty of the like. He was indeed 
a man abandoned to luxury and vice. But, though 
he was poor, and had much to lose, having places to 
tlie value of 4000/. a year, he chose to lose them all 
ratlier than comply. This made much noise : for as 
he had a great reputation for his conduct in sea af- 
fairs, so he had been most passionately zealous in 
the king's service from his first setting out to that 
day. It appeared by this, that no past services 

* (Sir Edward Herbert, in ' (The king's reply is difFer- 
i688, immediately after the re- ently represented in the Life of 
volution, published a vindica- King James II. lately published; 
tion of the judgment of the " His (admiral Herbert's) an- 
court in sir Edward Hale's case, " swer was, he could not do it 
and of the king's dispensing " in honour or conscience ; at 
jK)wer ; the exercise of which, " which the king being more 
as is well known, was declared " moved than ordinary, could 
to be illegal, at least for the fu- " not forbear telling him, that 
ture, in the first year of king " as for his honour he had little 
William. Compare what is said " but what he owed to his 
below, p. 780, 822, 823. But " bounty, and for his con- 
opposition to the repeal of the " science, the putting away his 
test act was not inconsistent " wife to keep with more li- 
with sir Edward Herbert's opi- " berty other women, gave a 
nion in favour of the king's " true idea of its niceness." 
legal right to dispense with pe- Vol. ii. p. 204.) 
nal statutes.) 


1686. would be considered, if men were not resolved to 
' comply in every thing. The door was now opened. 

So all regard to the test was laid aside. And all 
men that intended to recommend themselves took 
672 employments, and accepted of this dispensing power. 
This was done even by some of those who continued 
still protestants, though the far greater number of 
them continued to qualify themselves according to 
Father Many of the papists, that were men of quiet or of 

Jesuit, in fcarful tempers, did not like these methods. They 
J^^/*" thought the priests went too fast, and the king was 
too eager in pursuing every thing that was suggested 
by them. One Petre, descended from a noble fa- 
mily ", a man of no learning, nor any way famed for 
his virtue, but who made all up in boldness and zeal, 
was the Jesuit of them aU that seemed animated 
with the most courage. He had, during the popish 
plot, been introduced to the king, and had suggested 
things that shewed him a resolute and undertaking 
man. Upon that the king looked on him as the fit- 
test man to be set at the head of his counsels. So 
he was now considered as the person who of all 
others had the greatest credit. He applied himself 
most to the earl of Sunderland, and was for some 
time chiefly directed by him \ 

" (That of the lord Petre.) tions upon Dr. Burnet's Post- 
* (It is a well known fact, humous Hist. 8vo. 1724. p. 
that the queen opposed with the t 03 . See also D'Orleans's Re- 
greatest earnestness the intro- volutions in England, p. 304. 
duction of Petre into the privy Of Petre's intrigues with lord 
council. She observed, that Sunderland, and the queen's op- 
Sunderland got it over her belly, position to them, an account 
using an Italian phrase, for get- is given by the king himself 
ting the ascendancy over an- in his Life, lately published, 
other. See Impartial Reflec- vol. ii. p. 13T.) 


The maxim that the king set up, and about ^686. 

which he entertained all that were about him, was. The king 
the great happiness of an universal toleration. On » toieratio^n. 
this the king used to enlarge in a great variety of 
topics. He said, nothing was more reasonable, more 
Christian, and more politic : and he reflected much 
on the church of England for the severities with 
which dissenters had been treated. This, how true 
or just soever it might be, yet was strange doctrine 
in the mouth of a professed papist, and of a prince 
on whose account, and by whose direction, the church 
party had been, indeed but too obsequiously, pushed 
on to that rigour. But, since the church party 
could not be brought to comply with the design of 
the court, applications were now made to the dis- 
senters : and all on a sudden the churchmen were 
disgraced, and the dissenters were in high favour. 
Chief justice Herbert went the western circuit after 
Jefferies's bloody one. And now all was grace and 
favour to them. Their former sufferings were much 
reflected on, and pitied. Every thing was offered 
that could alleviate their sufferings. Their teachers 
were now encouraged to set up their conventicles 
again, which had been discontinued, or held very se- 
cretly, for four or five years. Intimations were every 
where given, that the king would not have them or 
their meetings to be disturbed. Some of them be- 
gan to grow insolent upon this shew of favour y. 
But wiser men among them saw through all this, 673 
and perceived the design of the papists was now, to 
iet on the dissenters against the church, as much as 
they had fonnerly set the church against them : and 

y The whole body of them grew insolent, and complvin^ to the 
king. S. 



\666. therefore, though they returned to their conventicles, 
yet they had a just jealousy of the iU designs that 
lay hid under all this sudden and unexpected shew 
of grace and kindness : and they took care not to 
provoke the church party. 
The clergy Many of the clergy acted now a part that made 
the points good ameuds for past errors. They began to preach 
versy'with generally against popery, which the dissenters did 
STtuT^ not. They set themselves to study the points of 
cess. controversy. And upon that there followed a great 

variety of small books, that were easily purchased, 
and soon read. They examined all the points of 
popery with a solidity of judgment, a clearness of 
arguing, a depth of learning, and a vivacity of writ- 
ing, far beyond any thing that had before that time 
appeared in our language. The truth is, they were 
very unequally yoked: for, if they are justly to be 
reckoned among the best writers that have yet ap- 
peared on the protestant side, those they wrote 
against were certainly among the weakest that had 
ever appeared on the popish side. Their books were 
poorly but insolently writ ; and had no other learn- 
ing in them, but what was taken out of some French 
writers, which they put into very bad English : so 
that a victory over them need have been but a mean 

This had a mighty effect on the whole nation : 
even those who could not search things to the bot- 
tom, yet were amazed at the gi-eat inequality that 
appeared in this engagement. The papists, who 
knew what service the bishop of Meaux's book had 
done in France, resolved to pursue the same method 
here in several treatises, which they entitled, Papists 
represented and misrepresented; to which such 


clear answers were writ, that what effect soever that i686. 
artifice might have, where it was supported by the 
authority of a great king, and the terror of ill usage, 
and a dragoon ade in conclusion, yet it succeeded so 
ill in England, that it gave occasion to inquire into 
the true opinions of that church, not as some artful 
writers had disguised them, but as they were laid 
down in the books that are of authority among 
them, such as the decisions of councils received 
among them, and their established offices, and as 
they are held at Rome, and in all those countries 
where popery prevails without any intermixture 
with heretics, or apprehension of them, as in Spain 
and Portugal. This was done in so authentical a 674 
manner, that popery it self was never so well under- 
stood by the nation, as it came to be upon this oc- 

The persons who both managed and directed this The per- 
controversial war, were chiefly Tillotson, Stilling- were chiefly 
fleet, Tennison, and Patrick. Next them were Sher- I'^^l^ 
lock, Williams, Claget, Gee, Aldrich, Atterbury, 
Whitby, Hooper, and above all these Wake, who 
having been long in France, chaplain to the lord 
Preston, brought over with him many curious dis- 
coveries, that were both useful and surprising '^. Be- 
sides the chief writers of those books of controversy, 
there were many sermons preached and printed on 
those heads, that did very much edify the whole na- 
tion. And this matter was managed with that con- 

•'' . . . 

..? (Besides aome modern trea- enumeration of the writers en- 

tises, the bishop alludes to St. gaged in what is called the 

Chrysostom's Epistle to Caesa- Popish Controversy, Burnet for- 

riuSj which had been suppressed gets his old antagonist, the 

by the Romanists, and was first learned Henry Wharton.) 

published by Wake. In the 

H 2 


1686. cert, that for the most part once a week some new 
book or sermon came out, which both instructed 
and animated those who read them. There were 
but very few proselytes gained to popery : and these 
were so inconsiderable, that they were rather a re- 
proach than an honour to them. Walker, the head 
of University college, and five or six more at Ox- 
ford, declared themselves to be of that religion ; but 
with this branch [brand] of infamy, that they had 
continued for several years complying with the doc- 
trine and worship of the church of England after 
they were reconciled to the church of Rome. The 
popish priests were enraged at this opposition made 
by the clergy, when they saw their religion so ex- 
posed, and themselves so much despised. They said, 
it was ill manners and want of duty to treat the 
king's religion with so much contempt. 
Dr. Sharp It was rcsolvcd to procced severely against some 

in trouble. /^ . « 1 / , 

01 the preachers, and to try it by that means they 
might intimidate the rest. Dr. Sharp was the rector 
of St. Giles's, and was both a very pious man, and 
one of the most popular preachers of the age, who 
had a peculiar talent of reading his sermons with 
much life and zeal ^. He received one day, as he 
was coming out of the pulpit, a paper sent him, as 

* He was a great reader of Sharp should say, that the bible 
Shakespear. Doctor Mangey, and Shakespear made him arch- 
who had married his daughter, bishop of York. His wonder- 
told me that he used to recom- ful knowledge of human nature, 
mend to young divines the the dignity and nobleness of 
reading of the scriptures and his sentiments, and the amaz- 
Shakespear, And doctor Lisle, ing force and brightness of his 
bishop of Norwich, who had expression, do indeed make 
been chaplain at Lambeth to Shakespear to be a great pat- 
archbishop Wake, told me that tern for the gravest and most 
it was often related there, that solemn compositions. O. 


he believed, by a priest, containing a sort of chal- J 686. 
lenge upon some points of controversy touched by 
him in some of his sermons. Upon this, he, not 
knowing to whom he should send an answer, 
preached a sermon in answer to it : and, after he 
had confuted it, he concluded, shewing how unrea- 
sonable it was for protestants to change their reli- 
gion on such grounds. This was carried to court, 
and represented there as a reflection on the king for 
changing on those grounds. 

The information, as to the words pretended to be 6/5 
spoken by Sharp, was false, as he himself assured me. 
But, without inquiring into that, the earl of Sunder- The bishop 
land sent an order to the bishop of London, in the required to 
king's name, requiring him to suspend Sharp imme-^'im.*" 
diately, and then to examine the matter. The bi- 
shop answered, that he had no power to proceed in 
such a summary way : but, if an accusation were 
brought into his court in a regular way, he would 
proceed to such a censure as could be warranted by 
the ecclesiastical law : yet, he said, he would do that 
which was in his power, and should be upon the 
matter a suspension ; for he desired Sharp to abstain 
from officiating, till the matter should be better un- 
derstood. But to lay such a censure on a clergyman, 
as a suspension, without proof, in a judiciary proceed- 
ing, was contrary both to law and justice. Sharp which he 
went to court, to shew the notes of his sermon, which obey. 
he was ready to swear were those from which he had 
read it, by which the falsehood of the information 
would appear. But, since he was not suspended, he 
was not admitted. Yet he was let alone. And it 
was resolved to proceed against the bishop of London 
for contempt. 



1686. Jefferies was much sunk at court, and Herbert 
An ccciesi- ^^ ^hc Efiost in favour. But now Jefferies, to re- 
asticai com- commend himself, offered a bold and illegal advice, 

mission set o ' 

"p- for setting up an ecclesiastical commission, without 

calling it the high commission, pretending it was 
only a standing court of delegates. The act that put 
down the high commission in the year 1640. had 
provided by a clause, as full as could be conceived, 
that no court should be ever set up for those matters, 
besides the ordinary ecclesiastical courts. Yet, in 
contempt of that, a court was erected, with full pow- 
er to proceed in a summary and arbitrary way in all 
ecclesiastical matters, without limitations to any rule 
of law in their proceedings. This stretch of the su- 
premacy, so contrary to law, was assumed by a king, 
whose religion made him condemn all that supre- 
macy that the law had vested in the crown. 

The persons with whom this power was lodged 
were the archbishop of Canterbury^ and the bishops 
of Duresme and Rochester, and the lord chancellor, 
the lord treasurer, and lord chief justice, the lord 
chancellor being made president in the court, sine 
quo non; for they would trust this to no other ma- 
nagement. The bishop of London was marked out 
to be the first sacrifice. Bancroft lay silent at Lam- 
beth. He seemed zealous against popery in private 
discourse : but he was of such a timorous temper, and 
676 so set on the enriching his nephew, that he shewed 
no sort of courage*^. He would not go to this court, 

*> False as hell. S. This re- with any thing contrary to his 

flection might well have been conscience : especially from the 

spared, upon a man that gave most interested, confident, busy 

sufficient proofat the revolution, man, that ever his nation pro- 

that he could quit the highest duced. D. (See the aspersions 

preferment, rather than comply cast by BurnCt on the good 


when it was first opened, and declare against it, and 1086. 
give his reasons why he could not sit and act in it, 
judging it to be against law : but he contented him- 
self with not going to it'-. The other two bishops 
were more compliant. Duresme was lifted up with 
it, and said, now his name would be recorded in his- ^ 
tory : and, when some of his friends represented to 
him the danger of acting in a court so illegally con- 
stituted, he said, he could not live if he should lose 
the king's gracious smiles : so low and so fawning 
was he. Dolben, archbishop of York, died this year. 
So, as Sprat had succeeded him in Rochester, he had 
some hopes let fall of succeeding likewise in York. 
But the court had laid it down for a maxim to keep 
all the gi'eat sees, that should become vacant, still 
empty, till they might fill them to their own mind : 
so he was mistaken in his expectations, if he ever had 

The bishop of London was the first person that The bishop 

. of London 

was summoned to appear before this new court. He brought be- 
was attended on by many persons of great quality, *"^ ' ' 
which gave a new offence : and the lord chancellor 
treated him in that brutal way, that was now become 
as it were natural to him. The bishop said, here was 
a new court, of which he knew nothing : so he de- 
sired a copy of the commission that authorized them. 
And, after he had drawn out the matters by delays 
for some time, hoping that the king might accept of 
some general and respectful submission, and so let 
the matter fall, at last he came to make his defence* 

archbishop's character ably re- gular and formal petition to the 

futed in Dr. D'Oyley's Life of king to be excused attendance 

the latter; vol. i. p. 222 — 229.) on this commission, on account 

<■' (The archbishop sent a re- of his age and infirmities.) 

H 4 


1686. all secret methods to divert the storm proving inef- 
~" fectual. The first part of it was an exception to the 

authority of the court, as being not only founded on 
no law, but contrary to the express words of the act 
of parliament that put down the high commission. 
Yet this point was rather insinuated, than urged with 
the force that might have been used: for it was said, 
that, if the bishop should insist too much on that, it 
would draw a much heavier measure of indignation 
on him ; therefore it was rather opened, and modest- 
ly represented to the com-t, than strongly argued. 
But it may be easily believed, that those who sat by 
virtue of this illegal commission would maintain their 
own authority. The other part of the bishop of Lon- 
don's plea was, that he had obeyed the king's orders, 
as far as he legally could do ; for he had obliged Dr. 
Sharp to act as a man that was suspended ; but that 
677 he could not lay an ecclesiastical censure on any of 
his clergy without a process, and articles, and some 
proof brought. This was justified by the constant 
practice of the ecclesiastical courts, and by the judg- 
ment of all lawyers. But arguments, how strong so- 
ever, are feeble things, when a sentence is resolved 
on before the cause is heard. So it was proposed 
that he should be suspended during the king's plea- 
sure. The lord chancellor and the poor spirited bi- 
shop of Duresme were for this : but the earl, and bi- 
shop of Rochester, and the lord chief justice Herbert, 
were for acquitting him. There was not so much as 
a colour of law to support the sentence : so nonie 
could be given. 
And was But the king was resolved to carry this point, 
sus^en e ^^^ spokc rouudly about it to the earl of Rochester. 
He saw he must either concur in the sentence, or 


part with the white staff. So he yielded. And the 1686. 
bishop was suspended ah officio. They did not 
think fit to meddle with his revenues. For the 
lawyers had settled that jjoint, that benefices were 
of the nature of freeholds. So, if the sentence had 
gone to the temjwralties, the bishop would have had 
the matter tried over again in the king's bench, 
where he was like to find good justice, Herbert 
Tioi being satisfied with the legality and justice of 
the sentence. While this matter was in dependance, 
the princess of Orange thought it became her to 
interpose a little in the bishop's favour. He had 
confirmed and married her. So she wrote to the 
king, earnestly begging him to be gentle to the bi- 
shop, who she could not think would offend will- 
ingly. She also wrote to the bishop, expressing the 
great share she took in the trouble he was fallen 
into. The prince wrote to him to the same pur- 
pose. The king wrote an answer to the princess, 
reflecting severely on the bishop, not without some 
sharpness on her for meddling in such matters. Yet 
the court seemed uneasy, when they saw they had 
gained so poor a victory : for now the bishop was 
more considered than ever. His clergy, fc^ aU the 
suspension, were really more governed by the secret 
intimations of his pleasure, than they had been by 
his authority before. So they resolved to come off 
as well as they could. Dr. Sharp was admitted to 
offer a general petition, importing how sorry he was 
to find himself under the king's displeasure : upcm 
which he was dismissed with a gentle reprimand, 
and suffered to return to the exercise of his func- 
tion. According to the form of tlie ecclesiastical 
courts, a person under such a sus]]Nensi^u must in^ke 

1686. a submission within six months : otherwise he may 

gygbe proceeded against as obstinate. So, six months 
after the sentence, the bishop sent a petition to the 
king, desiring to be restored to the exercise of his 
episcopal function. But he made no acknowledg- 
ment of any fault. So this had no other effect, but 
that it stopped all further proceedings : only the sus- 
pension lay still on him. I have laid all this matter 
together, though the progress of it ran into the 
year eighty-seven. 
Affwrein Affairs in Scotland went on much at the same 
* rate as they did in England. Some few proselytes 
were gained. But as they were very few, so they 
could do little service to the side to which they 
joined themselves. The earl of Perth prevailed 
with his lady, as she was dying, to change her reli- 
gion. And in a very few weeks after her death he 
married very indecently a sister of the duke of Gor- 
don's ; [with whom he had lived in a very scandal- 
ous manner for many years.] They were first cou- 
sins : and yet without staying for a dispensation 
from Rome, they ventured on a marriage, upon the 
assurances that they said their confessor gave them, 
that it would be easily obtained. But pope Inno- 
cent was a stiflf man, and did not grant those things 
easily : so that cardinal Howard could not at first 
obtain it. The pope said, these were strange con- 
verts, that would venture on such a thing without 
first obtaining a dispensation. The cardinal pre- 
tended, that new converts did not so soon under- 
stand the laws of the church : but he laid before the 
pope the ill consequences of oflfending converts of 
such importance. So he prevailed at last, not with- 
out great difficulty. The earl of Perth set up a pri- 


vate chapel in the court for mass, which was not 1686. 
kept so private, but that many frequented it. 

The town of Edenburffh was much alarmed at a tumuit at 

. Edenburgb. 

this. And the rabble broke in with such fury, that 
they defaced every thing in the chapel. And if the 
earl of Perth had not been conveyed away in dis- 
guise, he had very probably fallen a sacrifice to po- 
pular rage. The guards upon the alarm came, and 
dispersed the vabble. Some were taken : and one 
that was a ringleader in the tumult was executed 
for it. When he was at the place of execution, he 
told one of the ministers of the town, that was with 
him assisting him with his prayers, that he was of- 
fered his life, if he would accuse the duke of 
Queensborough, as the person that had set on the 
tumult, but he would riot save his life by so false a 
calumny. Mr. Macom, the minister, was an honest 
but weak man. So, when the criminal charged him 
to make this discovery, he did not call any of those 679 
who were present to bear witness of it : but in the 
simplicity of his heart he went from the execution 
to the archbishop of St. Andrew's, and told him 
what had passed. The archbishop acquainted the 
duke of Queensborough with it. And he writ to 
court, and complained of it. The king ordered the 
matter to be examined. So the poor minister, hav- 
ing no witness to attest what the criminal had said 
to him, was declared the forger of that calumny. 
And upon that he was turned out. But how se- 
verely soever those in authority may handle a poor 
incautious man, yet the public is apt to judge true. 
And, in this case, as the minister's weakness and 
misfortune was pitied, so the earl of Perth's malice 
and treachery was as much detested. 


J 686. ^^ summer this year, the earl of Murray, another 
: — new convert, was sent the kind's commissioner to 

A parha- ^ *=" 

nient held hold a parliament in Scotland, and to try if it would 
be more compliant than the English parliament 
had been. The king did by his letter recommend 
to them in very earnest words the taking off all 
penal laws and tests relating to religion. And all 
possible methods were used to prevail on a majority. 
But two accidents happened before .the opening the 
parliament, which made great impression on the 
minds of many. 

Whitford, son to one of their bishops before the 
wars, had turned a papist. He was the person that 
killed Dorislaus in Holland. And, that he might 
get out of Cromwell's reach, he had gone into the 
duke of Savoy's service; and was there when the 
last massacre was committed on the Vaudois. He 
had committed many barbarous murders with his 
own hands, and had a small pension given him after 
the restoration. He died a few days before the par- 
liament met ; and called for some ministers, and to 
them declared his forsaking of popery, and his ab- 
horrence of it for its cruelty. He said, he had been 
guilty of some execrable murders in Piedmont, both 
of women and children, which had pursued him 
with an intolerable horror of mind ever after that. 
He had gone to priests of all sorts, the strictest as 
well as the easiest : and they had justified him in 
what he had done, and had given him absolution. 
But his conscience pursued him so, that he died as 
in despair, crying out against that bloody religion. 

The other was more solemn. Sir Robert Sib- 
bald, a doctor of physic, and the most learned anti- 
680 quary in Scotland, who had lived in a course of phi- 


losophical virtue, but in great doubts as to revealed 1686. 
religion, was prevailed on by the earl of Perth to 
turn papist, in hopes to find that certainty among 
them, which he could not arrive at upon his own 
principles. But he had no sooner done this, than he 
began to be ashamed that he had made such a step 
upon so little inquiry. So he went to London, and 
retired for some months from all company, and went 
into a deep course of study, by which he came to 
see into the errors of popery with so full a convic- 
tion, that he came down to Scotland some weeks 
before the parliament, and could not be at quiet till 
he had published his recantation openly in a church. 
The bishop of Edenburgh was so much a courtier, 
that, apprehending many might go to hear it, and 
that it might give offence at court, he sent him to 
do it in a church in the country. But the recanta- 
tion of so learned a man, upon so much study, had 
a great effect upon many. 

Rosse and Paterson, the two governing bishops, 
resolved to let the king see how compliant they 
would be. And they procured an address to be 
signed by several of their bench, offering to concur 
with the king in all that he desired with relation to 
those of his own religion, (for the courtly style now 
was not to name popery any other way than by 
calling it the king's religion,) provided the laws 
might still continue in force and be executed against 
the presbyterians. With this Paterson was sent up. 
He communicated the matter to the earl of Middle- 
ton, who advised him never to shew that paper : it 
would be made use of against them, and render 
them odious : and the king and all his priests were 
so sensible that it was an indecent thing for them 


1686. to pretend to any special favour, that they were re- 

st res 

~' solved to move for nothing but a general toleration. 

And so he persuaded him to go back without pre- 
senting it. This was told me by one who had it 
from the earl himself. 
Which re- When the session of parliament was opened, duke 
comply Hamilton was silent in the debate. He promised 
king's de- he would not oppose the motion : but he would not 
be active to promote it. The duke of Queensbo- 
rough was also silent : but the king was made be- 
lieve that he managed the opposition under hand. 
Rosse and Paterson did so entirely forget what be- 
came their characters, that they used their utmost 
endeavours to persuade the parliament to comply 
with the king's desire. The archbishop of Glasgow 
681 opposed it, but fearfully. The bishop of Dunkeld, 
Bruce, did it openly and resolutely : and so did the 
bishop of Galloway. The rest were silent, but were 
resolved to vote for the continuance of the laws. 
Such was the meanness of most of the nobility, and 
of the other members, that few did hope that a re- 
sistance to the court could be maintained. Yet the 
parliament would consent to nothing, further than 
to a suspension of those laws during the king's life. 
The king despised this. So the session was put off, 
and the parliament was quickly dissolved. And, 
soon after that, both the archbishop of Glasgow and 
the bishop of Dunkeld were turned out by an ex- 
press command from the king. And Paterson was 
made archbishop of Glasgow. And one Hamilton, 
noted for profaneness and impiety, that sometimes 
broke out into blasphemy, was made bishop of Dun- 
keld. No reason was assigned for turning out those 
bishops, but the king's pleasure. 


The nation, which was become very corrupt, and 1686. 

both ignorant and insensible in the matters of reli- a zeai ap- 
gion, began now to return to its old zeal against JJJ^nstpo? 
popery. Few proselytes were made after this. TheP*"'^^- 
episcopal clergy were in many places so sunk into 
sloth and ignorance, that they were not capable of 
conducting this zeal. Some of them about Eden- 
burgh, and in divers other places, began to mind 
those matters, and recovered some degrees of credit 
by the opposition they made to popery. But the 
presljyterians, though they were now freed from the 
great severities they had long smarted under, yet 
expressed on all occasions their unconquerable aver- 
sion to popery ''. So the court was soon convinced, 
that they were not to be depended on. 

But, what opposition soever the king met with in Affaire la 
the isle of Britain, things went on more to his mind 
in Ireland. The earl of Clarendon, upon his first 
coming over, gave public and positive assurances, 
that the king would maintain their act of settle- 
ment. This he did very often, and very solemnly ; 
and proceeded accordingly. In the mean while the 
earl of Tirconnell went on more roundly. He not 
only put Irish papists in such posts in the army as 
became void, but upon the slightest pretences he 
broke the English protestant officers, to make room 
for the others : and in conclusion, without so much 

'' Partial dog. S. (" It was " knew this was the design at 

" repeatedly observed at the " the bottom, were generally 

" time, that while the church- " silent upon that delicate * 

" men, who were the only suf- " point, not choosing to give 

" ferers by this indulgence, " offence to those on whose ac- 

" were in their station vigilant " count they had met with so 

" and zealous against the threat- " much favour." Skinner's Ec- 

" ening increase of popery, the clesiastical Hist, of Scotland, 

" presbyterians, though they vol. i. p. 510.) 


1686. as pretending a colour for it, he turned them all out. 
And now an army, paid by virtue of the act of set- 
tlement to secure it, was wrested out of legal hands, 
682 and put in the hands of those who were engaged 
both in religion and interest to destroy the settle- 
ment, and those concerned in it; which was too 
gross a violation of law to be in any sort palliated. 
So the English protestants of Ireland looked on 
themselves as at mercy, since the army was now 
made up of their enemies. And all that the lord 
lieutenant or the lord chancellor could say did not 
quiet their fears : good words could not give secu- 
rity against such deeds as they saw every day. 
Upon this the earl of Clarendon and the earl of "Tir- 
connell fell into perpetual jarrings, and were making 
such complaints one of another, that the king re- 
solved to put an end to those disorders by recalling 
both the earl of Clarendon and Porter. He made 
the earl of Tirconnell lord lieutenant^, and Fitton 
lord chancellor, who were both not only professed 
but zealous papists. Fitton knew no other law but 
the king's pleasure. 

This struck all people there with great terror, 
when a man of Tirconnell's temper, so entirely 
trusted and depended on by the Irish, capable of 
the boldest undertakings, and of the crudest execu- 
tion, had now the government put so entirely in his 
hands. The papists of England either dissembled 
very artificially, or they were much troubled at 
this, which gave so great an alarm every where. It 
was visible, that father Petre and the Jesuits were 
resolved to engage the king so far, that matters 

* Lord deputy. S. 


should be put past all retreating and compounding ; ^^Q^- 
that so the king might think no more of governing 
by parliament, but by a military force ; and, if that 
should not stick firm to him, by assistance from 
France, and by an Irish army. 

An accident happened at this time, that gave the The king 

^ "^ ^ ^ made his 

queen great offence, and put the priests much out of mistres* 

__, , . , .,- -. , countess of 

countenance. 1 he kmg contmued to go still to Mrs. Dorchester. 
Sidley. And she gained so much on him, that at 
last she prevailed to be made countess of Dorchester. 
As soon as the queen heard of this, she gave order 
to bring all the priests, that were admitted to a par- 
ticular confidence, into her closet. And, when she 
had them about her, she sent to desire the king to 
come and speak to her. When he came, he was 
surprised to see such a company about her, but 
much more when they fell all on their knees before 
him. And the queen broke out into a bitter mourn- 
ing for this new honour, which they expected would 
be followed with the setting her up openly as mis- 
tress. The queen was then in an ill habit of body ; 
and had an illness that, as was thought, would end 
in a consumption. And it was believed that her 683 
sickness was of such a nature, that it gave a very 
melancholy presage, that, if she should live, she 
could have no children. The priests said to the • 
king, that a blemish in his life blasted their designs: 
and the more it appeared, and the longer it was 
continued, the more ineffectual all" their endeavours 
would prove. The king was much moved with this, 
and was out of countenance for what he had done. 
But, to quiet them all, he promised them, that he 
would see the lady no more ; and pretended, that 


1686. he gave her this title in order to the breaking with 
her the more decently. And, when the queen did 
not seem to believe this, he promised that he would 
send her to Ireland, which was done accordingly. 
But, after a stay there for some months, she came 
over again : and that iU commerce was still con- 
tinued. The priests were no doubt the more appre- 
hensive of this, because she was bold and lively, and 
was always treating them and their proceedings with 
great contempt ^. 

The court was now much set on making of con- 
verts ; which failed in most instances, and produced 
repartees, that, whether true or false, were much re- 
peated, and were heard with great satisfaction. 
Attempts The earl of Mulgrave was lord chamberlain. He 
many to was apt to comply in every thing that he thought 
theh^^rdi- ^^^g^t be acceptable ; for he went with the king to 
gion. mass, and kneeled at it. And, being looked on as 
indifferent to all religions, the priests made an at- 
tack on him. He heard them gravely arguing for 
transubstantiation. He told them, he was willing 
to receive instruction : he had taken much pains to 
bring himself to believe in God, who made the 
world and all men in it : but it must not be an or- 

^ Her wit was rather sur- no scruple of breaking another ; 
prising than pleasing, for there therefore thought they were 
was no restraint in what she even upon this score. But most 
said of or to any body. She of her remarkable sayings were 
told king William's queen, who what nobody else would in mo- 
she observed looked coldly up- desty or discretion have said : 
on her, that if it was upon her the best excuse that could be 
father's account, she hoped she made for her was, that her mo- 
would remember that as she ther, lady Catharine Sidley, had 
had broke one commandment been locked up in a mad-house 
with hira, her majesty had made many years before she died. D. 


dinary force of argument, that could make him be- 1686. 
lieve, that man was quits with God, and made God 

The earl of Middleton had married into a popish 
family, and was a man of great parts and a generous 
temper, but of loose principles in religion. So a 
priest was sent to instruct him. He began with 
transubstantiation, of which he said he would con- 
vince him immediately : and began thus. You be- 
lieve the Trinity. Middleton stopt him, and said, 
Who told you so ? at which he seemed amazed. So 
the earl said, he expected he should convince him 
of his belief, but not question him of his own. With 
this the priest was so disordered, that he could pro- 
ceed no further. One day the king gave the duke 
of Norfolk the sword of state to carry before him to 684 
the chapel : and he stood at the door. Upon which 
the king said to him. My lord, your father would 
have gone further : to which the duke answered, 
Your majesty's father was the better man, and he 
would not have gone so far. Kirk was also spoken 
to, to change his religion ; and replied briskly, that 
he was already pre-engaged, for he had promised 
the king of Morocco, that, if ever he changed his 
religion, he would turn Mahometan. 

But the j)erson that was the most considered, was Particularly 
the earl of Rochester. He told me, that upon the of Rothes- 
duke of Monmouth's defeat, the king did so imme-*^"^' 
diately turn to other measures, that, though before 
that the king talked to him of all his affairs vHth 
great freedom, and commonly every morning of the 
business that was to be done that day, yet the very 
day after his execution the king changed his me- 
thod, and never talked more to him of any business, 

I 2 


1686. but what concerned the treasury : so that he saw 
he had now no more the root he formerly had. He 
was looked on as so much united to the clergy, that 
the papists were all set against him. He had, in a 
want of money, procured a considerable loan, by 
which he was kept in his post longer than was in- 
tended. At last, as he related the matter to me, 
the king spoke to him, and desired he would suffer 
himself to be instructed in religion. He answered, 
he was fully satisfied about his religion. But upon 
the king's pressing it, that he would hear his priests, 
he said, he desired then to have some of the English 
clergy present, to which the king consented : only 
he excepted to Tillotson and Stillingfleet. Lord 
Rochester said, he would take those who should 
happen to be in waiting ; for the forms of the cha- 
pel were still kept up. And Doctor Patrick and 
Jane were the men. Upon this a day was set for 
the conference. 

But his enemies had another story. He had no- 
tice given him, that he would shortly lose the white 
staff: upon which his lady, who was then sick, 
wrote to the queen, and begged she would honour 
her so far as to come, and let her have some dis- 
course with her. The queen came, and stayed above 
two hours with her. She complained of the ill of- 
fices that were done them. The queen said, all the 
protestants were now turning against them, so that 
they knew not how they could trust any of them. 
Upon which that lady said, her lord was not so 
wedded to any opinion, as not to be ready to be bet- 
ter instructed. And it was said, that this gave the 
685 rise to the king's proposing a conference : for it has 
been observed to be a common method of making 


proselytes, with the more pomp, to propose a confer- 1 686. 
ence : but this was generally done, after they were 
well assured, that, let the conference go which way 
it might, the person's decision for whom it was ap- 
pointed should be on their side. The earl denied 
he knew any thing of all this to me : and his lady 
died not long after s. It was further said by his 
enemies, that the day before the conference he had 
an advertisement fi'om a sure hand, that nothing he 
could do would maintain him in his post, and that 
the king had engaged himself to put the treasury in 
commission, and to bring some of the popish lords 
into it. Patrick told me, that at the conference 
there was no occasion for them to say much. 

The priests began the attack. And when they 
had done, the earl said, if they had nothing strong- 
er to urge, he would not trouble those learned gen- 
tlemen to say any thing : for he was sure he could 
answer all that he had heard. And so answer- 
ed it all with much heat and spirit, not without 
some scorn, saying, were these grounds to persuade 
men to change their religion ? This he urged over 
and over again with great vehemence ^. The king, 
seeing in what temper he was, broke off the confer- 

s (In the Life of king James " was done, he might be more 
II. lately published, the at- •' freely consulted with." Vol. 
tempt to convert lord Roches- i. p. loo.) 
ter is said to have been first '' (According to the above- 
suggested by lord Sunderland, cited work, " Before any point 
who wished to get rid of him ; " was thoroughly handled, or so 
the method he took to execute " much almost as entered upon, 
this design of removing lord " he rose up abruptly, and said 
Rochester, " was to persuade " he was more confirmed in 
** the king, that he had great " opinion than before ; upon 
*' dispositions to change his re- " which the assembly broke 
*' ligion ; and when once that " up.") 


1686. ence, charging all that were present to say nothing 

of it. 
He was Soon aftci that he lost his white staff' ; but had 

" a pension of 4000/. a year for his own life and his 
son's, besides his grant upon the lord Grey, and an- 
other valued at 20,000/. So here were great re- 
gards had to him : no place having ever been sold, 
even by a person in favour, to such advantage. The 
sum that he had procured to be lent the king being 
400,000/. and it being all ordered to go towai'ds the 
repair of the fleet, this began to be much talked 
of. The stores were very ill furnished: and the 
vessels themselves were in decay. But now orders 
were given, with great despatch to put the whole 
fleet in condition to go to sea, though the king was 
then in full peace with all his neighbours. Such 
preparations seemed to be made upon some great 
Designs Thc priests said every where, but chiefly at Rome, 

against that the design was against the States; and that 
both France and England would make war on them 
all of the sudden ; for it was generally known that 
the Dutch fleet was in no good condition. The in- 
terests of France and of the priests made this to be 

' He had disobliged the prin- the king, who excused himself 

cess Ann, which did him no by telling her she knew the 

service then, but turned much king's temper in relation to mo- 

to his prejudice ever after. Her ney matters, and such a propo- 

allowance was very small for sal might do him hurt, and her 

keeping of a court, and they no good. Upon which she 

received nothing from Den- spoke to lord Godolphin, who 

mark, whichoccasioned her con- undertook it verj' readily, and 

tracting a debt of ten thousand succeeded to her content, which 

pounds, which was very uneasy proved of great advantage to 

to her. She desired lord Ro- him all the rest of his life. D. 
Chester to represent her case to 



the more easily believed. The embroiling the king 1686. 
with the prince of Orange was that which the 
French desired above aU other things, hoping that 
such a war, being successful, might put the king on 686 
excluding the prince from tlie succession to the 
crown in the right of his wife, which was the thing 
that both the French and the priests desired most : 
for they saw that, unless the queen had a son, all 
their designs must stand still at present, and turn 
abortive in conclusion, as long as the nation had 
such a successor in view. 

This carries me now to open the state of affairs 
in Holland, and at the prince of Orange's court. I 
must fii'st say somewhat of myself : for this summer, 
after I had rambled above a year, I came into Hol- 
land. I stayed three or four months in Geneva and i stayed 

c^ • 1 1 o r />Ti T 11 some time in 

Switzerland, alter 1 came out 01 Italy. 1 stayed also Geneva. 
some time among the Lutherans at Strasbourg and 
Franckfort, and among the Calvinists at Heidleberg, 
besides the further opportunities I had to know their 
way in Holland. I made it my business to observe 
all their methods, and to know all the eminent men 
among them. I saw the churches of France in 
their best state, while they were every day looking 
when this dreadful storm should break out, which 
has scattered them up and down the world. I was 
all the winter at Geneva, where we had constantly 
fresh stories brought us of the miseries of those who 
were suffering in France. Refugees were coming 
over every day, poor and naked, and half starved 
before they got thither. And that small state was 
under great apprehensions of being swallowed up, 
having no strength of their own, and being justly 
afraid that those at Bern would grow weary of de- 


1686. fending them, if they should be vigorously attacked. 

The rest of Switzerland was not in such imminent 
danger. But, as they were full of refugees, and aU 
• sermons and discourses were much upon the perse- 
cution in France, so Basile was exposed in such 
manner, that the French could possess themselves of 
it when they pleased, without the least resistance. 
Those of Strasbourg, as they have already lost their 
liberty, so they were every day looking for some 
fatal edict, like that which the French had fallen 
under. The churches of the Palatinate, as they are 
now the frontier of the empire, exposed to be de- 
stroyed by every new war, so they are fallen in- 
to the hands of a bigoted family. AU the other 
churches on the Rhine see how near they are to 
^^ ruin. And as the United Provinces were a few 
years before this very near being swallowed up, so 
they were now well assured that two great kings 
designed to ruin them. 
687 Under so cloudy a prospect it should be expected 
The state ^y^^^ ^ Spirit of true devotion and of a real reforma- 

aad temper * 

I observed tiou should appear more, both among the clergy and 

among the , 

reformed, laity ', that they should all apprehend that God was 
highly offended with them, and was therefore pun- 
ishing some, and threatening others, in a most un- 
usual manner. It might have been expected, that 
those unhappy contests between Lutherans and Cal- 
vinists, Arminians and Anti-Arminians, with some 
minuter disputes that have inflamed Geneva and 
Switzerland, should have been at least suspended 
while they had a common enemy to deal with, 
against w^hom their whole force united was scarce 
able to stand. But these things were carried on ra- 
ther with more eagerness and sharpness than ever. 


It is true, there has appeared much of a primitive 1686. 
charity towards the French refugees : they have 
been in all places well received, kindly treated, and 
bountifully supplied. Yet even among them there 
did not appear a spirit of piety and devotion suit- 
able to their condition : though persons who have 
willingly suffered the loss of all things, and have for- 
saken their country, their houses, estates, and their 
friends, and some of them their nearest relations, 
rather than sin against their consciences, must be 
believed to have a deeper principle in them, than 
can well be observed by others. 

I was indeed amazed at the labours and learning 
of the ministers among the reformed. They under- 
stood the scriptures well in the original tongues : 
they had all the points of controversy very ready, 
and did thoroughly understand the whole body of 
divinity. In many places they preached every day, 
and were almost constantly employed in visiting 
their flock. But they performed their devotions but 
slightly, and read their prayers, which were too 
long, with great precipitation and little zeal. Their 
sermons were too long and too dry. And they were 
so strict, even to jealousy, in the smallest points 
in which they put orthodoxy, that one who could 
not go into all their notions, but was resolved not to 
quarrel with them, could not converse much with 
them with any freedom. [I spread many notions 
among them, some of the younger sort inclining 
then to a greater latitude in point of opinion, and a 
greater strictness in their lives and labours, which 
I have foun4 since not to be without good effects.] 
I have, upon all the observation that I have made, 
often considered the inward state of the reforma- 


1686. tion, and the decay of the vitals of Christianity in 
it, as that which gives more melancholy impressions, 
than aU the outward dangers that surround it. 

In England things were much changed, with re- 
lation to the court, in the compass of a year. The 
terror aU people were under from an iU chosen and 
688 an ill constituted parliament was now almost over : 
and the clergy were come to their wits, and were 
beginning to recover their reputation. The nation 
was like to prove much firmer than could have been 
expected, especially in so short a time. Yet after 
all, though many were like to prove themselves bet- 
ter protestants than was looked for, they were not 
become much better Christians : and few were turn- 
ing to a stricter course of life : nor were the clergy 
more diligent in their labours among theii' people, in 
which respect it must be confessed that the English 
clergy are the most remiss of any'^. The curates in 
popery, besides their saying mass every day, their 
exactness to their breviary, their attending on con- 
fessions and the multiplicity of offices to which they 
are obliged, do so labour in instructing the youth 
and visiting the sick, that, in all the places in which 
I could observe them, it seemed to be the con- 
stant employment of their lives : and in the foreign 
churches, though the labours of the ministers may 
seem mean, yet they are perpetually in them. All 
these things lay so much on my thoughts, that I 
was resolved to retire into some private place, and 
to spend the rest of my life in a course of stricter 
piety and devotion, and in writing such books, as 
the state of matters with relation to religion should 

^ Civil that. S. 


call for, whether in points of speculation or practice. 1 686. 
All my friends advised my coming near England, 
that I might be easier sent to, and informed of 
all our affairs, and might accordingly employ my 
thoughts and time. So I came down the Rhine 
tliis summer, and was resolved to have settled in 
Groning or Frizeland. 

When I came to Utrecht I found letters writ to i was in- 
me by some of the prince of Orange's court, de-,Vnuceof 
siring me to come first to the Hague, and wait on ^J*"^t^g*[J^ 
the prince and princess, before I should settle any "ague. 
where. Upon my coming to the Hague, I was ad- 
mitted to wait on them. I found they had received 
such characters of me from England, that they re- 
solved to treat me with great confidence : for at my 
first being with them, they entered into much free 
discourse with me concerning the affairs of England. 
The prince, though naturally cold and reserved, yet 
laid aside a great deal of that with me. He seemed 
highly dissatisfied with the king's conduct. He ap- 
prehended that he would give such jealousies of 
himself, and come under such jealousies from his 
people, that these would throw him into a French 
management, and engage him into such desperate 
designs as would force violent remedies. There was 
a gravity in his whole deportment that struck me. 
He seemed very regardless of himself, and not apt 689 
to suspect designs upon his person. But I had 
learned somewhat of the design of a brutal Savoy- 
ard, who was capable of the blackest things, and 
who for a foul murder had fled into the territory of 
Geneva, where he lay hid in a very worthy family, 
to whom he had done some services before. He 
had formed a scheme of seizing on the prince, who 


1686. used to go in his chariot often on the sands near 
Schev^eling with but one person with him, and a page 
or two on the chariot. So he offered to go in a 
small vessel of twenty guns, that should lie at some 
distance at sea, and to land in a boat with seven 
persons besides himself, and to seize on the prince, 
and bring him aboard, and so to France. This he 
wrote to Mr. de Louvoy, who upon that wrote to 
him to come to Paris, and ordered money for his 
journey. He, being a talking man, spoke of this, 
and shewed Mr. de Louvoy's letter, and the copy of 
his own : and he went presently to Paris. This 
was brought me by Mr. Fatio, the celebrated ma- 
thematician, in whose father's house that person had 
lodged. When I told the prince this, and had Mr. 
Fatio at the Hague to attest it, he was not much 
moved at it. The princess was more apprehensive. 
And by her direction I acquainted Mr. Fagell, and 
some others of the States, with it, who were con- 
vinced that the thing was practicable. And so the 
States desired the prince to suffer himself to be 
constantly attended on by a guard when he went 
abroad ; with which he was not without some diffi- 
culty brought to comply. I fancied his belief of 
predestination made him more adventurous than was 
necessary. But he said as to that, he firmly be- 
lieved a providence : for if he should let that go, all 
his rehgion would be much shaken : and he did not 
see, how providence could be certain, if all things 
did not arise out of the absolute wiU of God. I 
found those who had the charge of his education had 
taken more care to possess him with the Calvin- 
istical notions of absolute decrees, than to guard him 
Qgainst the ill effects of those opinions in practice : 


for in Holland the main thing the ministei'S infuse 1686. 
into their people, is an abhorrence of the Arminian 
doctrine, which spreads so much there, that their 
jealousies of it make them look after that, more than 
after the most important matters. 

The prince had been much neglected in his edu- a character 
cation : for aU his Ufe long he hated constraint. He and princew 
spoke little. He put on some appearance of appli-"^^™"^*^' 
cation : but he hated business of all sorts. Yet he 
hated talking, and all house games, more. This put 
him on a perpetual course of hunting, to which he 
seemed to give himself up, beyond any man I ever 
knew : but I looked on that always, as a flying from 
company and business. The depression of France 690 
was the governing passion of his whole life. He 
had no vice, but of one sort, in which he was very 
cautious and secret '. He had a way that was af- 
fable and obhging to the Dutch. But he could not 
bring himself to comply enough with the temper of 
the EngUsh, his coldness and slowness being very 
contrary to the genius of the nation. 

The princess possessed all that conversed with her 
with admiration. Her person was majestic, and 
created respect. She had great knowledge, with a 
true understanding, and a noble expression. There 
was a sweetness in her deportment that charmed, 
and an exactness in piety and of virtue that made 
her a pattern to all that saw her. The king gave 
her no appointments to support the dignity of a 
king's daughter. Nor did he send her any presents 

' Bishop Burnet told me, if Ham's vices ; but some things, 

I lived to read his History, I he said, were too notorious for 

should be surprised to find he a faithful historian to pass over 

had taken notice of king Wil- in silence. D. 


1686. or jewels, which was thought a very indecent, and 
certainly was a very ill advised thing. For the set- 
tling an allowance for her and the prince would 
have given such a jealousy of them, that the English 
would have apprehended a secret con'espondence 
and confidence between them : and the not doing it 
shewed the contrary very evidently. But, though 
the prince did not increase her court and state upon 
this additional dignity, she managed her privy purse 
so well, that she became eminent in her charities : 
and the good grace with which she bestowed favours 
did always increase their value. She had read much, 
both in history and divinity. And when a course of 
' '^ humours in her eyes forced her from that, she set 
her self to work with such a constant diligence, that 
she made the ladies about her ashamed to be idle. 
She knew little of our affairs, till I was admitted to 
wait on her. And I began to lay before her the 
state of our court, and the intrigues in it, ever since 
the restoration : which she received with great satis- 
faction, and shewed true judgment, and a good 
mind, in all the reflections that she made. I wiU 
only mention one in this place : she asked me what 
had sharpened the king so much against Mr. Jurieu, 
the copiousest and the most zealous writer of the 
age, who wrote with great vivacity as well as learn- 
ing. I told her, he mixed all his books with a most 
virulent acrimony of style, and among other things 
he had writ with great indecency of Mary queen of 
Scots, which cast reflections on them that were de- 
scended from her ; and was not very decent in one 
that desired to be considered as zealous for the 
prince and herself. She said, Jurieu was to support 
the cause that he defended, and to expose those that 


persecuted it, in the best way he could. And, if 1696. 

what he said of Mary queen of Scots was true, he 
was not to be blamed, who made that use of it : and, 
she added, that if princes would do ill things, they 
must expect that the world will take revenges on 
their memory, since they cannot reach their persons: 69I 
that was but a small suffering, far short of what 
others suffered at their hands. So far I have given 
the character of those persons, as it appeared to me 
upon my first admittance to them. I shall have oc- 
casion to say much more of them in the sequel of 
this work. 

I found the prince was resolved to make use of i was much 

TT -1 1 • 11 1 ' n trusted by 

me. He told me, it would not be convenient tor me them. 
to live any where but at the Hague : for none of the 
outlawed persons came thither. So I would keep 
my self by staying there out of the danger that I 
might legally incur by conversing with them, which 
would be unavoidable if I lived any where else. 
He also recommended me both to Fagell, Dykvelt, 
and Halewyn's confidence, with whom he chiefly 
consulted. I had a mind to see a little into the 
prince's notions, before I should engage my self 
deeper into his service. I was afraid lest his strug- 
gle with the Louvestein party, as they were called, 
might have given him a jealousy of liberty and of a 
free government. He assured me, it was quite the 
contraiy : nothing but such a constitution could re- 
sist a powerful aggressor long, or have the credit 
that was necessary to raise such sums, as a great 
war might require. He condemned all the late pro- 
ceedings in England with relation to the charters, 
and expressed his sense of a legal and limited au- 
thority very fiilly. I told him I was such a friend 


1686. to liberty, that I could not be satisfied with the 
The prince's P^^^^ ^^ religion alone, unless it was accompanied 
sense of our ^jj-jj ^jjg securitics of law. I askcd his sense of the 

afiairs. _ . 

church of England. He said, he liked our worship 
well, and our government in the church, as much 
better than parity : but he blamed our condemning 
the foreign churches, as he had observed some of 
our divines did. I told him, whatever some hotter 
men might say, all were not of that mind. When 
he found I was in my opinion for toleration, he said, 
that was all he would ever desire to bring us to, for 
quieting our contentions at home*". He also promised 
to me, that he should never be prevailed with to set 
up the Calvinistical notions of the decrees of God, to 
which I did imagine some might drive him. He 
wished some of our ceremonies, such as the surplice, 
and the cross in baptism, with our bowing to the al- 
tar, might be laid aside. I thought it necessary to 
enter with him into all these particulars, that so I 
might be furnished from his own mouth to give a 
full account of his sense to some in England, who 
would expect it of me, and were disposed to believe 
what I should assure them of. This discourse was 
of some hours' continuance : and it passed in the 
princess's presence. Great notice came to be taken 
of the free access and long conferences I had with 
them both. I told him, it was necessary for his ser- 
vice to put the fleet of HoUand in a good condition. 
692 And this he proposed soon after to the States, who 
gave the hundredth penny for a fund to perfect that. 
I moved to them both the writing to the bishop of 
London, and to the king concerning him. And, 

"• It seems the prince even then thought of being king. S. 


though the princess feared it might irritate the king i6s6. 
too much, in conclusion I persuaded them to it. 

The king, hearing of this admission I had, began 
in two or three letters to reflect on me, as a danger^ 
ous man, whom they ought to avoid and beware of. 
To this no answer was made. Upon the setting up 
the ecclesiastical commission, some from England 
pressed them to write over against it, and to begin 
a breach upon that. I told them, I thought that 
was no way advisable : they could not be supposed 
to understand our laws so well, as to oppose those 
things on their own knowledge : so that, I thought, 
this could not be expected by them, till some reso- 
lute person would dispute the authority of the court, 
and bring it to an argument, and so to a solemn de- 
cision. I likewise said, that I did not think every 
error in government would warrant a breach : if the 
foundations were struck at, that would vary the 
case : but illegal acts in particular instances could 
not justify such a conclusion. The prince seemed 
surprised at this: for the king made me pass for 
a rebel in my heart. And he now saw how far I 
was from it. I continued on this ground to the 

That which fixed me in their confidence was, the The 
liberty I took, in a private conversation with thef^oSoo 
princess, to ask her, what she intended the prince ^e't^otue 
should be, if she came to the crown. She, who wasP""*^** 
new to all matters of that kind, did not understand 
my meaning, but fancied that whatever accrued to 
her would likewise accrue to him in the right of 
marriage. I told her it was not so : and I explained 
king Henry the seventh's title to her, and what had 

VOL. m. K 


1686. passed when queen Mary married Philip of Spain *". 
I told her, a titular kingship was no acceptable thing 
to a man, especially if it was to depend on another's 
life : and such a nominal dignity might endanger 
the real one that the prince had in Holland. She 
desired me to propose a remedy. I told her, the 
remedy, if she could bring her mind to it, was, to be 
contented to be his wife, and to engage herself to 
him, that she would give him the real authority as 
soon as it came into her hands, and endeavour ef- 
fectually to get it to be legally vested in him during 
life : this would lay the greatest obligation on him 
possible, and lay the foundation of a perfect union 
between them, which had been of late a little em- 
broiled " : this would also give him another sense of 
all our affairs : I asked pardon for the presumption 
of moving her in such a tender point: but I so- 
lemnly protested, that no person living had moved 
693 me in it, or so much as knew of it, or should ever 
know of it, but as she should order it. I hoped she 
would consider well of it : for, if she once declared 
her mind, I hoped she would never go back, or re- 
tract it. I desired her therefore to take time to 
think of it. She presently answered me, she would 

•" Henry the seventh's case proclaimed king of England, 
was to the point, who undoubt- was excluded from the adminis- 
edly after his queen's death tration, even during his queen's 
reigned in the wrong of her life, and never pretended to ex- 
son ; nor could his Lancastrian elude her sister, or his own 
title avail him ; his mother, issue, if he had had any by her. 
from whom he claimed, outliv- D. (Philip's case supported 
ing him. But the instance tiie bishop's position.) 
Burnet quoted of Philip of " By Mrs. Villiers, now lady 
Spain made directly against Orkney; but he proved a damned 
what he proposed, who, though husband for all that. S. 


take no time to consider of any thing by which she \6s6. 
could express her regard and affection to the prince; 
and ordered me to give him an account of all that I 
had laid before her, and to bring him to her, and I 
should hear what she would say upon it. He was 
that day a hunting : and next day I acquainted him 
with all that had passed, and carried him to her ; 
where she in a very frank manner told him, that she 
did not know that the laws of England were so con- 
trary to the laws of God, as I had informed her ° : 
she did not think that the husband was ever to be 
obedient to the wife : she promised him, he should 
always bear rule : and she asked only, that he would 
obey the command of. Husbands love your wives, as 
she should do that, Wives he obedient to your hus- 
bands in all things. From this lively introduction 
we engaged into a long discourse of the affairs of 
England. Both seemed well pleased with me, and 
with all that I had suggested. But such was the 
prince's cold way, that he said not one word to me 
upon it, that looked like acknowledgment. Yet he 
spoke of it to some about him in another strain. 
He said, he had been nine years married, and had 
never the confidence to press this matter on the 
queen, which I had now brought about easily in a 
day. Ever after that, he seemed to trust me en- 
tirely n. 

Complaints came daily over from England of all 

° Foolish. S. for certainly such a little Scotch 

P I therefore take it for priest durst not have proposed 

granted, that the prince ordered altering the right of succession 

him to propose it to the prin- to the three kingdoms of his 

cess, before he would engage own head, though he had had 

in the attempt upon England : double the confidence he was 

and she must understand it so, known to have. D. 

K 2 


1686. the high things that the priests were every where 
Pen sent throwing out. Pen the quaker came over to Hol- 
treat with land. He was a talking vain man, who had been 
the pnnce. j^^^ j^ ^j^^ king's favour, he being the vice-admiral's 
son. He had such an opinion of his own faculty of 
persuading, that he thought none could stand before 
it : though he was singular in that opinion : for he 
had a tedious luscious way, that was not apt to over- 
come a man's reason, though it might tire his pa- 
tience'^. He undertook to persuade the prince to 
come into the king's measures, and had two or three 
long audiences of him upon the subject : and he and 
I spent some hours together on it. The prince 
readily consented to a toleration of popery, as well 
as of the dissenters, provided it were proposed and 
passed in parliajnent : and he promised bis assist- 
ance, if there was need of it, to get it to pass. But 
for the tests, he would enter into no treaty about 
them. He said, it was a plain betraying the security 
of the protestant religion, to give them up. Nothing 
was left imsaid, that might move him to agree to 
this in the way of interest : the king would enter 
694 into an entire confidence with him, and would put 
his best friends in the chief trusts. Pen undertook 
for this so positively, that he seemed to believe it 
himself, or he was a great proficient in the art of 
dissimulation. Many suspected that he was a con- 
cealed papist ^ It is certain he was much with 

<i He spoke very agreeably, " than I am." He was much 

and with much spirit, S. employed by lord Godolphin 

^ The king once in discourse when he was treasurer, in car- 

with a person I had it from, rying messages to people he 

said, " I suppose you take Wil- did not think proper to con- 

" liam Pen for a quaker, but I verse with himself. D. 
" can assure you he is no more 


father Petre, and was particulaily trusted by the 1686. 
earl of Sunderland. So, though he did not pretend 
any commission for what he promised, yet we looked 
on him as a man employed. To all this the prince 
answered, that no man was more fbr toleration in 
principle than he was : he thought the conscience 
was only subject to God : and as far as a general 
toleration, even of papists, would content the king, 
he would concur in it heartily : but he looked on 
the tests as such a real security, and indeed the only 
one, when the king was of another religion, that he 
would join in no counsels with those that intended 
to repeal those laws that enacted them. Pen said, 
the king would have all or nothing : but that, if this 
was once done, the king would secure the toleration 
by a solemn and unalterable law. To this the late 
rej)eal of the edict of Nantes, that was declaimed per- 
petual and irrevocable, furnished an answer that adr 
mitted of no reply. So Pen's negotiation with the 
prince had no effect. 

He pressed me to go over to England, since I was 
in principle for toleration : and he assured me the 
king would prefer me highly. . I told him, since the 
tests must go with this toleration, I could never be 
for it. Among other discourses he told me one 
thing, that was not accomplished in the way in 
which he had a mind I should believe it would be, 
but had a more surprising accomplishment. He told 
me a long series of predictions, which, as he said, he 
had from a man that pretended a commerce with 
angels, who had foretold many things that were past 
very punctually. But he added, that in the year 
1688 there would such a change happen in the face 
of affairs as would amaze aU the world. And after 

K 3 


1686. the revolution, which happened that year, I asked 
' him before much company, if that was the event that 

was predicted. He was uneasy at the question ; 
but did not deny what he had told me, which, he 
said, he understood of the fuU settlement of the na- 
tion upon a toleration, by which he believed all men's 
minds would be perfectly quieted and united. 
Some bi- Now I go from this to prosecute the recital of 
inEijgiand. EugUsh affairs. Two eminent bishops died this year, 
Pearson, bishop of Chester, and Fell, bishop of Ox- 
ford. The first of these was in all respects the 
greatest divine of the age : a man of great learning, 
strong reason, and of a clear judgment. He was a 
judicious and grave preacher, more instructive than 
695 affective ; and a man of a spotless life, and of an ex- 
cellent temper. His book on the creed is among the 
best that our church has produced. He was not aci- 
tive in his diocese, but too remiss and easy in his 
episcopal function ; and was a much better divine 
than a bishop. He was a speaking instance of what 
a great man could faU to : for his memory went 
from him so entirely, that he became a child some 
years before he died^ 

Fell, bishop of Oxford, was a man of great strict- 
ness in the course of his life, and of much devotion. 
His learning appears in that noble edition of St. 
Cyprian that he pubUshed. He had made great be- 
ginnings in learning before the restoration : but his 
continued appUcation to his employments after that, 
stopped the progress that otherwise he might have 
made. He was made soon after dean of Christ 

• (An interesting letter of the interview with this great man, 
learned Mr. Dodwell has been after a failure of the powers of 
published lately, in which his his mind, is described.) 



Church, and afterwards bishop of Oxford. He set 
himself to promote learning in the university, but 
most particularly in his own college, which he go- 
verned with great care : and was indeed in aU re- 
spects a most exemplaiy man, a little too much 
heated in the matter of our disputes with the dis- 
senters. But as he was among the first of our cler- 
gy that apprehended the design of bringing in po- 
pery, so he was one of the most zealous against it ^ 
He had much zeal for reforming abuses ; and ma- 
naged it perhaps with too much heat, and in too 
peremptory a way ". But we have so little of that 


' (Bishop Fell, although he 
had been a sufferer in the cause 
of the monarchy, was zealous 
also for the real liberties of Eng- 
lishmen. " There is a sort of 
" men," he observes in a ser- 
mon preached before the lords, 
in 1680, " who would com- 
" mend a more forcible expe- 
*' dient for removing the public 
'* differences, the security of 
" a standing army. I will not 
" argue how well this method 
** may agree with the coih- 
" plexions of a more southern 
" climate ; it is enough our 
" rougher constitutions will ne- 
" ver suit with such a medi- 
" cine." p. 1 1. Neither do his 
foreign politics appear to have 
agreed with those which were 
too prevalent at court. " Shall 
" I warn you," says he, in the 
same discourse, " of your po- 
" tent neighbour, who, as your 
*' arms employed against his 
" enemies have raised him to 
*' his present greatness ; so 
" now attends and watches, till 
" your armii employed against 

" yourselves, shall raise him 
" higher yet, and make a ready 
" way unto his fiirther con- 
" quests ?" p. 20.) 

" Anthony Wood, in his A- 
thense Oxon. according to his 
usual phraseology, calls him a 
valde-vult man. Wood did not 
love him. But Fell was a very 
extraordinary person, and the 
greatest governor that has ever 
been since his time, in either of 
the universities. Both of them 
at this time want much of the 
spirit and dignity in it that he 
had. They are sinking because 
of that, with the addition at 
Oxford of a foolish disloyalty, 
that breeds too many of their 
youth to be party men of the 
worst kind. But time, not vio- 
lence, must cure that. From 
all this a very great evil has 
happened ; our young men of 
rank are driven abroad for their 
education, and they bring no- 
thing from thence, that I have 
ever seen, which qualifies them 
for serving their country at 
home. It gives them (I speak 

K 4 


1686. among us, that no wonder if such men are censured 
by those who love not such patterns, nor such severe 
task-masters ^. 

Ward, of Salisbury, feU also under a loss of me-^ 
moiy and understanding : so that he, who was both 
in mathematics and philosophy, and in the strength 
of judgment and understanding, one of the first men 
of his time, though he came too late into our pro? 
fession to become very eminent in it, was now a 
great instance of the despicable weakness to which 
man can fall. The court intended once to have 
named a coadjutor for him. But there being no 
precedent for that since the reformation, they re- 
solved to stay till he should die. 

cartwrigbt The othcr two bishopricks were less considerable ; 

promoted. SO they rcsolvcd to fill them with the two worst 
men that could be found out. Cartwright was pro- 
moted to Chester, He was a man of good capacity, 
and had made some progress in learning. He was 
ambitious and servile, cruel and boisterous : and, by 
the great liberties he allowed himself, he fell under 
much scandal of the worst sort^, He had set him-j 
self long to raise the king's authority above law ; 
which, he said, was only a method of government to 
which kings might submit as they pleased; but 
their authority was from God, absolute and s^perior 

in general only) a turn, too of fashion, which they meet 

much to courts and armies, to with in the foreign countries 

the luxuries of the town, and to they usually go to. O. 
the neglect of their interests in * He was much blamed for 

the country, and consequently parting too easily with the earl 

to the freedom of it, the prin- of Clancarty, which afterwards 

ciples of which they know and proved the utter ruin of that 

value less, than the little police, very rich and noble family. D. 

for some private accommoda- (See before, p. 601.) 
lions, and that only for people y Sodomy. S. 


to law, which they might exert, as oft as they found 1686. 
it necessary for the ends of government. So he was ggg 
looked on as a man that would more effectually ad- 
vance the design of popery, than if he should turn 
over to it. And indeed, bad as he was, he never 
made that step, even in the most desperate state of 
his affairs ^. 

The see of Oxford was given to Dr. Parker, who 
was a violent independent at the time of the resto- 
ration, with a high profession of piety in their way *. 
But he soon changed, and struck into the highest 
form of the church of England ; and wrote many 
books with a strain of contempt and fury against all 
the dissenters, that provoked them out of measure ; 
of which an account was given in the history of the 
former reign. He had exalted the king's authority 
in matters of religion in so indecent a manner, that 
he condemned the ordinary form of saying the king 
was under God and Christ, as a crude and profane 
expression ; saying, that though the king was indeed 
under God, yet he was not under Christ, but above 
him. Yet, not being preferred as he expected, he 
writ after that many books on design to raise the 

* He went to Ireland with together. But it is observable, " 
king James, and there died neg- that the clergy who were most 
lected and poor. S. (He died obnoxious for their compliance 
there in the communion of the with the king's measures, were 
protestant church.) almost all, not of the old royal- 

* (Parker was not quite twen- ist, but at one period of their 
ty years of age at the time of lives of the opposite party. Such 
the restoration. When the bi- were Parker, Cartwright, Crewe, 
shop says after this, that the Sprat, Hall, and Barlow. These 
articles against Parker and temporizing prelates, true to 
Cartwright were some of them their own interest, were for 
!too scandalous to be repeated, active, as well as passive, obe- 
he very unfairly confounds the dience to the powers that be.) 
charges against two individuals 


1686. authority of the church to an indepen dance on the 
civil power. There was an entertaining liveliness 
in all his books : but it was neither grave nor cor- 
rect. He was a covetous and ambitious man ; and 
seemed to have no other sense of religion but as a 
pohtical interest, and a subject of party and faction. 
He seldom came to prayers, or to any exercises of 
devotion ; and was so lifted up with pride, that he 
was become insufferable to all that came near him. 
These two men were pitched on, as the fittest in- 
struments that could be found among all the clergy, 
to betray and ruin the church. Some of the bi- 
shops brought to archbishop Bancroft articles against 
them, which they desired he would offer to the king 
in council, and pray that the mandate for conse- 
crating them might be delayed, till time were given 
to examine particulars. And bishop Lloyd told 
me, that Bancroft promised to him not to consecrate 
them, tiU he had examined the truth of the articles ; 
of which some were too scandalous to be repeated. 
Yet, when Bancroft saw what danger he might in- 
cur, if he were sued in sl premunire, h^ consented 
to consecrate them. [An accident happened in the 
action that struck him much. When he was going 
to give the chalice in the sacrament, he stumbled 
on one of the steps of the altar, and dashed out all 
the consecrated wine that was in it, which was 
much taken notice of, and gave himself the more 
trouble, since he was frightened to such a consecra- 
tion by so mean a fear.] 

The deanery of Christ's Church, the most im- 
portant post in the university, was given to Massey, 
one of the new converts, though he had neither the 
gravity, the learning, nor the age that was suitable 


to such a dignity. But all was supplied by his 1686. 
early conversion : and it was set up for a maxim, to 
encourage all converts. He at first went to prayers 
in the chapel. But soon after, he declared himself 
more openly ^. Not long after this, the president of 
Magdalen college died. That is esteemed the rich- 
est foundation in England, perhaps in Europe : for 
though their certain rents are but about 4 or 5000/. 697 
yet it is thought that the improved value of the 
estate belonging to it is about 40,000/. ^ So it was 
no wonder that the priests studied to get this en- 
dowment into their hands. 

They had endeavoured to break in upon the uni- 
versity of Cambridge in a matter of less importance,- 
but without success : and now they resolved to at- 
tack Oxford, by a strange fataUty in their counsels. 
In all nations the privileges of colleges and universi- 
ties are esteemed such sacred things, that few will 
venture to dispute these, much less to disturb them, 
when their title is good, and their possession is of a 
long continuance ^ : for in these, not only the pre- 
sent body espouses the matter, but all who have 
])een of it, even those that have only followed their 
study in it, think themselves bound in honour and 
giatitude to assist and support them. The priests 

^ (He had a private chapel persisted in asserting, that he 

of his own, in which the Roman had never taken any preferment 

catholic mode of worship was from the national church.) 
set up. Thus a dignitary of "^ (The bishop's informers va- 

the church of England was per- lued too high.) 
mitted to desert her commu- '^ Yet in king George's reign, 

nion by a dispensation and par- Oxford was bridled and insultec| 

don still on record, nay, as it is with troops, for no manner of 

alleged by Wood, he had left cause but their steadiness to the 

it, previously to being settled church. S. 
in the deanery ; and yet the king 



1686. began where they ought to have ended, when all 
other things were brought about to their mind. The 
Jesuits fancied, that, if they could get footing in the 
university, they would gain such a reputation by 
their methods of teaching youth, that they would 
carry them away from the university tutors, who 
were certainly too remiss. Some of the more mode- 
rate among them proposed, that the king should en- 
dow a new coUege in both universities, which needed 
not have cost above two thousand pound a year, and 
in these set his priests to work ^. But either the 
king stuck at the charge which this would put him 
to, or his priests thought it too mean, and below his 
dignity not to lay his hand upon those great bodies : 
so rougher methods were resolved on ^ It was reck- 

^ Bruce, earl of Ailsbury, in 
his letter mentioned above to Mr. 
Leigh of Adlestrop, writes thus 
of the attack on Magdalen col- 
lege : " I had that college much at 
*' heart at the time of that most 
** unhappy combustion. I was on 
** my knees to beg of that good 
" and misled king not to touch 
" the freehold : and if he would 
" have a college, rather to build 
" one, altho it was not ac- 
" cording to the constitution. 
" And altho I had not a shil- 
" ling ready money, I would 
" have contributed a thousand 
" pounds." Extract from the 
above-named letter, published 
in the 27th vol. of the Eu- 
ropean Magazine, p. 22.) 

' (The methods made use of 
to get Magdalen college into 
their hands are mentioned in 
the following pages ; but there 
was once an intention to pro- 
ceed against this society by a 

quo warranto. In a letter to 
doctor Bayley, one of the fellows 
of the college, which was printed 
at the time, and supposed to 
have been written by the cele- 
brated William Penn, the so- 
ciety is advised to petition that 
the order for the quo warranto 
against it may be recalled be- 
fore it is too late. And that 
this was no vain threat, appears 
from the private instructions 
sent to the commissioners, dur- 
ing their first stay at Oxford ; 
a copy of which is extant in a 
MS. account of the visitation of 
the college by baron Jenner, one 
of the king's commissioners. 
Besides demanding a further 
submission from the fellows, they 
are enjoined " strictly to en- 
" quire into the management 
" of the college affairs, and see 
" whether matter may not be 
" found sufficient for a quo 
" warranto.'') 


oned, that by frightening them they might be driven 1686. 
to compound the matter, and deliver up one or two 
colleges to them : and then, as the king said some- 
times in the circle, they who taught best would be 
most followed. 

They began with Cambridge upon a softer point, The king's 

letter rC" 

which yet would have made way for all the rest, fused in 
The king sent his letter, or mandamus^ to order F. ^'*"^"''s*- 
Francis, an ignorant Benedictine monk, to be re- 
ceived a master of arts ; once to open the way for 
letting them into the degrees of the university. The 
truth is, the king's letters were scarce ever refused 
in conferring degrees : and when ambassadors or fo- 
reign princes came to those places, they usually 
gave such degrees to those who belonged to them as 
were desired. The Morocco ambassador's secretary, 
that was a Mahometan, had that degree given him ; 
but a great distinction was made between honorary 
degrees given to strangers, who intended not to live 
among them, and those given to such as intended to 
settle among them : for every master of arts having 
a vote in the convocation, they reckoned that, if 
they gave this degree, they must give all that should 698 
be pretended to on the like authority : and they 
knew all the king's priests would be let in upon 
them, which might occasion in present great distrac- 
tion and contentions among them ; and in time they 
might grow to be a majority in the convocation, 
which is their parliament. They refused the man- 
damus with gieat unanimity, and with a firmness 
that the court had not expected from them. New 
and repeated orders, full of severe threatenings in 
case of disobedience, were sent to them : and this 
piece of raillery was every where set up, that a 



1686. papist was reckoned worse than a Mahometan, and 
that the king's letters were less considered than the 
ambassador from Morocco had been. Some feeble 
or false men of the university tried to compound the 
matter, by granting this degree to F. Francis, but 
enacting at the same time, that it should not be a 
precedent for the future for any other of the like 
nature. This was not given way to : for it was said, 
that in all such cases the obedience that was once 
paid would be a much stronger argument for conti- 
nuing to do it, as oft as it should be desired, than 
any such proviso could be against it. 
The vice- Upon this the vice-chancellor was summoned be- 
tamed out forc the ccclcsiastical commission to answer this con- 
ciCiJtuai tempt. He was a very honest, but a very weak 
man s. He made a poor defence. And it was no 
small reflection on that great body, that their chief 
magistrate was so little able to assert their privi- 
leges, or to justify their proceedings. He was treated 
with great contempt by Jefferies. But he having 
acted only as the chief person of that body, all that 
was thought fit to be done against him was, to turn 
him out of his office. That was but an annual of- 
fice, and of no profit : so this was a slight censure, 
chiefly when it was all that followed on such heavy 
threatenings ^. The university chose another vice- 
chancellor, who was a man of much spirit : and in 
his speech, which in course he made upon his being 

8 Dr. Rachel, master of Mag- abstinence would have eaten, 
dalen college. After the revo- but could not. D. 
lution, he starved himself to ^ He vv^as also suspended ab 
death, upon archbishop Sancroft officio et heneficio of his master- 
having rebuked him for setting ship of the college (Magdalen) 
an ill example in the university, he was head of, and this sus- 
by drunkenness and other loose pension to be during the king's 
behaviour : and after four days pleasure. O. 


chosen, he promised, that, during his magistracy, nei- 1686. 
ther religion nor the rights of the body should suf- * 

fer by his means. The court did not think fit to in- 
sist more upon this matter ; which was too plain a 
confession, either of their weakness in beginning 
such an ill-grounded attempt, or of their feebleness 
in letting it fall, doing so little after they had talked 
so much about it. And now all people began to see 
that they had taken wrong measures of the king, 
when they thought that it would be easy to engage 
him into bold things, before he could see into the ill 
consequences that might attend them, but that being 
once engaged he would resolve to go through with 
them at all adventures. When I knew him, he 699 
seemed to have set up that for a maxim, that a king 
when he made a step was never to go back, nor to 
encourage faction and disobedience by yielding to 

After this unsuccessful attempt upon Cambridge, An attempt 
another was made upon Oxford, that lasted longer, poiSrpre- 
and had greater effects ; which I shall set all down M^daun 
together, though the conclusion of this aflfair ran far «=o"^s^- 
into the year after this that I now write of. The 
presidentship of Magdalen was given by the election 
of the fellows. So the king sent a mandamus^ re- 
quiring them to choose one Farmer, an ignorant and 
vicious person, who had not one qualification that 
could recommend him to so high a post besides that 
of changing his religion. Mandamus letters had no 
legal authority in them : but all the great prefer- 
ments of the church being in the king's disposal, 
those who did pretend to favour were not apt to re- 
fuse his recommendation, lest that should be after- 
wards remembered to their prejudice. But now, 


1686. since it was visible in what channel favour was like 
to run, less regard was had to such a letter. The 
fellows of that house did upon this choose Dr* 
Hough, one of their body, who, as he was in aU re- 
spects a statutable man, so he was a worthy and a 
firm man, not apt to be threatened out of his right '. 
They carried their election, according to their sta- 
tutes, to the bishop of Winchester, their visitor: and 
he confirmed it. So that matter was legally settled. 
This was highly resented at court. It was said, that, 
in case of a mandamus for an undeserving man, they 
ought to have represented the matter to the king, 
and stayed till they had his pleasure : it was one of 
the chief services that the universities expected from 
their chancellors, which made them always choose 
men of great credit at court, that by their interest 
6uch letters might be either prevented or recalled ^, 

• He was at this time also month the mandate arrived re- 
domestic chaplain to the duke commending Farmer ; when it 
of Ormond. O. was agreed by the fellows to de- 

^ (The following is a true fer the consideration of the affair 
statement of the conduct of the till the 13 th, which was the day 
college in relation to the man- they had appointed for the elec- 
date. Before they proceeded to tion, conformably to the direc- 
the election of a president on lion of the statutes. On the 13th 
the decease of doctor Gierke, they determined, that the elec- 
having been credibly informed, tion should be postponed till the 
that the king had granted let- next day, on account of their 
ters mandatory in favour of having a petition then lying be- 
Farmer, the vice-president and fore his majesty. On the 14th, 
fellows, in a petition dated A- not having received an answer 
pril 9, 1687, represented to his to their petition, they again re- 
majesty, that he was incapable solved not to proceed to elect 
by the college statutes of the till the following day, that day 
place ; and therefore prayed ei- being the last to which they 
ther to be left to a free election, could, consistently with the sta- 
or that a person might be re- tutes, defer the election. On 
commended more serviceable to the 15th doctor Thomas Smith 
(he king and to the college, and captain Bagshaw, two of 
On the 1 1 th of the fame the fellows, acquainted the col- 



The duke of Ormond was now their chancellor: 
but he had little credit in the court; and was de- 
clining in his age, which made him retire into the 
country. It was much observed ', that this univer- 
sity, that had asserted the king's prerogative in the 
highest strains of the most abject flattery possible, 
both in their addresses, and in a wild decree they 
had made but three years before this, in which they 
had laid together a set of such highflown maxims 


lege, that tbey had been in- 
formed by the earl of Sunder- 
land, president of the privy 
council, to whom on the loth 
instant the college petition had 
been delivered, together with a 
letter of the same import ad- 
dressed to his lordship by the 
bishop of Winchester, visitor 
of the college, that his majesty, 
having sent his letter to the 
college, expected to be obeyed. 
Doctor Aldworth, the vice-pre- 
sident, as well as doctor Fair- 
fax, nephew of the parlia- 
ment's general the lord Fair- 
fax, and doctors Smith and 
Pudsey, declared for a second 
address to the king, but all the 
others were for proceeding im- 
mediately to election. Accord- 
ingly, only two of their number, 
Charnock and Thompson, de- 
claring viva voce for Farmer, 
Mr., afterwards doctor. Hough, 
and doctor MajTiard, having 
been returned by the major part 
of the whole body of the fellows 
to the thirteen senior fellows. 
Hough was finally elected by a 
great majority of the thirteen. 
His election was according to 
the customary, although not es- 
sential, fonn, confirmed by the 
visitor on the 1 8th. Upon lord 

Sunderland's requiring from the 
college an account of these pro- 
ceedings, a statement of the 
case was drawn up, and either 
on the i8th or 19th of the 
same month of April transmit- 
ted to the duke of Ormond, 
chancellor of the university, to- 
gether with a letter requesting 
his grace's interposition with 
the king. They are inserted in a 
contemporary Relation of the 
Proceedings against St. Mary 
Magdalen College in Oxon, pp. 
4 and 5, commonly attributed 
to doctor Aldworth, the then 
vice-president of the college ; 
the head of whose family, the 
present lord Braybroke, has in 
his possession some of the doc- 
tor's papers respecting this af- 
fair. It is proper to observe, 
that there is great reason to be- 
lieve, that the king was unac- 
quainted with the answer given 
by lord Sunderland to the pe- 
tition, and perhaps at first with 
the petition itself. Compare 
the Biographia Britan. artic. 
Dr. J. Smith, with the Lif5e of 
K. James II. vol. ii. p. 1 19.) 

' And their virtue and steadi- 
ness ought equally to be ob- 
served. S. 


1686. as must establish an uncontrollable tyranny, should 
be the first body of the nation that should feel the 
effects of it most sensibly. The cause was brought 
before the ecclesiastical commission. The fellows 
were first asked, why they had not chosen Farmer 
in obedience to the king's letter ? And to that they 
answered by offering a list of many just exceptions 
against him. The subject was fruitful, and the scan- 
dals he had given were very public. The court was 
700 ashamed of him, and insisted no more on him : but 
they said, that the house ought to have shewed more 
respect to the king's letter, than to have proceeded 
to an election in contempt of it. 
They dis- The ccclcsiastical commission took upon them to 
we censur- declare Hough's election null, and to put the house 
edforit. yjjjjgj. suspension. And, that the design of the 
court in this matter might be carried on without the 
load of recommending a papist, Parker, bishop of 
Oxford, was now recommended : and the fellows 
were commanded to proceed to a new election in 
his favour. They excused themselves, since they 
were bound by their oaths to maintain their sta- 
tutes : and by these, an election being once made 
and confirmed, they could not proceed to a new 
choice, till the former was annulled in some court of 
law : church benefices and college preferments were 
freeholds, and could only be judged in a court of re- 
cord : and, since the king was now talking so much 
of liberty of conscience, it was said, that the forcing 
men to act against their oaths seemed not to agree 
with those professions. In opposition to this it was 
said, that the statutes of colleges had been always 
considered as things that depended entirely on the 
king's good pleasure; so that no oaths to observe 


them could bind them, when it was in opposition to i6s6. 
the king's command. 

This did not satisfy the fellows : and, though the 1687. 
king, as he went through Oxford in his progress in 
the year 1687, sent for them, and ordered them to 
go presently and choose Parker for their president, 
in a strain of language ill suited to the majesty of a 
crowned head, (for he treated them with foul lan- 
guage pronounced in a very angry tone ;) yet it had 
no effect on them. They insisted still on their oaths, 
though with a humility and submission, that they 
hoped would have mollified him '". They continued 
thus firm. A subaltern commission was sent from 
the ecclesiastical commission to finish the matter. 
Bishop Cartwright was the head of this commis- 
sion, as sir Charles Hedges was the king's advocate 
to manage the matter". Cartwright acted in so 
rough a manner, that it shewed he was resolved to 
sacrifice all things to the king's pleasure. It was an 
afflicting thing, which seemed to have a peculiar 
character of indignity in it, that this first act of vio- 
lence committed against the legal possessions of the 
church, was executed by one bishop, and done in fa- 
vour of another. 

The new president was turned out. And, because And were 

all turned 

"" (They soon after this sent Ham died, and lord Notting- 
an humble address to the king ham refused to be secretary to 
at Bath, offering to obey him the qiieen, unless he were re- 
in any thing which did not in- stored ; upon a pretence that he 
terfere with and violate their suffered for a vote he had given 
consciences.) in the house of commons ; but 

" Who was afterwards secre- the truth was to hinder Vernon 

tary of state to king William from being so, whom his lordship 

and queen Ann. He was turn- did not like for a colleague. D. 
ed out a little before king Wil- 

L 2 


1 687. he would not deliver the keys of his house, the doors 
were broken open : and Parker was put in posses- 
sion. The fellows were required to make their sub- 
701 mission, to ask pardon for what was past, and to ac- 
cept of the bishop for their president. They still 
pleaded their oath : and were all turned out, except 
two that submitted". So that it was expected to 

° (On the 25th of October 
1687, bishop Parker, not in- 
deed a Roman catholic, but dis- 
qualified by the college statutes 
for the place, having been put 
in possession of it, the fellows 
were required by the commis- 
sioners, who were Cartwright 
bishop of Chester, the chief jus- 
tice Wright, and baron Jenner, 
to submit to him as president. 
Doctor Fairfax, who, with the 
vice-president, doctor Aldworth, 
had been suspended from his 
fellowship by the ecclesiastical 
commission, for not obeying the 
king's mandate in favour of 
Farmer, denied the authority of 
the court, refused the required 
submission, and appealed to the 
king in his courts of justice. He 
had also demurred to the juris- 
diction of the ecclesiastical com- 
mission, when before it in Lon- 
don ; which accounts for his 
suspension in a case where o- 
thers were equally concerned. 
His firm and spirited opposition 
to that higher court is upon re- 
cord. The other fellows now 
agreed to sign a declaration, 
that, as his majesty had by his 
royal autliority caused the bi- 
shop of Oxford to be installed 
president, they submitted, as far 
as was lawful, and agreeable to 
the statutes of the college ; con- 
senting to leave out of their de- 

claration this additional clause, 
" and no way prejudicial to the 
" right and title of doctor 
" Hough," on the assurance of 
the commissioners, that the o- 
mission would in no way in- 
validate or prejudice doctor 
Hough's title. Dr. T. Smith 
said, he submitted without re- 
serve. Dr. Fairfax was imme- 
diately afterwards removed from 
his fellowship ; and two Roman 
catholics admitted to this and 
another vacancy. But a letter 
having been received by the 
commissioners from the earl of 
Sunderland, the fellows were 
on the 28th of the month in- 
formed by the bishop of Ches- 
ter, that his majesty expected 
that they should acknowledge 
the legality of the proceedings 
of the court, and ask the king's 
pardon for their great disobe- 
dience. In a paper which they 
presented to the commissioners, 
they declined doing either ; and 
on being required to submit to 
the bishop of Oxford as presi- 
dent, only two of all the fellows 
then present in college answer- 
ed affirmatively. Dr. Smith and 
Mr. Charnock, whilst the o- 
thers, according to baron Jen- 
ner's acc-ount of these proceed- 
ings, either referred the com- 
missioners to their former pa- 
per of submission, or refiised to 



see that house soon stocked with papists. The na- 
tion, as well as the university, looked on all this pro- 
ceeding with a just indignation. It was thought an 
open piece of robbery and burglary, when men, au- 
thorized by no legal commission, came and forcibly 
turned men out of their possession and freehold f'. 


make any direct declaration ; 
but the court insisting on having 
a positive answer to the question 
they had proposed, twelve of 
the number positively rejected 
the required submission. On 
the 1 6th of the next month, 
November, the commissioners 
having returned to Oxford with 
written directions for their con- 
duct, all the fellows who were 
resident in college, twenty-eight 
in number, were called upon by 
them, Smith and Chamock ex- 
cepted, to sign a form of sub- 
mission and petition to the 
king, imploring his pardon, ac- 
knowledging the justice of the 
late proceedings, and declaring 
their entire submission to the 
bishop of Oxford as their presi- 
dent. All who were thus called 
upon refused compliance, and 
were all of them, with the ex- 
ception of Mr. Thompson, who 
had only offended the ruling 
powers by signing the petition 
against Farmer, expelled the 
college by the commissioners. 
It appears from the MS. ac- 
count just mentioned of this 
visitation, drawn up by baron 
Jenner, one of the commis- 
sioners, that upon their re- 
turn they were introduced by 
lord Sunderland to the king at 
Whitehall, who, on a narrative 
of their proceedings having been 
read to him, approved of their 

conduct, and said, " that all the 
" bishops of England should 
" not excuse a refuser." On the 
loth of December the king's 
commissioners for ecclesiastical 
causes declared the expelled 
fellows, together with doctor 
Hough, twenty-six persons in 
all, incapable of receiving any 
ecclesiastical dignity, benefice, 
or promotion ; and further or- 
dered, that such of them as 
were not yet in holy orders, 
should be incapable of them.) 

P (The prince of Orange in 
his declaration of the reasons 
inducing him to come to this 
countrj-, notices, amongst other 
particulars, the deprivation of 
the president and fellows of 
Magdalen college, stating that 
the turning them out of their 
freeholds was contrary- to law, 
and to an express provision in 
the Magna Charta. J?urnet says 
below, p. 799, that the king 
himself, both at Feversham and 
after his return to Whitehall, 
justified all he had done before, 
but spoke a little doubtfully of 
the business of Magdalen col- 
lie. And sir Edward Herbert, 
the chief justice, who in sir Ed- 
ward Hale's case determined 
for the king's dispensing power, 
writes thus very decideidly in 
favour of the college rights : 
"In cases wherein the rights 
•' of the subjects have been. 





This agreed ill with the professions that the king 
was still making, that he would maintain the church 
of England as by law established : for this struck at 
the whole estate, and all the temporaries of the 
church. It did so inflame the church party and the 
clergy, that they sent over very pressing messages 
upon it to the prince of Orange, desiring that he 
would interpose, and espouse the concerns of the 
church ; and that he would break upon it, if the 
king would not redress it. This I did not see in 
their letters ^. Those were of such importance, since 
the writing them might have been carried to high 
treason, that the prince did not think fit to shew 
them. But he often said, he was pressed by many 
of those, who were afterwards his bitterest enemies, 
to engage in their quarrel. When that was commu- 

brought in question, how 
strictly I have kept to that 
substantial difference taken 
by the house of commons (in 
1628), that though the king 
in laws of government, in pe- 
nal laws of a publick nature, 
has a power to dispense in 
particular cases, yet he can- 
not dispense with laws which 
vest any the least right or 
property in any of his sub- 
jects, will appear by the opi- 
nion I gave in the case of 
Magdalen coUedge, (for the 
truth of which I appeal to all 
that know any thing of the 
transactions in that case,) 
wherein, when the king's right 
against the coUedge was en- 
deavoured to be asserted by a 
dispensation granted by him- 
self, I utterly denied that dis- 
pensation to be of any force 
at all, because there was a 

" particular right and interest 
" vested in the members of that 
" college, as there is in the 
" members of many other cor- 
" porations, of choosing their 
" own head." A short Account 
of the Authorities in Law, Sfc. 
in Sir Edw. Hale's Case, by Sir 
Edw. Herbert, p. 29. But ad- 
mitting the power of dispensing 
with the laws, to have been 
vested in the crown to the full- 
est extent, yet the king used 
this prerogative not so much 
for the ease or benefit of indivi- 
duals, as for the subversion of 
those very laws, and of what 
was established by them.) 

^ (Perhaps it would have 
been difficult for the prince to 
have shewn letters of invitation 
from any of the clergy, with 
the exception of Compton bi- 
shop of London, and Trelaw- 
ney of Bristol.) 


nicated to me, I was still of opinion', that, though 1687. 
this was indeed an act of despotical and arbitrary — — 
power, yet I did not think it struck at the whole : 
so that it was not, in my opinion, a lawful case of 
resistance : and I could not concur in a quarrel oc- 
casioned by such a single act, though the precedent 
set by it might go to every thing. 

Now the king broke with the church of England. 
And, as he was apt to go warmly upon every provo- 
cation, he gave himself such liberties in discourse 
upon that subject, that it was plain, all the services 
they had done him, both in opposing the exclusion, 
and upon his first accession to the crown, were for- 
got. Agents were now found out, to go among the 
dissenters, to persuade them to accept of the favour 
the king intended them, and to concur with him in 
his designs. 

The dissenters were divided into four main bodies. Thedissenu 
The presbyterians, the independents, the anabap- ^cl^c'curu 
tists, and the quakers. The two former had not the ^^^^^ ^^* 
visible distinction of different rites : and their de- 
pressed condition made, that the dispute about the 
constitution and subordination of churches, which 
had broken them when power was in their hands, 
was now out of doors : and they were looked on 
as one body, and were above three parts in four of all 
the dissenters. The main difference between these 
was, that the presbyterians seemed reconcileable to 
the church ; for they loved episcopal ordination " and 
a liturgy, and upon some amendments * seemed dis- 

■■ He was a better tory than might have been as proper 

I, if he spoke as he thought. S. a word, for a bishop of the 

' A damnable lie. S. church of England to have used 

' jilterations (it seems to me) upon that occasion, though not 

L 4 


i687. posed to come into the church; and they liked the 
702 ^^^^ government and limited monarchy. But as the 
independents were for a commonwealth in the state, 
so they put all the power of the church in the peo- 
ple, and thought that their choice was an ordination : 
nor did they approve of set forms of worship. Both 
were enemies to this high prerogative that the king 
was assuming, and were very averse to popery u. 
They generally were of a mind, as to the accepting 
the king's favour ; but were not inclined to take in 
the papists into a full toleration ; much less could 
they be prevailed on to concur in taking off the tests. 
The anabaptists were generally men of virtue and of 
an universal charity : and as they were far from be- 
ing in any treating terms with the church of Eng- 
land, so nothing but an universal toleration could 
make them capable of favour or employments. The 
quakers had set up such a visible distinction in the 
matter of the hat, and saying thou and thee, that 
they had all as it were a badge fixed on them : so 
they were easily known. Among these Pen had the 
greatest credit, as he had a free access at Court. To 
all these it was proposed, that the king designed the 
settling the minds of the different parties in the na- 
tion, and the enriching it by enacting a perpetual 
law, that should be passed with such solemnities as 
had accompanied the Magna Charta; so that not 
only penal law should be for ever repealed, but that 
public employments should be opened to men of all 
persuasions, without any tests or oaths limiting them 

so agreeable to his brethren of out almost in every page of his 

Scotland. But the bishop's book. D. 
love to presbytery, and hatred " Style. S. 

to the church of England, peeiM 


to one sort or party of men. There were many meet- i6s7- 
ings among the leading men of the several sects. 

It was visible to all men, that the courting them Debates 

. and resolu- 

at this time was not from any kindness or good t ions among 
opinion that the king had of them. They had left 
the church of England, because of some forms in it, 
that they thought looked too like the church of 
Rome. They needed not to be told, that all the fa- 
vour expected from popery was once to bring it in, 
under the colour of a general toleration, tiU it 
should be strong enough to set on a general perse- 
cution : and therefore, as they could not engage 
themselves to support such an arbitrary prerogative 
as was now made use of, so neither should they go 
into any engagements for popery. Yet they resolved 
to let the points of controversy alone, and leave those 
to the management of the clergy, who had a legal 
bottom to support them. They did believe, that this 
indignation against the church party, and this kind- 
ness to them, were things too unnatural to last long. 
So the more considerable among them '^ resolved not 
to stand at too great a distance from the court, nor 
to provoke the king so far, as to give him cause to 
think they were irreconcileable to him, lest they 703 
should provoke him to make up matters on any 
terms with the church party. On the other hand, 
they resolved not to provoke the church party, or by 
any ill behaviour of theirs drive them into a recon- 
ciliation with the court. It is true. Pen shewed 
both a scorn of the clergy, and virulent spite against 
them, in which he had not many followers. 

* They all complied most shumefuUy and publicly, a« is wefl 
known. S. 


1687. The king was so fond of his army, that he ordered 
The army them to encamp on Hounslow-heath, and to be ex- 
encamped ercised all the summer lonff. This was done with 

at Houns- " 

low-heath, gi'eat magnificence, and at a vast expense : but that 
which abated the king's joy in seeing so brave an 
army about him was, that it appeared visibly, and on 
many occasions, that his soldiers had as great an a- 
version to his religion, as his other subjects had ex- 
pressed. The king had a chapel in his camp, where 
mass was said : but so few went to it, and those few 
were treated by the rest with so much scorn, that it 
was not easy to bear it. It was very plain, that such 
an army was not to be trusted in any quarrel in 
which religion was concerned. 

The few papists that were in the army were an 
unequal match to the rest. The heats about reli- 
gion were like to breed quarrels : and it was once 
very near a mutiny. It was thought, that these en- 
campments had a good effect on the army. They 
encouraged one another, and vowed they would stick 
together, and never forsake their religion. It was 
HO small comfort to them, to see they had so few pa- 
pists among them ; which might have been better 
disguised at a distance, than when they were all in 
view. A resolution was formed upon this at court to 
make recruits in Ireland, and to fiU them up with 
Irish papists; which succeeded as ill as all their 
other designs did, as shall be told in its proper 

An ambas- The king had for above a year managed his corre- 

sadorsent ° . 

to Rome, spondeucc with Rome secretly. But now the priests 
resolved to drive the matter past reconciling. The 
correspondence with that court, while there was none 
at Rome with a public character, could not be de- 


cently managed, but by cardinal Howard's means. 1667. 

He was no friend to the Jesuits; nor did he like 
their over driving matters. So they moved to the 
king to send an ambassador to Rome. This was 
high treason by law. Jefferies was very uneasy in 
it. But the king's power of pardoning had been 
much argued in the earl of Danby's case, and was 
believed to be one of the unquestionable rights of 
the crown. So he knew a safe way in committing 
crimes ; which was, to take out pardons as soon as 
he had done illegal things. 

The king's choice of Palmer, earl of Castlemain^, 
was liable to great exception. For, as he was be- 
lieved to be a Jesuit, so he was certainly as hot and 704 
eager in aU high notions as any of them could be. 
The Romans ^- were amazed, when they heard that he 
was to be the person. His misfortunes were so emi- 
nent and public, that they, who take their measures 
much from astrology, and from the characters they 
think are fixed on men, thought it strange to see 
such a negotiation put in the hands of so unlucky a 
man. It was managed with gi-eat splendor, and at 
a vast charge *. 

He was unhappy in every step of it. He disputed He manag- 
with a nice sort of affectation every punctilio of the thin^ua- 
ceremonial. And, when the day set for his audience ^*Pi"'y' 
came, there happened to be such an extraordinary 

y Duchess of Cleveland's volume, adorned with many 

husband. S. plates, which gives an account 

^ Voltaire does not believe of this embassy, is intended ; it 

the modems of Rome deserve was published first in Italian, 

this appellation. O. by Michael Wright, chief stew- 

* See among my prints, for a ard of his excellency's house at 

representation of the pagean- Rome.) 
tries of it. O. (Perhaps a folio 


1687. thunder, and such deluges of rain, as disgraced the 
shew, and heightened the opinion of the ominous- 
ness of this embassy. After this was over, he had 
yet many disputes with relation to the ceremony of 
visits. The points he pressed were, first the making 
P. Renaldi of Este, the queen's uncle, a cardinal ; in 
which he prevailed : and it was the only point in 
which he succeeded ^. He tried, if it was possible, 
to get father Petre to be made a cardinal. But the 
Pope was known to be intractable in that point, hav- 
ing fixed it as a maxim not to raise any of that or- 
der to the purple. Count Mansfield told me, as he 
came from Spain, that our court had pressed the 
court of Spain to join their interest with ours at 
Rome for his promotion. They gave it out, that 
he was a German by birth, and undertook that he 
should serve the Austrian interest. They also pro- 
mised the court of Madrid great assistance in other 
matters of the last importance, if they would procure 
this : adding, that this would prove the most ef- 
fectual means for the conversion of England. Upon 
which the count told me, he was asked concerning 
father Petre. He, who had gone often to Spain 
through England, happened to know that Jesuit ; 
and told them, he was no German, but an English- 

h Which was granted with from those two. And they be^ 

great reluctancy, it having been gan to suspect the influence 

a standing maxim of the court the queen had over the king 

of Rome, ever since Clement might engage him in the in- 

the Vlllth took Ferrara from terests of her family, more than 

Caesar d'Este, never to contri- was consistent with their own, 

bute to the aggrandizing of which was the reason they 

that family ; and I was told at shewed so little concern for 

Rome, the Pope offered to king James's misfortunes at the 

make four cardinals at the king's revolution. D. 
nomination, if he would desist 


man. They tried their strength at Rome for liis 1687. 
promotion, but with no success. 

The ambassador at Rome pressed cardinal Cibo 
much to put an end to the differences between the 
Pope and the king of France, in the matter of the 
franchises, that it might appear that the Pope had a 
due regard to a king that had extirpated heresy, 
and to another king who was endeavouring to bring 
other kingdoms into the sheepfold. What must the 
world say, if two such kings, like whom no ages had 
produced any, should be neglected and ill used at 
Rome for some punctilios? He added, that, if 
these matters were settled, and if the Pope would 
enter into concert with them, they would set about 
the destroying heresy every where, and would begin 
with the Dutch ; upon whom, he said, they would 
fall without any declaration of war, treating them as ^05 
a company of rebels and pirates, who had not a 
right, as free states and princes have, to a formal 
denunciation of war. Cibo, who was then cardinal 
patron, was amazed at this, and gave notice of it to 
the imperial cardinals. They sent it to the em- 
peror, and he signified it to the prince of Orange. It 
is certain, that one prince's treating with another to 
invade a third gives a right to that third prince to 
defend himself, and to prevent those designs. And, 
since what an ambassador says is understood as said 
by the prince whose character he bears, this gave 
the States a right to make use of all advantages that 
might offer themselves ^. But they had yet better 
grounds to justify their proceedings, as will appear 
in the sequel. 

••" Sophistrj'. S. 


1697. When the ambassador saw that his remonstrances 
to the cardinal patron were ineffectual, he demanded 
an audience of the pope. And there he lamented, 
that so little regard was had to two such great 
kings. He reflected on the pope, as shewing more 
zeal about temporal concerns than the spiritual ; 
which, he said, gave scandal to all Christendom. 
He concluded, that, since he saw intercessions made 
in his master's name were so little considered, he 
would make haste home : to which the pope made 
no other answer, but, lei e padrone, he might do as 
he pleased. But he sent one after the ambassador, 
as he withdrew from the audience, to let him know 
how much he was offended with his discourses, that 
he received no such treatment from any person, and 
that the ambassador was to expect no other private 
audience. Cardinal Howard did what he could to 
soften matters. But the ambassador was so entirely 
in the hands of the Jesuits, that he had little regard 
to any thing that the cardinal suggested. And so 
he left Rome after a very expenseful, but insignifi- 
cant embassy. 
Pope inno- The popc scut in return a nuncio, Dada, now a 

cent's cha- * 

racter. Cardinal. He was highly civil in all his deportment. 
But it did not appear that he was a man of great 
depth, nor had he power to do much ^. The pope 
was a jealous and fearful man, who had no know- 

'' (" However the world has " sense to approve of all the 

" been imposed on to believe, " measures that were taken ; 

" that the pope's nuncio at the " and therefore desired often to 

" English court, who is since " be recalled, lest he should be 

" made a cardinal, was an in- " thought to have a hand in 

*' strument to push on things " them." Welwood's Memoirs^ 

" to extremities, yet certain it p. 1 84.) 
*• is, he had too much good 


ledge of any sort, but in the matters of the revenue 1687. 
and of money : for he was descended from a family 
that was become rich by dealing in banks. And, in 
that respect, it was a happiness to the papacy that 
he was advanced : for it was so involved in vast 
debts by a succession of many wasteful pontificates, 
that his frugal management came in good time to 
set those matters in better order. It was known 
that he did not so much as understand Latin. I 
was told at Rome, that when he was made cardinal, 
he had a master to teach him to pronounce that lit- 
tle Latin that he had occasion for at high masses. 706 
He understood nothing of divinity. I remembered 
what a Jesuit at Venice had said to me, whom I 
met sometimes at the French ambassador's there, 
when we were talking of the pope's infallibility : he 
said, that being in Rome during Altieri's pontificate, 
who lived some years in a perfect dotage, he con- 
fessed it required a very strong faith to believe him 
infallible : but he added pleasantly, the harder it 
was to believe it, the act of faith was the more me- 
ritorious. The submitting to pope Innocent's infal- 
libility was a very implicit act of faith, when all ap- 
pearances were so strongly against it. The pope 
hated the Jesuits, and expressed a great esteem for 
the Jansenists ; not that he understood the ground 
of the difference, but because they were enemies to 
the Jesuits, and were ill looked on by the court of 
France. He understood the business of the regale 
a little better, it relating to the temporalties of the 
church. And therefore he took all those under his 
protection who refused to submit to it. Things 
seemed to go far towards a breach between the two 
courts : especiaDy after the articles, which were set 

1687. out by the assembly of the clergy of France in the 

year 1682, in favour of the councils of Constance 
and Basile, in opposition to the papal pretensions. 
The king of France, who was not accustomed to be 
treated in such a manner, sent many threatening 
messages to Rome, which alarmed the cardinals so 
much, that they tried to mollify the pope. But it 
was reported at Rome, that he made a noble answer 
to them, when they asked him what he could do, if 
so great a king should send an army to faU upon 
him ? He said, he could suffer martyrdom ^. 
Disputes He was so little terrified with all those threaten- 
frandiLs. ii^gs, that hc had set on foot a dispute about the 
franchises. In Rome, all those of a nation put them- 
selves under the protection of their ambassador, and 
are upon occasions of ceremony his cortege. These 
were usually lodged in his neighbourhood, pretend- 
ing that they belonged to him. So that they ex- 
empted themselves from the orders and justice of 
Rome, as a part of the ambassador's family. And 
that extent of houses or streets in which they lodged 
was called the franchises ; for in it they pretended 

^ The king of France gave a Henry the IVth's statue was 
great sum of money to the there already before St. John La- 
French minims at Rome, to teran's church, (which had been 
make a noble ascent and a new put there in memorj' of his con- 
front to their convent ; and his version,) and that Lewis the 
own statue on horseback was to XIV th had merited much more 
have been placed on the top of from the see of Rome than 
the ascent ; which the pope be- ever he had done. The pope 
ing informed of, sent them word made no reply, but ordered 
they might embellish their con- Henry the IVth's statue to be 
vent as much as they pleased in immediately taken down, and 
all other respects, but he was put in a corner of the church 
sovereign in Rome, and should porch, (where it stood when I 
not suffer any other prince's was at Rome,) upon which the 
statue to be erectejd in his town, whole design was dropped. D. 
They pleaded In answer, that 


they were not subject to the government of Rome. 1687. 
This had made these houses to be well filled, not 
only with those of that nation, but with such Ro- 
mans as desired to be covered with that protection. 
Rome was now much sunk from what it had been : 
so that these franchises were become so great a part 
of the city, that the privileges of those that lived in 
them were giving every day new disturbances to 
the course of justice, and were the common sanctua- 
ries of criminals. So the pope resolved to reduce 
the privileges of ambassadors to their own families, 
within their own palaces. He first dealt with the 707 
emperor's and the king of Spain's ambassadors : and 
brought them to quit their pretensions to the fran- 
chises, but with this provision, that, if the French 
did not the same, they would return to them. So 
now the pope was upon forcing the French to sub- 
mit to the same methods. The pope said, his nuntio 
or legate at Paris had no privilege but for his family, 
and for those that lived in his palace. The French 
rejected this with great scorn. They said, the pope 
was not to pretend to an equality with so great a 
king. He was the common father of Christendom : 
so those who came thither, as to the centre of unity, 
were not to be put on the level with the ambassa- 
dors that passed between sovereign princes. Upon 
this the king of France pretended that he would 
maintain all the privileges and franchises that his 
ambassadors were possessed of. This was now grow- 
ing up to be the matter of a new quarrel and of 
fresh disputes between those courts. 

The English ambassador being so entirely in the 
French interests, and in the confidence of the Je- 
suits, he was much less considered at Rome than he 
VOL. m. M 


1687. thought he ought to have been^ The truth is, the 
Romans, as they have very little sense of rehgion, so 
they considered the reduction of England as a thing 
impracticable. They saw no prospect of any profits 
like to arise in any of their offices by bulls or com- 
positions : and this was the notion that they had of 
. the conversion of nations, chiefly as it brought 
wealth and advantages to them. 

I will conclude all that I shaU say in this place of 

the affairs of Rome with a lively saying of queen 

Queen Christiua to my self at Rome- She said, it was cer- 

Christina'$ . . ,. 

character of taiu that the church was governed by the immediate 
tome popes. ^^^^ ^^^ providcncc of God : for none of the four 

popes that she had known since she came to Rome 
had common sense. She added, they were the first 
and the last of men. She had given her self entirely 
for some years to the study of astrology : and upon 
that she told me, the king would live yet many 
years, but added that he would have no son. 

I come, from the relation of this embassade to 
Rome, to give an account of other negotiations. 
The king found Helton managed his affairs in Hol- 
land with so little sense, and gave such an universal 
distaste, that he resolved to change him. But he 
had been so servilely addicted to all his interests, 

' One great reason for their ticulars that were extremely of- 

dislike to lord Castlemain was fensive : but he said it was 

the disrespect he shewed to thought the Jesuits put him 

cardinal Howard, who was upon it, the cardinal having 

much beloved in Rome upon had some disputes with them, 

the account of his strict life, though he had built part of the 

great affability, and high birth, English college, which he lived 

which were as well known as in : but they knew he could 

lord Castlemain's incivility to not carry it away with him, and 

him, of which, Don Gulielmo, that he had nothing more to 

who was one of the cardinal's give them. D. 
chaplains, told me several par- •"'• 


that he would not discourage him. And, because all 1687. 
his concerns with the court of France were managed " 

with Barillon, the French ambassador at London, he 
was sent to Paris. 

The king found out one White, an Irishman, who D'Aibwiii* 
had been long a spy of the Spaniards. And when [^"HoSIud. 
they did not pay his appointments well, he accepted 7O8 
of the title of marquis d'Albeville from them in part 
of payment. And then he turned to the French, 
who paid their tools more punctually. But, though 
he had learned the little arts of corrupting under 
secretaries, and had found out some secrets by that 
way, which made him pass for a good spy ; yet, 
when he came to negotiate matters in a higher 
form, he proved a most contemptible and ridiculous 
man, who had not the common appearances either 
of decency or of truth s. 

He had orders, before he entered upon business i wm upon 
with the prince or princess, to ask of them, not only pressing in- 
to forbid me the court, but to promise to see me no bid^J^^s^"^' 
more. The kinff had writ two violent letters against ^''* p"^!"*^* 

" ^o and princeu 

me to the princess. She trusted me so far, that she^f omnge. 
shewed them to me; and was pleased to answer 
them according to the hints that I suggested. But 
now it was put so home, that this was to be com- 
plied with, or a breach was immediately to follow 
upon it. So this was done. And they were both so 
true to their promise, that I saw neither the one nor 
the other till a few days before the prince set sail 
for England. The prince sent Dykvelt and Hale- 

s (This person is said to have France. See Macpherson's His- 

hetrayed his master to the tory of Great britain. vol, i. 

prince of Orange, and the p. 510.) 
prince himself to the king of 

M 2 


1687. wyn constantly to me, with all the advertisements 
* that came from England. So I had the whole se- 

cret of English affairs still brought me. 
Dykveit That which was first resolved on was, to send 

sent to 

England. Dykvclt to England with directions how to talk 
with all sorts of people : to the king, to those of the 
church, and to the dissenters. I was ordered to 
draw his instructions, which he followed very closely. 
He was ordered to expostulate decently, but firmly, 
with the king upon the methods he was pursuing, 
both at home and abroad ; and to see if it was pos- 
sible to bring him to a better understanding with 
the prince. He was also to assure all the church 
party, that the prince would ever be firm to the 
church of England, and to all our national interests. 
The clergy, by the methods in which they corre- 
sponded with him, which I suppose was chiefly by 
the bishop of London's means, had desired him to 
use all his credit with the dissenters, to keep them 
from going into the measures of the court ; and sent 
over very positive assurances, that, in case they 
stood firm now to the common interest, they would 
in a better time come into a comprehension of such 
as could be brought into a conjunction with the 
church, and to a toleration of the rest. They had 
also desired him to send over some of the preachers, 
whom the violence of the former years had driven to 
Holland; and to prevail effectually with them to 
oppose any false brethren, whom the court might 
gain to deceive the rest: which the prince had done. 
And to many of them he gave such presents, as en- 
709 abled them to pay their debts, and to undertake the 
journey. Dykveit had orders to press them all to 
stand off; and not to be drawn in by any promises 


the court might make them, to assist them in the 1687. 
elections of parliament. He was also instructed to 
assure them of a full toleration ; and likewise of a 
comprehension, if possible, whensoever the crown 
should devolve on the princess. He was to try all 
sorts of people, and to remove the ill impressions that 
had been given them of the prince : for the church 
party was made believe he was a presbyterian, and 
the dissenters were possessed with a conceit of his 
being arbitrary and imperious. Some had even the 
impudence to give out that he was a papist. But 
the ill terms in which the king and he lived put an 
end to those reports at that time. Yet they were 
afterwards taken up, and managed with much ma- 
lice to create a jealousy of him ^. Dykvelt was not 
gone off, when D'Albeville came to the Hague. He 
did all he could to divert the journey : for he knew 
well Dykvelt's way of penetrating into secrets, he 
himself having been often employed by him, and 
well paid for several discoveries made by his means. 

D'Albeville assured the prince and the States, that The nego- 
the king was firmly resolved to maintain his alliance J^eln^th^" 
with them : that his naval preparations were only to J^"^ ^^ 
enable him to preserve the peace of Europe : for he 
seemed much concerned to find that the States had 

^ I was told at Vienna by a enemy to the Romish religion, 

man of great quality, (the earl and would be better able to 

of Carlingford, who went by the protect the catholics in Eng- 

name of count Toaf in Ger- land than king James ; who 

many, and was in great favour had so provoked the nation, 

with the emperor L#eopold,) that they ran great risk of being 

that the emperor Leoi)old (who destroyed totally : and I was af- 

was extremely bigoted) could tervvards told at Rome that the 

not be brought to approve of same assurances had been given 

the prince of Orange's expedi- to the pope, by an agent the 

tion, till he had been assured prince kept there for his German 

that the prince was at least no aflairs. D. (Seebelow, p. 773.) 

M 3 


1687. such apprehensions of these, that they were putting 
themselves in a condition not to be surprised by 
them. In his secret negotiations with the prince 
and princess, he began with very positive assurances, 
that the king intended never to wrong them in their 
right of succession : that aU that the king was now 
engaged in was only to assert the rights of the 
crown, of which they would reap the advantage in 
their turn : the test was a restraint on the king's 
liberty, and therefore he was resolved to have it re- 
pealed : and he was also resolved to lay aside all 
penal laws in matters of religion : they saw too well 
the advantages that Holland had by the liberty of 
conscience that was settled among them, to oppose 
him in this particular : the king could not abandon 
men, because they were of his own religion, who 
had served him well, and had suffered only on his 
account, and on the account of their conscience. 
He told them how much the king condemned the 
proceedings in France; and that he spoke of that 
king as a poor bigot, who was governed by the arch- 
bishop of Paris, and Madame de Maintenon, whereas 
he knew Pere de la Chaise had opposed the perse- 
cution as long as he could. But the king hated 
those maxims : and therefore he received the re- 
710 fugees veiy kindly, and had given orders for a col- 
lection of charity over the kingdom for their relief. 

This was the substance both of what D'Albeville 
said to the prince and princess, and of what the king 
himself said to Dykvelt upon those subjects. At 
that time the king thought he had made a majority 
of the house of commons sure : and so he seemed 
resolved to have a session of parUament in April. 
And of this D'Albeville gave the prince positive as- 


suiances. But the king had reckoned wrong : for 1687. 
many of those who had been with him in his closet 
were either sUent, or had answered him in such re- 
spectful words, that he took these for promises. 
But, when they were more strictly examined, the 
king saw his error : and so the sitting of the parlia- 
ment was put off. 

To all these propositions the prince and the prin- 
cess, and Dykvelt in their name, answered, that 
they were fixed in a principle against persecution in 
matters of conscience : but they could not think it 
reasonable to let papists in to sit in parliament, or 
to serve in public trusts : the restless spirit of some 
of that religion, and of their clergy in particular, 
shewed they could not be at quiet till they were 
masters ' : and the power they had over the king's 
spirit, in making him forget what he had promised 
upon his coming to the crown, gave but too just a 
ground of jealousy : it appeared, that they could not 
bear any restraints, nor remember past services longer 
than those who did them could comply in every 
thing with that which was desired of them : they 
thought, the prerogative as limited by law was great 
enough : and they desired no such exorbitant power 
as should break through all laws : they feared, that 
such an attack upon the constitution might rather 
drive the nation into a commonwealth: they thought 
the surest as well as the best way was to govern 
according to law : the church of England had given 
the king signal proofs of their affection and fidelity ; 
and had complied with him in every thing, till he 
came to touch them in so tender a point as the 

' All sects were of that spirit. S. 
M 4 


1687. legal security they had for their religion : their stick- 
ing to that was very natural : and the king's taking 
that in from them was liable to great censure : the 
king, if he pleased to improve the advantages he 
had in his hand, might be both easy and great at 
home, and the arbiter of all affairs abroad : but he 
was prevailed on by the importunities of some rest- 
less priests to embroil all his affairs to serve their 
ends: they could never consent to abolish those 
laws, which were the best, and now the only fence 
of that religion which they themselves believed 
true. This was the substance of their answers to 
all the pressing messages that were often repeated 
711by D'Albeville. And upon this occasion the prin- 
cess spoke so often and with such firmness to him, 
that he said, she was more intractable on those mat- 
ters than the prince himself. Dykvelt told me, he 
argued often with the king on aU these topics : but 
he found him obstinately fixed in his resolution. He 
said, he was the head of the family, and the prince 
ought to comply with him ; but that he had always 
set himself against him. Dykvelt answered, that 
the prince could not carry his compliance so far, as 
to give up his religion to his pleasure ; but that in 
all other things he had shewed a very ready submis- 
sion to his wiU : the peace of Nimeguen, of which 
the king was guarantee, was openly violated in the 
article relating to the principality of Orange : yet, 
since the king did not think fit to espouse his inter- 
ests in that matter, he had been silent, and had 
made no protestations upon it: so the king saw, that 
he was ready to be silent under so great an injury, 
and to sacrifice his own concerns, rather than dis- 
turb the king's affairs. To this the king made no 


answer. The earl of Sunderland, and the rest of 16S7. 

the ministry, pressed Dykvelt mightily, to endea- 
vour to bring the prince to concur with the king. 
And they engaged to him, that, if that were once 
settled, the king would go into close measures with 
him against France. But he put an end to all those 
propositions. He said, the prince could never be 
brought to hearken to them. 

At this time a great discovery was made of the a letter 
intentions of the court by the Jesuits of Liege, who, lelmtlof 
in a letter that they wrote to their brethren in Svere '^^ 
Friburg in Switzerland, gave them a long account *K''^"s's 
of the affairs of England. They told them, that 
the king was received into a communication of the 
merits of their order : that he expressed great joy 
at his becoming a son of the society ; and professed, 
he was as much concerned in all their interests as 
in his own : he wished they could furnish him with 
many priests to assist him in the conversion of the 
nation, which he was resolved to bring about, or to 
die a mart3rr in endeavouring it ; and that he would 
rather suffer death for carrying on that, than live 
ever so long and happy without attempting it. He 
said, he must make haste in this work : otherwise, 
if he should die before he had compassed it, he 
would leave them worse than he found them. They 
added, among many particulars, that, when one of 
them kneeled down to kiss his hand, he took him 
up, and said, since he was a priest, he ought rather 
to kneel to him, and to kiss his hand. And, when , 
one of them was lamenting that his next heir was 
an heretic, he said, God would provide an heir. 

The Jesuits at Friburg shewed this about. And 712 
one of the ministers, on whom they were taking 


1687. some pains, and of whom they had some hopes, had 
got a sight of it. And he obtained leave to take a 
copy of it, pretending that he would make good use 
of it. He sent a copy of it to Heidegger, the fa- 
mous professor of divinity at Zurich : and from him 
I had it. Other copies of it were likewise sent, 
both from Geneva and Switzerland. One of those 
was sent to Dykvelt ; who upon that told the king, 
that his priests had other designs, and were full of 
those hopes, that gave' jealousies which could not 
be easily removed : and he named the Liege letter, 
and gave the king a copy of it. He promised to 
him he would read it ; and he would soon see, whe- 
ther it was an imposture made to make them more 
odious, or not. But he never spoke of it to him 
afterwards. This, Dykvelt thought, was a confess- 
ing that the letter was no forgery fe. Thus Dyk- 
velt's negotiation at London, and D'Albeville's at 
the Hague, ended without any effect on either side. 
Dykreit's But, if his treating with the king was without 
England." success, his management of his instructions was 
more prosperous. He desired, that those who wished 
well to their religion and their country would meet 
together, and concert such advices and advertise- 
ments, as might be fit for the prince to know, that 
he might govern himself by them. The marquis of 
Halifax, and the earls of Shrewsbury, Devonshire, 

^ (This letter, said to be his measures odious. Since 
translated from the Latin, is to this was written, it has been 
be seen in Echard's Hist, of found, that the letter is inserted 
England, who indeed supposes also in the first volume of Co- 
it to be genuine ; but it appears, gan's Collection of Tracts, p. 
from several passages in it, to 249, where its authenticity is 
have been forged, for the pur- stated to be doubtful.) 
pose of making the king and 


Danby, and Nottingham, the lords Mordaunt, and 1687. 
Lumley, Herbert and Russel among the admirals, 
and the bishop of London, were the persons chiefly 
trusted. And upon the advices that were sent over 
by them the prince governed all his motions. They 
met often at the earl of Shrewsbury's. And there 
they concerted matters, and drew the declaration 
on which they advised the prince to engage. 

In this state things lay for some months. ButAprocia- 
the king resolved to go on in his design of breaking hlduTgenc* 
through the laws. He sent a proclamation of in-s^"t,J^(| 
dulgence to Scotland in February. It set forth in 
the preamble, that the king had an absolute power 
vested in him, so that aU his subjects were bound to 
obey him without reserve : by virtue of this power, 
the king repealed all the severe laws that were 
passed in his grandfather's name during his infancy: 
he with that took off all disabilities that were by 
any law laid on his Roman catholic subjects, and 
made them capable of all employments and bene- 
fices : he also slackened all the laws made against 
the moderate presbyterians : and promised he would 
never force his subjects by any invincible necessity 
to change their religion: and he repealed all laws 713 
imposing tests on those who held any employments : 
instead of which he set up a new one, by which 
they should renounce the principles of rebellion, and 
should oblige themselves to maintain the king in 
this his absolute power against all mortals. 

This was published in Scotland, to make way for whicu wm 
that which followed it some months after in Eng-sured. 
land. It was strangely drawn, and liable to much 
just censure. The king by this raised his power to 
a pitch, not only of suspending, but of repealing 


1687. laws, and of enacting new ones by his own author- 
ity. His claiming an absolute power, to which all 
men were bound to obey without reserve, was an 
invasion of all that was either legal or sacred. The 
only precedent that could be found for such an ex- 
traordinary pretension, was in the declaration that 
Philip the second of Spain sent by the duke of Alva 
into the Netherlands, in which he founded all the 
authority that he committed to that bloody man on 
the absolute power that rested in him. Yet in this 
the king went further than Philip, who did not pre- 
tend that the subjects were bound to obey without 
reserve. Every prince that believes the truth of re- 
ligion must confess, that there are reserves in the 
obedience of their subjects, in case their commands 
should be contrary to the laws of God. The requir- 
ing all persons that should be capable of employ- 
ments to swear to maintain this, was to make them 
feel their slavery too sensibly. The king's promis- 
ing to use no invincible necessity to force his sub- 
jects to change their religion, shewed that he al- 
lowed himself a very large reserve in this grace that 
he promised his subjects ; though he allowed them 
none in their obedience. The laws that had passed 
during king James's minority had been often ratified 
by himself after he was of age. And they had re- 
ceived many subsequent confirmations in the suc- 
ceeding reigns ; and one in the king's own reign. 
And the test that was now taken away was passed 
by the present king, when he represented his bro- 
ther. Some took also notice of the word moderate 
preshyterian, as very ambiguous. 

The court finding that so many objections lay 
against this proclamation, (as indeed it seemed pen- 


ned on purpose to raise new jealousies,) let it fall; 1697. 
and sent down another some months after that, 
more cautiously worded; only absolute power was 
so dear to them, that it was still asserted in the 
new one. By it, fuU liberty was granted to all 
presbyterians to set up conventicles in their own 
way. They did all accept of it without pretending 
any scruples. And they magnified this, as an extra- 
ordinary stroke of providence, that a prince, from 
whom they expected an increase of the severities 
under which the laws had brought them, should 
thus of a sudden allow them such an unconfined714i 
liberty. But they were not so blind, as not to see 
what was aimed at by it. They made addresses 
upon it fuU of acknowledgments, and of protesta- 
tions of loyalty. Yet, when some were sent among 
them, pressing them to dispose all their party to 
concur with the king in taking away the tests and 
penal laws, they answered them only in cold and 
general words. 

In April the king set out a declaration of tolera-Adecia™. 

. n-r^ii-r** tion for to- 

tion and hberty of conscience for li.ngland. But it leration ia 
was drawn up in much more modest terms than the "^*" ' 
Scotish proclamations had been. In the preamble, 
the king expressed his aversion to persecution on 
the account of religion, and the necessity that he 
found of allowing his subjects liberty of conscience, 
in which he did not doubt of the concurrence of his 
parliament : he renewed his promise of maintaining 
the church of England, as it was by law established : 
but with this he suspended all penal and sanguinary 
laws in matters of religion : and, since the service of 
all his subjects was due to him by the laws of na- 
ture, he declared them all equally capable of em- 


1687. ployments, and suppressed all oaths or tests that 
limited this : in conclusion, he promised he would 
maintain aU his subjects in all their properties, and 
particularly in the possession of the abbey lands. 

This gave great offence to all true patriots, as 
well as to the whole church party. The king did 
now assume a power of repealing laws by his own 
authority : for though he pretended only to suspend 
them, yet no Umitation was set to this suspension : 
so it amounted to a repeal, the laws being suspended 
for all time to come. The preamble, that pretended 
so much love and charity, and that condemned per- 
secution, sounded strangely in the mouth of a popish 
prince. The king's saying that he did not doubt of 
the parliament's concurring with him in this matter 
seemed ridiculous : for it was visible by all the pro- 
rogations, that the king was but too weU assured, 
that the parliament would not concur with him in 
it. And the promise to maintain the subjects in 
their possessions of the abbey lands, looked as if the 
design of setting up popery was thought very near 
being effected, since otherwise there was no need of 
mentioning any such thing. 
Addresses Upou this a ucw sct of addresscs went round the 
™ e «pon dissenters. And they, who had so long reproached 
the church of England, as too courtly in their sub- 
missions and flatteries, seemed now to vie with them 
in those abject strains. Some of them, being penned 
by persons whom the court had gained, contained 
severe reflections on the clergy, and on their pro- 
ceedings. They magnified the king's mercy and 
favour, and made great protestations of fideUty and 
71 5 gratitude. Many promised to endeavour, that such 
persons should be chosen to serve in parliament, as 


should concur with the king in the enacting what 1687. 
he now granted so graciously. Few concurred in ' 

those addresses : and the persons that brought them 
up were mean and inconsiderable. Yet the court 
was lifted up with this. The king and his priests 
were delighted with these addresses out of measure : 
and they seemed to think that they had gained the 
nation, and had now conquered those who were hi- 
therto their most irreconcileable enemies. The king 
made the cruelty of the church of England the 
common subject of discourse. He reproached them 
for setting on so often a violent persecution of the 
dissenters. He said, he had intended to have set 
on this toleration sooner ; but that he was restrained 
by some of them, who had treated with him, and 
had undertaken to shew favour to those of his reli- 
gion, provided they might be stiU suffered to vex 
the dissenters. He named the persons that had 
made those propositions to him. In which he suf- 
fered much in his honour : for as the persons denied 
the whole thing, so the freedom of discourse in any 
such treaty ought not to have been made use of to 
defame them. 

But, to caiTy this further, and to give a public The king's 
and an odious proof of the rigour of the ecclesiastical a^iost the 
courts, the king ordered an inquu'y to be made intOp^rty. 
all the vexatious suits into which dissenters had 
been brought in these courts, and into all the com- 
positions that they had been forced to make to re- 
deem themselves from further trouble ; which, as 
was said, would have brought a scandalous db- 
covery of all the ill practices of those courts. For 
the use that many that belonged to them had made 
of the laws witli i*elation to the dissentei*s, was, to 


1687. draw presents from such of them as could make 

them ; threatening them with a process in case they 
failed to do that, and upon their doing it leaving 
them at full liberty to neglect the laws as much as 
they pleased. It was hoped at court, that this fury 
against the church would have animated the dis- 
senters to turn upon the clergy with some of that 
fierceness with which they themselves had been 
lately treated. Some few of the hotter of the dis- 
senters answered their expectations. Angry speeches 
and virulent books were published. Yet these were 
disowned by the wiser men among them : and the 
clergy, by a general agreement, made no answer to 
them. So that the matter was let fall, to the great grief 
of the popish party. Some of the bishops, that were 
gained by the court, carried their compliance to a 
shameful pitch : for they set on addresses of thanks 
to the king for the promise he had made in the late 
declaration of maintaining the church of England ; 
716 though it was visible that the intent of it was to 
destroy the church. Some few were drawn into 
this. But the bishop of Oxford had so ill success in 
his diocese, that he got but one single clergyman to 
concur with him in it. Some foolish men retained 
still their old peevishness. But the far greater part 
of the clergy began to open their eyes, and see how 
they had been engaged by ill meaning men, who 
were now laying off the mask, into all the fiiry that 
had been driven on for many years by a popish 
party. And it was often said, that, if ever God 
should deliver them out of the present distress, they 
would keep up their domestic quarrels no more, 
which were so visibly and so artfully managed by 
our enemies to make lis devour one another, and so 


in the end to be consumed one of another. And 1687. 
when some of those who had been always moderate 
told these, who were putting on another temper, 
that they would perhaps forget this as soon as the 
danger was over, they promised the contrary very 
solemnly. It shall be told afterwards, how well 
they remembered this '. Now the bedchamber and 
drawingroom were as full of stories to the prejudice 
of the clergy, as they were formerly to the preju- 
dice of the dissenters. It was said, they had been 
loyal as long as the court was in their interests, and 
was venturing all on their account ; but as soon as 
this changed, they changed likewise. 

The king, seeing no hope of prevailing on his The pariia- 
parliament, dissolved it; but gave it out, that hedissoh'Id! 
would have a new one before winter. And, the 
queen being advised to go to the Bath for her 
health, the king resolved on a great progress through 
some of the western counties. 

Before he set out, he resolved to give the pope's The recep- 
nuncio a solemn reception at Windsor. He appre- pope's nuu. 
hended some disorder might have happened, if it*^'"' 
had been done at London. He thought it below 
both his own dignity and the pope's, not to give the 
nuncio a public audience. This was a hard point 
for those who were to act a part in this ceremony ; 
for, all commerce with the see of Rome being de- 
clared high treason by law, this was believed to fall 
within the statute. It was so apprehended by queen 
Mary. Cardinal Pool was obliged to stay in Flan- 
ders till all those laws were repealed. But the king 
would not stay for that. The duke of Somerset, 

' False and spiteful. S. 



1687. being the lord of the bedchamber tlien in waiting, 
had advised with his lawyers : and they told him, 
he could not safely do the part that was expected of 
him in the audience. So he told the king, that he 
could not serve him upon that occasion ; for he was 
assured it was against the law. The king asked 
him, if he did not know that he was above the law. 
717 The other answered, that, whatever the king might 
be, he himself was not above the law. The king 
expressed a high displeasure, and turned him out of 
all employments "'. The ceremony passed very hea- 
vily : and the compliment was pronounced with so 

"" Upon his refusal, the nun- 
cio was introduced by the duke 
of Grafton, which was after- 
wards pleaded by the duke 
D'Auinount, as a precedent for 
an ambassador's being intro- 
duced by a duke ; but I told 
him odious cases must never 
be put ; and there was no other 
instance ; upon w hich he dropt 
his pretensions. D. (The fol- 
lowing account of this affair is 
given by lord Lonsdale, in his 
unpublished Memoir of this 
Reign, and is to be depended 
on, because his lordship receiv- 
ed it from the duke of Somerset 
himself. " That the nuntio 
" might have all the honour 
" done him that was possible ; 
"it was resolved that a duke 
" should introduce him. The 
" matter was therefore proposed 
" to the duke of Somersett. He 
"" humbly desired of the king to 
" be excused ; the king asked 
" him his reason ; the duke 
" told him he conceived it to 
" be against law ; to which the 
" king said, he would pardon 
" him. The duke replied, he 

was no very good laAvyer, but 
he thought he had heard it 
said, that a pardon granted a 
person offending under the 
assurance of obtaining it was 
void. This offended the king 
extreamlie; he said publicklie, 
he wondered at his insolence ; 
and told the duke he would 
make him fear him as well as 
the laws. To which the duke 
'■ answered, that, as he was his 
soveraign, he should ever have 

■ all the dutie and reverence 
• for his person that was due 

from a subject to his prince, 

■ but whilst he was no traitor 

■ or criminal, he was so secure 
in his justice, that he could 
not fear him, as offenders do. 
Notwithstanding the extreme 
offence this matter gave his 
majestic, yet out, of his good- 
ness he was pleased to tell 
the duke that he would ex- 
cuse him. And yet within 
two days after he was told 
positively the king would be 
obeyed. He urged the king's 
promise to excuse him, but 
in vain.") 

OP KING JAMES 11. 179 

low a voice, that no person could hear it; which 1687. 
was believed done by concert. 

When this was over, the king set out for his pro- The king 
gress, and went from Salisbury all round as far as to -re J * ' ™" 
Chester. In the places through which the king J,'j™y^p*'jrt« 
passed, he saw a visible coldness both in the nobility °^ Eng'*"*"' 
and gentry, which was not easily borne by a man of 
his temper. In many places they pretended occa- 
sions to go out of their countries. Some stayed at 
home. And those who waited on the king seemed 
to do it rather out of duty and respect, than with 
any cordial affection. The king on his part was 
very obliging to all that came near him, and most 
particularly to the dissenters, and to those who had 
passed long under the notion of commonwealth's 
men. He looked very graciously on all that had 
been of the duke of Monmouth's party. He ad- 
dressed his discourse generally to all sorts of people. 
He ran out on the point of liberty of conscience : he 
said, this was the true secret of the greatness and 
wealth of Holland. He was well pleased to hear all 
the ill-natured stories that were brought him of the 
violences committed of late, either by the justices of 
peace or by the clergy. He every where recom- 
mended to them the choosing such parliament men, 
as would concur with him in settling this liberty as 
firmly as the Magna Charta had been : and to this 
he never forgot to add the taking away the tests. 
But he received such cold and general answers, that 
he saw he could not depend on them. The king 
had designed to go through many more places : but 
the small success he had in those which he visited 
made him shorten his progress. He went and visited 
the queen at the Bath, where he stayed only a few 

N 2 

1687. days, two or three at most: and she continued on in 

her course of bathing. Many books were now writ 
for liberty of conscience : and, since aU people saw 
what security the tests gave, these spoke of an equi- 
valent to be offered, that should give a further secu- 
rity, beyond what could be pretended from the tests. 
It was never explained what was meant by this : so 
it was thought an artificial method to lay men asleep 
with a high sounding word. Some talked of new 
laws to secure civil liberty, which had been so much 
shaken by the practices of these last years, ever 
since the Oxford parliament. Upon this a very ex- 
travagant thing was given out, that the king was 
resolved to set up a sort of a commonwealth: and the 
papists began to talk every where very high for pub- 
lic liberty, trying by that to recommend themselves 
to the nation. 
718 When the king came back from his progress, he 
Achangeofj.ggQjyg^j ^q changc the magistracy in most of the ci- 

the magi- ^ o j 

stracy in tics of England. He began with London. He not 

London, ° ^ 

and over Only chaugcd the court of aldermen, but the govern- 
ment of many of the companies of the city : for great 
powers had been reserved in the new charters that 
had been given, for the king to put in and to put out 
at pleasure : but it was said at the granting them, 
that these clauses were put in only to keep them in 
a due dependance on the court, but that they should 
not be made use of, unless great provocation was 
given. Now all this was executed with great seve- 
rity and contempt. Those who had stood up for the 
king during the debates about the exclusion, were 
now turned out with disgrace ; and those who had 
appeared most violently against him were put in the 
magistracy, who took liberties now in their turn to 


OF KING JAMES 11. 181 

insult their neighbours. All this turned upon the 1697. 
king, who was so given up to the humours of his 
priests, that he sacrificed both his honour and grati- 
tude as they dictated. The new men, who were 
brought in, saw this too visibly to be much wrought 
on by it. 

The king threw off his old party in too outrageous 
a manner ever to return to them again. But he was 
much surprised to find that the new mayor and al- 
dermen took the test, and ordered the observation 
of gunpowder-treason day to be continued. When the 
sheriffs came according to custom to invite the king 
to the lord mayor's feast, he commanded them to go 
and invite the nuncio; which they did. And he 
went upon the invitation, to the surprise of all who 
saw it. But the mayor and aldermen disowned the 
invitation ; and made an entry of it in their books, 
that the nuncio came without their knowledge. This 
the king took very ilL And upon it he said, he saw 
the dissenters were an ill-natured sort of people, that 
could not be gained. The king signified to the lord 
mayor, that he might use what form of worship he 
liked best in Guildhall chapel. The design in this 
was to engage the dissenters to make the first change 
from the established worship : and, if a presbyterian 
mayor should do this in one year, a popish mayor 
might do it in another. But the mayor put the de- 
cision of this upon persons against whom the court 
could have no exception. He sent to those to whom 
the governing of the diocese of London was com- 
mitted during the suspension, and asked their opi- 
nion in it; which they could not but give in behalf of 
the established worship : and they added, that the 

N 3 


1687. changing it was against law. So this project mis- 

carried : and the mayor, though he went sometimes 

719 to the meetings of the dissenters, yet he came often 

to church, and behaved himself more decently than 

was expected of him. 

This change in the city not succeeding as the 
court had expected, did not discourage them from 
appointing a committee to examine the magistracy 
in the other cities, and to put in or out as they saw 
cause for it. Some were putting the nation in hope 
that the old charters were to be restored. But the 
king was so far from that, that he was making every 
day a very arbitrary use of the power of changing 
the magistracy that was reserved in the new char- 
ters. These regulators, who were for most part 
dissenters gained by the court, went on very boldly; 
and turned men out upon every story that was made 
of them, and put such men in their room as they 
confided in. And in these they took their measures 
often so hastily, that men were put in in one week, 
and turned out in another. 
Questions After this, the king sent orders to the lords lieu- 
ekcttons of tcnauts of the counties, to examine the gentlemen 
parliament. ^^^ freeholders upon three questions. The first was, 
whether, in case they should be chosen to serve in 
parliament, they wauld consent to repeal the penal 
laws, and those for the tests. The second was, whe- 
ther they would give their vote for choosing such 
men as would engage to do that. And the third 
was, whether they would maintain the king's decla- 
ration. In most of the counties the lords lieutenants 
put those questions in so careless a manner, that it 
was plain they did not desire "they should be an- 


swered in the affirmative. S«me went further, and i687. 
declared themselves against them ". And a few of 
the more resolute refused to put them. They said, 
this was the prelimiting and the packing of a par- 
liament, which in its nature was to be free, and un- 
der no previous engagement. Many counties an- 
swered very boldly in the negative ; and others re- 
fused to give any answer, which was understood to 
be equivalent to a negative. The mayor and most 
of the new aldermen of London refused to answer. 
Upon this many were turned out of all commissions. 

This, as all the other artifices of the priests, had 
an effect quite contrary to what they promised 
themselves from it : for those who had resolved to 
oppose the court were more encouraged than ever, 
by the discovery now made of the sense of the whole 
nation in those matters. Yet such care was taken 
in naming the sheriffs and mayors that were ap- 
pointed for the next year, that it was believed that 
the king was resolved to hold a parliament within 
that time, and to have such a house of commons re- 
turned, whether regularly chosen or not, as should 
serve his ends. 

It was concluded, that the king would make use 720 
both of his power and of his troops, either to force 
elections, or to put the parliament under a force 

" The earl of Northampton, comply with any one of them 
who was then lord lieutenant of himself, but would make a 
Warwickshire, told the gentle- faithful report to his majesty of 
men, he had received the king's those that would, (as sir Charles 
commands to lay some pro- Holtc, who was present, told 
posals before them ; which he me,) upon which, lord North- 
thought it was his duty to obey : ampton was turned out, and 
but at the same time thought lord Sunderland put in his 
himself obliged to acquaint place. D. 
them, that he did not design to 

N 4 


1687. when it should meet : for it was so positively said, 
that the king would carry his point, and there was 
so little appearance of his being able to do it in a 
fair and regular way, that it was generally believed 
some very desperate resolution was now taken up. 
His ministers were now so deeply engaged in illegal 
things, that they were very uneasy, and were endea- 
vouring either to carry on his designs with success, 
so as to get all settled in a body that should carry 
the face and ajDpearance of a parhament, or at least 
to bring him to let all fall, and to come into terms of 
agreement with his people ; in which case, they reck- 
oned, one article would be an indemnity for all that 
had been done. 

The king was every day saying, that he was king, 
and he would be obeyed, and would make those who 
opposed him feel that he was their king: and he had 
both priests and flatterers about him, that were still 
pushing him forward. All men gi*ew melancholy 
with this sad prospect. The hope of the true pro- 
testants was in the king's two daughters ; chiefly on 
the eldest, who was out of his reach, and was known 
to be well instructed, and very zealous in matters of 
religion. The princess Anne was still very stedfast 
and regular in her devotions, and was very exem- 
plary in the course of her life. But, as care had 
been taken to put very ordinary divines about her 
for her chaplains, so she had never pursued any 
study in those points with much application ". And, 

" Both the sisters were ex- their conversing so much with 

treniely jjossessed with king the clerg}', who never fail to 

Charles the First's notions, for instil that doctrine, wherever 

promoting the authority and they find it Avill gain admit- 

wealth of churchmen ; which tance : and the * meanest of 

may reasonably be imjjuted to them are ahvays very able upon 


all her court being put about her by the king and 1687* 
queen, she was beset with spies. It was therefore ' 

much apprehended, that she would be strongly as- 
saulted, when all other designs should so far succeed 
as to make that seasonable. In the mean while she 
was let alone by the king, who was indeed a very 
kind and indulgent father to her. Now he resolved The kin^ 
to make his first attack on the princess of Orange, prin^els of* 
D'Albeville went over to England in the summer, ^^"p 

o ' about re- 

and did not come back before the twenty-fourth of ''g'o"- 
December, Christmas eve. And then he gave the 
princess a letter from the king, bearing date the 
fourth of November. He was to carry this letter : 
and his despatches being put off longer than was in? " 
tended, that made this letter come so late to her. 

The king took the rise of his letter from a ques- 
tion she had put to D'Albeville, desiring to know 
what were the grounds upon which the king himself 
had changed his religion. The king told her, he 
was bred up in the doctrine of the church of Eng- 
land by Dr. Stewart, whom the king his father had 
put about him ; in which he was so zealous, that 
when he perceived the queen his mother had a de- 721 
sign upon the duke of Glocester, though he presented 
still the respect that he owed her, yet he took care 
to prevent it. All the while that he was beyond 
sea, no catholic, but one nun, had ever spoken one 
word to persuade him to change his religion : and 
he continued for the most part of that time firm to 

that subject, however insiiiti- shoprics and taking away the 

cient they are upon any other, third part of the tithes, may be 

D. (The sentiments of this lord seen at page 370 of vol. ii. folio 

respecting the possessions of the edit, where. an account is given 

church of England, remaining of queen Anne's pious restitu- 

after the spoliation of the bi- tiou of the first-fruits.) 


1687. the doctrine of the church of England. He did not 
"■"■ then mind those matters much : and, as all young 
people are apt to do, he thought it a point of honour 
not to change his religion. The first thing that 
raised scruples in him was, the great devotion that 
he had observed among catholics : he saw they had 
great helps for it: they had their churches better 
adorned, and did greater acts of charity, than he had 
ever seen among protestants. He also observed, that 
many of them changed their course of life, and be- 
came good Christians, even though they continued 
to live still in the world. This made him first begin 
to examine both religions. He could see notliing in 
the three reigns in which religion was changed in 
England, to incline him to believe that they who 
did it were sent of God. He read the history of that 
time, as it was writ in the Chronicle. He read both 
Dr. Heylin, and Hooker's preface to his Ecclesi- 
astical Policy, which confirmed him in the same opi- 
nion. He saw clearly, that Christ had left an infal- 
libility in his church, against which the gates of hell 
cannot prevail: and it appeared that this was 
lodged with St. Peter, from our Saviour's words to 
him, St. Matt. xvi. 18. Upon this the certainty of 
the scriptures, and even of Christianity it self, was 
founded. The apostles acknowledged this to be in 
St. Peter, Acts xv. when they said. It seemed good 
. to the Holy Ghost and to us i\ It was the authority 
of the church that declared the scriptures to be ca- 
nonical : and certainly they who declared them could 

P (How this text confines in- sides, St. James appears to have 

fallibility to St. Peter, it is dif- been at least as much the au- 

ficult to see ; as the apostolic thor of the decision as St, Pe- 

decrea was made in common ten) 
by St. Peter and the rest. Be- 


only interpret them : and wherever this infallibility 1667. 

was, there must be a clear succession. The point of" 

the infallibility being once settled, aU other contro- 
versies must needs fall. Now the Roman church 
was the only church that either has infallibility, or 
that pretended to it. And they who threw off tliis 
authority did open a door to atheism and infidelity, 
and took people off from true devotion, and set even 
Christianity it self loose to all that would question it, 
and to Socinians and Latitudinarians, who doubted 
of every thing. He had discoursed of these things 
with some divines of the church of England ; but 
had received no satisfaction from them. The Chris- 
tian religion gained its credit by the miracles which 
the apostles wrought, and by the holy lives and suf- 
ferings of the martyrs, whose blood was the seed of 
the church. Whereas Luther and Calvin, and those 
who had set up the church of England, had their 722 
heads fuller of temporal matters than of spiritual, 
and had let the world loose to great disorders. Sub- 
mission was necessary to the peace of the church : 
and when every man will expound the scriptures, 
this makes way to all sects, who pretend to build 
upon it. It was also plain, that the church of Eng- 
land did not pretend to infallibility ; yet she acted 
as if she did : for ever since the reformation she had 
persecuted those who differed from her, dissenters as 
well as papists, more than was generally known. 
And he could not see why dissenters might not se- 
parate from the church of England, as well as she 
had done from the church of Rome. Nor could the 
church of England separate her self from the ca- 
tholic church, any more than a county of England 
could separate it self from the rest of the kingdom. 


1687. This, he said, was all that his leisure allowed him to 
write. But he thought that these things, together 
with the king his brother's papers, and the duchess's 
papers, might serve, if not to justify the catholic 
religion to an unbiassed judgment, yet at least to 
create a favourable opinion of it. 

I read this letter in the original : for the prince 
sent it to me, together with the princess's answer, 
but with a charge not to take a copy of either, but 
to read them over as often as I pleased; which I did 
till I had fixed both pretty well ih my memory. 
And, as soon as I had sent them back, I sat down 
immediately to write out all that I remembered, 
which the princess owned to me afterwards, when 
she read the abstracts I made, were punctual almost 
to a tittle. It was easy for me to believe that this 
letter was all the king's enditing ; for I had heard it 
almost in the very same words from his own mouth. 
The letter was writ very decently, and concluded 
very modestly. The princess received this letter, as 
was told me, on the twenty-fourth of December at 
night. Next day being Christmas day, she received 
the sacrament, and was during the greatest part of 
the day in public devotions : yet she found time to 
draw first an answer, and then to write it out fair : 
and she sent it by the post on the twenty-sixth of 
December. Her draught, which the prince sent me, 
was very little blotted or altered. It was long, about 
two sheets of paper : for as an answer runs generally 
out into more length than the paper that is to be 
answered, so the strains of respect, with which her 
letter was full, drew it out to a greater length. 
Which she She began with answering another letter that 
she had received by the post ; in which the king had 


made an excuse for failing to write the former post ifis;. 

day. She was very sensible of the happiness of 

hearing so constantly from him : for no difference in 723 
religion could hinder her from desiring both his 
blessing and his prayers, though she was ever so far 
from him. As for the paper that M. Albeville de- 
livered her, he told her, that his majesty would not 
be offended, if she wrote her thoughts freely to him 
upon it. 

She hoped, he would not look on that as want of 
respect in her. She was far from sticking to the re- 
ligion in which she was bred out of a point of ho- 
nour ; for she had taken much pains to be settled in 
it upon better grounds. Those of the church of 
England who had instructed her, had freely laid be- 
fore her that which was good in the Romish reli- 
gion, that so, seeing the good and the bad of both, she 
might judge impartially ; according to the Apostle's 
rule of proving all things, and holding fast that 
which was good. Though she had come young out 
of England, yet she had not left behind her either 
the desire of being well informed, or the means for it. 
She had furnished her self with books, and had those 
about her who might clear any doubts to her. She 
saw clearly in the Scriptures, that she must work 
her own salvation with fear and trembling, and that 
she must not believe by the faith of another, but ac- 
cording as things appeared to herself. It ought to be 
no prejudice against the reformation, if many of 
those who professed it led ill lives. If any of them 
lived ill, none of the principles of their religion al- 
lowed them in it. Many of them led good lives, 
and more might do it by the grace of God. But 


1687. there were many devotions in the church of Rome, 
on which the reformed could set no value. 

She acknowledged, that, if there was an infallibi- 
lity in the church, aU other controversies must fall to 
the ground. But she could never yet be informed 
where that infallibility was lodged : whether in the 
Pope alone, or in a general council, or in both. And 
she desired to know in whom the infallibility rested, 
when there were two or three popes at a time, acting 
one against another, with the assistance of councils, 
which they caUed general : and at least the succes- 
sion was then much disordered. As for the author- 
ity that is pretended to have been given to St. Pe- 
ter over the rest, that place which was chiefly al- 
leged for it was otherwise interpreted by those of 
the church of England, as importing only the con- 
firmation of him in the office of an apostle, when in 
answer to that question, Simon, son of Jonas, lovest 
thou me f* he had by a triple confession washed off 
his triple denial. The words that the king had cited 
were spoken to the other apostles as weU as to him. 
It was agreed by all, that the apostles were infallible, 
who were guided by God's Holy Spirit. But that 
724 gift, as well as many others, had ceased long ago. 
Yet in that St. Peter had no authority over the other 
apostles : otherwise St. Paul understood our Sa- 
viour's words ill, who withstood him to his face, he- 
cause he was to he blamed. And if St. Peter him- 
self could not maintain that authority, she could not 
see how it could, be given to his successors, whose 
bad lives agreed ill with his doctrine. 

Nor did she see, why the ill use that some made 
of the Scriptures ought to deprive others of them. 


It is true, all sects made use of them, and find some- jfis;. 
what in them that tliey draw in to support their 
opinions : yet for all this our Saviour said to the 
Jews, Search the Scriptures ; and St. Paul ordered 
his Epistles to be read to all the saints in the churches; 
and he says in one place, / write as to wise men, 
judge what I say. And if they might judge an 
apostle, much more any other teacher. Under the 
law of Moses, the Old Testament was to be read, 
not only in the hearing of the scribes and the doctors 
of the law, but likewise in the hearing of the wo- 
men and children. And since God had made us » 
reasonable creatures, it seemed necessary to employ 
our reason chiefly in the matters of the greatest 
concern. Though faith was above our reason, yet it 
proposed nothing to us that was contradictory to it. 
Every one ought to satisfy himself in these things : 
as our Saviour convinced Thomas, by making him to 
thrust his own hand into the print of the nails, not 
leaving him to the testimony of the other apostles, 
who were already convinced. She was confident, that, 
if the king would hear many of his own subjects, 
they would fully satisfy him as to all those prejudices 
that he had at the reformation ; in which nothing 
was acted tumultuously, but all was done according 
to law. The design of it was only to separate from 
the Roman church, in so far as it had separated from 
the primitive church: in which they had brought 
things to as great a degree of perfection as those 
corrupt ages ,were capable of She did not see how 
the church of England could be blamed for the per- 
secution of the dissenters :.for the laws made against 
them were made by the state, and not by the church : 
and they were made for crimes against the state. 

1OS7. Their enemies had taken great care to foment the 

division, in which they had been but too successful. 
But, if he would reflect on the grounds upon which 
the church of England had separated from the 
church of Rome, he would find them to be of a very 
different nature from those for which the dissenters 
had left it. 

Thus, she concluded, she gave him the trouble of 
a long account of the grounds upon which she was 
persuaded of the truth of her religion : in which she 
was so fully satisfied, that she trusted by the grace of 
725 God that she should spend the rest of her days in it : 
and she was so well assured of the truth of our Sa- 
viour's words, that she was confident the gates 
of hell should not prevail against it, but that he 
would be with it to the end of the world. All ended 
thus, that the religion which she professed taught 
her her duty to him, so that she should ever be his 
most obedient daughter and servant. 

To this the next return of the post brought an 
answer from the king, which I saw not. But the 
account that was sent me of it was : the king took 
notice of the great progress he saw the princess had 
made in her inquiries after those matters : the 
king's business did not allow him the time that was 
necessary to enter into the detail of her letter : he 
desired, she would read those books that he had men- 
tioned to her in his former letters, and some others 
that he intended to send her : and, if she desired to 
be more fully satisfied, he proposed to her to dis- 
course about them with F. Morgan, an English Je- 
suit, then at the Hague. 
Reflections J havc sct dowu vcry minutely every particular 
ters. that was in those letters, and very near in the same 


words. It must be confessed, that persons of this 1687. 
quality seldom enter into such a discussion. The^ 
king's letter contained a studied account of the 
change of his religion, which he had repeated often : 
and it was perhaps prepared for him by some others. 
There were some things in it, which, if he had made 
a little more reflection on them, it may be supposed 
he would not have mentioned. The course of his 
own life was not so strict, as to make it likely that 
the good lives of some papists had made such im- 
pressions upon him. The easy absolutions that are 
granted in that church are a much juster prejudice 
in this respect against it, than the good lives of a 
few can be supposed to be an argument for it. The 
adorning their churches was a reflection that did no 
great honour to him that made it. The severities 
used by the church of England against the dissenters 
were urged with a very ill grace by one of the 
church of Rome, that has delighted herself so often 
by being, as it were, bathed with the blood of those 
they call heretics : and, if it had not been for the re- 
spect that a daughter paid her father, here greater 
advantages might have been taken. I had a high 
opinion of the princess's good understanding, and of 
her knowledge in those matters, before I saw this 
letter : but this surprised me. It gave me an asto- 
I nishing joy, to see so young a person all of the sud- 
den, without consulting any one person, to be able to 
write so solid and learned a letter, in which she 
mixed with the respect that she paid a father so 
great a firmness, that by it she cut off all further 
treaty. And her repulsing the attack, that the king 726 
made upon her, with so much resolution and force, 
VOL. III. o 

1687. did let the popish party see, that she understood her 

religion as well as she loved it. 
A prosecu- But HOW I must say somewhat of my self: after I 
against me. had Stayed a year in Holland, I heard from many 
hands, that the king seemed to forget his own great- 
ness when he spoke of me, which he took occasion to 
do very often. I had published some account of the 
short tour I had made in several letters ; in which 
my chief design was to expose both popery and ty- 
ranny. The book was well received, and was much 
read : and it raised the king's displeasure very high. 
My continuing at the Hague made him conclude, 
that I was managing designs against him. And some 
papers in single sheets came out, reflecting on the 
proceedings of England, which [were thought so 
well writ that they] seemed to have a considerable 
effect on those who read them. These were printed 
in Holland : and many copies of them were sent into 
all the parts of England. All which inflamed the 
king the more against me ; for he believed they were 
writ by me, as indeed most of them were. But that 
which gave the crisis to the king's anger was, that 
he heard I was to be married to a considerable for- 
tune ^i at the Hague. So a project was formed to break 
this, by charging me with high treason for corre- 
sponding with lord Argile, and for conversing with 
some that were outlawed for high treason. 

The king ordered a letter to be writ in his name 

to his advocate in Scotland to prosecute me for 

, some probable thing or other ; which was intended 

only to make a noise, not doubting but this would 

*> A phrase of the rabble. S. 


break the intended marriage. A ship coming from 1687. 
Scotland the day in which this prosecution was or- 
dered, that had a quick passage, brought me the 
first news of it, long before it was sent to D'Albeville. 
So I petitioned the States, who were then sitting, to 
be naturalized in order to my intended marriage. 
And this passed in course, without the least difficulty; 
which perhaps might have been made, if this prose- 
cution, now begun in Scotland, had been known. 
Now I was legally under the protection of the States 
of Holland. Yet I writ a full justification of my self, 
as to all particulars laid to my charge, in some let- 
ters that I sent to the earl of Middleton. But in one 
of these I said, that, being now naturalized in Hol- 
land, my allegiance was, during my stay in these 
parts, transferred from his majesty to the States ^ 
I also said in another letter, that, if upon my non- 
appearance a sentence should pass against me, I 
might be perhaps forced to justify myself, and to give 
an account of the share that I had in afiairs these 
twenty years past : in which I might be led to men- 
tion some things, that I was afraid would displease 727 
the king : and therefore I should be sorry, if I were 
driven to it. 

Now the court thought they had somewhat 
against me : for they knew they had nothing before. 
So the first citation was let fall, and a new one was 
ordered on these two accounts. It was pretended 
to be high treason, to say my allegiance was now 
transferred : and it was set forth, as a high indig- 
nity to the king, to threaten him with writing a 
history of the transactions passed these last twenty 

^ Civilians deny that, but I agree with him. S. 
O 2 


1637. years. The first of these struck at a great point, 
which was a part of the law of nations. Every 
man that was naturalized took an oath of allegiance 
to the prince or state that naturalized him. And, 
since no man can serve two masters, or be under a 
douljle allegiance, it is certain, that there must be a 
transfer of allegiance, at least during the stay in the 
country where one is so naturalized. 

This matter was kept up against me for some 
time, the court delaying proceeding to any sentence 
for several months. At last a sentence of outlawry 
was given : and upon that Albeville said, that, if the 
States would not deliver me up, he would find such 
instruments as should seize on me, and carry me 
away forcibly. The methods he named of doing 
this were very ridiculous. And he spoke of it to so 
many persons, that I believe his design was rather 
to frighten me, than that he could think to effect 
them. Many overtures were made to some of my 
friends in London, not only to let this prosecution 
fall, but to promote me, if I would make my self 
capable of it. I entertained none of these. I had 
many stories brought me of the discourses among 
some of the brutal Irish, then in the Dutch service. 
But, I thank God, I was not moved with them. I re- 
solved to go on, and to do my duty, and to do what 
service I could to the public and to my country : and 
resigned my self up entirely to that Providence that 
had watched over me to that time with an indulgent 
care, and had made all the designs of my enemies 
against me turn to my great advantage. 

1688. I come now to the year 1688, which proved me- 
moraWe, and produced an extraordinary and un- 


heard of revolution ^ The year in this century i6b8. 
made all people reflect on the same year in the foi*- 
mer century, in which the power of Spain received 
so great a check, that the decline of that monarchy 
began then ; and England was saved from an inva- 
sion, that, if it had succeeded as happily as it was 
well laid, must have ended in the absolute conquest 
and utter loiin of the nation. Our books are so fidl 
of all that related to that armada, boasted to lje in- 
vincible, that I need add no more of so known and 
so remarkable a piece of our history. A new eighty- 728 
eight raised new expectations, in which the sui*pris- 
ing events did far exceed all that could have been 
looked for. 

I begin the year with Albeville's negotiation after Aibcviiu** 

. TT TT 1 /> • • meiuoriiil to 

his commg to the Hague. He had before his going the states, 
over given in a threatening memorial upon the l)usi- 
ness of Bantam, that looked like a prelude of a de- 
claration of war; for he demanded a present an- 
swer, since the king could no longer bear the in- 
justice done him in that matter, which was set forth 
in very high words. He sent this memorial to l>e 
printed at Amsterdam, before he had communicated 
it to the States. The chief effect that this had was, 
that the actions of the company did sink for some 
days. But they rose soon again : and by this it 
was said, that Albeville himself made the greatest 
gain. The East India fleet was then expected 
home every day. So the merchants, who remem- 
bered weU the business of the Smirna fleet in the 
year seventy-two, did apprehend that the king had 
sent a fleet to intercept them, and that this memo- 

» The Devil's in that, sure all Europe heard of it. S. 



1688. rial was intended only to prepare an apology for 
that breach, when it should happen : but nothing of 
that sort followed upon it. The States did answer 
this memorial with another, that was firm, but more 
decently expressed : by their last treaty with Eng- 
land it was provided, that in case any disputes 
should arise between the merchants of either side, 
commissioners should be named of both sides to 
hear and judge the matter: the king had not yet 
named any of his side : so that the delay lay at his 
door : they were therefore amazed to receive a me- 
morial in so high a strain, since they had done all 
that by the treaty was incumbent on them. Albe- 
ville after this gave in another memorial, in which 
he desired them to send over commissioners for 
ending that dispute. But, though this was a great 
fall from the height in which the former memorial 
was conceived, yet in this the thing was so ill ap- 
prehended, that the Dutch had reason to believe 
that the king's ministers did not know the treaty, 
or were not at leisure to read it : for, according to 
the treaty, and the present posture of that business, 
the king was obliged to send over commissioners to 
the Hague to judge of that affair. When this me- 
morial was answered, and the treaty was examined, 
the matter was let fall. 

Albeville's next negotiation related to my self. I 
had printed a paper in justification of my self, together 
with my letters to the earl of Middleton. And he in 
a memorial complained of two passages in that paper. 
One was, that I said it was yet too early to perse- 
cute men for religion, and therefore crimes against 
the state were pretended by my enemies : this, he 
said, did insinuate, that the king did in time intend 


to persecute for religion. The other was, that I 1688. 
had put in it an intimation, that I was in danger by ^^Tj 
some of the Irish papists. This, he said, was a re- 
flection on the king, who hated all such practices. 
And to this he added, that by the laws of England 
all the king's subjects were bound to seize on any 
person that was condemned in his courts, in what 
manner soever they could : and therefore he desired, 
that both I and the printer of that paper might be 
punished. But now upon his return to the Hague, 
I being outlawed by that time, he demanded, that, 
in pursuance of an article of the treaty that related 
to rebels or fugitives, I might be banished the Pro- 
vinces. And to this he craved once and again a 
speedy answer. 

I was called before the deputies of the States of 
Holland, that I might answer the two memorials 
that lay before them relating to my self. I ob- 
served the difference between them. The one de- 
sired, that the States would punish me, which did 
acknowledge me to be their subject. The other, in 
contradiction to that, laid claim to me as the king's 
rebel. As to the particulars complained of, I had 
made no reflection on the king ; but to the contrary. 
I said, my enemies found it was not yet time to 
persecute for religion. This insinuated, that the 
king could not be brought to it. And no person 
could be offended with this, but he who thought it 
was now not too early to i)ersecute. As to that of 
the danger in which I apprehended my self to be in, 
I had now more reason than l)efore to complain of 
it, since the envoy had so publicly affirmed, that 
every one of the king's subjects might seize on any 
one that was condemned, in what manner soever 

o 4 


1688. they could, which was either dead or alive. I was 
' now the subject of the States of Holland, naturalized 

in order to a marriage among them, as they all 
knew : and therefore I claimed their protection. 
So, if I was charged with any thing that was not 
according to law, I submitted my self to their jus- 
tice. I should decline no trial, nor the utmost seve- 
rity, if I had offended in any thing. As for the two 
memorials that claimed me as a fugitive and a re- 
bel, I could not be looked on as a fugitive from 
Scotland. It was now fourteen years since I had 
left that kingdom, and three since I came out of 
England with the king's leave. I had lived a year 
in the Hague openly : and nothing was laid to my 
charge. As for the sentence that was pretended to 
be passed upon me, I could say nothing to it, till I 
saw a copy of it. 
The states' The Statcs wcrc fully satisfied with my answers ; 

answer to j j 

what reiat- and Ordered a memorial to be drawn according to 
them. They also ordered their ambassador to re- 
present to the king, that he himself knew how sa- 
cred a thing naturalization was. The faith and 
730 honour of every state was concerned in it. 1 had 
been naturalized upon marrying one of their sub- 
jects, which was the justest of all reasons. If the 
king had any thing to lay to my charge, justice 
should be done in their courts. The king took the 
matter very iU ; and said, it was an affront to him, 
and a just cause of war ^ Yet, after much passion, 
he said, he did not intend to make war upon it ; for 
he was not then in condition to do it. But he 
knew there were designs against him, to make war 
on him, against which he should take care to secure 
* Vain fop. S. 


himself: and he should be on his guard. The am- 1688. 
bassador asked him, of whom he meant that. But ' 

he did not think fit to explain himself further. He 
ordered a third memorial to be put in against me, 
in which the article of the treaty was set forth : but 
no notice was taken of the answers made to that by 
the States : but it was insisted on, that, since the 
States were bound not to give sanctuary to fugitives 
and rebels, they ought not to examine the grounds 
on which such judgments were given, but were 
bound to execute the treaty. Upon this it was ob- 
served, that the words in treaties ought to be ex- 
plained according to their common acceptation, or 
the sense given them in the civil law, and not ac- 
cording to any particular forms of courts, where for 
non-appearance a writ of outlawry or rebellion might 
lie : the sense of the word rebel in common use was, 
a man that had borne arms, or had plotted against 
his prince : and a. fugitive was a man that fled from 
justice. The heat with which the king seemed in- 
flamed against me, carried him to say and do many 
things that were very little to his honour, [and too 
much of unjust and impotent passion.] 

I had advertisements sent me of a further pro- other de- 
gress in his designs against me. He had it suggested against me. 
to him, that, since a sentence was passed against me 
for non-appearance, and the States refused to deliver 
me up, he might order private persons to execute 
the sentence as they could : and it was writ over 
very positively, that 5000/. would be given to any 
one that should murder me. A gentleman of an 
unblemished reputation writ me word, that he him- 
self by accident saw an order drawn in the secreta- 
ries' office, but not yet signed, for 3000/. to a blank 

1688. person that was to seize or destroy me. And he 

also affirmed, that prince George had heard of the 
same thing, and had desired the person to whom 
he trusted it to convoy the notice of it to me : 
and my author was employed by that person to 
send the notice to me ". The king asked Jefferies, 
what he might do against me in a private way, 
now that he could not get me into his hands. Jef- 
feries answered, he did not see how the king could 
731 do any more than he had done. He told this to 
Mr. Kirk to send it to me : for he concluded, the 
king was resolved to proceed to extremities, and 
only wanted the opinion of a man of the law to 
justify a more violent method. I had so many 
different advertisements sent me of this, that I 
concluded a whisper of such a design might have 
been set about, on design to frighten me into some 
mean submission, or into silence at least. But it 
had no other effect on me, but that I thought it fit 
to stay more within doors, and to use a little more 
than ordinary caution. I thank God, I was very 
little concerned at it. I resigned up my life veiy 
freely to God. I knew my own innocence, and the 
root of aU the malice that was against me. And I 
never possessed my own soul in a more perfect calm, 
and in a clearer cheerfulness of spirit, than I did 
during all those threatenings, and the apprehensions 
that others were in concerning me *. 
PeMioner Soou after this, a letter writ by Fagel the pen- 
letter. " (The person intended is letter, dated from the Hague, 
' lord Ossorj-, afterwards duke of March 14, 1688, is inserted in 
Ormond, as appears in the let- the Bishop's Life written by 
ter from the bishop's corre- his son, p. 695.) 
sppndent, captain Baxter, whose * A modest account of his 
father was at that time steward own magnanimity. S. 
of the Ormond estate. The 


sioner of Holland was printed : which leads me to igss. 

look back a little into a transaction that passed the 

former year. There was one Steward, a lawyer of 
Scotland, a man of great parts, and of as great am- 
bition. He had given over the practice of the law, 
because all that were admitted to the bar in Scot- 
land were required to renounce the covenant, which 
he would not do. This recommended him to the 
confidence of that whole party. They had made 
great use of him, and trusted him entirely. Pen 
had engaged him, who had been long considered by 
the king as the chief manager of all the rebellions 
and plots that had been on foot these twenty years 
past, more particularly of Argile's, to come over: 
and he undertook, that he should not only be re- 
ceived into favour, but into confidence. He came, 
before he crossed the seas, to the prince, and pro- 
mised an inviolable fidelity to him, and to the com- 
mon interests of religion and liberty. He had been 
oft with the pensioner, and had a great measure of 
his confidence. Upon his coming to court, he was 
caressed to a degree that amazed all who knew him. 
He either believed, that the king was sincere in the 
professions he made, and that his designs went no 
further than to settle a full liberty of conscience : or 
he thought, that it became a man who had been so 
long in disgrace, not to shew any jealousies at first, 
when the king was so gracious to him. He under- 
took to do all that lay in his power to advance his 
designs in Scotland, and to represent his intentions 
so at the Hague, as might incline the prince to a 
better opinion of them. 

He opened all this in several letters to the pen- 
sioner. And in these he pressed him vehemently, 


1688. in the king's name, and by his direction, to persuade 
""" the prince to concur with the king in procuring the 
laws to be repealed. He laid before him the incon- 
siderable number of the papists : so that there was 
no reason to apprehend much from them. He also 
enlarged on the severities that the penal laws had 
brought on the dissenters. The king was resolved 
not to consent to the repealing them, unless the 
tests were taken away with them : so that the re- 
fusing to consent to this might at another time 
bring them under another severe prosecution. 
Steward, after he had writ many letters to this pur- 
pose without receiving any answers, tried if he 
could serve the king in Scotland with more success, 
than it seemed he was like to have at the Hague. 
But he found there, that his old friends were now 
much aUenated from him, looking on him as a per- 
son entirely gained by the court. 

The pensioner laid all his letters before the 
prince. They were also brought to me. The 
prince upon this thought, that a full answer made 
by FageU, in such a manner as that it might be 
pubUshed as a declaration of his intentions, might 
be of service to him in many respects ; chiefly in 
popish courts, that were on civil accounts inclined 
to an alliance against France, but were now pos- 
sessed with an opinion of the prince, and of his 
party in England, as designing nothing but the ruin 
and extirpation of all the papists in those kingdoms. 
So the pensioner wrote a long answer to Steward, 
which was put in English by me. 

He began it with great assurances of the prince 
and princess's duty to the king. They were both of 
them much against all persecution on the account 


of religion. They freely consented to the covering 1688. 
papists from the severities of the laws made against 
them on the account of their religion, and also that 
they might have the free exercise of it in private. 
They also consented to gi-ant a full liberty to dis- 
senters. But they could not consent to the repeal 
of those laws that tended only to the securing the 
protestant religion ; such as those concerning the 
tests, which imported no punishment, but only an 
incapacity of being in public employments, which 
could not be complained of as great severities. This 
was a caution observed in all nations, and was now 
necessaiy, both for securing the public peace and 
the established religion. If the numbers of the 
papists were so small as to make them inconsider- 
able, then it was not reasonable to make such a 
change for the sake of a few. And if those few, 
that pretended to public employments, would do all 
their own party so great a prejudice, as not to suf- 
fer the king to be content with the repeal of the 
f)enal laws, unless they could get into the offices of 
trust, then their ambition was only to be blamed, if 
the offers now made were not accepted. The mat- 733 
ter was very strongly argued through the whole let- 
ter : and the prince and princess's zeal for the pro- 
testant religion was set out in terms that could not 
be very acceptable to the king. The letter was 
carried by Steward to the king, and was brought by 
him into the cabinet council. But nothing followed 
then upon it. The king ordered Steward to write 
back, that he would either have all or nothing. All 
the lay-papists of England, who were not engaged 
in the intrigues of the priests, pressed earnestly that 


1688. the king would accept of the repeal of the penal 
laws ; which was offered, and would have made 
them both easy and safe for the future. The em- 
peror was fuUy satisfied with what was offered ; and 
promised to use his interest at Rome, to get the 
pope to write to the king to accept of this, as a step 
to the other : but I could not learn whether he did 
it, or not. If he did, it had no effect. The king 
was in aU points governed by the Jesuits and the 
French ambassador. 
Father Father Petre, as he had been long in the confi- 

aprTvy dcucc, was DOW brought to the council board, and 
counsellor, j^q^q ^ privy couuscllory : and it was given out, that 
the king was resolved to get a cardinal's cap for 
him, and to make him archbishop of York. The 
pope was still firm to his resolution against it. But 
it was hoped, that the king would conquer it, if not 
in the present, yet at furthest in the next pontifi- 
cate. The king resolved at the same time not to 
disgust the secular priests: so bishop Leybum, whom 
cardinal Howard had sent over with the episcopal 
character, was made much use of in appearance, 
though he had no great share in the counsels. 
There was a faction formed between the seculars 
and the Jesuits, which was sometimes near breaking 
out into an open rupture. But the king was so par- 
tial to the Jesuits, that the others found they were 
not on equal terms with them. There were three 
other bishops consecrated for England. And these 
four were ordered to make a progress and circuit 

y And to gratify the dissent- (afterwards created lord Bar- 
ers, Christopher Vane, son to nard by king William,) was 
the famous sir Henry Vane, sworn at the same time. D. 


over England, confirming, and doing other episcopal 1688. 

offices, in all the parts of England. Great numbers 

gathered about them, wheresoever they went. 

The Jesuits thought all was sure, and that their Tbeconfi- 
scheme was so well laid that it could not miscarry. th°*je»uiu. 
And they had so possessed that contemptible tool of 
theirs, Albeville, with this, that he seemed upon his 
return to the Hague to be so sanguine, that he did 
not stick to speak out what a wiser man would have 
suppressed, though he had believed it. One day, 
when the prince was speaking of the promises the 
king had made, and the oath that he had sworn to 
maintain the laws and the established church, he, 
instead of pretending that the king still kept his 
word, said, Upon some occasions princes must forget 734 
their promises. And, when the prince said that the 
king ought to have more regard to the church of 
England, which was the main body of the nation, 
Albeville answered, that the body which he called 
the church of England would not have a being two 
years to an end. Thus he spoke out the designs of 
the court both too early and too openly. But at 
the same time he behaved himself in all other re- 
spects so poorly, that he became the jest of the 
Hague. The foreign ministers, Mr. D'Avaux the 
French ambassador not excepted, did not know how 
to excuse or bear with his weakness, which appeared 
on all occasions and in all companies. 

What he wrote to England upon his first audi- The pen- 
ences was not known. But it was soon alter spread t«rw«. 
up and down the kingdom, very artificially and with p"" 
much industry, that the prince and princess had 
now consented to the repeal of the tests, as well as 
of the penal laws. This was writ over by many 


1688- hands to the Hague. The prince, to prevent the ill 
effects that might follow on such reports, gave or- 
ders to print the pensioner's letter to Steward ; 
which was sent to all the parts of England, and was 
received with an universal joy. The dissenters saw 
themselves now safe in his intentions towards them. 
The church party was confirmed in their zeal for 
maintaining the tests. And the lay-papists seemed 
likewise to be so well pleased with it, that they com- 
plained of those ambitious priests, and hungry cour- 
tiers, who were resolved, rather than lay down their 
aspirings and other projects, to leave them still ex- 
posed to the severities of the laws, though a freedom 
from these was now offered to them. But it was 
not easy to judge whether this was sincerely meant 
by them, or if it was only a popular art, to recom- 
mend themselves under such a moderate appearance. 
The court saw the hurt that this letter did them. 
At first they hoped to have stifled it by calling it an 
imposture. But when they were driven from that ^, 
the king began to speak severely and indecently of 
the px'ince, not only to all about him, but even to 
foreign ministers : and resolved to put such marks 
of his indignation upon him, as should let all the 
world see how deep it was. 
The king There were six regiments of the king's subjects, 
regiments three EugUsh and three Scotish, in the service of 
j*ects*irthe the Statcs. Some of them were old regiments, that 
viM*r ^"' ^^^ continued in their service during the two wars 
in the late king's reign. Others were raised since 
the peace in seventy-three. But these came not 

' (By the pensionary's letter in England. See Ralph's Hist, 
of complaint to Albeville, which of England, vol. i. p. 979-) 
was taken care to be published 


into their service under any capitulation, that had 1688. 
reserved an authority to the king to call for them at ' " 

his pleasure. When Argile and Monmouth made 735 
their invasion, the king desired that the States would 
lend them to him. Some of the towns of Holland 
were so jealous of the king, and wished Monmouth's 
success so much, that the prince found some diffi- 
culty in obtaining the consent of the States to send 
them over. There was no distinction made among 
them between papists and protestants, according to 
a maxim of the States with relation to their armies : 
so there were several papists in those regiments. 
And the king had shewed such particular kindness 
to these, while they were in England, that at their 
return they formed a faction which was breeding 
great distractions among them. This was very un- 
easy to the prince, who began to see that he might 
have occasion to make use of those bodies, if things 
should be carried to a rupture between the king and 
him : and yet he did not know how he could trust 
them, while such officers were in command. He did 
not see neither how he could get rid of them well. 
But the king helped him out of that difficulty : he 
wrote to the States, that he had occasion for the six 
regiments of his subjects that were in their service, 
and desired that they should be sent over to him. 

This demand was made all of the sudden, without which wa. 

„ , _ J. refused, but 

any previous application to any of the States, to dis- the officen 
pose them to grant it, or to many of the officers to ,„ g„*"'* 
persuade them to ask their cong^ to go over. The 
States pretended the regiments were theirs: they 
had paid levy money for them, and had them un- 
der no capitulation: so they excused themselves, 
that they could not part with them. But they gave 


1688. orders, that all the officers that should ask theu* 
conge should have it. Thuly or forty came and 
asked, and had then- conge. So now the prince was 
delivered from some troublesome men by this ma- 
nagement of the king's. Upon that, these bodies were 
so modeled, that the prince knew that he might de- 
pend entirely on them : and he was no more dis- 
turbed by those insolent officers, who had for some 
years behaved themselves rather as enemies, than as 
persons in the States' pay. 

The discourse of a parliament was often taken up, 
and as often let fall : and it was not easy to judge 
in what such fluctuating counsels would end. Father 
Petre had gained such an ascendant, that he was 
considered as the first minister of state ". The nun- 
tio had moved the king to interpose, and mediate a 
reconciliation between the court of Rome and France. 
But he answered, that since the pope would not gra- 
tify him in the promotion of father Petre, he would 
leave him to free himself of the trouble into which 
he had involved himself the best way he could. And 
736 our court reckoned, that as soon as the pope felt 
himself pressed, he -would fly to the king for protec- 
tion, and grant him every thing that he asked of 
him in order to obtain it. That Jesuit gave daily 
new proofs of a weak and ill governed passion, and 

* (The minister, who appears other's treachery. See also note 
in every act and transaction at below at p. 755, and at vol. ii. 
this time, and was addressed p. 207. But compare the earl's 
on all occasions by the king's vindication of himself in a let- 
subjects, was the earl of Sun- ter inserted both in the History 
derland, he only and Petre be- of the Desertion, p. 27, and in 
ing of the secret council; nor the third vol. of Cogan's Tracts, 
did the king break with him till which letter is noticed in a note 
all was in confiision, and he below, p. 755.) 
-found himself mined by the 


discovered all the ill qualities of one, that seemed i68S. 
raised up to be the common incendiary, and to drive 
the king and his party to the precipice. 

Towards the end of April the kinff thought fit to ^ new de- 

111 • 1,1, 7o claration 

renew the declaration that he had set out the former fur toiera- 
year for liberty of conscience ; with an addition, de- '""' 
daring that he would adhere firmly to it, and that 
he would put none in any public employments, but 
such as would concur with him in maintaining it. 
He also promised, that he would hold a parliament 
in the November following. This promise of a par- 
liament so long beforehand was somewhat extraor- 
dinary. Both father Petre and Pen engaged the 
king to it, but with a different prospect. Pen, and 
all the tools who were employed by him, had still 
some hopes of carrying a pai'liament to agree with 
the king, if too much time was not lost : whereas 
the delaying a parliament raised jealousies, as if 
none were intended, but that it was only talked of 
to amuse the nation, till other designs were ripe, if 
On the other hand, father Petre and his cabal 
saw that the king was kept off from many things 
that they proposed, with the expectation of the con- 
currence of a parliament : and the fear of giving 
new disgusts, which might obstruct that, had begot 
a caution that was very uneasy to them. 7'hey 
thought that much time was already lost, and that 
they made but a small progress. They began to ap- 
prehend, that the regulators, who were still feeding 
them with hopes, and were asking more time and 
more money, did intend only to amuse them, and to 
wear out the business into more length, and to keep 
themselves the longer in credit and in pay; but that 
they did not in their hearts wish well to the main 

V 2 


1688. design, and therefore acted but an insincere part 
with the king. Therefore they resolved to put that 
matter to the last trial, reckoning that, if the king 
saw it was in vain to hope for any thing in a parlia- 
mentary way, he might be more easily carried to 
extreme and violent methods. 
Which the The king was not satisfied with the publishing his 
ordSd^tT declaration : but he resolved to obhge the clergy to 
"**^* read it in all their churches in the time of divine 
service. And now it appeared what bad effects 
were like to follow on that officious motion that San- 
croft had made, for obliging the clergy to read the 
declaration that king Charles set out in the year 
1681, after the dissolution of the Oxford parlia- 
737 ment ^. An order passed in council, requiring the 
bishops to send copies of the declaration to all their 
clergy, and to order them to read it on two several 
Sundays in time of divine service. 

This put the clergy under great difficulties. And 
they were at first much divided about it. Even 
many of the best and worthiest of them were under 
some distraction of thought. They had many meet- 
ings, and argued the point long among themselves 
in and about London. On the one hand it was said, 
that if they refused to read it, the king would pro- 

** ("It is certain that such same time to the Continuation 

" an order was made, and the of Baker's Chron. and to the 

" clergy complied wtli it ; but third vol. of the Complete Hist. 

" that it was made at the ex- of England. Probably the bi- 

" press instance of archbishop shop had good grounds for his 

,** Bancroft, seems to rest on no repeated assertion ; andalthough 

*' other authority than that of the archbishop's intention was 

"Burnet." D'Oyhfs Life of loyal and praiseworthy, yet per- 

Sancroft, vol. i. p. 252. Mac- haps the less the church has to 

pherson, in his Hist, of England, do with politics, except in cases 

vol. i. p. 35 1, mentions the cir- where fundamental points are 

cuntistance, referring at the concerned, the better.) 


ceed against them for disobedience. It did not seem 1688. 

reasonable to run so great a hazard upon such a 

point, that was not strong enough to bear the conse- 
quences that might follow on a breach. Their read- 
ing it did not import their approving it : but was 
only a publication of an act of their king's. So it 
was proposed, to save the whole by making some 
declaration, that their reading it was a mere act of 
obedience, and did not import any assent and appro- 
bation of theirs. Others thought, that the publishing 
this in such manner was only imposed on them to 
make them odious and contemptible to the whole 
nation, for reading that which was intended for their 
ruin. If they carried their compliance so far, that 
might provoke the nobility and gentry to carry theirs 
much further. If they once yielded the point, that 
they were bound to read every declaration, with this 
salvo, that it did not import their approving it, they 
woidd be then bound to read every thing that should 
be sent to them : the king might make declarations 
in favour of all the points of popery, and require 
them to read them : and they could not see where 
they must make their stops, if they did it not now. 
So it seemed necessary to fix on this, as a rule, that 
they ought to publish nothing in time of divine ser- 
vice, but that which they approved of The point 
at present was not, whether a toleration was a law- 
ful or an expedient thing. The declaration was 
founded on the claim of a dispensing power, which 
the king did now assume, that tended to the total 
subversion of the government, and the making it ar- 
bitrary ; whereas by the constitution it was a legal 
administration. It also allowed such an infinite li- 
berty, with the suspension of all penal laws, and 


1688. tliat without any limitation, that paganism it self 

^miglit be now publicly professed. It was visible, 
that the design in imposing the reading of it on 
them, was only to make them ridiculous, and to 
make them contribute to their own ruin. As for the 
danger that they might incur, they saw their ruin 
was resolved on : and nothing they could do was Uke 
to prevent it, unless they would basely sacrifice their 
religion to their worldly interests. It would be per- 
738 haps a year sooner or later by any other manage- 
ment : it was therefore fit, that they should prepare 
themselves for suffering ; and not endeavour to pre- 
vent it by doing that which would draw on them 
the hatred of their friends and the scorn of their 
To which These reasons prevailed : and they resolved not 
no7gh°e"' to read the declaration. They saw of what import- 
obedience. ^j^^.^ j^ ^j^g^ ^^^^ Q^^j should bc uuanimous in this. 

Nothing could be of more fatal consequence than 
their being divided in their practice. For, if any 
considerable body of the clergy, such as could carry 
the name of the church of England, could have been 
prevailed on to give obedience, and only some num- 
ber, how valuable soever the men might be, should 
refuse to obey ; then the court might still pretend 
that they would maintain the church of England, 
and single out all those who had not given obedi-^ 
ence, and fall on them, and so break the church 
within it self upon this point, and then destroy the 
one half by the means of the rest. The most emi- 
nent resolved not to obey : and those who might be 
prevailed on to comi3ly would by that means fall 
under such contempt, that they could not have the 
credit or strength to support the estalilished religion. 


The court depended upon this, that the greater part 1688. 
would obey : and so they would be furnished with a 
point of state, to give a colour for turning out the 
disobedient, who were like to be the men that stood 
most in their way, and crossed their designs most, 
both with their learning and credit. 

Those fe'v^ bishops that were engaged in the de- 
sign of betraying the church, were persuaded that 
this would be the event of the matter : and they 
possessed the king with the hope of it so positively, 
that he seemed to depend upon it. The correspond- 
ence over England was managed with that secrecy, 
that these resolutions were so communicated to the 
clergy in the country, that they were generally en- 
gaged to agree in their conduct, before the court 
came to apprehend that they would be so unani- 
mous, as it proved in conclusion that they were. 

The archbishop of Canterbury, Bancroft, resolved The arch- 

. . 1 1 . 1 bishop and 

upon this occasion to act suitably to his post and s.x bi»hop« 
character. He wrote round his province, and de-ff^'^"*" 
.sired that such of the bishops as were able would 
come up, and consult together in a matter of this 
great concern : and he asked the opinion of those 
whom their age and infirmities disa])led from taking 
the journey. He found, that eigliteen of the bishops, 
and the main body of the clergy, concurred in the 
resolution against reading the declaration. So he, 
with six of the bishops that came up to London, re- 
solved in a petition to the king to lay Ijefore him 
the reasons that determined them not to oliey the 
order of council that had been sent them : this flowed 739 
from no want of respect to his majesty's authority, 
nor from any unwillingness to let favour Ik? shewed 
to dissenters ; in relation to whom they were willing 

p 4 


1688. to come to such a temper, as should be thought fit, 
when that matter should be considered and settled 
in parliament and convocation : but this declaration 
being founded on such a dispensing power, as had 
been often declared illegal in parliament, both in the 
year I662, and in the year 1672, and in the begin- 
ning of his own reign ; and was a matter of so great 
consequence to the whole nation, both in church and 
state ; they could not in prudence, honour, and con- 
science, make themselves so far parties to it, as the 
publication of it once and again in God's house, and 
in the time of divine service, must amount to. 

The archbishop was then in an ill state of health '^. 
So he sent over the six bishops with the petition to 
the king, signed by himself and the rest. The king 
was much surprised with this, being flattered and 
deceived by his spies. Cartwright, bishop of Ches- 
ter, was possessed with a story that was too easily 
believed by him, and was by him carried to the king, 
who was very apt to believe every thing that suited 
with his own designs. The story was, that the bi- 
shops intended by a petition to the king to let him 
understand that orders of this kind used to be ad- 
dressed to their chancellors, but not to themselves ; 
and to pray him to continue that method : and that 
by this means they hoped to get out of this diffi- 
culty. This was very acceptable to the court, and 
procured the bishops a quick admittance. And they 
had proceeded so carefuUy, that nothing concerted 
among them had broken out ; for they had been very 
secret and cautious. The king, when he heard their 

*^ (He had been forbidden the cited just below. See also Dr. 
court almost two years before ; D'Oyly's Life of the Arch- 
according to the Sancroft MSS. bishop, vol. i. p. 265.) 


petition, and saw his mistake, spoke roughly to 1688. 

them. He said, he was their king, and he would 

be obeyed : and they should be made to feel what it 
was to disobey him''. The six bishops were St. 
Asaph, Ely, Bath and Wells, Peterborough, Chi- 
chester, and Bristol «=. The answer they made the 
king was in these words : The will of God be done. 
And they came from the court in a sort of triumph. 
Now matters were brought to a crisis. The king 
was engaged on his part, as the bishops were on 
theirs. So all people looked on with great expec- 
tations, reckoning that upon the issue of this busi- 
ness a great decision would be made, both of the de- 
signs of the court, and of the temper of the nation. 

The king consulted for some days with all that 
were now employed by him, what he should do 
upon this emergent ; and talked with people of all 
persuasions. Lob, an eminent man among the dis- 740 
senters, who was entirely gained to the court, ad- 
vised the king to send the bishops to the tower. Fa- 
ther Petre seemed now as one transported with 
joy : for he thought the king was engaged to break 
with the church of England. And it was reported, 
that he broke out into that indecent expression upon 
it, that they should be made to eat their own dung. 
The king was long in doubt. Some of the popish 
nobility pressed him earnestly to let the matter fall ^ 

^ (ft is strongest expressions Trelawney, of an ancient fa- 
were, " This is a standard of niily in Cornwall. The burden 
"rebellion," and, "I will be of a song composed at that time 
" obeyed in publishing my de- is still remembered : 
" claration." Appendix from t< And shnll Trelawney die ! And 
Archbishop SancrofVs MSS. to (hall Trelawney die ! 

L(yrd CUirendon't State Papers, " Then thirty thousand Comidi boys 
vol. ii. p. 291.) "'" '"'"'' '^' """" ^•'^"^ 

^ (The bishop of Bristol was ' (Lord Arundel of Wardour, 


1688. For noW it appeared, that the body of the clergy 
were resolved not to read the declaration. Those 
who did obey were few and inconsiderable. Only 
seven obeyed in the city of London, and not above 
two hundred aU England over : and of these some 
read it the first Sunday, but changed their minds be- 
fore the second : others declared in their sermons, 
that though they obeyed the order, they did not ap- 
prove of the declaration : and one, more pleasantly 
than gravely, told his people, that, though he was 
obliged to read it, they were not obliged to hear it ; 
and he stopt till they all went out, and then he read it 
to the walls : in many places, as soon as the minister 
began to read it, all the people rose and went out ^. 

The king did what he could to encourage those 
that did obey his order. Parker, bishop of Oxford, 
died about this time. He wrote a book against the 
tests full of petulant scurrility, of which I shall only 
give one instance. He had reflected much on the 
-whole popish plot, and on Oates's evidence : and 
upon that he called the test, the sacrament of the 
Oatesian villany'\ He treated the parUament that 

who was then privy seal, told school, and heard it read in the 

my father, he could not ima- abbey. As soon as bishop 

•gine what their hot-headed Sprat, who was dean, gave or- 

fools would drive things to, der for reading it, there was so 

but he knew most of them were great a murmur and noise in the 

ignorant enough to take Magna church, that nobody could hear 

Charta for an invention of him : but before he had fi- 

Harry the Vlllth. D. (Lord nished, there was none left but 

Arundel was one of the Roman a few prebends in their stalls, 

catholic lords who assisted the the queristers, and Westminster 

queen's endeavours to prevent scholars. The bishop could 

father Petre from being brought hardly hold the proclamation in 

into the privy council. See his hands for trembling, and 

Higgons's Short View of Eng- every body looked under a 

lish Hist. p. 329.) strange consternation, D. 
« 1 was then at Westminster ^ The bishop of Oxford, in his 


enacted the tests with a scorn that no popish writer 1688. 
had yet ventured on : and he said much to excuse 
transubstantiation, and to free the church of Rome 
from the charge of idolatry. This raised such a 
disgust of him, even in those that had been formerly 
but too much influenced by him, that, when he 
could not help seeing that, he sunk upon it. I was 
desu'ed to answer his book with the severity that he 
deserved : and I did it with an acrimony of style, 
that nothing but such a time and such a man could 
in any sort excuse. It was said, the king sent him 
my papers, hearing that no body else durst put them 
in his hands, hoping that it would raise his indigna- 
tion, and engage him to answer them. [But it was 
thought that helped to put an end to the life of the 
worst tempered man I ever knew, for he died within 
a week after.] And one Hall, a conformist in Lon- 
don, who was looked on as half a presbyterian, yet, 
because he read the declaration, was made bishop of 
Oxford. One of the popish bishops was upon the 
king's mandamus chosen by the illegal fellows of 
Magdalen college their president '. The sense of the 

Reasons for abrogating the nilsh religion having been pre- 
Test&c. p. 5. had really called viously made fellows, and their 
it " the first-born of Oates's form of worship set up in the 
" plot," and added, " it was college chapel. The candle- 
" brought forth on purpose to sticks used at it were not long 
" give credit and reputation to since preserved in the bursary. 
" the perjury.") In the August following, doctor 
» (It was Bonaventure Gif- Thomas Smith, mentioned a- 
fard, a doctor of the Sorbonne, bove, a man of great celebrity 
wlio had been consecrated a bi- in the literary world, was de- 
shop, as bishop of Madaura in prived by them of his fellow- 
Africa, and was one of the four ship, for non-residence in col- 
papal vicars in England. He lege. When restored he \vns 
became president in March again deprived in 169a, for ad- 
1688, twelve persons of the Ro- hering to the late king.) 


i6S8. nation, as well as of the clergy, had appeared so sig- 

' nally on this occasion, that it was visible, that the 

king had not only the seven petitioning bishops to 

741 deal with, but the body of the whole nation, both 

clergy and laity. 

The king The violcnt advices of father Petre and the Je- 

ordered the 

bishops to suit party were so fatally suited to the king's own 

be prose- t • i i -i i 

cutedforit. temper and passion, that they prevailed over the 
wiser counsels of almost aU. that were advised with. 
But the king, before he would bring the matter to 
the council, secretly engaged all the privy counsel- 
lors to concur with him : and, after a fortnight's 
consultation, the bishops were cited to appear before 
the council. The petition was offered to them ; and 
they were asked, if they owned it to be their pe- 
tition. They answered, it seemed they were to be 
proceeded against upon that account : so they hoped 
the king would not press them to a confession, and 
then make use of it against them : after they had 
offered this, they owned the petition. They were 
next charged with the publication of it ; for it was 
then printed. But they absolutely denied that was 
done by their means. The archbishop had written 
the petition aU in his own hand, without employing 
any person to copy it out : and though there was 
one draught written of the petition, as it was agreed 
on, from which he had written out the original 
which they had all signed, yet he had kept that still 
in his own possession, and had never shewn it to any 
person : so it was not published by them : that must 
have been done by some of those to whom the king 
had shewed it ^. 

^ (BevillHiggons, in his Short " that it must have been in the 
View, p. 333, says, "All agreed, " press, if not before, by the 


They were in the next place required to enter into 1688. 
bonds to appear in the court of the king's bench, and 1 hey were 
answer to an information of misdemeanor. They ex- J^^\J" ^'** 
cepted to this ; and said, that by their peerage they 
were not bound to do it. Upon their insisting on 
this, they were sent to the tower, by a warrant 
signed by the whole board, except father Petre, 
who was passed over by the king's order. This set all 
the whole city into the highest fermentation that was 
ever known in memory of man. The bishops were 
sent by water to the tower : and all along as they 
passed, the banks of the river were full of people, who 
kneeled down and asked their blessing, and with 
loud shouts expressed their good wishes for them, 
and their concern in their preservation. The soldiers, 
and other officers in the tower, did the same. An 
universal consternation appeared in all people's looks. 
But the king was not moved with all this. And, 
though two days after, upon the queen's pretended 
delivery, the king had a fair occasion to have granted 
a general pardon to celebrate the joy of that birth, 
(and it was given out by those papists that had al- 
ways affected to pass for moderate men, that they 
had all pressed this vehemently,) the king was in- 
flexible : he said, his authority would become con- 742 
temptible, if he suffered such an affront to pass un- 

A week after their commitment, they were 

" time it was delivered to the " out of their beds to buy it." 

" king, which was about five in See also Dalr)'inple's Memoirs, 

" the afternoon, and it came out vol. i. p. 114, where this dis- 

" that very night at twelve, and persion of copies is attributed U> 

" was so bawled and roared the infidelity of those about the 

" through the streets by the king's person.) 
" hawkers, that jjeople rose 


1688. brought upon a habeas corpus to the king's bench 

" bar, where thek counsel offered to make it appear 

to be an illegal commitment : but the court allowed 
it good in law. They were required to enter into 
bonds for small sums, to answer to the information 
that day fortnight. [St. Peter's and St. Paul's day 
was chosen to be the day of the trial. And the fixing 
on that day, though it was perhaps done without de- 
sign, was said to be ominous. Some said the trial 
was whether St. Peter's successors should prevail or 
not, whereas others turned it, and said the trial was 
whether St. Paul's doctrine should continue among 
us or not.] 
But soon The bishops were discharged of their imprison- 
charged. Hicnt *. and people of all sorts ran to visit them as 
confessors, one company going in as another went 
out. The appearance in Westminster-hall was very 
solemn : about thirty of the nobility accompanying 
them. All the streets were full of shoutings the rest 
of the day, and with bonfires at night. 
They were Whcu the day fixcd for their trial came, there 
'"*<*• was a vast concourse. Westminster-haU, and all the 
places about, were full of people, who were strangely 
affected with the matter. Even the army, that was 
then encamped on Hounslow-heath, shewed such a 
disposition to mutiny, that it gave the king no small 
uneasiness. The trial came on, which was chiefly 
managed against the bishops by Sir William Wil- 
liams '. He had been speaker in two successive par- 
liaments, and was a zealous promoter of the exclu- 
sion : and he had continued many years a bold 

1 He was grandfather of Sir mong the most disaffected to the 
Watkin Williams Wynn, a man present government, and luuch 
in our time of great note a- known upon that account. O. ■ 


pleader in all causes against the court : but he was a 1688. 
coiTupt and vicious man, who had no principles, but 
followed his own interests. Sawyer, the attorney 
general, who had for many years served the ends of 
the court in a most abject, and obsequious manner, 
would not support the dispensing power : so he was 
turned out, Powis being advanced to be attorney 
general : and Williams was made solicitor general. 
Powis acted his part in this trial as fairly as his post 
could admit of. But Williams took very indecent 
liberties. And he had gi*eat advantages over Sawyer 
and Finch, who were among the bishop's counsel, by 
reflecting on the precedents and proceedings during 
their being the king's counsel. The king's counsel 
could not have full proof, that the bishops' hands were 
truly theirs, and were forced to have recourse to the 
confession they had made at the council board; 
which was thought very dishonourable, since they 
had made that confession in confidence, trusting to 
the king's honour, though it did not appear that any 
promise was made that no advantage should be taken 
of that confession. No proof was brought of their 
publishing it, which was the main point '". The 
presenting it to the king, and afterwards their own- 
ing it to be their petition, when it was put to them 
at the council board, was all that the king's counsel 
could offer for proof of this ; which was an apparent 743 
strain, in which even those judges that were the 
surest to the court did not seem to be satisfied. . It 
was much urged against them, that this petition was 
a libel, tending to the defaming the king's govern- 

'" See my lord Suiulerland's printed trial. State Trials, 
evidence, as to this, in the vol. Hi. p. 790 and 791. O. 


1688. But to this it was answered, that they having re- 
\ ceived an order, to which they found they could not 
give obedience, thought it was incumbent on them, 
as bishops, and as subjects, to lay before the king 
their reasons for it : all subjects had a right to peti- 
tion the king : they as peers were of his great coun- 
cil, and so had yet a better claim to that : and that 
more particularly in matters of reHgion ; for the act 
of uniformity in queen Elizabeth's time had required 
them under a curse to look carefully after those mat- 
ters : the dispensing power had been often brought 
into debate in parliament, and was always voted to 
be against law : and the late king had yielded the 
point by recalling his declaration : so they thought 
they had a right to represent these things to the 
king. And occasion was often taken to reflect on 
the dispensing power. To this the king's counsel 
replied, that the votes of one or both houses were 
not laws, till they were enacted by king and parlia- 
ment : and the late king's passing once from a point 
of his prerogative did not give it up, but only waved 
it for that time : they urged much the sacredness of 
the king's authority ; that a paper might be true in 
fact, and yet be a libel ; that in parliament the two 
houses had a right to petition, but it was sedition to 
do it in a point of government out of parliament. 

The trial did last long, above ten hours. The 
crowds continued in expectation all the while, and 
expressed so great a concern for the bishops, that 
the witnesses who were brought against them were 
not only treated with much scorn, and loud laughter 
upon every occasion, but seemed to be in such dan- 
ger, that they escaped narrowly, going away by a 
back passage. Two of the judges, Powel and Hal- 


loway, delivered their opinion, that there was no se- i6e». 
ditious matter in the petition, and that it was no li- 
bel. Wright was now brought into this court, and 
made chief justice ; and Herbert was made chief 
justice of the common pleas : Herbert was with the 
court in the main of the king's dispensing power, 
but was against them in most particulars: so he 
could not serve their ends in this court. Wright 
was the properer tool. He in his charge called the 
petition a libel : but he did not think the publication 
was proved. 

The jury was fairly returned. When they were And ac- 
shut up, they were soon agreed upon their verdict, **""***** 
to acquit the bishops. But it was thought to be 
both the more solemn and the safer way, to con- 744 
tinue shut up till the morning ". The king still flat- 
tered himself with the hope that the bishops would 
be brought in guilty. He went that morning to the 
camp : for the ill humour the army was in the day 
before, made him think it necessary to go and keep 
them in awe and order by his own presence. i 

The court sat again next day. And then the jury to the '] 
came in with their verdict. Upon which there were JfthV*'^ 
such shoutings, so long continued, and as it "^ere^^*^^ 

" (Dr. D'Oyly, in his Life of " and eager debate." Vol. i. p. 

Archbishop Sancroft, observes, 307. Macpherson, in his Hist. 

that " great difference of opin- of Great Britain, vol. i. p. 501, 

" ion appears to have prevailed relates, on the authority of a 

" among them from the length MS. that the obstinacy of Ar- 

*• of time which elapsed before nold a brewer, who dissented 

" they came to an agreement ; from the verdict, occasioned the 

•' persons who were appointed delay. Ralph had before men- 

" to watch them, reported, that tioned this circumstance, with 

"about midnight, and also the addition, that he was brewer 

"about three o'clock in the to the king, and afraid of losing 

" nroming, they were over- his place. Hist, of Englaao, 

" heard to be engaged in loud vol. i. p. 993) ''"^' ' 



1688. echoed into the city, that all people were struck 
with it. Every man seemed transported with joy. 
Bonfires were made all about the streets. And the 
news going over the nation, produced the like re- 
joicings and bonfires all England over. The king's 
presence kept the army in some order. But he was 
no sooner gone out of the camp, than he was fol- 
lowed with an universal shouting, as if it had been 
a victory obtained. And so fatally was the king 
pushed on to his ruin, that he seemed not to be by 
all this enough convinced of the folly of those violent 
counsels. He intended still to pursue them. It was 
therefore resolved on, to bring this matter of the 
contempt of the order of council, in not reading the 
declaration, before the ecclesiastical commissioners. 
' They did not think fit to cite the archbishop and bi- 
shops before them : for they did not doubt they 
would plead to their jurisdiction, and refuse to ac- 
knowledge their authority ; which they hoped their 
chancellors, and the inferior clergy, would not ven- 
ture on. ^ 
Tbe clergy Citatious wcrc scut out requiring the chancellors 

was next , ^ '-' 

designed and archdcacous to send in the lists of aU the clergy, 
agams . ^^^^ q£ gy^|j ^g Yiad obcycd, and of those who had 
not obeyed the order of council. Some of these 
were now so much animated with the sense that the 
nation had expressed of the bishops' imprisonment 
and trial, that they declared they would not obey 
this order : and others excused themselves in softer 
terms. When the day came to which they were 
cited, the bishop of Rochester, though he himself 
had obeyed the order, and had hitherto gone along, 
sitting with the other commissioners, but had always 
voted on the milder side, yet now, when he saw 


matters were running so fast to the niin of the i<588. 

church, he not only would sit no longer with them, 

but wrote a letter to them ; in which he said, it was 
impossible for him to go on with them any longer ; 
for though he himself had obeyed the order of coun- 
cil, which he protested he did because he thought he 
was bound in conscience to do it, yet he did not 
doubt but that those who had not obeyed it had 
gone upon the same principle of following their con- 
science, and he would much rather choose to suffer 745 
with them, than to concur in making them suffer. 
This stopped proceedings for that day, and put the 
court to a stand. So they adjourned themselves till 
December : and they never sat any more. 

This was the progress of that transaction, which The effect 
was considered all Europe over as the trial whether evi*ry 
the king or the church were like to prevail. The *'"'*■ 
decision was as favourable as was possible. The 
king did assume to himself a power to make laws 
void, and to qualify men for employments, whom 
the law had put under such incapacities, that all they 
did was null and void. The sheriffs and mayors of 
towns were no legal officers : judges, (one of them 
being a professed papist, Alibon,) who took not the 
test, were no judges : so that the government, and 
the legal administration of it, was broken. A par- 
liament returned by such men was no legal parlia- 
ment. All this was done by virtue of the dispensing 
power, which changed the whole frame of our go- 
vernment, and subjected all the laws to the king's 
pleasure : for, upon the same pretence of that power, 
other declarations might have come out, voiding any 
other laws that the court found stood in their way ; 
since we had scarce any law that was fortified with 



1688. such clauses to force the execution of it, as those 
that were laid aside had in them ''. And when the 
king pretended, that this was such a sacred point of 
government, that a petition, offered in the modestest 
terms, and in the humblest manner possible, calling 
it in question, was made so great a crime, and car- 
ried so far against men of such eminence; this, I 
confess, satisfied me, that here was a total destruc- 
tion of our constitution, avowedly began, and vio- 
lently prosecuted. Here was not jealousies nor fears : 
the thing was open and avowed. This was not a 
single act of illegal violence, but a declared design 
against the whole of our constitution. It was not 
only the judgment of a court of law : the king had 
now by two public acts of state, renewed in two suc- 
cessive years, openly published his design p. This 
appeared such a total subversion, that, according to 
the principles that some of the highest assertors of 
submission and obedience, Barklay and Grotius, had 
laid down, it was now lawful for the nation to look 
to itself, and see to its own preservation. And, as 
soon as any man was convinced that this was lawful, 
there remained nothing but to look to the prince of 
Orange, who was the only person that either could 
save them, or had a right to it : since by all the laws 
in the world, even private as weU as public, he that 

" Kings, of all men, are the any right he has by it ; and 
roost interested that the law when he has cut the bough he 
should be supported ; for take sat upon, has little reason to 
away that, and one man has as be surprised if he falls to the 
good right as another. Force ground. D. 
equally entitles every body that p (The first and second de- 
can get it : therefore a solemn claration of liberty of con- 
declaration, that a king will not science are here intended. See 
govern according to law, seems p. 736.) 
to me a formal renouncing of -^ 


has in him the reversion of any estate, has a right 1688. 

to hinder the possessor, if he goes about to destroy "== " 

that which is to come to him after the possessor's 

Upon all this disorder that England was falling 746 
into, admiral Russel came to the Hague. He had a^"*^'. 
good pretence for coming over to Holland, for he «'« pnace. 
had a sister then living in it. He was desired by 
many of great power and interest in England to 
speak very freely to the prince, and to know posi- 
tively of him what might be expected from him. 
All people were now in a gaze : those who had little ' 

or no religion had no mind to turn papists, if they 
could see any probable way of resisting the fury 
with which the court was now driWng : but men of 
fortune, if they saw no visible prospect, would be 
governed by their present interest : they were at 
present united : but, if a breaking should once hap- 
pen, and some men of figure should be prevailed on 
to change, that might go far ; especially in a corrupt 
and dissolute army, that was as it were let loose to 
commit crimes and violences every where, in which 
they were rather encouraged than punished ; for it 
seemed to be set up as a maxim, that the army by 
rendering it self odious to the nation would become 
thereby entirely devoted to the court 1 : but after all, 
though soldiers were bad Englishmen, and worse 
Christians, yet the court found them too good pro- 
testants to trust much to them. So Russel put the 
prince to explain himself what he intended to do. 

The prince answered, that, if he was invited byTheprin«'i 
some men of the best interest, and the most valued 

t Special doctrine. J>. 


1688. in the nation, who should both in their own name, 
and in the name of others who trusted them, invite 
him to come and rescue the nation and the religion, 
he believed he could be ready by the end of Septem- 
ber to come over. The main confidence we had was 
in the electoral prince of Brandenburg ; for the old 
elector was then dying. And I told Russel at part- 
ing, that, unless he died, there would be great diffi- 
culties, not easily mastered, in the design of the 
prince's expedition to England \ 
The elector Hc was then iU of a dropsy, which, coming after 

of Branden- p i • 

burgh's a gout 01 a long contmuance, seemed to threaten a 
speedy end of his life. I had the honour to see him 
at Cleve ; and was admitted to two long audiences, 
in which he was pleased to speak to me with great 
freedom. He was a prince of gi'eat courage. He 
both understood military matters weU, and loved 
them much. He had a very perfect view of the 
state Europe had been in for fifty years, in which he 
had borne a great share in all affairs, having directed 
his own counsels himself He had a wonderful me- 
mory, even in the smallest matters ; for every thing 
passed under his eye. He had a quick apprehension 
and a choleric temper. The heat of his spirits was 
apt to kindle too quick, till his interest cooled him : 

"■ (Ralph, in his Hist, of Eng- " andeoibraced in Holland, be- 

land, makes the following acute " fore the second declaration 

remark on this passage : " The " of indulgence was published, 

'♦ elector died on the last day " or the order of council, which 

" of April, O. S. ; whence it fol- " was founded thereon ; or the 

" lows, that Russel had received "prosecution of the bishops 

" his audience, and taken his " was thought of, which his 

" leave, before that event took " lordship holds of such weight 

" place; and consequently, that " for the justification of those 

" mea.sures were forming in " measures." vol. i. p. 998.) 
" England against the king. 

/ 4;|jOF KING JAMES II. 231 

and that fetched him back, which brought him 1688. 
under the censure of changing sides too soon andl"! — 
too often. He was a very zealous man in all the 
concerns of religion. His own life was regular, and 
free of all blemishes. He tried all that was possible 
to bring the Lutherans and Calvinists to some terms 
of reconciliation. He complained much of the ri- 
gidity of the Lutherans, more particularly of those 
in Prussia : nor was he well pleased with the stiff- 
ness of the Calvinists : and he inveighed against the 
synod of Dort, as that which had set all on fire, and 
made matters almost past reconciling. He thought, 
all positive decisions in those matters ought to be 
laid aside by both parties, without which nothing 
could bring them to a better temper. 

He had a very splendid court : and to maintain 
that, and his gi'eat armies, his subjects were pressed 
hai'd by many uneasy taxes. He seemed not to 
have a just sense of the miseries of his people. His 
ministers had great power over him in all lesser 
matters, while he dii'ected the greater: and he suf« ,j f 
fered them to enrich themselves excessively. 

In the end of his life the electoress had gained 
great credit, and governed his counsels too much. 
He had set it up for a maxim, that the electoral fa- 
milies in Germany had weakened themselves so 
much, that they would not be able to maintain the 
liberty of the empire against the Austrian family, 
which was now rising by their victories in Hungary : 
the houses of Saxe, and the Palatine, and of Bruns- 
wick, and Hesse, had done this so much, by the dis- 
membering some of their dominions to their younger 
children, that they were mouldering to nothing : he 
therefore resolved to keep all his dominions entire in 

a 4 


] 688. one hand : this would make his family the balance 
to the house of Austria, on whom the rest of the 
empire must depend : and he suffered his electoress 
to provide for her children, and to enrich herself by 
all the ways she could think on, since he would not 
give them any share of his dominions. This she did 
not fail to do. And the elector, having just cause 
of complaint for being abandoned by the allies in the 
peace of Nimeguen, and so forced to restore what he 
had got from the Swedes, the French upon that 
gave him a great pension, and made the electoress 
such presents, that he was prevailed on to enter into 
their interests : and in this he made some ill steps 
in the decline of his life. But nothing could soften 
him with relation to that court, after they broke the 
edict of Nantes, and began the persecution of the 
protestants. He took great care of all the refugees. 
He set men on the frontier of France to receive and 
defray them ; and gave them all the marks of Chris- 
tian compassion, and of a bounty becoming so great 
748 a prince. But his age and infirmities, he being 
crippled with the gout, and the ill understanding 
that was between the prince electoral and electoress, 
had so disjointed his court, that little was to be ex- 
pected from him. 

Death came upon him quicker than was looked 
for. He received the intimations of it with the firm- 
ness that became both a Christian and a hero. He 
gave his last advices to his son, and to his ministers, 
vrith a greatness and a tenderness that both sur- 
prised and melted them all: and above all other 
things he recommended to them the concerns of the 
protestant religion, then in such an universal dan- 
ger. His son had not his genius. He had not a 


strength of body nor a force of mind capable of great 1698. 

matters ^ But he was filled with zeal for the re- 

formed religion : and he was at that time so entirely 
possessed with a confidence in the prince of Orange 
and with a high esteem of him, as he was his cousin 
german, that we had a much better prospect of all 
our affairs by his succeeding his father. And this 
ivas increased by the gi'eat credit that Dankelman, 
who had been his governor, continued to have with 
him : for he had true notions of the affairs of Eu- 
rope, and was a zealous protestant, and was like to 
prove a very good minister, though he was too abso- 7 
lute in his favour, and was too much set on raising 
his own family. All at the Hague were looking 
with great concern on the affairs of Europe ; these 
being, in many respects, and in many different places, 
brought to a very critical state. 

I must now look back to England, where thexiiequwo 

,1,. , ,• fii )j' gave out 

queens delivery was the subject 01 all mens 
course. And since so much depends on this, I will^y*' 
give as full and as distinct an account of all that re- 
lated to that matter, as I could gather up either at 
that time or afterwards '. The queen had been for 
six or seven years in such an ill state of health, that 
every winter brought her very near death. Those 
about her seemed well assured that she, who had 
buried all her children soon after they were bom, 
and had now for several years ceased bearing, would 
have no more children. Her own priests appre- 

» After the revolution, he Monsr, Bruys told me;) upon 

bore a secret grudge to king which the French envoy told 

William, till by his means he him that all ships were ships, 

was declared king of Prussia, but there was great difference 

and then he talked of nothing in their strength and rate. D. 
but the eqvudity of kings, (as ' All coffee-house chat. & • 


1688. hended it, and seemed to wish for her death. She 
had great and frequent [loosenesses, with some other] 
distempers, that returned often, which put aU peo- 
ple out of their hopes or fears of her having any 
children. Her spirits were now much on the fret. 
She was eager in the prosecution of all the king's 
designs. It was believed, that she had a main hand 
in driving him to them aU. And he, perhaps to 
make her gentler to him in his vagrant amours, was 
more easy to her in every thing else. The lady Dor- 
chester was come back from Ireland : and the king 
749 went oft to her. But it was visible, she was not 
like to gain that credit in affairs, to which she had 
aspired : and therefore this was less considered. 

She had another mortification, when Fitz-James, 
the king's son, was made duke of Berwick. He was 
a soft and harmless young man, and was much be- 
• • loved by the king : but the queen's dislike kept him 
from making any great figure. He made two cam- 
paigns in Hungary, that were little to his honour : 
for, as his governor diverted the allowance that was 
given for keeping a table, and sent him always to 
eat at other tables, so, though in the siege of Buda 
there were many occasions given him to have dis- 
tinguished himself, yet he had appeared in none of 
them. There was more care taken of his person 
than became his age and condition. Yet his gover- 
nor's brother was a Jesuit, and in the secret : so every 
thing was ventured on by him, and all was forgiven 

In September, the former year, the queen went to 
the Bath, where, as was already told, the king came 
and saw her, and stayed a few days with her. She 
after that puisued a fuU course of bathing: and. 


having resolved to return in the end of September, i689, 

an accident took her to which the sex is subject ; 

and that made her stay there a week longer. She 
came to Windsor on the sixth of October. It was 
said, that, at the very time of her coming to the 
king, her mother, the duchess of Modena, made a 
vow to the lady Loretto, that her daughter might 
by her means have a son K And it went current, 
that the queen believed herself to be with child in 
that very instant in which her mother made her 
vow: of which, some travellers have assured me, 
there was a solemn record made at Loretto. A con- 
ception said to be thus begun looked suspicious. It 
was now fixed to the sixth of October : so the nine 
months were to run to the sixth of July. She was 
in the progress of her big belly let blood several 
times : and the most astringent things that could be 
proposed were used [to bind up nature. Yet it waa 
said she had several returns of that which happens 
to women when they are not with child.] 

It was soon observed, that all things about her 
person were managed with a mysterious secrecy, into 
which none were admitted but a few papists. She 
was not dressed nor undressed with the usual cere- 
mony. Prince George told me, that the princess 
went as far in desiring to be satisfied by feeling the 
motion, after she said she was quick, as she could go 
without breaking with her : and she had sometimes 
stayed by her even indecently long in mornings, to 

* " (Surely if his lordship " her highness's vowing vows 

" had recollected, that the duch- " on the 6th of October." 

" ess died July the 19th, O. S. Ralph's Hist, of England, vol. i, 

*♦ as she certainly did, he had p. 980.) 

never adopted this idle talc of 


1688. see her rise, and to give her her shift : but she never 
did either u. She never offered any satisfaction in 
that matter by letter to the princess of Orange, nor 
to any of the ladies of quality, in whose word the 
world would have acquiesced. The thing upon this 
began to be suspected : and some libels were writ, 
treating the whole as an imposture. The use the 
750 queen made of this was, to say, that since she saw 
some were suspecting her as capable of so black a 
contrivance, she scorned to satisfy those who could 
entertain such thoughts of her. How just soever 
this might be with relation to the libellers, yet cer- 
tainly, if she was truly with child, she owed it to the 
king and herself, to the king's daughters, but most 
of all to the infant she carried in her belly, to give 
such reasonable satisfaction, as might put an end 
to jealousy. This was in her power to do every 
day : and her not doing it gave just grounids of sus- 

Things went thus on till Monday in Easter week. 
On that day the king went to Rochester, to see some 
of the naval preparations ; but was soon sent for by 
the queen, who apprehended she was in danger of 
miscarrying. Dr. Scarborough was come to Knights- 
bridge to see bishop Ward, my predecessor, who had 
been his ancient friend, and was then his patient ; 
but the queen's coach was sent to call him in all 

" " (Is it not strange, said " that is true. Why then, ma- 

" she, (Princess Anne,) that the " dam, said I, should you won- 

** queen should never, as often " der she did not bid you do it 

** as I am with her, mornings " at this time ? Because, said 

" and evenings, speak to me to " she, of the reports. Possi- 

" feel her belly? I asked, if the " bly, said I, she did not mind 

*' queen had at other times of " tlie reports." Henry Earl of 

*' her being with child bid lier Claren(lons Diary, p. jg. Seehe- 

** do it? She answered. No, low, notes at p. 751 and 786,) 


haste, since she was near miscarrying. Dr. Winde- iggs 

bank, who knew nothing of this matter, stayed long 

that morning upon an appointment for Dr. Wall- 
giave, another of the queen's physicians, who the 
next time he saw him excused himself, for the 
queen, he said, was then under the most apparent 
signs of miscarrying. Of this the doctor made oath : 
and it is yet extant. 

On the same day the countess of Clarendon, being 
to go out of town for a few days, came to see the 
queen before she went, knowing nothing of what 
had happened to her. And she, being a lady of the 
bed-chamber to queen Dowager, did, according to 
the rule of the court, go into the queen's bed-cham- 
ber without asking admittance. She saw the queen 
a bed, bemoaning herself in a most doleful manner, 
saying often. Undone, Undone : and one that be- 
longed to her carried somewhat out of the bed, 
which she believed was linen taken from the queen. 
She was upon this in some confusion : and the 
countess of Powis coming in, went to her, and said 
with some sharpness. What do you here ? And car- 
ried her to the door. Before she had got out of the 
court, one of the bed-chamber women followed her, 
and charged her not to speak of any thing she had 
seen that day. This matter, whatever was in it, 
was hushed up : and the queen held on her course. 

The princess had miscarried in the spring. So, 
as soon as she had recovered her strength, the king 
pressed her to go to the Bath, since that had so good 
an effect on the queen. Some of her physicians, and 
all her other friends, were against her going. Lower, 
one of her physicians, told me, he was against it : he 
thought she was not strong enough for the Bath, 
though the king pressed it with an unusual vehe- 


1688. metice. Millington, another physician, told the earl 
„^ of Shrewsbury, from whom I had it, that he was 
pressed to go to the princess, and advise her to go to 
the Bath. The person that spoke to him told him, 
• ' the king was much set on it, and that he expected 
it of him, that he would persuade her to it. Mil- 
lington answered, he would not advise a patient ac- 
cording to directions, but according to his own rea- 
son : so he would not go. Scarborough and Wi- 
therly took it upon them to advise it : so she went 
thither in the end of May'^. 
The queen's As soon as she was gone, those about the queen 
7hmgedf ^d ^ ^^ the sudden change her reckoning, and began 
it from the king's being with her at Bath. This 
came on so quick, that though the queen had set 
the fourteenth of June for her going to Windsor, 
where she intended to lie in, and all the preparations 
for the birth and for the child were ordered to be 
made ready by the end of June, yet now a resolu- 
tion was taken for the queen's lying in at St. 
James'sy ; and directions were given to have all 
things quickly ready. The Bath water either did 
not agree with the princess, or the advices of her 
friends were so pressing, who thought her absence 
from the court at that time of such consequence, that 

* " (It was falsely asserted, " was afterwards pretended, and 

" that the princess Anne was " been desirous to see the 

"never permitted to see the " truth." Life of King James the 

" queen's belly, whereas she Second, vol. ii. p. 200. It had 

" did it frequently in the be- been before observed, that the 

" ginning, and if she absented princess contrived to go to 

" herself towards the end, it Bath, that she might be absent 

" was industriously done, as when she knew the queen was 

** well as her going to the Bath, to be brought to bed. p- 159 

*• which it had been impos- and 197.) 
" sible for the king to have y Windsor would have been 

'• forced upon her, had she more suspicious. S. 
•* suspected any thing of what 


in compliance with them she gave it out it did not, iggs. 
and that therefore she would return in a few days. 

The day after the court had this notice, the 
queen said she would go to St. James's and look 
for the good hour. She was often told, that it was 
impossible upon so short a warning to have things 
ready. But she was so positive, that she said 
she would lie there that night, though she should 
lie upon the boards. And at night, though the 
shorter and quicker way was to go ft*om White- 
hall to St. James's through the park, and she al- 
ways went that way, yet now, by a sort of affecta- 
tion, she would be carried thither by Charing-cross, 
through the PaU-Mall ^. And it was given out by all 
her train, that she was going to be delivered. Some 
said, it would be next morning : and the priests said 
very confidently, that it would be a boy. 

The next morning, about nine o'clock, she sent The queen 
word to the king, that she was in labour. The Sii". '" "* 
queen dowager was next sent to. But no ladies 
were sent for : so that no women were in the room, 
but two dressers and one under dresser, and the 
midwife. The earl of Arran sent notice to the 
countess of Sunderland : so she came. The lady 
Bellasis came also in time. The protestant ladies 
that belonged to the court were all gone to church 
before the news was let go abroad : for it hajipened 
on Trinity Sunday, it being that year on the tenth 
of June '. The king brought over with him from 

' " (I am assured by one of partial Reflections on Burnet's 

** her servants, who did go with Posthumous Hist. p. 105, print- 

" her, that she did go through ed in 1724.) 

" the park, and he dares make " (Six protestant ladies of 

" an affidavit thereof, that the high rank were present at the 

" earl of Godolphin went by birth, as their Dejwsiliouji 

*• her side in a sedan." Tm- shew.) 



1688. Whitehall a great many peers and privy counsellors. 
^Ko And of these eighteen were let into the bed-cham- 
ber : but they stood at the furthest end of the room. 
The ladies stood within the alcove. The curtains of 
the bed were drawn close, and none came within 
them but the midwife and an under dresser ='. The 
queen lay all the while a bed : and, in order to the 
warming one side of it, a warming pan was 
brought b. But it was not opened, that it might be 
seen that there was fire and nothing else in it : so 
here was matter for suspicion, with which all people 
were filled. 

A little before ten, the queen cried out as in a 

* (The feet curtains of the 
*' bed were drawn, and the two 
" sides were open. When she 
" was in great pain the king 
" called in haste for my lord 
" chancellor, who came up to 
" the bed side to shew he was 
" there, upon which the rest 
" of the privy counsellers did 
" the same thing. Then the 
" queen desired the king to hide 
" her face with his head and pe- 
" riwig, which he did ; for she 
" said she could not be brought 
" to bed, and have so many 
** men look on her ; for all the 
" council stood close at the 
" bed's feet, and lord chancellor 
" upon the step." Princess 
of Denmark's Answers to her 
sister the princess of Orange's 
Questions. Appendix to Dalrym- 
ple's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 308.) 

^ This, the ladies say, is fool- 
ish. S. ("Thewarmingpanisno 
" feasible project, unless you 
" break the back of the child 
" to put it in; moreover, as 
" this is supposed to be a ten- 

' der infant, just reeking and 
' wet from its mother's womb, 

* in that tender state, it would 
' either have cried out in the 
' passage, or have been stiff 
' and dead, and in the variety 
' of motions of tossing it up 
' and down, it would have 
' been a perfect jelly." Im- 
partial Reflections Sfc. p. 106. 

' . . . . Then it is said, that the 
' weather being hot there was 

• no need of a warming pan, 
' as if linen were not to be 
' aired at all times, especially 
' on such occasions. And Mrs. 
' Dawson, who was a protest- 
' ant, deposed, amongst other 
' things, that she saw fire in the 
' warming pan, when it was 
' brought into the room." 

King James's Life, vol. ii. 
p. 200. As soon as the child 
was born, the midwife, who 
swore she delivered the queen, 
cut the navel string in the pre- 
sence of several persons, as ap- 
pears by their Depositions.) 


strong pain, and immediately after the midwife said 1688. 
aloud, she was happily brought to l^ed. When the ' 

lords all cried out of what, the midwife answered. 
The queen must not be surprised : only she gave a 
sign to the countess of Sunderland, who upon that 
touched her forehead, by which, it being the sign 
before agreed on, the king said he knew it was a boy. 
No cries were heard from the child *^ : nor was it 
shewed to those in the room. It was pretended, 
more air was necessaiy. The under dresser went 
out with the child, or somewhat else, in her arms to 
a dressing room, to which there was a door near the 
queen's bed : but there was another entry to it from 
other apartments '' . 

The king continued with the lords in the bed-Crwu 

1 1 n • 1 • 1 • i_ • ground* of 

chamber for some mmutes, which was either a signje*iou*y»p- 
of much phlegm upon such an occasion ; for it was ****" ' 
not known whether the child was alive or dead : or 
it looked like the giving time for some management. 
After a little while they went all into the dressing 
room : and then the news was published. In the 
mean while, no body was called to lay their hands 
on the queen's belly, in order to a full satisfaction. 
When the princess came to town three days after, 
she had as little satisfaction given her. Chamber- 

" (The lady Bellasis, a pro- " veyed, and that door was 

testant, deposed, that after see- " closed up by a great press 

ing the infant taken out of the " which had stood at the back 

bed, wilh the navel string hang- " for many years before, and 

ing to it, she opened the re- " several months after, and wa» 

ceiver, and not bearing the in- " seen standing at the time of 

fant cry, and seeing it a little " the birth by many witnauies, 

black, was afraid it was in a " beyond allexception." Erjrarf 

convulsion fit. Deposition viii.) from a MS. of sir George Mac- 

«' " (There was no door into kenzies, in a collection of papers 

" the room but one by which belonging to the reverend Mr. 

*• a child could have been con- Fortescue — Knottesford, p. 4a. 

VOL. III. 11 



lain, the man midwife, who was always ordered to 
attend her labour before, and who brought the plaist- 
ers for putting back the milk, wondered that he had 
not been sent ta^. He went, according to cus- 

^ " (I perceive the Heer 
" Meuschen was misled, con- 
" founding my discourse with 
" him on this matter, together 
" with the conversation he 
" might have had with others, 
" occasioned by pamphlets then 
" here current, pretending an 
" account how far 1 had been 
" therein engaged ; to which 
" several falsehoods were added. 
" One of those papers was 
" writ by Mr. Burnet, son to 
" the bishop of Salisbury. The 
" matter of fact follows. On 
" Sunday morning, the day of 
" the month and year occurs 
" not at present to my me- 
" mory, the queen sent early a 
" footman to fetch me to St. 
" James's, but late the night 
" before being gone to Chat- 
" ham to visit a patient, he 
" missed me; a post was imme- 
" diately dispatched, andl hast- 
" ened and found a child new- 
" born, loose and undrest, on 
" lady Powis her lap, and as I 
" was informed brought forth an 
" hour before I came." Dr. 
Hugh Chamberlaynes Letter to 
the princess Sophia, mother of 
George the First, in the Appendix 
to Dalrymple's Memoirs, vol. ii, 
p. 3 1 1 . The writer of this let- 
ter, after mentioning that the 
duchess of Monmouth, at that 
time disobliged by the court, 
pleaded to him in excuse a little 
while before for making him 
wait at her house, that she had 
been with her majesty, saw her 

shifted, and her belly very big, 
goes on to say, " Another cir- 
" cumstance in this case is, 
" that my being a noted whig, 
" and signally oppressed by 
" king James, they would never 
" have hazarded such a secret as 
" a supposititious child, which, 
" had I been at home to have im- 
" mediately followed the sum- 
" mons, 1 must have come time 
" enough to have discovered, 
" though the queen had usually 
" ver)- quick labours." . ..." A 
" third material circumstance 
" may be admitted, that during 
" my attendance on the child, 
" by his majesty's directions, I 
" had frequent discourse with 
" the necessary woman, who, 
" being in mighty dread of po- 
" pery, and confiding in my re- 
" puted whiggism, would often 
" complain of the busy prag- 
" maticalness of the Jesuits, 
" who placed and displaced 
" when they pleased, and for 
" her part she expected a speedy 
" remove, for the Jesuits would 
" endure none but their own 
" party ; such was our common 
" entertainment; but about a 
" fortnight after the child was 
" born, a rumour being spread 
" through the city, that the 
" child was supposititious, she 
" cried, Alas ! will they not let 
" the poor infant alone ? I am 
'• certain no such thing as the 
" bringing a strange child in a 
" warming pan could be prac- 
" tised without my seeing it, at- 


torn, with the plaisters : but he was told they had no j688. 

occasion for him. He fancied, that some other per- 

son was put in his place : but he could not find that 
any had it. All that concerned the milk or the 
queen's purgations was managed still in the dark. 
This made all people inclined more and more to 
believe, there was a base imposture now put on 
the nation. That still increased. That night one 
Hemings, a very worthy man, an apothecary by 
. his trade, who lived in St. Martin's-lane, the very 
next door to a family of an eminent papist : (Brown, 
brother to the viscount Montacute, lived there :) the 
wall between his parlour and theirs being so thin, 
that he could easily hear any thing that was said 
with a louder voice, he (Hemings) was reading in his 
parlour late at night, when he heard one coming into 753 
^;he neighbouring parlour, and say with a doleful 
voice. The prince of Wales is dead : upon which a 
great many that lived in the house came down stairs 
very quick. Upon this confusion he could not hear 
any thing more; but it was plain they were in a 
great consternation ^ He went with the news next 
morning to the bishops in the tower. The countess 
of Clarendon came thither soon after, and told them, 
she had been at the young prince's door, but was de- 
nied access : she was amazed at it ; and asked, if they 
knew her : they said, they did ; but that the queen 
had ordered, that no person whatsoever should be 

" tending constantly in and " rumour that the young prince 

" about all the avenues of the " was dead: he had been ill in 

" chamber.") " tlie night, and the king was 

f A most foolish story, hardly " called up ; but upon giring 

worthy of a coffee-house. S. " him remedies, God be thank- 

" (June I ith, Monday. In the " ed, he grew better." Lord 

" morning there was a strong Clarendons Diary, p. 48.) 

R 2 


1688. suffered to come in to him. This gave credit to 
Heming's story, and looked as if all was ordered to 
be kept shut up close, till another child was found ^. 
One, that saw the child two days after, said to me, 
that he looked strong, and not like a child so newly 
born. Windebank met Walgrave the day after this 
birth, and remembered him of what he had told him 
eight weeks before. He acknowledged what he had 
said, but added, that God wrought miracles ; to 
which no reply could or durst be made by the other : ^ 
it needed none. So healthy a child being so Httle 
like any of those the queen had borne, it was given 
out, that he had fits, and could not live. But those 
who saw him every day observed no such thing. On 
the contrary, the child was in a very prosperous state. 
None of those fits ever happened when the princess 
was at court; for she could not be denied admit- 
tance, though all others were. So this was believed to 
be given out to make the matter more credible. It is 
true, some weeks after that, the court being gone to 
Windsor, and the chUd sent to Richmond, he fell 
into such fits, that four physicians were sent for. 
The child, They all looked on him as a dying child. The 
He^eMied, king and queen were sent for. The physicians went 
WM p"u*t lir to ^ dinner prepared for them ; and were often won- 
bis room, (jej-jng that they were not called for. They took 
it for granted, that the child was dead. But, when 

8 (The princess of Denmark, " they say it is not well ; and 

in the above cited answer to " methinks there is always a 

her sister's queries, says, ** As " mystery in it; for one does not 

*' for seeing the child drest or " know whether it be really 

" undrest, they avoid it as " sick, and they fear one should 

" much as they can. By all I " know it, or whether it is well, 

" have seen and heard, some- " and they would have one 

" times they refuse almost every " think it is sick, as the other 

" body to see it; that is, when " children used to be." p. 309,) 



they went in after dinner to look on him, they saw a 
sound healthy child, that seemed to have had no sort 
of illness on him. It was said, that the child was 
strangely revived of a sudden. Some of the physi- 
cians told Lloyd, Bishop of St. Asaph, that it was 
not possible for them to think it was the same child. 
They looked on one another, but durst not speak 
what they thought ^. 

Thus I have related such particulars as I could 
gather of this birth : to which some more shall be 
added, when I give an account of the proof that the 
king brought afterwards to put this matter out of 
doubt ; but by which it became indeed more doubt- 
ful than ever. I took most of these from the in- 
formations that were sent over to the prince and 

'' So here are three children. 
S. (First, the queen is surmis- 
ed not to have been with child. 
Secondly, to have miscarried. 
Thirdly, a child in a warming- 
pan is supposed to have been 
conveyed into the bedchamber. 
Fourthly, perhaps no child to 
have been carried into the next 
room. Fifthly, the child seen 
by all in the room to have died. 
Sixthly, a substituted child to 
have died. Thus, as Swift ob- 
serves, we have three children ; 
the new born infant seen by all, 
the substituted child, and the 
prince of Wales. It is lament- 
able, that siich a man as Burnet 
should have disgraced himself 
by the recital of these stupid 
and inconsistent falsehoods. See 
further below, at pp.785, 786. 
But either the bishop or his 
son had already, before the 
publication of this work, com- 
municated to the world the 

above particulars, together with 
those remarks which he makes 
below upon the Depositions 
proving the birth of the young 
prince. This was done in a 
pamphlet, now rarely to be 
found, entitled, in irony. Some 
new Proofs, by which it appears 
that the Pretender is truly James 
the Third. It was published to- 
wards the end of queen Anne's 
reign, and in it the author pro- 
fesses to have been materially 
assisted by bishop Lloyd, who 
is cited particularly for the ac- 
counts given by Heraings of the 
death of the prince, and for that 
by lady Clarendon of being re- 
fused admittance to him. But 
these idle stories are either re- 
futed or accoimted for in the 
testimony which lady Went- 
worth gave to the celebrated 
Dr. Hickes, mentioned below 
at p. 817.) 



1688. princess of Orange, as I had many from the vouchers 
(^^54 themselves. I do not mix with these the various 
reports that were, both then and afterwards, spread 
of this matter, of which bishop Lloyd has a great 
collection, most of them weU attested '. What truth 
soever may be in these, this is certain, that the me- 
thod in which this matter w^as conducted from first 
to last was very unaccountable. If an imposture 
had been intended, it could not have been otherwise 
managed. The pretended excuse that the queen 
made, that she owed no satisfaction to those who 
could suspect her capable of such base forgery, was 
the only excuse that she could have made, if it had 
been really what it was commonly said to be. She 
seemed to be soon recovered, and was so little al- 
tered by her labour, either in her looks or voice, 
that this helped not a little to increase jealousies. 
The rejoicings over England upon this birth were 
very cold and forced. Bonfires were made in some 
places, and a set of congratulatory addresses went 
round the nation. None durst oppose them. But 
all was formal, and only to make a shew. 
The prince The priucc and princess of Orange received the 

and princess p i • t • i i ^ rm n 

of Orange ncws 01 this birth very decently. The first letters 

gratuiate!" gave not those grounds of suspicion that were sent 

to them afterwards. So they sent over Zuylestein 

to congratulate : and the princess ordered the prince 

' '• (There is a piece printed " Prince of Wales. In which it 

" in the History of the Stu- " is asserted, that the child sent 

" arts, said to be of the bishop's " to Richmond died there in 

" dictating, to a gentleman who " August the fourth or fifth, 

" took minutes, and gave it in " and was buried at Chiswick." 

** as it stands. It goes by the Salmo7i's Lives of the English 

" name of Bishpp Lloyd's Ac- Bishops, p. 156.) 
•• count of the imposture of the 


of Wales to be prayed for in her chapel. Upon this j688. 

occasion, it may not be improper to set down what 

the princess said to my self on this subject two years 
before. I had asked her, in the freedom of much dis- 
course, if she knew the temper of her own mind, 
and how she could bear the queen's having a son. 
She said, she was sure it would give her no concern 
at all on her own account: God knew best what 
was fit for her : and, if it was not to serve the great 
ends of Providence, she was sure that, as to her self, 
she would rather wish to live and die in the condi- 
tion she was then in. The advertisements formerly 
mentioned came over from so many hands, that it 
was impossible not to be shaken by them. It was 
also taken ill in England, that the princess should 
have begun so early to pray for the pretended 
prince : upon which the naming him discontinued. 
But this was so highly resented by the court of 
England, that the prince, fearing it might precipi- 
tate a rupture, ordered him to be again named in 
the prayers ^. 

The prince set himself with great application to The prince 
prepare for the intended expedition : tor Zuylestem expedition 
brought him such positive advices, and such an as- ° "8*" • 
surance of the invitation he had desired, that he 
was fully fixed in his purpose. It was advised from 
England, that the prince could never hope for a 
more favourable conjuncture, nor for better grounds 

■^ " (Some few hours after the "princess gave immediate or- 

" Dutch fleet had sailed from " der to leave out the prayer 

" Helver, a fisher boat arrived " for the prince of Wales in 

" at Scheveling, and brought ♦' her chapel at evening ser- 

" word to the Hague, that the " vice." Higgons's ViewojfEng- 

" fleet was out at sea with a lish Hist. p. 344. 2d edit.) 
" fair wind ; upon which the 

R 4 


1688. to break on, than he had at that time. The whole 
TTL nation was in a high fermentation. The proceed- 
ings against the bishops, and those that were still 
kept on foot against the clergy, made all people 
think the ruin of the church was resolved on, and 
that on the first occasion it would be executed, and 
that the religion would be altered. The pretended 
birth made them reckon that popery and slavery 
would be entailed on the nation. And if this heat 
went off, people would lose heart. It was also visi- 
ble, that the army continued well affected. They 
spoke openly against popery : they drank the most 
reproachful healths against them that could be in- 
vented, and treated the few papists that were among 
them with scorn and aversion. The king saw this 
so visibly, that he broke up the camp, and sent 
them to their quarters : and it was believed, that he 
would bring them no more together, till they were 
modeled more to his mind. The seamen shewed 
the same inclinations. The Dutch had set out a 
fleet of twenty-four men of war, on pretence to se- 
cure their trade : so the king resolved to set out as 
strong a fleet. Strickland, who was a papist, had 
the command. He brought some priests aboard 
with him, who said mass, or at least performed such 
offices of their religion as are allowed on ships of 
war : and the chaplain, that was to serve the pro- 
testants in Strickland's ship, was sent away upon a 
slight pretence. This put the whole fleet into such 
a disorder, that it was like to end in a mutiny. 
Strickland punished some for this : and the king 
came down to accommodate the matter. He spoke 
very softly to the seamen : yet this made no great 
impression : for they hated popery in general, and 



Strickland in particular. When some gained per- 1688. 
sons among the seamen tried their affections to the ' 

Dutch, it appeared they had no inclinations to make 
war on them. They said aloud, they were their 
friends and their brethren ; but they would very 
willingly go against the French. The king saw all 
this, and was resolved to take other more moderate 

These advices were suggested by the earl of Sun- sunderund 
derland, who saw the king was running violently to more mode. 
his own ruin '. So, as soon as the queen admittedj^i^^. 

] The old earl of Bradford 
told me he dined in a great 
deal of company at the earl of 
Sunderland's, who declared pub- 
licly that they were now sure of 
their game ; for it wopld be an 
easy matter to have a house of 
commons to their minds, and 
there was nothing else could re- 
sist them. Lord Bradford asked 
him, if they were as sure of the 
house of lords, for he believed 
they would meet with more 
opposition there than they ex- 
pected. Lord Sunderland turn- 
ed to lord Churchill, who sat 
next him, and in a very loud 
shrill voice, cried, " O Silly, 
" why your troop of guards 
" shall be called to the house 
" of lords." D. (This note of 
lord Dartmouth's has been al- 
ready published by sir John 
Dalrymple, in the Appendix to 
his Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 288. 
Respecting the letter the earl 
of Sunderland published after- 
wards, in vindication of him- 
self, it is observed, in the Life 
of King James IL lately pub- 
lished, " that in it he most 
" falsely pretends to have con- 

" stantly opposed all those 
" counsels which were now so 
" cried out against : whereas 
" in reality he did not only ap- 
" prove them, but genendiy run 
" before the rest. He would 
" ofttimes indeed try the ford 
" by his secret agents, as sir 
" Nicholas Butler, Mr. Lob, 
" and even father Petre hira- 
" self, that he might seem only 
" not to oppose those dangerous 
" methods which had their true 
" origin from him alone." vol.ii. 
p. 284. The earl of Ailesbury, 
in his letter to Mr. Leigh, of 
Adlestrop, says of this seduc- 
ing minister, as he calls him, 
that he " put the king upon 
" all false steps, and owned 
" after the revolution to a friend 
" of mine, that he did all that 
" in him lay to promote the 
" entrance of the prince of 
" Orange." See before, at p. 697. 
He himself, in a letter still ex- 
isting, boasts to k-ing William 
of having " contributed what lay 
*' in him towards the advancing 
" of his glorious undertaking." 
See Dalrymple's Append. P. iii. 

1688. men to audiences, he had some very long ones of 

her. He represented to her, that the state of her 
affairs was quite changed by her having a son. 
There was no need of driving things fast, now they 
had a succession sure: time would bring aU about, 
if matters were but softly managed. He told her, 
it would become her to set up for the author of 
gentle counsels, that she might by another admin- 
istration lay the flame that was now kindled. By 
this she would gain the hearts of the nation, both to 
756 her self and to her son : she might be declared re- 
gent, in case the king should die before her son 
came to be of age. He found these ad\H[ces began 
to be hearkened to. But, that he might have the 
more credit in pressing them, he, who had but too 
slight notions of religion, resolved to declare himself 
a papist. And then, he being in the same interest 
with her, and most violently hated for this ill step 
he had made, he gained such an ascendant over her 
spirit, that things were like to be put in another ma- 
And he Hc made the step to popery all of the sudden, 

pbt!^ ^* without any previous instruction or conference : so 
that the change he made looked too like a man 
who, having no religion, took up one, rather for to 
serve a turn, than that he was truly changed from 
one religion to another. He has been since accused, 
as if he had done all this to gain the more credit, 
that so he might the more effectually ruin the 
king '". There was a suspicion of another nature, 

"" After the revolution, he and and he told Mr. John Danvers, 

his friends for him pleaded, (from whom I had it,) that he 

that he tiirned papist for the wondered any body would be so 

good of the prolestant religion, silly as to dispute with kings ; 


that stuck with some in England, who thought that iggg. 

Mr. Sidney, who had the secret of all the corre- 

spondence that was between the prince and his 
party in England, being in particular friendship 
with the earl of Sunderland, the earl had got into 
that secret": and they fancied he would get into 
the prince's confidence by Sidney's means. So I 
was writ to, and desired to put it home to the 
prince, whether he was in any confidence or corre- 
spondence with the earl of Sunderland, or not? 
For, till they were satisfied in that matter, they 
would not go on ; since they believed he would Ije- 
tray all, when things were ripe for it, and that 
many were engaged in the design. The prince 
upon that did say very positively, that he was in no 
sort of correspondence with him. His counsels lay 
then another way. And, if time had been given 
him to follow the scheme then laid down by him, 
things might have turned fatally : and the nation 
might have been so laid asleep with new promises, 
and a different conduct, that in a slow method they 
might have gained that, which they were so near 
losing by the violent proceedings in which they had 
gone so far °. The judges had orders in their cir- 

for if they would not take good Stafford Smythe, a baron of the 

advice, there was no way of exchequer, and late one of the 

dealing with them, but by run- lords commissioners of the great 

ning into their measures till seal. O. 

they had ruined themselves. D. ° See what the want of pro- 

" He was brother to the earl's bity will bring the greatest man 

mother, Mr. Waller's Sacha- to. This able politician had 

rissa. She was, after the death the dexterity to draw this di^ 

of the earl's father, married to lemma upon his character. If 

a private gentleman of Kent, he was tnie to his conntrj-, he 

near Penshurst, Mr. Smythe, betrayed his master. If he was 

from which marriage is de- true to his master, he was f.ilse 

scended a grandson, sir Sydney to his country. He served king 

1688. cuits to proceed very gently, and to give new pro- 

mises in the king's name. But they were treated 
every where with such contempt, that the common 
decencies were scarce paid them, when they were 
on the bench. And they now saw that the present- 
ments of grand juries, and the verdicts of other 
juries, were no more under their direction. Things 
slept in England, as is usual, during the long vaca- 
tion. But the court had little quiet, having every 
day fresh alarms from abroad, as weU as great mor- 
tifications at home. 
757 I must now change the scene, and give a large 
oforangr accouut of the affairs abroad, they having such a 
treats with conncction with all that followed in England. Upon 

some o r 

princes of the elector of Brandenbureh's death, the prince sent 

the empire. ^ . . 

Mr. Bentink with the compliment to the new elec- 
tor : and he was ordered to lay before him the state 
of affairs, and to communicate the prince's design to 
him, and to ask him, how much he might depend 
upon him for his assistance. The answer was full 
and frank. He offered all that was asked, and 
more. The prince resolved to carry over to Eng- 
land an army of nine thousand foot and four thou- 
sand horse and dragoons. He intended to choose 
these out of the whole Dutch army. But for the 

William afterwards, and was page 163, 171. He was cer- 
deemed the best minister he tainly a very ill man. I have 
ever had. But king William heard one particular of hira, 
should not have made such a which is pretty extraordinary in 
man his minister. However this country, when men gene- 
good his counsels might be, his rally raise themselves by ability 
character did the king more of speech, in public assemblies, 
hurt ; and in some things his " that he never used to speak 
fears, on account of his former " in parliament. " See the next 
actings, made him advise the vol. pp. 4, 128, 207^ O. 
king very ill. See the next vol. 


security of the States, under such a diminution of jggg. 

their force, it was necessary to have a strength from 

some other princes. This was soon concerted be- 
tween the prince and the new elector, with the 
landgi'ave of Hesse, and the duke of Lunenburg 
and Zell, who had a particular affection to the 
prince, and was a cordial friend to him on all occa- 
sions P. 

His brother, the duke of Hanover, was at that 
time in some engagements with the court of France. 
But, since he had married the princess Sophia of 
the Palatine house, I ventured to send a message to 
her by one of their court, who was then at the 
Hague. He was a French refugee, named Mr. 
Boucour. It was to acquaint her with our design 
with relation to England, and to let her know, that, 
if we succeeded, certainly a perpetual exclusion of 
all papists from the succession to the crown would 
be enacted : and, since she was the next protestant 
heir after the two princesses, and the prince of 
Orange, of whom at that time there was no issue 
alive, I was very confident, that, if the duke of 
Hanover could be disengaged from the interests of 
France, so that he came into our interests, the suc- 
cession to the crown would be lodged in her person, 
and in her posterity : though on the other hand, if 
he continued, as he stood then, engaged with 
France, I could not answer for this. The gentle- 
man carried the message and delivered it. The 
duchess entertained it with much warmth : and 
brought him to the duke to repeat it to him. But 

P (Ralph asserts, that these which mention is made below, 
conferences took place after the Hist, of England, p. 1009.) 
elector of Cologne's death, of 


1688. at that time this made no great impression on him. 
He looked on it as a remote and a doubtful project. 
Yet when he saw our success in England, he had 
other thoughts of it. Some days after this French- 
man was gone, I told the prince what I had done. 
He approved of it heartily : but was particularly 
glad that I had done it as of my self, without com- 
municating it to him, or any way engaging him in 
it : for he said, if it should happen to be known that 
the proix)sition was made by him, it might do us 
758 hurt in England, as if he had already reckoned 
himself so far master, as to be forming projects con- 
cerning the succession to the crown ^. 
If'cokn * ^"^ while this was in a secret management, the 
elector of Colen's death came in very luckily to give 
a good colour to intrigues and preparations. The 
old elector was brother to Maximilian, duke of Ba- 
varia, He had been long bishop, both of Colen and 
Liege : he was also elected bishop of Munster : but 
the pope would never grant his bulls for that see : 
but he had the temporalties, and that was all he 
thought on. He had thus a revenue of near four 
miUions of guilders, and four great bishoprics ; for he 

1 In this case, as in that mo- not credit, though he is not 

<lest proposal he made to the ashamed to own it ; his vanity 

princess, (see above, p. 692,) 1 being very apt to get the better 

believe he was employed by the of his modesty, and sometimes 

jMince, as one there was no of his truth, of which there are 

consequence in disavowing, if many instances in this history 

he had no success ; and by his that I did not expect. D. (Wil- 

own account, the prince was liam's connections with and 

resolved to do so. But that his designs in favour of the 

this little pamphlet writer should princes of the house of Bruns- 

of his own head propose set- wick Lunenburgh, may be seen 

thng the succession, either to in D'Avaux's Negotiations, years 

the princess of Orange, or the 1680, &c.) 
princess Sophia, is what I can- 


was likewise bishop of Hiidesheim. He could arm j688. 

and pay twenty thousand men, besides that his do- 

minions lay quite round the Netherlands. Munster 
lay between them and the northern parts of Grer- 
many; and from thence their best recruits came. 
Colen commanded twenty leagues of the Rhine; by 
which, as an entrance was opened into Holland, 
which they had felt severely in the year 1672, so 
the Spanish Netherlands were entirely cut off from 
all assistance that might be sent them out of Grer- 
many : and Liege was a country full both of people 
and wealth, by which an entrance is open into Bra- 
bant : and if Maestricht was taken, the Maese was 
open down to Holland. So it was of great import- 
ance to the States to take care who should succeed 
him. The old man was a weak prince, much set on 
chemical processes, in hopes of the philosopher's 
Stone. He had taken one of the princes of Fur- 
stenberg into his particular confidence, and was en- 
tirely governed by him. He made him one of the 
canons of Colen : and he came to be dean at last. 
He made him not only his chief minister, but left 
the nomination of the canons that were prefeiTed 
by him wholly to his choice. The bishop and the 
dean and chapter name those by tunis. So what 
by those the elector named on his motion, what by 
those he got to be chosen, he reckoned he was sure 
of succeeding the elector : and nothing but ill ma- 
nagement could have prevented it. He had no 
hopes of succeeding at Munster. But he had taken 
much pains to secure Liege. 

I need not enlarge further on this story, than to 
remember that he got the elector to deliver his 
country up to the French in the year 1672, and 


1688. that the treaty opened at Colen was broken up on 
his being seized by the emperor's order. After he 
was set at liberty, he was, upon the recommenda- 
tion of the court of France, made a cardinal, though 
with much difficulty. In the former winter, the 
emperor had been prevailed on by the Palatine fa- 
mily to consent to the election of a coadjutor in 
Colen. But this was an artifice of the cardinal's, 
759 who deceived that family into the hopes of carrying 
the election for one of their branches. And they 
obtained the emperor's consent to it, without which 
it could not be done. But so ill grounded were the 
Palatine's hopes, that of twenty-five voices the car- 
dinal had nineteen, and they had only six voices. 

The contest at Rome about the franchises had 
now occasioned such a rupture there, that France 
and Rome seemed to be in a state of war. The 
count Lavardin was sent ambassador to Rome. But 
the pope refused to receive him, unless he would re- 
nounce the pretension to the franchises. So he en- 
tered Rome in a hostile manner, with some troops 
. of horse, though not in form of troops : but the force 
was too great for the pope. He kept guards about 
his house, and in the franchises, and affronted the 
pope's authority on all occasions. The pope bore all 
silently; but would never admit him to an audience, 
nor receive any message nor intercession from the 
court of France ; and kept off every thing, in which 
they concerned themselves : and therefore he would 
not confirm the election of a coadjutor to Colen. So, 
that not being done when the elector died, the ca- 
nons were to proceed to a new election, the former 
being void, because not confirmed : for if it had been 
confirmed, there would have been no vacancy. 


The cabal against the cardinal grew so strong, 1688. 
that he began to apprehend he might lose it, if he ' 
had not leave from the pope to resign the bishopric 
of Strasburg, which the French had forced him to 
accept, only to lessen the pension that they paid him 
by giving him that bishopric. By the rules of the 
empire, a man that is already a bishop, cannot be 
chosen to another see, but by a postulation : and to 
that it is necessary to have a concurrence of two- 
thirds of the chapter. But it was at the pope's 
choice, whether he would accept of the resignation 
of Strasburg, or not : and therefore he refused it. 
The king of France sent a gentleman to the pope 
with a letter writ in his own hand, desiring him to 
accept of that resignation, and promising him upon 
it all reasonable satisfaction : but the pope would 
not admit the bearer, nor receive the letter. He 
said, while the French ambassador lived at Rome 
like an enemy that had invaded it, he would receive 
nothing from that court. 

In the bishoprics of Munster and Hildesheim, the 
deans were promoted, of whom both the states and 
the princes of the empire were well assured. But a 
new management was set up at Colen. The elector 
of Bavaria had been disgusted at some things in the 
emperor's court. He complained, that the honour of 
the success in Hungary was given so entirely to the 
duke of Lorrain, that he had not the share which 76O 
belonged to him. The French instruments that were 
then about him took occasion to alienate him more 
from the emperor, by representing to him, that, in 
the management now at Colen, the emperor shewed 
more regard to the Palatine family tlian to himself, 
after all the service he had done him. The emperor, 

VOL. III. s 


1668. apprehending the ill consequences of a breach with 
' him, sent and offered him the supreme command of 

his armies in Hungary for that year, the duke of 
Lorrain being taken ill of a fever, just as they were 
upon opening the campaign. He likewise offered 
him all the voices that the palatine had made at 
Colen, in favour of his brother prince Clement. 
Upon this they were again reconciled : and the elec- 
tor of Bavaria commanded the emperor's army in 
Hungary so successfully, that he took Belgrade by 
storm after a short siege. Prince Clement was then 
but seventeen, and was not of the chapter of Colen. 
So he was not eligible, according to their rules, till 
he obtained a bull from the pope dispensing with 
these things. That was easily got. With it the 
emperor sent one to manage the election in his 
name, with express instructions to offer the chapter 
the whole revenue and government of the temporal- 
ties for five years, in case they would choose prince 
Clement, who wanted all that time to be of age. If 
he could make nine voices sure for him, he was to 
stick firm to his interest. But, if he could not gain 
so many, he was to consent to any person that 
should be set up in opposition to the cardinal. He 
was ordered to charge him severely before the chap- 
ter, as one that had been for many years an enemy 
and traitor to the empire. This was done with all 
possible aggravations, and in very injurious words. 

The chapter saw, that this election was like to be 
attended with a war in their country, and other dis- 
mal consequences : for the cardinal was chosen by 
the chapter, vicar, or guardian of the temporalties : 
and he had put garrisons in all their fortified places, 
that were paid with French money : and they knew, 


he would put them all in the king of France's hands, 1688. 

if he was not elected. They had promised not to 

vote in favour of the Bavarian prince. So they of- 
fered to the emperor's agent to consent to any third 
person : but ten voices were made sure to prince 
Clement : so he was fixed to his interests. At the 
election, the cardinal had fourteen voices, and prince 
Clement had ten. By this means the cardinal's pos- 
tulation was defective, since he had not two-thirds. 
And upon that, prince Clement's election was first 
judged good by the emperor, as to the temporalties ; 
but was transmitted by him to Rome, where a con- 
gregation of cardinals examined it: and it was 
judged in favour of prince Clement. The cardinal 76I 
succeeded worse at Liege, where the dean was with- 
out any difficulty chosen bishop: and nothing but 
the cardinal's purple saved him from the violences of 
the people of Liege. He met with all sorts of inju- 
rious usage, being hated there, both on the account of 
his depending so much on the protection of France, 
and for the effects they had felt of his violent and 
cruel ministry under the old elector. I will add one 
circumstance in honour of some of the canons of 
Liege. They not only would accept of no presents 
from those whom the states appointed to assist in 
managing that election, before it was made ; but 
they refused them after the election was over. This 
I saw in the letter that the States' deputy wrote to 
the Hague. 

I have given a more particular account of tliis 
matter ; because I was acquainted with all the steps 
that were made in it. And it had such an imme- 
diate relation to the peace and safety of Holland, 
that, if they had miscarried in it, the expedition de- 

s 2 


.i68S. signed for England would not have been so safe, nor 
could it have been proposed easily in the States. By 
this it appeared, what an influence the papacy, low 
as it is, may stiU have in the matters of the greatest 
consequence. The foolish pride of the French court, 
which had affronted the pope, in a point in which, 
since they allowed him to be the prince of Rome, he 
certainly could lay down such rules as he thought 
iit, did now defeat a design that they had been long 
driving at, and which could not have miscarried by 
any other means, than those that they had found 
out. Such great events may and do often rise from 
inconsiderable beginnings. These things furnished 
the prince with a good bUnd for covering all his pre- 
parations ; since here a war in their neighbourhood 
was unavoidable, and it was necessary to strengthen 
both their alliances and their troops. For it was vi- 
sible to all the world, that, if the French could have 
fixed themselves in the territory of Colen, the way 
was opened to enter HoUand, or to seize on Flan- 
ders, when the king pleased ; and he would have the 
four electors on the Rhine at mercy. It was neces- 
sary to dislodge them, and this could not be done 
without a war with France. The prince got the 
States to settle a fund for nine thousand seamen, to 
be constantly in their service. And orders were 
given to put the naval preparations in such a case, 
that they might be ready to put to sea upon orders. 
Thus things went on in July and August, with so 
much secrecy and so little suspicion, that neither the 
court of England nor the court of FVance seemed to 
be alarmed at them ^ 

^ (Ralph remarks, that the p. 768, that Albeville came over 
bishop himself acknowledges, at fully persuaded, that the Dutch 


In July, admiral Herbert came over to Holland, 1688. 

and was received with a particular regard to hisZ^^ 

pride and ill humour : for he was upon every occa- Herbert , 
sion so sullen and peevish, that it was plain he set aSHoiTiSd. 
high value on himself, and expected the same of all 
others. He had got his accounts passed, in which he 
complained, that the king had used him not only 
hardly but unjustly. He was a man delivered up to 
pride and luxury. Yet he had a good understanding: 
and he had gained so great a reputation by his 
steady behaviour in England, that the prince under- 
stood that it was expected he should use him as he 
himself should desire ; in which it was not very easy 
to him to constrain himself so far as that required. 
The managing him was in a great measure put on 
me : and it was no easy thing. It made me often 
reflect on the providence of God, that makes some 
men instruments in great things, to which they them- 
selves have no sort of affection or disposition : for 
his private quaiTel with the lord Dartmouth, who he 
thought had more of the king's confidence than he 
himself had, was believed the root of aU the sullen- 
ness he fell under towards the king, and of all the 
firmness that gi'ew out of that. 

I now return to England, to give an account of a The »drke» 
secret management there. The lord Mordaunt ' was i3. °* 
the first of all the English nobility that came over 
openly to see the prince of Orange. He asked the 

designed the expedition against letter of apology intimates, that 

England. And Airther observes, the French made an offer in the 

that the whole tenor of James's summer of strengthening the 

measures shews, that he sus- king's hands with a squadron of 

pected the intentions of Hoi- theirs, which was refusetl. Hist, 

land, for when the Dutch fitted of England, vol. i. p. 1006.) 
out a fleet, he did the same ; ' Now earl of Peterborough, 

and that lord Sunderland in his S. 



1688. king's leave to do it. H^ was a man of much hfeat, 

The lord many notions, and full of discourse : he was brave 
character. ^ ^^^ gcucrous : but had not true judgment, [and less 
virtue :] his thoughts were crude and indigested : 
and his secrets were soon known. [He was both 
vain, passionate, and inconstant.] He was with the 
prince in the year 1686 : and then he pressed him 
to undertake the business of England : and he repre- 
sented the matter as so easy, that this appeared too 
romantical to the prince to buUd upon it. He only 
promised in general, that he should have an eye on 
the affairs of England ; and should endeavour to put 
the affairs of Holland in so good a posture, as to be 
ready to act when it should be necessary : and he 
assured him, that, if the king should go about either 
to change the established religion, or to wrong the 
princess in her right, or to raise forged plots to de- 
stroy his friends, that he would try what he could 
possibly do. Next year a man of a far different tem- 
per came over to him : 
The earl of The carl of Shrewsbury. He had been bred a pa- 
bury's cha- pist, but had forsakcu that religion upon a very cri- 
tical and anxious inquiry into matters of contro- 
versy ^ Some thought that, though he had forsaken 
popery, he was too sceptical, and too little fixed in 
the points of religion. He seemed to be a man of 
great probity, and to have a high sense of honour ". 
763 He had no ordinary measure of learning, a connect 

^ He turned protestant in the venient his son should,) lord 

time of the popish plot, as did Lumley, since earl of Scarbo- 

the earl of Arundel, (by the ad- rough, lord Brudenel, eldest son 

vice, as was said, of his father, to the earl of Cardigan, and se- 

the duke of Norfolk, who told veral others of lower distinc- 

hira he was too old to change tion. D. 
his religion, but thought it con- " Quite contrary. S. 



judgment, with a sweetness of temper that charmed 1688. 

all who knew him. He had at that time just notions " 

of government ; and so great a command of himself, 
that, during all the time that he continued in the 
ministry, I never heard any one complaint of him, 
but for his silent and reserved answers, with which 
his friends were not always well pleased. His mo- 
dest deportment gave him such an interest in the 
prince, that he never seemed so fond of any of his 
ministers as he was of him. He had only in general 
laid the state of affairs before the prince, without 
pressing him too much. 

But Russel coming over in May, brought the mat-RusMi's 
ter nearer a point. He was a cousin-german to the 
lord Russel. He had been bred at sea, and was bed- 
chamber-man to the king, when he was duke of 
York : but, upon the lord Russel's death, he retired 
from the court. He was a man of much honour and 
great courage. He had good principles, and was 
firm to them. [He was too lazy, too haughty, and " 
too much given to pleasure.] The prince spoke 
more positively to him than he had ever done 
before. He said, he must satisfy both his honour 
and conscience, before he could enter upon so great 
a design, which, if it miscarried, must bring ruin 
both on England and Holland: he protested, that 
no private ambition nor resentment of his own 
could ever prevail so far with him, as to make him 
break with so near a relation, or engage in a war, of 
which the consequences must be of the last import- 
ance both to the interests of Europe and of the pro- 
testant religion: therefore he expected formal and 
direct invitations. Russel laid before him the danger 
of trusting such a secret to great numbers. The 

s 4 


1688. prince said, if a considerable number of men, that 
might be supposed to understand the sense of the 
nation best, should do it, he would acquiesce in it. 

Russel told me, that, upon his return to England, 
he communicated the matter, first to the earl of 
Shrewsbury, and then to the lord Lumly, who was 
a late convert from popery, and had stood out very 
firmly all this reign ''. He was a man who laid his 
interest much to heart : and he resolved to embark 
deep in this design. 

But the man in whose hands the conduct of the 

whole design was chiefly deposited, by the prince's 

own order, was Mr. Sidney, brother to the earl of 

Sidney's Leicester and to Algernoon Sidney. He was a grace- 


ful man, and had lived long in the court, where he 
had some adventures that became very public. He 
was a man of a sweet and caressing temper, had no 
malice in his heart, but too great a love of pleasure >. 
He had been sent envoy to Holland in the year 
764 1679, where he entered into such particular confi- 
dences with the prince, that he had the highest mea- 
sure of his trust and favour that any Englishman 
ever had. This was well known over England : so 
that all who desired to recommend themselves to 
the prince did it through his hands. He was so ap- 
prehensive of the dangers this might cast him in, 
that he travelled almost a year round Italy. But 
now matters ripened faster : so aU centered in him. 
But, because he was lazy, and the business required 
an active man, who could both run about, and write 
over long and full accounts of all matters, I recom- 

" He was a knave and a cow- rake, without sense, truth, or 
ard. S. honour. S. 

y An idle, drunken, ignorant 


mended a kinsman of my own, Johnstoune % whom iftgg. 

I had formed, and knew to be ])oth faithful and di-"~ 

ligent, and very fit for the employment he was now 
trusted with. [He was indeed hot and eager, too 
soon possessed with jealousy, and too vehement in 
all he proposed, but he proved very fit.] 

Sidney tried the marquis of Hallifax, if he would Many «- 
advise the prince's coming over. But, as this mat-Sisn'.''*''* 
ter was opened to him at a great distance, he did 
not encourage a further freedom. He looked on the 
thing as impracticable : it depended on so many ac- 
cidents, that he thought it was a rash and desperate 
project, that ventured all upon such a dangerous 
issue, as might turn on seas and winds. It was next 
opened to the earl of Danby : and he not only went 
in heartily to it himself, but drew in the bishop of 
London to join in it. By their advice it was pro- ; 
posed to the earl of Nottingham, who had great cre- 
dit with the whole church party : for he was a man 
possessed with their notions*, and was giave and 
virtuous in the course of his life. He had some 
knowledge of the law, and of the records of parlia- 
ment, and was a copious speaker, but too florid and 
tedious. He [certainly admired himself, and] was 
much admired by many, [chiefly by those who knew 
him least.] He had stood at a great distance from 
the court all this reign : for, though his name was 
still among the privy counsellors, yet he never went 
to the board. He upon the first proposition enter- 
tained it, and agreed to it. But at their next meet- 
ing he said, he had considered better of that matter: 

* An arrant Scotch rogue. S. was afterwards secretar)' of state 
He was a son of Wariston, for Scotland. O. 
mentioned before, (p. 203,) and ' That is, church notions. S. 


1688. his conscience was so restrained in those points, that 
' he could not go further with them in it : he said, he 

had talked with some divines, and named TUlotson 
and Stillingfleet, in general of the thing ; and they 
were not satisfied with it : (though they protested to 
me afterwards, that they remembered no such thing:) 
he confessed, he should not have suffered them to go 
so far with him in such a secret, till he had examined 
it better: they had now, according to Italian notions, 
a right to murder him'': but, though his principles 
restrained him, so that he could not go on with 
them, his affections would make him to wish well to 
them, and be so far a criminal as concealment could 
make him one ^. The earl of Devonshire was spoke 
to: and he went into it with great resolution. It 
was next proposed to three of the chief officers of 
765 the army, Trelawny, Kirk, and the lord Churchill. 
These went aU into it. And Trelawny engaged his 
brother, the bishop of Bristol, into it. 
Lord But, having now named the lord ChurchiU, who 

diwter.* is like to be mentioned oft by me in the sequel of 
this work, I will say a little more of him. He was 

^ It has been said, that the Danby said, he thought there 

Spanish minister here, who was was more danger in meddling 

in the secret, did advise the with him than letting of him 

putting him to death. O. alone, for he believed, he durst 

^ The duke of Shrewsbury as little discover as join with 
told me, that upon this decla- them : for he must needs think, 
ration of lord Nottingham, one that any prejudice he did them 
of the lords (whom he named) would certainly be revenged, 
said he thought things were Upon which they agreed to 
brought to a short point, either have nothing more to do with 
lord Nottingham or they must him, unless their design mis- 
die, and proposed shooting of carried; in which case lord 
him upon Kensington road, Danby thought, they had rea- 
which he would undertake to son to prevent his claiming any 
do in such a manner, that it merit to the other side, by any 
should appear to have been means whatever. D. 
done by highwaymen. Lord 



a man of a noble and graceful appearance, bred up 
in the court with no literature : but he had a solid " 
and clear understanding, with a constant presence of 
mind. He knew the arts of living in a court beyond 
any man in it. He caressed all people with a soft 
and obliging deportment, and was always ready to 
do good offices. He had no fortune to set up on : 
this put him on all the methods of acquiring one '*. 
And that went so far into him, that he did not 
shake it oflf when he was in a much higher eleva- 
tion : nor was his expence suited enough to his 
posts. But, when allowances are made for that, it 
must be acknowledged, that he is one of the great- 
est men the age has produced *. He was in high fa- 


•• A composition of perfidi- 
ousness and avarice. S. Prince 
Eugene gave a concise charac- 
ter of him upon receiving a let- 
ter from Iiim that he could not 
well read, therefore gave it to 
another person to try if he 
could read it to him, who said 
one difficulty was, that he never 
put a tittle upon an i ; to which 
the prince answered, that saved 
ink. D. (There are numerous 
proofs of the perfidy of this 
most ungrateful person, and his 
rapacity is the subject of many 
a satire ; but it is somewhere 
told, that when his enemies 
were attacking his character, 
particularly noticing his avarice, 
and appealed to lord Boling- 
broke, who had formerly been 
connected with him, for the 
truth of their remarks, his lord- 
ship answered, that the duke of 
Marlborough was so great a 
man, that he could remember 
none of his faults. A fine sen- 

timent of a rival statesman ; but 
which ought not to abridge the 
freedom of history, or to protect 
the vices of a great bad man.) 

'He might with truth have 
added, that he was undoubtedly 
the most fortunate man that 
ever lived, having always re- 
ceived the reward before the 
merit, and the appearance of 
having deserved it came after- 
wards, in which he expected, 
and constantly had a second 
gratification ; till he had pro- 
cured all the honours and 
wealth his own country could 
give him, and then obtained 
leave to be made a prince of 
the empire, with full liberty to 
pillage our allies, which he did 
so effectually, that at his death, 
no prince in Europe had the 
command of so much treasure. 
But he had the misfortune to 
lose his understanding, some 
time before he died, which in 
one sense made good Madam 


1688. vour with the king. But his lady was much more 
in princess Anne's favour. She had an ascendant 
over her in every thing. She was a woman of little 
knowledge, but of a clear apprehension and a true 
judgment, a warm and hearty friend, violent and 
sudden in her resolutions, and impetuous in her way 
of speaking. She was thought proud and insolent 
on her favour, though she used none of the common 
arts of a court to maintain it : for she did not beset 
the princess, nor flatter her ^ She stayed much at 
home, and looked very carefully after the education 
of her children. Having thus opened both their 
characters, I will now give an account of this lord's 
engagements in this matter ; for which he has been 
so severely censured, as guilty both of ingratitude 
and treachery to a very kind and liberal master. He 
never discovered any of the king's secrets ; nor did 
he ever push him on to any violent proceedings s. 

De Croise's prophecy, that he jesty had always been too fond 
should be the greatest man in of her. But it seems they were 
England, and then lose his of too sublime a nature to be 
head. D. totally suppressed ; though to 
f This she took care to prove her own and mistress's dis- 
in the scandalous memoirs she grace. D. 
published, a little before her s (Lieutenant colonel Beau- 
own death, and had often mont having been directed by 
threatened to do so in the the duke of Berwick to admit 
queen's lifetime, but was pre- some Irish soldiers for recruits, 
vented, as sir Robert Walpole refused to do it, and offered to 
told me, by his telling her she lay down his commission rather 
would be tore in pieces in the than comply. Accordingly he 
streets if she did. But she and those officers who joined 
shewed the queen's letters to with him were tried at a coun- 
every body, till Arthur Man- cil of war, and cashiered : 
waring, a great favourite of hers, " when my lord Churchill moved 
told her she exposed herself " to have them suffer death for 
more than the queen, for they " their disobedience ; foresee- 
only confirmed what the world " ing that such a piece of seve- 
thought before, that her Ma- " rity would reflect upon the 


So that he was in no contrivance to ruin or betray iG88. 
him. On the contrary, whensoever he spoke to the 
king of his affairs, which he did but seldom, because 
he could not fall in with the king's notions, he al- 
ways suggested moderate counsels. The earl of Gral- 
way told me, that when he came over with the first 
compliment upon the king's coming to the crown, 
he said then to him, that, if the king was ever pre- 
vailed on to alter our religion, he would serve him 
no longer, but withdraw from him. So early was 
this resolution fixed in him. When he saw how the 
king was set, he could not be contented to see all 
ruined by him. He was also very doubtful as to the 
pretended birth. So he resolved, when the prince 
should come over, to go in to him ^ ; but to betray 
no post, nor do any thing more than the withdraw- 
ing himself, with such officers as he could trust with 
such a secret'. He also undertook, that prince 766 

*♦ king, and inflame the peo- ther charge against lord Chur- 

" pie." Life of King James II. chill of his intending to assas- 

vol. ii. p. 169. See below, p. sinate the king in case of a fail- 

767.) ure of the attempt to seize hira, 

** What could he do more to depends on the alleged con- 

a mortal enemy ? S. versation and deathbed confes- 

' (Of the intention attributed sion of lord Hewit, one of the 

to him to seize on the king's supposed confederates. Lord 

person in order to convey him Churchill's late biographer, af- 

to the prince of Orange's quar- ter finding fault with Macpher- 

ters, see an account by the king son, is contented with making 

himself in his Life lately pub- the following observation : 

lished, vol.ii. p. 222: whosays, "Such tales may find a mo- 

" that some days after, he had " mentary credit, when the 

" so far intimation of his de- " passions of men are heated ; 

" sign, that it was proposed to " but at present, to mention is 

" secure him." See also D'Or- " to refute them." See Coxe's 

leans's Revolutions, p. 311, Memoirs of John Duke of Marl- 

312. and sir John Reresby's borough, vol. i. p. 31. As for lord 

Memoirs, p. 167. Compare Marlborough's conduct after- 

Macpherson's Original Papers, wards, when he was imprisoned 

vol. i. p. a 80 — 284. The fur- by William for corresponding 


1688. George and the princess Anne would leave the 
court, and come to the prince, as soon as was pos- 
sible ^. 

With these invitations and letters the earl of 
Shrewsbury and Russel came over in September : 
and soon after them came Sidney with Johnstoun. 
And they brought over a full scheme of advices, to- 
gether with the heads of a declaration, all which 
were chiefly penned by lord Danby. He, and the 
earl of Devonshire, and the lord Lumly, undertook 
for the north : and they aU dispersed themselves 
into their several countries, and among their friends. 
The thing was in the hands of many thousands, who 
yet were so true to one another, that none of them 
made any discovery, no, not by their rashness : 
though they were so confident, that they did not 
use so discreet a conduct as was necessary. Matters 
went on in Holland with great secrecy till Septem- 
ber. Then it was known, that many arms were be- 

with, and giving intelligence to the earl of Balcarras, in his 
his old master, it only puts him Memoirs, p. 27, speaking of the 
on a level with his versatile and earl of Argyle, and his desire to 
unprincipled contemporaries.) be of the Orange party, tells 
^ Tliat Mr. Russel did carry us, " that he could not be ad- 
such assurances is most un- " mitted, till his request had 
doubtedly true : but how this " been made known to prince 
is to be reconciled to the ac- " George; that the condition 
count given by the duchess of " upon which he was to be ad- 
Marlborough, of the prince's " mitted was, the taking an 
leaving the cockpit, her friends, " oath upon the sacrament, to 
if she has any, would do well " go in to the prince of Orange 
to explain. At present it is " whenever he landed ; and 
made up of so many inconsist- " that he took the said oath 
encies, that it is impossible any " accordingly, in the presence 
body should give credit to so ill " of the (young) duke of Or- 
a concerted romance. D. (Com- " mond, and a gentleman who 
pare Ralph on this subject at " belonged to the prince of 
p. 1048 of his History; who "Denmark.") 
mentions a littk before, that 


spoke. And, though those were bargained for in 168& 
the name of the king of Sweden, and of some of the 
princes of Germany, yet there was giound enough 
for suspicion. All those that were trusted proved 
both faithful and discreet. And here an eminent 
difference appeared between the hearty concurrence 
of those who went into a design upon principles of 
religion and honour, and the forced compliance of 
mercenary soldiers, or corrupt ministers, which is 
neither cordial nor secret. France took the alarm 
first, and gave it to the court of England. 

D'Avaux, the French ambassador, could no more The conn 
give the court of France those advertisements that p^ve the 
he was wont to send of all that passed in Holland. ***""• 
He had great allowances for entertaining agents and 
spies every where. But Louvoy, who hated him, 
suggested that there was no more need of these : sot 
they were stopped: and the ambassador was not 
sorry that the court felt their error so sensibly. The 
king published the advertisements he had from 
France a little too rashly : for all people were much 
animated, when they heard it from such a hand. 
The king soon saw his error : and, to correct it, he 
said on many occasions, that whatever the designs 
of the Dutch might be, he was sure they were not 
against him. It was given out sometimes, that they 
were against France, and then that they were against 
Denmark. Yet the king shewed he was not without 
his fears : for he ordered fourteen more ships to l)e 
put to sea with many fireships. He recalled Strick- 
land, and gave the command to the lord Dartmouth; 
who was indeed one of the worthiest men of liis 
court : he loved him, and had been long in his ser- 


1688. vice, and in his confidence : but he was much against 
all the conduct of his affairs : yet he resolved to 
767 stick to him at all hazards. The seamen came in 
slowly : and a heavy backwardness appeared in 
every thing. 
Recruits A new and unlocked for accident gave the king 

land re-' & vcry scusible trouble. It was resolved, as was told 
fused. before, to model the army, and to begin with re- 
cruits from Ireland. Upon which the English army 
would have become insensibly an Irish one. The 
king made the first trial on the duke of Berwick's 
regiment, which being already under an illegal co- 
lonel, it might be supposed they were ready to sub- 
mit to every thing. Five Irishmen were ordered to 
be put into every company of that regiment, which 
then lay at Portsmouth. But Beaumont, the lieu- 
tenant colonel, and five of the captains, refused to 
receive them. They said, they had raised their men 
upon the duke of Monmouth's invasion, by which 
their zeal for the king's service did evidently ap- 
pear. If the king would order any recruits, they 
doubted not, but that they should be able to make 
them. But they found, it would give such an uni- 
versal discontent, if they should receive the Irish 
among them, that it would put them out of a capa- 
city of serving the king any more. But as the order 
was positive, so the duke of Berwick was sent down 
to see it obeyed. Upon which they desired leave to 
lay down their commissions. The king was pro- 
voked by this to such a degree that he could not go- 
vern his passion. The officers were put in arrest, 
and brought before a council of war, where they 
were broken with reproach, and declared incapable 


to serve the king any more'. But upon this occa- 1688. 
sion the whole officers of the army declared so great ~" 

an unwillingness to mix with those of another na- 
tion and religion, that, as no more attempts were 
made of this kind, so it was believed that this fixed 
the king in a point that was then under debate. 

The king of France, when he gave the king the offer. uMde 
advertisements of the preparations in Holland, of- pJ^lJl*,,, 
fered him such a force as he should call for. Twelve 
or fifteen thousand were named, or as many more as 
he should desire. It was proposed, that they should 
land at Portsmouth, and that they should have that 
place to keep the communication with France open, 
and in their hands. All the priests were for this : 
so were most of the popish lords. The earl of Sun- 
derland was the only man in credit that opposed it. 
He said, the offer of an army of forty thousand men 
might be a real strength : but then it would depend 
on the orders that came from France : they might 
perhaps master England: but they would become 
the king's masters at the same time: so that he 
must govern under such orders as they should give : 
and thus he would quickly become only a viceroy 
to the king of France : any army less than that 768 
would lose the king the affections of his people, and 
drive his own army to desertion, if not to mutiny. 

The kins: did not think matters were yet so near Not enter. 

° • 1 • • t«in«d lit 

a crisis : so he did neither entertam the proposition, tb«t time, 
nor let it fall quite to the ground. There was a 
treaty set on foot, and the king was to have an hun- 

' (This was a most barefaced country ; and at length in a 
and dangerous attempt, which, bloody contest between the op- 
had it succeeded, must have pressors and the oppressed.) 
ended in the slavery of the 



1688. dred merchant ships ready for the transportation of 
such forces as he should desire, which it was pro- 
mised should be ready when called for. It is cer- 
tain, that the French ambassador then at London, 
who knew the court better than he did the nation, 
did believe, that the king would have been able to 
have made a greater division of the nation, than it 
proved afterwards he was able to do. He believed 
it would have gone to a civil war ; and that then 
the king would have been forced to have taken as- 
sistance from France on any terms : and so he en- 
couraged the king of France to go on with his de- 
signs that winter, and he beUeved he might come in 
good time next year to the king's assistance. These 
advices proved fatal to the king, and to Barillon 
himself: for when he was sent over to France, he 
was so iU looked on, that it was believed it had an 
ill effect on his health ; for he died soon after'". 

Albeville came over fully persuaded that the 
Dutch designed the expedition against England, but 
played the minister so, that he took pains to infuse 
into all people that they designed no such thing; 
which made him to be generally laughed at. He 
was soon sent back : and in a memorial he gave 
into the States, he asked what was the design of 
those great and surprising preparations at such a 
season. The States, according to their slow forms. 

"" (Barillon, according to to that minister to leave the 

Echard, in his Hist, of the Re- kingdom in twenty-four hours, 

volution, before the meeting of He demanded a longer time, 

the convention, appeared extra- but being refused, unwillingly 

ordinarily active and busy in left London, p. 218. This am- 

promoting divisions among the bassador of France was sent 

peers; upon which the prince away under a Dutch guard as 

of Orange sent an express order far as Dover.) 


let this lie long l)efore them, without giving it an iCss. 


But the court of France made a greater step. Th« French 
The French ambassador in a memorial told thelliiiLS 

with the 


States, that his master understood their design was J- 
against England, and in that case he signified to 
them, that there was such a strait alliance be- 
tween him and the king of England, that he would 
look on every thing done against England as an in- 
vasion of his own crown. This put the king and 
his ministers much out of countenance : for, upon 
some surmises of an alliance with France, they had 
very positively denied there was any such thing. 
Albeville did continue to deny it at the Hague, even 
after the memorial was put in. The king did like- 
wise deny it to the Dutch ambassador at London. 
And the blame of the putting it into the memorial 
was cast on Shelton, the king's envoy at Paris, who 
was disowned in it, and upon his coming over was 
put in the tower for it. This was a short disgrace ; 
for he was soon after made lieutenant of the tower. 
His rash folly might have procured the order from 769 
the court of France to own this alliance: he thought 
it would terrify the States : and so he pressed this 
officiously, which they easily granted. That related 
only to the owning it in so public a manner. But 
this did clearly prove, that such an alliance was 
made": otherwise no instances, how pressing soever, 
would have prevailed with the court of France to 
have owned it in so solemn a manner: for what 
ambassadors say in their master's name, when they 
are not immediately disowned, passes for authentic- 

"And who can blame him, if in such a necessity he made that 
alliance r ft 

T 2 


1688. So that it was a vain cavil that some made after- 
wards, when they asked, how was this alliance 
proved ? The memorial was a full proof of it : and 
the shew of a disgrace on Shelton did not at all 
weaken that proof". 

But I was more confirmed of this matter by what 
sir William Trumball, then the English ambassador 
at Constantinople, told me at his return to England. 
He was the eminentest of all our civilians, and was 
by much the best pleader in those courts, and was a 
learned, a diligent, and a virtuous man. He was 
sent envoy to Paris upon the lord Preston's being 
recalled. He was there when the edict that re- 
pealed the edict of Nantes was passed, and saw the 
violence of the persecution, and acted a great and 
worthy part in harbouring many, in covering their 
effects, and in conveying over their jewels and plate 
to England ; which disgusted the court of France, 
and was not very acceptable to the court of Eng- 
land, though it was not then thought fit to disown 
or recall him for it. He had orders to put in me- 

*• (Ralph observes, tliat what " tween the two kings. I do 
was policy in the prince of O- •' protest, 1 never knew of any." 
range and the States, passed on Nor that he himself had just 
their dependents as conviction. before said, that the king did 
The bishop, he adds, did not con- neither entertain the proposi- 
sider, that the words amity and tion made by Bonrepos, nor let 
aiZtance,which are the very words it fall quite to the ground, 
of the memorial, are indefinite. Concerning the memorial pre- 
and seem rather to relate to a sented by Albeville, in which 
general, than any particular en- offers were made to take mea- 
gagement ; neither did he re- sures with the Dutch for main- 
collect, that even lord Sunder- taining the peace of Nimeguen, 
land, in his apology, makes use the bishop is silent. Ralph's 
of these expressions : " I can- Hist, of England, vol. i. p. 1008, 
" not omit saying something of ion. But Bonrepos' proposal 
** France, there having been so might be waived for a time, and 
" much talk of a league be- yet the pretended league exist.) 


morials, complaining of the invasion of the princi- J 688. 
pality of Orange ; which he did in so high a strain, 
that the last of them was like a denunciation of war. 
From thence he was sent to Turkey. And, about 
this time, he was suqmsed one morning by a visit 
that the French ambassador made him, without 
those ceremonies that pass between ambassadors. 
He told him, there was no ceremony to be Ijetween 
them any more; for their masters were now one. 
And he shewed him Monsieur de Croissy's letter, 
which was written in cipher. The deciphering he 
read to him, importing that now an alliance was 
concluded between the two kings. So this matter 
was as evidently proved, as a thing of such a nature 
could possibly be. 

The conduct of France at that time with relation The stnagt 
to the States was very unaccountable ; and proved Fr»nce. 
as favourable to the prince of Orange's designs, as if 
he had directed it. All the manufacture of Holland, 
both linen and woollen, was prohibited in France. 
The importation of herrings was also prohibited, ex- 
cept they were cured with French salt. This was 
contrary to the treaty of commerce. The manufac- 
ture began to suffer much. And this was sensible 770 
to those who were concerned in the herring trade. 
So the States prohibited the importing of French 
wine or brandy, till the trade should be set free 
again of both sides. There was nothing that the 
prince had more reason to apprehend, than that the 
French should have given the States some satisfac- 
tion in the point of trade, and offered some assur- 
ances with relation to the territory of Colen. Many 
of the towns of Holland might have been wrought 
on by some temper in these things ; great bodies be- 

T 3 


1688. ing easily deceived, and not easily drawn into wars, 
which interrupt that trade which they subsist by. 
But the height the court of France was then in, 
made them despise all the world. They seemed ra- 
ther to wish for a war, than to fear it. This dis- 
posed the States to an unanimous concurrence in 
the great resolutions that were now agreed on, of 
raising ten thousand men more, and of accepting 
thirteen thousand Germans, for whom the prince 
had, as was formerly mentioned, agreed with some 
of the princes of the empire. Amsterdam was at 
first cold in the matter : but they consented with 
the rest. Reports were given out, that the French 
would settle a regulation of commerce, and that 
they would abandon the cardinal, and leave the af- 
fairs of Colen to be settled by the laws of the em- 
pire. Expedients were also spoke of for accommo- 
dating the matter, by prince Clement's being ad- 
mitted coadjutor, and by his having some of the 
strong places put in his hands. This was only given 
out to amuse. 
A mani- But whilc thcsc things were discoursed of at the 
war against Haguc, the world was surprised with a manifesto, 
the empire. ^^^ ^^^^ j^^ ^j^^ king of Fraucc's name, against the 

emperor. In it, the emperor's ill designs against 
France were set forth. It also complained of the 
elector palatine's injustice to the duchess of Or- 
leans, in not giving her the succession that fell to 
her by her brother's death, which consisted in some 
lands, cannon, furniture, and other moveable goods. 
It also charged him with the disturbances in Colen, 
he having intended first to gain that to one of his 
own sons, and then engaging the Bavarian prince 
into it ; whose elder brother having no children, he 


hoped, by bringing him into an ecclesiastical state, iC88. 
to make the succession of Bavaria fall into his own 
family. It charged the emperor likewise with a de- 
sign to force the electors to choose his son king of 
the Romans; and that the elector palatine was 
pressing him to make peace with the Turks, in 
order to the turning his arms against France. By 
their means a great alliance was projected among 
many protestant princes to disturb cardinal Fur- 
stemberg in the possession of Colen, to which he 
was postulated by the majority of the chapter. And 
this might turn to the prejudice of the catholic reli- 77I 
gion in that territory. Upon all these considerations, 
the king of France, seeing that his enemies could 
not enter into France by any other way but by that 
of Philipsburg, resolved to possess himself of it, and 
then to demolish it. He resolved also to take Kai- 
sarslauter from the palatine, and to keep it, till the 
duchess of Orleans had justice done her in her pre- 
tensions. And he also resolved to support the car- 
dinal in his possession of Colen. But, to balance 
this, he oflfered to the house of Bavaria, that prince 
Clement should be chosen coadjutor. He offered 
also to rase Fribourg, and to restore Kaisarslauter, 
as soon as the elector palatine should pay the 
duchess of Orleans the just value of her pretensions. 
He demanded, that the truce between him and the 
empire should be turned into a peace. He proposed, 
that the king of England and the republic of \'enice 
should be the mediators of this peace. And he con- 
cluded all, declaring that he would not l)ind himself 
to stand to the conditions now offered by him, unless 
they were accepted of before January. 

I have given a full abstract of this manifesto : fur 

T 4 

1688. upon it did the great war begin, which lasted till 

Reflections the peacc of Ryswick. And, upon the grounds laid 
m e upon ^^^^ jjj ^j^jg manifesto, it will evidently appear, 
whether the war was a just one, or not. This de- 
claration was much censured, both for the matter 
and for the style. It had not the air of greatness, 
which became crowned heads. The duchess of Or- 
leans's pretensions to old furniture was a strange 
rise to a war; especially when it was not alleged, 
that these had been demanded in the forms of law, 
and that justice had been denied, which was a 
course necessarily to be observed in things of that 
nature. The judging of the secret intentions of the 
elector palatine, with relation to the house of Ba- 
varia, was absurd. And the complaints of designs to 
bring the emperor to a peace with the Turks, that so 
he might make war on France, and of the emperor's 
design to force an election of a king of the Romans, 
was the entering into the secrets of those thoughts 
which were only known to God. Such conjectures, so 
remote and uncertain, and that could not be proved, 
were a strange ground of war. If this was once ad- 
mitted, aU treaties of peace were vain things, and 
were no more to be reckoned or relied on. The rea- 
son given of the intention to take Philipsbourg, be- 
cause it was the properest place by which France 
could be invaded, was a throwing off all regards to 
the common decencies observed by princes. All for- 
tified places on frontiers are intended both for re- 
sistance and for magazines ; and are of both sides 
conveniencies for entering into the neighbouring ter- 
ritory, as there is occasion for it. So here was a pre- 
772 tence set up, of beginning a war, that puts an end to 
all the securities of peace. 

OF KING JAMES 11. 28i 

The business of Colen was judged by the pope, 1688. 
according to the laws of the empire: and his sen- 
tence was final: nor could the postulation of the ma- 
jority of the chapter be valid, unless two-thirds 
joined in it. The cardinal was commended in the 
manifesto, for his care in preserving the peace of 
Europe. This was ridiculous to all, who knew that 
he had been for many years the great incendiary, 
who had betrayed the empire, chiefly in the year 
1672. The charge that the emperoi's agent had laid 
on him before the chapter was also complained of, 
as an infraction of the amnesty stipulated by the 
peace of Nimeguen. He was not indeed to be called 
to an account, in order to be punished for any thing 
done before that peace. But that did not bind up 
the emperor from endeavouring to exclude him from 
so great a dignity, which was like to prove fatal to 
the empire. These were some of the censures that 
passed on this manifesto ; which was indeed looked 
on, by all who had considered the rights of i)eace 
and the laws of war, as one of the most avowed and 
solemn declarations, that ever was made, of the per- 
fidiousness of that court. And it was thought to be 
some degrees beyond that in the year 1672, in which 
that king's glory was pretended as the chief motive 
of that war. For, in that, particulars were not reck- 
oned up : so it might be supposed, he had met with 
affronts, which he did not think consistent with his 
greatness to be mentioned. But here all that could 
be thought on, even the hangings of Heidell)erg, 
were enumerated: and all together amounted to 
this, that the king of France thought himself tied 
by no peace ; but that, when he suspected his neigh- 
bours were intending to make war upon him, he 

1688. might upon such a suspicion begin a war on his 

part ^. 
Another This manifesto against the emperor was followed 
^amst the y^^ anothcr against the pope, writ in the form of a 
letter to cardinal D'Estrees, to be given by him to 
the pope. In it, he reckoned aU the partiality that 
the pope had shewed during his whole pontificate, 
both against France and in favour of the house of 
Austria. He mentioned the business of the regale ; 
his refusing the buUs to the bishops nominated by 
him ; the dispute about the franchises, of which his 
ambassadors had been long in possession ; the deny- 
ing audience, not only to his ambassador, but to a 
gentleman whom he had sent to Rome without a 
character, and with a letter writ in his own hand : 
in conclusion, he complained of the pope's breaking 
the canons of the church, in granting bulls in favour 
of prince Clement, and in denying justice to cardinal 
Furstemberg : for aU these reasons the king was re- 
773 solved to separate the character of the most holy fa- 
ther from that of a temporal prince : and therefore 
he intended to seize on Avignon, as likewise on 
Castro, until the pope should satisfy the pretensions 
of the duke of Parma. He complained of the pope's 
not concurring with him in the concerns of the 
church, for the extirpation of heresy : in which the 
pope's behaviour gave great scandal both to the old 
catholics and to the new converts. It also gave the 
prince of Orange the boldness to go and invade the 
king of England, under the pretence of supporting 
the protestant religion, but indeed to destroy the 
catholic religion, and to overturn the government ^ 

^ The common maxim of •' (It appears from cardinal 
princes. S. D'Estr^es's two letters, pub- 


Upon which his emissaries and the writers in Hoi- 1688. 
land gave out, that the birth of the prince of Wales 
was an imposture. 

This was the first public mention that was made ODsurw 
of the imposture of that birth: for the author of a^j'^'^*^ 
book writ to that purpose was punished for it in 
Holland. It was strange to see the disputes about 
the franchises made a pretence for a war : for cer- 
tainly all sovereign princes can make such regula- 
tions as they think fit in those matters. If they cut 
ambassadors short in any privilege, their ambassadors 
are to expect the same treatment from other princes: 
and as long as the sacredness of an ambassador's 
person and of his family was still preserved, which 
was all that was a part of the law of nations, princes 
may certainly limit the extent of their other privi- 
leges, and may refuse any ambassadors who will not 
submit to their regulation. The number of an am- 
bassador's retinue is not a thing that can be well de- " 
fined : but if an ambassador comes with an army 
about him, instead of a retinue, he may be denied 
admittance. And if he forces it, as Lavardin had 
done, it was certainly an act of hostility : and, in- 
stead of having a right to the character of an am- 
bassador, he might well !)e considered and treated as 
an enemy. 

The pope had observed the canons in rejecting 
cardinal Furstemburg's defective postulation. And, 
whatever might be brought from ancient canons, the 
practice of that cliurch for many ages allowed of the 

lished by Dalryniple in the Ap- France ; and that the intended 

pendix to his Memoirs, p. 240 alteration of the liiiglislj j;o- 

— 253, that the pojie higlily vernnient was known at R.une 

approved of the league against near a year belore it took place.) 


1688. dispensations that the pope granted to prince Cle- 
"" ment. It was looked on by all people as a strange 

reverse of things, to see the king of France, after all 
his cruelty to the protestants, now go to make war 
on the pope ; and on the other hand to see the 
whole protestant body concurring to support the au- 
thority of the pope's bulls in the business of Colen ; 
and to defend the two houses of Austria and Ba- 
varia, by whom they were laid so low but three- 
score years before this. The French, by the war 
that they had now begun, had sent their troops to- 
wards Germany and the upper Rhine ; and so had 
774 rendered their sending an army over to England im- 
practicable : nor could they send such a force into 
the bishopric of Colen as could any ways alarm the 
States. So that the invasion of Germany made the 
designs that the prince of Orange was engaged in 
both practicable and safe. 
Marshal Marshal Schomberg came at this time into the 

•enrto '^ country of Cleve. He was a German by birth : so 
ciere. when the persecution was begun in France, he de- 
sired leave to return into his own country. That 
was denied him. All the favour he could obtain 
was leave to go to Portugal. And so cruel is the 
spirit of popery, that, though he had preserved that 
kingdom from falling under the yoke of Castille, yet 
now that he came thither for refuge, the inquisition 
represented that matter of giving harbour to a he- 
retic so odiously to the king, that he was forced to 
send him away. He came from thence, first to 
England ; and then he passed through HoUand, 
where he entered into a particular confidence with 
the prince of Orange. And being invited by the old 
elector of Brandenburgh, he went to Berlin : where 


he was made governor of Pi-ussia, and set at the 1688. 
head of all the elector's armies. The son treated him 
now with the same regard that the father had for 
him : and sent him to Cleve, to command the troops 
that were sent from the empire to the defence of 
Colen. The cardinal offered a neutrality to the town 
of Colen. But they chose rather to accept a gar- 
rison that Schomberg sent them : by which not only 
that town was secured, but a stop was put to any 
progress the French could make, till they could get 
that great town into their hands. By these means 
the States were safe on all hands for this winter : 
and this gave the prince of Orange great quiet in 
prosecuting his designs upon England. He had often 
said, that he would never give occasion to any of his 
enemies to say, that he had carried away the l>est 
force of the States, and had left them exposed to 
any impressions that might be made on them in his 
absence. He had now reason to conclude, that he 
had no other risk to run in his intended expedition, 
but that of the seas and the weather. The seas were 
then very boisterous : and the season of the year was 
so far spent, that lie saw he was to have a campaign 
in winter. But all other things were now well se- 
cured by this '[too early, therefore very weak] con- 
duct of the French. 

There was a fleet now set to sea of about fifty '"••• i>"<«=»' 

flret at t«u 

sail. Most of them were third or fourth rates, com- 
manded by Dutch officers. But Herbert, as repre- 
senting the prince's person, was to command in chief, 
as lieutenant-general-admiral. This was not very 
easy to the States, nor indeed to the prince himself; 

» (The editors substituted unexpected.) 


1688. who thought it an absurd thing to set a stranger at 
' J^^ the head of their fleet. Nothing less would content 
Herbert. And it was said, that nothing would pro- 
bably make the English fleet come over, and join 
with the prince, so much as the seeing one that had 
lately commanded them at the head of the Dutch 
fleet \ There was a transport fleet hired for carry- 
ing over the army. And this grew to be about five 
hundred vessels : for, though the horse and dragoons 
in pay were not four thousand, yet the horses 
for officers and volunteers, and for artillery and bag- 
gage, were above seven thousand. There were arms 
provided for twenty thousand more. And, as (all) 
things were thus made ready, 
The prince The declaration that the prince was to publish 

of Orange's 

declaration, camc to bc considcrcd, A great many draughts were 
sent from England by different hands. All these were 
put in the pensioner Fagel's hands, who upon that 
made a long and heavy draught, founded on the 
gi'ounds of the civil law, and of the law of nations. 
That was brought to me to be put in English. I saw 
he was fond of his own draught : and the prince left 
that matter wholly to him : yet I got it to be much 
shortened, though it was still too long. It set forth 
at first a long recital of all the violations of the laws 
of England, both with relation to rehgion, to the 
civil government, and to the administration of jus- 
tice, which have been all opened in the series of the 
history. It set forth next all remedies that had been 
tried in a gentler way ; all which had been ineffec- 

* This would have been a there, who was the most uni- 

good reason for setting Russel versally hated by the seamen 

at the head of the fleet, but was of any man that ever com- 

the reverse for putting Herbert manded at sea. D. 


tual. Petitioning by the greatest persons, and in \688. 

the privatest manner, was made a crime. Endea^ 

vours were used to pack a parliament, and to pre- 
engage both the votes of the electors, and the votes 
of such as upon the election should be returned to 
sit in parliament. The writs were to be addressed 
to unlawful officers, who were disabled by law to 
execute them: so that no legal parliament could 
now be brought together. In conclusion, the reasons 
of suspecting the queen's pretended delivery were 
set forth in general terms. Upon these grounds the 
prince, seeing how little hope was left of succeeding 
in any other method, and being sensible of the ruin 
both of the protestant religion, and of the constitu- 
tion of England and Ireland, that was imminent, 
and being earnestly invited by men of all ranks, and 
in particular by many of the peers, both spiritual 
and temporal, he resolved, according to the obliga- 
tion he lay under, both on the princess's account 
and on his own, to go over into England, and to see 
for proper and effectual remedies for redressing such 
growing evils in a parliament that should be law- 
fully chosen, and should sit in full freedom, accord- 
ing to the ancient custom and constitution of Eng- 
land, with which he would concur in all things that 
might tend to the peace and happiness of the na- 
tion. And he promised in particular, that he would 776 
preserve the church and the established religion, and 
that he would endeavour to unite all such as divided 
from the church to it by the best means that could 
be thought on, and that he would suffer such as 
would live peaceably to enjoy all due freedom in 
their consciences, and that he would refer the in- 
quiry into the queen's delivery to a parliament, and 


1688. acquiesce in its decision. This the prince signed and 
sealed on the tenth of October. With this the prince 
ordered letters to be writ in his name, inviting both 
the soldiers, seamen, and others, to come and join 
with him, in order to the securing their religion, 
laws, and liberties. Another short paper was drawn 
by me concerning the measures of obedience, justi- 
fying the design, and answering the objections that 
might be made to it. Of all these many thousand 
copies were printed, to be dispersed at our landing, 
iwasde- The prince desired me to go along with him as 
with the^** liis chaplain, to which I very readily agreed : for, 
pr.uce. being fuUy satisfied in my conscience that the un- 
dertaking was lawful and just, and having had a 
considerable hand in advising the whole progress of 
it, I thought it would have been an unbecoming 
fear in me to have taken care of my own person, 
when the prince was venturing his, and the whole 
was now to be put to hazard. It is true, I being a 
Scotish man by birth, had reason to expect, that, if 
I had fallen into the enemies hands, I should have 
been sent to Scotland, and put to the torture there. 
And, having this in prospect, I took care to know 
no particulars of any one of those who corresponded 
with the prince. So that knowing nothing against 
any, even torture it self could not have drawn from 
J)T^ me that by which any person could be hurt. There 
was another declaration prepared for Scotland. But 
I had no other share in that, but that I corrected it 
in several places, chiefly in that which related to the 
church : for the Scots at the Hague, who were all 
presbyterians, had drawn it so, that, by many pas- 
sages in it, the prince by an implication declared in 
favour of presbytery. He did not see what the con- 


sequences of those were, till I explained them. So 1688. 

he ordered them to be altered. And by the declara-^ 

tion that matter was still entire ". 

As Sidney brought over letters from the persons Advic« 
formerly mentioned, both inviting the prince tof^^^^* 
come over to save and rescue the nation from ruin, 
and assuring him that they wrote that which was 
the universal sense of all the wise and good men in 
the nation : so they also sent over with him a scheme 
of advices. They advised his having a great fleet, 
but a small army : they thought, it should not ex- 
ceed six or seven thousand men. They apprehended, 
that an ill use might be made of it, if he brought 777 
over too gi-eat an army of foreigners, to infuse in 
people a jealousy that he designed a conquest : they 
advised his landing in the north, either in Burling- 
ton bay, or a little below Hull : Yorkshire abounded 
in horse: and the gentry were generally well af- 
fected, even to zeal, for the design : the country was 
plentiful, and the roads were good till within fifty 
miles of London. The earl of Danby was earnest 
for this, hoping to have had a share in the whole 
management by the interest he believed he had in 
that country. It was confessed, that the western 
counties were well affected: but it was said, that 
the miscarriage of Monmouth's invasion, and the 
executions which followed it, had so dispirited them, 
that it could not be expected they would be forward 
to join the prince: above all things they pressed 

" The more shame for king in Scotland, where the bishop* 

William, who changed it. S. would not support king Wil- 

(King William, who was bred liam. See also what is men- 

a Calvinist, could scarcely be tioned by the author in vol. ii. 

expected to support episcopacy folio edit. p. [357]) 



i6S8. despatch, and all possible haste : the king had then 
but eighteen ships riding in the Downs: but a much 
greater fleet was almost ready to come out : they 
only wanted seamen, who came in very slowly. 

When these things were laid before the prince, 
he said, he could by no means resolve to come over 
with so small a force : he could not believe what 
they suggested, concerning the king's army's being 
disposed to come over to him : nor did he reckon, 
so much as they did, on the people of the country's 
coming in to him : he said, he could trust to neither 
of these : he could not undertake so great a design, 
the miscaiTiage of which would be the ruin both of 

• England and Holland, without such a force, as he 

had reason to believe would be superior to the king's 
own, though his whole army should stick to him. 
Some proposed, that the prince would di\'ide his 
force, and land himself with the greatest part in the 
north, and send a detachment to the west under 
marshal Schomberg. They pressed the prince very 
earnestly to bring him over with him, both because 
of the great reputation he was in, and because they 
thought it was a security to the prince's person, and 
to the whole design, to have another general with 
him, to whom all would submit in case of any dis- 
mal accident : for it seemed too much to have all 
depend on a single life: and they thought that 
would be the safer, if their enemies saw another 
person capable of the command, in case they should 
have a design upon the prince's person. With this 
the prince compUed easily, and obtained the elector's 
consent to carry him over with him. But he re- 
jected the motion of dividing his fleet and army. 
He said, such a divided force might be fatal : for if 


the king should send his chief strength against the 1688. 
detachment, and have the advantage, it might lose 
the whole business ; since a misfortune in any one 
part might be the ruin of the whole. 

When these advices were proposed to Herbert 773 
and the other seamen, they opposed the landing in 
the north vehemently. They said, no seamen had 
been consulted in that : the north coast was not fit 
for a fleet to ride in, in an east wind, which it was to 
be expected in winter might blow so fresh that it 
would not be possible to preserve the fleet : and if 
the fleet was left there, the channel was open for 
such forces as might be sent from France : the 
channel was the safer sea for the fleet to ride in, as 
well as to cut off the assistance from France. Yet 
the advices for this were so positive, and so often 
repeated from England, that the prince was resolved 
to have split the matter, and to have landed in the 
north, and then to have sent the fleet to lie in the 

The prince continued still to cover his design. Artifices to 
and to look towards Colen. He ordered a review design, 
of his army, and an encampment for two months at 
Nimeguen. A train of artillery was also ordered. 
By these orders the officei's saw a necessity of fur- 
nishing themselves for so long a time. The main 
point remained, how money should be found for so 
chargeable an expedition. The French ambassador 
had his eye upon this ; and reckoned that, when- 
soever any thing relating to it should be moved, it 
would be then easy to raise an opposition, or at 
least to create a delay. But Fagel's great foresight 
did prevent this. In the July before, it was repre- 
sented to the States, that now by reason of the 

U 2 


1688. neighbourhood of Colen, and the war that was like 
to arise there, it was necessary to repair their places, 
both on the Rhine and the Issel, which were in a 
very bad condition. This was agreed to : and the 
charge was estimated at four millions of guilders. 
So the States created a fund for the interest of that 
money, and ordered it to be taken up by a loan. It 
was aU brought in in four days. About the end of 
September a message was delivered to the States 
from the elector of Brandenburgh, by which he un- 
dertook to send an army into his country of Cleve, 
and to secure the States from all danger on that 
side for this winter. 

Upon this, it was proposed to lend the prince the 
four millions. And this passed easily in the States, 
without any opposition, to the amazement of aU 
that saw it : for it had never been known, that so 
great and so dangerous an expedition in such a sea- 
son had been so easily agreed to, without so much 
as one disagreeing vote, either at the Hague, or in 
any of the towns of Holland. All people went so 
cordially into it, that it was not necessary to employ 
much time in satisfying them, both of the lawfulness 
and of the necessity of the undertaking. Fagel had 
sent for all the eminent ministers of the chief towns 
779 of Holland : and, as he had a vehemence as well as 
a tenderness in speaking, he convinced them evi- 
dently, that both their religion and their country 
were in such imminent danger, that nothing but this 
expedition could save them : they saw the persecu- 
tion in France : and in that they might see what 
was to be expected from that i*eligion : they saw the 
violence with which the king of England was driv- 
ing matters in his country, which, if not stopped, 


would soon prevail. He sent them thus full of zeal, 1688. 
to dispose the people to a hearty approbation and 
concuiTence in this design. The ministers in Hol- 
land are so watched over by the States, that they 
have no more authority when they meet in a body, 
in a synod, or in a classis, than the States think fit 
to allow them. But I was never in any place, 
where I thought the clergy had generally so much 
credit with the people, as they have there : and they 
employed it all upon this occasion very diligently, 
and to good purpose. Those who had no regard to 
religion, yet saw a war begun in the empire by the 
French. And the publication of the alliance be- 
tween France and England by the French ambassa- 
dor, made them conclude that England would join 
with France. They reckoned they could not stand 
before such an united force, and that therefore it 
was necessary to take England out of the hands of 
a prince who was such a firm ally to France. All 
the English that lived in Holland, especially the 
merchants that were settled in Amsterdam, where 
the opposition was like to be strongest, had such 
positive advices of the disposition that the nation 
and even the army were in, that, as this under- 
taking was considered as the only probable means 
of their preservation, it seemed so well concerted, 
that little doubt was made of success, except what 
arose from the season ; which was not only far 
spent, but the winds were both so contrary and so 
stormy for many weeks, that a forcible stop seemed 
put to it by the hand of Heaven. 

Herbert went to sea with the Dutch fleet : and The Dutch 

put to sea. 

was ordered to stand over to the Downs, and to 
look on the English fleet, to try if any would come 

u 3 


1688. over, of which some hopes were given ; or to engage 
' them, while they were then not above eighteen or 

twenty ships strong. But the contrary winds made 
this not only impracticable, but gave great reason 
to fear that a great part of the fleet would be either 
lost or disabled. These continued for above a fort- 
night, and gave us at the Hague a melancholy pro- 
spect. Herbert also found, that the fleet was neither 
so strong nor so well manned as he had expected. 
780 All the English that were scattered about the 
tious^m^- Provinces, or in Germany, came to the Hague. 
H^T *''^ Among these there was one Wildman, who, from be- 
ing an agitator in Cromwell's army, had been a con- 
stant meddler on all occasions in every thing that 
looked like sedition, and seemed inclined to oppose 
every thing that was uppermost. He brought his 
usual iU humour along with him, having a pecuhar 
talent in possessing others by a sort of contagion with 
jealousy and discontent. To these the prince ordered 
his declaration to be shewed. Wildman took great 
exceptions to it, with which he possessed many to 
such a degree, that they began to say, they would 
not engage upon those grounds. Wildman had 
drawn one, in which he had laid down a scheme of 
the government of England, and then had set forth 
many particulars in which it had been violated, car- 
rying these a great way into king Charles's reign ; 
all which he supported by many authorities from 
law books. He objected to the prince's insisting so 
much on the dispensing power, and on what had 
been done to the Inshops. He said, there was cer- 
tainly a dispensing power in the crown, practised 
for some ages: very few patents passed in which 
there was not a non obstante to one or more acts of 


parliament: this power had been too far stretched 1688. 
of late : but the stretching of a power that was in 
the crown could not be a just ground of war : the 
king had a right to bring any man to a trial : the 
bishops had a fair trial, and were acquitted, and dis- 
charged upon it : in all which there was nothing 
done contrary to law. All this seemed mysterious, 
when a known republican was become an advocate 
for prerogative. His design in this was deep and 
spiteful. He saw that, as the declaration was drawn, 
the church party would come in, and be well re- 
ceived by the prince : so he, who designed to sepa- 
rate the prince and them at the greatest distance 
jfrom one another, studied to make the prince de- 
clare against those grievances, in which many of 
them were concerned, and which some among them 
had promoted. The earl of Macclesfield, with the 
lord Mordaunt, and many others, joined with him 
in this ^. But the earl of Shrewsbury, together with 
Sidney, Russel, and some others, were as positive in 
their opinion, that the prince ought not to look so 
far back as into king Charles's reign : this would 
disgust many of the nobility and gentry, and almost 
all the clergy : so they thought the declaration was 
to be so conceived, as to draw in the body of the 
whole nation : they were all alarmed with the dis- 
pensing power : and it would seem very strange to 
see an invasion, in which this was not set out as the 
main ground of it : every man could distinguish be- 

* (Ralph remarks on this pas- there are several direct contra- 
sage, that he had been assured, dictions, in the broadest tertn$« 
that in the margin of bishop to several passages of it in the 
Burnet's History, now remain- late earl's own hand. Hist, of 
ing in the Peterborough family, England, p. 1023.) 

U 4 


1688. tween the dispensing with a special act in a paiti- 
ITTcular case, and a total dispensing with laws to se- 
cure the nation and the religion : the ill designs of 
the court, as well as the affections of the nation, 
liad appeared so evidently in the bishops' trial, that 
if no notice was taken of it, it would be made use of 
to possess aU people with an opinion of the prince's 
ill will to them. Russel said, that any reflections 
made on king Charles's reign would not only carry 
over all the high church party, but all the army, 
entirely to the king. Wildman's declaration was 
much objected to. The prince could not enter into 
a discussion of the law and government of England : 
that was to be left to the parliament : the prince 
could only set forth the present and pubUc griev- 
ances, as they were transmitted to him by those 
upon whose invitation he was going over. This 
was not without some difficulty overcome, by alter- 
ing some few expressions in the first draught, and 
leaving out some circumstances. So the declaration 
was printed over again, with some amendments. 
The army jj^ ^^le beginning of October the troops marched 

was ship- 00 r 

p«<i. from Nimeguen were put on board in the Zuyder sea, 

where they lay above ten days before they could get 
out of the Texel. Never was so great a design 
executed in so short a time. A transport fleet of 
five hundred vessels was hired in three days' time. 
All things, as soon as they were ordered, were got 
to be so quickly ready, that we were amazed at the 
despatch. It is true, some things were wanting, 
and some things had been forgot. But when the 
gi-eatness of the equipage was considered, together 
with the secrecy with which it was to be conducted 
till the whole design was to be avowed, it seemed 


much more strange that so little was wanting, or 1688. 
that so few things had been forgot. Benthink, 
Dykvelt, Herbert, and Van Hulst, were for two 
months constantly at the Hague giving all neces- 
sary orders, with so little noise that nothing broke 
out all that while. Even in lesser matters favour- 
able circumstances concurred to cover the design. 
Benthink used to be constantly with the prince, 
being the person that was most entirely trusted and 
constantly employed by him : so that his absence 
from him, being so extraordinary a thing, might 
have given some umbrage. But all the summer 
his lady was so very ill, that she was looked on 
every day as one that could not live three days to 
an end : so that this was a very just excuse for his 
attendance at the Hague. 

I waited on the princess a few days before weThepnn- 
left the Hague. She seemed to have a great load orthings.** 
on her spirits, but to have no scruple as to the law- 
fulness of the design. After much other discourse, I 
said, that if we got safe to England, I made no great 
doubt of our success in all other things. I only beg- 
ged her pardon to tell her, that if there should hap- 782 
pen to be at any time any disjointing between the 
prince and her, that would ruin all. She answered 
me, that I needed fear no such thing : if any per- 
son should attempt that, she would treat them so, 
as to discourage all others from venturing on it for 
the future. She was very solemn and serious, and 
prayed God earnestly to bless and direct us. 

On the sixteenth of October, O. S. the wind that The prince 

took leare 

had stood so long in the west, came into the east, of the 

St nteft. 

So orders were sent to all to haste to Helvoet-Sluys. ^ 
That morning the prince went into the assembly of 


1688. the states general, to take leave of them. He said 
to them, he was extreme sensible of the kindness 
they had all shewed him upon many occasions : he 
took God to witness, he had served them faithfully, 
ever since they had trusted him with the govern- 
ment, and that he had never any end before his 
eyes but the good of the country : he had pursued 
it always : and if at any time he erred in his judg- 
ment, yet his heart was ever set on procuring their 
safety and prosperity. He took God to witness, he 
went to England with no other intentions, but those 
he had set out in his declaration >' : he did not know 
how God might dispose of him : to his providence 
he committed himself: whatsoever might become of 
him, he committed to them the care of their coun- 
try, and recommended the princess to them in a 
most particular manner : he assured them, she loved 
their country perfectly, and equally with her own : 
he hoped, that whatever might happen to him, they 
would still protect her, and use her as she well de- 
served : and so he took leave. It was a sad, but a 
kind parting. Some of every province offered at an 
answer to what the prince had said: but they aU 
melted into tears and passion : so that their speeches 
were much broken, very short, and extreme tender. 
Only the prince himself continued firm in his usual 

>■ Then he was perjured; for " Orange had protested to them, 

he designed to get the crown, " that he had not the least in- 

which he denied in the declara- " tention to invade or subdue 

tion. S. (Not expressly, if " England, or remove the king 

implicitly ; nay, see a note at " from his throne," ^c. See 

p. 631. Indeed according to the Ralph's Hist. p. 1024. In his 

instructions sent by the states letter also to the emperor, in- 

of the United Provinces to their serted by Dalrymple in his Ap- 

ministers at the several courts pendix, ii. p. 254, the prince dis- 

of Europe, "the prince of avows any design on the crown.) 


gravity and phlegm. When he came to Helvoet- jfiss. 
Sluys, the transport fleet had consumed so much of ' 

their provisions, that three days of the good wind 
were lost, before all were supplied anew. 

At last, on the nineteenth of October, the prince we sailed 
went aboard, and the whole fleet sailed out that Maes, 
night. But the next day the wind turned into the 
north, and settled in the north-west. At night a 
great storm rose. We wrought against it all that 
night, and the next day. But it was in vain to 
struggle any longer. And so vast a fleet run no 
small hazard, being obliged to keep together, and 
yet not to come too near one another. On the twenty- 
first in the afternoon the signal was given to go in 
again : and on the twenty-second the far greater part 
got safe into port. Many ships were at first want- . ■ i 

ing, and were believed to be lost. But after a few 783 
days all came in. There was not one ship lost ; nor^"* "^"^ . 

•' ^ forced back. 

SO much as any one man, except one that was blown 
from the shrouds into the sea. Some ships were so 
shattered, that as soon as they came in, and all was 
taken out of them, they immediately sunk down. 
Only five hundred horses died for want of air. Men 
are upon such occasions apt to flatter themselves 
upon the points of Providence. In France and 
England, as it was believed that our loss was much 
greater than it proved to be, so they triumphed not 
a little, as if God had fought against us, and de- 
feated the whole design. We on our part, who 
found our selves delivered out of so great a storm 
and so vast a danger, looked on it as a mark of 
God's great care of us, who, though he had not 
changed the course of the winds and seas in our 


1688. favour, yet had preserved us while we were in such 
apparent danger, beyond what could have been ima- 
gined^. The States were not at all discouraged 
with this hard beginning, but gave the necessary 
orders for supplying us with every thing that we 
needed. The princess behaved herself at the Hague 
suitably to what was expected from her. She or- 
dered prayers four times a day, and assisted at them 
with great devotion. She spoke to nobody of af- 
fairs, but was calm and silent. The States ordered 
some of their body to give her an account of all 
their proceedings. She indeed answered little : but 
in that little she gave them cause often to admire 
her judgment, 
consnita- In England the court saw now, that it was in 

tions in . ,.. i«f> 

England, vam to disscmblc or disguise their tears any more. 
Great consultations were held there. The earl of 
Melfort, and all the papists, proposed the seizing 
on all suspected persons, and the sending them to 
Portsmouth. The earl of Sunderland opposed this 
vehemently. He said, it would not be possible to 
seize on many at the same time : and the seizing 
on a few would alarm all the rest : it would drive 
them in to the prince, and furnish them with a pre- 
tence for it: he proposed rather, that the king 
would do such popular things, as might give some 
content, and lay that fermentation with which the 
nation was then, as it were, distracted. This was 
at that time complied with : but all the popish 
party continued upon this to charge lord Sunder- 
land, as one that was in the king's counsels only to 
betray them ; that had before diverted the offer of 
^ Then still it must be a miracle. S. 


assistance from France, and now the securing those 1688. 
who were the most likely to join and assist the 
prince''. By their importunities the king was at 
last so prevailed on, that he turned him out of all 
his places : and lord Preston was made secretary of 
state. The fleet was now put out, and was so 
strong, that, if they had met the Dutch fleet, pro- 
bably they would have been too hard for them, 
especially considering the great transport fleet that 784 
they were to cover. All the forces that were in 
Scotland were ordered into England : and that king- 
dom was left in the hands of their militia. Several 
regiments came likewise from Ireland. So that the 
king's army was then about thirty thousand strong. 
But, in order to lay the heat that was raised in- the 
nation, the king sent for the bishops ; and set out 
the injustice of this unnatural invasion that the 
prince was designing : he assured them of his affec- 
tions to the church of England ; and protested, he 
had never intended to carry things further than to an 
equal liberty of conscience : he desired they would 

* The duke of Shandos told sired to know if king James 
me, as a thing he knew to be had revealed it to any body, for 
true, that the king of France he himself had to none but 
wrote to king James, to let Louvoy, and if he had betrayed 
him know that he had certain him, should treat him accord- 
intelligence that the design ingly. King James's answer 
was upon England, and that was, that he never told it to 
he would immediately besiege any body but lord Sunderland, 
Maestricht, which would hinder who, he was very sure, was too 
the States from parting with much in his interest to have 
any of their force for such an discovered it : upon which the 
expedition ; but the secret must king of France said, he saw 
be kept inviolably from any of plainly, that king James was a 
his ministers. Soon after, the man cut out for destruction. 
States ordered six thousand men and there was no possibility of 
to be sent to Maestricht ; uf>on helping him. D. 
which the king of France de- 


1688. declare their abhorrence of this invasion, and that 
they would offer him their advice, what was fit for 
him to do. They declined the point of abhorrence, 
and advised the present summoning a parliament; 
and that in the mean while the ecclesiastical com- 
mission might be broken, the proceedings against 
the bishop of London ^ and Magdalen coUege might 
be reversed, and that the law might be again put in 
its channel. This they delivered with great gravity, 
and with a courage that recommended them to the 
whole nation. There was an order sent them fi*om 
the king afterwards, requiring them to compose an 
office for the present occasion. The prayers were 
so well drawn, that even those who wished for the 
prince might have joined in them. The church 
party did now shew their approbation of the prince's 
expedition in such terms, that many were surprised 
at it, both then and since that time. They spoke 
openly in favour of it. They expressed their grief 
to see the wind so cross. They wished for an east 
wind, which on that occasion was called the protest- 
ant wind. They spoke with great scorn of all that 
the court was then doing to regain the hearts of the 
nation. And indeed the proceedings of the court 
that way were so cold and so forced, that few were 
like to be deceived by them, but those who had a 
mind to be deceived. The writs for a parliament 
were often ordered to be made ready for the seal, 
and were as often stopped. Some were sealed, and 
given out : but they were quickly called in again. 

^ (The king had assured the they ofTered their ten articles 

bishops, at his first inter- of advice, in none of which 

view with them, of his inten- his case is mentioned. But the 

tion to take off the bishop of author confounds the two in- 

London's suspension, before terviews.) 



The old charters were ordered to be restored again. 1688. 
Jefferies himself carried back the charter of the city 
of London, and put on the appearances of joy and 
heartiness when he gave it to them. All men saw 
through that affectation : for he had raised himself 
chiefly upon the advising or promoting that matter 
of the surrender, and the forfeiture of the charters. 
An order was also sent to the bishop of Winchester, 
to put the president of Magdalen college again in pos- 
session. Yet, that order not being executed when 
the news was brought that the prince and his fleet 
were blown back, it was countermanded; which 
plainly shewed what it was that drove the court 785 
into so much compliance, and how long it was like 
to last ^. 

<= The bishop of AVinchester 
assured me otherwise. S. (Even 
Hume, in his History, in the 
reign of James H. p. 425, speaks 
of the common belief, that, " as 
" intelligence arrived of a great 
" disaster having befallen the 
" Dutch fleet, the king re- 
" called for sonie time the con- 
*• cessions which he had order- 
" ed to be made to Magdalen 
" college." But the extracts 
from the papers of Dr. Thomas 
Smith, which have been since 
published in the Biographia Bri- 
tannica, vol. vi, p. 3731, and a 
letter written by Dr. Finch, war- 
den of All Souls college, at- 
tested by Carte, in Macpher- 
son's Original Papers, vol. i. 
p. 273, and now preserved in 
Worcester college library, prove, 
that the bishop of Winchester, 
who had arrived in Oxford for 
the purpose of restoring the 
college, was recalled on the 

20th of October, by an order 
from lord Sunderland to attend 
the privy council on the 2 2d, 
when the depositions concern- 
ing the birth of the prince of 
Wales were taken, and ordered 
to be enrolled. Now the prince 
of Orange's fleet was driven 
back by a storm, which took 
place not before the 21st, as 
appears both from bishop Bur- 
net's account of it and from 
various other documents. The 
king is said to have been much 
displeased at finding that his 
directions to reinstate the so- 
ciety had not been executed, 
and to have sent the bishop 
again to Oxford for the pur- 
pose. The college was restored 
by him on the 25th, exactly a 
year after the president had 
been ejected. Consult also Mac- 
pherson's Hist, of Great Bri- 
tain, vol. i. p. 518. But Ralph, 
in his brief notice of this affair. 


1688. The matter of the greatest concern, and that 

Proofs could not be dropped, but was to be supported, was 
Jhe'blrtVof the birth of the prince of Wales. And therefore the 
*f wl"*^^ court thought it necessary, now in an after game, to 
offer some satisfaction in that point '^. So a great 
meeting was called, not only of all the privy coun- 
sellors and judges, but of all the nobility then in 
town. To these the king complained of the great 
injury that was done both him and the queen by 
the prince of Orange, who accused them of so black 
an imposture : he said, he believed there were few 
princes then alive, who had been born in the pre- 
sence of more witnesses than were at his son's birth: 
he had therefore called them together, that they 
might hear the proof of that matter. It was first 
proved, that the queen was delivered abed, while 
many were in the room ; and that they saw the 
child soon after he was taken from the queen by 
the midwife. But in this the midwife was the sin- 
gle witness ; for none of the ladies had felt the child 
in the queen's belly. The countess of Sunderland 
did indeed depose, that the queen called to her to 
give her her hand, that she might feel how the child 
lay, to which she added, which I did ; but did not 
say whether she felt the child or not : and she told 
the duchess of Hamilton, from whom I had it, that 
when she put her hand into the bed, the queen held 
it, and let it go no lower than her breasts. So that 
really she felt nothing. And this deposition, brought 
to make a show, was an evidence against the mat- 

at p. 1023, has mistaken the Dutch fleet from the Downs, 

contrary winds and tempestuous for the storm in question.) 
weather, which the bishop men- "^ And this was the proper 

tions to have driven back the time. S. 


ter rather than for it; and was a violent presump- 1688. 
tion of an imposture, and of an artifice to cover it. 
Many ladies deposed, that they had often seen the 
marks of milk on the queen's linen, near her breasts. 
Two or three deposed, that they saw it running out 
at the nipple. All these deposed, that they saw 
milk before the pretended delivery. But none of 
them deposed concerning milk after the delivery, 
though nature sends it then in greater abundance : 
and the queen had it always in such a plenty, that 
some weeks passed after her delivery, before she 
was quite freed from it. The ladies did not name 
the time in which they saw the milk, except one, 
who named the month of May. But, if the particu- 
lars mentioned before, that happened on Easter 
Monday, are reflected on, and if it appears probable 
by these that the queen miscarried at that time ; 
then all that the ladies mentioned of milk in her 
breasts, particularly she that fixed it to the month 
of May, might have followed upon that miscar- 
riage, and be no proof concerning the late birth. 
Mrs. Pierce, the laundress, deposed that she took 
linen from the queen's body once, which carried the 786 
marks of a delivery. But she spoke only to one 
time. That was a main circumstance. And if it 
had been true, it must have been often done, and 
was capable of a more copious proof, since there is 
occasion for such things to be ofteii looked on, and 
well considered. The lady Wentworth was the sin- 
gle witness that deposed, that she had felt the child 
move in the queen's belly. She was a bedchamber 
woman, as well as a single witness : and she fixed 
it on no time. If it was very early, she might have 
been mistaken : or if it was before Easter Monday, 





it might be true, and yet have no relation to this 
birth ^. This was the substance of this evidence, 
which was ordered to be enrolled and printed. But, 
when it was published, it had a quite contrary effect 
to what the court expected from it. The presump- 
tion of law before this was all in favour of the birth, 
since the parents owned the child : so that the proof 
lay on the other side, and ought to be offered by 
those who called it in question. But, now that this 
proof was brought, which was so apparently defec- 
tive, it did not lessen but increase the jealousy with 
which the nation was possessed : for all people con- 
cluded, that, if the thing had been time, it must 
have been easy to have brought a much more co- 
pious proof than was now published to the world ^ 

* (See before, p. 750. The lady 
Wentworth told dean Hickes, 
it was about a luonth before 
her majesty Avas delivered. And 
Mrs. Dawson, a protestaut as 
well as lady Wentworth, who 
heard all her ladyship said, af- 
firmed it was within the month. 
Her ladyship further said, that 
when, by the queen's permis- 
sion, she felt her, she felt the 
child stir very strongly, " as 
*' strongly," said she, " as ever 
" 1 felt any of my own." She 
mentioned also a time after 
this, when she remarked the 
motion of the child. Lady Went- 
worth's Testimony, of which 
an account is given below at 
p. 817. The prince was born 
on Trinity Sunday, the loth 
of June, consequently the cir- 
cumstance mentioned by lady 
Wentworth took place long af- 
ter Easter.) 

f (It appears, from the De- 

positions, that twelve ladies of 
high rank, six of whom were 
protestants, besides a great ma- 
ny protestant noblemen, physi- 
cians, and female attendants, at- 
tested in a very full and most 
satisfactor)' manner the delivery 
of the queen : some of them 
swore, that they saw the navel 
string of the infant cut just 
after its separation from the 
mother. To this authentic do- 
cument lies an appeal from the 
false representations here given. 
It is proper to bring forward 
what is added by dean Hickes 
to the testimony of lady Isa- 
bella Wentworth, before ad- 
duced. "We then happened 
•' to mention her printed Depo- 
" sition, which gave me occa- 
" sion to say, that though it 
" was satisfactory, yet for the 
" sake of the prejudiced I wish 
" it had contained more parti- 
" culars. Upon which she said. 



It was much observed, that princess Anne was 
not present. She indeed excused herself. She 
thought she was breeding : and all motion was for- 
bidden her. None believed that to be the true rea- 
son ; for it was thought, that the going from one 
apartment of the court to another could not hurt 
her. So it was looked on as a colour that shewed 
she did not believe the thing, and that therefore 
she would not by her being present seem to give 
any credit to it ^. 

This was the state of affairs in England, while 
we lay at Helvoet-Sluys, where we continued till 
the first of November. Here Wildman created a 


" that when she was sent to, to 
" appear before the council, she 
" knew not why she was sum- 
" moned to appear there, al- 
*' most till the moment she was 
" ready to go ; nor had she 
" known it till she had come 
" thither, but that notice was 
" sent her when she was ready 
" to go, that she must come 
" in a gown : which made her 
" stay to change her clothes. 
•' While she was doing that, 
•* her son, then page to the 
" queen, came and told her 
" why she was called to appear 
" before the coimcil. This her 
*' ladyship told me, to let me 
" know how little time she had 
" to recollect and prepare her- 
*' self; also agreeing to what 

" Mrs. Bridget H then said, 

*' that the deposers had such 
" short and imperfect notice of 
" what they were to do, that 
** they might advise with no- 
*• body, for fear it should be said 
'• they were tampered with, be- 
" fore they came to be examined 
" about the prince's birth.") 

E I have reason to believe 
this to be true of the princess 
Anne. S. (See an account of 
the conduct of the princess re- 
specting this affair, in Henry 
earl of Clarendon's Diary, pp. 
77, 79, 81, 103. She was act- 
ing an interested part, under the 
influence of a violent bad wo- 
man, the wife of lord Churchill. 
" I told lady Wentworth," 
(says Dr. Hickes, in his ac- 
count of this lady's testimony, 
given in the year 1 703, and men- 
tioned thrice before,) " how the 
" bishop of Worcester (Lloyd) 
*' gave out, that he had heard 
" the queen that now is, I mean 
•• queen Ann, express her dis- 
" satisfaction of the truth of the 
" prince of Wales's birth, and 
" give such reasons for it, as 
" would convince any one he 
" was an impostor, except such 
" as were obstinate. ' I am confi- 
" dent,' replied my lady, ' the 
" bishop wrongs her majesty, 
" who I am persuaded cannot 
" disbelieve the prince's birth.' " 
See notes at p. 749 and 751.) 
X 2 


1688. new disturbance. He plainly had a shew of cou- 
rage, but was, at least then, a coward. He pos- 
sessed some of the English with an opinion, that 
the design was now irrecoverably lost. This was 
entertained by many, who were willing to hearken 
to any proposition that set danger at a distance 
from themselves. They were still magnifying the 
English fleet, and undervaluing the Dutch. They 
went so far in this, that they proposed to the prince, 
that Herbert should be ordered to go over to the 
coast of England, and either fight the English fleet, 
or force them in : and in that case the transport 
fleet might venture over ; which otherwise they 
thought could not be safely done. This some urged 
with such earnestness, that nothing but the prince's 
787 authority, and Schomberg's credit, could have with- 
stood it. The prince told them, the season was now 
so far spent, that the losing of more time was the 
losing the whole design : fleets might lie long in 
view of one another, before it could be possible for 
them to come to an engagement, though both sides 
equally desired it ; but much longer, if any one of 
them avoided it : it was not possible to keep the 
army, especially the horse, long at sea : and it was 
no easy matter to take them all out, and to ship 
them again : after the wind had stood so long in 
the west, there was reason to hope it would turn to 
the east : and when that should come, no time was 
to be lost : for it would sometimes blow so fresh 
in a few days as to freeze up the river ; so that it 
would not be possible to get out all the winter long. 
With these things he rather silenced than quieted 
them. All this while the men of war were still 
riding at sea, it being a continued storm for some 


weeks. The prince sent out several advice Ijoats '688. 
with orders to them to come in. But tliey could 
not come up to them. On the twenty-seventh of 
October there was for six hours together a most 
dreadful storm : so that there were few among us, 
that did not conclude, that the best part of the fleet, 
and by consequence that the whole design, was lost. 
Many, that have passed for heroes, yet shewed then 
the agonies of fear in their looks and whole deport- 
ment. The prince still retained his usual calmness, 
and the same tranquillity of spirit, that I had ob- 
served in him in his happiest days. On the twenty- 
eighth it calmed a little, and our fleet came all in, 
to our great joy. The rudder of one third rate was 
broken : and that was all the hurt that the storm 
had done. At last the much longed for east wind 
came. And so hard a thing it was to set so vast a 
body in motion, that two days of this wind were 
lost before all could be quite ready. 

On the first of November, O. S. we sailed out we Miied 
with the evening tide; but made little way that J»pp"'iy^ 
night, that so our fleet might come out, and move Jf^"^°** 
in order. We tried next day till noon, if it was 
possible to sail northward; but the wind was so 
strong and full in the east, that we could not move 
that way. About noon the signal was given to steer 
westward. This wind not only diverted us from 
that unhappy course, but it kept the English fleet 
in the river : so that it was not possible for them to 
come out, though they were come down as far as to 
the Gunfleet. By this means we had the sea open 
to us, with a fail* wind and a safe navigation. On 
the third we passed between Dover and Calais, and 
before night came in siglit of the Isle of Wight 



1688. The next day, being the day in which the prince 
was both born and married, he fancied, if he could 
land that day, it would look auspicious to the army, 
788 ^iid animate the soldiers. But we all, who consi- 
dered, that the day following, being gunpowder 
treason day, our landing that day might have a 
■^ good effect on the minds of the English nation, 
were better pleased to see that we could land no 
sooner. Torbay was thought the best place for 
our great fleet to lie in : and it was resolved to land 
the army, where it could be best done near it ; reck- 
oning, that being at such a distance from London, 
we could provide ourselves with horses, and put 
every thing in order before the king could march 
his army towards us, and that we should lie some 
time at Exeter for the refreshing our men. I was 
in the ship, with the prince's other domestics, that 
went in the van of the whole fleet. At noon on the 
fourth Russel came on board us with the best of all 
the English pilots that they had brought over. He 
gave him the steering of the ship ; and ordered him 
to be sure to sail so, that next morning we should 
be short of Dartmouth: for it was intended that 
some of the ships should land there, and that the 
rest should sail into Torbay. The pilot thought, he 
could not be mistaken in measuring our course : 
and believed that he certainly kept within orders, 
till the morning shewed us we were past Torbay 
and Dartmouth. The wind, though it had abated 
much of its first violence, yet was still full in the 
east : so now it seemed necessary for us to sail on 
to Plymouth, which must have engaged us in a long 
and tedious campaign in winter, through a very ill 
country. Nor were we sure to be received at Ply- 


mouth. The earl of Bath, who was governor, had igss. 

sent by Russel a promise to the prince to come and 

join him : yet it was not likely, that he would be so 
forward as to receive us at our first coming. The 
delays he made afterwards, pretending that he was 
managing the garrison, whereas he was indeed stay- 
ing till he saw how the matter was like to be de- 
cided, shewed us how fatal it had proved, if we had 
been forced to sail on to Plymouth. But while 
Russel was in no small disorder, after he saw the ' 
pilot's error, (upon which he bade me go to my 
prayers, for all was lost,) and as he was ordering 
the boat to be cleared to go aboard the prince, on a 
sudden, to all our wonder, it calmed a little. And 
then the wind turned into the south : and a soft 
and happy gale of wind carried in the whole fleet in 
four hours' time into Torbay. Immediately as many we i»nded 
landed as conveniently could. As soon as the prince* "'^ '* 
and marshal Schomberg got to shore, they were fur- 
nished with such horses as the village of Broxholme 
could afford; and rode up to view the grounds, 
which they found as convenient as could be ima- 
gined for the foot in that season. It was not a cold 
night: otherwise the soldiere, who had been kept 
warm aboard, might have suffered much by it. As 789 
soon as I landed, I made what haste I could to the 
place where the prince was ; who took me heartily 
by the hand, and asked me, if I would not now be- 
lieve predestination. I told him, I would never for- 
get that providence of God, which had appeared so 
signally on this occasion ^. He was checrfuller than 

^ (Cunningham, according to " affairs, asked the prince of 

the translation of the Latin " Orange, which way he intend- 

MS. of his History of England, '• ed to march, and when? and 

saj 8, that" Dr. Burnet, who un- "desired to be em|)lo);ed by 

" derstood but little of military " him in whatever service be 


1688. ordinary. Yet he returned soon to his usual gra- 
vity. The prince sent for all the fishermen of the 
place ; and asked them, which was the properest 
place for landing his horse, which all apprehended 
would be a tedious business, and might hold some 
days. But next morning he was shewed a place, a 
quarter of a mile below the village, where the ships 
could be brought very near the land, against a good 
shore, and the horses would not be put to swim 
above twenty yards. This proved to be so happy 
for our landing, though we came to it by mere acci- 
dent, that, if we had ordered the whole island round 
to be sounded, we could not have found a properer 
place for it. There was a dead calm all that morn- 
ing: and in three hours' time all our horse were 
landed, with as much baggage as was necessary tUl 
we got to Exeter. The artillery and heavy baggage 
were left aboard, and ordered to Topsham, the sea- 
port to Exeter. AU that belonged to us was so 
soon and so happUy landed, that by the next day at 
noon we were in full march, and marched four miles 
that night. We had from thence twenty mUes to 
Exeter: and we resolved to make haste thither. 
But, as we were now happily landed, and marching, 
we saw new and unthought of characters of a fa- 
vourable providence of God watching over us. We 
had no sooner got thus disengaged from our fleet, 
than a new and great storm blew from the west ; 
from which our fleet, being covered by the land, 
could receive no prejudice : but the king's fleet had 
' got out as the wind calmed, and in pursuit of us 
was come as far as the Isle of Wight, when this 

" should think fit. The prince " and advised, if he had a mind 
■" only, asked, what he now " to be busy, tt) consult the ca- 
" thought of predestination ? " nons." Vol. i. p. 88.) 


contrary wind turned upon them. They tried what 1688. 
they could to pursue us : but they were so shattered 
by some days of this storm, that they were forced 
to go into Portsmouth, and were no more fit for 
service that year. This was a greater happiness 
than we were then aware of: for the lord Dart- 
mouth assured me some time after, that, whatever 
stories we had heard and believed, either of officers 
or seamen, he was confident they would all have 
fought very heartily. But now, by the immediate 
hand of Heaven, we were masters of the sea without 
a blow. I never found a disposition to superstition 
in my temper : I was rather inclined to be philoso- 
phical upon aU occasions. Yet I must confess, that 
this strange ordering of the winds and seasons, just 
to change as our affairs required it, could not but 
make deep impressions on me, as well as on all that 
observed it. Those famous verses of Clautlian seemed 790 
to be more applicable to the prince, than to him they 
were made on : 

O nimium dilecte Deo, cui mUitat ather, 

Et coiijurati veniunt ad classica venti ! 

Heaven's favourite, for whom the skies do fight. 

And all the winds conspire to guide thee right ! 

The prince made haste to Exeter, where he stayed 
ten days, both for refreshing his troops, and for giv- 
ing the country time to shew their affections. Both 
the clergy and magistrates of Exeter were very fear- 
ful, and very backward. The bishop and the dean 
ran away '. And the clergy stood off, though tlicy 
were sent for, and very gently spoke to by the 

* For which Laniplew (Lam- refusal : that is to say, assisted 
plugh) the bishop, was made at the coronation, the bishop of 
archbishop of York by king London performing the cere- 
James, and afterwards crowned monies, as suflTragan of Canter- 
king William, upon Sandcroft's bury. D. ; ». 


1688. piince. The truth was, the doctrines of passive 

obedience and non-resistance had been carried so 
far, and preached so much, that clergymen either 
could not all on the sudden get out of that entangle- 
ment, into which they had by long thinking and 
speaking all one way involved themselves, or they 
were ashamed to make so quick a turn. Yet care 
was taken to protect them and their houses every 
where : so that no sort of violence nor rudeness was 
offered to any of them. The prince gave me full 
authority to do this : and I took so particular a care 
of it, that we heard of no complaints. The army 
was kept under such an exact discipline, that every 
thing was paid for where it was demanded ; though 
the soldiers were contented with such moderate en- 
tertainment, that the people generally asked but lit- 
tle for what they did eat. We stayed a week at 
or; Exeter, before any of the gentlemen of the country 
about came in to the prince ^. Every day some per- 
sons of condition came from other parts. The first 
were the lord Colchester, the eldest son of the earl 
of Rivers, and the lord Wharton ', Mr. Russel, the 
lord Russel's brother, and the earl of Abington. 
TheWng's 'pjjg king Came down to Salisbury, and sent his 

army began . o .' ' 

to come troops twcuty miles further. Of these, three reei- 

overtothe r J ' o 

prince. k The duke of Shrewsbury mongst them was who should 

told me the prince was much run the hazard of being the 

surprised at this backwardness first ; but if the ice were once 

in joining with him, and began broken, they would be as much 

to suspect he was betrayed, and afraid of being the last: which 

had some thoughts of return- proved very true. D. (This 

ing ; in which case he resolved note has been previously piib- 

to publish the names of all lished by Dalnimple in his Me- 

those that had invited him moirs, vol. ii. p. 342.) 
over : which, he said, would be ' Famous for his cowardice 

but a just return for their in the rebellion of 1642. S. (It 

treachery, folly, and cowardice, was Mr. Wharton his son, as 

Lord Shrewsbur)' told him he si>eaker Onslow has noted.) 
believed the great difficulty a- 


ments of horse and dragoons were drawn on by their 1688. 
officers, the lord Cornbury "" and colonel Langston, 
on design to come over to the prince. Advice was 
sent to the prince of this. But because these officers 
were not sure of their subalterns, the prince ordered 
a body of his men to advance, and assist them in 
case any resistance was made. They were within 
twenty miles of Exeter, and within two miles of the 
body that the prince had sent to join them, when a 
whisper ran about among them that they were be- 
trayed. Lord Cornbury had not the presence of 
mind that so critical a thing required. So they fell 
in confusion, and many rode back. Yet one regi-791 
ment came over in a body, and with them about a 
hundred of the other two. This gave us great cou- 
rage; and shewed us, that we had not been de- 
ceived in what was told us of the inclinations of the 
king's army. Yet, on the other hand, those who 
studied to support the king's spirit by flatteries, told 

«" (On the defection of his " would, Nov. 16. Friday. In 

son lord Cornbury, (who, as " the afternoon 1 waited on the 

D'Orleans reports, in his Re- " king at W.Chiffinch's: Isaid 

volutions of England, p. 302, " what I was able ujwn so me- 

had been bred at Geneva,) the " lancholy a subject, and my 

earl of Clarendon in his Dia- " son's desertion. God knows 

ry, p. 89, thus exclaims : " O " I was in confusion enough. 

" God, that my son should be " The king was very gracioiw 

" a rebel ! the Lord in his " to me, and said, he pitied me 

" mercy look upon me, and en- " with all his heart, and that he 

" able me to support my self " would still be kind to my fa- 

" under this most grievous ca- " mily." One cannot but feel 

" lamity. I made haste home, for fallen greatness ; but we 

" and as soon as I could recol- should at the same tiujc recollect 

" lect mvself a little, I wrote with what ingratitude, harsh- 

" to my lord Middleton to ob- ness, and injustice, the kmg 

" tain leave for me to throw would have continued to treat 

" myself at the kings feet. My the conscientious oppowirs of 

" lord quickly sent me a most his measures, if the prince's ex- 

" obliging answer, that I might pedition had not been underta- 

" wait on the king when I ken, or had been un»ucce»sful.) 


1688. Hm, that in this he saw that he might trust his 
army, since these who intended to carry over those 
regiments, were forced to manage it with so much 
artifice, and durst not discover their design either to 
officers or soldiers ; and that, as soon as they per- 
ceived it, the greater part of them had turned back. 
The king wanted support : for his spirits sunk ex- 
tremely ". His blood was in such fermentation, that 
he was bleeding much at the nose, which returned 
oft upon him every day. He sent many spies over 
to us. They all took his money, and came and 
joined themselves to the prince, none of them return- 
ing to him. So that he had no inteDigence brought 
him of what the prince was doing, but what common 
reports brought him, which magnified our numbers, 
and made him think we were coming near him, 
while we were still at Exeter. He heard that the 
city of London was very unquiet. News were brought 
him, that the earls of Devonshire and Danby, and 
the lord Lumley, were drawing great bodies toge- 
ther, and that both York and Newcastle had de- 
clared for the prince. The lord Delamere had raised 
a regiment in Cheshh-e. And the body of the nation 
did every where discover their inclinations for the 
prince so evidently, that the king saw he had no- 
thing to trust to but his army. And the iU disposi- 
tion among them was so apparent, that he reckoned 
he could not depend on them. So that he lost both 
heart and head at once. But that which gave him 
the last and most confounding stroke was, that the 
lord Churchill and the duke of Grafton left him, and 
came and joined the prince at Axminster, twenty 

" That ruined him, for I have upon the occasion, his am)y 
been well assured, that had he would have fought the prince 
shown any courage and spirit of Orange. O. 


miles on that side of Exeter. After this he could idee. 

not know on whom he could depend. The duke of 

Grafton was one of king Charles's sons by the 
duchess of Cleveland. He had been some time at 
sea, and was a gallant but rough man. He had 
more spirit than any one of the king's sons. He 
made an answer to the king about this time, that 
was much talked of. The king took notice of some- 
what in his behaviour that looked factious : and he 
said, he was sure he could not pretend to act upon 
principles of conscience ; for he had been so ill bred, 
that, as he knew little of religion, so he regarded it 
less. But he answered the king, that, though he 
had little conscience, yet he was of a party that had 
conscience ". Soon after that, prince George, the 
duke of Ormond p, and the lord Drumlanerick, the 
duke of Queensbury's eldest son, left him, and came 
over to the prince, and joined him, when he was 792 
come as far as the earl of Bristol's house at Sher- 
burn. When the news came to London, the prin- 
cess was so struck with the apprehensions of the 
king's displeasure, and of the ill effects that it might 
have, that she said to the lady Churchill, that she 
could not bear the thoughts of it, and would leap 
out at window rather than venture on it. The bi- 
shop of London was then lodged very secretly in 
Suffolk street. So the lady Churchill, who knew 
where he was, went to him, and concerted with liim 
the method of the princess's withdrawing from the 

o (This young nobleman's doing it, as against law. See 

attachments, for he had not at above p. 717, and lord Lons- 

that time been refused the com- dale's Memoir of this Reign, p. 

mand of the fleet, did not pre- 24. Compare the Life of King 

vent him from presenting the James II. vol. ii. p. 208.) 

papal nuncio at court, when the »' Yet how has he been since 

duke of Somerset had refused used ? S. 


1688. court. The princess went sooner to bed than ordi- 
nary. And about midnight she went down a back 
stairs from her closet, attended only by the lady 
Churchill "^^ in such haste that they carried nothing 
with them. They were waited for by the bishop 
of London, who carried them to the earl of Dorset's, 
whose lady furnished them with every thing. And 
so they went northward, as far as Northampton; 
where that earl attended on them with all respect, 
and quickly brought a body of horse to serve for a 
guard to the princess. And in a little while a small 
* army was formed about her, who chose to be com- 
manded by the bishop of London ; of which he too 
easily accepted ^ 

These things put the king in an unexpressible 
confusion. He saw himself now forsaken, not only 
by those whom he had trusted and favoured most, 
but even by his own children. And the army was 
in such distraction, that there was not any one body 

^ And Mrs. Berkeley, after- to hers, and told my mother 
wards lady Fitzharding. The the princess was murdered by 
back stairs were made a little the priests ; from thence they 
before for that purpose. The went to the queen, and old mis- 
princess pretended she was out tress Buss asked her in a very 
of order, upon some expostula- rude manner, what she had 
tions that had passed between done with their mistress. The 
her and the queen, in a visit queen answered her very grave- 
she received from her that ly, she supposed their mistress 
night : therefore said she would was vvhere she liked to be, but 
not be disturbed till she rang did assure them she knew no- 
her bell. Next morning, when thing of her, but did not doubt 
her servants had waited two they would hear of her again 
hours longer than her usual ver)' soon. Which gave them 
time of rising, they were afraid little satisfaction, upon which 
something was the matter with there was a rumour all over 
her ; and finding the bed open, Whitehall, that the queen had 
and her highness gone, they maile away with the princess, 
ran screaming to my father's D. (See before, note at p. 766.) 
lodgings, which were the next ■■ And why should he not ? S. 


that seemed entirely united and firm to him. A ifles. 

foolish ballad was made at that time, treating the 

papists, and chiefly the Irish, in a very ridiculous 
manner, which had a burden, said to be Irish words, 
lero lero Ulihulero % that made an impression on the 
army, that cannot be well imagined by those who 
saw it not. The whole army, and at last all people 
both in city and country, were singing it perpetu- 
ally. And perhaps never had so slight a thing so 
great an effect. 

AVhile the prince stayed at Exeter, the rabble of ^^n as»oci«u 

1 . ... t'on among 

the people came m to him in great numbers. Sothowwbo 
that he could have raised many regiments of foot, if JJSa. 
there had been any occasion for them. But what 
he understood of the temper the king's army was in, 
made him judge it was not necessary to arm greater 
numbers. After he had stayed eight days at Exeter, 
Seimour came in with several other gentlemen of 
quality and estate. As soon as he had been with 
the prince, he sent to seek for me. When I came 
to him, he asked me, why we had not an association 
signed by all that came to us, since, till we had that 
done, we were as a rope of sand : men might leave 
us when they pleased, and we had them under no 
tie : whereas, if they signed an association, they 795 
would reckon themselves bound to stick to us. I 
answered, it was because we had not a man of hi« 
authority and credit to offer and support such an 
advice. I went from him to the prince, who ap- 
proved of the motion ; as did also the earl of Shrews- 

» They are not Irish wordu, niembered he had made u»e of 

but better than Scotch. S. to the earl of Dorset, from 

There was a particular expres- whence it was concluded that 

sion in it which the king re- he wtw the author. D. 


1688. bury, and all that were with us. So I was ordered 
to di'aw it. It was, in few words, an engagement 
to stick together in pursuing the ends of the prince's 
declaration ; and that, if any attempt should be made 
on his person, it should be revenged on all by whom 
or from whom any such attempt should be made. 
This was agreed to by all about the prince. So it 
was engrossed in parchment, and signed by all those 
that came in to him. The prince put Devonshire 
and Exeter under Seimour's government, who was 
recorder of Exeter. And he advanced with his ar- 
my, leaving a small garrison there with his heavy 
""' artillery under colonel Gibson, whom he made de- 

puty governor as to the military part. 
The hea<is At Crookhom, Dr. Finch, son to the earl of Win- 
sent to inm. chelsea, then made warden of All Souls college in 
Oxford, was sent to the prince from some of the 
heads of colleges ; assuring him, that they would de- 
clare for him, and inviting him to come thither, tell- 
ing him, that their plate should be at his service, if 
he needed it. This was a sudden turn from those 
principles that they had carried so high a few years 
before. The prince had designed to have secured 
Bristol and Glocester, and so to have gone to Ox- 
ford, the whole west being then in his hands, if there 
had been any appearance of a stand to be made 
against him by the king and his army ; for, the king 
being so much superior to him in hoi*se, it was not 
advisable to march through the great plains of Dor- 
setshire and Wiltshii'e. But the king's precipitated 
return to London put an end to this precaution. 
The earl of Bath had prevailed with the garrison of 
Plymouth : and they declared for the prince. So 
now all behind him was safe. When he came to 


Sherburn, all Dorsetshire came in a body, and joined i6S8. 
him. He resolved to make all the haste he could to 
London, where things were in a high fermentation. 

A bold man ventured to draw and publish another Gr«u di«- 

,,..,., _ , order* ia 

declaration m the prmces name. It was penned London, 
with great spirit : and it had as great an effect. It 
set forth the desperate designs of the papists, and 
the extreme danger the nation was in by their 
means, and required all persons immediately to fall 
on such papists as were in any employments, and to 
turn them out, and to secure all strong places, and 
to do every thing else that was in their power to 
execute the laws, and to bring all things again into 
their proper channels. This set all men at work : 
for no doubt was made, that it was truly the prince's 
declaration. But he knew nothing of it. And it 79** 
was never known who was the author of so bold a 
thing ^ No person ever claimed the merit of it: 
for, though it had an amazing effect, yet, it seems, 
he that contrived it apprehended, that the prince 
would not be well pleased with the author of such 
an imposture in his name. The king was under such 

* But always supposed to have the same Speke re|X)rt8 in his 

been one much known by the pamphlet, that he invented 

name of Julian Johnson. D. the infamous lie, that the Irish 

(This was Samuel Johnson, the part of the disbanded army had 

political writer, and author, begun a massacre of the pro- 

among other books, of one en- testants. But Echard, in his 

titled Julian the Apostate ; but History of tlie Revolution, 

another person was concerned in doubts the truth of Speke's ac- 

this forgery, for, according to his counts, pp. 183 and 198. If 

own story, the real framer of they are true, it was incumbent 

the declaration was Hugh Speke, on the prince, to whom Speke 

whose brother had been con- says, he shewed the pretended 

demned by Jefferies in Mon- declaration, to have taken care 

mouth's rebellion. See Dal- that the nation should be «:- 

rymple's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 1 7 1 . quainted vnth the imposture.) 
who says also at p. i77> that 

VOL. III. • Y 


1688. a consternation, that he neither knew what to re- 
solve on, nor whom to trust. This pretended decla- 
ration put the city in such a flame, that it was car- 
ried to the lord mayor, and he was requu'ed to exe- 
cute it. The prentices got together, and were fall- 
ing upon all mass houses, and committing many ir- 
regular things. Yet their fuiy was so well governed, 
and so little resisted, that no other mischief was 
done : no blood was shed. 
A treaty The king now sent for all the lords in town, that 
the prince, wcrc kuown to bc firm protestants. And, upon 
speaking to some of them in private, they advised 
him to call a general meeting of all the privy coun- 
sellors, and peers, to ask their advice, what was fit 
to be done. All agreed in one opinion, that it was 
fit to send commissioners to the prince to treat with 
him. This went much against the king's own in- 
clinations : yet the dejection he was in, and the des- 
perate state of his affairs, forced him to consent to 
it. So the marquis of Hallifax, the earl of Notting- 
ham, and the lord Godolphin, were ordered to go to 
the prince, and to ask him what it was that he de- 
manded. The earl of Clarendon reflected the most 
on the king's former conduct of any in that assem- 
bly, not without some indecent and insolent words, 
which were generally condemned ". He expected, as 
was said, to be one of the commissioners : and, upon 
his not being named, he came and met the prince 
near Salisbury. Yet he suggested so many peevish 

" He said he had often told to ; but flattery was always 

him what would be the conse- more agreeable to princes than 

quence of his actions, and if he good advice. In confirmation 

had minded him more, his af- of which he quoted a scrap of 

fairs had never been in the con- Latin, with very pedantic so- 

dition they were now brought lemnity. D. 


and peculiar things, when lie came, that some sus- 1688. 

pected all this was but collusion, and that he was 

sent to raise a faction among those that were about 
the prince. The lords sent to the prince to know 
where they should w ait on him : and he named 
Hungerford. When they came thither, and had de- 
livered their message, the prince called all the peers 
and others of chief note about him, and advised with 
them what answer should be made. A day was 
taken to consider of an answer ". The marquis of 
Hallifax sent for me. But the prince said, though 
he would suspect nothing from our meeting, others 
might. So I did not speak with him in private, but 
in the hearing of others. Yet he took occasion to 
ask me, so as no body observed it, if we had a mind 
to have the king in our hands. I said, by no means ; 
for we would not hurt his person. He asked next, 
what if he had a mind to go away. I said, nothing 
was so much to be wished for. This I told the 
prince. And he approved of both my answers. 795 
The prince ordered the earls of Oxford, Shrewsbury, 
and Clarendon, to treat with the lords the king had 
sent^. And they delivered the prince's answer to 
them on Sunday the eighth of December. 

He desii-ed a parliament might be presently called, 
that no men should continue in any employment, 

" (Of the various arts used prince, who was then between 

by the prince, during his route Bath and Salisbury, at Reading 

to London, to evade receiving on the third of the month.) 

the kings proposals, which he ^ (The earl of Clarendon in 

did not answer before the ninth his Diary saj-s, the persons or- 

of December, see Ralphs His- dered to treat with the other 

tory of England, vol. i. p. 1055. lords were, marshal Schomberg, 

The king's commissioners had the earl of Oxford, and himself, 

received their pisses from the p. 109.) 


1688. who were not qualified by law, and had not taken 
the tests ; that the tower of London might be put in 
the keeping of the city ; that the fleet, and all the 
strong places of the kingdom, might be put in the 
hands of protestants ; that a proportion of the re- 
venue might be set off for the pay of the prince's 
army ; and that during the sitting of the parliament, 
the armies of both sides might not come within 
twenty miles of London ; but, that the prince might 
come on to London, and have the same number of 
his guards about him, that the king kept about his 
person. The Lords seemed to be very well satis- 
fied with this answer. They sent it up by an ex- 
press, and went back next day to London. 
The king But uow straugc couuscls were suggested to the 
kingdom, king and queen. The priests, and aU the violent 
papists, saw a treaty was now opened. They knew, 
that they must be the sacrifice. The whole design 
of popery must be given up, without any hope of 
being able in an age to think of bringing it on again. 
Severe laws would be made against them. And all 
those who intended to stick to the king, and to pre- 
serve him, would go into those laws with a particu- 
lar zeal : so that they, and their hopes, must be now 
given up, and sacrificed for ever. They infused all 
this into the Queen. They said, she would certainly 
be impeached : and witnesses would be set up against 
her and her son : the king's mother had been im- 
peached in the long parliament : and she was to 
look for nothing but violence. So the queen took 
up a sudden resolution of going to France with the 
child. The midwife, together with all who were 
assisting at the birth, were also carried over, or so 



disposed of, that it could never be learned what be- 
came of them afterwards \ The queen prevailed 
with the king, not only to consent to this, but to 
promise to go quickly after her \ He was only to 
stay a day or two after her, in hojx} that the shadow 
of authority that was still left in him might keep 
things so quiet, that she might have an undisturbed 
passage. So she went to Portsmouth ^. And from 


^ That is strange and incre- 
dible. S. 

* (A different account isgiven 
in the Life of King James 
II. where it is said, that the 
*• queen had a great reluctance 
" to this journey, not so much 
" for the hazard and inconveni- 
** encies of it, as to leaving the 
"king in so doubtful a situa- 
" tion — ; and therefore when 
" it was first proposed, her ma- 
** jesty absolutely refused it in 
" reference to herself, telling 
*' the king she was very willing 
•' that the prince her son should 
" be sent to France, or where 
" it was thought most proper 
" for his security." It is added, 
" that the reluctance which the 
" queen had to part from the 
" king, made some persons who 
" wished him well, and thought 
" his leaving the kingdom too 
" precipitate, suspect her ma- 
" jesty to have been the occa- 
" sion of it, which was the far- 
" thest thing in the world from 
" her thoughts ; she neither ad- 
" vised it, nor urged him to it ; 
" on the contrary, it was her 
" own staying, not his going, her 
" majesty contended for." Vol. 
ii. p. 244. However, that the 
queen, on her finally consenting 
to go away herself, obtained an 

assurance, that it was the king's 
intention to follow her, ap(}ears 
to be true.) 

^ The prince of Wales had 
been sent to Portsmouth and 
brought back again : but the 
queen went from Whitehall 
privately, with the prince, &c. in 
a barge down the Thames, 
where a ship lay to receive her. 
In a letter dated December, 
loth (to lord Dartmouth) the 
king says, " Things having so 
" very bad a prospect, I could 
" no longer defer securing the 
" queen and my son ; which I 
" hope I have done, and that 
" by to-morrow they will be 
" out of the reach of my ene- 
" mies. I am at ease now I 
" have sent them away. I have 
*' not heard this day from my 
" commissioners, with the prince 
" of Orange, who I believe will 
" hardly be jirevailed with to 
" stop his march, so that I am 
" in no good condition ; nay, in 
" as bad a one as is jwssible." 
D. ('* The queen crossed the 
*♦ Thames from Whitehall to 
" Lambeth, where she took 
*♦ coach, and went to Graves- 
" end ; here she embarked in a 
" vessel prepared for this pur- 
" pose, sailed down the nver, 
" and landed at Calais.*' Be- 

Y 3 


1668. thence, in a man of war, she went over to France, 
the king resolving to follow her in disguise. Care 
was also taken to send all the priests away. 
The king stayed long enough to get the prince's an- 
swer. And when he had read it, he said, he did 
not expect so good terms. He ordered the lord 
796 chancellor to come to him next morning. But he 
had called secretly for the gi'eat seal. And the next 
morning, being the tenth of December, about three 
in the morning he went away in disguise with Sir 
Edward Hales, whose servant he seemed to be. 
They passed the river, and flung the great seal into 
it ; which was some months after found by a fisher- 
N man near Fox-Hall. The king went down to a mi- 

serable fisher boat, that Hales had provided for car- 
rying them over to France. 
He is much Thus a great king, who had a good army and a 
strong fleet, did choose rather to abandon all, than 
either to expose himself to any danger with that 
part of the army that was still firm to him, or to 
stay and see the issue of a parliament. Some put this 
mean and unaccountable resolution on a want of 
courage. Others thought it was the effect of an ill 
conscience, and of some black thing under which 
he could not now support himself. And they who 
censured it the most moderately, said, that it shewed, 
that his priests had more regard to themselves than 
to him ; and that he considered their interest more 
than his own ; and that he chose rather to wander 
abroad with them, and to try what he could do by 
a French force to subdue his people, than to stay at 

v'dl Higgons's Remarks, p. 306, volutions of England, j). 315, 
The particulars of her flight are 3 1 6.) 
mentioned in D'Orleans's, Re- 


home, and be shut up within the bounds of law, and 1688. 
be brought under an incapacity of doing more mis- 
chief; which they saw was necessary to quiet those 
fears and jealousies, for which his bad government 
had given so much occasion. It seemed very unac- 
countable, since he was resolved to go, that he did 
not choose rather to go in one of his yachts or fri- 
gates, than to expose himself in so dangerous and ig- 
nominious a manner. It was not possible to put a 
good construction on any part of the dishonourable 
scene which he then acted '^. 

With this his reign ended : for this was a plain 
deserting his people, and the exposing the nation to 
the pillage of an army, which he had ordered the 
earl of Feversham to disband *■. And the doing this 
without paying them, was the letting so many armed 
men loose upon the nation ; who might have done 
much mischief, if the execution of those orders that 
he left behind him had not been stopped ^. I shall 

' Lord Godolphin wrote to moirs, pp. 178. 180. and D'Or- 
liim t6 advise his withdrawing ieans's Revohitions of England, 
for the present, Avhich, he said, p. 314. Compare also what is 
would leave the kingdom in such mentioned below, p. 800. At 
confusion, that his subjects the same time this very mar- 
would be glad in a year's time quis is said to have afterwards 
to beg for his return upon their made a merit of frightening the 
knees. D. (Perhaps this was king away. See also what Bur- 
really lord Godolphin's view of net has just before told of hira 
things, and perhaps he also fear- at p. 794.) 
ed for the king's life ; or it may " Abominable assertion, and 
be, that his counsel, after all, false consetjuence. S. (This 
was insidious. Thus the mar- consequence from the king's 
quis of Halifax is known to first attempt to leave the king- 
have sent a letter to the king, dom was then drawn by the 
informing him of ill designs prince of Orange's friends in 
against his person, and assert- general. See lord Clarendon's 
ing that a resolution had been Diarj, p. 1 15. 117.) 
taken by the prince's advisers « " (Somebody told the 
at Windsor to imprison him. " prince (of Orange) how lord 
See sir John Reresby's Me- " Feversham had disbanded the 



1 688. continue the recital of all that passed in this interreg- 
nuiTiy till the throne, which he now left empty, was 
But is He was not got far, when some fishermen of Fe- 

broiight . 

back. versham, who were watching for such priests, and 
other delinquents, as they fancied were making their 
escape, came up to him. And they, knowing sir 
Edward Hales, took both the king and him, and 
brought them to Feversham. The king told them 
who he was ^. And that flying about brought a 
797 vast crowd together, to look on that astonishing in- 
stance of the uncertainty of all worldly greatness ; 
when he who had ruled three kingdoms, and might 
have been the arbiter of aU Europe, was now in such 
mean hands, and so low an equipage. The people 
of the town were extremely disordered with this 
unlooked for accident : and, though for a while they 
kept him as a prisoner, yet they quickly changed 
that into as much respect as they could possibly pay 

** king's army ; and that the when he returned to Whitehall. 

*• soldiers were all running up D. '• (The earl of Winchel- 

•' and down, not knowing what " sea, whom he had made 

•' course to take : at which the " lord lieutenant of the county 

*• prince seemed very angry at " of Kent, and constable of 

*' lord Feversham, and said, I " Dover castle, not only waited 

" am not to be thusdealtwith." " on him immediately, with all 

Lord Clarendon's Diary, p. 114.. "the respect he could have 

Lord Feversham had acted by " shewn him, when he sat firm- 

the king's order.) " est on his throne, but wisely 

^ And desired they would " and honestly made use of the 

send to Eastwell. for the earl of " opportunity to convince him, 

Winchelsea, which sir Basil " that he ought not to abandon 

Dixwell put a stop to, by tell- " his dominions, but that he 

ing him, sure they were good " ought rather to return to 

enough to take care of him. " London, to collect his friends 

Which occasioned the king's " about him, and to open a ne- 

saying, he found there was more " gotiation with the prince of 

civility amongst the common " Orange." Ralph's History 

people than some gentlemen, of England, vol. i. p. 1068.) 


him. Here was an accident that seemed of no great '688. 
consequence. Yet all the stragglings which that 
party have made ever since that time to this day, 
which from him were called afterwards the Jacobites, 
did rise out of this : for, if he had got clear away, 
by all that could be judged, he would not have had 
a party left : all would have agreed, that here was 
a desertion, and that therefore the nation was free, 
and at liberty to secure itself. But what followed 
upon this gave them a colour to say, that he was 
forced away, and driven out p. Till now, he scarce 
had a party, but among the papists. But from this 
incident a party grew up, that has been long very 
active for his interests. As soon as it was known 
at London that the king was gone, the prentices 
and the rabble, who had been a little quieted when 
they saw a treaty on foot between the king and the 
prince, now broke out again upon all suspected 
houses, where they believed there was either priests 
or papists. They made great havock of many places, 
not sparing the houses of ambassadors. But none 
were killed, no houses burnt, nor were any rob- 
beries committed ^. Never was so much fury seen 
under so much management. Jefferies, finding the 
king was gone, saw what reason he had to look to 
himself: and, apprehending that he was now ex- 
posed to the rage of the people, whom he had pro- 

g So he certainly was. both John Reresby's Memoirs, p. 169, 
now and after^vards. S. and DOrleanss Revolutions 

h Don Pedro de RonquiUo's of England, P- 3»»- \^\ " 
house was plundered and pulled appears from Ralph » detoU, 
down; he was Spanish ambassa- p. 1060, that the ^>«'">P '* 
dor. S. (A different account founded in his assertion, hat the 
is also given by the king him- fury of the mob was under n.a- 
self in his life lately published, nagemcnU) 
vol. ii. p. 257. See too sir 


1688. voked with so particular a brutality, he had disguised 

• himself to make his escape '. But he fell into the 

hands of some who knew himJ. He was insulted 
by them with as much scorn and rudeness as they 
could invent. And, after many hours tossing him 
aboutj he was carried to the lord mayor ; whom 
they charged to commit him to the tower ^, which 
the lord Lucas had then seized, and in it had de- 
clared for the prince '. The lord mayor was so struck 
with the terror of this rude populace, and with the 
disgrace of a man who had made all people tremble 
before him, that he fell into fits upon it, of which he 
died soon after. 
The prince To prcvcnt the further gi'owth of such disorders, 
come and he caUed a meeting of the privy counsellors and 
government P^^rs, who met at Guildhall. The archbishop of 
j°^^^ Canterbury was there. They gave a strict charge 
for keeping the peace ; and agreed to send an invi- 
tation to the prince, desiring him to come and take 
798 the government of the nation into his hands, till a 
parliament should meet to bring all matters to a 
just and fuU settlement. This they all signed "^ ; 

' In a common sailor's ha- " never have it out of his 

bit. O, " thoughts.'' And by this it 

j A scrivener of Wapping, was, that he immediately knew 
who saw him at a window of him, although so disguised, 
an upper chamber in a poor ale- This story with some variation 
house there. He had been rat- is mentioned in the Life of the 
ed and terribly frightened by Lord Keeper North, p. 220. O. 
Jefferies, some time before, in ^ He soon after died in the 
the court of chancer}-, and as tower by drinking strong li- 
the man was coming out of the quors. S. 
court, he said " The fierceness ' He was put in possession 
" of Jefferies's countenance on of the tower by an order of the 
" that occasion had made such lords at Guildhall. D. 
" an impression upon his mind, >" (" Bishop Burnet takes 
" that he believed he should " care to remember that the 


and sent it to the prince by the earl of Pembroke, 1688. 

tlie viscount of Weymouth ", the bishop of Ely, and 

the Lord Culpepper. The prince went on from 
Hungerford to Newbury, and from thence to Abing- 
ton, resolving to have gone to Oxford to receive the 
compliments of the university, and to meet the prin- 
cess Anne who was coming thither. At Abington 
he was surprised with the news of the strange ca- 
tastrophe of affairs now at London, the king's de- 
sertion, and the disorders which the city and neigh- 
bourhood of London were falling into. One came 
from London, and brought him the news, which he 
knew not well how to believe, till he had an express 
sent him from the lords, who had been with him from 
the king. Upon this the prince saw how necessary 
it was to make all possible haste to London. So he 
sent to Oxford, to excuse his not coming thither, 

'* archbishop was there ; and the earl of Pembroke, which he 

** to be express that this invita- expected, immediately espoused 

" tion to the prince they all king James's interest, with great 

** signed ; but their own decla- zeal ; which he continued to 

" ration bears witness, that no do to his death. He was very 

" such thing passed at this meet- liberal to non-jurors, though 

" ing ; and when such a thing he always took the oaths him- 

" did pass, it is but justice to self; which occasioned his 

" acknowledge that the arch- house being constantly full of 

'* bishop was not there. So people of that sort, who crie<l 

" strangely does he jimible dif- him up for a vcrj- religious man ; 

" ferent facts together ; and which pleased him extretnely, 

" so fatally does he mislead having affected to be thought 

** his readers by the means." so all his life ; wliich the com- 

Ralph's History of England, panions of his youth would by 

vol. i. p. 1 061. Compare Dr. no means allow. D. (Lord 

D'Oyly's Life of Archbishop Weymouth appears to have been 

Bancroft, vol. i. p. 392 — 398.) an honester man than most of 

" Lord Weymouth was a his contemporaries; attached 

weak, proud man, with a vast as he was to the church of 

estate, and exprest great warmth England, he could not but high- 

against king James, and all his ly disapprove of king Jame»"» 

proceedings : but not being so measures.) 
well received by the prince as 


1688. and to offer the association to them, which was 
signed by almost all the heads, and the chief men of 
the university ; even by those, who, being disap- 
pointed in the preferments they aspired to, became 
afterwards his most implacable enemies ". 

Hitherto the expedition had been prosperous, be- 
yond aU that could have been expected. There had 
-been but two small engagements, during this unsea- 
sonable campaign. One was at Winkington [Win- 
canton] in Dorsetshire, where an advanced party 
of the prince's met one of the king's that was thrice 
their number : yet they drove them before them into 
a much greater body, where they were overpowered 
with numbers. Some were killed of both sides. 
But there were more prisoners taken of the prince's 
men. Yet, though the loss was of his side, the cou- 
rage that his men shewed in so a great an inequality 
as to number, made us reckon that we gained more 
than we lost on that occasion. Another action hap- 
pened at Reading, where the king had a considera- 
ble body, who, as some of the prince's men advanced, 
fell into a great disorder, and ran away. One of 
the prince's officers was shot. He was a papist : 
and the prince, in consideration of his religion, was 
willing to leave him behind him in Holland : but he 
very earnestly begged he might come over with his 
company : and he was the only officer that was 
killed in the whole expedition. 

Different UpOU the UCWS of the kiuff's desertion, it was pro- 

advice given -I • 

to tbe posed that the prince should go on with all possible 
corning the hastc to Loudou. But that was not advisable, 
king's per- ^qj. ^^q king's army lay so scattered through the 

" Malice. S. 


road all the way to London, that it was not fit for 1688. 

him to advance faster, than as his troops marched 

before him: otherwise, any resolute officer might 799 
have seized or killed him. Though, if it had not 
been for that danger, a great deal of mischief, that 
followed, would have been prevented by his speedy 
advance : for now began that turn, to which all the 
difficulties, that did afterwards disorder our affairs, 
may be justly imputed. Two gentlemen of Kent 
came to Windsor the morning after the prince came 
thither. They were addressed to me. And they 
told me of the accident at Feversham, and desired 
to know the prince's pleasure upon it p. I was af- 
fected with this dismal reverse of the fortune of a 
great prince, more than I think fit to express 'K I 
went immediately to Benthink, and wakened him, 
and got him to go in to the prince, and let him 
know what had happened, that some order might be 
presently given for the security of the king's person, 
and for taking him out of the hands of a rude mul- 
titude, who said, they would obey no orders but 
such as came from the prince. The prince ordered 
Ziiylestein to go immediately to Feversham, and to 
see the king safe, and at full liberty to go whither- 
soever he pleased ^ But, as soon as the news of the 
king's being at Feversham came to London, aU the 
indignation that people had formerly conceived 
against him was turned to pity and compassion. 
The privy council met upon it. Some moved, that 
he should be sent for. Others said, he was king, 

P To one of these gentlemen ' (But not to come nearer 

Burnet said, " Why did you stop London than Rochester, as the 

him V See antea, 794, at the Duke of Bucks and father Or- 

bottom of the page. O. leans assert.) 

1 Or than I will believe. S. 


1688. and might send for his guards and coaches, as he 
pleased: but it became not them to send for him. 
It was left to his general, the earl of Feversham, to 
do what he thought best^ So he went for him 
with his coaches and guards. And, as he came 
back through the city, he was welcomed with expres- 
sions of joy by great numbers : so slight and unsta- 
ble a thing is a multitude, and so soon altered. At 
his coming to Whitehall, he had a great court about 
him. Even the papists crept out of their lurking 
holes, and appeared at court with much assurance. 
The. king himself began to take heart. And both 
at Feversham, and now at Whitehall, he talked in 
his ordinary high strain, justifying all he had done : 
only he spoke a little doubtfully of the business of 
Magdalen college. But when he came to reflect on 
the state of his affairs, he saw it was so broken, that 
nothing was now left to deliberate upon. So he 
sent the earl of Feversham to Windsor, without de- 
manding any passport : and ordered him to desire 
the prince to come to St. James's, to consult with 
him of the best way for settling the nation. 
*ij When the news of what had passed at London 
came to Windsor, the prince thought the privy 
council had not used him well, who, after they had 
sent to him to take the government upon him, had 

' (According to the account of retiring. The rudeness of 

of the duke of Bucks, the coun- the sailors, and- the danger the 

cil was sitting when the news king was in even of his life from 

was brought of the king's de- them and the other mob, may 

tention by the mob. Works, be seen in a letter inserted by 

vol. ii. p. 7. who adds, that at Tindal in his Continuation of 

length the earl of Feversham Rapin's History of England, 

was sent to rescue the king from and by Ralph in his History, 

all dangers, and afterwards to p. 1067. He was detained 

■ attend him toward the seaside from Wednesday till Saturday 

if he continued his resolution morning.) 


made this step without consulting him. Now the i689. 
scene was altered, and new counsels were to be' 

taken. The prince heard the opinions, not only of 
those who had come along with him, but of such of 
the nobility as were now come to him, among whom 
the marquis of Hallifax was one. All agreed, that it 
was not convenient that the king should stay at 
Whitehall. Neither the king, nor the prince, nor 
the city, could have been safe, if they had been both 
near one another. Tumults would probably have 
arisen out of it. The guards, and the officious flat- 
terers, of the two courts, would have been unquiet 
neighbours. It was thought necessary to stick to 
the point of the king's deserting his people, and 
not to give up that by entering upon any treaty 
with him. And since the earl of Feversham, who 
had commanded the army against the prince, was 
come without a passport, he was for some days put 
in arrest*. 

It was a tender point how to dispose of the king's 
person. Some proposed rougher methods : the keep- 
ing him a prisoner, at least till the nation was set- 
tled, and till Ireland was secured. It was thought, 

♦ Base and villanous. S. (A- her time ; and whether slie 

gahist the practice and law of phiycd at basset. On which 

nations, says king James, in his the queen took the opportunity 

Reasons for withdrawing. The of answering his highness. That 

earl was kept a prisoner during she had not played at that gaine 

a fortnight, if the following ac- since the absence of her cham- 

count given by Echard, in his berlain, who used to keep the 

History of the Revolution, be bank. The prince immediately 

accurate. The prince, on the took the hint, and told her, he 

evening of </t<? 31s/ of Decern- would by no means interrupt 

ber, made a public visit to the her majesty's diversion, and the 

queen dowager, and, among o- next day set the earl at liberty, 

ther questions, pleasantly asked p. 2 1 9.) 
her majesty, how she passed 




his being kept in custody, would be such a tie on all 
"his party, as would oblige them to submit and be 
quiet. Ireland was in great danger. And his re- 
straint might oblige the earl of Tirconnell to deliver 
up the government, and to disarm the papists, which 
would preserve that kingdom, and the protestants in 
it. But, because it might raise too much compassion, 
and perhaps some disorder, if the king should be 
kept in restraint within the kingdom, therefore the 
sending him to Breda was proposed. The earl of 
Clarendon pressed this vehemently, on the account 
of the Irish protestants, as the king himself told me": 
for those that gave their opinions in this matter did 
it secretly and in confidence to the prince. The 

" The prince, I suppose, af- 
ter he was king. O. (The earl 
of Clarendon's own story is this, 
in order to meet the report, 
that he had advised the impri- 
soning king James, and send- 
ing him to the tower, that "he 
" told lord Abingdon a great 
" part of what had passed at 
" Windsor, but withal that 
" they had all promised secrecy 
" of what was at that time dis- 
" coursed ; and that he further 
" assured his lordship, that ex- 
" cept at that time at Windsor, 
" he had never been present at 
" any discourse about what 
" should be done with king 
" James : but told him, he 
" was indeed against his be- 
" ing sent away. That lord 
" Abingdon was very well sa- 
" tisfied with what he had told 
" him : and that they both a- 
" greed not to speak of what 
" they had said to each other.'' 
Diary, p. 202. It is here as- 
serted, that he satisfied his 

friend in this point ; but see 
the same report mentioned in 
The Conduct of the Duchess of 
Marlborough, p. 18, and it 
should seem, that this noble- 
man, like several others, was for 
king James, because he was not 
permitted to serve king Wil- 
liam. As it happened after- 
wards, at the accession of the 
house of Hanover, when many 
went over to the interests of 
the old family, because they 
were not employed by the new. 
Sir John Hynde Cotton, who 
was a leading member amongst 
the tories in the last parliament 
of queen Anne, used to declare, 
as a person of undoubted credit 
long since dead often mention- 
ed, that he had been privy to no 
design of bringing in the son of 
king James upon the queen's 
death, but said, that when he 
returned to London after that 
event, he found his old friends 
turned Jacobites.) 


prince said, he could not deny but that this might 1688. 

be good and wise advice : but it was that to which 

he could not hearken : he was so far satisfied with 
the grounds of this expedition, that he could act 
against the king in a fair and open war : but for his 
person, now that he had him in his power, he could 
not put such a hardship on him, as to make him a 
prisoner: and he knew the princess's temper so well, 
that he was sure she would never bear it : nor did 
he know what disputes it might raise, or what effect 
it might have upon the parliament that was to be 
called: he was firmly resolved never to suffer any 
thing to be done against his person : he saw it was 
necessary to send him out of London : and he would 
order a guard to attend upon him, who should only 
defend and protect his person, but not restrain him 
in any sort. 

A resolution was taken of sending the lords Hal- 801 
lifax, Shrewsbury, and Delamere, to London, who 
were first to order the English guards that were 
about the court to be drawn off, and sent to quarters 
out of town : and, when that was done, the count of 
Solms with the Dutch guards was to come and take 
all the posts about the court. This was obeyed with- 
out any resistance or disorder, but not without much 
murmuring. It was midnight before all was settled. 
And then these lords sent to the earl of Middleton, 
to desire him to let the king know, that they had a 
message to deliver to him from the prince. He went 
in to the king ; and sent them word from him, that 
they might come with it immediately. They came, 
and found him abed. They told him, the necessity 
t)f affairs required that the prince should come pre- 
sently to London : and he thought it would conduce 

VOL. III. z 


1688. to the safetj^ of the king's person, and the quiet of 
the town, that he should retire to some house out of 
town: and they proposed Ham. The king seemed 
much dejected ; and asked, if it must be done imme- 
diately. They told him, he might take his rest first: 
and they added, that he should be attended by a 
guard, wlio should only guard his person, but should 
give him no sort of disturbance. Having said this, 
they withdrew. The earl of Middleton came quickly 
after them, and asked them, if it would not do as 
well, if the king should go to Rochester ; for since 
the prince was not pleased with his coming up from 
Kent, it might be perhaps acceptable to him, if he 
should go thither again. It was very visible, that 
this was proposed in order to a second escape ^. 
The prince They promiscd to send word immediately to the 
London, priucc of Orange, who lay that night at Sion, within 
khlg went eight miles of London. He very readily consented 
to^Rochcs- ^ j^^ ^jj^ ^|jg king went next day to Rochester, 
having ordered all that which is called the moving 
wardrobe to be sent before him, the count of Solms 
ordering every thing to be done as the king desired. 
A guard went with him that left him at fuU liberty, 
and paid him rather more respect than his own 
guards had done of late. Most of that body, as it 
happened, were papists. So when he went to mass, 
.they went in, and assisted very reverently. And 
when they were asked how they could serve in an 
expedition that was intended to destroy their own 
religion, one of them answered, his soul was God's, 
but his sword was the prince of Orange's. The king 
was so much delighted with this answer, that he re- 
peated it to all that came about him. On the same 
" And whv not ? S. 


day the prince came to St. James's. It happened to i588. 
be a very rainy day >. And yet great numbers came 
to see him. But, after they had stood long in the 
wet, he disappointed them : for he, who neither 802 
loved shews nor shoutings, went through the park. 
And even this trifle helped to set people's spirits on 

The revolution was thus brought about, with the 
universal applause of the whole nation : only these 
last steps began to raise a fermentation. It was said, 
here was an unnatural thing, to waken the king out 
of his sleep, in his own palace, and to order him to 
go out of it, when he was ready to submit to every 
thing. Some said, he was now a prisoner, and re-^ 
membered the saying of king Charles the first, that 
the prisons and the graves of princes lay not far dis- 
tant from one another : the person of the king was 
now struck at, as well as his government : and this 
specious undertaking would now appear to be only a 
disguised and designed usurpation ''. These things 
began to work on great numbers. And the posting 
the Dutch guards where the English guards had 
been, gave a general disgust to the whole English 
army. They indeed hated the Dutch besides, on the 
account of the good order and strict discipline they 
were kept under ; which made them to be as much 

y ("The king was carried " great favourite, (lady Church- 

" down the river, in a very tern- " ill,) both covered with O- 

" pestuous day, not without " range ribbands, in her father's 

" some danger'; and while the " coaches, and attended by his 

" poor old king was thus ex- " guards, went triumphant to 

" posed to the mercy of the " the playhouse." Higgotu't 

" elements, and an actual pri- Short View of English Hist. 

" soner under a guard of Dutch- p. 350, 2d edit.) 
" men, that very moment his « All this is ceruinly true. S. 

" daughter Denmark, with her 

z 2 

1688. beloved by the nation, as they were hated by the 

~ soldiery. The nation had never known such an in- 
offensive march of an army. And the peace and 
order of the suburbs, and the freedom of markets in 
and about London, was so carefully maintained, that 
in no time fewer disorders had been committed than 
were heard of this winter. 

None of the papists or Jacobites were insulted in 
any sort. The prince had ordered me, as we came 
along, to take care of the papists, and to secure 
them from all violence. When he came to London, 
he renewed these orders, which I executed with so 
much zeal and care, that I saw all the complaints 
that were brought me fully redressed. When we 
came to London, I procured passports for all that 
desired to go beyond sea. Two of the popish bishops 
were put in Newgate. I went thither in the prince's 
name. I told them, the prince would not take upon 
him yet to give orders about prisoners : as soon as 
he did that, they should feel the effects of it. But 
in the mean while I ordered them to be well used, 
and to be taken care of, and that their friends might 
be admitted to come to them. So truly did I pursue 
the principle of moderation, even towards those from 
whom nothing of that sort was to be expected. 
The prince Now that the princc was come, all the bodies 
comeTby about the towu Came to welcome him. The bishops 
peop'Sr **^ came the next day. Only the archbishop of Canter- 
bury, though he had once agreed to it, yet would 
not come ^. The clergy of London came next. The 

- ^ (Dr. D'Oyly, in his Life of " once consented to wait on 

the Archbishop, observes, that " the prince," but that this 

according to bishop Burnet's fact rests on his sole authority, 

statement, "the archbishop had chap. x. p. 409. The archbi- 


city, and a great many other bodies, came likewise, 1668. 

and expressed a great deal of joy for the deliverance 

wrought for them by the prince's means. Old ser-803 
jeant Maynard came with the men of the law. He 
was then near ninety, and yet he said the liveliest 
thing that was heard of on that occasion. The 
prince took notice of his great age, and said, that he 
had outlived all the men of the law of his time : he 
answered, he had like to have outlived the law it 
self, if his highness had not come over ^. 

The first thing to be done after the compliments t muuita- 
were over, was to consider how the nation was to be Ih^e^L-tu^"* 
settled. The lawyers were generally of opinion ^, •"'""*"' ^''* 
that the prince ought to declare himself king, as 
Henry the seventh had done. This, they said, would 
put an end to all disputes, which might otherwise 
grow very perplexing and tedious : and, they said, 
he might call a parliament which would be a legal 
assembly, if summoned by the king in fact, though 
his title was not yet recognized. This was plainly 
contrary to his declaration, by which the settlement 
of the nation was referred to a pai'liament : such a 
step would make all that the prince had hitherto 
done pass for an aspiring ambition, only to raise 
himself: and it would disgust those who had been 

shop appears to have acted con- ible possession of the other's 
sistently with his principles palace. It is more likely that 
through these diHicult times ; our author, who misrepresenU 
except, perhaps, in granting the archbishop as aipplying to 
commissions to the other bi- the prince to take upon himself 
shops to execute his metropoli- the government, should lie mis- 
tical authority. And it is impro- taken in this point also. See 
bable, that he who refused to before, p. 797.) 
send his blessing to the princess ^ He was an old rogue for 
of Orange, until she had first ob- all that. S. 
tained her father's, would visit " Follexfcn, partimilarly, as I 
her husband, on his taking fore- have heard. O. 



1688. hitherto the best affected to his designs ; and make 

them less concerned in the quarrel, if, instead of 
staying till the nation should offer him the crown, 
he would assume it as a conquest. These reasons 
determined the prince against that proposition. He 
called all the peers, and the members of the three 
last parliaments '^, that were in town, together with 
some of the citizens of London. When these met, 
it was told them, that, in the present distraction, the 
prince desired their advice about the best methods 
of settling the nation. It was agreed in both these 
houses, such as they were, to make an address to the 
prince, desiring him to take the administration of 
the government into his hands in the interim. The 
next proposition passed not so unanimously : for, it 
being moved, that the prince should be likewise de- 
sired to write missive letters to the same effect, and 
for the same persons to whom writs were issued out 
for calling a parliament, that so there might be an 
assembly of men in the form of a parliament, though 
without writs under the great seal, such as that was 
that had called home king Charles the second. To 
this the earl of Nottingham objected, that such a 
convention of the states could be no legal assembly, 
unless summoned by the king's writ. Therefore he 
moved, that an address might be made to the king, 
to order the writs to be issued out. Few were of his 
mind. The matter was carried the other way : and 
orders were given for those letters to be sent round 
the nation. 
804 The king continued a week at Rochester. And 
I^nt^'ovfr ^^^^ ^^ himself, and every body else, saw that he 

■went over 
into France. 

'' Of any of the parliaments of king Charles the second. O. 


was at full liberty, and that the guard about him 1688. 

put him under no sort of restraint. Many that were " 

zealous for his interests went to him, and pressed 
him to stay, and to see the issue of things : a party 
would appear for him : good terms would be got for 
him : and things would be brought to a reasonable 
agreement. He was much distracted between his 
own inclinations, and the importunities of his friends. 
The queen, hearing what had happened, writ a most 
vehement letter to him, pressing his coming over, 
remembering him of his promise, which she charged 
on him in a very earnest, if not in an im]>erious 
strain. This letter was intercepted. I had an ac- 
count of it from one that read it. The prince or- 
dered it to be conveyed to the king : and that de- 
termined him. So he gave secret orders to prepare 
a vessel for him ; and drew a paper, which he left on 
his table, reproaching the nation for their forsaking i 
him. He declared, that though he was going to seek 
for foreign aid to restore him to his throne, yet he 
would not make use of it to overthrow either the re- 
ligion established, or the laws of the land. And so 
he left Rochester very secretly, on the last day of 
this memorable year, and got safe over to France 

But, before I enter into the next year, I will giveTUeaiWri 
some account of the affairs of Scotland. There was " 
no force left there, but a very small one, scarce able 
to defend the castle of Edenburgh, of which the 
duke of Gordon was governor. He was a papist; 
but had neither the spirit nor the courage which 
such a post required at that time. As soon as the 
news came to Scotland of the king's desertion, the 
rabble got together there, as they had done in Lon- 
don. They broke into all popish chapels, and into 

Z 4 


1688. the church of Holyrood house, which had been 
adorned at a great charge to be a royal chapel, par- 
ticularly for the order of St. Andrew and the thistle, 
which the king had resolved to set up in Scotland, 
in imitation of the order of the garter in England ^. 
They defaced it quite, and seized on some that were 
thought great delinquents, in particular on the earl 
of Perth, who had disguised himself, and had got 
aboard a small vessel : but he was seized on, and put 
in prison. The whole kingdom, except only the 
castle of Edenburgh, declared for the prince, and re- 
ceived his declaration for that kingdom with great 
joy. This was done in the north very unanimously, 
by the episcopal, as well as by the presbyterian party. 
But in the western counties, the presbyterians, who 
had suffered much in a course of many years, thought 
that the time was now come, not only to procure 
805 themselves ease and liberty, but to revenge them- 
selves upon others. They generally broke in upon 
the episcopal clergy with great insolence and much 
cruelty. They carried them about the parishes in a 
mock procession : they tore their gowns, and drove 
them from their churches and houses. Nor did they 
treat those of them, who had appeared very zea- 

* It was revived in the reign ways been esteemed the patron 
of Queen Anne, with some new of Scotland : and every body 
regulations ; and (they) styled knows that gold chains and me- 
themselves knights of the most dais were worn formerly for or- 
ancient order of St. Andrew, naments by persons of quality, 
though nobody ever read or and are still given to ambassa- 
heard of a knight of St. An- dors, and upon other occasions, 
drew, till king James the second But king Charles the second 
of England and seventh of Scot- used to tell a story of a Scotch- 
land. All the pretence for an- man, that desired a grant for 
tiquity, is some old pictures of an old mill, because he under- 
kingsof Scotland, with medals of stood they had some privileges, 
St. Andrew hung in gold chains and were more in esteem than 
about their necks^ who has al- new. D. 


loxisly against popery, with any distinction ♦. The »688. 
bishops of that kingdom had writ a very indecent 
letter to the king, upon the news of the prince's 
being blown back by the storm, full of injurious ex- 
pressions towards the prince, expressing their ab- 
horrence of his design : and, in conclusion, they 
wished that the king might have the necks of his 
enemies. This was sent up as a pattern to the 
English bishops, and was printed in the gazette. 
But they did not think fit to copy after it in Eng- 
land. The episcopal party in Scotland saw them- 
selves under a great cloud : so they resolved all to 
adhere to the earl of Dundee ^, who had served some 
years in Holland, and was both an able officer, and 
a man of good parts, and of some very valuable vir- 
tues : but, as he was proud and ambitious, so he had 
taken up a most violent hatred of the whole presby- 
terian party, and had executed all the severest or- y, 
ders against them with great rigour; even to the 
shooting many on the highway, that refused the 
oath required of them. The presbyterians looked on 
him as their most implacable enemy: and the epi- 
scopal party trusted most entirely to him. Upon the 
prince's coming to London, the duke of Hamilton 
called a meeting of all the men of quality of the 
Scotish nation then in town : and these made an 
address to the prince with relation to Scotland, al- 
most in the same terms in which the English address 
was conceived. And now the administration of the 
government of the whole isle of Britain was put in 
the prince's hands. 

f To reward them for which, « He was the best man in 

king William abolished epi- Scotland, S. 
scopacy. S. 

1688. The prospect from Ireland was more dreadiiil. 

The affairs TyrconncU gave out new commissions for levying 
" ** ° ' thirty thousand men. And reports were spread 
about that island, that a general massacre of the 
protestants was fixed to be in November. Upon 
which the protestants began to run together for 
their common defence, both in Munster and in Ul- 
ster. They had no great strength in Munster. They 
had been disarmed, and had no store of ammunition 
for the few arms that were left them. So they de- 
spaired of being able to defend themselves, and came 
over to England in great numbers, and full of dis- 
mal apprehensions for those they had left behind 
them. They moved earnestly, that a speedy as- 
sistance might be sent to them. In Ulster the pro- 
testants had more strength : but they wanted a 
head. The lords of Grenard and Mountjoy, who 
806 were the chief military men among them, in whom 
they confided most, kept still such measures with 
TyrconneU, that they would not take the conduct of 
them. Two towns, that had both very little defence 
about them, and a very small store of provisions 
within them, were by the rashness or boldness of 
some brave young men secured: so that they re- 
fused to receive a popish garrison, or to submit to 
TyrconneU's orders. These were London-Derry and 
IniskiUing. Both of them were advantageously si- 
tuated. Tyrconnell sent troops into the north to 
reduce the country. Upon which great numbers fled 
into those places, and brought in provisions to them. 
And so they resolved to defend themselves, with a 
firmness of courage that cannot be enough admired : 
for when they were abandoned, both by the gentry 
and the military men, those two small unfurnished 


and unfortified places resolved to stand to their own 1688. 

defence, and, at all perils, to stay till supplies should 

come to them from England ^. I will not enlarge 
more upon the affairs of that kingdom; both !jecause 
I had no occasion to be well informed about them, 
and because Dr. King, now archbishop of Dublin, 
wrote a copious history of the government of Ire- 
land during this reign, which is so well received, 
and so universally acknowledged to be as truly as it 
is finely written, that I refer my reader to the ac- 
count of those matters, which is fully and faithfully 
given by that learned and zealous prelate. 

And now I enter upon the year 1689. In which 1689. 
the two first things to be considered, before the con- 
vention could be brought together, were, the settling 
the English army, and the affairs of Ireland. As for 
the army, some of the bodies, those chiefly that were 
full of papists, and of men ill affected, were to be 
broken. And, in order to that, a loan was set on 
foot in the city, for raising the money that was to 
pay their arrears at their disbanding, and for carry- 
ing on the pay of the English and Dutch armies till 
the convention should meet, and settle the nation. 
This was the great distinction of those who were 
well affected to the prince : for, whereas those who 
were ill affected to him refused to join in the loan, 
pretending there was no certainty of their being re- 
paid ; the others did not doubt but the convention 
would pay all that was advanced in so great an exi- 
gence, and so they subscribed liberally, as the occa- 
sion required. 

'' He should have mentioned Dr. Walker, who defended 
Derry. S. 


1689. As for the affairs of Ireland, there was a great va- 
riety of opinions among them. Some thought, that 
Ireland would certainly follow the fate of England. 
This was managed by an artifice of Tyrconnell's, 
who, what by deceiving, what by threatening the 
eminentest protestants in Dublin, got them to write 
807 over to London, and give assurances that he would 
deliver up Ireland, if he might have good terms for 
himself and for the Irish. The earl of Clarendon 
was much depended on by the protestants of Ire- 
land, who made all their applications to the prince 
by him. Those, who were employed by Tyrconnell 
to deceive the prince, made their applications by sir 
William Temple, who had a long and well esta- 
blished credit with him '. They said, Tyrconnell 
would never lay down the government of Ireland, 
unless he was sure that the earl of Clarendon was 
not to succeed : he knew his peevishness and spite, 
and that he would take severe revenges for what he 
thought had been done to himself, if he had them in 
his power : and therefore he would not treat, till he 
was assured of that. Upon this the prince did avoid 
the speaking to the earl of Clarendon of those mat- 
ters. And then he, who had possessed himself in his 
expectation of that post, seeing the prince thus shut 
him out of the hopes of it, became a most violent 
opposer of the new settlement. He reconciled him- 
self to king James : and has been ever since one of 
the hottest promoters of his interest of any in the 

' A lie of a Scot ; for sir Wil- Life, written by his shter, the 

Kam Temple did not know Tyr- lady Giffard. It was most likely 

connell. S. It is not probable to be young Temple, sir Wil- 

that sir William Temple him- liam's son. See the two next 

self engaged at all in this mat- pages. O. 
ter. See the account of his 


nation. Temple entered into a mana^ment with 1689. 
Tyrconnell's agents, who, it is ver)' prol)ahle, if 
things had not taken a great turn in England, 
would have come to a composition. Others thought, 
that the leaving Ireland in that dangerous state, 
might be a mean to bring the convention to a more 
speedy settlement of England; and that therefore 
the prince ought not to make too much haste to re- ^ 
lieve Ireland ''. This advice was generally believed 
to be given by the marquis of Hallifax : and it was 
like him. The prince did not seem to apprehend 
enough the consequences of the revolt of Ireland; 
and was much blamed for his slowness in not pre- 
venting it in time. 

The truth was, he did not know whom to trust. The prio«« 
A general discontent, next to mutiny, began tOwiihThI 
spread it self through the whole English army. The"'!^',^^^,, 
turn that they were now making from him, was al- 
most as quick as that which they had made to him. 
He could not trust them. Probably, if he had sent 
any of them over, they would have joined with Tyr- 
connell. Nor could he well send over any of his 
Dutch troops. It was to them that he chiefly trusted, 

k That is agreed to be the there was none, he would be 
true reason, and it was a wicked turned out as easily as be had 
one. S. The duke of Leeds been brought in : for it was 
told me, that lord Tyrconnell impossible to please England 
sent several messages to king long, and he might see ibey 
William, that he was ready began to be discontented al- 
to deliver up Ireland, if he ready. D. (This note of lord 
would but give him a decent Dartmouth has been commu- 
excuse, by sending any thing nicated to the public by Dal- 
that looked like a force to de- rymple, in the Appendix to his 
mand it ; but lord Halifax told Memoirs, p. 34a. See obaerva- 
him, that if Ireland was quiet, tions on it by Somerville, in hM 
there would be no pretence for Hist, of Political TransacUoM,, 
keeping up an army, and if vol. i. p. 321.) 


1689. for maintaining the quiet of England. Probably the 
English army would have become more insolent, if 
the Dutch force had been considerably diminished. 
And the king's magazines were so exhausted, that 
till new stores were provided, there was very little 
ammunition to spare. The raising new troops was 
a work of time. There was no ship of war in those 
808 seas to secure the transport. And to send a small 
company of officers with some ammunition, which 
was all that could be done on the sudden, seemed to 
be an exposing them to the enemy. These consi- 
derations made him more easy to entertain a propo- 
sition that was made to him, as was believed, by the 
Temples ; (for sir William had both a brother and a 
son that made then a considerable figure ;) which 
was, to send over lieutenant general Hamilton, one 
of the officers that belonged to Ireland. He was a 
papist, but was believed to be a man of honour : and 
he had certainly great credit with the earl of Tyr- 
connell. He had served in France with great re- 
putation, and had a great interest in all the Irish, 
and was now in the prince's hands ; and had been 
together with a body of Irish soldiers, whom the 
prince kept for some time as prisoners in the Isle of 
Wight; whom he gave afterwards to the emperor, 
though, as they passed through Germany, they de- 
serted in great numbers, and got into France. Ha- 
milton was a sort of prisoner of war. So he under- 
took to go over to Ireland, and to prevail with the 
earl of Tyrconnell to deliver up the government; 
and promised, that he would either bring him to it, 
or that he would come back, and give an account of 
his negotiation. This step had a very ill effect : for 
before Hamilton came to Dublin, the earl of Tyr- 


connell was in such despair, looking on all as lost, 1689. 
that he seemed to be very near a full resolution of 
entering on a treaty, to get the best terms that he 
could. But Hamilton's coming changed him quite. 
He represented to him, that things were turning 
fast in England in favour of the king : so that, if he 
stood firm, all would come round again. He saw, 
that he must study to manage this so dexterously, as 
to gain as much time as he could, that so the prince 
might not make too much haste, before a fleet and 
supplies might come from France. So several letters 
were writ over by the same management, giving as- 
surances that the earl of Tyrconnell was fully re- 
solved to treat and submit. And, to carry this fur- 
ther, two commissioners were sent from the council- 
board to France. The one was a zealous protestant, 
the other was a papist. Their instructions were, to 
represent to the king the necessity of Ireland's sub- 
mitting to England. The earl of Tyrconnell pre- 
tended, that in honour he could do no less than dis- 
engage himself to his master, before he laid down 
the government. Yet he seemed resolved not to 
stay for an answer, or a consent ; but that, as soon 
as this message was delivered, he would submit upon 
good conditions : and for these, he knew, he would 
have all that he asked. With this management he 
gained his point, which was much time. And he 
now fancied, that the honour of restoring the king 
would belong chiefly to himself Thus Hamilton, 
by breaking his own faith, secured the earl of Tyr- 809 
conneU to the king : and this gave the beginning to 
the war of Ireland. Mountjoy, the protestant lord 
that was sent to France, instead of being heard to 
deliver his message, was clapt up in the BastiUe ; 


1^89. which, since he was sent in the name of a kingdom, 
was thought a very dishonourable thing, and con- 
trary to the law of nations. Those who had advised 
the sending over Hamilton were now much out of 
countenance : and the earl of Clarendon was a loud 
declaimer against it. It was believed, that it had a 
terrible effect on sir William Temple's son, who had 
raised in the prince a high opinion of Hamilton's 
honour. Soon after that, he, who had no other vi- 
sible cause of melancholy, besides this, went in a boat 
on the Thames, near the bridge, where the river 
runs most impetuously, and leaped into the river, 
and was drowned ^ 

The con- The sitting of the convention was now very near. 

^'"^ And all men were forming their schemes, and forti- 
fying their party all they could. The elections were 
managed fairly all England over. The prince did 
in no sort interpose in any recommendation, directly 
(H* indirectly. Three parties were formed about the 
town. The one was for calling back the king, and 
treating with him for such securities to religion and 
the laws, as might put them out of the danger for 
the future of a dispensing or arbitrary power. These 

, were aU of the high church party, who had carried 

the point of submission and non-resistance so far, 
that they thought nothing less than this could con- 

' (" He left a paper in the " upon the cover of a letter to 

"boat; wherein were written " himself ; which was the occa- 

" these words : ' My folly in " sion of the discover^-, for the 

p;. "undertaking what I was not " watermen did not know him." 

** able to execute, hath done Lord Clarendo7i's Diaiy, p. 18^. 

** the king great prejudice. May He had been made secretary of 

" his undertakings prosper, and war. Sir John Reresbi/s Me- 

" may he have an abler servant moirs, p. 197. See more con- 

*• than I.' This was written in cerning Hamilton, vol. ii. of 

"the boat, with a black lead, Burnet's Hist. p. 59.) 


sist with their duty and their oaths. When it was 1689. 

objected to them, that, according to those notions '. " 

that they had been possessed with, they ought to be * 
for calling the king back without conditions : when 
he came, they might indeed offer him their petitions, 
which he might grant or reject as he pleased : but 
that the offering him conditions, before he was re- 
called, was contrary to their former doctrine of un- 
conditioned allegiance. They were at such a stand 
upon this objection, that it was plain, they spoke of 
conditions, either in compliance with the humour of 
the nation, or that, with relation to their particular 
interest, nature was so strong in them, that it was 
too hard for their doctrine '". 

When this notion was tossed and talked of about some ut 
the town, so few went into it, that the party which J^ent.""** 
supported it went over to the scheme of a second 
party ; which was, that king James had by his ill 
administration of the government brought himself 
into an incapacity of holding the exercise of the so- 
vereign authority any more in his own hand ". But, 

•" (The absurd doctrine of vocates did for him in licensed 

non-resistance in all cases, and publications, to a power of su- 

uncouditional allegiance to any peradding to the legally esta- 

governnient, or what, if pos- blished rites of religion, such 

sible, is still more absurd, of ceremonies as would assimilate 

unlimited obedience to one the church of England to that 

branch of a constitution, ought of Rome. The opposers of il- 

never to have been inculcated by legal proceedings might, without 

any individuals or body of men. the reproach of inconsistency. 

Yet there seems to have been propose treating with the king 

a wide difference between driv- for securities to their religion 

ing away a prince, who offered and laws.) 
to redress, and to prevent in fu- " (The truth of the matter 

ture, all grievances, and the op- was, that the king had acted so 

posing him when he abused his ill in England, and so much 

prerogative to the subversion of worse in Ireland and Scotland, 

law; and pretended, as his ad- and was of so violent and ob- 

VOL. III. A a 


1 689. as in the case of lunatics, the right still remained in 
^77 him : only the guardianship, or the exercise, of it 
was to be lodged with a prince regent : so that the 
right of sovereignty should be owned to remain still 
in the king, and that the exercise of it should be 
vested in the prince of Orange as prince regent. A 
third party was for setting king James quite aside, 
and for setting the prince on the throne. 

When the convention was opened on the twenty- 
fourth of January, the archbishop came not to take 
his place among them. He resolved neither to act 
for nor against the king's interest ; which, consider- 
ing his high post, was thought very unbecoming. 
For if he thought, as by his behaviour afterwards it 
seems he did, that the nation was running into trea- 
son, rebellion, and perjury, it was a strange thing to 
see one, who was at the head of the church, sit si- 
lent all the while that this was in debate ; and not 
once so much as declare his opinion by speaking, 
voting, or protesting, not to mention the other ec- 
clesiastical methods that certainly became his cha- 
racter". But he was a poor-spirited and fearful 

stinate a temper, that even the ten by himself, (which I have 

friends of monarchy feared his read,) he mentions a fact of 

recall. His despotic notions, Sancroft, which agrees very 

and sectarian zeal, well nigh much with this character of 

annihilated his sincerity, grati- him. He says, that upon the 

tude, and sense of justice. A prince of Orange's coming to 

pretty fair and true character of London, the clergy there met 

this prince is given by bishop to consider, among other things 

Burnet in the second volume of relating to themselves at that 

his History, p. 292. folio edit, juncture, what they should do 

The worst is, that such kings in- as to the form of prayers which 

volve in their ruin better and had been appointed and read in 

honester men than themselves.) the churches, against the prince's 

° In a manuscript memoir of invasion ; and though all agreed 

some passages of the life and to forbear the further use of 

times of archbishop Wake, writ- the prayers, yet they thought it 



man; and acted a very mean part in all this great iOeg. 
transaction v. The bishops' Ijcnch was very full, as 
were also the benches of the temporal lords. The 
earls of Nottingham, Clarendon, and Rochester, were 
the men that managed the debates in favour of a re- 
gent, in opposition to those who were for setting up 
another king. 

They thought this would save the nation, and yet 
secure the honour of the church of England, and the 
sacredness of the crown. It was urged, that if, u|)on 
any pretence whatsoever, the nation might throw off 
their king, then the crown must become precarious, 
and the power of judging the king must lie in the 
people. This must end in a commonwealth. A 
great deal was brought from both the laws and hi- 
story of England, to prove, that not only the person, 
but the authority of the king was sacred. The law 

decent, before they came to a 
formal resolution for that, to 
depute some of their body to 
wait upon the archbishop at 
Lambeth, to know his sense of 
it, and have his consent to it ; 
that the archbishop received 
the application with a good 
deal of disorder, and declined 
to give any opinion upon it : 
but on their pressing him for 
his opinion, he desired them to 
look upon the title of the form 
of prayers, which directed it to 
be used during the time of pub- 
lic apprehensions from the dan- 
ger of invasion, and then left it 
to them to consider, whether 
that time was not over by the 
invasion taking place. O. 

P Others think very different- 
ly. S. (See an able discussion 
of the motives which influenced 

the archbishop's conduct in Dr. 
D'Oyly's Life of him, vol. i. 
chapter X. p. 430 — 444 : where 
however a complete justifica- 
tion of his inactivity is not at- 
tempted. Perhaps the archbi- 
shop paid too much attention to 
the information and suggestions 
of Lloyd, bishop of St. Asaph, a 
warm and busy stickler for the in- 
terests of the prince of Orange ; 
who appears to have insinuated 
himself into the confidence of 
many of the opposite parly. 
Stillbe it remembered, that San- 
croft's election to the chancel- 
lorship of the university of Cam- 
bridge about this time, which 
he declined accepting, shews 
the sense which was entertained 
by that learned Ixxly of the 
archbishop's high merit) 

A a 2 


1689. had indeed provided a remedy of a regency for the 
infancy of our kings. So, if a king should fall into 
such errors in his conduct, as shewed that he was as 
little capable of holding the government as an infant 
was, then the estates of the kingdom might, upon 
this parity of the case, seek to the remedy provided 
for an infant, and lodge the power with a regent. 
But the right was to remain, and to go on in a li- 
neal succession : for, if that was once put ever so 
little out of its order, the crown would in a little 
time become elective ; which might rend the nation 
in pieces by a diversity of elections, and by the dif- 
• ferent factions that would adhere to the person whom 
they had elected. They did not deny, but that great 
objections lay against the methods that they pro- 
posed. But affairs were brought into so desperate a 
811 state by king James's conduct, that it was not pos- 
sible to propose a remedy that might not be justly 
excepted to. But they thought, their expedient 
would take in the greatest, as well as the best, part 
of the nation : whereas all other expedients grati- 
fied a republican party, composed of the dissenters, 
and of men of no rehgion, who hoped now to see the 
church ruined, and the government set upon such a 
bottom, as that we should have only a titular king ; 
who, as he had his power from the people, so should 
be accountable to them for the exercise of it, and 
should forfeit it at their pleasure. The much greater 
part of the house of lords was for this, and stuck 
long to it : and so was about a third part of the 
house of commons. The greatest part of the clergy 
declared themselves for it 'J. 

1 And it was certainly much the best expedient. S. 


But of those who agreed in this expedient, it was 1689. 
visible there were two different parties. Some in- 
tended to bring king James back; and went into 
this, as the most probable way for laying the nation 
asleep, and for overcoming the present aversion that 
all people had to him. That being once done, they 
reckoned it would be no hard thing, with the help 
of some time, to compass the other. Others seemed 
to mean more sincerely. They said, they could not 
vote or argue but according to their own principles, 
as long as the matter was yet entire : but they 
owned that they had taken up another principle, 
both from the law and from the history of England ; 
which was, that they would obey and pay allegiance 
to the king for the time being : they thought a king 
thus de facto had a right to their obedience, and 
that they were bound to adhere to him, and to de- 
fend him, even in opposition to him with whom 
they thought the right did still remain. The earl 
of Nottingham was the person that owned this doc- 
trine the most during these debates. He said to 
my self, that though he could not argue nor vote, 
but according to the scheme and principles he had 
concerning our laws and constitution, yet he should 
not be sorry to see his side out voted; and that, 
though he could not agree to the making a king as 
things stood, yet if he found one made, he wouW be 
more faithful to him, than those that made him 
could be according to their own principles. 

The third party was made up of those, whoo.».^nj^ 
thought that there was an original contract between kiag. 
the kings and the people of England ; by which the 
kings were bound to defend their people, and to go- 
vern them according to law, in Ueu of which the 

A a 3 


1689. people were bound to obey and serve the king^ 
The proof of this appeared in the ancient forms of 
coronations still observed : by which the people were 
asked, if they would have that person before them 
812 to be their king : and, upon their shouts of consent, 
the coronation was gone about. But, before the 
king was crowned, he was asked, if he would not 
defend and protect his people, and govern them ac- 
cording to law : and, upon his promising and swear- 
ing this, he was crowned : and then homage was done 
him. And, though of late the coronation has been 
considered rather as a solemn instalment, than that 
which gave the king his authority, so that it was 
become a maxim in law that the king never died, 
and that the new king was crowned in the right of 
his succession, yet these forms, that were still con- 
tinued, shewed what the government was originally^. 
Many things were brought to support this from the 
British and Saxon times. It was urged, that Wil- 
liam the conqueror was received upon his promising 
to keep the laws of Edward the confessor, which 
was plainly the original contract between him and 
the nation. This was often renewed by his suc- 
cessors. Edward the second and Richard the se- 
cond were deposed for breaking these laws : and 
these depositions were still good in law, since they 
were not reversed, nor was the right of deposing 

' I am of this party, and yet aliet^iance was never heard of 

I would have been for a regen- in England, till king James the 

cy. S. first's time, whose arbitrary, il- 

* Anciently the kings of Eng- legal administration could be 

land dated their reign from the justified by no former rules of 

day of their coronation : of government. D. (Compare that 

later times, from the day of administration with the practical 

their predecessor's death : but government of the Tudors.) 
the doctrine of unconditional 


them ever renounced or disowned'. Many things 1689. 

were alleged, from what had passed during the ba- 

rons' wars, for confirming all this. Upon which I 
will add one particular circumstance, that the ori- 
ginal of king John's Magna Charta, with his great 
seal to it, was then given to me by a gentleman 
that found it among his father's papers, but did not 
know how he came by it: and it is still in my 
hands. It was said in this argument, what did all 
the limitations of the regal power signify, if, upon a 
king's breaking through them all, the people had 
not a right to maintain their laws and to preserve 
their constitution? It was indeed confessed, that 
this might have ill consequences, and might be car- 
ried too far. But the denying this right in any 
case whatsoever, did plainly destroy all liberty, and 
establish tyranny. The present alteration proposed 
would be no precedent, but to the like case. And 
it was fit that a precedent should be made for such 
occasions ; if those of Edward tlie second and Ri- 
chard the second were not acknowledged to be 
good ones. It was said, that, if king James had 
only broken some laws, and done some illegal acts, 
it might be justly urged, that it was not reasonable 
on account of these to carry severities too far. But 
he had broken through the laws in many public and 
avowed instances: he had set up an open treaty 

* (" We have standing re- the bishop himself, in a pam- 

" cords which express all man- phlet attributed to hjiu, which 

" ner of detestation of king Ri- is opposed to Sherlock's Letter 

" chard's deposition and niiir- to a Member of the Conventiott^ 

" der, and which brand Henry has made the like use of tlie 

" as an usurper." Impartial deposition of both kii)gs. Sec 

Reflectiom upon Duihop Burnefs Ralph's History of England. 

Posthumous Jiijitonj,\i. I oS. But vol. ii. p. 13.) 

A a 4 


1689. with Rome : he had shaken the whole settlement of 
" Ireland; and had put that island, and the English 

and protestants that were there, in the power of the 
Irish : the dispensing power took away not only 
those laws to which it was applied, but all other 
813 laws whatsoever, by the precedent it had set, and by 
the consequences that followed upon it : by the ec- 
clesiastical commission he had invaded the liberty of 
the church, and subjected the clergy to mere will 
and pleasure : and all was concluded by his desert- 
ing his people, and flying to a foreign power, rather 
than stay and submit to the determinations of a fi'ee 
parliament. Upon all which it was inferred, that 
he had abdicated the government, and had left the 
throne vacant: which therefore ought now to be 
filled, that so the nation might be preserved, and 
the regal government continued in it. 
And against ^s to the propositiou for a prince regent, it was 

a regency. * x o 

argued, that this was as much against monarchy, or 
rather more, than what they moved for. If a 
king's ill government did give the people a right in 
any case to take his power from him, and to lodge 
it with another, owning that the right to it re- 
mained still with him, this might have every whit 
as bad consequences as the other seemed to have: 
for recourse might be had to this violent remedy too 
often and too rashly. By this proposition of a re- 
gent, here were to be upon the matter two kings at 
the same time : one with the title, and another with 
the power of a king. This was both more illegal 
and more unsafe than the method they proposed. 
The law of England had settled the point of the 
subjects' security in obeying the king in possession, 
in the statute made by Henry the seventh. So 


every man knew he was safe under a king, and so 1689. 

would act with zeal and courage ". But all such as " 

should act under a prince regent, created by this 
convention, were upon a bottom that had not the 
necessary forms of law for it. All that was done by 
them would be thought null and void in law : so 
that no man could be safe that acted under it. If 
the oaths to king James were thought to be still 
binding, the subjects were by these not only bound 
to maintain his title to the crown, but all his prero- 
gatives and powers. And therefore it seemed ab- 
surd to continue a government in his name, and to 
take oaths still to him, when yet all the power was 
taken out of his hands. This would be an odious 
thing, both before God and the whole world, and 
would cast a reproach on us at present, and bring 
certain ruin for the future on any such mixed and 
unnatural sort of government. Therefore, if the 
oaths were still binding, the nation was still bound 
by them, not by halves, but in their whole extent. 
It was said, that, if the government should be car- 
ried on in king James's name, but in other hands, 
the body of the nation would consider him as the 
person that was truly their king. And if any should 
plot or act for him, they could not l)e proceeded 814 
against for high treason, as conspiring against the 
king's person or government ; when it would be vi- 
sible, that they were only designing to preserve his 
person, and to restore him to his government. To 
proceed against any, or to take their lives for such 
practices, would be to add murder to perjurj'. And 
it was not to be supposed, that juries would find 

" There is something in this arguiuenL S. 


1689. such men guilty of treason. In the weakness of in- 
fancy, a prince regent was in law the same person 
with the king, who had not yet a will : and it was 
to be presumed, the prince regent's will was the 
king's will. But that could not be applied to the 
. present case ; where the king and the regent must 
be presumed to be in a perpetual struggle, the one 
to recover his power, the other to preserve his au- 
thority. These things seemed to be so plainly made 
out in the debate, that it was generally thought that 
no man could resist such force of argument, but 
those who intended to bring back king James. And 
it was believed, that those of his party, who were 
looked on as men of conscience, had secret orders 
from him to act upon this pretence ; since otherwise 
they offered to act clearly in contradiction to their 
own oaths and jDrinciples ^. 

But those who were for continuing the govern- 
ment, and only for changing the persons, were not at 
all of a mind. Some among them had very different 
views and ends from the rest. These intended to 
take advantage from the present conjuncture, to de- 
press the crown, to render it as much precarious 
and elective as they could, and to raise the power 
of the people upon the ruin of monarchy. Among 
those, some went so far as to say, that the whole go- 
vernment was dissolved. But this appeared a bold 
and dangerous assertion : for that might have been 
carried so far, as to infer from it, that all men's pro- 
. perties, honours, rights, and franchises, were dis- 
solved. Therefore it was thought safer to say, that 
king James had dissolved the tie that was between 

" This is malice. S. 


him and the nation. Others avoided going into 1689. 
new speculations or schemes of government. They 
thought it was enough to say, that in extreme cases 
all obligations did cease; and that in our present 
circumstances the extremity of affairs, by reason of 
the late ill government, and by king James's flying 
over to the enemy of the nation, rather than submit 
to reasonable terms, had put the people of England 
on the necessity of securing themselves upon a legal 
bottom >. It was said, that though the vow of mar- 
riage was made for term of life, and without condi- 
tions expressed, yet a breach in the tie it self sets 
the innocent party at liberty. So a king, who had 815 
his power both given him and defined by the law, 
and was bound to govern by law, when he set him- 
self to break all laws, and in conclusion deserted 
his people, did, by so doing, set them at lil)erty 
to put themselves in a legal and safe state. There 
was no need of fearing ill consequences from this. 
Houses were pulled down or blown up in a fire : 
and yet men found themselves safe in their houses. 
In extreme dangers the common sense of mankind 
would justify extreme remedies ; though there was 
no special provision that directed to them or allowed 
of them. Therefore, they said, a nation's securing 
it self against a king, who was subverting the go- 
vernment, did not expose monarchy, nor raise a po- 
pular authority, as some did tragically represent the 

There were also great disputes about the original 

contract : some denying there was any such thing, 

and asking where it was kept, and how it could \ye 

rome at. To this others answered, that it was im- 

y This was the best reason. S. 


1689. pKed in a legal government : though in a long tract 
'• of time, and in dark ages, there was not such an ex- 
plicit proof of it to be found. Yet many hints from 
law books and histories were brought to shew, that 
the nation had always submitted and obeyed, in 
consideration of their laws, which were stiQ stipu- 
lated to them. 

There were also many debates on the word abdi- 
cate: for the commons came soon to a resolution, 
that king James, by breaking the original contract, 
and by withdrawing himself, had abdicated the go- 
vernment ; and that the throne was thereby become 
vacant. They sent this vote to the lords, and prayed 
their concurrence. Upon which many debates and 
conferences arose. At last it came to a free confer- 
ence, in which, according to the sense of the whole 
nation, the commons had clearly the advantage on 
their side ^. The lords had some more colour for op- 
posing the word abdicate, since that was often taken 
in a sense that imported the full purpose and con- 
sent of him that abdicated; which could not be pre- 
tended in this case. But there were good author- 
ities brought, by which it appeared, that when a 
person did a thing upon which his leaving any office 
ought to follow, he was said to abdicate. But this 
was a critical dispute a; and it scarce became the 

*= See the debate at the free abdication. The earl of Pem- 

conference. It is printed by it- broke said he thought that was 

self, (i2mo. 1695,) and I think no more than a man's running 

in one of the volumes of the out of his house when on fire. 

State Trials. O. or a seaman's throwing his 

^ I remember the king's hav- goods overboard in a storm, to 

ing left the kingdom, without save his life, which could never 

establishing a legal administra- be understood as a renunciation 

I tion during his absence, was of his house or goods, D. 
much insisted upon as a formal 


greatness of that assembly, or the importance of the i(»89. 
matter^; [and had a meanness in it, because of the 
dubious sense of it, and as it was used for that rea- 

It was a more important debate, whether, suppos- 
ing king James had abdicated, the throne could be 
declared vacant. It was urged, that, by the law, 
the king did never die; but that with the last 
breath of the dying king the regal authority went 816 
to the next heir*^. So it was said, that, supposing 
king James had abdicated, the throne was {ip^o 
facto) filled in that instant by the next heir. This 
seemed to be proved by the heirs of the king being 
sworn to in the oath of allegiance ; which oath was 
not only made personally to the king, but likewise 
to his heirs and successors. Those who insisted on 
the abdication said, that, if the king dissolved the 
tie between him and his subjects to himself, he dis- 
solved their tie likewise to his posterity*^. An heir 
was one that came in the room of a person that was 
dead; it being a maxim that no man can be the 
heir of a living man. If therefore the king had 
fallen from his own right, as no heir of his could 
pretend to any inheritance from him, as long as he 
was alive, so they could succeed to nothing, but to 
that which was vested in him at the time of his 
death. And, as in the case of attainder, every right 
that a man was divested of before his death, was, as 
it were, annihilated in him; and by consequence 
could not pass to his heirs by his death, not being 
then in himself: so, if a king did set his people free 

^5 It was a very material point. ' This is certainly true. S. 
S. ** This is sophistiy. S. 


1 689. from any tie to himself, they must be supposed to be 
put in a state in which they might secure them- 
selves ; and therefore could not be bound to receive 
one, who they had reason to believe would study to 
dissolve and revenge all they had done. If the prin- 
ciple of self preservation did justify a nation in se- 
curing it self from a violent invasion, and a total 
subversion, then it must have its fuU scope, to give 
a real, and not a seeming and fraudulent security. 
They did acknowledge, that upon the grounds of 
natural equity, and for securing the nation in after 
times, it was fit to go as near the lineal succession 
as might be : yet they could not yield that point, 
that they were strictly bound to it. 
Some It was proposcd, that the birth of the pretended 

examine priucc might bc examined into. Some pressed this, 
onhe"^^ not so much from an opinion that they were bound 
prince of ^q asscrt his right, if it should appear that he was 
bom of the queen, as because they thought it would 
justify the nation, and more particularly the prince 
and the two princesses, if an imposture in that mat- 
ter could have been proved. And it would have 
gone far to satisfy many of the weaker sort, as to all 
the proceeding against king James. Upon which I 
was ordered to gather together all the presumptive 
proofs that were formerly mentioned, which were 
all ready to have been made out. It is true, these 
did not amount to a full and legal proof: yet they 
seemed to be such violent presumptions, that, when 
they were all laid together, they were more convinc- 
ing than plain and downright evidence ^ : for that 
817 was liable to the suspicion of subornation : whereas 

* Well said, bishop. S. 


the other seemed to carry on them very convincing 1689. 
characters of truth and certainty. But, when this 
matter was in private debated, some observed, that, 
as king James by going about to prove the truth of 
the birth, and yet doing it so defectively, had really 
made it more suspicious than it was before ; so, if 
there was no clear and positive proof made of an im- 
posture, the pretending to examine into it, and then 
the not being able to make it out beyond the possi- 
bility of contradiction, would really give more credit 
to the thing than it then had, and, instead of weak- 
ening it, would strengthen the pretension of his 
birth ^ 

When this debate was proposed in the house of But it wm 
lords, it was rejected with indignation. He was now "^^**^ 
sent out of England to be bred up in France ^, an 
enemy both to the nation and to the established re- 
ligion : it was impossible for the people of England 
to know, whether he was the same person that had 
been earned over, or not : if he should die, another 
might be put in his room, in such a manner that the 
nation could not be assured concerning him : the 
English nation ought not to send into another coun- 
try for witnesses to prove that he was their prince ; 
much less receive one upon the testimony o( such as 
were not only aliens, but ought to be presumed ene- 
mies : it was also known, that all the persons who 
had been the confidents in that matter were con- 
veyed away : so it was impossible to come at them, 
by whose means only the truth of that birth could 
be found out. But while these things were fairly 

f Wisely done. S. aside, professing, as it did. to 

g (This was the best plea the keep, as far as was pracUcable, 
convention had for setting him to the constitution.) 


1689. debated by some, there were others who had deeper 
and darker designs in this matter. 

They thought it would be a good security for the 
nation, to have a dormant title to the crown lie as it 
were neglected, to oblige our princes to govern well, 
while they would apprehend the danger of a revolt 
to a pretender still in their eye ^. Wildman thought, 
it was a deep piece of policy to let this lie in the 
dark, and undecided. Nor did they think it an ill 
precedent, that they should so neglect the right of 
succession, as not so much as to inquire into this 
matter. Upon all these considerations no further 
inquiry was made into it. It is true, this put a 
plausible objection in the mouth of all king James's 
party : here, they said, an infant was condemned, 
and denied his right, without either proof or inquiry. 
This still takes with many in the present age. And, 
that it may not take more in the next, I have used 
more than ordinary care to gather together all the 
particulars that were then laid before me as to that 
matter '. 

^ I think this was no ill de- same queen. To this testimony 

sign; yet it hath not succeeded respecting the birth of the prince 

in mending kings. S. of Wales, it is added by lady 

' And where are they ? S. Wentworth, " that she had as- 

(See note before at page 753. " serted the truth of his birth 

There is still existing an ac- " shortly after the revolution 

count, cited more than once in " to Dr. Burnet, now bishop of 

the preceding notes, of the " Sarum, when she told the 

testimony which Isabella lady " doctor, that she was as sure 

Wentworth, one of the ladies " the prince of Wales was the 

of the bedchamber to king " queen's son, as that any of 

James's queen, gave in the year " her own children were hers ; 

1703 to Dr. Hickes, the former " and when, out of zeal for the 

dean of Worcester, at the lodg- " truth and honour of my mis- 

ings of Mrs. Dawson in St. " tress," said she, " 1 spake in 

James's palace, who also had " such terms as modesty would 

been of the bedchamber to the " scarce let me speak at an- 


The next thing in debate was, who should fill the i68p. 
throne. The marquis of Hallifax intended, by hiss<»,cwer« 
zeal for the prince's interest, to atone for his back-fK""'*''"* 

* lat prince 

wardness in not coming early into it : and, that he '''"»• 
might get before lord Danby, who was in great cre- 
dit with the prince, he moved, that the crown should 
be given to the prince, and to the two princesses 
after him. Many of the republican party approved 
of this : for by it they gained another point : the 
people in this case would plainly elect a king, with- 
out any critical regard to the order of succession. 
How far the prince himself entertained this, I can- 
not tell. But I saw it made a great impression on 
Benthink. He spoke of it to me, as asking my opi- 
nion about it, but so, that I plainly saw what was 
his own : for he gave me aU the arguments that 
were offered for it ; as that it was most natural that 
the sovereign power should be only in one person ; 
that a man's wife ought only to be his wife ; that it 
was a suitable return to the prince for what he had 
done for the nation ; that a divided sovereignty was 
liable to great inconveniencies ; and, though there 
was less to be apprehended from the princess of any 
thing of that kind than from any woman alive, yet 
all mortals were frail, and might at some time or 
other of their lives be wrought on. 

To all this I answered, with some vehemence, 
that this was a very ill return for the steps the prin- 
cess had made to the prince three years ago: it 
would be thought both unjust and ungi*ateful: it 

" other time." A copy of tlie len college Oxford, but l)clonff» 
original document, which was to the reverend Mr. Kortewue- 
signed bv lady Wentworlh, and Knottesford. Terhaps tlie on- 
attested by doctor Hickcs and ginal was never printed.) 

others, has been long in Magda- 



1689. would meet with great opposition, and give a gene- 
ral ill impression of the prince, as insatiable and 
jealous in his ambition : there was an iU humour 
already spreading it self through the nation and 
through the clergy : it was not necessary to increase 
this ; which such a step as was now proposed would 
do out of measure : it would engage the one sex 
generally against the prince : and in time they might 
feel the effects of that very sensibly : and, for my 
own part, I should think my self bound to oppose it 
all I could, considering what had passed in Holland 
on that liead. We talked over the whole thing for 
many hours, till it was pretty far in the morning. 
I saw he was weU instructed in the argument : and 
he himself was possessed with it. So next morning 
I came to him, and desired my conge. I would op- 
pose nothing in which the prince seemed to be con- 
cerned, as long as I was his servant. And therefore 
I desired to be disengaged, that I might be free to 
oppose this proposition with all the strength and 
credit I had. He answered me, that I might desire 
that when I saw a step made : but- till then he 
819 wished me to stay where I was ^. I heard no more 
of this ; in which the marquis of Hallifax was single 
among the peers : for I did not find there was any 
one of them of his mind ; unless it was the lord Cul- 
pepper, who was a vicious and corrupt man, but 
made a figure in the debates that were now in the 
house of lords, and died about the end of them^ 
Some moved, that the princess of Orange might be 
put in the throne ; and that it might be left to her, 
to give the prince such a share either of dignity or 

•^ Is all this true r S. done in effect, while the king 

' Yet was not the same thing had the sole administration ? S. 


power as she should projwse, when slie was declared iSep. 

queen. The agents of princess Anne began to go 

about, and to oppose any proposition for the prince 
to her prejudice. But she thought fit to disown 
them. Dr. Doughty, one of her chaplains, six)ke to 
me in her room on the subject. But she said to my 
self, that she knew nothing of it. 

The proposition, in which all that were for the 
filling the throne agreed at last, was, that l)oth the 
prince and princess should l)e made conjunct sove- 
reigns. But, for the preventing of any distractions, 
that the administration should be singly in the 
prince "\ The princess continued all the while in 
Holland, being shut in there, during the east winds, 
by the freezing of the rivers, and by contrary' winds 
after the thaw came. So that she came not to Eng- 
land till all the debates were over ". The prince's 
enemies gave it out, that she was kept there by 
order, on design that she might not come over to 
England to claim her right. So parties began to be 
formed, some for the prince, and others for the prin- 
cess. Upon this the earl of Danby sent one over 
to the princess, and gave her an account of the pre- 
sent state of that debate : and desired to know lier 
own sense of the matter ; for, if she desired it, he 
did not doubt but he should Ije able to carry it for 
setting her alone on the throne. She made him a 
very sharp answer : she said, she was the prince's 
wife, and would never be other than what she 
should be in conjunction with him and under him ; 

"" See theestablishment made clearly shews the prince's ori- 
on the marriage of queen Mary ginal design was to be kiujj, 
with Philij) of Spain. O. ' against what he professed in his 

° Why was she sent for till declaration. S. (Compare note 
the matter was agreed? This at p. 631.) 

Bb 2 

1689. and that she would take it extreme unkindly, if 

any, under a pretence of their care of her, would 
set up a divided interest between her and the prince. 
And, not content with this, she sent both lord 
Danby's letter and her answer to the prince. Her 
sending it thus to him was the most effectual dis- 
couragement possible to any attempt for the future 
to create a misunderstanding or jealousy between 
them ". The prince bore this with his usual phlegm : 
for he did not expostulate with the earl of Danby 
upon it, but continued still to employ and to trust 
him. And afterwards he advanced him, first to be 
a marquis, and then to be a duke. 
820 During all these debates, and the great heat with 
dedarriThls which they were managed, the prince's own beha- 
mind after yJQUp was vcry mystcrious. He stayed at St. James's : 

long SI- J J J 

leace. he wcut little abroad : access to him was not very 
easy. He heard all that was said to him : but sel- 
dom made any answers. He did not affect to be 
affable, or popular : nor would he take any pains to 
gain any one person over to his party. He said, he 
came over, being invited, to save the nation : he had 
now brought together a free and true representative 

" There was a great meeting his own, he believed the prince 

at the earl of Devonshire's, would not like to be his wife's 

where the dispute ran very high gentleman usher; upon which 

between lord Hallifax and lord lord Danby said he hoped they 

Danby, one for the prince, the all knew enough now ; for his 

other for the princess : at last part, he knew too mucii ; and 

lord Hallifax said he thought broke up the assembly, as sir 

it would be very proper to know M. Wharton, who was present, 

the prince's own sentiments, told me. D. (This note has 

and desired Fiigel would speak, been already published by sir 

who defended himself a great John Dalrymple in the appen- 

while by saying he knew no- dix to his Memoirs, vol. ii. 

tihing of his mind upon that p. 342.) 
subject, but if they would know 


of the kingdom : he left it therefore to them to do 1689. 
what they thought best for the good of the kingdom : 
and, when things were once settled, he should be 
well satisfied to go back to Holland again •'. Those 
who did not know him well, and who imagined that 
a crown had charms which human nature was not 
strong enough to resist, looked on all this as an af- 
fectation, and as a disguised threatening, which im- 
ported, that he would leave the nation to perish, 
unless his method of settling it was followed. After 
a reservedness, that had continued so close for seve- 
ral weeks, that nobody could certainly tell what he 
desired, he called for the marquis of Hallifax, and 
the earls of Shrewsbury and Danby, and some others, 
to explain himself more distinctly to them. 

He told them, he had been till then silent, because 
he would not say or do any thing that might seem 
in any sort to take fi-om any person the full freedom 
of deliberating and voting in matters of such imiwrt- 
ance: he was resolved neither to court nor threaten 
any one : and therefore he had declined to give out 
his own thoughts : some were for putting the go- 
vernment in the hands of a regent : he would say 
nothing against it, if it was thought the best mean 
for settling their affairs : only he thought it neces- 
sary to tell them, that he would not l)e the regent : 
so, if they continued in that design, they must look 

p Did he tell truth ? S. He judgment quite through this 
seems to have acted right, con- matter than any of the j)copIe 
sidering the circumstances he about him. His natural tern- 
was tJien in. If he was sincere per might contribute to it. But 
in it, it was not only wise, but with all his errors, he Rpi)car». 
great. If he had done other- in all times of his life, to have 
wise, it would have hurt him. been by far the ablest man con- 
and brought him into many dif- rerned m his affairs, or at thai 
ficuUies. He made a better time m Europe. O. 



1689. out for some other person to be put in that post^ : 
he himself saw what the consequences of it were like 
to prove : so he would not accept of it : others were 
for putting the princess singly on the throne, and 
that he should reign by her courtesy : he said, no 
man could esteem a woman more than he did the 
princess : but he was so made, that he could not 
think of holding any thing by apron-strings : nor 
could he think it reasonable to have any share in the 
government, unless it was put in his person, and 
that for term of life : if they did think it fit to settle 
it otherwise, he would not oppose them in it : but 
he would go back to Holland, and meddle no more 
in their affairs : he assured them, that whatsoever 
others might think of a crown, it was no such thing 
821 in his eyes, but that he could live very well, and be 
well pleased without it. In the end he said, that 
he could not resolve to accept of a dignity, so as to 
hold it only the life of another : yet he thought, ;that 
the issue of princess Anne should be preferred, in 
the succession, to any issue that he might have by 
any other wife than the princess ^ All this he de- 
livered to them in so cold and unconceraed a man- 
ner, that those, who judged of others by the dispo- 
sitions that they felt in themselves, looked on it all 
as artifice and contrivance ^ 
It was re- This was presently told about, as it was not in- 

1 Was not this a plain con- settling the government at first; 

fession of what he came for ? S. but the marquis of Hallifax told 

"^ A great concession truly. S. the prince he might be what he 

* The duke of Leeds told me pleased himself, (the first night 

the reasons that prevailed were became to St, James's ;) for as 

the ill state of his health, from nobody knew what to do with 

whence they concluded he could him, so nobody knew what to 

not last long ; and that a man do without him. D. 
of courage was necessary for 

OF KING JAMES 11. 375 

tended to be kept secret. And it helped not a little 1689. 
to bring the debates at Westminster to a speedy de- ,.ut the 
termination. Some were still in doubt with relation !!ri!!!l!~* 
to the princess. In some it was conscience: fiw. *«'»> in tb« 


they thought the equitable right was in her. Others 
might be moved by interest, since, if she should 
think herself wronged, and ill used in this matter, 
she, who was like to outlive the prince, being so 
much younger and healthier than he was, might 
have it in her power to take her revenges on all that 
should concur in such a design. Ujjon this, I, who 
knew her sense of the matter very perfectly by what 
had passed in Holland, as was formerly told, was in 
a great difficulty. I had promised her never to 
speak of that matter, but by her order. But I pre- 
sumed, in such a case, I was to take orders from the 
prince. So I asked him, what he would order me 
to do. He said, he would give me no orders in that 
matter, but left me to do as I pleased. I looked on 
this as the allowing me to let the princess's resolu- 
tion in that be known ; by which many, who stood 
formerly in suspense, were fully satisfied. Tliose 
to whom I gave the account of that matter were 
indeed amazed at it ; and concluded, that the prin- 
cess was either a very good or a very weak woman. 
An indifferency for power and rule seemed so extra- 
ordinary a thing, that it was thought a certain cha- 
racter of an excess of goodness or simplicity. At 
her coming to England, she not only justified me, 
but approved of my publishing that matter; and 
spoke particularly of it to her sister princess Anne. 
There were other differences in the form of the set- 
tlement. The republican party were at first for de- 
posing king James by a formal sentence, and for 

B b 4 


1689. giving the crown to the prince and princess by as 
"" formal an election. But that was overruled in the 
beginning. I have not pursued the relation of the 
debates according to the order in which they passed, 
which will be found in the Journal of both houses 
during the convention*. But having had a great 
share myself in the private managing of those de- 
bates, particularly with many of the clergy, and 
822 with the men of the most scrupulous and tender con- 
sciences, I have given a very full account of all the 
reasonings on both sides, as that by which the reader 
may form and guide his own judgment of the whole 
affair. Many protestations passed in the house of 
lords in the progress of the debate. The party for 
a regency was for some time most prevailing : and 
then the protestations were made by the lords that 
were for the new settlement. The house was very 
full: about a hundred and twenty were present. 
And things were so near an equality, that it was at 
last carried by a very small majority, of two or three, 
to agree with the commons in voting the abdication, 
and the vacancy of the throne: against which a 
great protestation was made; as also against the 
final vote, by which the prince and princess of 
Orange were desired to accept of the crown, and 
declared to be king and queen ; which went very 
hardly ". The poor bishop of Durham, who had ab- 

* The debates cannot be of the whole house, that the 

known from the Journals, yet I throne was not vacant, by king 

have seen my lord Somers's James's having abdicated the 

notes of those in the house of kingdom : but it was retrieved 

commons, and they agree with next day in the house, by some 

this author's account. O. lords being prevailed upon to 

" I stood behind the wool- absent themselves, from an ap- 

sack in the house of lords, when prehension that if they had in- 

it was carried in a committee sisted, it must have ended in a 



sconded for some time, and was waiting for a ship \66g. 
to get beyond sea, fearing publick affronts, and had 
offered to compound by resigning his bishoprick, 
was now prevailed on to come, and, by voting the 
new settlement, to merit at least a pardon for all that 
he had done : which, all things considered, was 
thought very indecent in him, yet not unl)ecoming 
the rest of his life and character *. 

But, before matters were brought to a full con- They drew 
elusion, an enumeration was made of the chief heads ^ent*a!bout 
of king James's ill government. And in ojiposition '*" 
to these, the rights and liberties of the people of 

civil war. D. (The final vote, 
of which the bishop here speaks, 
was carried by a majority of 
twenty voices, sixty-6ve against 
forty-five. And in the next ses- 
sion, the minority refused, when 
advised and urged to it, as Echard 
in his History of the Revolution, 
p. 260, 261, reports on the au- 
thority of the noble adviser, 
either to enter their protests 
against the measure, or to quit 
the house in consequence of its 
being adopted.) 

* This is too hard, though al- 
most true. S. I have heard 
that he offered to resign his 
bishopric to this author, upon 
an assignation of one thousand 
per annum, but that he was di- 
verted from it by his nephews, 
Mr. Sydney Wortley Mounta- 
gue, and Mr. Charles Mounta- 
gue, who were great friends to 
the new settlement, and brought 
him into it. He was always a 
very mean man in all respects, 
but had some court-skill. One 
to whom he was great uncle 
told me, that by way of advice 

to him, he said, " Nephew, do 
"as I did when I began the 
" world at court. Stick firm 
" to some one grejU man there. 
" If he falls, fall with him, and 
" when he rises, you are sure 
" to rise with him, to more ad- 
" vantage than if you had left 
'• him." The duke of York 
had been his jjalron, but now 
the bishop had got his prefer- 
ment. O. (Lord Montague, in 
his letter applying to king Wil- 
liam to be created a duke, 
pleads his bringing the earl of 
Huntingdon, the bishop of 
Durham, and lord Ashley, to 
vote against the regency, and 
for William's having the crown, 
which, he says, was carried by 
those three voices and his own. 
See Appendix to Dalrymple'a 
Memoirs, p. 340. The ques- 
tion had been carried before 
against a regency by a majority 
of two voices, fifty-one against 
forty-nine. In the minority 
were all the bishops, with the 
exception of Compton and Tre- 


1689. England were stated. Some officious people studied 
to hinder this at that time. They thought they 
had already lost three weeks in their debates : and 
the doing this, with the exactness that was neces- 
sary, would take up more time : or it would be 
done too much in a hurry, for matters of so nice a 
nature. And therefore it was moved, that this 
should be done more at leisure after the settlement. 
But that was not hearkened to. It was therefore 
thought necessary to frame this instrument so, that 
it should be hke a new Magna Charta. In the stat- 
ing these grievances and rights, the dispensing power 
came to be discussed. And then the power of the 
crown to grant a non-ohstante to some statutes was 
objected y. Upon opening this, the debate was found 
to be so intricate, that it was let fall at that time 
only for despatch. But afterwards an act passed 
condemning it singly. And the power of granting 
a non-ohstante was for the future taken away ^. 
Yet king James's party took great advantage from 
this ; and said, that, though the main clamour of 
the nation was against the dispensing power, yet 
when the convention brought things to a settlement, 
823 that did not appear to be so clear a point as had 
been pretended : and it was not so much as men- 
tioned in this instrument of government : so that, 
by the confession of his enemies, it appeared to be 
no unlawful power : nor was it declared contrary to 
the liberties of the people of England". Whereas, 

y Yet the words continue in et Mariae, Sess. 2. cap. 2. See 

patents. S. Journal of the House of Com- 

^ It is in a clause of the act, mons, 7th, 8th, i ith, 1 2th Feb. 

declaring the rights and liber- 1688. — 25th of Nov. 1689. O. 

ties of the subject, &c. i Gul. ^ But see the declaration and 



its not being mentioned then was only upon the op- tfisg. 
position that was made, that so more time might 
not be lost, nor this instrument be clogged with dis- 
putable points ^. 

The last debate was concerning the oaths that'»»«o^<» 

were •!. 

1 • /• • trrwL 

man from being of a jury (which 

the king may do by law) would 

the Journal of the House of 
Commons as mentioned in the 
former page, and observe the 
distinctions. Compare the whole 
with the bill of rights especially 
as to this important point of 
the dispensing power. O. But 
a very irregular use of it. For 
granting there is such a trust 
lodged with the crown, it will 
not follow from thence, that 
the king may dispense with all 
the laws at his pleasure. The 
case of ship-money was founded 
upon an undeniable truth, that 
when the whole is at stake, the 
chief magistrate may and ought 
to do every thing that can con- 
tribute to the preservation of 
the society, though never so 
prejudicial to any of the parti- 
culars. Queen Elizabeth did 
many things in the year eighty- 
eight, that could not have been 
justified by the ordinary forms 
of law ; but the danger was im- 
minent and apparent, therefore 
no man ever complained of 
hardships upon that occasion. 
But there are many powers 
vested in the crown, the abuse 
of which would overturn the 
whole frame of government. 
The king has an undoubted right 
to call whom he pleases to the 
house of lords : but the calling 
all the people of England would 
be a very ridiculou.s, though a 
very sure way, to destroy the 
rest of the constitution all at 
once : as the excusing every 

be of the whole administnitioa 
of justice in the kingdom ; but 
there must always be under- 
stood to be |X)wer8 trusted wkh 
the crown for the benefit of tl)€ 
people : and the king's being 
judge of the necessity does not 
hinder the community from 
judging whether they are ex- 
ecuted to their prejudice or ad- 
vantage. D. 

^ (According to Macpherson 
and others, " when the lower 
" house hesitated to accede to 
" the vote of the lords, till the 
" claims and demands of the 
" subject were known, the 
" prince became apparently 
" uneasy. He sent to the 
" leaders of the commons, to 
" acquaint them, that if the 
" convention insisted upon new 
" limitations, he would leave 
" them to the mercy of Janie»." 
History of Great Britain, vol. 
i. p. 567. It is certain, as 
Ralph in his History, toI. 
ii. p. 53. observes, that it was 
resolved that all such heads 
of the declaration of rights as 
were introductory of new law* 
should be omitted. As the de- 
olaration of rights made before 
William's acceptance of the 
crown is drawn, it neither al- 
ters nor ])retends to alter the 
constitution of England. What 
has been done of this nature 
was done afterwards.) 


1689. should be taken to the king and queen. Many argu- 
ments were taken during the debate from the oaths 
in the form in which the allegiance was sworn to the 
crown, to shew that in a new settlement these could 
not be taken. And to this it was always answered, 
that care should be taken, when other things were 
settled, to adjust these oaths, so that they should 
agree to the new settlement. In the oaths, as they 
were formerly conceived, a previous title seemed to 
be asserted, when the king was sworn to, as right- 
ful and lawful king. It was therefore said, that 
these words could not be said of a king who had not 
a precedent right, but was set up by the nation. So 
it was moved, that the oaths should be reduced to 
the ancient simplicity, of swearing to bear faith and 
true allegiance to the king and queen. This was 
agreed to. And upon this began the notion of a 
king de facto, but not dejure. It was said, that ac- 
cording to the common law, as well as the statute in 
king Henry the seventh's reign, the subjects might 
securely obey any king that was in possession, whe- 
ther his title was good or not. This seemed to be 
a doctrine necessary for the peace and quiet of man- 
kind, that so the subjects may be safe in every go- 
vernment, that bringeth them under a superior force, 
and that wiU crush them, if they do not give a se- 
curity for the protection that they enjoy under it. 
The lawyers had been always of that opinion, that 
the people were not bound to examine the titles of 
their princes, but were to submit to him that was in 
possession. It was therefore judged just and reason- 
able, in the beginning of a new government, to 
make the oaths as general and comprehensive as 
might be : for it was thought, that those who once 


took the oaths to the government would be after 1689. 
that faithfijl and true to it. This tenderness, which 
was shewed at this time to a sort of people that had 
shewed very little tenderness to men of weak or ill 
informed consciences, was afterwards much abused 
by a new explanation, or rather a gross equivoca- 
tion, as to the signification of the words in which 
the oath was conceived. The true meaning of the 
words, and the express sense of the imposers, was, 
that, whether men were satisfied or not with the 824 
putting the king and queen on the throne, yet, now 
they were on it, they would be true to them, and 
defend them. But the sense that many put on them The iii 
was, that they were only to obey them as usurpers, I^*^ut 00 
during their usurpation, and that therefore, as long J,||J,,"** 
as they continued in quiet possession, they were 
bound to bear them and to submit to them : but 
that it was still lawful for them to assist king 
James, if he should come to recover his crown, and 
that they might act and talk all they could, or durst, 
in his favour, as l>eing still their king dejure. This 
was contrary to the plain meaning of the words, 
faith, and true allegiance ; and was contrary to the 
express declaration in the act that enjoined them. 
Yet it became too visible, that many in the nation, 
and particularly among the clergy, took the oath in 
this sense, to the great reproach of their profession. 
The prevarication of too many in so sacred a mat- 
ter contributed not a little to fortify the growing 
atheism of the present age. The truth was, the 
greatest part of the clergy had entangled themselves 
so far with those strange conceits of the divine right 
of monarchy, and the unlawfuhiess of resistance in 


1689. any case'^. And they had so engaged themselves, by 
asserting these things so often and so publicly, that 
they did not know how to disengage themselves in 
honour or conscience. 

A notion was started, which by its agreement 
with their other principles had a great effect among 
them, and brought off the greatest number of those 
who came in honestly to the new government. This 
was chiefly managed by Dr. Lloyd, bishop of St. 
Asaph, now translated to Worcester. It was laid 
thus : the prince had a just cause of making war on 
the king. In that most of them agreed. In a just 
war, in which an appeal is made to God, success is 
considered as the decision of Heaven. So the prince's 
success against king James gave him the right of 
conquest over him. And by it all his rights were 
transferred to the prince. His success was indeed 
no conquest of the nation ; which had neither 
wronged him nor resisted him. So that, with re- 
lation to the people of England, the prince was no 
conqueror, but a preserver and a deliverer, well re- 
ceived and gratefully acknowledged. Yet with re- 
lation to king James, and all the right that was be- 
fore vested in him, he was, as they thought, a con- 

•^ In all the disputes between claimed) having been executed 

the houses of York and Lan- for treason, and the last will of 

caster, legal right was much in- Henrj- the eighth had excluded 

sisted upon, divine not so much the Scotch line; which will was 

as thought of, which was a no- made by the authority of an act 

tion started in king James the of parliament that was never 

first's reign, by a set of flatter- repealed. Besides, king James's 

ing clergymen : there being o- being an alien born, was thought 

thers in those days that made by some to be an exclusion by 

a doubt of the king's legal title; the common law. D. 
his mother (from whom he 



queror^. By this notion they explained those pas- 1689. 

sages of Scripture that speak of God's disix)sing of 

kingdoms, and of pulling down one and setting up 
another; and also our Saviour's ai'guing from the 
inscription on the coin, that they ought to render to 
Caesar the things that were Caesar's ; and St. Paul's 
charging the Romans to obey the powers that then 
were, who were the emperors that were originally 825 
the invaders of public liberty which they had sulv 
dued, and had forced the people and senate of Rome 

^ The author wrote a paper 
to prove this, and it was burnt 
by the hangman, and is a very 
foolish scheme. S. Bishop 
Burnet wrote a pamphlet to en- 
courage this distinction, which 
had frequently been made be- 
fore in relation to William the 
conqueror, and Harold, but the 
house of commons ordered it 
to be burnt at Westminster 
hall gate. The earl of Notting- 
ham had better success with a 
declaration he made, that though 
the kingdom had not been con- 
quered, he looked upon himself 
to be so, having made all the 
resistance that lay in his power 
to his being king, but had been 
overcome : which doctrine was 
so well received at court, that 
he was made secretar)- of state, 
notwithstanding the vigorous 
opposition he had made in the 
house of lords. But lord Wey- 
mouth told me, he prevailed 
with him and some more to 
stay away, that the other side 
might carry the question ; for 
fear of a civil war, if they had 
lost it. D. A false and dan- 
gerous notion, and most justly 
condemned. The prince of O- 

range came over by invitation 
from the body of the nation, 
expressed or implied ; had no 
other right to do it, and what- 
ever was done against king 
James, and for the prince and 
])rincess of Orange, was, in fact, 
(and could have had no other 
foundation of justice,) done in 
virtue only of the rights of the 
people. No act of a king of 
this country, be the act what it 
will, can transfer or be the 
cause of transferring the crown 
to any other person, no not 
even to the heir apparent, with- 
out the consent of the people, 
properly given. The interest of 
government is theirs. Sove- 
reigns are the tnistees of it, 
and can forfeit only to those 
who have entrusted them, nor 
can conquest of itself give any 
right to government : there rau»t 
be a subsequent acquiescence, or 
composition, on the part of the 
people for it, and that implies 
compact. If this be so uith re- 
gard to the conquest of a whole 
nation, it is more strongly that, 
when the conquest is over the 
king only of a country-, and the 
war not against the kingdom. O. 


1689. by subsequent acts to confirm an authority that was 

so ill begun. This might have been made use of 
more justly, if the prince had assumed the kingship 
to himself, upon king James's withdrawing ; but did 
not seem to belong to the present case. Yet this had 
the most universal effect on the far greater part of 
the clergy. 

And now I have stated aU the most material parts 
of these debates, with the fulness that I thought 
became one of the most important transactions that 
is in our whole history, and by much the most im- 
portant of our time. 
The prin- All things were now made ready for fiUing the 
to England, throne. And the very night before it was to be 
done, the princess arrived safely. It had been given 
out, that she was not well pleased with the late 
transaction, both with relation to her father, and to 
the present settlement. Upon which the prince wrote 
to her, that it was necessary she should appear at 
first so cheerful, that nobody might be discouraged 
by her looks, or be led to apprehend that she was 
uneasy by reason of what had been done. This 
made her put on a great air of gaiety when she 
came to ^Vhitehall, and, as may be imagined, had 
great crowds of all sorts coming to wait on her. 
I confess, I was one of those that censured this in 
my thoughts. I thought a little more seriousness 
had done as well, when she came into her father's 
palace, and was to be set on his throne next day. 
I had never seen the least indecency in any part of 
her deportment before : which made this appear to 
me so extraordinary, that some days after I took 
the liberty to ask her, how it came that what she 
saw in so sad a revolution, as to her father's person. 



made not a greater impression on her. She took 1689. 
this freedom with her usual goodness. And she as- 
sured me, she felt the sense of it very lively upon her 
thoughts. But she told me, that the letters which 
had been writ to her had obliged her to put on a 
cheerfulness, in which she might perhaps go too far, 
because she was obeying directions, and acting a 
part which was not very natural to her =. This was 
on the 12th of February, being Shrove -Tuesday. 
The thirteenth was the day set for the two houses to 
come with the offer of the crown. So here ends the 

And thus I have given the fullest and most parti- 
cular account that I could gather of all that passed 
during this weak, unactive, violent, and sujjerstitious 
reign ; in which all regard to the affairs of Europe 
seemed to be laid aside, and nothing was thought on 

^ That she put on more airs 
of gaiety upon that occasion 
than became her, or seemed na- 
tural, I was an eyewitness to, 
having seen her upon her first 
arrival at Whitehall : but that 
she behaved in the ridiculous 
indecent manner the duchess of 
Marlborough has represented, 
I do as little believe, as that 
her grace (which she would in- 
sinuate) had any share in mak- 
ing the countess of Derby 
groom of the stole, which was 
entirely owing to her being the 
duke of Ormond's sister, and 
Mr. Overquerque's niece ; with- 
out any recommendation from 
the princess of Denmark, which 
could not have been obtained 
without lady Churchill's inter- 
position at that time, that was 
neither wanted or desired. Her 


grace, out of abundant good 
will to the countess of Derby, 
has produced her accounts, to 
show how much they exceeded 
her own, which may easily be 
accounted for, that queen being 
of a very generous temper, and 
was continually presenting the 
ladies and then- children, that 
were about her, with things of 
considerable value. Tlierefore 
the great articles are to jewel- 
lers, goldsiMiths, and East India 
shops, which her grace Ux)k 
care there should be no call for, 
during her administration : but 
has confessed the mean begging 
of eighteen thousand pounds, 
after the immense wealth she 
and her family had exlortetl 
from the public during her fa- 
vour with queen Ann. D. 

C C 


1689. but the spiteful humours of a revengeful Italian 
go(5 lady, and the ill laid, and worse managed, projects 
of some hot meddling priests, whose learning and 
politics were of a piece, the one exposing them to 
contempt, and the other to ruin ; involving in it a 
prince, who, if it had not been for his being deli- 
vered up to such counsels, might have made a better 
figure in history. But they managed both them- 
selves and him so ill, that a reign, whose rise was 
bright and prosperous, was soon set in darkness and 
disgrace. But I break off here, lest I should seem 
to aggravate misfortunes, and load the unfortunate 
too much. 






Of the reign cfJcxTig James ttic second. 

jt\ REIGN happily begun, but 
inglorious all over 617 

The king's first education 618 

He learned war under Turenne 

He was admiral of England ibid. 

He was proclaimed king 620 

His first speech ibid. 

Well received ibid. 

Addresses made to him ibid. 

The earl of Rochester made 
Lord Treasurer 621 

The earl of Sunderland in fa- 
vour ibid. 

Customs and excise levied a- 
gainst law ibid. 

The king's coldness to those 
who had been for the exclu- 
sion 622 

He seemed to be on equal 

terms with the French king 


The king's course of life 624 

The prince of Orange sent 

away the duke of Monmouth 


Some in England began to 
move for him 625 

Strange practices in elections 
of parliament men ibid. 

Evil prospect from an ill par- 
liament 626 

The prince of Orange submits 
in every thing to the king 627 

The king was crowned 628 

I went out of England ibid. 

Argile designed to invade Scot- 
land 629 

The duke of Monmouth forced 

upon an ill-timed invasion 


These designs were carried with 
secrecy 63 1 

Argile landed in Scotland ibid. 

But was defeated, and taken 63 a 

Argile's execution ibid. 

" (The pages referred to are those of the folio edition^ wluch are 
inserted in the margin of the present.) 

c c 2 



Rumbold at his death denied 
the rj'e plot 633 

A parliament in Scotland 634 

Granted all that the king de- 
sired 636 

Oates convicted of perjurj' 637 

And cruelly whipt ibid. 

Dangerfield killed ibid. 

A parliament in England 638 

Grants the revenue for life ibid. 

And trusts to the king's pro- 
mise ibid. 

The parliament was violent 639 

The lords were more cautious 

The duke of Monmouth landed 
at Lime ibid. 

An act of attainder passed a- 
gainst him 641 

A rabble came and joined him 

Lord Grey's cowardice 642 

The earl of Feversham com- 
manded the king's army 643 

The duke of Monmouth de- 
feated 644 

And taken ibid. 

Soon after executed 645 

He died with great calmness 646 

Lord Grey pardoned ibid. 

The king was lifted up with his 
successes 647 

But it had an ill effect on his 
affairs ibid. 

Great cruelties committed by 
his soldiers ibid. 

And much greater by Jefferies 

With which the king was well 
pleased ibid. 

The execution of two women 

The behaviour of those who 
suffered 650 

The nation was much changed 
by this management 65 1 

Great disputes for and against 
the tests 652 

Some change their religion ibid. 

The duke of Queensborough 
disgraced 653 

The king declared against the 
tests 654 

Proceedings in Ireland ibid. 

The persecution in France 65 5 

A fatal year to the protestant 
religion ibid. 

Rouvigny's behaviour 656 

He came over to England 657 

Dragoons sent to live on dis- 
cretion upon the protestants 

Many of them yielded through 
fear 659 

Great cruelty every where ibid. 

I went into Italy 660 

And was well received at Rome 

Cardinal Howard's freedom 
with me ibid. 

Cruelties in Orange 663 

Another session of parliament 

The king's speech against the 
test 664 

Jefferies made lord chancellor 

The house of commons address 
the king for observing the 
law 666 

The king was much offended 
with it ibid. 

The parliament was prorogued 

The lord de la Meer tried and 
acquitted 668 


A trial upon the act for the test 

Many judges turned out ibid. 

Herbert, chief justice, gives 
judgment for the king's dis- 
pensing power ibid. 

Admiral Herbert's firmness ibid. 

Father Petre, a Jesuit, in high 
favour 672 

The king declared for a tolera- 
tion ibid. 



The clergy managed the points 
of controversy with great 
zeal and success 673 

The persons who were chiefly 
engaged in this 674 

Dr. Sharp in trouble ibid. 

The bishop of London required 
to suspend him 675 

Which he could not obey ibid. 

An ecclesiastical commission 
set up ibid. 

The bishop of London brought 
before it 676 

And was suspended by it 677 

Affairs in Scotland 678 

A tumult at Edinburgh ibid. 

A parliament held there 679 

Which refused to comply with 
the king's desire 680 

A zeal appeared there against 
popery 68 1 

Affairs in Ireland ibid. 

The king made his mistress 
countess of Dorchester 682 

Attempts made on many to 
change their religion 683 

Particularly on the earl of Ro- 
chester 684 

He was turned out 685 

Designs talked of against Hol- 
land ibid. 

I stayed some time at Geneva 686 

The state and temper I ob- 
served among the reformed 

I was invited by the prince of 

Orange to come to the Hague 


A character of the prince and 
princess of Orange 689 

I was much trusted by them 691 

The prince's sense of our af- 
fairs ibid. 

The princess's resolution with 
respect to the prince 692 

Pen sent over to treat with the 
prince 693 

Some bishops died in England 

Cartwright and Parker pro- 
moted 695 

The king's letter refused in 
Cambridge 697 

The vice-chancellor turned out 
by the ecclesiastical commis- 
sioners 698 

An attempt to impose a {X)pish 
president on Magdalen col- 
lege 699 

They disobey, and are censured 
for it 700 


And were all turned out ibid. 

The diasenters were nmch 
courted by the king 701 

Debates and resolutions among 
them 70a 

The army encamped at Houn- 
slow heath 703 

An ambassador sent to Rome 

He managed every thing un- 
happily 704 

Pope Innocent's character 705 

Disputes about the fi^nchises 

Queen Christina's character of 
some ])opes 707 

D'Albeville sent envoy to Hol- 
land ibid. 

I was upon the king's pressing 
instances forbid to see the 
prince and princess of O- 
range 708 

Dykvelt sent to England ibid. 

The negotiations between the 
king and the prince 709 

A letter writ by the Jesuits of 
Liege, that discovers the 
king's designs 71 1 

Dykvelt's conduct in England 

A proclamation of indulgence 
sent to Scotland ibid. 

Which was much censured 7 1 3 

A declaration for toleration in 
England 7 1 4 

Addr^ses made upon it ibid. 



The king's indignation against 
the church party 715 

The parliament was dissolved 

The reception of the pope's 
nuntio ibid. 

The king made a progress 
through many parts of Eng- 
land 717 

A change in the magistracy in 

London, and over England 


Questions put about elections 
of parliament 719 

The king wrote to the princess 
of Orange about religion 720 

Which she answered 722 

Reflections on these letters 725 

A prosecution set on against 
me 726 

Albeville's memorial to the 
States 728 

The States' answer to what 
related to me 729 

Other designs against me 730 

Pensioner Fagel's letter 73 1 

Father Petre made a privy coun- 
sellor 733 

The confidence of the Jesuits 

The pensioner's letter was 
printed ■ 734 

The king asked the regiments 
of his subjects in the States' 
service ibid. 

Which was refused, but the of- 
ficers had leave to go 735 

A new declaration for toleration 

Which the clergy were ordered 

to read ibid. 

To which they would not give 

obedience 738 

The archbishop and six bishops 

petition the king ibid. 

The king ordered the bishops 

to be prosecuted for it 741 

They were sent to the tower 


But soon after discharged 74a 
They were tried ibid. 

And acquitted 743 

To the great joy of the town 

and nation 744 

The clergy was next designed 

against ibid. 

The effect this had every where 

Russel pressed the prince 746 
The prince's answer ibid. 

The elector of Brandenburgh's 

death ibid. 

The queen gave out that she 

was with child 748 

The queen's reckoning changed 

The queen said to be in labour 
And delivered of a son 752 
Great grounds of jealousy ap- 
peared ibid. 
The child, as was believed, died, 
and another was put in his 
room 753 
The prince and princess of 
Orange sent to congratulate 

The prince designs an expedi- 
tion to England ibid. 

Sunderland advised more mo- 
derate proceedings 755 

And he turned papist 756 

The prince of Orange treats 
with some of the princes of 
the empire 757 

The affairs of Colen 758 

Herbert came over to Holland 

The advices from England ibid. 

The lord Mordaunt's character 

The earl of Shrewsbury's cha- 
racter ibid. 

Russel's character 763 

Sidney's character ibid. 

Many engaged in the design 

Lord Churchill's character 765 



The court of France gave the 

alarm 766 

Recruits from Ireland refused 

Offers made by the French ibid. 
Not entertained at that time 768 
The French own an alliance 

with the king ibid. 

The strange conduct of France 


A manifesto of war against the 

empire 770 

Reflections made upon it 771 
Another against the pope 772 
Censures that passed upon it 7 73 
Marshal Schomberg sent to 

Cleve 774 

The Dutch fleet at sea ibid. 
The prince of Orange's declara- 
tion 775 
I was desired to go with the 

prince 776 

Advices from England ibid. 
Artifices to cover the design 778 
The Dutch put to sea 779 

Some factious motions at the 

Hague I 780 

The army was shipped 781 

The princess's sense of things 


The prince took leave of the 

States 782 

We sailed out of the Maes ibid. 
But were forced back 783 

Consultations in England ibid. 
Proofs brought for the birth of 

the ])rince of Wales 785 
We sailed out more happily a 

second time 787 

We lauded at Torbay 788 

The king's army began to come 

over to the prince 790 

An association among those 

who came to the prince 792 
The heads in Oxford sent to 

him 793 

Great disorders in London ibid. 

A treaty begun with the prince 


The king left the kingdom 795 

He is much censured 796 

But is brought back ibid. 

The prince is desired to come 
and take the government in- 
to his hands 797 

Different advice given to the 
prince concerning the king's 
person 798 

The prince came to London, 
and the king went to Ro- 
chester So I 

The prince was welcomed by 
all sorts of people 803 

Consultations about the settle^ 
ment of the nation 803 

The king went over to France 

The affairs of Scotland ibid. 

The affairs of Ireland 805 


The prince in treaty witli the 
earl of Tyrconnel 807 

The convention met 809 

Some are for a prince regent 

Others are for another king 8 1 1 

And agiunst a regency 813 

Some moved to examine the 

birth of the prince of Wale* 


But it was rejected 817 

Some were for making the 
prince king 818 

The prince declaretl his mind 
after long silence 820 

It was resolved to put the 
prince and princess both in 
the throne 821 

They drew an instrument about 
it 82a 

The oaths were altered 823 

The ill sense that was put on 
the new oath 824 

The princess came to England 

The conclusion 8a6 


jc soy-((.\ ,.._ ^. ,,