(navigation image)
Home American Libraries | Canadian Libraries | Universal Library | Community Texts | Project Gutenberg | Children's Library | Biodiversity Heritage Library | Additional Collections
Search: Advanced Search
Anonymous User (login or join us)
Upload
See other formats

Full text of "Bishop Burnet's History of his own time: with the suppressed passages of the first volume, and notes by the earls of Dartmouth and Hardwicke, and Speaker Onslow, hitherto unpublished"

0kUFORNIA 



iiiiiiriiiiiiiiiiSrii;;°.5K'A.^'>^«'"o 



3 1822 00051 7144 






Digitized by the Internet Archive 
' in 2007 with funding from 
IVIicrosoft Corporation 



http://www.archive.org/details/bishopburnetshis04burniala 



BISHOP BURNET'S 
HISTORY 



OF 



HIS OWN TIME: 



WITH THE 

SUPPRESSED PASSAGES OF THE FIRST VOLUME, 

AND NOTES 

BT THE 

EARLS OF DARTMOUTH AND HARDWICKE, 

AND 

SPEAKER ONSLOW, 

HITHEKTO UNPUBLISHED. 

To which are added 

THE CURSORY REMARKS OF SWIFT, 

AND OTHER OBSERVATIONS. 



VOL. IV. 



OXFORD, 

AT THE CLAREKDOM PRESS. 
MDCCCXXIII. 



THE 

HISTORY 



OK 



MY OWN TIMES. 



BOOK V. 

Of the reign of king William and queen Mary. 

JL NOW begin, on the first day of May, 1705, to 1689. 
prosecute this work ^ ; and have before me a reign, of 'the^S 
that drew upon it an universal expectation of great '^^'S"- 
things to follow, from such auspicious beginnings ; 
and from so general a joy as was spread over these 
nations, and all the neighbouring kingdoms and 
states ; of whom, some had apprehended a general 
depression, if not the total ruin of the protestant 
religion : and all of them saw such a progress 2 
made by the French in the design of enslaving the 

* I wrote in the first volume published many things that he 
of this book, that I did not be- knew to be so. D. (It appears, 
lieve the bishop designedly pub- that the bishop had composed 
lished any thing he believed to some part of this volume as ear- 
be false; therefore think my- ly as the year 170 1, by what he 
self obliged to write in this, says below at page 205.) 
that I am fully satisfied, that he 

VOL. IV. B 



health. 



2 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1689. rest of Europe, that the check which the revolution 
■ in England seemed to promise, put a new life in 

those, who before were sunk in despair. It seemed 
to be a double-bottomed monarchy, where there 
were two joint-sovereigns ; but those who knew the 
queen's temper and principles, had no apprehensions 
of divided counsels, or of a distracted government. 
The effects That which gavc the most melancholy prospect 
king's ill was the ill state of the king's health, whose stay so 
long at St. James's without exercise or hunting, 
which was so much used by him that it was become 
necessary, had brought him under such a weakness, 
as was like to have very ill effects'^ : and the face he 
forced himself to set upon it, that it might not ap- 
pear too much, made an impression on his temper. 
He was apt to be peevish : it put him under a ne- 
cessity of being much in his closet, and of being 
silent and reserved ; which, agreeing so well with 
his natural disposition, made him go off from what 
all his friends had advised, and he had promised 
them he would set about, of being more visible, 
open, and communicative. The nation had been so 
much accustomed to this, in the two former reigns, 
that many studied to persuade him, it would be ne- 
cessary for his affairs to change his way, that he 
might be more accessible, and freer in his discourse. 
He seemed resolved on it ; but he said, his ill health 
made it impossible for him to execute it : and so he 
went on in his former way, or rather he grew more 



'' The duke of Leeds told prehensive his martial temper 

me, few of the Ekiglish were would run the kingdom into a 

concerned for his health, ex- great land array, which might 

pecting a much milder reign have been avoided under her 

under the queen ; and were ap- administration. D. 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 3 

retired, and was not easily come at, nor spoke to. i68q. 
And in a very few days after he was set on the 
throne, he went out to Hampton-Court : and from 
that palace he came into town only on council days. 
So that the face of a court, and the rendezvous 
usual in the public rooms, was now quite broke. 
This gave an early and general disgust. The gaiety 
and the diversions of a court disappeared. And, 
though the queen set her self to make up what was 
wanting in the king, by a great vivacity and cheer- 
fulness ; yet when it appeared that she meddled not 
in business, so that few found their account in mak- 
ing their court to her, though she gave a wonderful 
content to all that came near her, yet few came. 

The king found the air of Hampton-Court agreed 
so well with him, that he resolved to live the great- 
est part of the year there. But that palace was so 
very old built, and so irregular, that a design was 
formed of raising new buildings there, for the king 
and the queen's apartments. This shewed a resolu- 
tion to live at a distance from London : and the enter- 
ing so soon on so expensive a building, afforded mat- 3 
ter of censure to those who were disposed enough to 
entertain it. And this spread a universal discontent 
in the. city of London. And these small and almost 
indiscernible beginnings and seeds of ill humour, 
have ever since gone on in a very visible increase 
and progress. 

The first thing the king did was to choose aAnewmu 
ministry, and to settle a council. The earl of 
Shrewsbury was declared secretary of state, and had 
the greatest share of the king's confidence. No 
exception could be made to the choice, except on 
account of his youth. But he applied himself to 

B a 



4 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1689. business with great diligence, and maintained his 



candour and temper with more reservedness than 
was expected from one of his age. It was for some 
time under consideration, who should be the other 
secretary ; at last the earl of Nottingham was pitch- 
ed on. He had opposed the settlement with great 
earnestness, in his copious way of speaking. But 
he had always said, that, though he would not make 
a king, yet, upon his principles, he could obey him 
better than those who were so much set on making 
one. The high church party did apprehend, that 
the opposition they had given the king's advance- 
ment, and the zeal that others had shewed for it, 
would alienate him from them, and throw him into 
other hands, from whom no good was to be expected 
for them : and they looked for severe revenges for 
the hardships they had put on these, in the end of 
king Charles's reign. This grew daily upon that 
party, and made them begin to look back toward 
king James. So, not to provoke so great a body 
too much, it was thought advisable to employ the 
The earl of carl of Nottingham. The great increase of chan- 
ham'^wi- eery business had made many apprehend, it was too 
un^^pu* much to be trusted to one person: so it was resolved 
able to the ^q p^^ |-jjg chaucery in commission : and the earl of 

wnigs. ^ •' 

Nottingham was proposed to be the first in the 
commission, but he refused it. So Maynard, Keck, 
and Rawlinson, three eminent lawyers, were made 
the three commissioners of the great seal. And soon 
after that, the earl of Nottingham was appointed se- 
cretary of state. This gave as much satisfaction to 
all the higli party, as it begot jealousies and distrust 
in others. The one hoped for protection and favour 
by his means: they reckoned, he would infuse all 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 5 

the prerogative notions into the king ; and give him 1689. 
such a jealousy of every step that the others should 
make in prejudice of these, that from thence the 
king would see cause to suspect all the shew of 
kindness that they might put on to him, when at 
the same time they were undermining some of those 
prerogatives, for which the earl of Nottingham 
seemed to be so zealous. This had a great effect 4 
on the king, who, being ignorant of our constitution, 
and naturally cautious, saw cause enough to dislike 
the heat he found among those, who expressed 
much zeal for him, but who seemed, at the same 
time, to have with it a great mixture of republican 
principles ^. They, on the other hand, were much 
offended at the employing the earl of Nottingham. 
And he gave them daily cause to be more displeased 
at it : for he set himself with a most eager partiality 
against the whole party, and against all the motions 
made by them : and he studied to possess the king 
with a very bad opinion of them. And, whereas 
secretaries of state have a particular allowance for 
such spies as they employ to procure intelligence, 
how exact soever he might be in procuring foreign 
intelligence, he spared no cost nor pains to have an 
account of all that passed in the city, and in other 

•= I remember to have heard the others, yet as they were 
from a great personage, that zealous for monarchy, he thought 
when the earl of Sunderland they would serve his govern- 
came afterwards to be in king ment best : to which the earl 
William's confidence, and press- replied, that it was very true, 
ed him very much to trust and that the tories were better 
rely more upon the whigs than friends to monarchy than the 
he had done, the king said, he whigs were, but then his ma- 
believed the whigs loved him jesty was to consider that he 
best, but they did not love mo- was not their monarch. See 
narchy ; and although the to- in this copy and notes, page 
ries did not like him so well as 660 — 662, in this vol. O. 

B 3 



6 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1689. angry cabals: and he furnished the king very co- 
piously that way; which made a deep impression on 
him, and had very bad effects. The earl of Danby 
was made marquis of Carmarthen, and president of 
the council: and lord Halifax had the privy seal. 
The last of these had gone into all the steps that 
had been made for the king, with great zeal, and 
by that means was hated by the high party, whom 
for distinction sake I will hereafter call tories, and 
the other whigs : terms that I have spoken much 
against, and have ever hated : but to avoid making 
always a longer description; I must use them ; they 
being now become as common as if they had been 
words of our language. Lord Halifax soon saw 
that his friendship with the whigs was not hke to 
last long : his opposing the exclusion stuck still deep 
with them : and the business of the quo warranto^ s^ 
and the delivering up of charters, was cast on him : 
the slowness of relieving Ireland was also charged 
on him ; he had for some time great credit with the 
king ; though his mercurial wit was not well suited 
with the king's phlegm. Lord Carmarthen could 
not bear the equality, or rather the preference that 
seemed to be given to lord Halifax : and therefore 
set on the storm that quickly broke out upon him ^. 

^ Lord Halifax was not sen- ticular bad done eminent ser- 

sible of that equality or prefer- vices at the revolution, and 

ence ; for he complained most could not with decency have 

grievously to all his friends, that been left out. Lord Danby's 

he found there was no contesting 'merit was great in concluding 

against the merit of rebellion. the match with queen Mary, 

D. I have always thought king without the knowledge and 

William unjustly reflected upon, against the opinion of the duke 

for taking some of the tories of York. H. (Earl of Hard- 

into his administration ; lord wicke.) 
Halifax and lord Danby in par- 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 7 

Lord Mordaunt was made earl of Monmouth, and J 689. 



first connnissioner of the treasury : and lord de la 
Mere, made earl of Warrington, was chancellor of 
the exchequer : lord Godolphin was likewise brought 
into the treasury, to the great grief of the other 
two ; who soon saw, that the king considered him 
more than them both. For, as he understood trea- 
sury business well, so his calm and cold way suited 
the king's temper^. The earls of Monmouth and 5 
Warrington, though both most violent whigs, be- 
came great enemies : the former was generous, and 
gave the inferior places freely ; but sought out the 
men, who were most noted for republican principles, 
for them all: and the other, they said, sold every 
thing that was in his power ^. The privy council 
was composed chiefly of whigs. 

Nothing gave a more general satisfaction than theThe jiMige& 

well cliosdi* 

naming of the judges ; the king ordered every privy 
counsellor to bring a list of twelve : and out of 
these, twelve very learned and worthy judges were 
chosen. This nomination was generally well re- 
ceived over the nation. The first of these was sir 
John Holt, made lord chief justice of England, then 
a young man for so high a post, who maintained it 
all his time with a high reputation for capacity, in- 
tegrity, courage, and great despatch. So that since 
the lord chief justice Hale's time, that bench has 
not been so well filled as it was by him. 

The king's chief personal favour lay between Ben- 

* The treasur)- was ill com- He understood the treasury bu- 

posed ; lord Godolphin was siness much the best. O. 
odious for having adhered to ^ A slight foundation to go 

king James to the last, and upon for such a charge, and ab- 

acted in the privy council, and solutely denied by the family. O. 

debated against the abdication. Made earl after this, 8vo edit, 

B 4 



8 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

J 689. thinck and Sidney: the former was made earl of 
Portland and groom of the stole, and continued for 
ten years to be entirely trusted by the king ; and 
served him with great fidelity and obsequiousness : 
but he could never bring himself to be acceptable to 
the English nation. The other was made first, lord 
Sidney, and then earl of Rumney : and was put in 
several great posts. He was made secretary of state, 
lord lieutenant of Ireland, and master of the ord- 
nance : but he was so set on pleasure, that he was 
not able to foUow business with a due appUcation s. 
The earls of Devonshire and Dorset had the white 
staffs : the first was lord steward, and the other was 
lord chamberlain : and they being both whigs, the 
household was made up of such, exce^Dt where there 
were buyers for places, which were set to sale : and 
though the king seemed to discourage that, yet he 
did not encourage pi'opositions that were made for 
the detecting those practices. Thus was the court, 
the ministry, and the council, composed. The ad- 
miralty was put in commission : and Herbert, made 
earl of Tomngton, was first in the commission. He 
tried to dictate to the board : and, when he found 
that did not pass upon them, he left it : and studied 
all he could to disparage their conduct : and it was 

B ^Vhen he was made secre- could not think of a proper 

tary of state, the duke of Leeds person at present, and knew he 

told me he happened to go into was the only Englishman he 

the king's closet soon after he could put in and out again 

came out, and the king asked without disobliging of him. 

him if he had seen the new se- The duke said he did not laugh 

cretary; the duke answered, before, but could not forbear, 

no, he met nobody but lord when he heard he was to be at 

Rumney, (little thinking he the secretary's office, like a 

could be the man.) The king footman at a play, to keep a 

told him, he knew he would place till his betters came. D. 
laugh at his being so, but he 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 9 

thought he hoped to have been advanced to that 1689. 
high trust alone. ' ' 

The first thing proposed to be done was to turn The con- 
the convention into a parliament, according to the turned to a 
precedent set in the year I66O. This was opposed ^"^*™*'°*' 
by all the tories. They said, writs were indispens- 
able to the being of a parliament. And though the 6 
like was done at the restoration, yet it was said, that 
the convention was then called when there was no 
king nor great seal in England : and it was called 
by the consent of the lawful king, and was done 
upon a true and visible, and not on a pretended ne- 
cessity: and they added, that after all, even then the 
convention was not looked on as a legal parliament : 
its acts were ratified in a subsequent parliament; 
and from thence they had their authority. So it 
was moved, that the convention should be dissolved, 
and a new parliament summoned : for in the joy 
which accompanied the revolution, men well affected 
to it were generally chosen : and it was thought, 
that the damp, which was now spread into many 
parts of the nation, would occasion great changes in 
a new election. On the other hand, the necessity of 
affau's was so pressing, that no time was to be lost : 
a delay of forty days might be the total loss of Ire- 
land ; and stop all our preparations at sea : nor was 
it advisable, in so critical a time, to put the nation 
into the ferment which a new election would occa- 
sion. And it was reasonable to expect, that those 
who had set the king on the throne would be more 
zealous to maintain him there, than any new set of 
men could possibly be : and those who submitted to 
a king, dejcicto, must likewise submit to a parlia- 
ment, dejacto. So the bill passed : and a day was 



10 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1689. set for the call of both houses, and for requiring the 



liament. 



members to take the oaths, 
somebi- Eight bishops absented themselves, who were 
the^parT'' Sancroft of Canterbury, Thomas of Worcester, 
Lake of Chichester, Turner of Ely, Lloyd of Nor- 
wich, Ken of Bath and Wells, Frampton of Gloces- 
ter, and White of Peterborough. But in the mean 
while, that they might recommend themselves by a 
shew of moderation, some of them moved the house 
of lords, before they withdrew from it, for a bill of 
toleration, and another of comprehension ^ : and 
these were drawn and offered by the earl of Not- 
tingham : and, as he said to me, they were the same 
that he had prepared for the house of commons in 
king Charles's time, during the debates of the ex- 
clusion : but then things of that kind were looked 
on as artifices, to lay the heat of that time, and to 
render the church party more popular. After those 
motions were made, the bishops that were in the 
house withdrew : Sancroft, Thomas, and Lake, 
never came : the two last died soon after. Ken was 
a man of a warm imagination : and at the time of 
the king's first landing, he declared heartily for him, 
and advised all the gentlemen that he saw, to go 
and join with him. But during the debates in the 
convention, he went with great heat into the notion 
7 of a prince regent. And now, upon the call of the 
house, he withdrew into his diocese. He changed 
his mind again, and wrote a paper, persuading the 
clergy to take the oaths, which he shewed to Dr. 

^ (Of these eight, five were against popery, had professed 

amongst those excellent pre- their willingness, that favour 

lates, who, in the late reign, should be shewn to dissenters.) 
when they stood in the gap 



OF k. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 



11 



Whitby, who read it, as the Dr. has told me often. 
His chaplain. Dr. Eyre, did also tell me, that he 
came with him to London, where at first he owned 
he was resolved to go to the house of lords, and to 
take the oaths '. But the first day after he came to 
town, he was prevailed on to change his mind : and 
he has continued ever since in a very warm opposi- 
tion to the government ^. Sancroft went on in his 
unactive state, still refusing the oaths, but neither 
acting nor speaking, except in great confidence, to 
any against their taking them \ These bishops did 
one thing very inconsistent with their other actions, 
and that could not be easily reconciled to the rules 
of good conscience. All presentations are directed 
to bishops or to their chancellors. But, by a general 



1689. 



' (The bishop had been con- 
stantly assured, that king James 
had, by a special instrument, 
made over the kingdom of Ire- 
land to the French king. See 
the Biographia Britan. vol. vi. 
artic. Ken.) 

^ Ken had been chaplain to 
the princess of Orange at the 
Hague, and sent back upon 
some disgust the prince took to 
him, (for the marriage of Zu- 
lestein with Mrs. Wroth, a maid 
of honour,) but retained a most 
profound respect and zeal for 
the princess, which induced 
him to move in the convention, 
that they should in the name of 
God, go out and proclaim her. 
How he reconciled that to his 
future doctrine and behaviour, 
nobody could ever understand. 
He was extremely devout and 
passionate, with little learning 
or judgment^ and the personal 



aversion he had to king Wil- 
liam seemed to be the chief 
motive for all his actions. 
Queen Mary said she knew he 
had a great desire to be a mar- 
tyr, but he should not be grati- 
fied in her time. D. (Zuyles- 
tein had seduced the young lady 
by a promise of marriage. See 
Biogr. Britan. as above.) 

' It was a very tender matter. 
They perhaps thought it was 
enough to keep their own scru- 
ples and conscience to them- 
selves, and not to be an ob- 
struction to others who could 
comply. This did not look like 
faction then, and some of them, 
it has been said, had the same 
temper afterwards. O. (The 
pious bishop Sanderson acted 
in the like cautious way re- 
sj>ecting the oath of engage- 
ment in the time of the com- 
monwealth.) 



12 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1689. agreement in the year 1660, the bishops resolved to 
except out of the patents, that they gave their chan- 
cellors, the povrer of giving institution into cures, 
which, before that, the chancellors were empowered 
to give in the bishops' absence. Now the bishops 
were bound to see that the clergy, before they gave 
them institution, took the oaths to the government. 
In order therefore to decline the doing this, and yet 
avoid the actions of quare impedit^ that they would 
be liable to, if they did not admit the clerks pre- 
sented to them, they gave new patents to their chan- 
cellors, empowering them to give institution ; which 
they knew could not be done, but by tendering the 
oaths. So they gave authority to laymen, to admit 
men to benefices, and to do that which they thought 
unlawful, as was the swearing to an usurper against 
the lawful king. Thus it appeai'ed how far the en- 
gagement of interest and parties can run men into 
contradictions. 

Upon the bishops refusing the oaths, a bill was 
brought into the house of commons, requiring all 
persons to take them by a prefixed day, under seve- 
ral forfeitures and penalties. The clergy that took 
them not were to fall under suspension for six 
months, and at the end of those, they were to be de- 
prived. This was followed with a particular eager- 
ness by some, who were known enemies to the 
church : and it was then generally believed, that a 
gi'eat part of the clergy would refuse the oaths. So 
they hoped to have an advantage against the church 
by this means. Hambden persuaded the king to add 
a period to a speech he made, concerning the affairs 
of Ireland, in which he proposed the admitting all 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. IS 

protestants to serve in that war '^. This was under- 1689. 
stood to be intended for taking off the sacramental 
test, which was necessary by the law to qualify men 
for employments, and was looked on as the chief se- g 
curity the church of England had, as it excluded 
dissenters from all employments. And it was tried, 
if a bargain could be made, for excusing the clergy 
from the oaths, provided the dissenters might be ex- 
cused from the sacrament. The king put this into 
his speech, without communicating it to the min- 
istry : and it had a very ill effect. It was not only 
rejected by a great majority in both houses ; but it 
very much heightened the prejudices against the 
king, as bearing no great affection to the church of 
England, when he proposed the opening such a 
door, which they believed would be fatal to them. 
The rejecting this, made the act imposing the oaths 
to be driven on with the more zeal. This was in 
debate when I came into the house of lords : for i was made 
Ward, bishop of Sahsbury, died this winter : many saiubu^. 
spoke to the king in my favour, without my know- 
ledge. The king made them no answer. But a few 
days after he was set on 'the throne, he of his own 
motion named me to that see : and he did it in 
terms more obliging than usually fell from him. 
When I waited on the queen, she said, she hoped I 
would now put in practice those notions with which 

■" This has been supposed to by the king when he came to 

be John Hampden, called the parliament on March i6th, to 

younger Hampden, (son of Ri- pass the act for suspending the 

chard, afterwards chancellor of Habeas Corpus act ; and that it 

the exchequer.) See the for- seems incredible his majesty 

mer vol. 539, for his character, took such a step without the 

O. (Ralph, in the second vol. participation of his ministry, 

of his History of England, says. See p. 67 — 69.) 
that this measure was proposed 



14 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1689, I had taken the liberty often to entertain her. All 



the forms of the conge cVel'ire^ and my election, were 
carried on with despatch. But a great difficulty was 
in view. Bancroft would not see me; and he re- 
fused to consecrate me. So by law, when the man- 
date was brought to him, upon not obeying it, he 
must have been sued in a premunire : and for some 
days he seemed determined to venture that : but as 
the danger came near, he prevented it, by granting 
a commission to all the bishops of his province, or to 
any three of them, in conjunction with the bishop of 
London, to exercise his metropolitical authority dur- 
ing pleasure. Thus he did authorize others to con- 
secrate me, while yet he seemed to think it an un- 
lawful act. This was so mean, that he himself was 
ashamed of it afterwards. But he took an odd way 
to overthrow it : for he sent for his original war- 
rant : and so took it out of the office, and got it 
into his own hands. 

I happened to come into the house of lords, when 
two great debates were managed with much heat in 
it. The one was about the toleration and compre- 
hension, and the other was about the imposing the 
oaths on the clergy. And I was engaged at my 
first coming there, to bear a large share in both. 
Debates That which was long insisted on, in the house of 

concerning . ^ n -i -i • ' 1 

the oaths, lords, was, that mstead oi the clause positively en- 
acting, that the clergy should be obliged to take the 
oaths, the king might be empowered to tender them, 
9 and then the refusal was to be punished according 
to the clause, as it stood in the act. It was thought, 
such a power would oblige them to their good be- 
haviour, and be an effectual restraint upon them : 
they would be kept quiet at least by it : whereas, if 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 15 

they came under deprivation, or the apprehensions 1689. 
of it, that would make them desperate, and set them 
on to undermine the government. It was said, that 
the clergy, by the offices of the church, did solemnly 
own their allegiance to God, in the sight of all their 
people ; that no oath could lay deeper engagements 
on them than those acts of religious worship did : 
and if they should either pass over those offices, or 
perform them otherwise than as the law required, 
there was a clear method, pursuant to the act of 
uniformity, to proceed severely against them. It 
was also said, that in many different changes of go- 
vernment, oaths had not proved so effectual a secu- 
rity as was imagined " : distinctions were found out, 
and senses were put on words, by which they were 
interpreted so as to signify but little, when a govern- 
ment came to need strength from them : and it iU 
became those, who had formerly complained of these 
impositions, to urge this with so much vehemence. 
On the other hand, it was urged, that no man ought 
to be trusted by a government, chiefly in so sacred 
a concern, who would not give security to it ; espe- 
cially, since the oath was brought to such low and 
general terms. The expedient that was proposed 
would put a hardship upon the king, which was al- 
ways to be carefully avoided. The day prefixed was 
at the distance of some months : so that men had 
time sufficient given them to study the point : and, 
if in that time they could not satisfy themselves, as 
to the lawfulness of acknowledging the government, 
it was not fit that they should continue in the high- 
est posts of the church. An exception of twelve 

" And is it not true ? It is not swearing to it, that must 
the integrity of government, and be its defence. O. 



16 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1689. was proposed, who should be subject to the law, 
upon refusing the oaths, when required to it by the 
king ; but that was rejected : and all the mitigation 
that was obtained, was a power to the king to re- 
serve a third part of the profits of any twelve bene- 
fices he should name, to the incumbents who should 
be deprived by virtue of this act : and so it passed. 
I was the chief manager of the debate in favour of 
the clergy, both in the house of lords and at the 
conferences with the commons. But, seeing it could 
not be carried, I acquiesced the more easily; be- 
cause, though in the beginning of these debates I 
was assured, that those who seemed resolved not to 
take the oaths, yet prayed for the king in their cha- 
pels ; yet I found afterwards this was not true, for 
10 they named no king nor queen, and so it was easy 
to guess whom they meant by such an indefinite de- 
signation. I also heard many things, that made me 
conclude, they were endeavouring to raise all the op- 
position to the government possible. 
An act of The biU of toleration passed easily. It excused 

toleration. ,. -, • r> -, • 

dissenters from all penalties, for their not coming to 
church, and for going to their separate meetings. 
There was an exception of Socinians : but a provi- 
sion was put in it in favour of quakers : and, though 
the rest were required to take the oaths to the go- 
vernment, they were excused, upon making in lieu 
thereof a solemn declaration. They were to take out 
warrants for the houses they met in: and the justices 
of peace were required to grant them. Some pro- 
posed, that the act should only be temporary, as a ne- 
cessary restraint upon the dissenters, that they might 
demean themselves so as to merit the continuance 
of it, when the term of years now offered should 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY 



17 



end. But this was rejected : there was now an uni- i6sg. 
versal inclination to pass the act : but it could not 
be expected, that the nation would be in the same 
good disposition towards them at another time. I 
shewed so much zeal for this act, as very much sunk 
my credit, which had risen from the approbation I 
had gained, for opposing that which enacted the 
taking the oaths. As for the act of comprehension, 
some progress was made in it. But a proviso was -^ motion 
offered, that, in imitation of the acts passed in king prehension. 
Henry the eighth and king Edward the sixth's time, 
a number of persons, both of the clergy and laity, 
might be empowered to prepare such a reformation 
of things, relating to the church, as might be offered 
to king and parliament, in order to the healing our 
divisions, and the correcting what might be amiss or 
defective in our constitution ^'. This was pressed 



P By the constitution of the 
church of England it is, that 
the supreme legislative power 
of the church is in king, lords, 
and commons *in parliament. 
And it is the same with re- 
gard to the king's supremacy, 
whose ecclesiastical jurisdiction 
and authority is an essential 
part of our church constitution, 
renewed and confirmed by par- 
liament, as the supreme legis- 
lature of the church, which has 
the same extent of true power 
in the church of England, as 
any church legislature ever had ; 
and may therefore censure, ex- 
communicate, deprive, degrade, 
&c. or may give authoritative 
directions to the officers of the 
church, to perform any of them ; 
and may also make laws and 
canons to bind the whole church 

VOL. IV. 



as they shall judge proper, not 
repugnant to the laws of God 
or nature. Nay, the laity in 
England cannot otherwise be 
bound but by parliament, who 
have a right (when they think 
proper) to the advice and as- 
sistance of the convocations, or 
the true parliamentary meetings 
of the clergy, by the prcemuui' 
entes clause in the parliamentary 
writs to the bishops, if the one or 
the other or both should be then 
assembled. The last has been 
long disused. See the Jour- 
nal of the House of Commons 
of the 13th — 1 6th of April, 
1689, I St of March, 17 10. 
171 2. 1713. The legislature 
of the primitive church was in 
the whole body, and afterwards 
had many variations in its con- 
stituents, and may still vary 



18 



THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



1689. with great earnestness by many of the temporal 
lords. I at that time did imagine, that the clergy 
would have come into such a design with zeal and 
unanimity: and I feared this would be looked on by 
them, as taking the matter out of their hands : and 
for that reason I argued so warmly against this, that 
it was carried by a small majority to let it faU. But 
I was convinced soon after, that I had taken wrong 
measures ; and that the method proposed by these 
lords was the only one like to prove effectual : but 
this did not so recommend me to the clergy, as 
to balance the censure I came under, for moving, in 
another proviso of that bill, that the subscription. 



with the consent of the several 
communities. If this distinc- 
tion of legislature in the par- 
liament be true, (and I am not 
the first who has mentioned it,) 
the church of England is freed 
from the imputation of being a 
creature OJily of the state, which 
by some sects of Christians has 
been often and much objected 
to, and makes it to be agreeable 
to Mr. Lock's notion, indeed 
demonstration, " that matters 
" of mere religion are absolute- 
*' ly independent of the civil 
" magistrate, as such." Where 
ecclesiastical jurisdictions have 
cognizance of temporal matters, 
they are thus far civil courts ; 
and so vice versa. The king is 
said in our law to be mixta 
persona, as it regards his su- 
premacy, in the execution of 
all civil and ecclesiastical juris- 
diction ; and so is the parlia- 
ment a mixed legislature. As 
to which or what is the best 
church constitution, I say no- 
thing here. But this may be 



said, that no church power what- 
soever, or wheresoever placed, 
legislative or otherwise, can 
have any right to the sanction 
of ci\'il punishments ; nor ought 
they to be, or any temporal dis- 
advantages. All religions ought 
to have their free course, where 
they interfere not with the peace 
and rights of human society: 
of such, the civil power is to 
endow one, and to protect all. 
See Mr. Lock's Treatises of 
Government and Toleration. 
The convocation can by their ca- 
nons bind only their own body. 
They are in the nature of by- 
laws ; and this is now fully set- 
tled by a solemn determination 
in the king's bench, made in my 
lord Hardwick's time there. O. 
(What is here asserted respect- 
ing the right of the legislature 
to excomnnmicate the members 
of the church, and to degrade 
its clergy, or to command the 
officers of the church so to act, 
is not admitted by the church 
itself to be compatible with 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 19 

instead of assent and consent^ should only be to sub- 1689. 
mit with a promise of conformity ^. There was a pro- 
viso likewise, in the bill, for dispensing with kneel- 11 
ing at the sacrament, and being baptized with the 
sign of the cross, to such as, after conference upon 
those heads, should solemnly protest, they were not 
satisfied as to the lawfulness of them. That con- 
cerning kneeling occasioned a vehement debate: for, 
the posture being the chief exception that the dis- * 

senters had, the giving up this was thought to be 
the opening a way for them to come into employ- 
ments. Yet it was carried in the house of lords. 
And I declared my self zealous for it. For since it 
was acknowledged that the posture was not essential 
in itself, and that scruples, how ill grounded soever, 
were raised upon it, it seemed reasonable to leave 
the matter as indifferent in its practice as it was in 
its nature. 

Those who had moved for this bill, and after- 
wards brought it into the house, acted a very disin- 
genuous part : for, while they studied to recommend 
themselves by this shew of moderation, they set 
on their friends to oppose it : and such as were very 
sincerely and cordially for it were represented as 
the enemies of the church, who intended to subvert 
it. When the bill was sent down to the house of 
commons, it was let lie on the table ^ And, instead 



the powers given by our Saviour their bishoprics.) 

to those officers. It was not pre- '^ See the Journal of the 

tended, that the bishops who House of Lords of the 25th of 

were deprived after the revolu- July, 1663, and my collection of 

tion, were degraded from their the lords' protests, in which 

orders, (if that is meant by the there is not one bishop, 

term degrading,) or ceased to be "■ See the Journal of the 

bishops, although deprived of House of Commons of the 9th, 

C 2 



20 



THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



1689. 



of proceeding in it, they made an address to the 
king, for summoning a convocation of the clergy to 
attend, according to custom, on the session of par- 
liament. The party that was now beginning to be 
formed against the government, pretended great 
zeal for the church ; and declared their apprehen- 
sions that it was in danger, which was imputed by 
many to the earl of Nottingham's management. 
These, as they went heavily into the toleration, so 
they were much offended with the biU of compre- 
hension, as containing matters relating to the church, 
in which the representative body of the clergy had 
not been so much as advised with. 

Nor was this bill supported by those who seemed 
most favourable to the dissenters : they set it up for 
a maxim, that it was fit to keep up a strong faction 
both in church and state ' ; and they thought it was 



13th, and 1 6th of April, 1689, 
and also of the ist of March, 
1710. O. 

* A false and foolish notion, 
the artifice of weak and mean 
politicians ; who value them- 
selves upon small cunning, and 
think, or hope at least, that it 
will be deemed wisdom. They 
are often as wicked as they are 
weak, and are generally the pests 
of government. Voltaire, in one 
of his English letters, has a re- 
finement very agreeable to his 
character, " That if there was 
" but one religion in England, 
" the people would be slaves : if 
" two only, they would be cut- 
" ting one another's throats. 
" But all being allowed the 
" people, they are free and 
" quiet." The Christian reli- 
gion has been and is preserved 



in the world by churches, but 
not always the true spirit of 
Christianity. Some individuals 
in every sect have it, and are 
not they the elect ? Persecuted 
churches have most of devo- 
tion, and established churches 
most of persecution : all have 
the last in some degree, (when 
they can exert it,) as a matter 
of policy. But if there were no 
churches established by the 
state with endowments, there 
would soon be an end of all 
religion, learning, and virtue. 
By the establishment I think ne- 
cessary, 1 mean only public en- 
dowments of maintenance for 
fabrics, ministers, and servants 
of churches. This will not 
content the high churchmen of 
any sect that happens to be 
established. O. 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 21 

riot agreeable to that, to suffer so great a body as 1689. 
the presbyterians to be made more easy, or more in- 
clinable to unite to the church : they also thought, 
that the toleration would be best maintained, when 
great numbers should need it, and be concerned to 
preserve it : so this good design being zealously 
opposed, and but faintly promoted, it fell to the 
ground. 

The clergy began now to shew an implacable ha- An ui ha- 
tred to the nonconformists, and seemed to wish for among the 
an occasion to renew old severities against them/**^^^' 
But wise and good men did very much applaud the 12 
quieting the nation by the toleration. It seemed to 
be suitable, both to the spirit of the Christian re- 
ligion and to the interest of the nation. It was 
thought very unreasonable, that, while we were com- 
plaining of the cruelty of the church of Rome, we 
should fall into such practices among our selves ; 
chiefly, while we were engaging in a war, in the 
progress of which we would need the united strength 
of the whole nation. 

This bill gave the king great content. He in his 
own opinion always thought, that conscience was 
God's province, and that it ought not to be imposed 
on : and his experience in Holland made him look 
on toleration as one of the wisest measures of go- 
vernment : he was much troubled to see so much ill 
humour spreading among the clergy, and, by their 
means, over a great part of the nation. He was so 
true to his principle herein, that he restrained the 
heat of some, who were proposing severe acts against 
papists. He made them apprehend the advantage. Great gen- 
which that would give the French, to alienate all wards pa- 
the papists of Europe from us; who from thence^"*'* 

c 3 



22 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1689. might hope to set on foot a new catholic league, and 
' make the war a quarrel of religion ; which might 

have very bad effects. Nor could he pretend to pro- 
tect the protestants in many places of Germany and 
in Hungary, unless he could cover the papists in 
England, from all severities on the account of their 
reUgion \ This was so carefully infused into many, 
and so well understood by them, that the papists 
have enjoyed the real effects of the toleration, 
though they were not comprehended within the sta- 
tute that enacted it. 
War pro- "While domestic matters were raising great heats 

claimed . „ , . . 

against at homc, we saw the necessity of makmg vigorous 
preparations for the war abroad, and in Ireland. 
The king laid before both houses the alliances, for- 
merly made by the crown of England, wdth the 
States, and with the empire, together with the new 
ones that were now proposed, which made a rupture 
with France necessary. So, by the advices of both 
houses, war was declared against France: and the 
necessary supplies, both for the quota that the king 
was to furnish, and for the reduction of Ireland, 
were provided. 

Debates The ucxt carc was a revenue, for the support of 

concerning . ^ -n i t 1 

the re- thc govemmcnt. JfcJy a long course, and the practice 
venue. ^^ souie agcs, the customs had been gi-anted to our 

* Which he was under the the last to his death, all in his 

strictest obligations, both to the own hand, without communi- 

pope and emperor, to see per- eating the contents either to 

formed. Mr. Wells, a Roman his ministers or favourites, (as 

catholic gentleman at Rome, lord Jersey told me;) his cor- 

told me, that to his knowledge, respondence with other princes 

the nuncio at Brussels was sent was chiefly carried on by his 

in disguise to take his oath on favourites, and little besides 

behalf of the first ; and he held matters of form transacted by 

a constant correspondence with the secretary of state. D. 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 23 

kings for life: so the king expected that the like 1689. 
regard should be shewn for him. But men's minds 
were much divided in that matter. Some whigs, 
who by a long opposition, and jealousy of the go- 
vernment, had wrought themselves into such re- 
publican principles, that they could not easily come 13 
off from them, set it up as a maxim not to grant any 
revenue, but from year to year, or, at most, for a 
short term of years. This, they thought, would ren- 
der the crown precarious, and oblige our kings to 
such a popular method of government, as should 
merit the constant renewal of that grant. And they 
hoped, that so uncertain a tenure might more easily 
bring about an entire change of government. For, 
by the denying the revenue at any time, (except 
upon intolerable conditions,) they thought that might 
be easily effected, since it would render our kings so 
feeble, that they would not be able to maintain their 
authority. The tories observing this, made great 
use of it, to beget in the king jealousies of his friends, 
with too much colour, and too gi'eat success. They 
resolved to reconcile themselves to the king by 
granting it, but at present only to look on, till the 
whigs, who now carried every thing to which they 
set their full strength, should have refused it. 

The king, as he had come through the western The chim- 
countries, from his first landing, had been in many discharged, 
places moved to discharge the chimney money : and 
had promised to recommend it to the parliament. 
He had done that so effectually, that an act passed 
discharging it; though it was so much opposed by the 
tories, that it ran a great hazard in the house of lords. 
Those who opposed it pretended, that it was the only 
sure fund, that could never fail in war, so that 

c 4 



24 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1689. money would be freely advanced upon it : they said, 
a few regulations would take away any grievance 
that might arise fi*om it : but it was thought, they 
were not wiUing that such an act should pass, as 
would render the king acceptable to the body of the 
nation. It was also thought that the prospect they 
then had of a speedy revolution, in favour of king 
James, made some of them unwilling to pass an act, 
that seemed to lay an obligation on him, either to 
maintain it, or by resuming his revenue, to raise the 
hatred of the nation higher against him. When the 
settling the king's revenue was brought under con- 
sideration, it was found, there were anticipations 
and charges upon it, from which it seemed reason- 
able to clear it. So many persons were concerned 
in this, and the season of the year was so far ad- 
vanced, that it was pretended, they had not time to 
examine that matter with due care : and therefore, 
by a provisional act, they granted the king the re- 
venue for one year : and many intended never to 
carry the grant but from year to year. This touched 
14 the king very sensibly. And many discourses, that 
passed among sour whigs in their cabals, were com- 
municated to him by the earl of Nottingham, by 
which he concluded he was in the hand of persons 
that did not intend to use him well, 
^rn/n^tha ^ ^^^ ^^ prepared concerning the militia, which, 
militia. upon the matter, and in consequence of many 
clauses in it, took it in a great measure both from 
the crown and out of the lords lieutenants ; who 
being generally peers, a bill that lessened their au- 
thority so much was not like to pass in the house 
of lords: so it was let lie on the table. By this 
likewise, which was chiefly promoted by the whigs. 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 



25 



the king came to think, that those who had raised 
him to the throne, intended to depress his preroga-' 
tive, as much as they had exalted his person. He 
seemed to grow tender and jealous upon these points, 
the importance of every one of them being much 
aggravated by the earl of Nottingham, who had fur- 
nished him with a scheme of all the points of the 
prerogative, and of their dependance one upon an- 
other : and he seemed so possessed with this, that 
many of those who had formerly most of his confi- 
dence, found a coldness growing upon him, which 
increased their disgust, and made them apprehend 
they should again see a reign full of prerogative 
maxims ". One thing the house of commons granted. 



1689. 



" The good bishop seems to 
take all opportunities to load 
the earl of Nottingham ; but 
the earl of Rochester told me, 
that one of the first things king 
William said after he came to 
the crown was, that it should 
not be the worse for his wearing, 
and frequently repeated it, as 
occasions offered, during his 
whole reign. But lord Roches- 
ter added, in his peevish man- 
ner, that he thought he had 
made it little better than a 
night cap. D, (An instance 
of William's making this obser- 
vation is recorded by Cunning- 
ham in his History of Great 
Britain, vol. i. p. 115, of Dr. 
Thomson's Translation from the 
Latin MS. where the following 
circumstances are mentioned. 
" About this time, the ambition 
" of some of his friends, and the 
" licentiousness of others, gave 
" the king no small trouble. 
** The king, tired out 



" with the daily solicitations 
" and importunate discourses 
" of Mr. Thomas Wharton," 
(afterwards marquis of Whar- 
ton,) " gave orders to invite the 
" earl of Shrewsbury, and some 
" other noble persons, who had 
" deserved well of him, and 
" were famous for their wit, to 
" a private supper with him ; 
" and among the rest, Mr. 
" Wharton, whom nothing 
" would content but the office 
" of secretary of state. As soon 
" as they were met together, 
" the king desired them all to 
" be as free as any where. 
" The entertainment being con- 
" tinued with great liberality to 
" a very late hour, they began 
" to grow warm with wine. 
" It is reported that the king, 
" looking upon Mr. Wharton, 
" said, ' The crown should not 
•♦ be the worse for his wearing 
" it :' advised them to be con- 
" tent with his bounty, so far 



SB THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1689. which was very acceptable to the king : they gave 
* the States about 600,000/. for the charge they had 

been at in the fleet and army, which they furnished - 

the king with at the revolution. 
^n^ce*r*ine They could not be brought to another point, 
an act of thouffh oftcu and much pressed to it by the king. 

indemntty. *-" '■ , 

He thought nothing would settle the minds of the 
nation so much as an act of indemnity, with proper 
exceptions of some criminals, that should be left to 
justice. Jefferies was in the tower; Wright, who 
had been lord chief justice, and some of the judges, 
were in Newgate; Graham and Burton, who had 
been the wicked solicitors in the former reigns, were 
in prison ; but the hottest of the whigs would not 
set this on. They thought it best to keep many 
under the lash ; they intended severe revenges for 
the blood that had been shed, and for the many un- 
just things that had been done in the end of king 
Charles's reign ; they saw, that the clogging the 
indemnity with many comprehensive exceptions, 
would create king James a great party ; so they did 
not think it proper to offer at that : yet they re- 
solved to keep them still in their power, tiU a better 
opportunity for falling on them should offer itself: 
therefore they proceeded so slowly in that matter, 
15 that the bill could not be brought to a ripeness dur- 
ing this session. It is true, the great mildness of 
the king's temper, and the gentleness of his govern- 
ment, which was indeed rather liable to censure, as 
being too remiss, set people's minds much at ease : 

*• as he could btjstow it ; and " with this.' From that time 

*♦ then, laying his hand upon ** Mr. AVharton became more 

*' his sword, added, * What " obsequious to the king's hu- 

" others perform by entreaties, " mour, and never forsook his 

" I will take care to perform " party in any difficulty.") 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 27 

and, if it gave too much boldness to those, who be- 1689. 



gan to set up an open opposition to him, yet it gained 
upon the greater part of the nation, who saw none 
of those moving spectacles that had been so common 
in former reigns : and all promised themselves happy 
days under so merciful a prince. But angry men 
put a wicked construction on the earnestness the 
king shewed for an act of indemnity ; they said, he 
intended to make use of a set of prerogative men, 
as soon as legally he could ; and therefore he desired 
the instruments of king James's illegal government 
might be once secured, that so he might employ 
them. The earls of Monmouth and Warrington 
were infusing jealousies of the king into their party, 
with the same industry that the earl of Nottingham 
was, at the same time, instilling into the king jea- 
lousies of them : and both acted with too much suc- 
cess ; which put matters much out of joint. For 
though the earls of Shrewsbury and Devonshire did 
all they could to stop the progress and effects of 
those suspicions, with which the whigs were pos- 
sessed, yet they had not credit enough to do it. 
The earl of Shrewsbury, though he had more of the 
king's favour, yet he had not strength to resist the 
earl of Nottingham's pompous and tragical declama- 
tions. 

There was a bill of great importance sent up by The bin of 
the commons to the lords, that was not finished this "^ 
session. It was a bill declaring the rights and li- 
berties of England, and the succession to the crown, 
as had been agreed by both houses of parliament, 
to the king and queen and their issue, and after 
them, to the princess Anne and her issue, and after 
these, to the king and his issue. A clause was in* 



^^ THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1689. serted. disabling all papists from succeeding to tlie 
crown, to which the lords added, or such as should 
marry papists. To this I proposed an additional 
clause, absolving the subjects, in that case, from 
their allegiance. This was seconded by the earl of 
Shrewsbury : and it passed without any opposition 
or debate : which amazed us all, considering the 
importance of it. But the king ordered me to pro- 
pose the naming the duchess of Hanover, and her 
posterity, next in the succession. He signified his 
pleasure in this also to the ministers. But he or- 
dered me to begin the motion in the house, because 
I had already set it on foot. And the duke of 
Hanover had now other thoughts of the matter, and 
17 was separating himself from the interests of France. 
The lords agreed to the proposition without any 
opposition. So it was sent down to the commons. 
There were great debates there upon it. Hambden 
pressed it vehemently. But Wildman, and all the 
republican party, opposed it. Their secret reason 
seemed to be, a design to extinguish monarchy, and 
therefore to substitute none, beyond the three that 
were named, that so the succession might quickly 
come to an end. But, it not being decent to own 
this, all that they pretended was, that there being 
many in the lineal succession, after the three that 
were named, who were then of the church of Rome, 
the leaving to them a possibiUty to succeed, upon 
their turning protestants, might have a good effect 
on them, and dispose them to hearken to instruction ; 
all which would be defeated by a declaration in fa- 
vour of the duchess. 

To this it was answered, in a free conference, 
that for that" very reason it was fit to make this de- 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 29 

claration : since nothing could bring us into a more 1689. 
certain danger, than a pretended conversion of a 
false convert, who might by such a disguise ascend 
the throne, and so work our ruin by secret artifices. 
Both houses adhered, after the free conference. So 
the bill fell for that time: but it was resolved to 
take it up at the opening of the next session. And 
the king thought it was not then convenient to re- 
new the motion of the duchess of Hanover, of which 
he ordered me to write her a particular account. 
It was fit once to have the bill passed, that enacted 
the perpetual exclusion of all papists : for that, upon 
the matter, brought the succession to their door. 
And if any in the line, before her, should pretend 
to change, as it was not very likely to happen, so it 
would not be easily believed. So it was resolved to 
carry this matter no further at this time. The bill 
passed without any opposition in the beginning of 
the next session ; which I mention here, that I 
might end this matter all at once. The present 
session was drawn to a great length, and was not 
ended till August : and then it broke up with a 
great deal of ill humour. 

One accident happened this summer, of a pretty King 
extraordinary nature, that deserves to be remem- gj^t wai 
bered. A fisherman, between Lambeth and Vaux- [j"""* '° 
hall, was drawing a net pretty close to the channel ; Thames. 
and a great weight was, not without some difficulty, 
drawn to the shore, which, when taken up, was 
found to be the great seal of England. King James 
had called for it from the lord Jefferies, the night 
before he went away, as intending to make a secret 
use of it, for pardons or grants. But it seems, when 
he went away, he thought either that the bulk or 1 7 



m THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1689. weight of it made it inconvenient to be carried off, 
' or that it was to be hereafter of no more use to him : 

and therefore, that it might not be made use of 
against him, he threw it into the Thames. The 
fisherman was well rewarded, when he brought the 
great seal to the king : and by his order it was 
broke. 
The state of But now I must look over to the affairs of Ireland, 
Ireland, and to king James's motions. Upon his coming to 
the court of France, he was received with great 
shews of tenderness and respect; the French king 
assuring him, that, as they had both the same in- 
terests, so he would never give over the war, till he 
had restored him to his throne. The only prospect 
he now had, was to keep up his party in Ireland 
and Scotland. The message from Tirconnel for 
speedy supplies was very pressing : and his party 
in Scotland sent one Lindsay over to him, to offer 
him their service, and to ask what assistance they 
might depend upon. The French ministry was at 
this time much divided. Louvois had the greatest 
credit, and was very successful in all his counsels : 
so that he was most considered. But Seignelay was 
believed to have more personal favour, and to be 
more entirely united to madame Maintenon. These 
two were in a high competition for favour, and 
hated one another. Seignelay had the marine, as 
the other had the army, for his province. So, king 
James having the most dependance on the marine, 
and looking on the secretary for that post as the 
most powerful favourite, made his chief application 
to him ; which set Louvois to cross and retard every 
thing that was proposed for his service. So that 
matters for him went on slowly, and very defec- 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 31 

tively. There was another circumstance in king 1689. 
James's affairs, that did him much hurt. Lausun, 
whose adventures will be found in the French his- 
tory, had come over to king James, and offered him 
his service, and had attended on the queen when 
she went over to France. He had obtained a pro- 
mise of king James, that he should have the com- 
mand of such forces as the king of France would 
assist him with. Louvois hated Lausun ; nor did 
the king of France like to employ him : so Louvois 
sent to king James, desiring him to ask of the king 
of France, Souvray, a son of his, whom he was 
breeding to serve in war, to command the French 
troops. But king James had so engaged himself to 
Lausun, that he thought he could not in honour 
depart from it. And ever after that, we were told, 
that Louvois studied, by aU the ways he could think 
of, to disparage him and all the propositions he 
made : yet he got about 5000 Frenchmen to be 
sent over with him to Ireland, but no great supplies 18 
in money. Promises were sent the Scots of great 
assistance that should be sent them from Ireland: 
they were encouraged to make all possible opposi- 
tion in the convention : and, as soon as the sea- King jamcs 

_- t 1 1 • ^r> ' 1 came over 

son of the year would admit 01 it, they were or- thither, 
dered to gather together in the Highlands, and to 
keep themselves in safe places there, till further 
orders should be sent them. With these, and with 
a small supply in money, of about five or six thou- 
sand pounds, for buying ammunition and arms, 
Lindsay was sent back. I had such a character 
given me of him, that I entertained good thoughts 
of him. So, upon his return, he came first to me, 
and pretended he had gone over on private affairs. 



8« THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

.1689. being deeply engaged in debt for the earl of Melfort, 
whose secretary he had been. I understood from 
him, that king James had left Paris to go for Ire- 
land: so I sent him to the earl of Shrewsbury's 
office : but there was a secret management with one 
of the under secretaries there for king James : so he 
was not only dismissed, but got a pass warrant from 
Dr. Wynne to go to Scotland. I had given the 
earl of Shrewsbury such a character of the man, 
that he did more easily believe him ; but he knew 
nothing of the pass warrant. So, my easiness to 
think well of people, was the chief occasion of the 
mischief that followed, on his not being clapt up, 
and more narrowly examined. Upon king James's 
landing in Ireland, he marched his army from Kin- 
sale to Ulster. And, when it was^ all together, it 
consisted of 30,000 foot and 8000 horse. It is true, 
' the Irish were now as insolent as they were undis- 

ciplined : and they began to think they must be 
masters of all the king's counsels. A jealousy arose 
between them and the French : they were soon on 
very bad terms, and scarce ever agreed in their ad- 
vices : all king James's party, in the isle of Britain, 
pressed his settling the affairs of Ireland the best he 
could, and his bringing over the French, and such 
of the Irish as he could best govern and depend on ; 
and advised him to land in the north of England, or 
in the west of Scotland. 
The siege But the first thing that was to be done was to reduce 

of London- t j i 

derry. Londonderry. In order to this, two different advices 
were offered. The one was, to march with a great 
force, and to take it immediately : for the town was 
not capable of resisting, if vigorously attacked. The 
other was, to block it up so, that it should be forced 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 33 

in a little time to surrender ; and to turn to other 1 689. 
more vigorous designs. But, whereas either of these 
advices might have been pursued with advantage, a 
third advice was offered, but I know not l)y whom, 
which was the only bad one that could be proposed ; 19 
and yet, by a sort of fatality, which hung over that 
king, it was followed by him ; and that was, to press 
the town by a slow siege, which, as was given out, 
would bring the Irish into the methods of war, and 
would accustom them to fatigue and discipline. 
And this being resolved on, king James sent a small 
body before it, which was often changed: and by 
these he continued the siege above two months, in 
which the poor inhabitants formed themselves into 
great order, and came to generous resolutions of en- 
during the last extremities. They made some sal- 
lies, in which the Irish always ran away, and left 
their officers ; so that many of their best officers 
were killed. Those within suffered little, but by 
hunger, which destroyed near two-thirds of their 
number. One convoy, with two regiments, and 
provisions, was sent to their relief: but they looked 
on the service as desperate, being deceived by Lun- 
dy, who was the governor of the place, and had 
undertaken to betray it to king James ; but he find- 
ing them jealous of him, came to the convoy, and 
persuaded them that nothing could be done : so , 
they came back, and Lundy with them. Yet the 
poor inhabitants, though thus forsaken, resolved still 
to hold out ; and sent over such an account of the 
state they were in, that a second and greater con- 
voy was sent, with about 5000 men, commanded by 
Kirk, who, after he came in sight, made not that 
haste to relieve them that was necessary^ consider- 

VOL. IV. D 



m THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1689. ing the misery they were in. They had a river 
that came up to their town: but the Irish had 
laid a bomb and chains cross it, and had planted 
batteries for defending it. Yet a ship sailing up 
with wind and tide broke through : and so the town 
Was at last was relieved, and the siege raised in great confu- 
sion ^. 

IniskiUin had the same fate : the inhabitants en- 
tered into resolutions of suffering any thing, rather 
than fall into the hands of the Irish : a considerable 
force was sent against them : but through their 
courage, and the cowardice of the Irish, they held 
out. 

All this while, an army was preparing in Eng- 
land, to be sent over for the reduction of Ireland, 
uyke commanded by Schomberg, who was made a duke 
Schomberg jj^ England, and to whom the parUament gave 

with an ar- O ' ^ o 

my went to 100,000 pounds for the services he had done y. The 

Ireland. , • 1 • -rr 

levies were carried on m England with great zeal : 
and the bodies were quickly full. But though both 
officers and soldiers shewed much courage and affec- 
tion to the service ; yet they were raw, without ex- 
perience, and without skill. Schomberg had a quick 
20 and happy passage; with about 10,000 men. He 



* (Not a word does the bi- of it ; but the public paid it a 

shop afford to the great services second time to the duke's heirs, 

of Mr. Walker, rector of Do- in the reign of king George the 

noughmore, who had raised a first : and some of his Hanover 

regiment of his own, and who ministers had the modesty to 

saved the town after being propose a like gratuity for them, 

elected governor by the brave though no mortal could tell 

inhabitants.) what their merit was, and 

>■ Which king William took thought it very hard that no- 
lo bis own use, and allowed body but themselves could be 
duke Schomberg four thousand brought to think it reasonable, 
pounds a year pension in lieu D. 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 35 

landed at Belfast, and brought the forces that lay 1689. 
in Ulster together. His army, when strongest, was 
not above 14,000 men'^; and he had not above 
2000 horse. He marched on to Dundalk; and 
there posted himself. King James came to Ardee, 
within five or six miles of him, being above thrice 
his number. Schomberg had not the supplies from 
England that had been promised him : much trea- 
chery or ravenousness appeared in many who were 
employed. And he finding his numbers so unequal 
to the Irish, resolved to lie on the defensive. He 
lay there six weeks in a very rainy season. His 
men, for want of due care and good management, 
contracted such diseases, that he lost almost the one 
half of his army. Some blamed him for not putting 
things more to hazard : it was said, that he mea- 
sured the Irish by their numbers, and not by their 
want of sense and courage. Such complaints were 
sent of this to the king, that he wrote twice to him, 
pressing him to put somewhat to the venture : but 
he saw the enemy was well posted, and well pro- 
vided : and he knew they had several good officers 
among them. If he had pushed matters, and had 
met with a misfortune, his whole army, and conse- 
quently all Ireland, would have been lost : for he 
could not have made a regular retreat. The sure 
game was to preserve his army : and that would 
«ave Ulster, and keep matters entire for another 
year. Tliis was censured by some ; but better judges 
thought, the managing this campaign as he did, was 
one of the gi-eatest parts of his life. The Irish made 
some poor attempts to beat up his quarters: but 

' (Ralph assigns reasons for computation. See vol. ii. of his 
doubting the accuracy of this History, p. 150.) 

D 2 



66 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1689. even where they surprised his men, and were much 



sea. 



"superior in number, they were so shamefully beat 
back, that this increased the contempt the English 
naturally had for them. In the end of October, all 
went into winter quarters. 
Affairs at Q^j. operations on the sea were not very prosper- 
ous. Herbert was sent with a fleet to cut off the 
communication between France and Ireland. The 
French had sent over a fleet, with a great transport 
of stores and ammunition. They had landed their 
loading, and were returning back. As they came 
out of Bantry bay, Herbert engaged them. The 
wind was against him : so that it was not possible 
for the greatest part of the fleet to come up, and 
enter into action : and so those who engaged were 
forced to retire with some disadvantage. But the 
French did not pursue him *. He came back to 
Portsmouth, in order to refit some of his ships ; 'and 
went out again, and lay before Brest tiU the end 
of summer. But the French fleet did not come 
21 out any more all that summer : so that ours lay 
some months at sea to no purpose. But, if we lost 
few of our seamen in the engagement, we lost a 
great many by reason of the bad victualling. Some 
excused this, because it was so late in the year be- 



■ (" When king James was at Higgons's Short Flew of Eng- 

" Dublin, the French ambassa- lish History, p. 322, 2d edit. 

" dor, the count Devaux, (D'A- This reminds us of his speech 

" vaux,) came transported to during the battle of La Hogue, 

" tell him the news, that his when, on the English sailors 

" master's fleet had defeated climbing up the sides of the 

" the English in Bantry bay ; ships of his French allies, he 

" instead of being pleased, he said, to the great offence of the 

" let fall the air of his counte- latter, " None but my brave 

" nance, and coldly answered, " English could have done 



It is then the first time.' " " this.") 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 37 

fore funds were made for it: while others imputed iQsg. 
it to base practices and worse designs. So affairs 
had every where a very melancholy face. 

I now turn to give an account of the proceedings AflFairs in 

, ScotJaud. 

m Scotland. A convention of the states was sum- 
moned there, in the same manner as in England. 
Duke Hamilton was chosen president. And, a let- 
ter being offered to them from king James, by Lind- 
say, they would not receive nor read it ^ : but went 
on to state the several violations of their constitu- 
tion and laws, made by king James. Upon these it 
was moved, that a judgment should be given, de- 
claring, that he had forfeited his right to the crown. 
Upon this, three parties were formed: one was 
composed of all the bishops, and some of the nobi- 
lity, who opposed these proceedings against the Debates in 

, , the conven- 

kmg, as contrary to then* laws and oaths : others tion. 
thought, that their oaths were only to the king, as 
having the executive power, to support him in that ; 
but that, if he set himself to invade and assume the 
legislature, he renounced his former authority by 
subverting that upon which it was founded : so they 
were for proceeding to a declaratory judgment : a 
third party was formed, of those who agreed with 
the former in their conclusion : but not in coming 
to so speedy a determination. They thought, it was 

'' (" It is somewhat strange, " ed the contrary from the very 

" that lord Balcarras, in his Ac- " gazette." Ralph's Hist, of 

" count, &c. makes no mention England, vol. ii. p. 91. He 

" of this letter ; and stranger, goes on to state, that all the 

" that bishop Biirnet should bishops, except the archbishop 

" not only affirm it was deli- of Glasgow and the bishop of 

" vered by Lindsay, instead of Edinburgh, had left the house 

" Crane, but that the conven- before the plan of a new settle- 

" tion would not receive or read ment came to be discussed, 

" it, when he might have learn- p. 94.) 

d3 



Jte THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1689. the interest of Scotland to be brought under the 
laws of England, and to be united to the parliament 
of England ; and that this was the properest time 
for doing that to the best advantage ; since England 
would be obliged, by the present state of affairs, 
to receive them upon good terms. They were 
therefore willing to proceed against king James : 
but they thought it not reasonable to make too 
much haste in a new settlement ; and were for 
maintaining the government, in an interregnum, till 
the union should be perfected, or at least put in a 
probable way. This was specious, and many went 
into it : but, since it tended to the putting a stop 
to a fuU settlement, aU that favoured king James 
joined in it : for by this more time was gained. To 
this project it was objected, that the union of the 
two kingdoms must be a work of time ; since many 
difficulties would arise in any treaty about it : where- 
as the present circumstances were critical, and re- 
quired a speedy decision, and quick provision to be 
22 made for their security ; since, if they continued in 
such a neutral state, they would have many enemies 
and no friends : and the zeal that was now working 
among them for presbytery must raise a greater 
aversion than ordinary, in the body that was for the 
church of England, to any such treaty with them. 

While much heat was occasioned by this debate, 
great numbers came armed from the western coun- 
ties, on pretence to defend the convention : for 
the duke of Gordon was still in the castle of Edin- 
burgh, and could have done them much harm, 
though he lay there in a very inoffensive state. He 
thought the best thing he could do was to preserve 
that place long for king James: since to provoke 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 39 

the convention would have dravi^n a siege and ruin 16S9. 
upon him, with too much precipitation, while there 
was not a force in the field ready to come and assist 
him. So it was said, there was no need of such 
armed companies, and that they were come to over- 
awe and force the convention. 

The earl of Dundee had been at London, and ^ "*'°g ^e- 

1 1 /» 1 signed 

had fixed a correspondence both with England and there. 
France : though he had employed me to carry 
messages from him to the king, to know what 
security he might expect, if he should go and live 
in Scotland without owning his government. The 
king said, if he would live peaceably, and at home, 
he would protect him : to this he answered, that, 
unless he were forced to it, he would live quiet- 
ly. But he went down with other resolutions ; 
and all the party resolved to submit to his com- 
mand. Upon his coming to Edinburgh, he pre- 
tended he was in danger from those armed multi- 
tudes : and so he left the convention ; and went up 
«nd down the Highlands, and sent his agents about, 
to bring together what force they could gather. 
This set on the conclusion of the debates of the 
convention. 

They passed the judgment of forfeiture on king King Jame* 
James. And on the 11th of April, the day in which There." ^^ 
the king and queen were crowned, with the ordinary 
solemnities at Westminster, they declared William 
and Mary king and queen of Scotland. But with this, 
as they ordered the coronation-oath to be tendered to 
them, so they drew up a claim of rights, which they 
pretended were the fundamental and unalterable laws 
of the kingdom. By one of these it was declared, 
that the reformation in Scotland, having been begun 

D 4 



40 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1689. by a parity among the clergy, all prelacy in that 

' church was a great and insupportable grievance to 

that kingdom. It was an absurd thing to put this 

in a claim of rights ; for which not only they had 

no law, but which was contrary to many laws then 

23 in being : so that, though they might have offered 

it as a grievance, there was no colour for pretending 

it was a national right. But they had a notion 

among them, that every article, that should be put 

in the claim of rights, became an unalterable law. 

They pass a and a couditiou upon which the crown was to be 

claim of , 1 i • 

rights. held : whereas grievances were such things, as were 
submitted to the king and parliament to be re- 
dressed, or not, as they should see cause : but the 
bishops, and those who adhered to them, having left 
the convention, the presbyterians had a majority of 
voices to carry every thing as they pleased, how un- 
reasonable soever. And upon this, the abolishing 
episcopacy in Scotland was made a necessary arti- 
cle of the new settlement. >i 

Episcopacy Soou after the king came to St. James's, the epi- 

by this was ■,■,-, 11 n r^M 

abolished, scopal party there had sent up the dean oi (jlasgow, 
whom they ordered to come to me : and I intro- 
duced him to the then prince. He was sent to 
know what his intentions were with relation to 
them. He answered, he would do all he could to 
preserve them, gi'anting a full toleration to the pres- 
byterians : but this was, in case" they concurred in 
the new settlement of that kingdom : for if they 
opposed that, and if, by a great majority in parlia- 
ment, resolutions should be taken against them, the 
king could not make a war for them : but yet he 
would do all that was in his power to maintain 
such of them as should live peaceably in their func- 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 41 

tions. This he ordered me likewise to write back, 1689. 
in answer to what some bishops and others had writ 
to me upon that subject. But the earl of Dundee, 
when he went down, possessed them with such an 
opinion of another speedy revolution, that would be 
brought about in favour of king James, that they 
resolved to adhere firmly to his interests '^ : so, they 
declaring in a body, with so much zeal, in opposi- 
tion to the new settlement, it was not possible for 
the king to preserve that government there: all 
those who expressed their zeal for him being equallyf 
zealous against that order. st 

Among those who appeared in this convention; 
none distinguished himself more than sir James 
Montgomery, a gentleman of good parts, but of a 
most unbridled heat, and of a restless ambition : he 
bore the greatest share in the whole debate, and 
promised himself a great post in the new govern- 
ment. Duke Hamilton presided with great discre- 
tion and courage : so that the bringing the settle- 
ment so soon to a calm conclusion was chiefly owing 
to him. A petition of grievances, relating to the 
lords of the articles, the judges, the coin, and several 24 
other matters, was also settled : and three commis- 
sioners were sent, one from every state, to the king 
and queen, with the tender of the crown, with which 

*^ (To William's proposals of consistent and pertinent enough 

supporting episcopacy, in case at the time, but gave no pro- 

the bishops of Scotland would spect of either his own or his 

serve his interests, which were brethren's willingness to com- 

made to Rose bishop of Edin- ply with these terms, whatever 

burgh through bishop Comp- should be the consequence. The 

ton of London, the former re- English bishop commended his 

turned such an answer, says openness and candour. Skin- 

Skinner, in his Ecclesiastical ner, vol. ii. p. 523.) 
Ubtory of Scotland, as was 



48 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1689. they were also to tender them the coronation-oath 
""""""' and the claim of rights : and when the oath was 
taken, they were next to offer the petition for the 
redress of grievances^. The three commissioners 
were, the earl of Argyle for the lords, sir James 
Montgomery for the knights, or, as they call them, 
for the barons, and sir John Dalrymple for the bo- 
roughs. When the king and queen took the oaths, 
the king explained one word in the oath, by which 
he was bound to repress heresies, that he did not 
by this bind himself to persecute any for their con- 
science. And now he was king of Scotland, as well 
as of England and Ireland. 
A ministry The first thing to be done was to form a ministry 

ia Scotland. . . 

in Scotland, and a council ; and to send mstructions 
for turning the convention into a parliament, in 
which the duke of Hamilton was to represent the 
king, as his commissioner. Before the king had left 
the Hague, Fagel had so effectually recommended 
Dalrymple, the father, to him, that he was resolved 
to rely chiefly on him for advice. And, though he 
had heard great complaints of him, as indeed there 
Was some ground for them, yet, since his son was 
sent one of the three, upon so great a deputation, 
he concluded from thence that the family was not 

** ("It appears, by the ga- " had presented the several pa- 

" zette, that the bishop has in- " pers they were charged with : 

" verted the order of proceed- " and if his majesty had not 

" ing for the sake of the infer- " understood those claims to 

" ence, that the king was under " be conditions, he would cer- 

" no obligation to comply with " tainly have signified as much, 

" their claims, for therein we " with the same freedom, that 

" are expressly informed, that " he excepted to the clause in 

" the coronation-oath was ten- " the oath, in relation to the 

" dered to their majesties after " rooting out of heresy." Uo/p/t's 

"the Sootish commissioners Hist, of England, vol.ii. p. 100.) 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 43 

so much hated as he had been informed: so he 1689. 
continued still to be advised by him. The episcopal 
party were afraid of Montgomery's being made se- 
cretary, from whom they expected nothing but ex- 
treme severities : so they set themselves to divert 
that, and the lord Melvil, who had married the 
duchess of Monmouth's sister, and had continued 
from 1660 firm to presbytery, and had been of late 
forced to leave the kingdom, was looked on as an 
easy man, who would have credit enough to restrain 
the fury of that party. So he was made sole secre- 
tary of state ; which proved a very unhappy step : 
for, as he was by his principle bigoted to presby- 
tery, and ready to sacrifice every thing to their hu- 
mours, so he proved to be in all respects a narrow 
hearted man, who minded his own interest more 
than either that of the king or of his country. This 
choice gave a great distaste : and that was followed 
by a ministry, in the framing of which he had the 
chief hand; who were weak and passionate men. 
All offices were split into commissions, that many 
might have some share : but it rendered them all 
contemptible : and, though Montgomery had a con- 
siderable post offered him, yet his missing that he 
aimed at stuck deep, and began to work in him an 25 
aversion to the king, which broke out afterwards 
into much fury and plotting against him. Nor did 
duke Hamilton think that he was considered, in 
the new model of the ministry, as he deserved, and 
might justly have expected. 

The parliament there was opened with much ill a faction 
humour : and they resolved to carry the redress of ^"^"^JJ^J^j 
grievances very far. Lord MelviU hoped to have 
gained the presbyterian party, by sending instruc- 



44 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1689. tions to duke Hamilton, to open the session with an 
act in favour of presbytery: but the majority re- 
solved to begin with their temporal concerns. So 
the first grievance, to which a redress was desired, 
was the power of the lords of the articles ; that re- 
lating so immediately to the parliament itself. The 
king consented to a proper regulation, as, that the 
number should be enlarged and changed as often as 
the parliament should desire it, and that the parlia- 
ment might bring matters before them, though they 
were rejected by the lords of the articles. This an- 
swered all the just complaints that had been made 
of that part of the constitution : but the king thought 
it was the interest of the crown to preserve it thus 
regulated : yet it was pretended, that, if the name 
and shadow of that were still kept up, the parlia- 
ment would in some time be insensibly brought 
under all those restraints that were now to be pro- 
vided against. So they moved to take it quite away. 
Duke Hamilton writ long letters, both to the king 
and to the lord Melvill, giving a fuU account of the 
progress of an ill humour that was got among them, 
and of the ill consequence it was like to have : but 
he had no answer fi'om the king: and lord Mel- 
vill writ him back dark and doubtful orders : so he 
took little care how matters went, and was not ill 
pleased to see them go wrong. The revenue was 
settled on the king for life : and they raised the 
mon^ which was necessary for maintaining a small 
force in that kingdom, though the greatest part 
of an army of 6OOO men was paid by England. 
But even the presbyterians began to carry their de- 
mands high ; they proposed to have the king's su- 
premacy and the right of patronage taken away : 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 45 

and they asked so high an authority to their govern- 1689. 
ment, that duke Hamilton, though of himself indif- 
f<?rent as to those matters, yet would not agree to 
them. He thought these broke in too much on 
their temporal concerns ; and would establish a ty- 
ranny in presbytery, that could not be easily borne. 
He writ to me very fully on that head, and I took 
the liberty to speak sometimes to the king on those 
subjects ; my design being chiefly to shelter the 
episcopal clergy, and to keep the change, that was 26 
now to be made, on such a foot, that a door might 
still be kept open : but lord Melvill had possessed 
the king with a notion, that it was necessary for his 
service, that tlie presbyterians should know, that I 
did not at all meddle in those matters, otherwise 
they would take up a jealousy of every thing that 
was done ; and that this might make them carry 
their demands much further: so I was shut out 
from all meddling in those matters : and yet I was 
then, and still continue to be, much loaded with this 
prejudice, that I did not study to hinder those 
changes that were then made in Scotland. And all 
the king's enemies in England continued still to 
charge him for the alterations then made in Scot- 
land ; though it was not possible, had he been ever 
so zealous for episcopacy, to have preserved it at 
that time : and I could do no more than I did, both 
for the order itself, and for all those who adhered to 
it there. A new debate was set on foot in that par- 
liament, concerning the judges. By the law there, 
when the king names a judge, he ought to be exa- 
mined by other judges, whether he is qualified as 
the law directs : but, in the year 1661, because the 
bench was to be filled with a new set of judges, so 



4» THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1669. that there was none to examine the rest, the nomi- 
nation the king then made was read in parliament: 
and, no objection being made to any of them, they 
did upon that sit and act as judges. It was ex- 
pected that the same method should be followed at 
this time. But instead of that, the king continued 
such a number of the former judges as was sufficient 
to examine those who were now to be advanced : so 
that was ordered to be done. Upon this, those who 
ij' opposed every thing pretended, that the nomination 
ought to be made in parliaments^: and they had pre- 
pared objections against every one that was upon 
the list ; intending by this to put a public affront on 
one of the first and most important actions of the 
king's government. Duke Hamilton had a positive 
instruction sent him, not to suffer this matter to be 
brought into parliament : yet he saw the party was 
so set, and so strong, that they had a clear majority: 
nor did he himself very much approve of the nomi- 
nation, chiefly that of old Dalrymple, soon after 
made lord Stair, to be president. So he disconti- 
nued the parliament. 
A rising in g^t, whilc thosc auimositics were thus fomented, 

Scotland. ' ^ ' 

the earl of Dundee had got together a considerable 
body of gentlemen, with some thousands of High- 
landers. He sent several messengers over to Ireland, 
pressing king James to come, either to the north of 
27 England or to Scotland. But, at the same time, he 

* ("As to the insinuation, ^^ ceedings of Parliament Vindi- 

" that the right they claimed, " cated, p. 38, 39,) and mani- 

" to have the judges nominated " fested beyond contradiction, 

" in parliament, was but a pre- " that the claim they made was 

" tence, the bishop might have '* founded on law and reason." 

" known, that they made their Ralph's Hist, of England, vol. Vi. 

*• appeal to the public, (Pro- p. 103.) ' 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 47 

desired, that he would not bring the lord Melfort 1689. 
over with him, or employ him more in Scotch busi- 
ness ; and that he would be contented with the ex- 
ercise of his own religion. It may be easily sup- 
posed, that all this went against the grain with king 
James ; and that the lord Melfort disparaged all the 
earl of Dundee's undertakings. In this he was much 
supported by the French near that king, who had it 
given them in charge (as a main instruction) to 
keep him up to a high owning of his religion, and 
of all those who were of it ; and not to suffer him 
to enter into any treaty or conditions with his 
protestant subjects, by which the papists should in 
any sort suffer, or be so much as discouraged. The 
Irish were willing enough to cross the seas to Eng- 
land, but would not consent to the going over to 
Scotland. So the earl of Dundee was furnished with 
some small store of arms and ammunition, and had 
kind promises, encouraging him and all that joined 
with him. 

Mackay, a general officer, that had served long in 
Holland with great reputation, and who was the 
piousest man I ever knew, in a military way, was 
sent down to command the army in Scotland. He 
was one of the best officers of the age, when he had 
nothing to do but to obey and execute orders ; for 
he was both diligent, obliging, and brave : but he 
was not so fitted for command. His piety made him 
too apt to mistrust his own sense, and to be too ten- 
der, or rather fearful, in any thing, where there 
might be a needless effusion of blood. He followed 
the earl of Dundee's motions, who was less encum- 
bered with cannon and other baggage, and so 
marched quicker than it was possible for him to fol- 



m 



THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



1689. low: his men were for the most part new-levied, 
and without experience ; but he had some old bo- 
dies, on whom he depended. The heads of the 
clans among the Highlanders promised to join him : 
but most of them went to the earl of Dundee. At 
last, after many marches and motions, they came to 
an engagement at Gillicranky, some few miles above 
Dunkell: the ground was narrow: and lord Dundee 
had the advantage : he broke through Mackay's 
army, and they ran for it : and probably, if the earl 
of Dundee had outhved that day, the victory might 
have been pursued far : but a random shot put an 
end to his hfe and to the whole design ^' for Mackay 



^ ("The next day after the ac- 
' tion of Killikrankie, an officer 
of king James's riding by the 
place where lord Dundee fell, 
saw lying there a bundle of 
papers and commissions, 
which those who stript his 
body had left unregarded, as 
things of no value : these he 
took up, and finding tiiem 
all to he of moment, com- 
municaled them to several of 
his friends. Among them was. 
a letter from lord Melfort to 
lord Dundee, which accom- 
panied a declaration of king 
James's, containing not only 
an offer of indemnity to all 
such as returned to their duty, 
but of toleration to all per- 
suasions. Now this declara- 
tion, the first of these lords 
had advised and prepared, 
purposely to bridle the rage 
of the last against the fa- 
natics : and the letter, we 
are told, was calculated to 
sweeten that bitter pill to 
him ; for it imported, * that 



" notwithstanding the seeming 
" promises of indulgence and 
" indemnity in the declaration, 
" he had so worded them, that 
" king James might break 
" through them when he pleas- 
" ed : and that his majesty might 
" not think himself obliged to 
" stand to them.' It is fit to 
" point out to posterity, that 
" this passage is taken from the 
" account of Scotish affairs 
" which lord Belcarras himself 
" thought fit to lay before that 
" unfortunate prince ; and that 
" his lordship observes upon it, 
" that it not only dissatisfied 
" Dundee, but many of his ma- 
" jesty's friends, who thought 
" a more ingenuouswayof deal- 
" ing would have been more 
" agreeable to his honour and 
" his interest : that it did no 
" small prejudice to his affairs : 
" and that it would have done 
" more, if it had not been care- 
" fully suppressed," Ralph's 
Hist. vol. ii. p. 109. Compare 
Balearras, p. 72, edit. 1754.) 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 49 

rallied his men, and made such a stand, that tlie 1689. 



other side fell into great disorder, and could never 
be formed again into a considerable body : a fort 
was soon after built at Innerlocky, which was called 
Fort William, and served to c«t off the communi- 
cation between the northern and southern High- 
landers. 

During all these public disorders, that happened 28 
in so many different places, the trade suffered con- 
siderably : for the French, not setting out a fleet 
any more, sent out so many cruisers and privateers 
into our seas, that England thereby suffered great 
losses : there not being at that time a sufficient num- 
ber of frigates t(| convoy and secure the merchant- ' 
men. We seemed to be masters at sea, and yet were 
great losers there. 

Affairs went much better on the Rhine. The im- Foreign 
perial army, commanded by the duke of Lorrain, 
took Mentz, which the French had entered, after 
they took Philipsburg : the siege was slow and long, 
but prosperous in its conclusion : and by this means 
Franconia, which before lay exposed, was now co- 
vered. The elector of Brandenburg came down with 
an army, and cleared the archbishopric of Colognj 
which was before possessed by French garrisons. 
Keizerwart and Bonne held him some time : but the 
rest were soon taken. So now the Rhine was open 
all up to Mentz. Nothing passed in Flanders, where 
prince Waldeck commanded : and the campaign 
ended without any misfortunes on that side. 

I now return to the affairs of England during a jeaidusy 
the recess. The clergy generally took the oaths, spread a-"^ 
though with too many reservations and distinctions, E^gi^,!," 
which laid them open to severe censures, as if they *^'"^''sy" 

VOL. IV. E 



50 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1689. had taken them against their conscience. The king 



was suspected by them, by reason of the favour 
shewed to dissenters, but chiefly for his abolishing 
episcopacy in Scotland, and his consenting to the 
setting up presbytery there. This gave some credit 
to the reports, that were with great industry in- 
fused into many of them, of the king's coldness at 
best, if not his aversion, to the church of England. 
The leading men in both universities, chiefly Ox- 
ford, were possessed with this ; and it began to have 
very ill effects over all England. Those who did not 
carry this so far as to think, as some said they did, 
that the church was to be pulled down ; yet said, 
a latitudinarian party was like to prevail, and to en- 
gross all preferments. These were thought less bi- 
goted to outward ceremonies : so now it was gene- 
rally spread about, that men zealous for the church 
would be neglected, and that those who were more 
indifferent in such matters would be preferred. 
Many of the latter had managed the controversies 
with the church of Rome with so much clearness, 
and with that success, that the papists, to revenge 
themselves, and to blast those whom they consi- 
dered as their most formidable enemies, had cast 
aspersions on them as Socinians, and as men that 
denied all mysteries. And now, some angry men at 
29 Oxford, who apprehended that those divines were 
likely to be most considered in this reign, took up 
the same method of calumny ; and began to treat 
them as Socinians. The earl of Clarendon, and 
some of the bishops, who had already incurred the 
suspension, for not taking the oaths to the govern- 
ment, took much ill-natured pains to spread these 
slanders. Six bishoprics happened to fall within this 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 61 

year : Salisbury, Chester, Bangor, Worcester, Chi- 1689. 
Chester, and Bristol : so that the king named six bi- 
shops within six months. And the persons promoted 
to these sees were, generally, men of those princi- 
ples. The proceedings in Scotland cast a great load 
on the king : he could not hinder the change of the 
government of that church, without putting all his 
affairs in great disorder. The episcopal party went 
almost universally into king James's interests : so 
that the presbyterians were the only party that the 
king had in that kingdom. The king did indeed as- 
sure us, and my self in particular, that he would re- 
strain and moderate the violence of the presbyte- 
rians. Lord Melvill did also promise the same thing 
very solemnly : and at first he seemed much set upon 
it. But when he saw so great a party formed against 
himself; and since many of the presbyterians in- 
clined to favour them, and to set themselves in an 
opposition to the court, he thought it was the king's 
interest, or at least his own, to engage that party 
entirely : and he found nothing could do that so ef- 
fectually, as to abandon the ministers of the episcopal 
persuasion to their *fury. He set up the earl of 
Crawford, as the head of his party ; who was pas- 
sionate in his temper, and was out of measure zea- 
lous in his principles : he was chosen to be the pre- 
sident of the parliament. He received and encou- 
raged all the complaints that were made of the epi- 
scopal ministers : the convention, when they passed 
the votes, declaring the king and queen, ordered a 
proclamation to be read the next Sunday in all the 
churches of Edinburgh; and in all the other churches 
in the kingdom by a certain prefixed day ; but which 
was so near at hand, that it was scarce possible to 

E 2 



52 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1689. lay proclamations, all round the nation, within the 
time ; and it was absolutely impossible for the clergy 
to meet together, and come to any resolution among 
themselves: for the most part, the proclamations 
were not brought to the ministers till the morning 
of the Sunday, in which they were ordered to be 
read ; so, this having the face of a great change of 
principles, many could not on the sudden resolve to 
submit to it: some had not the proclamations brought 
to them till the day was past ; many of these read 
30 it the Sunday following. Some of those who did not 
think fit to read the proclamation, yet obeyed it ; 
and continued, after that, to pray for the king and 
queen. Complaints were brought to the council of 
aU those who had not read nor obeyed the procla- 
mation ; and they were in a summary way deprived 
of their benefices. In the executing this, lord Craw- 
ford shewed much eagerness and violence. Those 
who did not read the proclamation on the day ap- 
pointed had no favour, though they did it after- 
wards. And upon any word that fell from them, 
either in their extemporary prayers or sermons, that 
shewed disaffection to the government, they were 
also deprived : all these things were published up 
and down England, and much aggravated : and 
raised the aversion that the friends of the church had 
to the presbyterians so high, that they began to re- 
pent their having granted a toleration to a party, 
that, where they prevailed, shewed so much fury 
against those of the episcopal persuasion. So that 
such of us, as had laboured to excuse the change, 
that the king was forced to consent to, and had pro- 
mised, in his name, great moderation towards our 
friends in that kingdom, were much out of coun- 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 53 

tenance, when we saw the violence with which mat- 1689. 
ters were carried there. These things concurred to 
give the clergy such ill impressions of the king, that 
we had Uttle reason to look for success, in a design 
that was then preparing for the convocation, for 
whom a summons was issued out to meet, during 
the next session of parliament. 

It was told, in the history of the former reign, a compre- 
that the clergy did then express an inclination, to deavoured. 
come to a temper with relation to the presbyterians, 
and such other dissenters as could be brought into 
a comprehension with the church : the bishops had 
mentioned it in the petition to king James, for which 
they were tried ; and his present majesty had pro- 
mised, to endeavour an union between the church 
and the dissenters, in that declaration, that he 
brought over with him : but it seemed necessary to 
prepare and digest that matter carefully, before it 
should be offered to the convocation. Things of 
such a nature ought to be judged of by a large 
number of men ; but must be prepared by a smaller 
number well chosen : yet it was thought a due re- 
spect to the church, to leave the matter wholly in 
the hands of the clergy. So, by a special commis- 
sion under the great seal, ten bishops and twenty 
divines were empowered to meet, and prepare such 
alterations, in the book of common-prayer and ca- 
nons, as might be fit to lay before the convocation ^. 

8 I never heard of but one .Tames's reign, during which we 

reasonable objection to any part were obliged to call hiin our 

of the liturgy, which is, thank- most religious and gracious 

ing God for the king's being prince, and to desire that God 

whatwe ought to pray he should would continue him in the true 

be ; the absurdity of which ap- worship of him, when he went 

peared very plainly in king publickly to mass, and was 

E 3 



54 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1689. This was become necessary, since by the submission, 
which the clergy in convocation made to king Henry 
31 VIII, which was confirmed in parliament, they 
bound themselves not to attempt any new canons, 
without obtaining the king's leave first, and that 
under the pains of a. premunire. It was looked on 
therefore, as the properest way, to obtain the king's 
leave, to have a scheme of the whole matter put in 
order, by a number of bishops and divines : great 
care was taken to name these so impartially, that no 
exceptions could lie against any of them : they, upon 
this, sat closely to it for several weeks : they had 
before them aU the exceptions, that either the pu- 
ritans before the war, or the nonconformists since 
the restoration, had made to any part of the church- 
service : they had also many propositions and ad- 
vices that had been offered, at several times, by many 
of our bishops and divines, upon those heads : mat- 
ters were well considered, and freely and calmly de- 
bated : and all was digested into an entire correc- 
tion of every thing, that seemed liable to any just ob- 
jection : we had some very rigid, as weU as very 
learned men among us ; though the most rigid 
either never came to our meetings, or they soon 
withdrew from us, declaring themselves dissatisfied 
with every thing of that nature ; some telling us 
plainly, that they were against all alterations what- 
soever. They thought too much was already done 
for the dissenters, in the toleration that was granted 
them ; but that they would do nothing to make that 



overturning all the laws and li- same principle of flattery, by 

berties of the kingdom : but which it was first put in, and 

the bishoj) and iiis companions will always remain. D. 
took no notice of that from the 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 55 

still easier. They said further, that the altering the 1689. 
customs and constitution of our church, to gratify 
a peevish and obstinate party, was like to have no 
other effect on them, but to make them more inso- 
lent; as if the church, by offering these alterations, 
seemed to confess that she had been hitherto in the 
wrong. Th^y thought, this attempt would divide us 
among ourselves, and make our people lose their 
esteem for the Hturgy, if it appeared that it wanted 
correction. They also excepted to the manner of 
preparing matters, by a special commission, as limit- 
ing the convocation, and imposing upon it : and to 
load this with a word of an ill sound, they called 
this a new ecclesiastical commission. But in answer 
to all this, it was said ; that, if by a few corrections 
or explanations, we offered all just satisfaction to 
the chief objections of the dissenters, we had reason 
to hope, that this would bring over many of them, 
at least of the people, if not of the teachers among 
them ; or, if the prejudices of education wrought 
too strongly upon the present age, yet, if some more 
sensible objections were put out of the way, we 
might well hope, that it would have a great effect 
on the next generation. If these condescensions 
were made so, as to own, in the way of offering 
them, that the nonconformists had been in the right, 
that might turn to the reproach of the church : but, 32 
such offers being made only in regard to their weak- 
ness, the reproach fell on them ; as the honour ac- 
crued to the church, who shewed herself a true mo- 
ther, by her care to preserve her children. It was 
not offered, that the ordinary posture, of receiving 
the sacrament kneeling, should be changed : that 
was still to be the received and favoured posture : 

E 4 



56 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1689. only such as declared they could not overcome their 
scruples in that matter, were to be admitted to it in 
another posture. Ritual matters were of their own 
nature indifferent, and had been always declared to 
be so : all the necessity of them arose only from the 
authority in church and state, that had enacted 
them. Therefore it was an unreasonable stiffness 
to deny any abatement or yielding in such matters, 
in order to the healing the wounds of our church. 
Great alterations had been made in such things, in 
all the ages of the church. Even the church of 
Rome was still making some alterations in her ri- 
tuals. And changes had been made among our- 
selves, often since the reformation, in king Edward, 
Queen Elizabeth, king James, and king Charles the 
second's reigns. These were always made upon 
some great turn : critical times being the most pro- 
per for designs of that kind. The toleration, now 
granted, seemed to render it more necessary than 
formerly, to make the terms of communion with 
the church as large as might be ; that so we might 
draw over to us the gi'eater number, from those who 
might now leave us more safely : and therefore we 
were to use the more care in order to gaining of 
them. And as for the manner of preparing these 
overtures the king's supremacy signified little, if he 
could not appoint a select number to consider of 
such matters, as he might think fit to lay before the 
convocation. This did no way break in upon their 
full freedom of debate ; it being free to thpm to re- 
ject, as well as to accept, of the propositions that 
should be offered to them. But, Avhile men were 
arguing this matter on both sides, the party that 
, was now at work for king James, took hold of this 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 67 

occasion to inflame men's minds. It was said, the 1689. 
church was to be pulled down, and presbytery was 
to be set up ; that all this now in debate was only 
intended to divide and distract the church, and to 
render it, by that means, both weaker and more ri- 
diculous, while it went off from its former grounds, 
in offering such concessions. The universities took 
fire upon this ; and began to declare against it, and 
against all that promoted it, as men that intended 
to undermine the church : severe reflections were 
cast on the king, as being in an interest contrary to 
the church : for the church was as the word given 33 
out by the Jacobite party, under which they thought 
they might more safely shelter themselves : great 
canvassings were every where, in the elections of 
convocation men ; a thing not known in former 
times : so that it was soon very visible, that we 
were not in a temper, cool or calm enough, to en- 
courage the further prosecuting such a design. 

When the convocation was opened, the king sent a convoc«- 

. , tion met, 

them a message by the earl of Nottmgham, assunng but would 
them of his constant favour and protection, and de- to u!*"' 
siring them to consider such things, as by his order 
should be laid before them, with due care, and an 
impartial zeal for the peace and good of the church. 
But the lower house of convocation expressed a re- 
solution not to enter into any debates with relation 
to alterations : so that they would take no notice of 
the second part of the king's message : and it was, 
not without difficulty, carried to make a decent ad- 
dress to the king, thanking him for his promise of 
protection. But because, in the draught which the 
bishops sent them, they acknowledged the protec- 
tion that the protcstant religion in general, and the 



tSA THi: HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1689. church of England in particular, had received from 
him, the lower house thought, that this imported 
their owning some common union with the foreign 
protestants : so they would not agree to it. There 
was at this time but a small number of bishops in 
the upper house of convocation : and they had not 
their metropolitan with them : so they had not 
strength nor authority to set things forward. There- 
fore they advised the king to suffer the session to 
be discontinued. And thus, seeing they were in no 
disposition to enter upon business, they were kept 
from doing mischief by prorogations, for a course of 
ten years. This was in reality a favour to them ; 
for, ever since the year 1662, the convocation had 
indeed continued to sit, but to do no business ; so 
that they were kept at no small charge in town to 
do nothing, but only to meet and read a Latin li- 
tany. It was therefore an ease to be freed from 
such an attendance to no purpose. The ill recep- 
tion that the clergy gave the king's message, raised 
a great and just outcry against them : since all the 
promises made in king James's time were now so 
entirely forgot. 

But there was a very happy direction of the pro- 
vidence of God observed in this matter. The Ja- 
cobite clergy, who were then under suspension, were 
designing to make a schism in the church, whenso- 
ever they should be turned out, and their places 
should be filled up by others. They saw, it would 
not be easy to make a separation upon a private 
34 and personal account ; they therefore wished to be 
furnished with more specious pretences : and, if 
we had made alterations in the Rubric, and other 
parts of the Common Prayer, they would have pre^ 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 59 

tended, that they still stuck to the ancient church 1669. 



of England, in opposition to those who were alter- 
ing it, and setting up new models : and, as I do 
firmly believe that there is a wise Providence, that 
watches upon human affairs, and directs them, 
chiefly those that relate to religion ; so I have with 
great pleasure observed this, in many instances re- 
lating to the revolution. And, upon this occasion, I 
could not but see, that the Jacobites among us, who 
wished and hoped that we should have made those 
alterations, which they reckoned would have been 
of great advantage for serving their ends, were the 
instruments of raising such a clamour against them, 
as prevented their being made. For by all the 
judgments we could afterwards make, if we had 
carried a majority in the convocation for -alterations, 
they would have done us more hurt than good. 

I now turn to a more important, as well as a a session of 

, , , T • J. • r. parliament. 

more troublesome scene. In wmter, a session 01 
parliament met, full of jealousy and ill humour. 
The ill conduct of affairs was imputed chiefly to the 
lord Halifax ; so the first attack was made on him. 
The duke of Bolton made a motion in the house of 
lords, for a committee to examine, who had the 
chief hand in the severities and executions in the 
end of king Charles's reign, and in the quo war- 
ranto's, and the delivering up the charters : the 
inquiry lasted some weeks, and gave occasion to 
much heat: but nothing appeared that could be 
proved, upon which votes or addresses could have 
been grounded : yet the lord Halifax having, during 
that time, concurred with the ministry in council ; 
he saw, it was necessary for him to withdraw now 
from the ministers, and quit the court. And soon 



60 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1689. after he reconciled himself to the tories, and became 
whoUy theirs : he opposed every thing that looked 
favourably towards the government, and did upon 
all occasions serve the Jacobites, and protect the 
whole party. But the whigs began to lose much of 
the king's good opinion, by the heat that they 
shewed in both houses against their enemies ; and 
by the coldness that appeared in every thing that 
related to the public, as well as to the king in his 
own particular. He expressed an earnest desire to 
have the revenue of the crown settled on him for 
life : he said he was not a king, till that was done ; 
without that, the title of a king was only a pageant. 
And he spoke of this with more than ordinary vehe- 
mence : so that sometimes he said, he would not 
35 stay, and hold an empty name, unless that was 
The king ^Jq^j^ . jjg g^j^ qj^^.^ ^q j^y ggjf |^g uudcrstood the 

grew jea- .' ' 

jousofthe good of a commonwcalth, as well as of a kingly go- 
vernment : and it was not easy to determine which 
was best : but he was sure, the worst of all govern- 
ments was, that of a king without treasure and 
without power. But a jealousy was now infused 
into many, that he would grow arbitrary in his go- 
vernment, if he once had the revenue ; and would 
strain for a high stretch of prerogative, as soon as* 
he was out of difficulties and necessities. Those of 
the whigs, who had lived some years at Amsterdam, 
had got together a great many stories, that went 
about the city, of his suUenness, and imperious way 
of dictating : the Scotch, who were now come up, 
to give an account of the proceedings in parliament, 
set about many things that heightened their appre- 
hensions. One Simpson, a Scotch presbyterian, was 
recommended to the earl of Portland, as a man 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 61 

whom he might trust ; who would bring him good 1 689. 
intelligence : so he was often admitted, and was en- 
tertained as a good spy : but he was in a secret con- 
fidence with one Nevill Payne, the most active and 
dexterous of all king James's agents, who had in- 
deed lost the reputation of an honest man entirely : 
and yet had such arts of management, that even 
those who knew what he was, were willing to em* 
ploy him. Simpson and he were in a close league 
together; and he discovered so much of their se- 
cretest intelligence to Simpson, that he might carry 
it to the earl of Portland, as made him pass for the 
best spy the court had. When he had gained great 
credit, he made use of it to infuse into the earl of 
Portland jealousies of the king's best friends ; and 
as the earl of Portland hearkened too attentively to 
these, so by other hands it was conveyed to some of 
them, that the court was now become jealous of 
them, and was seeking evidence against them. 

Sir James Montffomery was easily possessed with conspiracy 

, 1 T» against the 

these reports : and he and some others, by Payne s govem- 
management, fell a treating with king James's party 
in England : they demanded an assurance for the 
settlement of presbytery in Scotland, and to have 
the chief posts of the government shared among 
them : princes in exile are apt to gi'ant every thing 
that is asked of them ; for they know that, if they 
are restored, they will have every thing in their 
power : upon this, they entered into a close treaty, 
for the way of bringing all this about. At first they 
only asked money, for furnishing themselves with 
arms and ammunition ; but afterwards they insisted 
on demanding 3000 men, to be sent over from Dun- 
kirk because, by duke Schomberg's being posted in 36 



«a THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1689. Ulster, their communication with Ireland was cut 
off. In order to the carrying on this design, they 
reconciled themselves to the duke of Queensbury, 
and the other lords of the episcopal party ; and on 
both sides it was given out, that this union of those, 
who were formerly such violent enemies, was only 
to secure and strengthen their interest in parlia- 
ment : the episcopal party pretending, that since 
the king was not able to protect them, they, who 
saw themselves marked out for destruction, were to 
be excused for joining with those who could secure 
them. Simpson brought an account of all this to 
the earl of Portland, and was pressed by him to find 
out witnesses to prove it against Montgomery : he 
carried this to them, and told them, that the whole 
business was discovered, and that great rewards 
were offered to such as would merit them by swear- 
ing against them. With this they alarmed many of 
their party, who did not know what was at bottom, 
and thought that nothing was designed, but an op- 
position to lord Melvill and lord Stair ; and they were 
possessed with a fear, that a new bloody scene of 
sham plots and suborned witnesses was to be opened. 
And when it began to be whispered about, that they 
were in treaty with king James, that appeared to be 
so little credible, that it began to be said, by some 
discontented men. What could be expected from a 
government, that was so soon contriving the ruin of 
its best friends ? Some feared, that the king himself 
might too easily receive such reports ; and that the 
common practices of ministers, who study to make 
their masters believe, that all their own enemies are 
likewise his, were like to prevail in this reign, as 
much as they had formerly done. Montgomery came 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. G3 

to have great credit with some of the whigs in Eng- i68g. 
land, particularly with the earl of Monmouth and 
the duke of Bolton : and he employed it all, to per- 
suade them not to trust the king, and to animate 
them against the earl of Portland : this wrought so 
much, that many were disposed to think they could 
have good terms from king James : and, that he 
was now so convinced of former errors, that they 
might safely trust him. The earl of Monmouth let 
this out to my self twice ; but in a strain that looked 
like one who was afraid of it, and who endeavoured 
to prevent it : but he set forth the reasons for it 
with great advantage, and those against it very 
faintly ^. Matters were trusted to Montgomeiy and 
Payne ; and Ferguson was taken into it, as a man 
that naturally loved to embroil things. So, a de- 
sign was managed, first to alienate the city of Lon- 
don so entirely from the king, that no loans might 
be advanced on the money bills ; which, without 37 
credit upon them, could not answer the end for 
which they were given. It was set about, that 
king James would give a full indemnity for all that 
was past ; and that, for the future, he would sepa- 
rate himself entirely from the French interest, and 
be contented with a secret connivance at those of 
his own religion. It was said, he was weary of the 
insolence of the French court, and saw his error, in 



*" (Ralph esteems it unreason- vol. ii. p. rSj. The earl of 
able and iinjiust in the author Monmouth is b«tter known by 
to draw unfavourable inferences the title of earl of Peterboroutjh, 
from the intimacy of Montgo- to which he succeeded on the 
mery with the duke of Bolton death of his uncle; and was that 
and lord Monmouth, or the vicious eccentric nobleman, of 
private conversation of the lat- great military talents, who corn- 
ier. See History of England, manded afterwards in Spain.) 



<MI THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1689. trusting to it so much as he had done. This cor- 
rupted party had gone so far, that they seemed to 
fancy, that the restoring him would be not only 
safe, but happy to the nation. I confess, it was 
long before I could let my self think that the mat- 
ter was gone so far ; but I was at last convinced of 
it. 
Discovered I reccived a letter from an unknown hand, with 
thor. a direction how to answer it : the substance of it 
was, that he could discover a plot, deeply laid against 
the king, if he might be assured not to be made a 
witness ; and to have his friends, who were in it, 
pardoned : by the king's order, I promised the first ; 
but an indefinite promise of pardon was too much to 
ask : he might, as to that, trust to the king's mercy. 
Upon this he came to me, and I found he was 
Montgomery's brother : he told me a treaty was set- 
tled with king James ; articles were agreed on : and 
an invitation was subscribed, by the whole cabal, to 
king James to come over ; which was to be sent to 
the court of France ; both because the communica- 
tion was easier, and less watched, when it went 
through Flanders, than with Ireland ; and, to let 
the court see how strong a party he had, and by 
that means to obtain the supplies and force that was 
desired. He said he saw the writing, and some 
hands to it ; but he knew many more were to sign 
it; and he undertook to put me in a method to 
seize on the original paper. The king cr)uld not 
easily believe the matter had gone so far ; yet he 
ordered the earl of Shrewsbury to receive such ad- 
vices as I should bring him, and immediately to do 
what was proper : so a few days after this, Mont- 
gomery told me, one Williamson was that day gone 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 65 

to Dover, with the original invitation : I found the 1689. 
earl of Shrewsbury inclined enough to suspect Wil- 
liamson. He had for some days solicited a pass for 
Flanders, and had got some persons, of whom it was 
not proper to shew a suspicion, to answer for him. 
So one was sent post after him, with orders to seize 
him in his bed, and to take his clothes and portman- 
teau from him, which were strictly examined ; but 
nothing was found : yet, upon the news of this, the 
party was gi-ievously affrighted : but soon recovered 
themselves : the true secret of which was afterwards 38 
discovered. Simpson was (it seems) to go over with 
Williamson ; but first to ride to some houses that 
were in the way to Dover ; whereas the other went 
directly in the stage coach. It was thought safest 
for Simpson to cany these papers ; for there were 
many different invitations, as they would not trust 
their hands to one common paper : Simpson came 
to the house at Dover, where Williamson was in the 
messenger's hands : thereupon he went away imme- 
diately to Deal, and hired a boat, and got safe to 
France with his letters. Montgomery, finding that 
nothing was discovered by the way which he had 
directed me to, upon that fancied he would be de- 
spised by us, and perhaps suspected by his own side ; 
and went over soon after, and turned papist : but I 
know not what became of him afterwards. The 
fear of this discovery soon went off: Simpson came 
back with large assurances : and 12000 pounds were 
sent to the Scotch, who undertook to do great mat- 
ters. All pretended discoveries were lauglicd at, 
and looked on as the fictions of the court : and upon 
this the city of London were generally possessed 
with a very ill opinion of the king. The bouse of 

VOL. IV. F 



66 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1689. commons granted the supplies that were demanded 
for the reduction of Ireland, and for the quota, to 
which the king was obliged by his alliances : and 
they continued the gift of the revenue for another 
year. But one great error was committed by the 
court, in accepting remote funds ; whereby the in- 
terest of the money, then advanced on a fund, pay- 
able at the distance of some years, did not only eat 
up a great deal of the sum, but seemed so doubtful, 
that great premiums were to be offered to those who 
advanced money upon a security which was thought 
very contingent ; since few beUeved that the govern- 
ment would last so long. So here was a shew of 
great supplies, which yet brought not in the half of 
what they were estimated at. 
A bill con- The torics, seeing the whigs grow sullen, and that 
corpora- they would make no advances of money, began to 
treat with the court, and promised great advances, if 
the parliament might be dissolved, and a new one 
be summoned. Those propositions came to be known ; 
so the house of commons prepared a bill, by which 
they hoped to have made sure of all future parlia- 
ments ; in it they declared, that corporations could 
not be forfeited, nor their charters surrendered ; and 
they enacted, that all mayors and recorders, who 
had been concerned in the private delivering up of 
charters, without the consent of the whole body, and 
who had done that in a clandestine manner, before 
39 the judgment that was given against the charter of 
London, should be turned out of all corporations, 
and be incapable of bearing office in them for six 
years '. This was opposed in the house of commons, 

' This was left out by the of the hill, and was not origin- 
commons at the third reading ally in it, but added by the house 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 67 

by the whole strength of the tory party ; for they 1689. 
saw the carrying it was the total ruin of their in- 
terest through the whole kingdom. They said a 
great deal against the declaratory pai*t ; but whatso- 
ever might be in that, they said, since the thing had 
been so universal, it seemed hard to punish it with 
such severity : it was said, that by this means the 
party for the church would be disgraced, and that 
the corporations would be cast into the hands of dis- 
senters. And now both parties made then* court to 
the king ; the whigs promised every thing that he 
desired, if he would help them to get this bill passed; 
and the tories were not wanting in their promises, 
if the bill should be stopped, and the parliament dis- 
solved. The bill was carried in the house of com- 
mons by a great majority'* : when it was brought up 
to the lords, the first point in debate was upon the 
declaratory part, whether a corporation could be for- 
feited or surrendered. Holt, and two other judges, 
were for the affirmative, but all the rest were for 
the negative ' : no precedents for the affirmative 

upon the report. See the Jour- " that day received, had not 

nal of the 3d and 10th of Ja- " given them the balance, if a 

nuury, 1689. O. " too great confidence in the 

■^ ('• Bishop Burnet is pleased "reasonableness of the thing 

" to say, that the bill, in which " contended for, had not made 

"he lumps the two clauses " others careless.' State Tracts, 

" thus violently contested, was " p. 756," Ralph's History of 

" carried by a great majority England, vol. ii. p. 183.) 
" in the house of commons ; ' Holt was always of opinion 

" whereas the truth is, that that the judgment upon the 

" the tory party had the ma- quo warranto against the city of 

" jority on every division, though London was legal, and accepted 

" that majority was never above of being made recorder there 

•• eighteen : and the whigs, to by the king under that judg- 

*• countenance their own de- ment. He was turned out, or 

" feat, gave out, * that even the forced to resign, at the latter 

" unexpected addition to their end of king James's reign, fgr 

" numbers, which the tories not expounding the statute of 

F 2 



68 



THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



1689. were brought, higher than the reign of king Henry 
- VIII, in which the abbeys were surrendered ; which 

was at that time so great a point of state, that the 
authority of these precedents seemed not clear enough 
for regular times : the house was so equally divided, 
that it went for the bill only by one voice : after 
which, little doubt was made of the passing the act. 
But now the applications of the tories were mucli 
quickened "' ; they made the king all possible pro- 
mises : and the promoters of the bill saw themselves 
exposed to the corporations, which were to feel the 
effects of this bill, so sensibly, that they made as 



(2 and 3 Edw.6.) against deser- 
tion, to affect deserters from king 
James's army. I have been 
since told, that although Holt 
was of opinion that a corpora- 
tion might be forfeited, and 
that franchises of a corporation 
might be seized into the hands 
of the crown ; yet he thought 
the judgment in this case, of 
seizing into the hands of the 
crown the corporate capacity, 
was not right. See Modern 
Reports, vol. iv. page 52, &c. O. 
•" (" But according to the 
" Journals of the house, it ap- 
** pears, that their lordships, 
" (being in a general com- 
" mittee on the said bill, Jan. 
" 23, the earl of Mulgrave in 
" the chair,) were not in a hu- 
** mour to go so far in the bill, 
" as even the house of coni- 
** mons had done ; for they 
" would not allow, that even 
" the first enacting clause was 
" rightly founded, or that the 
" proceedings were illegal which 
" gave rise to the bill : and ac- 
'•* cordingly the issue of the de- 



" bate was put on the following 
" question ; viz. whether the 
" words [declared, and were, 
" and are, illegal] should stand 
" in the bill ; which passed in 
" the negative, both in the 
" committee and on the report; 
" on which last occasion, the 
" numbers stood thus; namely, 
" contents, (to agree with .the 
" connnittee,) fifty-one ; not- 
" contents, forty-three : the bi- 
" shop adds, that little doubt was 
" made of the passing the act; 
" but surely this negative seemed 
" to indicate, that nothing less 
" was to be expected ; for hav- 
" ing thus removed the founda- 
" tion, the superstructure was 
" sure to fall with the next 
" breath : and it was probably, 
" in the clear foresight of such 
" an event, that the following 
" severe protest (signed Bolton, 
" Herbert, Macclesfield, Bed- 
'■'^ ford, Ashburnham, Montague, 
" Faughan, Stamford, Sydney,) 
" was entered in the Journals 
•' of the house." Ralph's Hist. 
of England, vol. ii. p. 183.) 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 69 

great promises on their part : the matter was now 1689. 
at a critical issue ; the passing the bill put the king 
and the nation in the hands of the whigs ; as the 
rejecting it, and dissolving the parliament upon it, 
was such a trusting to the tories, and such a break- 
ing with the whigs, that the king was long in sus- 
pense what to do. 

He was once very near a desperate resolution " ; 
he thought he could not trust the tories, and he re- 
solved he would not trust the whigs : so he fancied 
the tories would be true to the queen, and confide 
in her, though they would not in him. He therefore 
resolved to go over to Holland, and leave the go- 
vernment in the queen's hands : so he called the 
marquis of Caermarthen, with the earl of Shrews- 
bury, and some few more, and told them, he had a 
convoy ready, and was resolved to leave all in the 40 
queen's hands ; since he did not see how he could 
extricate himself out of the difficulties into which 
the animosities of parties had brought him : they 
pressed him vehemently to lay aside all such despe- 
rate resolutions, and to comply with the present ne- 
cessity. Much passion appeared among them : the 
debate was so warm, that many tears were shed : in 
conclusion, the king resolved to change his first de- 
sign, into another better resolution, of going over in 
person, to put an end to the war in Ireland : this 
was told me some time after by the earl of Shrews- 
bury; but the queen knew notliing of it, till she 

" (" The earl of IJalcarras ♦' with these broils, that he 

" (in his Account,&;c.) takes no- " told duke Hamilton, * that he 

" tice, that the prince of O- " wished he were a thousand 

" range, so he calls king Wil- " miles from England, and that 

*' liam, was so weary of both ** he had never been king of it.*" 

" sides, and so embarrassed Ralph's Hist. vol. ii. p. i86.) 

F 3 



70 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1689. had it from me ; so reserved was the king to her, 
even in a matter that concerned her so nearly. The 
king's design of going to Ireland, came to be seen 
by the preparations that were ordered ; but a great 
party was formed in both houses to oppose it : some 
did really apprehend the air of Ireland would be 
fatal to so weak a constitution ; and the Jacobites 
had no mind that king James should be so much 
pressed, as he would probably be, if the king went 
against him in person : it was by concert proposed 
in both houses, on the same day, to prepare an ad- 
dress to the king against this voyage : so the king, 
to prevent that, came the next day, and prorogued 
the parliament ; and that was soon after followed by 
a dissolution. 

1690. This session had not raised all the money that 
liameTitr'^ was demanded for the following campaign ; so it 

was necessary to issue out writs immediately for a 
new parliament. There was a great struggle aU 
England over in elections ; but the corporation bill 
did so highly provoke all those whom it was to have 
disgraced, that the tories were by far the gi'eater 
number in the new parliament. One thing was a 
part of the bargain that the tories had made, that 
the lieutenancy of London should be changed : for 
upon the king's coming to the crown, he had given 
a commission, out of which they were all excluded ; 
which was such a mortification to them, that they 
said, they could not live in the city with credit, un- 
less some of them were again brought into that 
commission : the king recommended it to the bishop 
of London, to prepare a list of those who were 
known to be churchmen, but of the more moderate. 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY 71 

and of such as were liable to no just exception ; that 1690. 
so the two parties in the city might be kept in a ba- 
lance : the bishop brought a list of the most violent 
tones in the city, who had been engaged in some of 
the worst things that passed in the end of king 
Charles's reign : a committee of council was ap- 
pointed to examine the list ; but it was so named, 
that they approved of it. This was done to the 41 
great grief of the whigs, who said, that the king was 
now putting himself in his enemies hands ; and that 
the arms of the city were now put under a set of 
officers, who, if there was a possibility of doing it 
without hazard, would certainly use them for king 
James. This matter was managed by the marquis 
of Caermarthen and the earl of Nottingham ; but 
opposed by the earl of Shrewsbury, who was much 
troubled at the ill conduct of the whigs, but much 
more at this great change in the king's government. 
The elections of parliament went generally for men 
who would probably have declared for king James, 
if they could have known how to manage matters 
for him. The king made a change in the ministry, 
to give them some satisfaction ; the earls of Mon- 
mouth ° and Warrington were both dismissed ; other 
lesser changes were made in inferior places : so that 



° (He was viscount Mor- very spiteful request from a 

daunt before the revolution, man that did not want it, and 

and would be earl of Peterbo- that had always professed hini- 

rough when his uncle died, who self a great friend to the duke 

was a very old man : but being of Monmouth ; but the king 

descended from Carey earl of was well pleased to be fur- 

Monmouth, by his mother, was nished with an excuse for doing 

put upon asking that title, to an ill-natured thing, and hated 

prevent the duke of Monmouth's the duke as much as the other 

children from ever being re- had pretended to love him. D. 
stored ; which was thought a 

F 4 



72 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1690. whig and tory were now pretty equally mixed ; and 
both studied to court the king, by making advances 
upon the money bills. 
A bill re- 'phe fjrst great debate arose, in the house of lords, 

cognizkiij ^ " 

the kiug, uj^on a bill that was brought in, acknowledging the 
the acts of king and queen to be their rightful and lawful so- 
tionr'"^*" vereigns ; and declaring all the acts of the last par- 
liament to be good and valid. The first part passed, 
with little contradiction ; though some excepted to 
the words rightful and lawful, as not at all neces- 
sary i\ But the second article bore a long and 
warm debate. The tones offered to enact, that 
these should be all good laws, for the time to come, 
but opposed the doing it in the declaratory way. 
They said, it was one of the fundamentals of our 
constitution, that no assembly could be called a par- 
liament, unless it was called and chosen upon the 
king's writ. On the other hand it was said, that 
whatsoev^er tended to the calling the authority of 
that parliament in question, tended likewise to the 
weakening of the present government, and brought 
the king's title into question. A real necessity, 
upon such extraordinary occasions, must supersede 
forms of law : otherwise the present government 

P (" Unluckily the words " tice that the bill was com- 

" rightful and lawful are not '" mitted, that the whigs car- 

*' in the act, and the sequel of " ried their point in the coni- 

** his lordship's account, al- " mittee, that they lost it again 

" though servilely followed by " on the report by six voices, 

*' our coteniporary, (Tindal in " and that by dint of one of 

•' his Continuation of Rapin's " the warmest and most alarm- 

*' History,) as usual, is far from " ing protests that ever was 

" being so perfect as it ought " made, they recovered it again, 

" to be, or as might have been " although not in the same 

** expected from the pen of a " words as before." Ralph's 

*" person who was present at History of England, vol. iL 

" the debate. He takes no no- p. 194.) 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 73" 

was under the same nullity. Forms were only rules 1690. 
for peaceable times : but, in such a juncture, when 
all that had a right to come, either in person or by 
their representatives, were summoned, and freely 
elected ; and when, by the king's consent, the con- 
vention was turned to a parliament, the essentials, 
both with relation to king and people, were still 
maintained in the constitution of that parliament. 
After a long debate, the act passed in the house of 
lords, with this temper, declaring 1 and enacting, 
that the acts of that parliament were and are good 
and valid : many lords protesting against it, at the 
head of whom was the earl of Nottingham, notwith- 42 
standing his great office at court. It was expected, 
that great and long debates should have been made 
in the house of commons upon this act. But, to 
the wonder of all people, it passed in two days in 
that house, without any debate or opposition. The 
truth was, the tories had resolved to commit the 
bill ; and in order to that, some trifling exceptions 
were made to some words, that might want correc- 
tion ; for bills are not committed, unless some amend- 
ments are offered : and, when it was committed, it 
was then resolved to oppose it. But one of them 
discovered this too early ; for he questioned the le- 
gality of the convention, since it was not summoned 
by writ : Somers, then solicitor general, answered 
this with gi'eat spirit ; he said, if that was not a le- 
gal parliament, they who were then met, and had "^ 
taken the oaths, enacted by that parliament, were 
guilty of high treason ; the laws repealed by it were 
still in force, so they nuist presently return to king 

'I This word is not in the siniihir odc of 13th of Charles 
act. Sec the act, and also the. the second. Cap. 7. O. I. 



W THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1690. James ; aU the money levied, collected, and paid, by 
virtue of the acts of that parliament, made every 
one that was concerned in it highly criminal : this 
he spoke with much zeal, and such an ascendant of 
authority, that none was prepared to answer it ; so 
the bill passed without any more opposition. This 
was a great service, done in a very critical time, 
and contributed not a little to raise Somers's cha- 
racter. 

The speaker of the house of commons, sir John 
Trevor, was a bold and dexterous man ; and knew 
the most effectual ways of recommending himself to 
every government : he had been in great favour in 
king James's time, and was made master of the rolls 
by him ^ ; and, if lord Jefferies had stuck at any 
thing, he was looked on as the man, likeliest to have 
had the great seal ^ : he now got himself to be 
chosen speaker, and was made first commissioner of 
the great seal : being a tory in principle, he under- 
took to manage that party, provided he was fur- 
nished with such sums of money as might purchase 
some votes ; and by him began the practice of buy- 
ing off men, in which hitherto the king had kept to 
stricter rules. I took the liberty once to complain 
to the king of this method ; he said, he hated it as 
much as any man could do ; but he saw, it was not 
possible, considering the corruption of the age, to 
avoid it, unless he would endanger the whole. 
The reve- The housc of commous eave the king the customs 

nue given ^ " ^ ^ 

for years, for fivc ycars, which they said made it a surer fund, 
for borrowing money upon, than if they had given 
it for life : the one was subject to accidents, but the 

■■ He was speaker in king ' He or Williams. O. (See 

James's parliament. O. note before at page 742, vol.i.) 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 75 

other was more certain. They also continued the 1690. 
other branches of the revenue for the same number ^^ 
of years. It was much pressed to have it settled 
for life ; but it was taken up as a general maxim, 
that a revenue for a certain and short term was the 
best security that the nation could have for frequent 
parliaments. The king did not like this; he said 
to myself, why should they entertain a jealousy of 
him, who came to save their religion and liberties ; 
when they trusted king James so much, who in- 
tended to destroy both ? I answered, they were 
not jealous of him, but of those who might succeed 
him ; and if he would accept of the gift for a term 
of years, and settle the precedent, he would be rec- 
koned the deliverer of succeeding ages, as well as of 
the present ; and it was certain, that king James 
would never have run into those counsels that ruined 
him, if he had obtained the revenue only for a short 
term ; which probably would have been done, if 
Argyle's and Monmouth's invasions had not so over-^; * 
awed the house, that it would then have looked like 
being in a conspiracy with them, to have opposed 
the king's demand : I saw the king was not pleased, 
though he was persuaded to accept of the grant 
thus made him. The commons granted a poll bill, 
with some other supplies, which they thought would 
answer all the occasions of that year : but as what 
they gave did not quite come up to what was de- 
manded, so when the supply was raised, it came 
far short of what they estimated it at. So that 
there were great deficiencies to be taken care of, in 
every session of parliament : which run up eveiy 
year, and made a great noise, as if the nation was, 
through mismanagement, running into a great ar- 



76 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1690. rear. An act passed in this session, putting the 
administration in the queen, during the king's ab- 
sence out of the kingdom ; but with this proviso, 
that the orders which the king sent should always 
take place. In all this debate, the queen seemed to 
take no notice of the matter, nor of those who had 
appeared for it or against it : the house of commons, 
to the great grief of the whigs, made an address to 
the king, thanking him for the alterations he had 
made in the lieutenancy of London. 

Debates for But the gi'catest debate in this session was con- 
ami against " . n • r 

an abjiira- ccming au abjuratiou of king James ; some of the 
James. "^ torics wcrc at first for it, as were all the whigs : the 
clergy were excepted out of it, to soften the oppo- 
sition that might be made ^ ; but stiU the main 
body of the tories declared they would never take 
any such oath : so they opposed every step that was 
made in it, with a great copiousness of long and ve- 
hement arguing : they insisted much on this ; that 
44 when the government was settled, oaths were made 
to be the ties of the subject to it, and that aU new 
impositions were a breach made on that, which 
might be called the original contract of the present 
settlement : things of that kind ought to be fixed 
and certain, and not mutable and endless ; by the 
same reason, that the abjuration was now proposed, 
another oath might be prepared every year ; and 
every party, that prevailed in parliament, would 
bring in some discriminating oath or test, such as 



* (Ralph affirms, that the for that we find by the Journals 

bishop is mistaken when he of the commons, that ecclesias- 

says, that the clerg\' were ex- tics were comprehended in it, 

cepted out of it, to soften the at the last reading, as well at 

opposition which might be made, the first. History, vol. ii. p. 1 97.) 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 77 

could only be taken by those of their own side ; and ^^90' 
thus the largeness and equality of government would 
be lost, and contracted into a faction. On the other 
side it was said, that this was only intended to be 
a security to the government, during the war ; for, 
in such a time it seemed necessary, that all who 
were employed by the government, should give it 
all possible security : it was apparent, that the com- 
prehensive words in the oaths of allegiance had 
given occasion to much equivocation ; many who 
had taken them having declared, which some had 
done in print, that they considered themselves as 
bound by the oaths, only while the king continued 
in peaceable possession ; but not to assist or support 
his title, if it was attacked or shaken ; it was there- 
fore necessary, that men in public trusts should be 
brought under stricter ties. The abjuration was de- 
bated in both houses at the same time ; I concurred 
with those that were for it". The whigs pressed 



" The king was present diir- them of any use, but to make 
ing the whole debate in the people declare against the go- 
house of lords. Lord Whar- vernnient, that would have sub- 
ton said, he was a very old mitted quietly to it, if they had 
man, and had taken a multi- been let alone : the truth was, 
tude of oaths in his time, and he had made very free with his 
hoped God would forgive him oath of allegiance to king 
if he had not kept them all ; James, but should be loath to be 
for truly they were more than under the temptation of break- 
he could pretend to remember ; ing more. The earl of Marl- 
but should be very unwilling to borough said he was surprisetl 
charge himself with more at to hear that lord say what he 
the end of his days. The earl did, for he was sure there was 
of Macclesfield, who had been no man in England that had 
an old cavalier, and came over more merit in bringing the late 
with the prince from Holland, happy revolution to effect than 
said he was much in the same his lordship. The earl of Mac- 
case with lord Wharton, though clesfield said, he had spoke his 
they had not always taken the mind with more freedom, be- 
same oaths ; but he never knew cause he was sure he shoidd not 



TS THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1609. the king to set it forward ; they said, everyone who 
took it would look on himself as impardonable, and 
so would serve him with the more zeal and fidelity ; 
whereas those that thought the right to the crown 
was still in king James, might perhaps serve faith- 
fully as long as the government stood firm ; but, as 
they kept still measures with the other side, to whom 
they knew they would be always welcome, so they 
would never act with that life and zeal which the 
present state of affairs required. At the same 
time, the tories were as earnest in pressing the king 
to stop tlie further progress of those debates : much 
time was already lost in them ; and it was evident, 
that much more must be lost, if it was intended to 
carry it on, since so many branches of this bill, and 
incidents that arose upon the subject of it, would 
give occasion to much heat and wrangling : and it 
was a doubt, whether it would be carried, after all 
the time that must be bestowed on it, or not : those 
who opposed it would grow sullen, and oppose every 
thing else that was moved for the king's service : 
and if it should be earned, it would put the king 
again into the hands of the whigs, who would im- 



be misrepresented ; but his lord- presently after, and the king 
ship did him too much honour, seemed as little pleased as the 
in thinking he had so great a earl of Marlborough. The bi- 
share in the revolution : there shop of London made a long 
were others that had gone much speech against multiplying of 
greater lengths than he either oaths ; but the conclusion set 
could or would have done ; for them all a laughing ; for he de- 
he had been only a rebel, and sired not to be misunderstood ; 
should be always ready to ven- he did not speak for himself: 
ture his head, whenever he there was not, nor could be, 
thought the laws and liberties made an oath to the present 
of his countrj- required it. This government, that he would not 
cast so great a damp upon the take. D. 
debate, that the house adjourned 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 79 

mediately return to their old practices against the 1690. 



prerogative; and it would drive many into king^^^ 
James's party, who might otherwise stick firm to 
the king, or at least be neutrals : these reasons pre- 
vailed with the king to order an intimation to be 
given in the house of commons, that he desired they 
would let that debate fall, and go to other matters, 
that were more pressing. 

This gave a new disgust to the whigs, but was 
very acceptable to the tories ; and it quickened the 
advances of money upon the funds that were given : 
it had indeed a very ill effect abroad; for both 
friends and enemies looked on it as a sign of a 
gi*eat decline in the king's interest with his people : 
and the king's interposing, to stop further debates 
in the matter, was represented as an artifice only 
to save the affront of its being rejected''. The earl The eari of 
of Shrewsbury was at the head of those who pressed lefrtTe ""^ 
the abjuration most; so, upon this change of coun-*^""*^' 
sels, he thought he could not serve the king longer 
with reputation or success : he saw the whigs, by 
using the king ill, were driving him into the tories ; 
and he thought these would serve the king with 



* (" Whatever intimation of " much time, that the bill was 

" his pleasure his majesty gave " brought in one day, viz. the 

" to the house of commons, it " 25th, when it was read once, 

" is most certain that the two " and ordered, nemine contradi- 

" parties contested the matter " cente, to be read again, and 

" with all their power : that a " actually rejected the next ; 

" motion was made to commit " though his lordship farther 

" the bill, which passed in the " says, that the king's interpos- 

" negative, yeas 178, noes 192 : " ing was represented as an ar- 

" and that it was the same day " tifice to prevent that affront." 

"finally rejected by the same Ralph's Hist, of England, \o\.\\. 

" 192 against 165. It is also p. 198, which may be consulted 

" equally certain, that the dis- on what follows below upon the 

" pute was so far from taking up same subject.) 



«0 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1690. more zeal, if he left his post. The credit that the 
marquis of Caermarthen had gained was not easy 
to him : so he resolved to deliver up the seals. I 
was the first person to whom he discovered this : 
and he had them in his hands when he told me of 
it ; yet I prevailed with him not to go that night ; 
he was in some heat. I had no mind that the king 
should be surprised by a thing of that kind ; and I 
was afraid that the earl of Shrewsbury might have 
said such things to him, as should have provoked 
him too much ; so I sent the king word of it. It 
troubled him more than I thought a thing of that 
sort could have done ; he loved the earl of Shrews- 
bury ; and apprehended, that his leaving his service 
at this time might alienate the whigs more entirely 
from him ; for now they, who thought him before 
of too cold a temper, when they saw how firm he 
was, came to consider and trust him more than 
ever. The king sent Tillotson, and all those who 
had most credit with the earl, to divert him from 
his resolution : but all was to no purpose. The 
agitation of mind that this gave him, threw him 
into a fev^er, which almost cost him his life. The 
king pressed him to keep the seals till his return 
from Ireland, though he should not act as secretary; 
but he could not be prevailed on. The debate for 
the alyjuration lasted longer in the house of lords ; 
it had some variation from that which was proposed 
in the house of commons : and was properly an oath 
of a special fidelity to the king, in opposition to 
46 king James : the tories offered, in bar to this, a ne- 
gative engagement against assisting king James or 
any of his instruments, knowing them to be such, 
with severe penalties on such as should refuse it. 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 81 

In opposition to this, it was said, this was only an 1690. 
expedient to secure all king James's party, what- 
ever should happen; since it left them the entire 
merit of being still in his interests, and only re- 
strained them from putting any thing to hazard for 
him. The house was so near an equality, in every 
division, that what was gained in one day was lost 
in the next ; and by the heat and length of those 
debates, the session continued till June. A bill, 
projected by the tories, passed, relating to the city 
of London, which was intended to change the hands 
that then governed it ; but through the haste or 
weakness of those who drew it, the court of alder- 
men was not comprehended in it ; so, by this act, 
the government of the city was fixed in their hands: 
and they were generally whigs. Many discoveries 
were made of the practices from St. Germains and 
Ireland ; but few were taken up upon them : and 
those were too inconsiderable to know more, than 
that many were provided with arms and ammuni- 
tion, and that a method was projected for bringing 
men together upon a call. And indeed things seem- 
ed to be in a very ill disposition towards a fatal 
turn. 

The kinfij was making all possible haste to open The king'g 
the campaign, as soon as thmgs could be ready for affairs, 
it, in Ireland : the day before he set out, he called 
me into his closet; he seemed to have a great 
weight upon his spirits, from the state of his affairs, 
which was then very cloudy : he said, for his own 
part, he trusted in God, and would either go through 
with his business, or perish in it : he only pitied the 
poor queen, repeating that twice with great tender- 
ness, and wished that those who loved him would 

VOL. IV. 6 



82 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1690. wait much on her and assist her : he lamented 



much the factions and the heats that were among 
us, and that the bishops and clergy, instead of allay- 
ing them, did rather foment and inflame them : but 
he was pleased to make an exception of my self: he 
said, the going to a campaign was naturally no un- 
pleasant thing to him : he was sure he understood 
that better than how to govern England : he added, 
that, though he had no doubt nor mistrust of the 
cause he went on, yet the going against king James 
in person was hard upon him, since it would be a 
vast trouble both to himself and to the queen, if he 
should be either killed or taken prisoner : he de- 
sired my prayers, and dismissed me, very deeply 
affected with all he had said. 
47 I had a particular occasion to know, how tender 
^nd«^nMs ^^ ^^ ^^ king James's person, having learned an 
for king instance of it from the first hand ; a proposition 

James's 

person. was made to the king, that a third rate ship, well 
manned by a faithful crew, and commanded by one 
who had been well with king James, but was such 
a one as the king might trust, should sail to Dublin, 
and declare for king James. The person who told 
me this, offered to be the man that should carry the 
message to king James, (for he was well known to 
him,) to invite him to come on board, which he 
seemed to be sure he would accept of; and, when 
he was aboard, they should sail away with him, and 
land him either in Spain or Italy, as the king should 
desire ; and should have twenty thousand pounds to 
give him when he should be set ashore : the king 
thought it was a well formed design, and likely 
enough to succeed; but would not hearken to it: 
he said he would have no hand in treachery : and 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 83 

king James would certainly cany some of his guards i6go. 
and of his court aboard with him : and probably 
they would make some opposition; and in the 
struggle some accident might happen to king 
James's person ; in which he would have no hand. 
I acquainted the queen with this ; and I saw in her 
a great tenderness for her father's person ; and she 
was much touched with the answer the king had 
made > . 

He had a quick passage to Ireland, where mat- The king 
ters had been kept in the state they were in all this Ireland. 
winter; Charlemont was reduced, which was the 
only place in Ulster that was then left in king 
James's hands. The king had a great array ; there 
were about 36,000 men, all in good plight, full of 
heart and zeal; he lost no time, but advanced in 
six days from Belfast, where he landed, to the river of 
Boyne, near Drogheda. King James had abandoned 
the passes between Newry and Dundalk, which are 
so strait for some miles, that it had been easy to 
have disputed every inch of ground; king James 
and his court were so much lifted up, with the news 
of the debates in parliament, and of the distractions 
of the city of London, that they flattered themselves 
with false hopes, that the king durst not leave Ehag- 
land, nor venture over to Ireland : he had been six 

y This great tenderness ap- disposed of as they should think 
peared plainly afterwards, by a proper. D. (Ralph, in his His- 
warrant found amongst the earl tory, vol. ii. p. 219, on the au- 
of Torrington's papers, wrote thority of the London gazette, 
all in the earl of Nottingham's reports that the bombs, or ra- 
own hand, and signed by the ther, as he observes, the can- 
king, authorizing lord Torring- non, beat down several tents 
ton, if he could seize king next adjoining to those of king 
James's person, to deliver him James and the French general.) 
to the states of Holland, to be 

G 2 



84 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1690. days come, before king James knew any thing of it. 
Upon that he immediately passed the Boyne, and lay 
on the south side of it. His army consisted of 26,000 
men ; his horse were good ; and he had 5000 French 
foot, for whom he had sent over, in exchange, 5000 
Irish foot. He held some councils of war, to consi- 
der what was fit to be done; whether he should 
make a stand there, and put all to the decision of a 
48 battle, or if he should march off, and abandon that 
river, and by consequence all the country on to 
DubUn. 
Advices All his officers, both French and Irish, who dis- 

king james. agreed almost in all their advices, yet agreed in 
this, that, though they had there a very advantage- 
ous post to maintain, yet their army being so much 
inferior, both in number and in every thing else, 
they would put too much to hazard, if they should 
venture on a battle. They therefore proposed the 
strengthening their garrisons, and marching off to 
the Shannon with the horse and a smaU body of 
foot, tiU they should see how matters went at sea : 
for the French king had sent them assurances, that 
he would not only set out a great fleet, but that, as 
soon as the squadron that lay in the Irish seas, to 
guard the transport fleet, and to secure the king's 
passage over, should sail into the channel, to join 
our grand fleet, he would then send into the Irish 
seas a fleet of small frigates and privateers to de- 
stroy the king's transports. This would have been 
fatal, if it had taken effect ; and the executing of it 
seemed easy and certain. It would have shut up 
the king within Ireland, tiU a new transport fleet 
could have been brought thither, which would have 
been the work of some months; so that England 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 85 

might have been lost before he could have passed 1690. 
the seas with his army. And the destruction of 
his transports must have ruined his army : for his 
stores, both of bread and ammunition, were still on 
board ; and they sailed along the coast as he ad- 
vanced on his march : nor was there, in all that 
coast, a safe port to cover and secure them. The 
king indeed reckoned, that by the time the squa- 
di'on, which lay in the Irish seas, should be able to 
join the rest of the fleet, they would have advanced 
as far as the chops of the channel, where they would 
guard both England and Ireland : but things went 
far otherwise. 

The queen was now in the administration. It The queen 

* ^ in the ad- 

was a new scene to her ; she had, for above sixteen ministra- 
months, made so little figure in business, that those 
who imagined that every woman of sense loved to 
be meddling, concluded that she had a small pro- 
portion of it, because she lived so abstracted from 
all affairs. Her behaviour was indeed very exem- 
plary : she was exactly regular, both in her private 
and public devotions : she was much in her closet, 
and read a great deal : she was often busy at work, 
and seemed to employ her time and thoughts in any 
thing rather than matters of state : her conversation 
was lively and obliging; every thing in her was 
easy and natural ; she was singular in great chari- 
ties to the poor ; of whom, as there are always gi*eat 49 
numbers about courts, so the crowds of persons of 
quality, that had fled over from Ireland, drew from 
her liberal supplies: all this was nothing to the 
public. If the king talked with her of affairs, it 
was in so private a way, that few seemed to believe 
it ; the earl of Shrewsbury told me, that the king 

g3 



sea. 



86^ THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1690. had, upon many occasions, said to him, that though 
he could not hit on the right way of pleasing Eng- 
land, he was confident she would; and that we 
should aU be very happy under her. The king 
named a cabinet council of eight persons, on whose 
advice she was chiefly to rely ; four of them were 
tories and four were whigs : yet the marquis of 
Caermarthen and the earl of Nottingham, being of 
the first sort, who took most upon them, and seemed 
to have the greatest credit, the whigs were not sa- 
tisfied with the nomination ^. The queen balanced 
aU things with an extraordinary temper; and be- 
came universally beloved and admired by all about 
her. 
Affairs at Qur coucems at sea were then the chief thing to 
be looked to : an unhappy compliment, of sending 
a fleet to convoy a queen to Spain, proved almost 
fatal to us. They were so long delayed by contrary 
winds, that a design of blocking up Toulon was lost 
by it. The great ships, that lay there, had got out 
before our fleet could reach the place. Our squadron 
returned back, and went into Plymouth to refit 
there : and it was joined by that which came from 
the Irish seas. These two squadrons consisted of 
above thirty ships of the line : the earl of Torring- 
ton, that had the chief command, was a man of plea- 

^ Carmarthen, a tory. Not- set, the earl of Monmouth, and 

tingham, a tory. Earl of De- Mr. Edward Russell, whigs ; 

vonshire, a whig. Earl of Dor- and the lord president, Carmar- 

set, a whig. Lord Pembroke, then, the earl of Nottingham, 

Russel, a whig. Earl of Mon- secretary of state, the earl of 

mouth. (Quaere,) whether lord Pembroke, first lord of the ad- 

Marlborough or Godolphin. O. miralty, sir John Lowther, first 

(Ralph reports the number to commissioner of the treasury, 

have been nine, the list standing and the earl of Marlborough, 

thus: the lord steward, Devon- tories. Hist, vol. ii. p. 225.) 
shire, the lord chamberlain. Dor- 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 87 

sure, and did not make the haste that was necessary 1690. 
to go about and join them * : nor did the Dutch 
fleet come over so soon as was promised : so that 
our main fleet lay long at Spithead. The French 
understood that our fleets lay thus divided, and saw 
the advantage of getting between them : so they 
came into the channel, with so fair a wind, that they 
were near the Isle of Wight before our fleet had any 
advice of their being within the channel. The earl 
of Tonington had no advice-boats out to bring him 
news ; and though notice thereof was sent post over 
land as soon as the French came within the chan- 
nel, yet then* fleet sailed as fast as the post could 
ride : but then the wind turned upon them ; other- 
wise they would, in all probability, have surprised 
us. But after this first advantage, the winds were 
always contrary to them and favourable to us. So 
that the French officers in Ireland had reason to 
look for that fleet of smaller vessels, which was pro- 
mised to be sent to destroy the king's transport 
ships. And, for these reasons, all king James's of- 
ficers were against bringing the war to so speedy a 
decision. 

In opposition to all their opinions, king James 50 
himself was positive, that they must stay and defend 
the Boyne: if they marched off" and abandoned 
Dublin, they would so lose their reputation, that the 

" ("Burnet is extremely will- "which that author supposes 

" ing to burden lord Torring- " were waiting for him at Ply- 

" ton with all the miscarriages " mouth, whereas neither of 

" of the year, and in particijar *■' them arrived there till July; 

" says, that he did not make " which was after the action 

" haste to join his own squadron "between the two fleets was 

"with that under Killigrew "over." Ralph's Hist, of Eng- 

" from Spain, and that under land, vol. ii. ibid.) 
" Shovel from Ireland, both 

G 4 



88 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1690. people would leave them, and capitulate; it would 



also dispirit all their friends in England : therefore 
he resolved to maintain the post he was in, and 
seemed not a little pleased to think, that he should 
have one fair battle for his crown. He spoke of 
this with so much seeming pleasure, that many 
about him apprehended that he was weary of the 
struggle, and even of life, and longed to see an end 
of it at any rate: and they were afraid that he would 
play the hero a little too much. He had all the 
advantages he could desire : the river was deep, and 
rose very high with the tide : there was a morass to 
be passed, after the passing the river, and then a 
rising ground. 
A cannon Ou the last of Juuc, the king came to the banks 
ed"hl°king. of the rfvcr : and as he was riding along, and mak- 
ing a long stop in one place, to observe the grounds, 
the enemy did not lose their opportunity, but brought 
down two pieces of cannon : and, with the first 
firing, a ball passed along the king's shoulder, tore 
off some of his clothes, and about a hand-breadth of 
the skin, out of which about a spoonful of blood 
came. And that was all the harm it did him. It 
cannot be imagined, how much terror this struck 
into aU that were about him : he himself said it was 
nothing: yet he was prevailed on to alight, till it 
was washed, and a plaister put upon it, and imme- 
diately he mounted his horse again, and rode about 
aU the posts of his army : it was indeed necessary to 
shew himself every where, to take off the apprehen- 
sions with which such an uniJsual accident filled his 
soldiers. He continued that day nineteen hours on 
horseback : but, upon his first alighting from his 
horse, a deserter had gone over to the enemy with 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 89 

the news, which was carried quickly into France, 1690. 
where it was taken for granted that he could not 
outlive such a wound : so it ran over that kingdom, 
that he was dead. And, upon it, there were more 
public rejoicings than had been usual upon their 
greatest victories : which gave that court afterwards 
a vast confusion, when they knew that he was still 
alive ; and saw that they had raised in their own 
people a high opinion of him, by this inhuman joy, 
when they believed him dead. 

But to return to the action of the Boyne : the 
king sent a great body of cavaliy to pass the river 
higher, while he resolved to pass it in the face of the 
enemy : and the duke of Schomberg was to pass it 
in a third place, a little below him. I will not enter 51 
into the particulars of that day's action, but leave 
that to military men. 

It was a complete victory : and those who were The battle 
the least disposed to flattery said, it was almost Boyne. 
wholly due to the king's courage and conduct. And, 
though he was a little stiff by reason of his wound, 
yet he was forced to quit his horse in the morass, 
and to go through it on foot : but he came up in 
time to ride almost into every body of his army : he 
charged in many different places; and nothing stood 
before him. The Irish horse made some resistance, 
but the foot threw down their arms, and ran away. 
The most amazing circumstance was, that king 
James stayed all the while with his guards, at a safe 
distance, and never came into the places of danger 
or of action. But, when he saw his army was every 
where giving ground, was the first that ran for it, 
and reached Dublin before the action was quite over; 
for it was dark before the king foi*sook the pursuit 



90 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1690. of the Irish. His horse and dragoons were so weary 
with the -fatigue of a long action in a hot day, that 
they could not pursue far: nor was their camp furnish- 
ed with necessary refreshments till next morning; for 
the king had marched faster than the waggons could 
possibly follow. The army of the Irish was so entirely 
forsaken by their officers, that the king thought they 
would have dispersed themselves, and submitted; 
and that the following them would have been a 
mere butchery, which was a thing he had always 
abhorred. The only allay to this victory was the 
loss of the duke of Schomberg : he passed the river 
in his station, and was driving the Irish before him, 
when a party of desperate men set upon him, as he 
was riding very carelessly, with a small number 
about him. They charged, and in the disorder of 
that action he was shot : but it could not be known 
by whom ; for most of all the party was cut off. 
Thus that great man, like another Epaminondas, fell 
on the day on which his side triumphed. 

King James came to Dublin, under a very inde- 
cent consternation ; he said all was lost ; he had an 
army in England, that could have fought, but would 
not : and now he had an army that would have 
fought, but could not. This was not very gratefuUy 
nor decently spoken by him, who was among the first 
that fled. Next morning he left Dublin ; he said, too 
much blood had been already shed ; it seemed God 
was with their enemies ; the prince of Orange was a 
merciful man ; so he ordered those he left behind 
him to set the prisoners at liberty, and to submit to 
the prince : he rode that day from Dublin to Dun- 
52 cannon fort : but, though the place was considerably 
strong, he would not trust to that, but lay aboard a 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 91 

French ship that anchored there, and had been pro- 1690. 
vided by his own special directions to sir Patrick 
Trant. His courage sunk with his affairs, to a de- 
gree that amazed those who had known the former 
parts of his life. The Irish army was forsaken by 
their officers for two days : if there had been a hot 
pursuit, it would have put an end to the war of Ire- 
land : but the king thought his first care ought to 
be to secure Dublin : and king James's officers, as 
they abandoned it, went back to the army, only in 
hopes of a good capitulation. Dublin was thus for- 
saken ; and no harm done, which was much appre- 
hended: but the fear the Irish were in was such, 
that they durst not venture on any thing, which 
must have drawn severe revenges after it. So the 
protestants there, being now the masters, they de- 
clared for the king. Drogheda did also capitulate. 

But, to balance this gi'eat success, the king had, The battle 

of Flenis. 

the very day after the battle at the Boyne, the news 
of a battle fought in Flanders, between prince Wal- 
deck and the marshal Luxembourg, in which the 
former was defeated. The cavalry did at the first 
charge run, but the foot made an amazing stand. 
The French had the honour of a victory, and took 
many prisoners, with the artillery: yet the stand the 
infantry made was such, that they lost more than 
they got by the day : nor were they able to draw 
any advantage from it. This was the battle of Fle- 
rus, that, in the consequence of it, proved the means 
of preserving England. 

On the day before the battle of the Boyne, the An engage- 
two fleets came to a great engagement at sea. The ™^" 
squadron » that lay at Plymouth could not come up 
to join the great fleet, the wind being contraiy; 



92 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1 690. so it was under debate what was fittest to be done : 
the earl of Torrington thought he was not strong 
enough, and advised his coming in, till some more 
ships, that were fitting out, should be ready : some 
began to call his courage in question, and imputed 
this to fear; they thought this would too much exalt 
our enemies, and discourage our allies, if we left the 
French to triumph at sea, and to be the masters of 
our coast and trade; for our merchants' richest ships 
were coming home ; so that the leaving them in 
such a superiority would be both very unbecoming 
and very mischievous to us. The queen ordered 
Russel to advise, both with the navy board and 
with aU that understood sea affairs ; and, upon a 
view of the strength of both fleets, they were of 
opinion, that though the French were superior in 
number, yet our fleet was so equal in strength to 
53 them, that it was reasonable to send orders to our 
admiral, to venture on an engagement : yet the or- 
ders were not so positive, but that a great deal was 
left to a council of war ''. The two fleets engaged 
near Beachy in Sussex; the Dutch led the van; and, 
to shew their courage, they advanced too far out of 
the line, and fought in the beginning with some ad- 
vantage, the French flying before them; and our 
blue squadron engaged bravely: but the earl of Tor- 
rington kept in his line, and continued to fight at a 

*• (" The French fleet con- Hist, of England, vol. ii. p. 226, 

** sisted of seventy-eight men where it is also denied, that the 

** of war and twenty-two fire- orders to engage were not po- 

** ships, carrying in all 4702 sitive. This circumstance is con- 

" pieces of cannon; whereas firmed by the MS. Memoirs of 

" the English and Dutch toge- Byng lord Torrington, an extract 

" ther had but fifty-six men of from which is given by sir John 

" war, which mounted in all Dalrymple in the third Appen- 

" but 3462 guns." Ralph's dix to his Memoirs, p. 1 70.) 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 93 

distance : the French, seeing the Dutch came out so 1690. 
far before the line, fell on them furiously both in 
front and flank, which the earl of Torrington neg- 
lected for some time ; and, when he endeavoured to 
come a little nearer, the calm was such that he 
could not come up. The Dutch suffered much ; and 
their whole fleet had perished, if their admiral, Ca- 
lembourg, had not ordered them to drop their an- 
chors while their sails were all up ; this was not ob- 
served by the French : so they were carried by the 
tide, while the others lay still ; and thus in a few 
minutes the Dutch were out of danger. They lost 
many men, and sunk some of their ships which had 
suffered the most, that they might not fall into the 
enemies' hands. It was now necessary to order the 
fleet to come in with all possible haste ; both the 
Dutch and the blue squadron complained much of 
the earl of Torrington; and it was a general opinion, 
that if the whole fleet had come up to a close fight, 
we must have beat the French : and, considering 
how far they were from Brest, and that our squa- 
dron at Plymouth lay between them and home, a 
victory might have had great consequences. Our 
fleet was now in a bad condition, and broken into 
factions ; and if the French had not lost the night's 
tide, but had followed us close, they might have de- 
stroyed many of our ships : both the admirals were 
almost equally blamed; ours for not fighting, and 
the French for not pursuing his victory*^. 

'^ The best account I have admiral BjTig did in the en- 
seen of this action is in a ma- gagement at Mahon ; viz. the 
nuscript memoir of Sir G. Byng. not bearing downright on the 
It is evident from his narrative, enemy, and equally with his 
that lord Torrington committed van : when he would have re- 
niuch the same fault as the late trieved this mistake it was too 



94 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1690. Our fleet came in safe ; and all possible diligence 
Ti.e French ^^^ ^^^^ ^" refitting it : the earl of Torrington was 
masters of gent to the Towcr, and three of our best sea officers 

the sea. 

had the joint command of the fleet ; but it was a 
month before they could set out ; and, in aU that 
time, the French were masters of the sea, and our 
coasts were open to them. If they had followed the 
first consternation, and had fallen to the burning our 
sea towns, they might have done us much mischief, 
and put our affairs in great disorder ; for we had 
iiot above seven thousand men then in England. 
The militia was raised, and suspected persons were 
put in prison: in this melancholy conjuncture, though 
the harvest drew on, so that it was not convenient 
54 for people to be long absent from their labour, yet 
the nation expressed more zeal and affection to the 
government than was expected ; and the Jacobites, 
all England over, kept out of the way, and were 
afraid of being fallen upon by the rabble. We had 
no great losses at sea: for most of our merchant- 
men came safe into Plymouth : the French stood over, 
for some time, to their own coast; and we had many 
false alarms of their shipping troops, in order to a de- 
scent. But they had suflfered so much in the battle at 
Flerus, and the Dutch used such diligence in putting 
their army in a condition to take the field again, and 
the elector of Brandenburgh bringing his troops to 



late. The van had been wea- orders for fighting when the 

thered and beat, his anchoring French were so superior, at 

when the French did not was a least double our force : a most 

piece of good seamanship, and striking proof to what a height 

saved the rest of the fleet, as Lewis XlVth had raised his 

the tide carried the enemy from marine in the supine reign of 

us. It was imprudent in the Charles the second. O. 
cabinet council to send positive 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 95 

act in conjunction witli theirs, gave the French so 1690. 
much work, that they were forced, for all their vie- 
tory, to lie upon the defensive, and were not able to 
spare so many men as were necessary for an inva- 
sion. The Dutch did indeed send positive orders to 
prince Waldeck, not to hazard another engagement 
till the fleet should be again at sea : this restrained 
the elector, who, in conjunction with the Dutch, 
was much superior to Luxembourg: and afterwards, 
when the Dutch superseded those orders, the elector 
did not think fit to hazard his army. Such is the 
fate of confederate armies, when they are under a 
different direction ; that when the one is willing, or 
at least seems to be so, the other stands off. The 
French, riding so long so quietly in our seas, was far 
from what might have been expected after such an 
advantage : we understood afterwards, that they 
were still waiting, when the Jacobites should, ac- 
cording to their promises, have begun a rising in 
England ; but they excused their failing in that, be- 
cause their leaders were generally clapped up. 

That party began to boast, all England over, that 
it was visible the French meant no harm to the na- 
tion; but only to bring back king James; since now, 
though our coasts lay open to them, they did us no 
harm. And this might have made some impression, 
if the French had not effectually refuted it. Their 
fleet lay for some days in Torbay; their equipages 
were- weakened; and by a vessel, that carried a 
packet from Tourville to the court of France, which 
was taken, it appeared, that they were then in so 
bad a condition, that if our fleet (which upon this 
was hastened out aU that was possible) could have 
overtaken them, we should have got a great victory 



9» THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1690. very cheap. But before they sailed, they made a de- 
scent on a miserable village, called Tinmouth, that 
happened to belong to a papist : they burnt it, and a 
few fisher-boats that belonged to it ; but the inha- 
bitants got away ; and, as a body of militia was 
marching thither, the French made great haste back 
55 to their ships : the French published this in their 
gazettes with much pomp, as if it had been a great 
trading town, that had many ships, with some men 
of war in port : this both rendered them ridiculous, 
and served to raise the hatred of the nation against 
them ; for every town on the coast saw what they 
must expect, if the French should prevail. 
The qnecn's In all this time of fear and disorder, the queen 
upon this shewed an extraordinary firmness ; for though she 
occasion. ^^^ £.^ ^^ dismal thoughts, yet she put on her ordi- 
nary cheerfulness when she appeared in public, and 
shewed no indecent concern : I saw her all that 
while once a week ; for I stayed that summer at 
Windsor; her behaviour was in all respects heroical: 
she apprehended the greatness of our danger ; but 
she committed herself to God ; and was resolved to 
expose herself, if occasion should require it ; for she 
told me, she would give me leave to wait on her, if 
she was forced to make a campaign in England 
while the king was in Ireland. 
The king Whilst the misfortunes in Flanders and at sea 

came to . . n • • 1 /» 

Dublin, were puttmg us m no small agitation, the news first 
of the king's preservation from the cannon ball, and 
then of the victory gained the day after, put an- 
other face on our aflfairs : the earl of Nottingham 
told me, that when he carried the news to the 
queen, and acquainted her in a few words that the 
king was well; that he had gained an entire vie- 



OF K. AVILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 97 

tory; and that the late king had escaped; he ob- 1690. 
served her looks, and found that the last article 
made her joy complete, which seemed in some 
suspense till she understood that. The queen and 
council upon this sent to the king, pressing him to 
come over with all possible haste ; since, as England 
was of more importance, so the state of affairs re- 
quired his presence here : for it was hoped the re- 
duction of Ireland would be now easily brought 
about. The king, as he received the news of the 
battle of Flerus the day after the victory at the 
Boyne, so on the day in which he entered Dublin he 
had the news of the misfortune at sea, to temper the 
joy that his own successes might give him ; he had 
taken all the earl of Tyrconnel's papers in the camp; 
and he found all king James's papers, left behind 
him in Dublin : by these he understood the design 
the French had of burning his transport fleet, which 
was therefore first to be taken care of; and, since 
the French were now masters at sea, he saw no- 
thing that could hinder the execution of that de- 
sign. 

Among the earl of Tyrconnel's papers, there was a design to 
one letter writ to queen Mary at St. Germains the tia- king, 
night before the battle ; but it was not sent. In it, 
he said, he looked on all as lost ; and ended it thus ',56 
I have now no hope in any thing but in Jones s 
business. The marquis of Caermarthen told me, 
that some weeks before the king went to Ireland, he 
had received an advertisement, that one named 
Jones, an Irishman, who had served so long in 
France and HoUand, that he spoke both languages 
well, was to be sent over to murder the king. And 
sir Robert Southwell told me, that he, as secretary 

VOL. IV. H 



m THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1690. of state for Ireland, had looked into all Tyrconnel's 
papers, and the copies of the letters he wrote to 
queen Mary, which he had still in his possession : 
and he gave me the copies of two of them. In one 
of these he writes, that Jones was come ; that his 
proposition was more probable, and liker to succeed 
than any yet made ; his demands were high ; but he 
added, if any thing can be high for such a service. 
In another he writes, that Jones had been with the 
king, who did not like the thing at first ; but he 
added, we have now so satisfied him both in con- 
science and honour, that every thing is done that 
Jones desires. Southwell further told me, that Dea- 
gle, the attorney general, had furnished him with 
money, and a poniard of a particular composition ; 
and that they sought long for a bible bound without 
a common prayer book, which he was to carry in his 
pocket, that so he might pass, if seized on, for a dis- 
senter. Some persons of great quality waited on 
him to the boat that was to carry him over : he was 
for some time delayed in Dublin ; and the king had 
passed over to Ireland before he could reach him ; 
we could never hear of him more ; so it is likely he 
went away with his money. A paper was drawn of 
all this matter, and designed to be published ; but, 
upon second thoughts, the king and queen had that 
tenderness for king James, that they stopped the 
pubUshing to the world so shameful a practice. The 
king said upon this to my self, that God had pre- 
served him out of many dangers, and he trusted he 
would still preserve him ; he was sure he was not 
capable of retaliating in that way. The escape of 
a cannon ball, that touched him, was so signal, that 
it swallowed up lesser ones: yet, in the battle at the 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 99 

Boyne, a musket ball struck the heel of his boot, 1690. 
and recoiling, killed a horse near him ; and one of 
his own men, mistaking him for an enemy, came up 
to shoot him : but he gently put by his pistol, and 
only said. Do not you know your Jr lends'? 

At Dublin he published a proclamation of grace, 
offering to all the inferior sort of the Irish their 
lives and personal estates, reserving the considera- 
tion of the real estates of the better sort to a parlia- 
ment, and indemnifying them only for their lives : 57 
it was hoped, that the fulness of the pardon of the 
commons might have separated them from the gen- 
try ; and that by this means they would be so for- 
saken, that they would accept of such teniis as 
should be offered them. The king had intended to 
have made the pardon more comprehensive; hoping, 
by that, to bring the war soon to an end : but the 
English in Ireland opposed this. They thought the 
present opportunity was not to be let go, of breaking 
the great Irish families, upon whom the inferior sort 
would always depend. And, in compliance with 
them, the indemnity now offered was so limited, 
that it had no effect : for the priests, who governed 
the Irish with a very blind and absolute authority, 
prevailed with them to try their fortunes still. The 
news of the victory the French had at sea was so 
magnified among them, that they made the people 
believe, that they would make such a descent upon 
England as must oblige the king to abandon Ire- 
land. The king was pressed to pursue the Irish, 
who had retired to Athlone and Limerick, and were 
now joined by their officei*s, and so brought again 
into some order : but the main concern was to put 
the transport fleet in a safe station. And that could 

H 2 



100 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1690. not be had, till the king was master of Waterford 
and Diincannon fort, which commanded the entrance 
into the river : both these places capitulated ; and 
the transports were brought thither. But they were 
not now so much in danger as the king had reason 
to apprehend ; for king James, when he sailed away 
from Duncannon, was forced by contrary winds to 
go into the road of Kinsale, where he found some 
French frigates, that were already come to bum our 
fleet : he told them it was now too late, all was lost 
in Ireland. So he carried them back, to convoy him 
over to France ; where he had but a cold reception : 
•for the miscarriage of affairs in Ireland was imputed 
both to his ill conduct and his want of courage. He 
fell under much contempt of the people of France : 
only that king continued still to behave himself de- 
cently towards him ''. 

The king sent his army towards the Shannon ; 
and he himself came to Dublin, intending, as he 
was advised, to go over to England ; but he found 
there letters of another strain ; things were in so 
good a posture, and so quiet in England, that they 
were no more in any apprehension of a descent : so 
the king went back to his army, and marched to- 
wards Limerick. Upon this Lausun, who com- 
manded the French, left the town ; and sent his 
equipage to France, which perished in the Shannon. 
It was hoped, that Limerick, seeing itself thus aban- 

^ I was told by a Roman ca- civil, on one side, and with 

tholic gentleman at Rome, who great confusion on the other, 

had a verj' low opinion of king But the court of France could 

James's conduct, that he was not forbear speaking great dis- 

present at the interview be- respect, even in his own hear- 

tween him and the king of ing ; which the queen seemed 

France upon his return; which, much more sensible of than he 

he said, Mras verj' cold, though did. D. 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 101 

cloned, would have foUowed the example of other 1690. 
towns, and have capitulated. Upon that confidence, 
the king marched towards it, though his army was 58 
now much diminished ; he had left many garrisons The siege 
in several places, and had sent some of his best bo- 
dies over to England ; so that he had not now above 
20,000 men together. Limerick lies on both sides 
of the Shannon, and on an island, that the river 
makes there : the Irish were yet in great numbers 
in Connaught ; so that, unless they had been shut 
up on that side, it was easy to send in a constant 
supply both of men and provisions : nor did it seem 
advisable to undertake the siege of a place so si- 
tuated, with so small an army, especially in that 
season, in which it used to rain long ; and by that 
means, both the Shannon would swell, and the 
ground, which was the best soil of Ireland, would 
be apt to become deep, and scarce practicable for 
carnages. Yet the cowardice of the Irish, the con- 
sternation they were in, and their being abandoned 
by the French, made the king resolve to sit down 
before it. Their out- works might have been de- 
fended for some time ; but they abandoned these in 
so much disorder, that it was from hence believed 
they would not hold out long. They also abandoned 
the posts which they had on the other side of the 
Shannon : upon which, the king passed the river, 
which was then very low, and viewed those posts ; 
but he had not men to maintain them : so he con- 
tinued to press the town on the Munster side. 

He sent for some more ammunition, and some 
great guns ; they had only a guard of two troops of 
horse, to convoy them, who despised the Irish so 
much, and thought they were at such distance, that 

H 3 



102 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1690. they set their horses to grass, and went to bed. 
Sarsfield, one of the best officers of the Irish, heard 
that the king rode about very carelessly, and upon 
that, had got a small body of resolute men together, 
on design to seize his person ; but now, heaiing of 
this convoy, he resolved to cut it off : the king had 
advertisement of this brought him in time, and or- 
dered some more troops to be sent, to secure the 
convoy : they, either through treachery or careless- 
ness, did not march till it was night, though their 
orders were for the morning ; but they came a few 
hours too late. Sarsfield surprised the party, de- 
stroyed the ammunition, broke the carriages, and 
burst one of the guns, and so marched off : Lanier, 
whom the king had sent with the party, might have 
overtaken him ; but the general observation made 
of him (and of most of those officers, who had served 
king James, and were now on the king's side) was, 
that they had a greater mind to make themselves 
rich, by the continuance of the war of Ireland, than 
their master great and safe by the speedy conclusion 
of it. 
59 By this, the king lost a week, and his ammuni- 
tion was low ; for a great supply, that was put on 
shipboard in the river of Thames, before the king 
left London, still remained there, the French being 
masters of the channel. Yet the king pressed the 
town so hard, that the trenches were run up to the 
counterscarp ; and when they came to lodge there, 
the Irish ran back so fast, at a breach that the can- 
non had made, that a body of the king's men run 
in after them ; and if they had been seconded, the 
town had been immediately taken ; but none came 
in time, so they retii-ed : and though the king sent 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 103 

another body, yet they were beaten back with loss. 1690. 
As it now began to rain, the king saw that, if he 
stayed longer there, he must leave his great artillery 
behind him : he went into the trenches every day ; 
and it was thought he exposed himself too much. 
His tent was pitched within the reach of then* can- 
non ; they shot often over it, and beat down a tent 
very near it ; so he was prevailed on, to let it be re- 
moved to a greater distance : once, upon receiving a 
packet from England, he sat down in the open field 
for some hours, reading his letters, while the can- 
non balls were flying round about him. The Irish 
fired well; and shewed, they had some courage, 
when they were behind walls, how little soever they 
had shewn in the field. 

The king lay three weeks before Limerick ; but The sieg. 
at last the rains forced him to raise the siege : they 
within did not offer to sally out, and disorder the 
retreat ; this last action proving unlucky, had much 
damped the joy, that was raised by the first success 
of this campaign. The king expressed a great equa- 
lity of temper upon the various accidents that hap- 
pened at this time. Dr. Hutton, his first physician, 
who took care to be always near him, told me, he 
had observed his behaviour very narrowly, upon two 
very different occasions. 

The one was, after the return from the victory at 
the Boyne ; when it was almost midnight, after he 
had been seventeen hours in constant fatigue, with 
all the stiffness that his wound gave him : he ex- 
pressed neither joy nor any sort of vanity ; only he 
looked cheerful ; and when those about him made 
such compliments, as will be always made to princes, 
even though they do not deserve them, he put all 

H 4 



104 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1690. that by, with such an unaffected neglect, that it ap- 
peared how much soever he might deserve the ac- 
knowledgments that were made him, yet he did 
not like them. And this was so visible to all about 
him, that they soon saw, that the way to make their 
court was, neither to talk of his wound nor of his 
behaviour on that day. As soon as he saw his phy- 
sician, he ordered him to see that care should be 
60 taken of the wounded men, and he named the pri- 
soners, as well as his own soldiers. And though he 
had great reason to be offended with Hamilton, who 
had been employed to treat with the earl of Tyrcon- 
nel, and was taken prisoner in his sight, and was 
preserved by his order : yet since he saw he was 
wounded, he gave particular directions to look after 
him ^. Upon the whole matter, the king was as 
grave and silent as he used to be ; and the joy of a 
day, that had been both so happy and so glorious to 
him, did not seem to alter his temper or deportment 
in any way. 
The equa- Hc told me, he was also near him, when it was 
king^s tem- Tcsolvcd to raise the siege of Limerick ; and saw 
^^^' the same calm, without the least depression, disorder, 

or peevishness : from this he concluded, that either 
his mind was so happily balanced, that no accident 
could put it out of that situation ; or that, if he had 
commotions within, he had a very extraordinary com- 
mand over his temper, in restraining or concealing 
them. 

While he lay before Limerick, he had news from 

* He was brought up to the lieved they would ; to which the 

king, who asked him, if he king only replied, " Your ho- 

thought the Irish would rally, " nour." O. (See before, vol. i. 

and tight again. He answered p. 808.) 
that upon his honour he be- 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 105 

England, that our fleet was now out, and that the 1690. 
French were gone to Brest : so, since we were mas- xi.e eari of 
ters of the sea, the earl of Marlborough proposed, fjjgj*'' . 
that five thousand men, who had lain idle all this p^.^" the 

taking Cork 

summer in England, should be sent to Ireland ; and and Kinsaie 

• 11 • r»i !!• Ill''* winter. 

With the assistance of such men as the king should and effecu 
order to join them, they should try to take Cork and' ' 
Kinsaie. The king approved of this ; and ordered 
the earl to come over with them : and he left orders 
for about five thousand more, who were to join him. 
And so he broke up this campaign, and came over 
to Bristol, and from thence to London. The con- 
trary winds stopped the earl of Marlborough so, that 
it was October before he got to Ireland ^ He soon 
took Cork by storm : and four thousand men, that 
lay there in garrison, were made prisoners of war. 
In this action, the duke of Grafton received a shot, 
of which he died in a few days ; he was the more 
lamented, as being the person of all king Charles's 
children, of whom there was the greatest hope : he 
was brave, and probably would have become a great 
man at sea ^. From Cork, the earl of Marlborough 
marched to Kinsaie, where he found the two forts, 
that commanded the port, to be so much stronger, 
than the plans had represented them to be, that he 
told me, if he had known their true strength, he had 
never undertaken the expedition, in a season so far 
advanced ; yet in a few days the place capitulated. 
The Irish drew their forces together, but durst not 
venture on raising the siege ; but to divert it, they 

^ (Ralph says that the earl of England, vol. ii. p. 243.) 
came to anchor in Cork road on 8 (See above, vol. i. p. 791.) 

September the 21st. History 



106 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1690. set the country about, which was the best built of 
any in Ireland, all in a flame. 
61 Thus, those two important places were reduced 
lefUrdlnd. ^^ ^ vcry bad season, and with very little loss ; 
which cut off the quick communication between 
France and Ireland. Count Lausun, with the 
French troops, lay all this while about Galway, 
without attempting any thing ^ ; he sent over to 
France an account of the desperate state of their 
affairs, and desired ships might be sent for the 
transport of their forces : that was done ; yet the 
ships came not till the siege of Limerick was raised : 
probably, if the court of France had known how 
much the state of affairs was altered, they would 
have sent contrary orders : but Lausun was weary 
of the service, and was glad to get out of it ; so he 
sailed away, without staying for new orders ; by 
which he lost the little reputation that he was be^ 
ginning to recover at the court of France. The 
earl of Tyrconnel went over with him, and gave 
full assurances, that though the Irish were like to 
suffer great hardships next winter ; yet they would 
stand it out, if they were still supported from 
France. It had appeared, upon many occasions, 
that the French and the Irish soldiers did not agree 
well together : therefore he proposed, that no more 
soldiers, but only a number of good officers, together 
with arms, ammunition, and clothes, might be sent 

^ King James's affairs were no officer, a liar, and a j)as- 

alvvays ruined, happily for this sionate bigot. He had {here 

nation, by the conduct of their two or three words are unintelli- 

being placed in unable hands, gihle) when young. Vide Lord 

Lausun was an extravagant Clarendon's Letters. H. 
coxcomb, and lord Tvrconnel 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 107 

over to them. In the mean while, the Irish formed 1690. 
themselves into many bodies, which, by a new name, 
were called Rapparees : these knowing all ways, 
and the bogs, and other places of retreat in Ireland, 
and being favoured by the Irish that had submitted 
to the king, robbed and burnt houses in many 
places of the country; while the king's army studied 
their own ease in their quarters, more than the pro- 
tection of the inhabitants : many of them were sus- 
pected of robbing in their turn, though the Rappa- 
rees carried the blame of all: between them, the 
poor inhabitants had a sad time, and their stock of 
cattle and com was almost quite destroyed in many 
places. 

From the affairs of Ireland, I turn next to give Affairs in 

_ 1 • r-( 1 1 Scotland. 

an account of what passed m Scotland : matters 
went very happily, as to the military part : when 
the remnants of the earl of Dundee's army (to whom 
many officers, together with ammunition and money, 
had been sent from Ireland) began to move towards 
the low country, to receive those who were resolved 
to join with them, and were between two and three 
thousand strong, they were fallen upon and entirely 
defeated by a Dutch officer, Levingston, that com- 
manded the forces in Scotland: about an hundred 
officers were taken prisoners : this broke all the 
measures that had been taken for king James's in- 
terests in Scotland. Upon this, those who had en- 
gaged in Montgomery's plot, looked upon that de- 62 
sign as desperate; yet they resolved to try what 
strength they could make in parliament. 

Lord Melvill carried down powers, first to offer 
to duke Hamilton, if he would join in common mea- 
sures heartily with him, to be commissioner in par- 



108 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1690. liament, or if he proved intractable, as indeed he 
did, to serve in that post himself. He had full in- 
structions for the settlement of presbytery ; for he 
assured the king, that without that, it would be im- 
possible to carry any thing; only the king would 
not consent to the taking away the rights of patron- 
age, and the supremacy of the crown : yet he found 
these so much insisted on, that he sent one to the 
king to Ireland for fuller instructions in those points; 
they were enlarged, but in such general words, that 
the king did not understand, that his instructions 
could warrant what lord Melvill did ; for he gave 
them both up. And the king was so offended with 
him for it, that he lost aU the credit he had with 
him; though the king did not think fit to disown 
him, or to call him to an account for going beyond 
his instructions. 
A pariia- The JacoWtcs persuaded all their party to ffo to 

ment there. ... , f j ta 

the parliament, and to take the oaths ; for many of 
the nobility stood off, and would not own the king, 
nor swear to him : great pains were taken by Pater- 
son, one of their archbishops, to persuade them to 
take the oaths, but on design to break them ; for he 
thought by that means they could have a majority 
in parliament; though some of the laity were too 
honest to agree to such advices ; but with all these 
wicked arts, they were not able to carry a majority. 
So other things failing, they saw a necessity of de- 
siring a force to be sent over from France : this ap- 
peared so odious, and so destructive of their country, 
that some of them refused to concur in it : others 
were not pleased with the answers king James had 
sent to the propositions they had made him. He 
had indeed granted all that they had asked, upon 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 109 

their own particular interests, and had promised to 1690. 
settle presbytery ; but he rejected all those demands 
that imported a diminution of his prerogative, in as 
firm a manner, as if he had been already set on the 
throne again : they proposed, finding his answer so 
little to their satisfaction, to send him a second mes- 
sage. 

Upon this, the earls of Argyle, Annandale, and^P'''*^*''*- 
Braidalbin, withdrew from them : Annandale came 
up to the Bath, pretending his ill health : both lord 
Argyle and Braidalbin went to Chester, pretending, 
as they said afterwards, that they intended to dis- 
cover the whole matter to the king; but he had 
passed over to Ireland before they got to Chester. 
Montgomery, upon this, looked on the design as 63 
broken ; and so he went and reconciled himself to 
MelvUl, and discovered the whole negotiation to 
him. Upon which, the earl of Melvill pressed the 
king to grant a general indemnity, and gave Mont- 
gomery a pass to go to London ; and he wrote to 
the queen in his favour. But the king was resolved 
to know the bottom of the plot, and particularly 
how far any of the English were engaged in it ; so 
Montgomery absconded for some time in London, 
since he saw no hopes of pardon, but upon a full 
discovery. A warrant was sent to the Bath for the 
earl of Annandale, of which he had notice given 
him, and went up privately to London. Montgo- 
mery sent Ferguson to him, assuring him, that he 
had discovered nothing, and desiring him to conti- 
nue firm and secret ; but when he had certain no- 
tice that Montgomery had discovered all the nego- 
tiation among the Scotch, he cast himself on the 
queen's mercy, asking no other conditions, but that 



110 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1690. he might not be made an evidence against others. 

—^ He himself had not treated with any in England, 
so, as to them, he was only a second-hand witness ; 
only he informed against Nevil Payne, who had 
been sent down to Scotland, to manage matters 
among them : he was taken there, but would con- 
fess nothing ; upon the earl of Annandale's informa- 
tion, which he gave upon oath, the earl of Notting- 
ham wrote to the council of Scotland, that he had 
in his hands a deposition upon oath, containing 
matter of high treason against Payne ; upon which 
it was pretended, that, according to the law of Scot- 
land, he might be put to the torture ; and that was 
executed with rigour : he resisted a double question, 
yet was still kept a prisoner; and this was much 
cried out on, as barbarous and illegal. Montgomery 
lay hid for some months at London ; but when he 
saw he could not have his pardon, but by making a 
full discovery, he chose rather to go beyond sea : so 
fatally did ambition and discontent hurry a man to 
ruin, who seemed capable of greater things. His 
art in managing such a design, and his firmness in 
not discovering his accomplices, raised his character 
as much as it ruined his fortune. He continued in 
perpetual plots after this, to no purpose : he was 
once taken, but made his escape ; and at last, spleen 
and vexation put an end to a turbulent life. 

The lord Melvill had now a clear majority in par- 
liament, by the discovery of the plot : some absented 
themselves ; and others, to redeem themselves, were 
compliant in all things : the main point, by which 
Melvill designed to fix himself and his party was, 
the abolishing of episcopacy, and the setting up of 
64 presbytery. The one was soon done, by repealing 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. Ill 

all the laws in favour of episcopacy, and declaring 1690. 
it contrary to the genius and constitution of that 
church and nation ; for the king would not consent 
to a plain and simple condemnation of it. But it 
was not so easy to settle presbytery : if they had 
followed the pattern set them in the year 1638, all 
the clergy, in a parity, were to assume the govern- 
ment of the church ; but those being episcopal, they 
did not think it safe to put the power of the church 
in such hands ; therefore it was pretended, that 
such of the presbyterian ministers, as had been 
turned out in the year 1662, ought to be considered 
as the only sound part of the church ; and of these 
there happened to be then threescore alive : so the 
government of the church was lodged with them ; 
and they were empowered to take to their assistance 
and to a share in the church government, such as 
they should think fit : some furious men, who had 
gone into very frantic principles, and all those who 
had been secretly ordained in the presbyterian way, 
were presently taken in : this was like to prove a fa- 
tal error, at their first setting out : the old men among 
them, what by reason of their age or their experi- 
ence of former mistakes, were disposed to more mo- 
derate counsels ; but the taking in such a number 
of violent men, put it out of their power to pursue 
them ; so these broke out into a most extravagant 
way of proceeding against such of the episcopal 
party as had escaped the rage of the former year. 
Accusations were raised against them ; some were 
charged for their doctrine, as guilty of Arminianism; 
others were loaded with more scandalous imputa- 
tions : but these were only thrown out to defame 
them. And where they looked for proof, it was in 



Vm THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1690. a way more becoming inquisitors than judges : so 
apt are all parties, in theii' turns of power, to fall 
into those very excesses of which they did formerly 
make such tragical complaints. All other matters 
were carried in the parliament of Scotland, as the 
lord Melvill and the presbyterians desired. In lieu 
of the king's supremacy, he had chimney-money 
given him ; and a test was imposed on all in office, 
or capable of electing or being elected to serve in 
parliament, declaring the king and queen to be their 
rightful and lawful sovereigns, and renouncing any 
manner of title pretended to be in king James. 
Affairs As for affairs abroad, the duke of Savoy came 

abroad. 

into the alliance : the French suspected he was in a 
secret treaty with the emperor, and so they forced 
him to declare it, before matters were ripe for it. 
They demanded, that he would put Turin and 
MontmeUan in their hands. This was upon the 
65 matter to ask all, and to make him a vassal prince : 
upon his refusal, a French army took possession of 
Savoy ; and marched into Piedmont, before he was 
ready to receive them : for though the imperialists 
and the Spaniards had made him great promises, in 
which they are never wanting, when their affairs 
require it ; yet they failed so totally in the perform- 
ance, that if the king and the Dutch, who had pro- 
mised him nothing, had not performed every thing 
effectually, he must have become at once a prey to 
the French. The emperor was this year unhap- 
py in Hungary, both by losing Belgrade, and by 
some other advantages which the Turks gained : 
yet he was as little inclined to peace, as he was ca- 
pable of carrying on the war. 

The king, at his first coming over from Ireland, 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 113 

was so little wearied with that campaign, that he 1690. 
intended to have gone over to his army in Flanders : 
but it was too late ; for they were going into winter 
quarters : so he held the session of parliament early, 
about the beginning of October, that so, the funds 
being settled for the next year, he might have an 
interview with many of the German princes, who 
intended to meet him at the Hague, that they might 
concert measures for the next campaign. 

Both houses began with addresses of thanks and ^ session of 

1 . 1 1 • 1 • • parliament 

congratulation to the kmg and queen, m which they in England. 
set forth the sense they had of their pious care of 
their people, of their courage and good government, 
in the highest expressions that could be conceived ; 
with promises of standing by them, and assisting 
them with every thing that should be found neces- 
sary for the public service : and they were as good 
as their word; for the king, having laid before them 
the charge of the next year's war, the estimate rising 
to above four millions, the vastest sum that ever a 
king of England had asked of his people, they agreed 
to it ; the opposition that was made being very in- 
considerable ; and they consented to the funds pro- 
posed, which were thought equal to that which was 
demanded, though these proved afterwards to be de- 
fective '. The administration was so just and gen- 
tle, that there were no grievances to inflame the 
house ; by which the most promising beginnings of 
some sessions, in former reigns, had often miscar- 
ried. 

Some indeed began to complain of a mismanage- 

' ("It appears, both by lord " mons in 1697, that the said 

" Halifax's books, and by an " funds produced a surplus of 

" account delivered by the trea- "77,381/. 3s. 4|d." Ralph's 

*• sury to the house of com- Hist, of England, yol.ii. p. 2^0.) 

VOL. IV. I 



114 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1690. ment of the public money : but the ministry put a 
stop to that, by moving for a bill, empowering such 
as the parliament should name to examine into all 
accounts, with aU particulars relating to them ; giv- 
ing them authority to bring all persons that they 
should have occasion for before them, and to tender 
66 them an oath, to discover their knowledge of such 
things as they should ask of them. This was like 
the power of a court of inquisition : and how un- 
usual soever such a commission was, yet it seemed 
necessary to grant it ; for the bearing down and si- 
lencing all scandalous reports. When this bill was 
brought to the lords, it was moved, that since the 
commons had named none but members of their own 
house, that the lords should add some of their num- 
ber : this was done by ballot ; and the earl of Ro- 
chester having made the motion, the greatest num- 
ber of ballots were for him ; but he refused to sub- 
mit to this with so much firmness, that the other 
lords, who were named with him, seemed to think 
they were in honour bound to do the same; so, 
since no peer would suffer himself to be named, the 
bill passed as it was sent up. Many complaints were 
made of the illegal commitments of suspected per- 
sons for high treason ; though there was nothing 
sworn against them. But the danger was so appa- 
rent, and the public safety was so much concerned 
in those imprisonments, that the house of commons 
made a precedent for securing a ministry that should 
do the like, upon the like necessity, and yet maintained 
the Habeas Corpus act; they indemnified the ministry 
for all that had been done contrary to that act ^. 

•^C' The indemnity was grant- " ment, which had its rise in the 
" ed by a special act of parlia- '• house of lords, and extended 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 115 

Great complaints were brought over from Ireland, 1690. 
where the king's army was almost as heavy on the Ireland 
country as the Rapparees were : there was a great ^^^^ ^*' 
arrear due to them ; for which reason, when the Rapparees 

and the ar- 

king settled a government in Ireland of three lords my there, 
justices, he did not put the army under their civil 
authority, but kept them in a military subjection to 
their officers : for he said, since the army was not 
regularly paid, it would be impossible to keep them 
from mutiny, if they were put under strict disci- 
pline, and punished accordingly. The under officers, 
finding that they were only answerable to their su- 
perior officers, took great liberties in their quarters ; 
and, instead of protecting the country, they op- 
pressed it. The king had brought over an army of 
seven thousand Danes, under the command of a very 
gallant prince, one of the dukes of Wirtemberg ; but 
they were cruel friends, and thought they were mas- 
ters ; nor were the English troops much better. The 
Dutch were the least complained of; Ginkle, who 
had the chief command, looked strictly to them; 
but he did not think it convenient to put those of 
other nations under the same severe measures. But 
the pay, due for some months, being now sent over, 
the orders were changed ; and the army was made 
subject to the civil government : yet it was under- 
stood, that instructions were sent to the lords jus- 67 
tices, to be cautious in the exercise of their autho- 
rity over them ; so the country still suffered much 
by these forces. 

The house of commons passed a vote, to raise a a bin con- 
cerning the 

Irish for- 

" not only to the seizing and ira- *' and arms, and the raising feitures. 
" prisoning svispected persons, " and maintaining the militia." 
" but to the seizing horses Ralph's Hist. vol. ii. p. 247.) 

I 2 



116 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1690. million of money out of the forfeitures and confisca- 
tions in Ireland : and in order to that, they passed a 
bill of attainder of all those who had been engaged 
in the rebellion of Ireland, and appropriated the 
confiscations to the raising a fund for defraying the 
expense of the present war; only they left a power to 
the king, to gi^ant a thu'd part of those confiscated 
estates to such as had served in the war; and to 
give such articles and capitulations to those who 
were in arms, as he should think fit. Upon this bill 
many petitions were offered, the creditors of some, 
and the heirs of others, who had continued faithful 
to the government, desired provisos for their se- 
curity. The commons, seeing that there was no 
end of petitions for such provisos, rejected them all ; 
imitating in this too much the mock parliament that 
king James held in Dublin; in which about 3000 
persons were attainted, without proof or process, 
only because some of them were gone over to 
England, and others were absconding, or informed 
against in Ireland. But when this biU was brought 
up to the lords, they thought they were in justice 
bound to hear all petitions ; upon this, the bill was 
like to be clogged with many provisos; and the mat- 
ter must have held long : so the king, to stop this, 
sent a message to the commons : and he spoke to 
the same purpose afterwards from the throne, to 
both houses : he promised, he would give no grants 
of any confiscated estates; but would keep that mat- 
ter entire, to the consideration of another session of 
parliament : by which the king intended only to as- 
sure them, that he would give none of those estates 
to his courtiers or officers ; but he thought he was 
still at liberty to pass such acts of grace, or grant 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 117 

such articles to the Irish, as the state of his affairs 1690. 
should require. '"^■~~~ 

There were no important debates in the house of I'he eari of 
lords. The earl of Torrington's business held them tried, and 
long : the form of his commitment was judged to be^"** * ' 
illegal ; and the martial law, to which by the statute 
all who served in the fleet were subject, being lodged 
in the lord high admiral, it was doubted, whether, 
the admiralty being now in commission, that power 
was lodged with the commissioners. The judges 
were of opinion that it was : yet, since the power of 
Ufe and death was too sacred a thing to pass only 
by a construction of law, it was thought the safest 
course to pass an act, declaring that the powers of 68 
a lord high admiral did vest in the commissioners. 
The secret enemies of the government, who intended 
to embroil matters, moved that the earl of Torring- 
ton should be impeached in parliament ; proceedings 
in that way being always slow, incidents were also 
apt to fall in, that might create disputes between the 
two houses, which did sometimes end in a rupture : 
but the king was apprehensive of that ; and, though 
he was much incensed against that lord, and had 
reason to believe that a council of war would treat 
him very favourably, yet he chose rather to let it go 
80, than to disorder his affairs. The commissioners 
of the admiralty named a court to try him, who did 
it with so gross a partiality, that it reflected much 
on the justice of the nation ; so that, if it had not 
been for the great interest the king had in the 
States, it might have occasioned a breach of the al- 
liance between them and us'. He came off safe as 
to his person and estate, but much loaded in his re- 
' (He was unanimously acquitted.) 
I 3 



118 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1690. putation ; some charging him with want of courage, 
while others imputed his ill conduct to a haughty 
sullenness of temper, that made him, since orders 
were sent him contrary to the advices he had given, 
to resolve indeed to obey them, and fight; but in 
such a manner, as should cast the blame on those 
who had sent him the orders, and give them cause 
to repent of it. 
Designs a- Another debate was moved in the house of lords, 

gainst the 

marquis of (by thosc who intended to revive the old impeach- 
theo. ment of the marquis of Caermarthen,) whether im- 
peachments continued from parliament to parlia- 
ment, or whether they were not extinguished by an 
act of grace : some ancient precedents were brought 
to favour this, by those who intended to keep them 
up : but in aU these, there had been an order of one 
parliament to continue them on to the next: so they 
did not come home to the present case: and how 
doubtful soever it was, whether the king's pardon 
could be pleaded in bar to an impeachment ; yet, 
since the king had sent an act of grace, which had 
passed in the first session of this parliament, it 
seemed very unreasonable to offier an impeachment 
against an act of parliament. AU this discovered a 
design against that lord, who was beUeved to have 
the greatest credit both with the king and queen, 
and was again falling under an universal hatred. In 
a house of commons, every motion against a minister 
is apt to be well entertained; some envy him; others 
are angry at him ; many hope to share in the spoils 
of him, or of his friends that fall with him ; and a 
love of change, and a wantonness of mind, makes 
the attacking a minister a diversion to the rest : the 
thing was well laid, and fourteen leading men had 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 119 

undertaken to manage the matter against him; in 1690. 
which the earl of Shrewsbury had the chief hand, as 7^ 
he himself told me ; for he had a very bad opinion 
of the man, and thought his advices would, in con- 
clusion, ruin the king and his affairs. But a disco- 
very was at this time made that was of great conse- 
quence ; and it was managed chiefly by his means, 
so that put an end to the designs against him for 
the present. 

The session of parliament was drawing to a con- Lord Pres- 
clusion : and the king was making haste over, to a over to 
great congress of many princes, who were coming ^™°*^^* 
to meet him at the Hague. The Jacobites thought 
this opportunity was not to be lost ; they fancied it 
would be easy, in the king's absence, to bring a re- 
volution about: so they got the lord Preston to 
come up to London, and to undertake the journey 
to France, and to manage this negotiation. They 
thought no time was to be lost, and that no great 
force was to be brought over with king James ; but 
that a few resolute men, as a guard to his person, 
would serve the turn, now that there was so small a 
force left within the kingdom, and the nation was 
so incensed at a burden of four millions in taxes. 
By this means, if he surprised us, and managed his 
coming over with such secrecy, that he should bring 
over with himself the first news of it, they believed 
this revolution would be more easy and more sudden 
than the last. The men that laid this design were, 
the eaii of Clarendon, the bishop of Ely, the lord 
Preston, and his brother Mr. Graham, and Pen, the 
famous quaker. Lord Preston resolved to go over, 
and to carry letters from those who had joined with 
him in the design, to king James and his queen. 

l4 



Iff THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1690. The bishop of Ely's letters were writ in a very par- 
ticular style ; he undertook both for his elder brother 
and the rest of the family; which was plainly meant 
of Sancroft and the other deprived bishops : in his 
letter to king James's queen, he assured her of his and 
aU their zeal for the prince of Wales ; and that they 
would no more part with that than with their hopes 
of heaven. Ashton, a servant of that queen's, hired 
a vessel to carry them over ; but the owner of the 
vessel, being a man zealous for the government, dis- 
covered all he knew ; which was only, that he was 
to carry some persons over to France : the notice of 
this was carried to the marquis of Caermarthen : 
and the matter was so ordered, that lord Preston, 
Ashton, and a young man (Elliot) were got aboard, 
and faUing down the river, when the officer sent to 
take them came, on pretence to search, and press 
for seamen ; and drew the three passengers out of 
the hold in which they were hid. Lord Preston 
70 left his letters behind him in the hold, together 
with king James's signet "^ ; Ashton took them up, 
on design to have thrown them in the sea ; but they 
were taken from him. 

Both they and their letters were brought to 
Whitehall. Lord Preston's mind sunk so visibly? that 
it was concluded he would not die, if confessing all 
he knew could save him. Ashton was more firm 
and suUen ; Elliot knew nothing. There was among 
their papers one, that contained the heads of a de- 
claration, with assurances of pardon, and promises 

"» (" Burnet erroneously says, •• state, and the other his pri- 

" king .Tames's signet, whereas " vate seal." Ralph's Historift 

" one was the seal of lord Pres- vol. ii. p. 254.) 
*• ton's office, when secretary of 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 121 

to preserve the protestant religion and the laws; 1690. 
another paper contained short memorials, taken by 
lord Preston, in which many of the nobility were 
named : the most important of all was, a relation 
of a conference between some noblemen and gen- 
tlemen, whigs and tories; by which it appeared, 
that, upon a conversation on this subject, they all 
seemed convinced, that upon this occasion France 
would not study to conquer, but to oblige England ; 
and that king James would be whoUy governed by 
protestants, and follow the protestant and English 
interest. The prisoners were quickly brought to '^"a'«*°» *"- 
their trial ; their design of going to France, and the condemned. 
treasonable papers found about them, were fuUy 
proved : some of them were writ in lord Preston's, 
and some in Ashton's hand. They made but a poor 
defence: they said, a similitude of hands was not 
thought a good proof in Sidney's case ; but this was 
now only a circumstance ; in what hand soever the 
papers were writ, the crime was always the same, 
since they were open, not sealed : so they knew the 
contents of them, and thus were carrying on a ne- 
gotiation of high treason with the king's enemies : 
upon full evidence they were condemned. 

Ashton would enter into no treaty with the court ; Ashton suf- 
but prepared himself to die. And he suffered with 
great decency and seriousness. He left a paper be- 
hind him, in which he owned his dependance on 
king James, and his fidehty to him; he also af- 
firmed, that he was sure the prince of Wales was 
bom of the queen " : he denied that he knew the 
contents of the papers that were taken with him. 

" (He was a servant of king James's queen, and a protestant.) 



122 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
1690. This made some conclude, that his paper was pen- 



ned by some other person, and too hastily copied 
over by himself, without making due reflections on 
this part of it ; for I compared this paper, which he 
gave the sheriff, and which was written in his own 
hand, with those found about him, and it was visible 
both were writ in the same hand. 

Lord Preston went backward and forward: he 
had no mind to die, and yet was not willing to tell 
71 all he knew ; he acted a weak part in all respects : 
ton was ' when he was heated by the importunities of his 
pardoned, fj-j^jj^jg^ ^Jiq wcrc violently engaged against the go- 
vernment, and after he had dined well, he resolved 
he would die heroically ; but by next morning that 
heat went off; and when he saw death in fuU view, 
his heart failed him. The scheme he carried over 
was so foolish, so ill concerted, and so few engaged 
in it, that those who knew the whole secret con- 
cluded, that if he had got safe to the court of 
France, the project would have been so despised, 
that he must have been suspected as sent over to 
draw king James into a snare, and bring him into 
the king's hands. The earl of Clarendon was seized, 
and put in the Tower; but the bishop of Ely, 
Grimes, (f. Grahme,) and Pen, absconded. After 
some months, the king, in regard to the earl of 
Clarendon's relation to the queen, would proceed to 
no extremities against him, but gave him leave to 
live, confined to his house in the country ^. 
Thebeha- The king had suffered the deprived bishops to 

Tiour of tbe , , . in 

deprived coutmuc, uow abovc a year, at their sees : they aU 
IS lops. ^^^ while neglected the concerns of the church, do- 

° See postea, p. 700. O. 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 123 

ing nothing, but living privately in their palaces. 1690. 
I had, by the queen's order, moved both the earl of 
Rochester and sir John Trevor, who had great cre- 
dit with them, to try whether, in case an act could 
be obtained, to excuse them from taking the oaths, 
they would go on, and do their functions in ordina- 
tions, institutions, and confirmations ; and assist at 
the public worship as formerly ; but they would give 
no answer ; only they said, they would live quietly, 
that is, keep themselves close, till a proper time 
should encourage them to act more openly p. So 
all the thoughts of this kind were, upon that, laid 
aside. One of the considerablest men of the party, 
Dr. Sherlock, upon king James's going out of Ire- 
land, thought that this gave the present government 
a thorough settlement ; and in that case he thought 
it lawful to take the oaths ; and upon that, not only 
took them himself, but publicly justified what he 
had done ; upon which he was most severely libelled 
by those from whom he withdrew. The discovery 
of the bishop of Ely's correspondence and engage- 
ment in the name of the rest, gave the king a great 
advantage in filling those vacant sees ; which he re- 
solved to do upon his return from the congress, to 
which he went over in January. 



P (" What authority his lord- " It does not even appear, that 

" ship had for putting so hard " the letters directed to Mr. 

" an interpretation on the bi- " and Mrs. Redding, were posi- 

" shops' saying, that they would " tively proved to be the bishop 

" live quietly, he does not stay " of Ely's ; and not the least 

" to specify; nor does he explain "article of evidence is any 

" how they were accountable " where extant, that the said 

" for neglecting the concerns of " bishop was really authorized 

" the church, when they were " to carry on such a corre- 

" disabled by their suspension " sjK)ndence in the name of the 

•• from interfering with them. " rest." Ralph, vol. ii. p. 262.) 



i^4 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1690. In his way, he ran a very great hazard; when he 
A congress g^* within the Maese, so that it was thought two 
"t tbe'^*^^ hours' rowing would bring him to land, being weary 
Hague. of the sea, he went into an open boat with some of 
72 his lords : but by mists and storms, he was tossed 
up and down above sixteen hours, before he got safe 
to land. Yet neither he, nor any of those who were 
with him, were the worse for aU this cold and wet 
weather. And, when the seamen seemed very ap- 
prehensive of their danger, the king said in a very 
intrepid manner ; What, are you afraid to die in my 
company ? He soon settled some points, at which 
the States had stuck long; and they created the 
ftinds for that year. The electors of Bavaria and 
Brandenburg, the dukes of ZeU and Wolfenbuttel, 
with the landgrave of Hesse, and a great many 
other German princes, came to this interview, and 
entered into consultations concerning the operations 
of the next campaign. The duke of SaVoy's affairs 
were then very low ; but the king took care of him, 
and both furnished as well as procured him such 
supplies, that his affairs had quickly a more promis- 
ing face. Things were concerted among the princes 
themselves, and were kept so secret, that they did 
not trust them to their ministers : at least, the king 
did not communicate them to the earl of Notting- 
ham, as he protested solemnly to me, when he came 
back. The princes shewed to the king all the re- 
spects that any of their rank ever paid to any 
crowned head ; and they lived together in such an 
easy freedom, that points of ceremony occasioned no 
disputes among them ; though those are often, upon 
less solemn interviews, the subjects of much quarrel- 
ing, and inteiTupt more important debates. 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 125 

During this congress, pope Alexander the eighth, 1690. 
Ottoboni, died. He had succeeded pope Innocent, ^~^ p^ 
and sat in that chair almost a year and a half: he *'''''**" *^*" 

■^ a long con- 

was a Venetian, and intended to enrich his family ciave. 

as much as he could 'J. The French king renounced 
his pretensions to the franchises : and he, in return 
for that, promoted Fourbin and some others recom- 
mended by that court to be cardinals ; which was 
much resented by the emperor. - Yet he would not 
yield the point of the regale to the court of France : 
nor would he grant the bulls for those whom the 
king had named to the vacant bishoprics in France, 
who had signed the formulary, passed in 1682, that 
declared the pope fallible, and subject to a general 
council. When pope Alexander felt himself near 
death, he passed a bull in due form, by which he 
confirmed all pope Innocent's buUs : and by this he 
put a new stop to any reconciliation with the court 
of France. This he did to render his name and fa- 
mily more acceptable to the Italians, and most par- 
ticularly to his countrymen, who hated the French 
as much as they feared them. Upon his death, the 
conclave continued shut up for five months, before 

^ I was told at Rome that which old cardinal Alteri told 

he was a man of no religion, the pope gave great oflFence : he 

but left his family, who were said that was a fault, and next 

poor before, possessed of above time he saw his nephew, asked 

a hundred thousand pistoles a him why he did not take a pri- 

year in church preferuients, be- vate lodging for her. A little 

sides vast wealth in personal before he died, he asked his phy- 

estates. When some of the sicians how long they thought 

cardinals told him he made too he could live : they said about 

much haste, he answered, that an hour : then he called for a 

it had struck three and twenty, large draughtoflachrymae Chris- 

for he was past eighty years of ti, (a wine he loved extremely,) 

age. Cardinal Ottoboni, who and said he could not die much 

was chancellor of the church, the sooner for that. D. 
kept a mistress in the chancery. 



126 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1690. they could agree upon an election. The party of the 
Z^ zealots stood long firm to Barbarigo, who had the 
reputation of a saint, and seemed in all things to set 
cardinal Boromeo before him as a pattern : they at 
last were persuaded to consent to the choice of Pig- 
nateUi, a Neapolitan, who, while he was archbishop 
of Naples, had some disputes with the viceroy con- 
cerning the ecclesiastical immunities, which he as- 
serted so highly, that he excommunicated some of 
the judges, who, as he thought, had invaded them. 
The Spaniards had seemed displeased at this ; which 
recommended him so to the French, that they also 
concurred to his elevation. He assumed pope In- 
nocent's name, and seemed resolved to follow his 
maxims and steps ; for he did not seek to raise his 
family ; of which the king told me a considerable 
instance : one of his nearest kindred was then in 
the Spanish service in Flanders, and hasted to Rome 
upon his promotion : he received him kindly enough, 
but presently dismissed him, giving him no other 
present, if he said true, but some snuff. It is true, 
the Spaniards afterwards promoted him : but the 
pope took no notice of that \ 

To return to the Low Countries : the king of 

"■ I was at Rome in his pon- band, which he seemed very 

tificate ; he was the very reverse much to compassionate. He 

of his predecessor, extremely never allowed above a crown a 

charitable and devout ; had lit- day for his own table. He 

tie regard to his relations, broke two of his ribs by an odd 

though of a very noble family ; accident after he was pope, 

but said he found, since he was which made him very helpless, 

pope, he had a great many more but bore it with great patience, 

than he knew of before. He and was in all respects a very 

took most notice of the princess good man. The person that 

of Palistrin, who was a Pigna- had most credit with him was 

telli of Sicily, and a great heir- cardinal Albano, who was his 

ess; but had a very bad hus- successor. D. 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 127 

France resolved to break off the conferences at the J 690. 
Hague, by giving the alarm of an early campaign : 
Mons was besieged ; and the kiner came before it in The siege 

° . ^ of Mons. 

person. It was thereupon given up, as a lost place ; 
for the French ministers had laid that down among 
their chief maxims, that their king was never to un- 
dertake any thing in his own person, but where he 
was sure of success. The king broke up the con- 
gress, and drew a great army very soon together : 
and, if the town had held out so long as they might 
weU have done, or if the governor of Flanders had 
performed what he undertook, of furnishing car- 
riages to the army, the king would either have raised 
the siege, or forced the French to a battle. But 
some priests had been gained by the French, who 
laboured so eflfectually among the townsmen, who 
were almost as strong as the garrison, that they at 
last forced the governor to capitulate. Upon that, 
both armies went into quarters of refreshment : and 
the king came over again to England for a few 
weeks. 

He gave all necessary orders for the campaign in Affairs set- 
Ireland ; in which Ginkle had the chief command, next ^-* 
Russel had the command of the fleet, which was^*'^"' 
soon ready, and well manned. The Dutch squa- 
dron came over in good time. The proportion of 
the quota, settled between England and the States, 
was, that we were to furnish five, and they three 
ships of equal rates and strength. 

Affairs in Scotland were now brought to some 74 
temper : many of the lords, who had been concerned ^^^ '° 
in the late plot, came up, and confessed and disco- 
vered all, and took out their pardon ; they excused 
themselves, as apprehending that they were exposed 



1S8 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1 690. to ruin ; and that they dreaded the tyranny of pres- 
*""""""" bytery, no less than they did popery : and they pro- 
mised that, if the king would so balance matters, 
that the lord Melvill and his party should not have 
it in their power to ruin them and their friends, and 
in particular, that they should not turn out the min- 
isters of the episcopal persuasion, who were yet in 
office, nor force presbyterians on them, they would 
engage in the king's interests faithfully and with 
zeal : they also undertook to quiet the Highlanders, 
who stood out still, and were robbing the country 
in parties : and they undertook to the king, that, 
if the episcopal clergy could be assured of his pro- 
tection, they would all acknowledge and serve him : 
they did not desire, that the king should make any 
step towards the changing the government that 
was settled there ; they only desired, that episcopal 
ministers might continue to serve, in those places 
that liked them best ; and that no man should be 
brought into trouble for his opinion, as to the go- 
vernment of the church ; and that such episcopal 
men, as were willing to mix with the presbyterians 
in their judicatories, should be admitted, without 
any severe imposition in point of opinion. 
Some This looked so fair, and agreed so well with the 

changes , *^ 

made in king's owu scusc of things, that he very easily 
hearkened to it; and I did believe that it was sin- 
cerely meant ; so I promoted it with great zeal ; 
though we afterwards came to see, that all this was 
an artifice of the Jacobites, to engage the king to 
disgust the presbyterians ; and by losing them, or 
at least rendering them remiss in his service, they 
reckoned they would be soon masters of that king- 
dom. For the party resolved now to come in ge- 



Scotlaad. 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 129 

nerally, to take the oaths ; but in order to that, they 1 690. 
sent one to king James, to shew the necessity of it, 
and the service they intended him in it ; and there- 
fore they asked his leave to take them. That king's 
answer was more honest ; he said, he could not con- 
sent to that which he thought unlawful ; but if any 
of them took the oaths on design to serve him, and 
continued to advance his interests, he promised, it 
should never be remembered against them. Young 
Dalrymple was made conjunct secretary of state 
with the lord Melvill; and he undertook to bring 
in most of the Jacobites to the king's service ; but 
they entered at the same time into a close corre- 
spondence with St. Germains : I believed nothing 75 
of aU this at that time, but went in cordially to 
serve many who intended to lietray us. 

The truth was, the presbyterians, by their vio- 
lence and other foolish practices, were rendering 
themselves both odious and contemptible : they had 
formed a general assembly, in the end of the former 
year, in which they did veiy much expose them- 
selves, by the weakness and peevishness of their 
conduct : little learning or prudence appeared among 
them ; poor preaching and wretched haranguing ; 
partialities to one another, and violence and injustice 
to those who differed from them, shewed themselves 
in all their meetings. And these did so much sink 
their reputation, that they were weaning the nation 
most effectually from all fondness to their govern- 
ment : but the falsehood of many, who, under a 
pretence of moderating matters, were really under- 
mining the king's government, helped in the sequel 
to preserve the presbyterians, as much as their own 
conduct did now alienate the king from them. 

VOL. IV. K 



180 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1690. The next thing the king did was to fill the sees 
The vacant vacant by deprivation ^ He judged right, that it 
sees filled. ^^ q£ great consequence, both to his service and to 
the interests of religion, to have Canterbury well 
fiUed : for the rest would turn upon that. By the 
choice he was to make, all the nation would see, 
wliether he intended to go on with his first design 
of moderating matters, and healing our breaches, or 
if he would go into the passions and humours of a 
high party, that seemed to court him as abjectly as 
they inwardly hated him. Dr. TiUotson had been 
now well known to him for two years ; his soft and 
prudent counsels, and his zeal for his service, had 
begot, both in the king and queen, a high and just 
opinion of him. They had both, for above a year, 
. pressed him to come into this post : and he had 
struggled against it with great earnestness : as he 
had no ambition, nor aspiring in his temper, so he 
foresaw what a scene of trouble and slander he 
must enter on, now in the decline of his age. The 
prejudices, that the Jacobites would possess all people 
with, for his coming into the room of one, whom 
they called a confessor, and who began now to have 
the public compassion on his side, were weU fore- 
seen by him. He also apprehended the continuance 
of that heat and aversion, that a violent party had 
always expressed towards him, though he had not 
only avoided to provoke any of them, but had, upon 
all occasions, done the chief of them great services. 



' (Eight of the twenty-six p. 6. The major part of them 
bishops had declined taking the had been persecuted by that 
new oaths ; Sancroft of Canter- king to whom they now ad- 
bury and seven of his suffragans, hered.) 
Mhose names are mentioned in 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 131 

as oft as it was in his power. He had large princi- 1690. 
pies, and was free from superstition ; his zeal had 
been chiefly against atheism and popery : but he 
had never shewed much sharpness against the dis- 
senters. He had lived in a good correspondence 76 
with many of them : he had brought several over to 
the church, by the force of reason, and the softness 
of persuasion and good usage ; but was a declared 
enemy to violence and severities on- those heads. 
Among other prejudices against him, one related to 
myself; he and I had lived, for many years, in a 
close and strict friendship : he laid before the king 
all the ill effects, that, as he thought, the promoting 
him would have on his own service : but all this 
had served only to increase the king's esteem of 
him, and fix him in his purpose. 

The bishop of Ely's letters to St. Germains gave Many pro- 

. , -i • • motions in 

SO fau" an occasion of iillmg those sees, at this time, the church, 
that the king resolved to lay hold on it : and Til- 
lotson, with great uneasiness to himself, submitted 
to the king's command : and soon after, the see of 
York falling void. Dr. Sharp was promoted to it : 
so those two sees were filled with the two best 
preachers that had sat in them in our time : only 
Sharp did not know the world so well, and was not 
so steady as Tillotson was. Dr. Patrick was ad- 
vanced to Ely, Dr. More was made bishop of Nor- 
wich, Dr. Cumberland was made bishop of Peter- 
borough S Dr. Fowler was made bishop of Glou- 
cester, Ironside was promoted to Hereford, Grove to 

* I have heard that the first was by reading it in a news- 
notice or thought, which that paper at Stamford, where he was 
extraordinary man bishop Cum- minister. O. 
berland had of his promotion, 

K 2 



132 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1690. Chichester, and Hall to Bristol ; as Hough, the pre- 
sident of Magdalen's, was the year before this, made 
bishop of Oxford. So that in two years' time the 
king had named fifteen bishops ; and they were ge- 
nerally looked on as the leamedest, the wisest, and 
best men that were in the church ". It was visible, 
that in all these nominations, and the fiUing the in- 
ferior dignities that became void by their promo- 
tion, no ambition nor court favour had appeai'ed; 
men were not scrambling for preferment, nor using 
arts, or employing friends to set them forward ; on 
the contrary, men were sought for, and brought out 
of their retirements ; and most of them very much 
against their own inclinations : they were men both 
of moderate principles and of calm tempers : this 
great promotion was such a discovery of the king 
and queen's designs, with relation to the church, 
that it served much to remove the jealousies, that 
some other steps the king had made, were begin- 
ning to raise in the whigs, and very much softened 
the ill humour that was spread among them, 
paign^in -^^ ^oou as this was over, the king went back to 
Flanders, couimaud his army in Flanders. Both armies were 
now making haste to take the field. But the 
French were quicker than the confederates had yet 
learned to be. Prince Waldeck had not got above 
eighteen thousand men together, when Luxemburg, 
77 with an army of forty thousand men, was marching 
to have surprised Brussels : and at the same time, 
Bouflers, with another army, came up to Liege. 



" -(Bull, Cave, Hooper, and amongst those who were no- 
others, whose names will al- niinated to the vacant sees, 
ways survive, were not of the but he refused to succeed bishop 
number ; Beveridge was indeed Ken.) 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 133 

Waldeck posted his army so well, that Luxemburgli, 1690. 
believing it stronger than indeed it was, did not at- 
tempt to break through, in which it was believed he 
might have succeeded. The king hastened the rest 
of the troops, and came himself to the army in good 
time, not only to cover Brussels, but to send a de- 
tachment to the relief of Liege ; which had been 
bombarded for two days. A body of Grermans, as 
well as that which the king sent to them, came in 
good time to support those of Liege, who were be- 
ginning to think of capitulating. So Bouflers drew 
off; and the French kept themselves so close in 
their posts, all the rest of the campaign, that though 
the king made many motions, to try if it was pos- 
sible to bring them to a battle, yet he could not do 
it. Signal preservations of his person did again 
shew that he had a watchful providence still guard- 
ing him. Once he had stood under a tree for some 
time, which the enemy observing, they levelled a 
cannon so exactly, that the tree was shot down two 
minutes after the king was gone from the place. 
There was one, that belonged to the train of artillery, 
who was corrupted to set fire to the magazine of 
powder : and he fired the matches of three bombs, 
two of these blew up, without doing any mischief, 
though there were twenty-four more bombs in the 
same waggon, on which they lay, together with a 
baiTel of powder : the third bomb was found, with 
the match fired, before it had its effect. If this 
wicked practice had succeeded, the conftision, that 
was in all reason to be expected, upon such an ac- 
cident, while the enemy was not above a league from 
them, drawn up, and looking for the success of it, 
must have had terrible effects. It cannot be easily 

K 3 



134 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1690. imagined, how much mischief might have followed 
upon it, in the mere destruction of so many as would 
have perished immediately, if the whole magazine 
had taken fire; as well as in the panic fear, with 
which the rest would have been struck upon so ter- 
rible an accident ; by the surprise of it, the French 
might have had an opportunity to have cut off the 
whole army. This may well be reckoned one of the 
miracles of Providence, that so little harm was done, 
when so much was so near being done. The two 
armies lay along between the Samber and the Maese : 
but no action followed. When the time came of 
going into quarters, the king left the armies in 
prince Waldeck's hands, who was observed not to 
march off with that caution that might have been 
78 expected from so old a captain : Luxemburgh upon 
that drew out his horse, with the king's household, 
designing to cut off his rear ; and did, upon the first 
surprise, put them into some disorder ; but they 
made so good a stand, that, after a very hot action, 
the French marched off, and lost more men on their 
side than we did. Auverquerque commanded the 
N - body that did this service : and with it the campaign 

ended in Flanders. 
Affairs at Matters went on at sea with the same caution. 
Dunkirk was for some time blocked up by a squa- 
dron of ours. The great fleet went to find out the 
French ; but they had orders to avoid an engage- 
ment: and though for the space of two months 
Russel did all he could to come up to them, yet they 
stUl kept at a distance, and sailed off in the night : 
so that, though he was sometimes in view of them, 
yet he lost it next day. The trading part of the 
nation was very apprehensive of the danger the 



sea. 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 135 

Smyrna fleet might be in, in which the Dutch and 1690. 



English effects together were valued at four millions: ~ 

for, though they had a great convoy, yet the French 
fleet stood out to intercept them : but they got safe 
into Kinsale. The season went over without any 
action ; and Russel, at the end of it, came into Ply- 
mouth in a storm : which was much censured ; for 
that road is not safe : and two considerable ships 
were lost upon the occasion. Great factions were 
among the flag officers : and no other service was 
done by this great equipment, but that our trade 
was maintained. 

But, while we had no success either in Flanders The earn- 
er at sea, we were more happy in Ireland, even be-irefand? 
yond expectation. The campaign was opened with 
the taking of • Baltimore, on which the Irish had 
wrought much, that Athlone might be covered by 
it : we took it in one day ; and the garrison had 
only ammunition for a day more. St. Ruth, one of 
the violentest of all the persecutors of the protest- 
ants in France, was sent over with two hundred of- 
ficers to command the Irish army : this first action 
reflected much on his conduct, who left a thousand 
men, with so slender a provision of ammunition, 
that they were all made prisoners of war. From 
thence Ginkle advanced to Athlone, where St. Ruth 
was posted on the other side of the Shannon, with 
an army in number equal to his : the river was deep, 
but fordable in several places : the castle was soon 
turned to a ruin by the cannon : but the passing the 
river, in the face of an enemy, was no easy thing, 
the ford being so narrow, that they could not pass 
above twenty in front : parties were sent out to try 
other fords, which probably made the enemy ima- 

K 4 



136 ^ THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
1 690. gine that they never intended to pass the river, just 



nq under the town, where the ford was both deep and 
narrow. Talmash, a general officer, moved, that 
two battalions might have guineas apiece to en- 
courage them ; and he offered to march over at the 
head of them ; which was presently executed by 
Mackay, with so much resolution, that many ancient 
officers said it was the gallantest action they had 
ever seen. They passed the river, and went through 

Athione the breaches into the town, with the loss only of 
fifty men, having killed above a thousand of the 
enemy ; and yet they spared all that asked quarter. 
St. Ruth did not, upon this occasion, act suitably to 
the reputation he had formerly acquired ; he retired 
to Aghrem ; where he posted himself to great ad- 
vantage, and was much superior to Ginkle in num- 
ber ; for he had abandoned many small garrisons, to 
increase his army, which was now twenty-height 
thousand strong ; whereas Ginkle had not above 
twenty thousand ; so that the attacking him was no 
advisable thing, if the courage of the English, and 
the cowardice of the Irish, had not made a differ- 
ence so considerable, as neither numbers nor posts 
could balance. 

The battle gt. Ruth had indeed taken the most effectual way 

of Aghrem. m i • n • 

possible to mfuse courage into the Irish : he had 
sent their priests about among them, to animate 
them by aU the methods they could think of: and, 
as the most powerful of all others, they made them 
swear on the sacrament, that they w ould never for- 
sake their colours. This had a great effect on them : 
for as when Ginkle fell on them, they had a great 
bog before them ; and the grounds on both sides 
were very favourable to them : with those advan- 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 137 

tages, they maintained their ground much longer 1690. 
than they had been accustomed to do. They dis- 
puted the matter so obstinately, that for about two 
hours the action was very hot, and every battalion 
and squadron, on both sides, had a share in it. But 
nature will be always too strong for art ; the Irish, 
in conclusion, trusted more to their heels than to 
their hands ; the foot threw down their arms, and 
ran away *. St. Ruth, and many more officers, were 
killed, and about eight thousand soldiers, and all 
their cannon and baggage was taken. So that it 
was a total defeat ; only the night favoured a body 
of horse, that got off >. From thence Ginkle ad- 
vanced to Galloway, which capitulated ; so that now 
Limerick was the only place that stood out ; a squa- 
dron of ships was sent to shut up the river. In the 
mean while, tlie lords justices issued out a new pro- 
clamation, with an offer of life and estate, to such 
as, within a fortnight, should come under the king's 
protection. 

Ginkle pursued his advantages: and, having re- 1691. 
duced all Connaught, he came and sat down before ^^ 
Limerick, and bombarded it ; but that had no great besieged, 
effect; and though most of the houses were beat 
down, yet as long as the Connaught side was open, 
fresh men and provisions were stiU brought into the 
place. When the men of war were come up, near 
the town, Ginkle sent over a part of his army to the 

* They did not run till St. tack not the most regularly 

Ruth was killed. Bishop Bur- made. The English cavalry be- 

net is very inaccurdte in military haved with great bravery ; and 

matters. H . when the first morass was forced, 

y The ground was very ad- the Irish fled. H. 
vaatagcous to the Irish. The at- 



138 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1691. Connaught side, who fell upon some bodies of the 
Irish that lay there, and broke them ; and pursued 
them so close, as they retired to Limerick, that the 
French governor d'Usson, fearing that the English 
would have come in with them, drew up the bridge ; 
so that many of them were killed and drowned. 
This contributed very much towards heightening 
the prejudices that the Irish had against the French. 
The latter were so inconsiderable, that, if Sarsfield 
and some of the Irish had not joined with them, 
they could not have made their party good. The 
earl of Tyrconnel had, with a particular view, stu- 
died to divert the French from sending over soldiers 
into Ireland ; for he designed, in case of new misfor- 
tunes, to treat with the king, and to preserve him- 
self and his friends ; and now he began to dispose 
the Irish to think of treating ; since they saw that 
otherwise their ruin was inevitable. But as soon as 
this was suspected, all the military men, who re- 
solved to give themselves up entirely to the French 
interest, combined against him, and blasted him as 
a feeble and false man, who was not to be trusted. 
This was carried so far, that to avoid affronts, he 
was advised to leave the army : and he stayed all 
this summer at Limerick, where he died of grief, as 
was believed : but before he died, he advised all that 
came to him, not to let things go to extremities, but 
to accept of such terms as could be got : and his 
words seemed to weigh more after his death, than 
in his life-time : for the Irish began generally to 
say, that they must take care of themselves, and not 
be made sacrifices to serve the ends of the French. 
This was much heightened, by the slaughter of the 
Irish, whom the French governor had shut out, and 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 139 

left to perish. They wanted no provisions in Lime- 1691. 
rick. And a squadron of French ships stood over 
to that coast, which was much stronger than ours, 
that had sailed up to the town. So it was to be 
feared, that they might come into the river to de- 
stroy our ships. 

To hinder that, another squadron of English men 
of war was ordered thither. Yet the French did 
not think fit to venture their ships within the Shan- 
non, where they had no places of shelter ; the mis- 
understanding that daily grew between the Irish 81 
and the French was great ; and all appearance of 
relief from France failing, made them resolve to 
capitulate. This was very welcome to Ginkle and 
his army, who began to be in gi*eat wants ; for that 
country was quite wasted, having been the seat of 
war for three years : and all their draught horses 
were so wearied out, that their camp was often ill 
supplied. 

When they came to capitulate, the Irish insisted The Irish 

, capitulate. 

on very high demands; which was set on by the 
French, who hoped they would be rejected : but the 
king had given Ginkle secret directions, that he 
should grant aU the demands they could make, that 
would put an end to that war : so every thing was 
granted, to the great disappointment of the French, 
and the no small grief of some of the English, who 
hoped this war should have ended in the total ruin 
of the Irish interest. During the treaty, a saying of 
Sarsfield's deserves to be remembered; for it was 
much talked of, all Europe over. He asked some 
of the English officers, if they had not come to a 
better opinion of the Irish, by their behaviour during 
this war ; and whereas they said, it was much the 



140 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
1691. same that it had always been ; Sarsfield answered. 



As low as we now are, change but kings with us, 
and we will fight it over again with you. Those of 
Limerick treated, not only for themselves, but for 
all the rest of their countrymen that were yet in 
arms. They were all indemnified, and restored to 
all that they had enjoyed in king Charles's time. 
They were also admitted to all the privileges of sub- 
jects, upon their taking the oaths of allegiance to 
their majesties, without being bound to take the 
oath of supremacy. Not only the French, but as 
many of the Irish as had a mind to go over to 
France, had free liberty, and a safe transportation. 
And upon that, about twelve thousand of them went 
over. 
The war And thus cudcd the war of Ireland : and with 
there at an ^|^^^ ^^^ ^j^^ ^^^ Came to R final cud. The arti- 
cles of capitulation were punctually executed ; and 
some doubts that arose, out of some ambiguous 
words, were explained in favour of the Irish. So 
earnestly desirous was the king to have all matters 
quieted at home, that he might direct his whole 
force against the enemy al^road. The English in 
Ireland, though none could suffer more by the con- 
tinuance of the war than they did, yet were uneasy, 
when they saw that the Irish had obtained such 
good conditions ; some of the more violent men 
among them, who were much exasperated with the 
wrongs that had been done them, began to call in 
question the legality of some of the articles : but the 
parliament of England did not think fit to enter 
upon that discussion ; nor made they any motions 
82 towards the violating the capitulation. Ginkle came 
over full of honour, after so glorious a campaign, 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 141 
and was made earl of Athlone, and had noble re- 1691. 



wards for the great service he had done ; though, 
without detracting from him, a large share of all 
that was done was due to some of the general offi- 
cers, in particular to Rouvigny, made upon this earl 
of Galvvay, to Mackay, and Talmash. Old Rou- 
vigny being dead, his son offered his service to the 
king, who unwillingly accepted of it ; because he 
knew that an estate, which his father had in France, 
and of which he had still the income, would be im- 
mediately confiscated : but he had no regard to that, 
and heartily engaged in the king's service, and has . 
been ever since employed in many eminent posts; 
in all which he has acquitted himself with that great 
reputation, both for capacity, integrity, courage, and 
application, as well as success in most of his under- 
takings, that he is justly reckoned among the great 
men of the age : and to crown all, he is a man of 
eminent virtues, great piety, and zeal for religion. 

The emi)eror's affairs in Hungary went on sue- Affairs in 
cessfuUy this year, under the command of prince ""^"^^ 
Lewis of Baden ; though he committed an error, 
that was like to have proved fatal to him : his stores 
lay near him, in great boats on the Danube : but 
upon some design, he made a motion off from that 
river; of which the grand vizier took the ad- 
vantage, and got into his camp, between him and 
his stores ; so he must either starve, or break through, 
to come at his provisions. The Turks had not time 
to fortify themselves in their new camp : so he at- 
tacked them with such fury, that they were quite 
routed, and lost camp and cannon, and a great part 
of their army ; the grand vizier himself being killed. 
If the court of Vienna had really desired a peace, 



142 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1691. they might have had it, upon this victory, on very 
easy terms : but they resolved they would be mas- 
ters of all Transilvania ; and, in order to that, they 
undertook the siege of Great Waradin, which they 
were forced to turn to a blockade : so that it fell 
not into their hands tiU the spring following. The 
emperor was led on by the prophecies, that assured 
him of constant conquests, and that he should, in 
conclusion, arrive at Constantinople itself: so that 
the practices of those, whom the French had gained 
about him, had but too much matter to work on in 
^ himself. 
The max- 'pjjg ucws of the total rcductiou of Ireland con- 

ims of the 

court of firmed him in his resolutions, of carrying on the 
war in Hungary. It was reckoned that England, 
being now disengaged at home, would, with the 
rest of the protestant allies, be able to carry on the 
83 war with France. And the two chief passions in 
the emperor's mind being his hatred of heresy and 
his hatred of France, it was said, that those about 
' him, who served the interests of that court, per- 

suaded him that he was to let the war go on be- 
tween France, and those he esteemed heretics ; 
since he would be a gainer, which side soever should 
lose ; either France would be humbled, or the he- 
retics be exhausted ; while he should extend his 
dominions, and conquer infidels : the king had a 
sort of regard and submission to the emperor, that 
he had to no other prince whatsoever : so that he 
/did not press him, as many desired he should, to ac- 
cept of a peace with the Turks, that so he might 
turn his whole force against France ^. 

* But might not the king subdue France by a protestant 
wish, and at that time hope, to interest only ? yet see what 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 143 

Germany was now more entirely united in one 1691. 



common interest than ever : the third party, that The state of 
the French had formed, to obstruct the war, were ^ *'"»'"^®- 
now gone off from those measures, and engaged 
in the general interest of the empire : the two 
northern kings had some satisfaction given them, in 
point of trade, that so they might maintain their 
neutrality : and they were favourable to the allies, 
though not engaged with them. The king of 
Sweden, whom the French were pressing to offer 
his mediation for a peace, wrote to the duke of 
Hanover, assuring him, he would never hearken to ^ 
that proposition, tiU he had full assurances from the 
French, that they would own the present govern- 
ment of England. 

That duke, who had been long in a French ma- a ninth 
nagement, did now break off all commerce with that created. 
court, and entered into a treaty, both with the em- 
peror and with the king : he promised great sup- 
plies against France and the Turk, if he might be 
made an elector of the empire ; in- which the king 
concurred to press the matter so earnestly, at the 
court of Vienna, that they agreed to it, in case he 
could gain the consent of the other electors ; which 
the emperor's ministers resolved to oppose, under- 
hand, all they could. He quickly gained the con- 
sent of the greater number of the electors ; yet new 
objections were still made. It was said, that if this 

followed afterwards in the " was to make an express offer 

course of this history, &c. O. " of his majesty's mediation." 

(" Nothing is more certain than Ralph in his History, vol. ii. 

" that the principal article in p. 290, who adds some reasons 

" sir William Hiissey's instruc- for concluding, that this was 

" tions, who was sent ambassa- done with the emperor's con- 

" dor from England to the Port currence.) 
" in the beginning of the year, 



144 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1691. was granted, another electorate in a Popish family 
" ought also to be created, to balance the advantage 

that this gave the Lutherans : and they moved that 
Austria should be made an electorate. But this 
was so much opposed, since it gave the emperor two 
votes in the electoral college, that it was let fall. 
In conclusion, after a year's negotiation, and a great 
opposition, both by popish and protestant princes, 
(some of the latter, considering more their jealousies 
of the house of Hanover, than the interest of their 
religion,) the investiture was given, with the title of 
84 elector of Brunswick, and great marshal of the em- 
pire. The French opposed this with all the arti- 
fices they could set at work. The matter lay long 
in an unsettled state ; nor was he now admitted 
into the college ; it being said, that the unanimous 
consent of all the electors must be first had. 
Affairs in The affairs of Savoy did not go on so prosperously 
as was hoped for : Caraffa, that commanded the im- 
perial army, was more intent on raising contribu- 
tions, than on carrying on the war : he crossed every 
good motion that was made : Montmelian was lost, 
which was chiefly imputed to Caraffa ; the young 
duke of Schomberg, sent thither to command those 
troops that the king paid, undertook to relieve the 
, place, and was assured that many protestants in 
Dauphiny would come and join him. But Caraffa, 
and indeed the court of Turin, seemed to be more 
afraid of the strength of heresy than of the power 
of France; and chose to let that important place 
fall into their hands, rather than suffer it to be re- 
lieved by those they did not like. When the duke 
of Savoy's army went into quarters, Caraffa obliged 
the neighbouring princes, and the state of Genoa, to 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 145 

contribute to the subsistence of the imperial army, 1691. 
threatening them otherwise with winter quarters : 
so that how ill soever he managed the duke of Sa- 
voy's concerns, he took care of his own. He was 
recalled, upon the complaints made against him on 
all hands ; and Caprara was sent to command in his 
room. 

The sreatest danger lav in Flanders, where the The elector 

n 11 r. o. . .1 of Bavaria 

feebleness of the Spanish government did so exhaust commanded 
and weaken the whole country, that all the strength '" 
of the confederate ai*mies was scarce able to defend 
it : the Spaniards had offered to deliver it up to the 
king, either as he was king of England, or as he 
was stadtholder of the united provinces ^. He knew 
the bigotry of the people so well, that he was con- 
vinced it was not possible to get them to submit to 
a protestant government ; but he proposed the elector 
of Bavaria, who seemed to have much heat, and an 
ambition of signalizing himself in that country, 
which was then the chief scene of war : and he 
could support that government by the troops and 
treasure that he might draw out of his electorate : 
besides, if he governed that country well, and ac- 
quired a fame in arms, that might give him a pros- 
pect of succeeding to the crown of Spain, in the 
right of his electoress, who, if the house of Bourbon 
was set aside, was next in that succession. The 



^ (Ralph thinks that the offer cious, as of Flanders, both be- 

tnade to the king was no more cause it was their ancient pa- 

than the guardianship or go- trimony, and because their con- 

vernment of those provinces, nections with the rest of the 

which the elector of Bavaria af- powers of Europe depended 

terwards accepted of, for that principally on their rights of 

the kings of Spain were of no sovereignly there. Hist. vol. ii. 

part of their dominions so tena- p. 338.) 

VOL. IV. I, 



iU THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1691. Spaniards agreed to this proposal; but they would 
not make the first offer of it to that elector, nor 
would he ask it ; and it stuck for some time at this : 
85 but the court of Vienna adjusted the matter, by 
making the proposition, which the elector accepted : 
and that put a new life into those oppressed and mi- 
serable provinces. 
A session of This was the general state of affairs, when a new 

parliament. _ '-' 

session of parliament was opened at Westminster, 
and then it appeared that a party was avowedly 
formed against the government. They durst not 
own that before, while the war of Ireland continued. 
But now, since that was at an end, they began to 
infuse into all people, that there was no need of 
keeping up a great land army, and that we ought 
only to assist our allies with some auxiliary troops, 
and increase our force at sea. Many that under- 
stood not the state of foreign affairs, were drawn 
into this conceit ; not considering, that if Flanders 
was lost, Holland must submit, and take the best 
terms they could get. And the conjunction of those 
two great powers at sea, must presently ruin our 
trade, and in a little time subdue us entirely. But 
it was not easy to bring all>people to apprehend tliis 
aright ; and those who had ill intentions would not 
be beaten out of it, but covered worse designs with 
this pretence : and this was still kept up as a preju- 
dice against the king and his government, that he 
loved to have a great army about him ; and that 
when they were once modeled, he would never part 
with them, but govern in an arbitrary way, as soon 
as he had prepared his soldiers to serve his ends. 
ortue kin Anothcr prejudice had more colour, and as bad 
effects. The king was thought to love the Dutch 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 147 

more than the English, to ti*ust more to them, and 1691. 
to admit them to more freedom with him. He gave 
too much occasion to a general disgust, which was 
spread both among the English officers and the no- 
bility : he took little pains to gain the affections of 
the nation ; nor did he constrain himself enough to 
render his government more acceptable : he was 
shut up all the day long ; and his silence, when he 
admitted any to an audience, distasted them as 
much as if they had been denied it. The earl of 
Marlborough thought that the great services he had 
done were not acknowledged nor rewarded, as they 
well deserved ; and began to speak like a man dis- 
contented. And the strain of all the nation almost 
was, that the English were overlooked, and the 
Dutch were the only persons favoured or trusted ^. 
This was national ; and the English being too apt 
to despise other nations, and being of more lively 
tempers than the Dutch, grew to express a contempt 
and an aversion for them, that went almost to a mu- 
tiny. It is true, the Dutch behaved themselves so 
well, and so regularly in their quarters, and paid for 
every thing so punctually, whereas the English were 86 
apt to be rude and exacting ; especially those who 
were all this winter coming over from Ireland, who 
had been so long in an enemy's country, that they 

•^ The real cause of the earl generally novices in the art of 

of Marlborough's disgrace was war, and those at the head of the 

never cleared uj) ; it is general- service suspected of attachment 

ly supposed tluit king William to king James, Possibly a more 

had discovered a correspondence gracious manner to the English 

at the court of St. Gemiains. might have prevented madh of 

The king was certainly in the the discontent. H. (C ompare 

right to employ some Dutch offi- p. 90, and lord Dartmouth's 

cers at first, as the £nglish were note there.) 

L 2 



146 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1691. were not easily brought into order; so that the 
common people were generally better pleased with 
the Dutch soldiers than with their own countrymen, 
but it was not the same as to the officers. These 
seeds of discontent were carefuUy managed by the 
enemies of the government; and by those means, 
matters went on heavily in the house of commons. 
The king was also believed to be so tender, in every 
point that seemed to relate to his prerogative, that 
he could not weU bear any thing that was a dimi- 
nution of it : and he was said to have taken a dis- 
like and mistrust of all those, whose notions leaned 
to public liberty, though those were the persons 
that were tlie firmest to him, and the most zealous 
for him. The men, whose notions of the preroga- 
tive were the highest, were suspected to be Jaco- 
bites : yet it was observed, that many of these were 
much courted, and put into employments, in which 
they shewed so little affection to the government, 
and so close a correspondence with its professed 
enemies, that it was generally believed they intended 
to betray it. The blame of employing these men 
was cast on the earl of Nottingham, who, as the 
whigs said, infused into the king jealousies of his 
best friends, and inclined him to court some of his 
bitterest enemies. 

1692. The taking off parliament men, who complained 
of grievances, by places and pehsions, was believed 
to be now very generally practised. Seimour, who 
had, in a very injurious manner, not only opposed 
every thing, but had reflected on the king's title 
and conduct, was this winter brought into the trea- 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 



149 



sury and the cabinet council ^ : yet though a great 
opposition was made, and many delays contrived, 
all the money that was asked was at length given. 
Among the bills that were offered to the king, at 
the end of the session, one was to secure the judges 
salaries ; and to put it out of the king's power to 
stop them. The judges had their commission, dur- 
ing their good behaviour; yet their salaries were 
not so secured to them, but that these were at the 
king's pleasure. But the king put a stop to this, 
and refused to pass the bill : for it was represented 
to him, by some of the judges themselves, that it 
was not fit they should be out of all dependance on 
the court ; though it did not appear that there was 
any hurt in making judges in all respects free and in- 
dependent '^. A parliament was summoned to meet in 



1692. 



^ Lord Preston had accused 
him ; but there being no other 
])roof, no notice was taken of it. 
Upon his being very trouble- 
some to the court in the house 
of commons, the Icing sent for 
him, and told him lady Dor- 
chester had offered to be a se- 
cond witness, but if he would 
come heartily into the service, 
he should be a lord of the trea- 
surj' ; if not, he should be pro- 
secuted. He chose to be a lord 
of the treasury, but went to all 
his old friends, and told them 
he had done nothing to their 
prejudice, or would, but must 
forbear having any correspond- 
ence with them for the future, 
which made him be very well 
received by them again, when 
the court turned him out; which 
they soon did, having brought 
him in, only to make him lose 
his credit with the other side. D. 



^ (" In order to maintain 
both the dignity and inde- 
pendence of the judges in the 
superior courts, it is enacted 
by the statute, 13 W. III. 
c. 2. that their commissions 
shall be made (not, as for- 
merly, durante bene placito, 
but) quamdlu bene se gesse- 
rint, and their salaries ascer- 
tained and established ; but 
that it may be lawfid to re- 
move them on the address of 
both houses of parliament. 

■ And now, by the noble im- 

■ provements of that law in tiie 
statute of I Geo. III. c. 23. 
enacted at the earnest recom- 

' mendation of the king him- 
self from the throne, the 
judges are continued in their 
' offices during their good be- 
' haviotir, not\vithstanding any 
demise of the crown, (which 
was formerly held immedi- 

l3 



150 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1692. Ireland, to annul all that had passed in king James's 
gir parliament ; to confirm anew the act of settlement; 
and to do all other things that the broken state of 
tliat impoverished island required, and to gi-ant such 
supplies as they could raise, and as the state of their 
affairs would permit. 
Affairs in Affairs in Scotland were put in another method ; 
lord Tweedale was made lord chancellor, and not 
long after a marquis in that kingdom : lord Melvill 
was put in a less important post ; and most of his 
creatures were laid aside ; but several of those who 
had been in Montgomery's plot were brought into 
the council and ministry. Johnstoun, who had been 
sent envoy to the elector of Brandenburgh, was 
called home, and made secretary of state for that 
kingdom*^: it began soon to appear in Scotland, 
how ill the king was advised, when he brought in 
some of the plotters into the chief posts of that go- 
verament : as this disgusted the presbyterians, so it 
was very visible, that those pretended converts came 
into his service, only to have it in their power to 
deliver up that kingdom to king James : they scarce 
disguised their designs; so that the trusting such 
men amazed all people. The presbyterians had very 
much offended the king, and their fury was instru- 
mental in raising great jealousies of him in Eng- 
land : he weU foresaw the ill effects this was like to 
have ; and therefore he recommended to a general 
assembly, that met this winter, to receive the epi- 
scopal clergy, to concur with them in the govem- 

" ately to vacate their seats,) Commentaries on the Laws of 

" and their full salaries are ab- England, vol. i. p. 267.) 
" solutely secured to them dur- ' The same who is luention- 

" ing the contimiance of their ed in the former vol. p. 764. O. 
•* commissions." Blackstones 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 151 

ment of the church, upon their desiring to be ad- 1692. 
mitted : and in case the assembly could not be 
brought to consent to this, the king ordered it to be 
dissolved, without naming any other time or place 
of meeting. It was not likely that there could be 
any agreement, where both parties were so much 
inflamed one against another; and those who had 
the greatest credit with both, studied rather to ex- 
asperate than to soften them. The episcopal party 
carried it high ; they gave it out that the king was 
now theirs ; and that they were willing to come to 
a concurrence with presbytery, on design to bring 
all about to episcopacy in a little time : the presby- 
terians, who at all times were stiff and peevish, were 
more than ordinarily so at this time : they were jea- 
lous of the king ; their friends were now disgraced, 
and their bitterest enemies were coming into favour: 
so they were surly, and would abate in no point of 
their government : and upon that, the assembly was 
dissolved. But they pretended, that by law they 
had a riglit to an annual meeting, from which no- 
thing could cut them off; for they said, according 
to a distinction much used among them, that the 
king's power of calling synods and assemblies was 88 
cumulative, and not privative; that is, he might 
call them if he would, and appoint time and place ; 
but that, if he did not call them, they might meet 
by an inherent right that the church had, which 
was confirmed by law : therefore they adjourned 
themselves. This was represented to the king as a 
high strain of insolence, that invaded the rights of 
the crown, of which he was become very sensible : 
most of those, who came now into his service, made 
it their business to incense him against the presby- 

L 4 



152 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

' 1692. terians, in which he was so far engaged, that it did 
aUenate that party much from him. 

The affair There was, at this time, a very barbarous mas- 
* sacre committed in Scotland, which shewed both the 
cruelty and the treachery of some of those, who had 
unhappily insinuated themselves into the king's con- 
fidence : the earl of Braidalbin formed a scheme of 
quieting all the Highlanders, if the king would give 
twelve or fifteen thousand pounds for doing it, which 
was remitted down from England ; and this was to 
be divided among the heads of the tribes or clans of 
the Highlanders. He employed his emissaries among 
them, and told them, the best service they could do 
king James was to lie quiet, and reserve themselves 
to a better time ; and if they would take the oaths, 
the king would be contented with that, and they 
were to have a share of this sum, that was sent down 
to buy their quiet ; but this came to nothing ; their 
demands rose high ; they knew this lord had money 
to distribute among them ; they believed he intended 
to keep the best part of it to himself; so they asked 
more than he could give : among the most clamour- 
ous and obstinate of these were the Mackdonalds of 
Glencoe, who were believed guilty of much robbery 
and many murders ; and so had gained too much by 
their pilfering war, to be easily brought to give it 
over. The head of that valley had so particularly 
provoked lord Braidalbin, that as his scheme was 
quite defeated, by the opposition that he raised, so 
he designed a severe revenge. The king had, by a 
proclamation, offered an indemnity to all the High- 
landers that had been in arms against him, upon 
their coming in by a prefixed day to take the oaths ; 
the day had been twice or thrice prolonged ; and it 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 153 

was at last carried to the end of the year 1691 ; ^^2. 
with a positive threatening, of proceeding to mili- 
tary execution against such as should not come into 
his obedience by the last day of December. 

All were so tenified, that they came in ; and 
even that Macdonald went to the governor of fort 
William, on the last of December, and offered to 89 
take the oaths ; but he, being only a military man, 
could not or would not tender them ; and Macdo- 
nald was forced to seek for some of the legal magis- 
trates, to tender them to him. The snows were 
then fallen, so four or five days passed before he 
could come to a magistrate; he took the oaths in 
his presence, on the fourth or fifth of January, 
when, by the strictness of law, he could claim no 
benefit by it ; the matter was signified to the coun- 
cil ; and the person had a reprimand for giving him 
the oaths when the day was past. 

This was kept up from the king ; and the earl of 
Braidalbin came to court, to give an account of his 
diligence, and to bring back the money, since he 
could not do the service for which he had it. He 
informed against this Macdonald, as the chief per- 
son who had defeated that good design ; and that he 
might both gratify his own revenge, and render the 
king odious to aU the Highlanders, he proposed, that 
orders should be sent for a military execution on 
those of Glencoe. An instruction was drawn by the 
secretary of state s, to be both signed and counter- 

8 Master of Stair, (Dalrym- death of Lewis theXIVth, who 

])le,) father of the late earl of could scarcely bear the sight of 

Stair, one of the duke of Marl- him. He sustained his cha- 

borough's principal generals, racter there with great ability, 

sent ambassador to France by spirit, and dignity, as a British 

George the first, before the minister should especially do at 



154 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1692. signed by the king, (that so he might bear no part 
of the blame, but that it might lie wholly on the 
king,) that such as had not taken the oaths by the 
time limited, should be shut out of the benefit of the 
indemnity, and be received only upon mercy. But 
when it was found, that this would not authorize 
what was intended, a second order was got to be 
signed and countersigned, that if the Glencoe men 
could be separated from the rest of the Highlanders, 
some examples might be made of them, in order to 
strike terror into the rest. The king signed this, 
without any inquiry about it ; for he was too apt to 
sign papers in a hurry, without examining the im- 
portance of them. This was one effect of his slow- 
\jess in despatching business : for as he was apt to 
suffer things to mn on, tUl there was a great heap 
of papers laid before him ; so then he signed them a 
little too precipitately. But all this while the king 
knew nothing of Macdonald's offering to take the 
oaths, within the time, nor of his having taken 
them soon after it was past, when he came to a pro- 
^ per magistrate. As these orders were sent down, 
the secretary of state writ many private letters to 
Levingstoun, who commanded in Scotland, giving 
him a strict charge and particular directions for the 
execution of them : and he ordered the passes in the 
vaUey to be kept, describing them so minutely, that 
the orders were certainly drawn by one who knew 
the country well. He gave also a positive direction, 

that court. O. (Ralph observes, might have been instrumental 

that if lord Braidalbin was a to the massacre by his repre- 

Jacobite, the master of Stair sentations at court. Stair was 

was not, any more than his bro- the man, who took such pains 

ther secretary Johnston ; and to make it as terrible as pos- 

tbat ho\y far soever Braidalbin sible. Hist. vol. ii. p. 333.) 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 155 

that no prisoners should be taken, that so the execu- 1692. 
tion might be as terrible as was possible. He pressed ~ 
this upon Levingstoun, with strains of vehemence, 
that looked as if there was something more than or- 
dinary in it ; he indeed grounded it on his zeal for 
the king's service, adding, that such rebels and mur- 
derers should be made examples of. 

In February, a company was sent to Glencoe, who 
were kindly received, and quartered over the valley; 
the inhabitants thinking themselves safe, and look- 
ing for no hostilities : after they had stayed a week 
among them, they took their time in the night, and 
killed about six and thirty of them, the rest taking 
tlie alarm, and escaping : this raised a mighty out- 
cry, and was pubhshed by the French in their ga- 
zettes, and by the Jacobites in their libels, to cast a 
reproach on the king's government, as cruel and 
barbarous ; though in all other instances it had ap- 
peared, that his own inclinations were gentle and 
mild, rather to an excess. The king sent orders to 
inquire into the matter ; but when the letters, writ 
upon this business, were aU examined, which I my- 
self read, it appeared, that so many were involved in 
the matter, that the king's gentleness prevailed on 
him to a fault ; and he contented himself with dis- 
missing only the master of Stair from his service '' : 
the Highlanders were so inflamed with this, that they 
were put in as forward a disposition as the Jacobites 
wished for, to have rebelled upon the first favourable 
opportunity : and indeed the not punishing this with 

- '' (It was not till the year the beginning of his account of 

1695, ^^^'"^^ the dismission took this perfidious and unjustifiable 

place of this secretary of state, slaughter. On the fact more is 

whom the bishop mentions in said below, in p. 156, &c.) 



IfiS THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
1692. a due rigour, was the greatest blot in this whole 



reign, and had a very ill effect in alienating that 
nation from the king and his government. 
The earl of An incident happened near the end of this ses- 
rough dis- sion, that had very ill effects ; which I unwillingly 
^ * mention, because it cannot be told without some re- 
flections on the memory of the queen, whom I al- 
ways honoured, beyond all the persons I had ever 
known. The earl of Nottingham came to the earl 
of Marlborough, with a message from the king, tell- 
ing him, that he had no more use for his service, 
and therefore he demanded all his commissions. 
What drew so sudden and so hard a message was 
not known : for he had been with the king that 
morning, and had parted with him in the ordinary 
manner. It seemed some letter was intercepted, 
which gave suspicion : it is certain, that he thought 
he was too little considered, and that he had, upon 
many occasions, censured the king's conduct, and 
reflected on the Dutch '. But the original cause of 
his disgrace arose from another consideration; the 



' The earl of Nottingham the king. But that was some 

told me, there was a design time before this happened, and 

upon France, in which lord I have good reason to believe 

Marlborough was to have been the bishop knew this, which 

employed : success depended makes me suspect his whole 

upon secrecy ; but lord Marl- paragraph, as well as many 

borough told it to his lady, and more in this second volume, 

she to lady Fitzharding ; who to have been very much altered 

told it to lord Colchester, and by her grace of Marlborough's 

he acquainted the king with it, directions : Tom Burnet hav- 

and how he came by it : which ing, as I have been credibly in- 

was the true cause of his dis- formed, sent the original to 

grace, besides some very disre- her grace, for her perusal, be- 

spectful things he had said of fore it was published. D. (Com- 

the king's person and govern- pare the earl of Hardwicke's 

ment to the old duke of Bol- note at the next page.) 
ton, of which he had informed 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 157 

princess thought herself too much neglected by the 1692. 
king, whose cold way towards her was soon ob- 
served : after the king was on the throne, no pro- 
positions were made to her of a settlement, nor any 91 
advances of money. So she, thinking she was to be 
kept in a necessitous dependance on the court, got 
some to move in the house of commons, in the year 
1690, when they were in the debate concerning the 
revenue, that she should have assignments suitable 
to her dignity. This both king and queen took 
amiss from her ; the queen complained more parti- 
cularly, that she was then ill, after her lying in of 
the duke of Glocester at Hampton Court, and that 
she herself was treating her and the young child 
with the tenderness of a mother, and that yet such 
a motion was made, before she had tried, in a pri- 
vate way, what- the king intended to assign her. 
The princess, on the other hand, said, she knew the 
queen was a good wife, submissive and obedient to 
every thing that the king desired ; so she thought, 
the best way was to have a settlement by act of par- 
liament : on the other hand, the custom had always 
been, that the royal family (a prince of Wales not 
excepted) was kept in a dependance on the king, 
and had no allowance but from his mere favour and 
kindness '^ ; yet in this case, in which the princess 
was put out of the succession during the king's life, 
it seemed reasonable, that somewhat more than or- 
dinary should be done in consideration of that. The 
act passed, allowing her a settlement of fifty thou- 
sand pounds. But upon this a coldness followed, 

^ This may be good policy in of this matter have their evils, 
some countries, but it may be which I have seen. O. 
otherwise in this. Botli sides 






THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



1692. 



A breach 
between 



between not only the king, but even the queen and 
the princess. And the blame of this motion was 
cast on the countess of Marlborough, as most in fa- 
vour with the princess : and this had contributed 
much to alienate the king from her husband, and 
had disposed him to receive ill impressions of him. 
Upon his disgrace, his lady was forbid the court ; 
^e'Iiue"en the priuccss would uot submit to this ; she thought, 
"rhicest ^^^ ought to bc allowcd to keep what persons she 
pleased about herself. And when the queen insisted 
on the thing, she retii'ed from the court. There 
were, no doubt, ill offices done on aU hands, as there 
were some that pressed the princess to submit to 
the queen, as well as others who pressed the queen 
to pass it over; but without effect: both had en- 
gaged themselves, before they had well reflected on 
the consequences of such a breach : and the matter 
went so far, that the queen ordered, that no public 
honours should be shewed the princess, besides many 
other lesser matters, which I unwillingly reflect on, 
because I was much troubled to see the queen caiTy 
such a matter so far : and the breach continued to 
the end of her life. The enemies of the govern- 
ment tried what could be made of this, to create 
distractions among us ; but the princess gave no en- 
92 couragement to them '. So that this misunderstand- 
ing had no other effect, but that it gave enemies 
much ill-natured joy, and a secret spiteful diver- 
sion *". 



' Bishop Burnet was quite 
ignorant of the plots of these 
times, or his editor ha& cur- 
tailed the manuscript. The earl 
of Marlborough is proved by 
later discoveries to have been 



tampering with the court of 
St. Germains. H. 

•" The bishop very unjustly 
endeavours to throw all the 
scandalous treatment of the 
princess upon the queen ; 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 159 

The king gave Russel the commaTid of the fleet; 1692. 



though he had put himself in ill terms with him, by Russei 
pressing to know the grounds of the earl of Marlbo- ^JlXu"* 
rough's disgrace : he had not only lived in great 
friendship with him, but had carried the first mes- 
sages that had passed between him and the king, 
when he went over to Holland ; he almost upbraided 
the king with the earl of Marlborough's services, 
who, as he said, had set the crown on his head°. 
Russel also came to be in ill terms with the earl of 
Nottingham, who, as he thought, supported a faction 
among the flag officers against him ; and he fell in- 
deed into so ill an humour, on many accounts, that 
he seemed to be for some time in doubt, whether he 
ought to undertake the command of the fleet, or 
not : I tried, at the desire of some of his friends, to 
soften him a little, but without success. 

The king went over to Holland in March, to pre- 



though he knew she did no- After she removed to Berkely 
thing but as she was ordered house, the minister of St. 
by the king ; as he did, that the James's was commanded not to 
message to the princess was to show her the respect that was 
part with lady Marlborough due to the royal family ; which 
immediately, or remove her- he refused to obey, in respect 
self out of her lodgings at the to their majesties, (as he sent 
Cockpit; (which king Charles them word,) knowing the near 
the second bought of lord Dan- relation she had to them. I 
by for her use when she was cannot tell what spiteful ill- 
married;) which she instantly natured people he might con- 
did, and was carried in a sedan verse with in secret, but the na- 
to Sion, being then with child, tion in general were so much 
without any guard or decent offended at the indignities she 
attendance ; where she miscar- received, that after her sister 
ried, and all people forbid wait- died, king William, when he 
ing upon her ; which was com- had nobody else to lay it upon, 
plied with by every body but was glad to make up the mat- 
the duke of Somerset, whose ter as fast as he could. D. 
house she was in, and lord Ro- ° (See vol. i. p. 766.) 
Chester, who was her uncle. 



160 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1692. pare for an early campaign. He intimated some- 
what in his speech to the parliament, of a descent 
designed upon France ; but we had neither men nor 
A descent moucy to exccutc it 1'. And, while we were pleasing 
prepared by our sclves with the thoughts of a descent in France, 
n& anies. jj^jjg Jamcs was preparing for a real one in England. 
It was intended to be made in the end of April : he 
had about him fourteen thousand English and Irish; 
and marshal Belfonds was to accompany him, with 
about three thousand French. They were to sail 
from Cherbourg and La Hogue, and some other 
places in Normandy, and to land in Sussex, and 
from thence to march with all haste to London. A 
transport fleet was also brought thither : they were 
to bring over only a small number of horses; for 
their party, in England, undertook to furnish them 
with horses at their landing. At the same time, the 
king of France was to march with a great army into 
Flanders ; and he reckoned, that the descent in 
England would either have succeeded, since there 
was a very small force left within the kingdom ; or 
at least, that it would have obliged the king to come 
over, with some of his English troops : and in that 
case, which way soever the war of England had 
ended, he should have mastered Flanders, and so 
forced the States to submit : and, in case other de- 
signs had failed, there was one in reserve, managed 
by the French ministry, and by Luxemburgh, of as- 
sassinating the king, which would have brought 
about all their designs. The French king seemed 

P (Ralph observes, that in whole of this paragraph as void 

the copies of the king's speech of all foundation. See his Hist. 

now extant, no such intimation of England, vol. ii. p. 331.) 
can be found, and sets aside the 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 161 

to think the project was so well laid, that it could 1692. 
not miscarry : for he said publicly, before he set out, 
that he was going to make an end of the war. We 93 
in England were all this while very secure, and did 
not apprehend we were in any danger. Both the 
king and his secretaries were much blamed, for tak- 
ing so little care to procure intelligence: if the winds 
had favoured the French, they themselves would 
have brought us the first news of their design 'i; they 
sent over some persons, to give their friends notice, 
but a very few days before they reckoned they 
should be on our coast : one of these was a Scotch- 
man, and brought the first discovery to Johnstoun ^ : 
orders were presently sent out, to bring together 
such forces as lay scattered in quarters ; and a squa- 
dron of our fleet, that was set to sea, was ordered to 
lay on the coast of Normandy : but the heavens 
fought against them more effectually than we could 
have done. There was, for a whole month together, 
such a storm that lay on their coast, that it was not 
possible for them to come out of their ports; nor 
could marshal D'Estrees come about with the squa- 
dron from Toulon, so soon as was expected. In the 
beginning of May, about forty of our ships were on 
the coast of Normandy, and were endeavouring to 
destroy their transport ships : upon which, orders 
were sent to marshal Tourville, to sail to the chan- 
nel, and fight the English fleet. They had a west- 
erly wind to bring them within the channel : but 

1 (The contrary to this as- same writer. See p. 346 — 348 

sertion is proved from the ga- of vol. ii. of his Hist.) 

zettes by Ralph ; and the care ^ Before mentioned, p. 87. O. 

of the government to make the (See in vol. i. p. 764, some ac- 

fleet as strong as possible is coimtofhim.) 
likewise sliewn in detail by the 

VOL. IV. M 



162 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1692. then the wind struck into the east, and stood so long 
there, that it both brought over the Dutch fleet, and 
brought about our great ships. By this means, our 
whole fleet was joined : so that Tourville's design, 
of getting between the several squadrons that com- 
posed it, was lost. The king of France, being then 
in Flanders, upon this change of wind, sent orders 
to Tourville not to fight : yet the vessel that carried 
these was taken, and the duplicate of these orders, 
that was sent by another conveyance, came not to 
him tiU the day after the engagement. 
A great vie- Ou the nineteenth of May, Russel came up with 
rj a sea. ^^^ Frcuch, and was almost twice their number ; 
yet not above the half of his ships could be brought 
into the action, by reason of the winds : Rook, one 
of his admirals, was thought more in fault ^ The 
number of the ships that engaged was almost equal; 
our men said, that the French neither shewed cou- 
rage nor skill in the action ; the night and a fog 
separated the two fleets, after an engagement that 
had lasted some hours. The greatest part of the 
French ships drew near their coasts ; but Russel 
not casting anchor, as the French did, was carried 
out by the tide : so next morning he was at some 
distance from them ^ A great part of the French 
fleet sailed westward, through a dangerous sea, called 
the race of Alderney : Ashby was sent to pursue 
94 them : and he followed them some leagues : but 
then, the pilots pretending danger, he came back; 
so twenty-six of them, whom if Ashby had pursued, 

* That does not appear from superior, but the whole of our 
the accounts. H. fleet, from Russel's account, did 

* The French were well beat not come into the engagement, 
in the action, and fairly ran for H. 

it. Our number was greatly 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 163 

by all appearance, he had destroyed them all, got 1692. 
into St. Malo's. Russel came up to the French ad- 
miral, and the other ships that had drawn near 
their coasts ; Delaval burnt the admiral and his two 
seconds : and Rook burnt sixteen more before La 
Hogue ". 

It was believed, that if this success had been pur- But not foi- 
sued with vigour, considering the consternation with mi^ht haU 
which the French were struck upon such an unusual ^**"' 
and surprising blow, that this victory might have 
been carried much farther than it was. But Russel 
was provoked by some letters and orders that the 
earl of Nottingham sent him from the queen, which 
he thought were the effects of ignorance ; and upon 
that he fell into a crossness of disposition ; he found 
fault with every order that was sent him ; but would 
offer no advices on his part. And he came soon 
after to St. Helens ; which was much censured ; for 
though the disabled ships must have been sent in, 
yet there was no such reason for bringing in the 
rest, that were not touched. Cross winds kept them 
long in port; so that a great part of the summer 
was spent before he went out again. The French 
had recovered out of the first disorder, that had 
quite dispirited them. A descent in France came 
to be thought on when it was too late : about seven 
thousand men were shipped ; and it was intended to 
land them at St. Malo's; but the seamen were of 
opinion, that neither there nor any where else a de- 
scent was then practicable. They complained that 

" Was it for burning sixteen else to support a ])arty lie, that 

of the enemy's ships, or the he would willingly have pass 

winds not serving, that Rook for a truth, because he hated 

was so much in fault ? for the the man. D. 
bishop has specified nothing 

M 2 



T64. THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1692. the earl of Nottingham was ignorant of sea affairs, 
and yet that he set on propositions relating to them 
without consulting seamen, and sent orders which 
could not be obeyed without endangering the whole 
fleet. So the men, who were thus shipped, lay some 
days on board, to the great reproach of our counsels : 
but that we might not appear too ridiculous, both at 
home and abroad, by landing them again in England, 
the king ordered them to be sent over to Flanders, 
after they had been for some weeks on shipboard; and 
so our campaign on the sea, that began so gloriously, 
had a poor conclusion. The common reflection that 
was made on our conduct was, that the providence 
of God, and the valour of our men, had given us a 
victory, of which we knew not what use we should 
make : and, which was worse, our merchants com- 
plained of great losses this summer ; for the French 
having laid up their fleet, let their seamen go and 
serve in privateers, with which they watched all the 
motions of our trade : and so, by an odd reverse of 
95 things, as we made no considerable losses when the 
' French were masters of our sea two years before, so 
now, when we triumphed on that element, our mer- 
chants suffered the most. The conclusion of all was, 
Russel complained of the ministry, particularly of 
the earl of Nottingham; and they complained no 
less of him " ; and the merchanjts complained of the 

* The earl of Nottingham " to Mr. Finch, I could not 

had been one of the lords of •' help disapproving some things 

the admiralty in king Charles " he did at the admiralty, and 

the second's reign, and peeked " thought others more in the 

himself upon understanding sea " right, but never did him any 

affairs, though he gave little sa- " unkindness ;") and, in truth, 

tisfaction to the seamen at that all men that had been bred to 

time ; (the duke of York in a that profession unanimously a- 

letter from Scotland says, " As greed, that he was totally ig- 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 165 
admiralty: but they in their own defence said, that 1692. 



we had not ships nor seamen both to furnish out a 
great fleet, and at the same time to send out con- 
voys for securing the trade. 

In Flanders, the design, to which the French a design to 
trusted most, failed: that was laid for assassinating ui^ldng. 
the king: one Grandval had been in treaty with 
Louvoy about it; and it was intended to be executed 
the former year. He joined with Du Mont to follow 
the king and shoot him, as he was riding about in 
his ordinary way, moving slowly, and visiting the 
posts of his army. The king of France had lost two 
ministers, one after another. Seignelay died first, 
who had no extraordinary genius, but he knew all 
his father's methods, and pursued them so, that he 
governed himself both by his father's maxims and 
with his tools. Louvoy did not survive him long ; 
he had more fire, and so grew uneasy at the autho- 
rity madam de Maintenon took in things which she 
could not understand : and was in conclusion so un- 
acceptable to the king, that once, when he flung his 
bundle of papers down upon the floor before him, 
upon some provocation, the king lifted up his cane ; 
but the lady held him from doing more y : yet that 

norantintheirscience, and were left hiih to a legal correction, 
highly provoked, when ever he which might at that time have 
pretended to contradict, or give been severely inflicted ujion 
them directions. D. him. It hjirt her, and was the 
y Louvoy's Insolence deserv- foundation of his ruin ; for he 
ed this ; but it would have had never forgot or forgave it, or 
moreof dignity, if the king had was ever cool, or master of 
taken another method of pu- himself afterwards. Some say 
nishment. Queen Elizabeth's his death was the cause of 
striking the earl of Essex was hers. Princes should be very 
more excusable, as the provo- cautious how they affront or re- 
cation was greater, and more sent j)ersonally. O. 
daring; but she should have 

M 3 



166 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

^692. affront, as was given out, sunk so deep into Louvoy's 
spirits, that he died suddenly a few days after. 
Some said it was of an apoplexy ; others suspected 
poison ; for a man that knew so many secrets would 
have been dangerous, if he had outlived his favour. 
His son Barbesieux had the survivance of his place, 
and continued in it for some years ; but, as he was 
young, so he had not a capacity equal to the post. 
He found, among his father's papers, a memorandum 
of this design of Grandval's ; so he sent for him, and 
resolved to pursue it; in which madam de Main- 
tenon concurred, and Luxemburgh was trusted with 
the direction of it. Du Mont retired this winter to 
Zell, as one that had forsaken the French service : 
. from some practices and discourses of his a suspicion 
arose, of which sir William Colt, the king's envoy 
there, gave notice : so one Leefdale, a Dutch papist, 
was secretly sent to Paris, as a person that would 
enter into the design ; but, in reality, went on pur- 
pose to discover it. 
96 Grandval and he came back to Flanders to set 
Sffererfor ^'^out it; but Lecfdalc brought him into a party that 
it, and con- seizcd ou him : both king James and his queen were, 

fesses it. , , ■^ 

as Grandval said, engaged in the design ; one Par- 
ker, whom they employed in many black designs, 
had concerted the matter with Grandval, as he con- 
fessed, and had carried him to king James, who en- 
couraged him to go on with it, and promised great 
rewards ''. When Grandval saw there was full proof 

^ He was my mother's uncle ; under the parliament and Crom- 

bred up in very different prin- well. This son of his took to 

ciples ; whose father, a very arms, became devoted to king 

worthy man, had been in much James, was a colonel in his ar- 

public business, particularly in my, and followed his fortunes, 

the management of the excise, He was a protestant, and con- 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 



167 



against him, he confessed the whole series of the 
management, without staying tiU he were put to the 
torture. Mr. Morel, of Berne, a famous medalist, 
(who had for some years the charge of the French 
king's cabinet of medals, but being a protestant, and 
refusing to change his religion, was kept a close pri- 
soner in the Bastile for seven years,) was let out in 
April this year. And before he left Paris, his cu- 
riosity carried him to St. Grermains, to see king 
James : he happened both to go and come back in 
the coach with Grandval ; and while he was there, 
he saw him in private discourse with king James : 
Grandval was full of this project, and, according to 
the French way, he talked very loosely to Morel, 



1692. 



tinued so ; but there was nothing 
that was the most desperate, 
or even wicked, which he would 
not have undertaken for the ser- 
vice of his master, from a strange 
notion of fidelity and honour. 
He was in all respects a fit in- 
strument for this work. He 
had two sons, the eldest of 
which he forced away into 
France, but he soon got from 
him, and came back, and re- 
sorted to my father for protec- 
tion ; who, in conjunction with 
sir Charles Hara, (afterwards 
lord Tyrawley,) his uncle-in- 
law, procured a commission in 
the army for him from king 
William, to whom he continued 
very grateful and faithful : and 
proving an excellent officer,'nind 
of long and great services, came 
at last to be commander-in- 
chief of the forces in Ireland 
under the present king, (George 
the second,) and died in that 
station. The other son (who 



now (1759) lives in very good 
esteem in Ireland) was put into 
the sea service, and by his me- 
rit came to be very high in it, 
and was much respected by sir 
Charles Wager. His age and 
ill health made him retire from 
the service ; but he is in the 
rank of an admiral. I have often 
thought it an extraordinary in- 
stance of felicity and good pro- 
vidence to a family, that the 
two and only sons of such a fa- 
ther should be so delivered from 
him, and be able, notwithstand- 
ing his character, to raise them- 
selves here to what they arrived 
at. In one particular in Ireland, 
the eldest had his father's cha- 
racter objected to him ; but 
most unjustly and cruelly, Jind 
in its effects with the govern- 
ment did him no hurt. Both 
of them acquired good fortunes^ 
who had nothing in their be- 
ginnings. O. 

M 4 



168 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1692. not knowing who he was ; but fancied he was well 
~ affected to that court. He said there was a design 

in hand that would confound all Europe : for the 
prince of Orange, so he called the king, would not 
live a month. This Morel writ over to me in too 
careless a manner ; for he directed his letter with his 
own hand, which was well known at court ; yet it 
came safe to me. The king gave orders, that none 
belonging to him should go near Grandval, that 
there might be no colour for saying, that the hopes 
of life had drawn his confession from him ; nor was 
he strictly interrogated concerning circumstances; 
but was left to tell his story as he pleased himself. 
He was condemned ; and suffered, with some slight 
remorse, for going into a design to kill a king : his 
confession was printed. But how black soever it re- 
presented the court of France, no notice was taken 
of it : nor did any of that court offer to disown or 
disprove it, but let it pass and be forgotten : yet so 
blind and violent was their party among us, that 
they resolved they would believe nothing, that either 
blemished king James or the French court ^. 
Namurwas But though this miscarricd, the French suc- 
the French, cccdcd in the sicgc of Namur ; a place of great im- 
portance, that commanded both the Maese and 
Sambre, and covered both Liege and Maestricht : the 

^ (The account here given of " the former would be giiilty of 

this plot is examined by Ralph in " such a villainous design; so 

his History, vol. ii. p.368 — 370, " there is now a certainty, that 

who attributes a pamphlet com- " the latter rejected always, 

posed on the subject to bishop " with becoming horror, all 

Burnet. " Lewis the four- " proposals of the like kind.'" 

** teenth," (says Macpherson,) Maqpherson's Hist, of Great 

" and the late king of England, Britain, vol. ii. p. 1 8. Compare 

"were involved by the disco- the Life of King James II. late- 

*• vcrits in this conspiracy. B\it ly edited by Dr. Clarke, vol. ii. 

" as there is no probability that p. 536—538.) 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 169 
town did soon capitulate, but the citadel held out i6g2. 



much longer. The king came with a great army to 
raise the siege ; Luxemburgh lay in his way with 
another to cover it, and the Mehaigne lay between. 97 
The king intended to pass the river, and force a 
battle ; but such rains fell the night before he de- 
signed to do it, and the river swelled so much, that 
he could not pass it for some days : he tried, by an- 
other motion, to come and raise the siege. But the 
town having capitulated so early, and the citadel 
laying on the other side of the Sambre, he could not 
come at it : so after a month's siege it was taken. 
This was looked on as the greatest action of the 
French king's life; that, notwithstanding the de- 
pression of such a defeat at sea, he yet supported his 
measures, so as to take that important place in the 
view of a great army. The king's conduct was on 
this occasion much censured : it was said, he ought 
to have put much to hazard, rather than suffer such 
a place to be taken in his sight. 

After Namur surrendered, that king went back 
to Paris in his usual method ; for, according to the 
old Persian luxury, he used to bring the ladies with 
him, with the music, poems, and scenes, for an 
opera and a ball ; in which he and his actions were 
to be -set out, with the pomp of much flattery. 
When this action was over, his forces lay on the 
defensive, and both armies made some motions, 
watching and waiting on one another. 

At Steenkirk, the king thought he had a favour- The bauie 
able occasion for attacking the French in their j[r^***°' 
camp ; but the ground was found to be naiTower, 
and less practicable, than the king had been made 
to believe it was. Ten battalions begun the attack, 



170 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1692. and carried a post with cannon, and maintained it 
long, doing great execution on the enemy : and if 
they had been supported, or brought off, it had 
proved a brave attempt : but they were cut in 
pieces. In the whole action, the French lost many 
more men than the confederates did ; for they came 
so thick, that our fire made great execution. The 
conduct of this affair was much censured. It was 
said, the ground ought to have been better examined 
before the attack was begun ; and the men ought to 
have been better maintained than they were : for 
many thought, that if this had been done, we might 
have had a total victory. Count Solms bore the 
blame of the errors committed on this occasion. 
The English had been sometimes checked by him, 
as he was much disgusted with their heat and pride : 
so they charged all on him, who had some good 
qualities ; but did not manage them in an obliging 
manner. We lost in this action about five thousand 
men, and many brave officers ; here Mackay was 
killed, being ordered to a post that he saw could 
98 not be maintained ; he sent his opinion about it ; 
but the former orders were confirmed : so he went 
on, saying only. The will of the Lord be done. He 
was a man of such strict principles, that he would 
not have served in a war that he did not think law- 
ful. He took great care of his soldiers' morals, and 
forced them to be both sober and just in their quar- 
ters : he spent all the time that he was master of, 
in secret prayers, and in the reading of the scrip- 
tures. The king often observed, that when he had 
fuU leisure for his devotions, he acted with a pecu- 
liar exaltation of courage. He had one very sin- 
gular quality ; in councils of wai', he delivered his 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 171 

opinion freely, and maintained it with due zeal ; but 1692. 
how positive soever he was in it, if the council of 
war overruled it, even though he was not convinced 
by it, yet to all others he justified it, and executed 
his part with the same zeal, as if his own opinion 
had prevailed ^. After the action at Steenkirk, there 
was little done this campaign. A detachment, that 
the king sent from his army, joined with those bo- 
dies that came from England, broke in some way 
into the French conquests : they fortified Dixmuyde 
and Fumes, and put the country about them under 
contribution, and became very uneasy neighbours to 
Dunkirk. The command of those places was given 
to the count of Horn, who understood well the way 
to make all possible advantages by contributions; 
but he was a man of no great worth, and of as little 
courage. This disgusted the EngUsh still more ; 
who said, the Dutch were always trusted and pre- 
ferred, while they were neglected. They had some 
colour to censure this choice the following winter : 
for, upon the motion of some French troops, Horn 
(without studying to amuse the enemy, or to gain 
time, upon which much may depend in winter) did 
immediately abandon Dixmuyde. All he had to 
justify himself, was a letter from the elector of Ba- 
varia, telling him, that he could send him no relief; 
and therefore he ordered him to take care of the 
garrison, which was of more importance than the 
place itself. Thus the campaign ended in Flanders ; 
Namur was lost ; the reputation of the king's con- 

^ This has not been unconi- it ; it contributed to his ruin ; 

mon in ministers ; even that things, by this, being imputed 

great and honest man, the earl to him whicli lie was really 

of Clarendon, had too much of against. O. 



172 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

i6g2. ducting armies was much sunk, and the English 
were generally discontented, and alienated from the 
Dutch. 

German" Nothing was done on the Rhine. The elector of 
Saxony had promised to bring an army thither : but 
Shening his general, who had great power over him, 
was gained by the French, to break his design. 
The duke of Saxony complained, that the emperor 
favoured the circles of Franconia and Swabia so 
much, that he could have no good quarters assigned 
him for his army : and upon this occasion it was 
99 said, that the emperor drew much money from those 
circles, that they might be covered from winter 
quarters ; and that he applied aU that to carrying on 
the war in Hungary ; and so left the weight of the 
war with France, to lie very heavy on the princes 
of the empire. This contest went on so high, that 
Shening, who was thought the ill instrument in it, 
going for his health to the hot baths in Bohemia, 
was seized on by the emperor's orders ; upon which, 
gi*eat expostulations passed between the courts of 
Vienna and Dresden. There were two small armies, 
that acted separately on the Rhine, under the com- 
mand of the landgrave of Hesse, and the marquis 
of Bareith : but they were not able to cover the 
empire : and another small army, brought together 
by the duke of Wirtemberg, for the defence of his 
country, was totally defeated ; not only cannon and 
baggage, but the duke himself fell into the enemies 
hands. 

Affairs in But, though the emperor did, as it were, abandon 

ungary. ^^^^ empire to the French, he made no great pro- 

gi'ess in Hungary : the Turks lay upon a defensive ; 

and the season was spent in motions, without eithei* 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 173 

battle or siege. There was still some discourse, but 1692. 
no great probability of peace. Two English anibas- " 

sadors dying, the one, sir Thomas Hussay, soon 
after his arrival at Constantinople ; and the other, 
Mr. Harbord, on his way thither ; the lord Paget, 
then our ambassador at the emperor's court, was 
ordered to go thither, to mediate the peace. He 
found the mediation was in a great measure spoiled 
by the Dutch ambassador, before his arrival : for 
he had been prevailed on, by the court of Vienna, to 
offer the mediation of the Dutch upon a very high 
scheme. Caminieck, and the Ukrain, and Podolia, 
with Moldavia, and Valachia, were demanded for 
Poland ; Transilvania, with the person of count 
Tekeli, for the emperor; and Achaia and Livadia, 
as an antemurale to cover the Morea, for the Vene- 
tians. The court of Vienna, by offering such a pro- 
ject, reckoned the war must go on, which they de- 
sired. The ministers of the Port, who were gained 
by the French to carry on the war, were glad to see 
80 high a project ; they were aii*aid of tumults ; so 
they spread this project over the whole empire, to 
shew, on what ignominious terms the mediation was 
proposed ; and by that they justified their going on 
with the war. But the lord Paget offered the king's 
mediation upon another project ; which was, that 
every prince was to keep what he was then pos- 
sessed of: and Caminieck was only demanded to be 
razed. If this had been offered at first, the Ottoman 
court durst not have refused it : the people were be- 
come so weary under a long and unprosperous war ; 
but the vizier suppressed this, and made it still pass 100 
among them, that the English pressed the same 
project, that the Dutch had proposed ; which was 



174 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

i6g2. the more easily believed there, because how igno- 
rant soever they were at that court, they knew well 
what an interest the king of England had in the 
States. So the war was still carried on there ; and 
Trumbal, who came over to England at this time, 
told the king, that if, instead of sending embassies, 
he would send a powerful fleet into the Mediter- 
ranean, to destroy the French trade, and stop the 
commerce with Turkey, he would quickly bring that 
court to other measures, or raise such tumults among 
them, as would set that empire, and even Constan- 
tinople itself, all in a flame. 
Affairs in In Picdmont, the campaign was opened very late ; 
and the French were on a defensive : so the duke 
of Savoy entered into Dauphiny with an army ; and 
if he had carried on that attempt with the spirit 
with which he began it, he had put the affairs of 
France on that side into great disorder : but he was 
either ill served or betrayed in it ; he sat down be- 
fore Ambrun, and besieged it in form : so that a 
place, which he might have carried in three days, 
cost him some weeks : and in every step he made it 
appear, there was either a great feebleness or much 
treachery in his counsels. He made no great pro- 
gress ; yet the disorder it threw that and the neigh- 
bouring provinces into was very great. He was 
stopped by the smaU-pox, which saved his honour, 
as much as it endangered his person : the retreat of 
his army, when his life was in danger, looked like 
a due caution. He recovered of the small-pox, but 
a ferment remained stiU in his blood, and broke out 
so often into feverish relapses, that it was generally 
thought he was poisoned. Many months passed, 
before he was out of danger. So the campaign 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 175 
ended there with considerable losses to the French, 1692. 



but with no great advantage to the duke. The 
greatest prejudice the French suffered this year 
was from the season ; they had a very bad harvest, 
and no vintage in the northern parts. We in Eng- 
gland had great apprehensions of as bad an one, 
from a very cold and wet summer. Great deluges 
of rain continued till the very time of harvest. But, 
when we were threatened with a famine, it pleased 
God to send such an extraordinary change of the 
season, that we had a very plentiful crop, enough 
both to serve ourselves, and to supply our neighbours, 
which made us easy at home, and brought in much 
wealth, for that com which we were able to spare. 

In the Ijeginning of September, there was an a great 
earthquake felt in most places in England ; and was *'* ^"* *' 
at the same time felt in many parts of France, Ger- 101 
many, and the Netherlands. No harm was done by 
it, though it continued for three or four minutes. I 
can write nothing of it from my own observation ; 
for it was not sensible in the place where I happened 
to be at that time ; nor can it be determined, whe- 
ther this had any relation to those terrible earth- 
quakes that happened, some months after this, in 
Sicily and Malta: upon which I cannot enlarge, 
having seen no other account of them, than what 
was in public gazettes, which represented them as 
the dreadfullest by much, of any that are in history : 
it was estimated, that about one hundred thousand 
persons perished by them in Sicily. It is scarce to 
be imagined, that the earthquake, which about the 
same time destroyed the best part of the chief town 
in Jamaica, could have any connection with these 
in Europe. These were very extraordinary things. 



176 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1692. which made those, who studied apocalyptical matters, 
imagine that the end of the world drew near. It 
had been happy for us, if such dismal accidents had 
struck us with a deeper sense of the judgments of 
God. 
A great Wc wcrc indeed brought to more of an outward 

corruption n n • • 

over Eng- face of vu*tue and sobriety : and the great examples 
that the king and queen set the nation, had made 
some considerable alterations, as to public practices : 
but we became deeply corrupted in principle : a dis- 
belief of revealed religion, and a prophane mocking 
at the Christian faith, and the mysteries of it, be- 
came avowed and scandalous. The queen, in the 
king's absence, gave orders to execute the laws 
against drunkenness, swearing, and the prophana- 
tion of the Lord's day; and sent directions over 
^(; England to all magistrates to do their duty in ex- 
ecuting them ; to which the king joined his au- 
thority, upon his return to England ^. Yet the re- 
formation of manners, which some zealous men stu- 
died to promote, went on but slowly : many of the 
inferior magistrates were not only remiss, but very 
faulty themselves : they did all they could to dis- 
courage those who endeavoured to have vice sup- 
pressed and punished : and it must be confessed, 
that the behaviour of many clergymen gave atheists 

*^ There came forth at this constables were ordered "to take 

time several puritanical regula- away pies and puddings from 

lions for observing the sabbath anybody they met carrying of 

in London, savouring so much them in the streets : with a mul- 

of .lohn Knox's doctrine and tilude of other impertinences, 

' discipline, that Burnet was so ridiculous in themselves, and 

thought to have been the chief troublesome to all sorts of peo- 

contriver. One was, that hack- pie, that they wer.e soon dropt, 

ney coaches should not drive after they had been sufficiently 

upon that day ; by another, laughed at. D. 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 177 

no small advantage: they had taken the oaths, and 1692. 
read the prayers for the present government ; they 
observed the orders for public fasts and thanksgiv- 
ings; and yet they shewed in many places their 
aversion to our establishment but too visibly: so 
that the offence that tliis gave, in many parts of the 
nation, was too evident : in some places it broke out 
in very indecent instances, that were "brought into 
courts of law, and censured. This made many con- 
clude, that the clergy were a sort of men, that would 
swear and pray, even against their consciences, ra-102 
ther than lose their benefices ; and by consequence, 
that they were governed by interest, and not by 
principle. The Jacobites grew still to be more and 
more outrageous, while the clergy seemed to be 
neutrals in the dispute ; and, which was yet the most 
extraordinary thing in tlie whole matter, the go- 
vernment itself acted with so much remissness, and 
so few were inquired after or punished, that those 
who were employed by the king behaved them- 
selves, in many places, as if they had secret instruc- 
tions to be heavy upon his best friends, and to be 
gentle to his enemies. Upon the whole matter, the 
nation was falling under slich a general corruption, 
both as to morals and principles ; and that was so 
much spread among all sorts of people, that it gave 
us great apprehensions of heavy judgments from 
heaven. 

The session of pai-liament was opened under great a session of 
disadvantages. The earl of Marlborough and some ^'^ """ 
other peers had been put in the tower, upon a false 
accusation of high treason, which was evidently 
proved to be a conspiracy, designed by some profli- 
gate creatures, who fancied that forgeries and false 

VOL. IV. N 



178 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1692. swearing would be as acceptable, and as well re- 
warded, in this reign, as they had been formerly ^. 
But till this was detected, the persons accused were 
kept in prison ; and were now only out upon bail ^ : 
so it was said to be contrary to the nature and free- 
dom of parliaments, for prisoners to sit in it. It 
was confessed, that in times of danger, and such 
was the former summer, it must be trusted to the 
discretion of a government, to commit such persons 
as were suspected : but when the danger was over, 
by our victory at sea, those against whom there lay 
nothing besides suspicions ought to have been set 
at liberty : and this was thought reasonable. There 
was an association pretended to be drawn against 
the government, to which the subscriptions of many 
lords were set so dexterously, that the lords them- 
selves said, they could not distinguish between their 
true subscriptions, and those that were forged for 
them. But the manner of the discovery, with seve- 
ral other circumstances, carried such marks of im- 
posture, that the lords of the council ordered a strict 
prosecution of all concerned in it, which ended in a 
full conviction of the forgery : and those who had 
combined in it were whipped and pilloried, which, 
to the reproach of our constitution, is the only pu- 
nishment that our law has yet provided for such 
practices. The lords passed some votes, asserting 
their privileges ; and were offended with the judges, 

"^ (The most profligate forg- " sequent detention, we must 

ers and perjured persons in the " seek another cause, namely, 

former reigns were Oates and " his clandestine intercourse 

his crew, and their chief fa- " with the exiled family." 

vourers and patrons were not Coxe's Memoirs of John Duke 

the courtiers, but anticourtiers. ) of Marlborough, vol. i. p. 53.) 

' (" For Marlborough's sub- 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 179 

for detaining some in prison, though there was no 1692. 
reason nor colour for their displeasure ^ But where 77^ 
the privilege or the dignity of peerage is in question, 
it is not easy to keep the house within bounds. 

The debate went off in a bill, that indemnified 
the ministry for those commitments, but limited 
them, for the future, by several rules; all which 
rules were rejected by the commons. They thought 
those limitations gave a legal power to commit, in 
cases where they were observed ; whereas they 
thought the safer way was to indemnify the mini- 
stry, when it was visible they did not commit any 
but upon a real danger, and not to set them any 
rules : since, as to the committing of suspected per- 
sons, where the danger is real and visible, the pub- 
lic safety must be first looked to, and supersede all 
particular laws. When this was over, an attempt 
was made in both houses, for the abjuration of king 
James : the king himself was more set on it than he 
had been formerly. It was rejected by the house of 
commons : and though some steps were made in it 
by the lords, yet the opposition was so great, that it 
was let fall. 

The affairs at sea occasioned much heat in both 
houses. The earl of Nottingham laid before the 
lords, upon an address they had made to the king, 
all the letters that had passed between himself and 
Russel ; with all the orders he had sent him : and he 
aggravated Russel's errors and neglects very severe- 
ly. But the house of commons justified Russel, and 
gave him thanks over and over again ; and remained 
so fixed in this, that though the lords then commu- 

^ (But see Ralph in the 2d vol. of his History, p. 389 — 391.) 

N 2 



180 



THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



1692. 



Jealousies 
of tlie 



nicated the papers, the earl of Nottingham had laid 
before them, to the commons, they would not so 
much as read them s, but renewed their first votes, 
that justified Russel's fidelity, courage, and con- 
duct ^. 

The king was now possessed against him : for he 
king's mi- dismissed him from his service, and put the com- 

□isters. 

mand of the fleet into the hands of three persons, 
Killigrew, Delaval, and Shovel : the two first were 
thought so incUnable to king James's interests, that 
it made some insinuate, that the king was in the 
hands of those who intended to betray him to his 
enemies : for though no exception lay against Shovel, 
yet it was said, he was only put with the other two, 
, to give some reputation to the commission, and that 
he was one against two : so that he could neither 



E (But see the Journals of 
the House of Commons, cited 
by Ralph, vol. ii. p. 397.) 

'* It does appear, from an 
impartial perusal of the papers 
laid before the house of com- 
mons, that admiral Russel's 
conduct, after the battle of La 
Hogue, was none of the ablest ; 
even admitting lord Notting- 
ham took more upon him in 
directing the operations than 
he ought to have done. Russel 
was a peevish, surly character, 
and did not love lord Notting- 
ham, and did not choose to be 
dictated to. Another absurd 
notion prevailed at that time, 
that the great ships were to be 
laid up before Michaelmas, 
which greatly lamed our naval 
operations. After such a defeat, 
some material impression might 
have been made on the French 



court, with duke Schomberg's 
corps, and such a fleet. This 
seems just, when one considers 
what the French call la ruse de 
guerre; but when one reflects 
on the suspicious conduct of 
Russel, he looks higher for the 
source of it. H. (The in- 
trigues of this admiral with king 
James, in consequence of his 
being discontented, like many 
others of the whig party, with 
the reigning king, may now be 
seen in Dalrymple's Memoirs,, 
vol. i. pp. 195, 199. Mac- 
pherson's Original Papers, vol. 
i. p. 420; and his Hist, of Great 
Britain, vol. i. p. 5, and 50; 
and in the Life of King James 
II. vol. ii. pp. 489, 499, 500. 
Compare Somerville's Political 
Transactions, vol. i. pp. 367, 
394. and lord Hardwicke's note 
at p. 82. of this work.) 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 181 

hinder nor do any thing. The chief blame of this 1692. 
nomination was thrown on the earl of Nottingham ; 
and of those who belonged to his office, many stories 
Were raised and spread about, as if there had been 
among them, besides a very great remissness in some 
of the concerns of the government, an actual betray- 
ing of all our secrets and counsels. The opinion of 
this was spread both within and without the king- 
dom; and most of our confederates were possessed 104 
with it. He justified not only himself, but all his 
under secretaries; both king and queen continued 
still to have a good opinion of his fidelity ; but they 
saw some defects in his judgment, with a most vio- 
lent party heat, that appeared upon all occasions, 
and even in the smallest matters. The bills for the 
supply went on with a heavy progress in the house 
of commons ; those who could not oppose them, yet 
shewed their ill humour in delaying them and clog- 
ging them with unacceptable clauses all they could. 
And they continued that wasteful method of raising 
money upon remote funds ; by which there lay a 
heavy discount on tallies ; so that above a fourth 
part was, in some of them, to be discounted : the 
parties of whig and tory appeared almost in every 
debate, and in every question. 

The ill humour prevailed most in the house ofCompi"'"!^ 

^ ^ ^ in pariia- 

lords, where a strong opposition was made to every ment. 
thing that was proposed for the government. They 
passed many votes, and made many addresses to the 
king, which were chiefly designed to load the ad- 
ministration, and to alienate the king from the 
Dutch. The commons begim with great complaints 
of the admiralty : and then they had the conduct 
in Flanders, particularly in the action at Steenkirk, 

N 8 



JOB THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1692. before them : and they voted some heads of an ad- 
dress relating to those matters : but by a secret ma- 
nagement, they let the whole thing fall, after they 
had passed those angry votes. Any thing that the 
lords could do was of less moment, when it was 
not like to be seconded by the commons ; yet they 
shewed much iU humour. 

1693. This was chiefly managed by the marquis of Ha- 
lifax and the earl of Mulgrave ; and they drew in 
the earl of Shrewsbury, who was very iU pleased 
with the credit that some had with the king, and 
lived in a particular friendship with the earl of 
Marlborough ; and thought that he was both un- 
gratefully and unjustly persecuted. These lords had 
aU the Jacobites ready to assist them in every thing 
that could embroil matters ; a great many whigs, 
who were discontented, and jealous of the ministry, 
joined with them : they knew that aU their mur- 
muring would signify little, unless they could stop 
a money-bUl : and, since it was settled in the house 
of commons as a maxim, that the lords could not 
make any alterations in money-bills ; when the bill 
for four shillings in the pound land-tax came up, 
they put their strength to carry a clause that the 
peers should tax themselves. And though, in the 
way in which this clause was drawn up, it could not 

105 be defended, yet they did aU that was possible to 
put a stop to the bill ; and with unusual vehemence 
pressed for a delay, till a committee should be ap- 
pointed to examine precedents. This the earl of 
Mul^'ave pressed for many hours, with a force of 
argument and eloquence, beyond any thing that I 
had ever heard in that house. He insisted much 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 183 

upon the dignity of peerage ; and made this, which ^693. 
was now proposed, to be so main a part of that dig- 
nity, that he exhausted all the topics of rhetoric, to 
convince the lords, that, if they yielded to this, they 
divested themselves of their true greatness ; and no- 
thing would remain but the name and shadow of a 
peer, which was but a pageant. But after all the 
pomp and heat of his oratory, the lords considered 
the safety of the nation more than the shadow of a 
privilege ; and so they passed the biU. 

These lords also set on foot a proposition, that had 
never been offered, but when the nation was ready 
to break out into civil wars ; and that was, that a 
committee of lords and commons should be appointed 
to confer together, concerning the state of the na- 
tion : this once begun, would have grown in a very 
short time to have been a council of state; and 
they would soon have brought all affairs under their 
inspection ; but this was so strongly opposed, that 
it was soon let fall. 

When the party, that was set against the court, 
saw they could carry nothing in either house of par- 
liament, then they turned their whole strength 
against the present parliament, to force a dissolu- 
tion ; and in order to that, they first loaded it with 
a name of an ill sound ; and, whereas king Charles's 
long parliament was called the pensioner parliament, 
they called this the officer's parliament ; because 
many that had commands in the army were of it : 
and the word, that they gave out among the people, 
was, that we were to be governed by a standing 
army and a standing parliament. They tried to 
carry a bill, that rendered all members of the house 
of commons incapable of places of trust or profit; 

N 4 



184 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
1693. so that every member that accepted a place should 



be expelled the house, and be incapable of being 
chosen again, to sit in the current parliament. The 
truth was, it came to be observed, that some got 
credit by opposing the government ; and that to si- 
lence them, they were prefeiTed : and then they 
changed their note, and were as ready to flatter, as 
before to find fault. This gave a specious colour to 
those who charged the court with designs of cor- 
rupting members, or at least of stopping their mouths 
by places and pensions'. When this bill was set 
on, it went through the house of commons with 
106 little or no difficulty : those who were in places, had 
not strength and credit to make great opposition to 
it, they being the persons concerned, and looked on 
as parties : and those who had no places, had not 
^ 'lude" *^^ courage to oppose it ; for in them it would have 
members of lookcd as an art to recommend themselves to one. 

parliament o i 1 mi j • i i n 

from places. DO the bill passcd m the house of commons : but it 
was rejected by the lords ^ ; since it seemed to es- 
tablish an opposition between the crown and the 
people, as if those ^ho were employed by the one 
could not be trusted by the other. 
^wlinJr ^^hen this failed, another attempt was made in 
parliament, the housc of loi'ds ; in a bill that was offered, enact- 
ing, that a session of parliament should be held 
every year, and a new parliament be summoned 
every third year, and that the present parliament 

' (What does the bishop " so that the scale was turned 

himself mean by the secret ma- " by the proxies, of whom the 

ni^ement, he speaks of in the " courthadseven, and theoppo- 

preceding page ? Compare also " site lords but three : difference 

p. 42, and p. 86.) " upon the whole two," Ralph's 

^ " Forty-two were for the History of England, vol. ii. 

" bill, and only forty against it, p. 407.) 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 185 

should be dissolved within a limited time. The sta- 1693. 
tutes for' annual parliaments, in king Edward the 
first "^ and king Edwai'd the third's time, are well 
known. But it is a question, whether the suppo- 
sition if need he falls upon the whole act, or only 
upon those words, or qftener : it is certain these 
acts were never observed " ; and the non-observance 
of them was never complained of as a giievance. 
Nor did the famous act in king Charles the first's 
time carry the necessity of holding a session further, 
than to once in three years. Anciently, considering 
the haste and hurry in which parliaments sat, an 
annual parliament might be no great inconvenience 
to the nation : but by reason of the slow methods 
of sessions now, an annual parliament in times of 
peace would become a very insupportable grievance. 
A parliament of a long continuance seemed to be 
very dangerous, either to the crown or to the nation : 
if the conjuncture, and their proceedings, gave them 
much credit, they might grow very uneasy to the 
crown, as happened in king Charles the first's time ; 
or in another situation of affairs, they might be so 
practised upon by the court, that they might give 
all the money and all the liberties of England up, 
when they were to have a large share of the money, 
and were to be made the instruments of tyranny ; 
as it was in king Charles the second's time. It was 
likewise hoped, that frequent parUaments would 
put an end to the great expense candidates put 
themselves to in elections ; and that it would obhge 
the members to behave themselves so well, both 
with relation to the public, and in their private de- 

' Holding. O. ward the third's time. O. 

•" Q. There are two in Ed- " Q. O. 



^186 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1693. portment, as to recommend them to their electors at 
three years' end: whereas when a parliament was 
to sit many years, members covered with privileges 
were apt to take great liberties, forgot that they re- 
presented others, and took care only of themselves. 
So it was thought, that England would have a truer 
107 representative, when it was chosen anew every third 
year, than when it run on to the end of a reign. 
AU that was objected against this was, that frequent 
elections would make the freeholders proud and in- 
solent, when they knew that applications must be 
made to them at the end of three years ; this would 
establish a faction in every body that had a right 
- to an election ; and whereas now an election put 
men to a great charge all at once, then the charge 
must be perpetual aU the three years, in laying in 
for a new election, when it was known how soon it 
must come round. And as for the dissolution of 
the present parliament, some were for leaving it to 
the general triennial clause, that it might still sit 
three years ; they thought that, during so critical a 
war, as that in which we were now engaged, it was 
not advisable to venture on a new election ; since 
we had so many among us, who were so ill affected 
to the present establishment : yet it was said, this 
parliament had already sat three years ; and there- 
fore, it was not consistent with the general reason 
of the act, to let it continue longer. So the bill 
passed in the house of lords : and though a bill from 
them, dissolving a parliament, struck only at the 
house of commons, the lords being still the same 
men ; so that, upon that single account, many 
thought they would have rejected it, yet they also 
passed it, and fixed their own dissolution to the 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 187 

twenty-fifth of March in the next year; so that 1693. 
they reserved another session to themselves. The 
king let the bill lie for Some time on the table ; so 
that men's eyes and expectations were much fixed 
on the issue of it. But in conclusion, he refused to 
pass it ; so the session ended in ill humour. The 
rejecting a bill, though an unquestionable right of 
the crown, has been so seldom practised, that the 
two houses are apt to think it a hardship, when 
there is a bill denied. 

But to soften the distaste this might otherwise a change 

• . . . . '" the mi- 

give, the king made considerable alterations in hisnistry. 
ministry ". All people were now grown weary of 
the great seal's being in commission ; it made the 
proceedings in chancery to be both more dilatory 
and more expensive : and there were such exceptions 
made to the decrees of the commissioners, that ap- 
peals were brought against most of them, and ge- 
nerally they were reversed. Sir John Somers had 
now got great reputation, both in his post of at- 
torney general, and in the house of commons ; so 
the king gave him the great seal. He was very 
learned in his own profession, with a great deal 
more learning in other professions, in divinity, phi- 
losoj^hy, and history P. He had a great capacity for 
business, with an extraordinary temper : for he was 
fair and gentle, perhaps to a fault, considering his lOg 
post. So that he had all the patience and softness, 

° (Ralph observes, that these logy, with the best taste of any 

alterations were made at the man of that age, and the most 

sametimewith those mentioned correct judgment in the best 

before in p. 103, being record- authors of antiquity, as well as 

ed in the same gazette, vol. ii. of later times, and was himself 

p. 414.) one of the greatest writers in 

P And iu all parts of philo- the English language. O. 



18g THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1693. as well as the justice and equity, becoming a great 
magistrate. He had always agreed in his notions 
with the whigs ; and had studied to bring them to 
better thoughts of the king, and to a greater con- 
fidence in him ^. Trenchard was made secretary of 
state ^ He had been engaged far with the duke of 
Monmouth, as was told formerly. He got out of 
England, and lived some years beyond sea, and had 
a right understanding of affairs abroad : he was a 
calm and sedate man ; and was much more mode- 
rate than could have been expected, since he was a 
leading man in a party. He had too great a regard 
to the stars, and too little to religion. The bringing 
these men into those posts was ascribed chiefly to 
the grfeat credit the earl of Sunderland had gained 
with the king ; he had now got into his confidence, 
and declared openly for the whigs. These advance- 
ments had a great effect on the whole party : and 
brought them to a much better opinion of the king. 

•1 I remember among lord sire to be secretary of state in 

Soraers's papers, a very spirited George the first's reign, and it 

letter to lord Nottingham, on being objected to him, that he 

, the making (if I mistake not) was of the profession of the 

of an attorney or solicitor ge- law, and unused to the business 

neral without consulting him. of a secretary of state, men- 

This was just after his receiving tioned this instance of sergeant 

the seals. His chief argument Trenchard ; to which he was 

is a just one, and drawn from answered, " that Serjeant Tren- 

the inability of the great seal " chard never was secretary of 

to serve the crown with proper " state," meaning that he was 

weight and authority without not in the secret of affairs, 

being considered in the disposal This I had from sir R. Wal- 

of law places. This was just pole, who told me that it was 

after lord Somers's having the quoted by lord to 

seals, and before the king went liut the person it was then 

abroad. H. said to, did more than once get 

■■ He was a lawyer and a ser- the better of him who said 

geant. Lechmere (afterwards it. (>. 
Lord Lechmere) having a de- 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 189 

A young man, Mr. Montague, a branch of the earl 1693. 
of Manchester's family, began to make a great figure 
in the house of commons ^ He was a commissioner 
of the treasury, and soon after made chancellor of 
the exchequer. He had great vivacity and clearness, 
both of thought and expression : his spirit was at 
first turned to wit and poetry, which he conti- 
nued still to encourage in others, when he applied 
himself to more imjx)rtant business. He came to 
have great notions, with relation to all the concerns 
of the treasury, and of the public funds, and brought 
those matters into new and better methods : he 
shewed the error of giving money upon remote 
funds, at a vast discount, and with great premiums 
to raise loans upon them ; which occasioned a gi-eat 
outcry, at the sums that were given, at the same 
time that they were much shrunk, before they pro- 
duced the money that was expected from them. So 
he pressed the king to insist on this as a maxim, to 
have all the money for the service of a year, to be 
raised within that year. 

But as the employing these men had a very good Factions 

/v» t 1 • ■> tv • I formed 

effect on the king s affairs, so a party came to be against the 
now formed, that studied to cross and defeat every '°"'^' 
thing; this was led by Seimour' and Musgrave". 
The last was a gentleman of a noble family in Cum- 
berland, whose life had been regular, and his deport- 



* He was first brought into more out of vanity, (of which 

business by the old marquis of he had a sufficient share,) in 

Halifax, who recommended him hopes of raising of it to .is high 

to be a clerk of the council : a degree as his benefactor had 

he aftervvards took his title, in done. D. 
grateful remembrance (as he ' Sir Edward. O. 

pretended) of his first bene- " Sir Christopher. O. 

factor; but generally thought 



ige 



THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



1693. ment grave. He had lost a place in king James's 
time : for though he was always a high tory, yet he 
would not comply with his designs. He had indeed 
contributed much to increase his revenue, and to 
offer him more than he asked ; yet he would not go 
into the taking off the tests. Upon the revolution, 
109 the place out of which he had been turned, was 
given to a man that had a good share of merit in it. 
This alienated him from the king ; and he, being a 
man of good judgment and of great experience, 
came to be considered as the head of the party ; in 
which he found his account so well, that no offers 
that were made him could ever bring him over to 
the king's interests. Upon many critical occasions, 
he gave up some important points, for which the 
king found it necessary to pay him very liberally ^. 



^ Lord Pelham, who was a 
lord of the treasury in king Wil- 
liam's time, told me, that to his 
knowledge he had seven thou- 
sand pounds for settling the 
king's revenue for life, and that 
he carried the money himself in 
bank bills to the king's closet 
for that use. D. Upon one 
of these occasions Seymour said 
to him, " Kit, Kit, I know 
" where you have been, and 
" what you have got, but it was 
" first offered to me." " Yes," 
said another person, " it was so, 
" and the offer was 5000^. but 
*' Seymour stood for io,oooZ;" 
Mr. Pope alludes somewhere 
to Musgrave's having received 
this money from the king, and 
that it was discovered by his 
dropping one of the bags, as he 
was coming down the back 
stairs at court. The occasion 
was after this period, (viz. 



1698,) and it was the settling 
of the civil list. The king de- 
sired it might be 700,000^. a 
year, and the contrivance for it 
was thus : Somebody for the 
court was to propose a million, 
upon which Musgrave was to 
rise up, and exclaim against the 
extravagancy of the demand, 
and the danger of it, and after 
many severe reflections upon 
the court, he was to conclude 
with saying, " he dared venture 
" to answer for country gentle- 
" men, that if the demand had 
" been for a modest and rea- 
" sonable sum, it would not 
" have met with any opposition ; 
" that they were not unwilling 
" to support the greatness and 
" dignity of the crown, and 
" that he thought for all good 
" purposes of government, 
" 700,000/. would be suffici- 
" ent, and hoped no larger sum 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 191 

But the party of the tories was too inconsiderable 1693. 
to have raised a great opposition, if a body of whigs 
had not joined with them ; some of these had such 
republican notions, that they were much set against 
the prerogative : and they thought the king was be- 
come too stiff in maintaining it : others were offend- 
ed, because they were not considered nor preferred as 
they thought they deserved. The chief of these were 
Mr. Paul Foley and Mr. Harley ; the first of these 
was a younger son of one, who from mean begin- 
nings had by iron works raised one of the greatest 
estates that had been in England in our time. He 
was a learned, though not a practising lawyery; and 
was a man of virtue and good principles, but morose 
and wilful : and he had the affectation of passing for 
a great patriot, by his constant finding fault with 
the government, and keeping up an ill humour, and 
a bad opinion of the court. Harley was a man of a 
noble family, and very eminently learned; much 
turned to politics, and of a restless ambition. He 
was a man of great industry and application ; and 
knew forms and the records of parHament so well, that 
he was capable both of lengthening out and of per- 
plexing debates. Nothing could answer his aspiring 
temper : so he and Foley joined with the tories to 
create jealousies, and raise an opposition : they soon 
grew to be able to delay matters long ; and set on 

" would be given into." This " partriot's cloak," &c. refer to 

he undertook, and did ; and the an accident which happened to 

court got what they wanted. I sir Christopher in coming out 

had all this from an eminent of the closet. H. 

member of the house of com- y Learned also in the anti- 

mons, who was then in parlia- quities and law of parliament, 

ment. See postea, 208. 410. It was he who was afterwards 

411. O. These lines in Pope, speaker in two parliaments. O. 
" Once we confess beneath tiie 



192 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1693. foot some very uneasy things that were popular; 
such as the bill against parliament men being in 
places, and that for dissolving the parliament, and 
for having a new one every third year. 

That which gave them much strength was, the 
king's cold and reserved way ; he took no pains to 
oblige those that came to him ; nor was he easy of 
access ; he lived out of town at Kensington ; and 
his chief confidents were Dutch. He took no notice 
of the clergy, and seemed to have little concern in 
the matters of the church or of religion ; and at this 
time some atheists and deists, as well as Socinians, 
were publishing books against religion in general, 
110 and more particularly against the mysteries of our 
faith. These expressed great zeal for the govern- 
ment : which gave a handle to those who were wait- 
ing for all advantages, and were careful of increasing 
and improving them, to spread it all over the na- 
tion, that the king and those about him had no re- 
gard to religion nor to the church of England. 

But now I go on to the transactions of this sum- 
mer : the king had, in his speech to the parliament, 
. told them, he intended to land a considerable army 
in France this year. So, after the session, orders 
were given for hiring a fleet for transports, with so 
great a train of artillery, that it would have served 
an army of forty thousand men : this was very ac- 
ceptable to the whole nation, who loved an active 
war ; and were very uneasy to see so much money 
paid, and so little done with it : but all this went 
Affairs in off without any effect. The French had attempted 

Flanders. ,1 • . , . „ -nn > n ^ ^ 1 n 

this wmter the siege of Rhmfeldt, a place of no 
great consequence. But it lay upon the Rhine, not 
far from Coblentz ; and by it Franconia would have 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 193 

been open to them. They could not cut off the com- i^gs. 



munication by the Rhine : so that fresh supplies of 
men and provisions were every day sent to them, by 
the care of the landgrave of Hesse, who managed 
the matter with such success, that, after a fortnight's 
stay before it, the French were forced to raise the 
siege ; which was a repulse so seldom given them, 
that upon it some said, they were then sure Louvoy 
was dead. The French had also made another at- 
tempt upon Huy, of a shorter continuance, but with 
the like success. The campaign was opened with 
great pomp in Flanders: for the king of France 
came thither in person, accompanied by the ladies 
of the court, which appeared the more ridiculous, 
since there was no queen at the head of them ; un- 
less madam de Maintenon was to be taken few one, 
to whom respects were indeed paid with more sub- 
mission than is commonly done to queens ; so that 
what might be wanting in the outward ceremony, 
was more than balanced by the real authority that 
she had. It was given out, that the king of France, 
after he had amused the king for some days, in- 
tended to have turned either to Brussels on the one 
hand, or to Liege on the other. In the mean while, 
the French were working on the Dutch, by their 
secret practices, to make them hearken to a separate 
peace ; and the ill humour that had appeared in the 
parliament of England against them, was an argu- 
ment much made use of, to convince them how lit- 
tle ground they had to trust to their alliance with 
England : so that, as French practices had raised 
this ill humour among us, they made now this use 
of it, to break our mutual confidence, and, by con- 
sequence, our alliance with the States. The king 111 

VOL. IV. O 



194 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1693. made great haste, and brought his army much sooner 
together than the French expected : he encamped 
at Park, near Louvain ; by which he broke all the 
French measures : for he lay equally well posted to 
relieve Brussels or Liege. It was grown the more 
necessary to take care of Liege ; because, though the 
bishop was true to the allies, yet there was a faction 
, formed among the cajjitulars, to offer themselves to 
the French; but the garrison adhered to the bishop; 
and now, when so great an army lay near them, they 
broke the measures which that faction had taken. 
The French king, seeing that the practices of 
treachery, on which he chiefly relied, succeeded so 
ill, resolved not to venture himself in any dangerous 
enterprise ; so he and the ladies went back to Ver- 
sailles. 
Affairs in The dauphiu, with a great part of the army, was 
sent to make head against the Germans, who had 
brought an army together, commanded by the elector 
of Saxony, the landgrave of Hesse, and the prince 
of Baden : the Germans moved slowly, and were re- 
tarded by some disputes about the command : so 
that the French came on to Heidelberg before they 
were ready to cover it : the town could make no 
long resistance ; but it was too soon abandoned by a 
timorous governor. The French were not able to 
hinder the conjunction of the Germans, though they 
endeavoured it ; they advanced towards them. And 
though the dauphin was much superior in numbers, 
and studied to force them to action, yet they kept 
close; and he did not think fit to attack them in 
their camp. The French raised great contributions 
in the Wirtemberg ; but no action happened on the 
Rhine all this campaign. The French had better 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 195 

success and less opposition in Catalonia : they took 1693. 
Roses, and advanced to Barcelona, expecting their 
fleet, which was to have bombarded it from the sea, 
while their army attacked it by land : this put all 
Spain under a great consternation ; the design of 
this invasion was to force them to treat of a sepa- 
rate peace ; while they felt themselves so vigorously 
attacked, and saw that they were in no condition to 
resist. 

Affairs in Piedmont gave them a seasonable re- Affairs ia 
lief: the duke of Savoy's motions were so slow, that 
it seemed both sides were resolved to lie upon the 
defensive. The French were very weak there, and 
they expected to be as weakly opposed. But in the 
end of July, the duke began to move: and he obliged 
Catinat to retire with his small army, having made 
him quit some of his posts. And then he formed the 
siege of St. Bridget, a fort that lay above Pignerol, 
and, as was believed, might command it. After 112 
twelve days' siege, the French abandoned it, and he 
was master of it. But he was not furnished for un- 
dertaking the siege of Pignerol: and so the cam- 
paign went off in marches and countermarches : but 
in the end of it, Catinat, having increased his army 
by some detachments, came up to the duke of Savoy. 
They engaged at Orbasson, where the honour of the 
action, but with that the greatest loss, fell to the 
French : for though they carried it by their num- 
bers, their bodies being less spent and fuller, yet the 
resistance that was made was such, that the duke of 
Savoy gained more in his reputation than he suf- 
fered by the loss of the day. 

The two armies lay long in Flanders, watching The battle 
one another s motions, without coming to action. In 

o 2 



igir TUB HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

16^3. July, Luxemburgh went to besiege Huy, and car- 
ried it in two or three days. The king moved that 
way, on design either to raise the siege or to force 
a battle. Those in Huy did not give him time to 
come to their relief; and Luxemburgh made a feint 
towards Liege, which obliged the king to send some 
battalions to reinforce the garrison of that place. 
He had also sent another great detachment, com- 
manded by the duke of Wirtemberg, to force the 
French lines, and to put their country under contri- 
bution ; which he executed with great success, and 
raised above four millions. Luxemburgh thought this 
was an advantage not to be lost : so that, as soon as 
he had received orders from the king of France to 
attack the king in his camp, he came up to him near 
Landen, upon the river Gitte. He was about double 
the king's number, chiefly in horse. The king might 
have secured himself from all attacks, by passing the 
river: and his conduct in not doing it was much 
censured, considering his strength and the enemy's. 
He chose rather to stay for them ; but sent away 
the baggage and heavy cannon to Mechlen ; and 
spent the whole night in planting batteries, and 
casting up retrenchments. On the twenty-ninth 
of July, the French began their attack early in the 
morning, and came on with great resolution, though 
the king's cannon did great execution : they were 
beat off, with the loss of many officers, in several at- 
tacks : yet they came still on with fresh bodies ; till 
at last, after an action of seven or eight hours' con- 
tinuance, they broke through in a place where there 
was such a body of German and Spanish horse, that 
the army on no side was thought less in danger. 
These troops gave way ; and so the French carried 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY 197 

the honour of the day, and were masters both of the 1693. 
king's camp and cannon : but the king passed the 
river and cut the bridges, and lay secure out of 
reach. He had supported the whole action with 113 
so much courage, and so true a judgment, that it 
Was thought he got more honour that day, than even 
when he triumphed at the Boyne : he charged him- 
self in several places. Many were shot round about 
him with the enemy's cannon : one musket-shot car- 
ried away part of his scarf, and another went through 
his hat, without doing him any harm. The French 
lost so many men, and suffered so much, in the se- ' 

vera! onsets they had made, that they were not able 
to pursue a victory which cost them so dear. We 
lost in all about 7000 : and among these there was 
scarce an officer of note : only the count de Solms 
had his leg shot off by a cannon ball, of which he ^ 

died in a few hours. By all the accounts that came 
from France it appeared, that the French had lost 
double the number, with a vastly greater proportion 
of officers ^. The king's behaviour, during the bat- 

^ I was at Hanover at the our queen, with many parti- 
time the battle of Landen was culars of a very extraordinary 
Fought, where they seemed un- nature, that were great proofs 
der some consternation : but of his being a very weak man, 
was very graciously received bv and her being a very good wo- 
the princess Sophia, who told man. She seemed peeked at 
me she remembered my grand- the princess Ann, and spoke 
father, and knew the affection of her with little kindness, 
he always had to her mother's She told me the king and 
family ; and, in particular, for queen had both invited her to 
her brothers Rupert and Mau- make them a visit into Eng- 
rice. She sent a coach to bring land, but she was grown old, 
me to dinner to Herenhouse'n and could not leave the elec- 
every day, as long as I stayed. tor and her family ; otherwise, 
She was rery free in her dis- should be glad to see her own 
course, and said, she held a country (as she was pleased to ' 
constant correspondence with call it) before she died, and 
king James, and his daughter should willingly have her bonets 

o 3 



198 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1693. tie and in the retreat, was much magnified by the 
enemy, as well as by his own side. The king of 
France was reported to have said upon it, that 
Luxemburgh's behaviour was like the prince of 
Condi's, but the king's like M. Turenne's. His army 
was in a few days as strong as ever, by recalling the 
duke of Wirtemberg, and the battalions he had sent 
to Liege, and some other bodies that he drew out of 
garrisons. And the rest of the campaign passed 
over without any other action ; only, at the end of 
it, after the king had left the army, Charleroy was 
charieroy besieffcd by the French ^ : the country about it had 

taken by ° -^ . , "^ 

the French, bccn SO eat up, that it was not possible to subsist an 
army that might have been brought to relieve it : 
the garrison made a brave resistance, and held out a 
month ; but it was taken at last. 

Attempts Thus thc Frcuch triumphed every where : but 

made for. 

a peace, thcu" succcsscs wcrc morc than balanced by two bad 
harvests, that came successively one after another : 
they had also suffered much in their vintage; so 
that they had neither bread nor wine. Great dili- 
gence was used to bring in com from all parts : and 

laid by her mother's, in the ^ ("It is certain his majesty 

abbey at Westminster, whom " did not leave the army till 

she always mentioned with " the 5th of October; during 

great veneration. She took it " all which time, (Charleroy 

unkindly, that the duke of Zell " had been invested on the 

should have the garter before " loth of September,) and for 

her husband, who, she thought, " some days afterwards, the 

might have expected it upon " governor and garrison de- 

her account ; and told me, she " fended the place with all the 

was once like to have been " bravery imaginable, having 

married to king Charles the " made three successful sallies, 

second, which would not have " and behaved in all respects so 

been worse for the nation, con- " as to deserve relief, if it had 

sidering how many children she " been possible to give it them." 

had brought : to which I most Ralph's Hist, of Erigland, vol. ii. 

sincerely agreed. D. p. 446.) 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 199 

strict orders were given by that court, for regulating 1693. 
the price of it, and for furnishing their markets : 
there was also a liberal distribution ordered by that 
king for the relief of the poor. But misery will be 
misery still, after all possible care to alleviate it; 
great multitudes perished for want, and the whole 
kingdom fell under an extreme poverty : so that 
all the pomp of their victories could not make 
them easy at home. They tried all possible me- 
thods for bringing about a general peace ; or if 
that failed, for a separate peace with some of the 
confederates ; but there was no disposition in any 
of them to hearken to it ; nor could they engage 
the northern crowns to offer their mediation ^. 
Some steps were indeed made; for they offered to 114 
acknowledge the present government of England: 
but in all other points, their demands were still so 
high, that there was no prospect of a just peace, tUl 
their affairs should have brought them to an hum- 
bler posture. 

But while the campaign, in all its scenes, was our affair 
thus unequal and various, the French, though much ** **'*' 
weaker at sea, were the most successful there : and 
though we had the superior strength, we were very 
unprosperous ; and by our ill conduct we lost much, 
both in our honour and interest, on that element. 
The great difficulty that the French were under in 
their marine was by reason of their two great ports, 
Brest and 7''oulon; and from the bringing their 

^ (Ralph has inserted in his ber this year. ^Vlience he col- 

Ilistory a memorial from the lects, that either the secret was 

king of Denmark on tlie sub- kept with the utmost caution, 

ject of j)eace, in consequence or that the bishop is one of the 

of a conmumication from the most inaccurate of historians. 

French court, dated in Decern- See pp. 482, 483, of kiB Hist.) 

O 4 



200 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1693. fleets together, and sending them back again. The 
danger they ran in that, and the delays that it put 
them under, were the chief occasions of their losses 
last year : but these were, in a great measure, made 
up to them now. We were sending a very rich fleet 
of merchants' ships to the Mediterranean, which 
was valued at many millions ; some of these had 
lain ready a year and a half, waiting for a convoy, 
but were still put off by new delays ; nor could they 
obtain one after Russel's victory, though we were 
then masters at sea. They were promised a great 
one in winter. The number of the merchant ships 
did still increase ; so that the convoy, which was at 
first designed, was not thought equal to the riches 
of the fleet, and to the danger they might run by 
ships that might be sent from Toulon to intercept 
them. The court of France was watching this care- 
fully : a spy among the Jacobites gave advice, that 
certain persons sent from Scotland to France, to 
shew with how small a force they might make 
themselves masters of that kingdom, had hopes 
given them for some time ; upon which several 
military men went to Lancashire and Northumber- 
land, to see what could be expected from thence, 
if commotions should happen in Scotland: but in 
February the French said, they could not do what 
was expected; and the Scotch agents were told, 
that they were obliged to look after the Smima 
fleet ; which they reckoned might be of more conse- 
quence than even the carrying Scotland could be. 
The fleet was ready in February ; but new excuses 
were again made ; for it was said, the convoy must 
be increased to twenty men of war; Rook was to 
command it ; a new delay was likewise put in, on 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 201 

the pretence of staying for advice from Toulon, 1693. 
whether the squadron that was laid up there, was 
to lie in the Mediterranean this year, or to come 
about to Brest. The merchants were very uneasy 
under those delays ; since the charge was like to eat 
up the profit of the voyage; but no despatch could 115 
be had ; and very probable reasons were offered to 
justify every new retardment. The French fleet 
had gone early out of Toulon, on design to have de- 
stroyed the Spanish fleet, which lay in the bay of 
Puzzolo ; but they lay so safe there, that the French 
saw they could not succeed in any attempt upon 
them ; afterwards they stood off" to the coast of Ca- 
talonia, to assist their army, which was making 
some conquests there. Yet these were only feints to 
amuse and to cover their true design. The fleet at 
Brest sailed away from thence so suddenly, that 
they were neither completely manned nor victualled ; 
and they came to Lagos bay, in Algarve. Tenders 
were sent after them, with the necessary comple- 
ment of men and provisions : this sudden and un* 
provided motion of the French fleet looked as if 
some secret advice had been sent from England, 
acquainting them with our designs. But at the se- 
cretary's office, not only there was no intelligence 1 r 
concerning their fleet, but when a ship came in, that 
brought the news of their having sailed from Brest, 
they were not believed. Our main fleet sailed out 
into the sea for some leagues with Rook and the 
merchant ships : and when they thought they were 
out of danger, they came back. Rook was unhappy 
in that, which, upon any other occasion, would have 
been a gi-eat happiness ; he had a fair and a strong 
gale of wind ; so that no advice sent after him could 



202 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1693. overtake him : nor did he meet with any ships at 
sea, that could give him notice of the danger that 
lay before him. He doubled the cape of St. Vin- 
cent, and had almost fallen in with the French fleet, 
before he was aware of it : he dreamed of no danger 
but from the Toulon squadron, till he took a fire- 
ship; the captain whereof endeavoured to deceive 
him by a false story, as if there had been only fif- 
teen men of war lying at Lagos, that intended to 
join D'Estrees : the merchants were for going on, 
and believed the information ; they were confirmed 
in this by the disorder the French seemed to be in ; 
for they were cutting then- cables, and drawing near 
The Tur- ^^le shorc. The truth was, when they saw Rook's 

key fleet m ^ ■' 

great dan- fleet, they apprehended, by their numbers, that the 

ger. , 

whole fleet of England was commg toward them : 
and indeed had they come so far with them, here 
was an occasion offered, which perhaps may not be 
found again in an age, of destroying their whole 
strength at sea. But as the French soon perceived 
their error, and were forming themselves into a line. 
Rook saw his error likewise, and stood out to sea, 
while .the merchants fled, as their fears drove them ; 
a great many of them sticking still close to him : 
116 others sailed to Cadiz, and some got to Gibraltar: 
and instead of pursuing their voyage, put in there : 
some ships were burnt or sunk, and a very small 
number was taken by the French. They did not 
pursue Rook, but let him sail away to the Maderas ; 
and from thence he came, first to Kinsale, and then 
into England. The French tried what they could 
do upon Cadiz ; but found that it was not practica- 
ble. They came next to Gibraltar, where the mer- 
chants sunk their ships, to prevent theii* falling into 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 203 

their hands : from thence they sailed along the coast 1693. 
of Spain, and burnt some English and Dutch ships 
that were laying at Malaga, Alicant, and in some 
other places. They hoped to have destroyed the 
Spanish fleet; but they put in at Port Mahone, 
where they were safe "^ : at length, after a very glo- 
rious campaign, the French came back to Toulon : 
it is certain, if Tourville had made use of all his ad- 
vantages, and had executed the design as well as it 
was projected, he might have done us much mis- 
chief; few of our men of war, or merchantmen 
'could have got out of his hands : the loss fell hea- 
viest on the Dutch : the voyage was quite lost ; and 
the disgrace of it was visible to the whole world, 
and very sensible to the trading part of the nation. 

The appearances were such, that it was generally Great je.i- 
surmised, our councils were betrayed. The secre- the*king's 
taiy that attended on the admirals was mucli sus- ""'"**'^' 
pected, and charged with many thing : but the sus- 
picions rose high, even as to the secretary of state's 
office. It was said, that our fleet was kept in port 
till the French were laid in their way, and was then 
ordered to sail, that it might fall into their hands : 
many particulars were laid together, which had such 
colours, that it was not to be wondered at, if they 
created jealousy, especially in minds sufficiently pre- 
pared for it. Upon inquiry it appeared, that several 



*= I have read many papers and calling frequent councils of 
relative to this miscarriage, and war. The admirals were de- 
do not think there was any cri- fective in not sending more fre- 
minal management in it on the quently to look into Brest ; as 
part of the admirals, but un- knowing where the French lay 
doubtedly, an indecisive, unskil- would have been the best rule 
Jul conduct, such as general- for their own conduct. 11. 
Iv attends a divided command. 



204 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1693. of those, who, for the last two years, were put in 
the subaltern employments through the kingdom, 
did upon many occasions shew a disaffection to the 
government, and talked and acted like enemies. 
Our want of intelligence of the motions of the 
French, while they seemed to know every thing 
that we either did or designed to do, cast a heavy 
reproach upon our ministers, who were now broke 
so in pieces, that they acted without union or con- 
cert : every one studied to justify himself, and to 
throw the blame on others : a good share of this 
was cast on the earl of Nottingham ; the marquis of 
Caermarthen was much suspected : the earl of Ro- 
chester began now to have great credit with the 
queen ; and seemed to be so violently set against 
the whigs, that they looked for dreadful things from 
117 him, if he came again to govern; for, being natu- 
rally warm, and apt to heat himself in company, 
he broke out into sallies, which were carried about, 
and began to create jealousies, even of the queen 
her self. 

I was in some sort answei*able for this'': for when 
the queen came into England, she was so possessed 
against him, that he tried all his friends and interest 
in the court, to be admitted to clear himself, and to 
recover her favour, but all in vain ; for they found 
her so alienated from him, that no person would un- 
dertake it. Upon that, he addressed himself to me : 
I thought, that if he came into the service of the 
government, his relation to the queen would make 
him firm and zealous for it : and I served him so ef- 
fectually, that the queen laid aside all her resent- 

•^ See postea, p. 700. O. 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 205 

ments, and admitted him, by degrees, into a high 1693. 
measure of favour and confidence ^. I quickly saw 
my error : and he took pains to convince me effect- 
ually of it : for he was no sooner possessed of her fa- 
vour, than he went into an interest very different 
from what I believed he would have pursued. He 
talked against aU favour to dissentei"s, and for set- 
ting up the notions of persecution and violencfe, which 
he had so much promoted in king Charles's time, 
and professed himself an enemy to the present bi- 
shops, and to the methods they were taking, of 
preaching and visiting their dioceses, of obliging the 
clergy to attend more carefully to their functions, 
and of endeavouring to gain the dissenters by gentle 
and calm methods '. 
The king had left the matters of the church The state 

^ of the 

wholly in the queen's hands. He found he could not clergy and 
resist importunities, which were not only vexatious *^ '"*^ ' 
to him, but had drawn preferments fi-om him, which 
he came soon to see were Ul bestowed : so he de- 
volved that care upon the queen, which she managed 
with strict and religious prudence : she declared 
openly against the preferring of those who put in 

* There was a current report shewed for her, when treasurer, 
at this time, that lord Rochester was not unlikely to be true, 
was brought into favour only Thisiscertain, that queen Mary, 
to mortify the princess Ann, before the quarrel with her sis- 
who, it was said, had made it ter, had very little regard to 
her request to the king and him. D. Seenoteatp.685.vol.i. 
queen, that lord Godoiphin ^ Lord Rochester was always 
should be in employment, and known to be a zealous church- 
lord Rochester excluded ; which, man: therefore might reason- 
considering the jealousy lord ably declare his dislike of the 
Marlborough and Godoiphin present set of bishops : but it 
always had of him, and their is highly improbable he should 
influence upon the princess, profess himself an enemy to 
added to the resentment she the commendable metjiods the 
had for the little concern he bishop says they were taking. D. 



206 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

i6()3. for themselves ; and took care to inform herself par- 
ticularly of the merits of such of the clergy as were 
not so much as known at court, nor using any me- 
thods to get themselves recommended : so that we 
had reason to hope, that, if this course should be 
long continued, it would produce a great change in 
the church, and in the temper of the clergy. She 
consulted chiefly with the archbishop of Canterbury, 
whom she favoured and supported in a most parti- 
cular manner. She saw what need there was of it : 
for a party was formed against him, who set them- 
selves to censure every thing he did. It was a me- 
lancholy thing to consider, that, though we never 
saw an archbishop before him apply himself so en- 
tirely, without partiality or bias, to all the concerns 
118 of the church and religion, as he did; and that the 
queen's heart was set on promoting them, yet such 
an evil spirit should seem to be let loose upon the 
clergy. They complained of every thing that was 
done, if it was not in their own way : and the arch- 
bishop bore the blame of all. He did not enter into 
any close correspondence, or the concerting measures 
with the ministry, but lived much abstracted from 
them : so they studied to depress him aU they could. 
This made a great impression upon him. He grew 
very uneasy in his great post : we were all soon con- 
vinced, that there was a sort of clergymen among 
us, that would never be satisfied, as long as the to- 
leration was continued : and they seemed resolved 
to give it out, that the church was in danger, till a 
prosecution of dissenters should be again set on foot : 
nor could they look at a man with patience, or speak 
of him with temper, who did not agi*ee with them 
in these things. The bishops fell under the displea- 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 207 

sure of the whigs, by the methods they took, not 1693. 
only of protecting, but of preferring some of these 
men, hoping, by that means, both to have softened 
them and their friends : but they took their prefer- 
ments, as the rewards that they supposed were due 
to their merit; and they employed the credit and 
authority which their preferments brought them, 
wholly against those to whom they owed them. 
The whigs were much turned against the king ; and 
were not pleased with those who had left them, 
when they were so violent in the beginning of this 
reign : and it was a hard thing, in such a divided 
time, to resolve to be of no party, since men of that 
temper are pushed at by many, and protected by no 
side s. Of this we had many instances at that time : 
and I myself had some very sensible ones : but they 
are too inconsiderable to be mentioned. In this bad 
state we were, when a session of parliament came 
on with great apprehensions, occasioned by our ill 
success, and by the king's temper, which he could 
no way constrain, or render more complaisant, but 
chiefly from the disposition of men's minds, which 
was practised on with great industry, by the ene- 
mies of the government, who were driving on jea- 
lousies daily. 

A parliament had been summoned in Ireland by Affairs in 
the lord Sidney ; but they met fuU of discontent, '* *° ' 
and were disposed to find fault with every thing : 
and there was too much matter to work upon ; for 
the lord lieutenant was apt to excuse or justify 



8 They have however the or rank, from party zeal and 

comfort of their own rectitude, violence, which is ever factious, 

far superior to any successful and the bane of virtue. O. 
corruption in wealth or power 



208 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1693. those who had the address to insinuate themselves 
into his favour : so that they were dismissed, before 
they brought their bills to perfection. The English 
in Ireland thought the government favoured the 
Irish too much ; some said, this was the effect of 
bribery, whereas others thought it was necessary to 
119 keep them safe from the prosecutions of the English, 
who hated them, and were much sharpened against 
them. The protecting the Irish was indeed in some 
sort necessary, to keep them from breaking out, or 
from running over to the French : but it was very 
plain, that the Irish were Irish stUl, enemies to the 
English nation, and to the present government : so 
that all kindness shewed them, beyond what was 
due in strict justice, was the cherishing an inveterate 
enemy. There were also great complaints of an ill 
administration, chiefly in the revenue, in the pay of 
the army, and in the embezzling of stores. Of 
these, much noise was made in England, which 
drew addresses from both houses of parliament to 
the king, which were very invidiously penned : every 
particular being severely aggravated. So the king 
called back the lord Sidney, and put the government 
of Ireland into three lords justices ; lord Caj^el, bro- 
ther to the earl of Essex, sir Cyril Wyche, and Mr. 
Duncomb. When they were sent from court, the 
queen did very earnestly recommend to their care, 
the reforming of many disorders that were prevail- 
ing in that kingdom : for neither had the late de- 
structive war, out of which they were but beginning 
' to recover themselves, nor their poverty, produced 
those effects that might have been well expected. 
The queen's The statc of Ireland leads me to insert here a 

stnctness 

and pious very particular instance of the queen's pious care in 

designs. 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 209 

the disposing of bishoprics: lord Sidney was so far 1693. 
engaged in the interest of a great family of Ireland, ~ 
that he was too easily wrought on to recommend a 
branch of it to a vacant see. The representation 
was made with an undue character of the person : 
so the queen granted it. But when she understood 
that he lay under a very bad character, she wrote a 
letter, in her own hand, to lord Sidney, letting him 
know what she had heard, and ordered him to call 
for six Irish bishops, whom she named to him, and 
to require them to certify to her their opinion of 
that person : they all agreed, that he laboured under 
an ill fame : and, till that was examined into, they 
did not think it proper to promote him ; so that 
matter was let fall. I do not name the person ; for 
I intend not to leave a blemish on him : but set this 
down as an example, fit to be imitated by Christian 
princes. 

Another effect of the queen's pious care of the 
souls of her people was finished this year, after it 
had been much opposed, and long stopped. Mr. 
Blair, a very worthy man, came over from Virginia, 
with a proposition for erecting a college there. In 
order to which, he had set on foot a voluntary sub- 
scription, which arose to a great sum : and he found 
out some branches of the revenue there, that went 1 20 
all into private hands, without being brought into 
any public account, with which a free school and 
college might be well endowed. The EngUsIi born 
there were, as he said, capable of every thing, if 
they were provided with the rtieans of a good educa- 
tion ; and a foundation of this kind in Virginia, that 
lay in the middle, between our southern and north- 
ern plantations, might be a common nursery to them 

VOL. IV. p 



210 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1693. all; and put the people bora there in a way of fiir- 
' ther improvement. Those concerned in the manage- 

ment of the plantations, had made such advantages 
of those particulars, out of which the endowment 
was to be raised, that all possible objections were 
made to the project, as a design that would take 
our planters off from their mechanical employments, 
and make them grow too knowing to be obedient 
and submissive. The queen was so well pleased 
with the design, as apprehending the very good ef- 
fects it might have, that no objection against it 
could move her : she hoped it might be a means of 
improving her own people, and of preparing some 
to propagate the gospel among the natives ; and 
therefore, as she espoused the matter with a parti- 
cular zeal, so the king did very readily concur with 
her in it. The endowment was fixed, and the patent 
was passed for the college, called from the founders, 
the William and Mary coUege. 
AflFairs in Affairs in Scotland erew more and more out of 

Scotland. . . ° 1 i . i 

jomt. Many whom the king had trusted m the 
ministry there, were thought enemies to him and 
his government ; and some took so little care to con- 
ceal their inclinations, that, when an invasion was 
looked for, they seemed resolved to join in it. They 
were taken out of a plot, which was managed by 
persuading many to take oaths to the government, 
on design to betray it ; and were now trusted with 
the most important posts. The presbyterians began 
to see their error, in driving matters so far, and in 
provoking the king so much ; and they seemed de- 
sirous to recover his favour, and to manage their 
matters with more temper. The king came likewise 
to see that he had been a little too sudden in trust- 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY, 211 

ing some, who did not deserve his confidence. Duke 1693. 
Hamilton had for some years withdrawn from busi- 
ness; but he was now prevailed with to return to 
council; many letters were intercepted between 
France and Scotland: in those from Scotland, the 
easiness of engaging that nation was often repeated, 
if no time were lost ; it seemed therefore necessary 
to bring that kingdom into a better state. 

A session of parliament was held there, to which ^ session 

1 1 TT • 1 • . . **^ parlia- 

duke Hamilton was sent as the kmg's commissioner; ment there, 
the supplies that were asked were granted; and 121 
now the whole presbyterian party was again entire 
in the king's interest ; the matters of the church 
were brought to more temper than was expected : 
the episcopal clergy had more moderate terms of- 
fered them ; they were only required to make an 
address to the general assembly, offering to subscribe 
to a \_tke O.] confession of faith, and to acknowledge 
presbytery to be the only government of that church, 
with a promise to submit to it ; upon which, within 
a fortnight after they did that, if no matter of scan- 
dal was objected to them, the assembly was either 
to receive them into the government of the church, 
or, if they could not be brought to that, the king 
was to take them into his protection, and maintain 
them in their churches, without any dependance on 
the presbytery. This was a strain of moderation 
that the preebyterians were not easily brought to ; a 
subscription that owned presbytery to be the only 
legal government of that church, without owning 
any divine right in it, was far below their usual pre- 
tensions. And this act vested the king with an au- 
thority, very like that which they were wont to con- 
demn as Erastianism. Another act was also pasiied, 

r 2 



212 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1693. requiring all in any office in church or state, to take, 
besides the oath of allegiance, a declaration called 
the assurance, owning the king and queen to be 
their rightful and lawful sovereigns, and promising 
fidelity to them against king James, and all his ad- 
herents. The council was also impowered to tender 
these, as they should see cause for it, and to fine and 
imprison such as should refuse them. When the 
session was near an end, Nevil Payne was brought 
before the parliament, to be examined, upon the 
many letters that had been intercepted. There was 
a full evidence against him in many of his own let- 
ters ; but he sent word to several of the lords, in 
particular to duke Hamilton, that as long as his life 
was his own, he would accuse none : but he was re- 
solved he would not die ; and he could discover 
enough to deserve his pardon. This struck such 
terror into many of them, whose sons or near rela- 
tions had been concerned with him, that he, moving 
for a delay, on a pretence of some witnesses that 
were not then at hand, a time was given him beyond 
the continuance of the session ; so he escaped, and 
that inquiry was stifled : the session ended calmly. 
But the king seemed to have forgot Scotland so en- 
tirely, that he let three months go over, before he 
took notice of any of their petitions : and, though 
he had asked, and had supplies for an augmentation 
of forces ; and many had been gained to consent to 
the tax, by the hope of commissions in the troops 
122 that were to be levied ; yet the king did not raise 
any new ones, but raised the supply, and applied it 
to other uses : this began again to raise an ill hu- 
mour, that had been almost quite laid down in the 
whole course of this session, which was thought a 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 213 

reconciling one. The clergy let the day prefixed 1693. 
for making their submission to the assembly, slip, 
and did not take the oaths ; so they could claim no 
benefit by the act, that had been carried in their fa- 
vour, not without some difficulty. And the law that 
was intended to save them did now expose them to 
ruin ; since by it, they, not taking the oaths, had 
lost their legal rights to their benefices. Yet they 
were suffered to continue in them, and were put in 
hope, that the king would protect them, though it 
was now against law. They were also made to be- 
lieve, that the king did not desire that they should 
take the oaths, or make any submission to presby- 
tery : and it is certain, that no public signification 
of the king's mind was made to them ; so they were 
easily imposed on by surmises and whispers ; upon 
this the distractions grew up afresh. Many con- 
cluded there, as well as in England, that the king's 
heart led him still to court his enemies, even after 
all the manifest reasons he had to conclude, that the 
steps they made towards him were only feigned sub- 
missions, to gain such a confidence, as might put it 
in their power to deliver him up ''. 

The earl of Middletoun went over to France, inTheeariof 
the begmnmg 01 this year : and it was believed, he went to 
was sent by a gi*eat body among us, with a proposi- ™"'^' 
tion, which, had he had the assurance to have made, 

•' The earl of Portland once doms, and he really believed it 

in discourse with the king, (I was true. The king told him 

had it from one that was pre- he was very much mistaken, 

sent,) said the English were for there were as wise and ho- 

the strangest people he had nest men amongst them, as 

ever met with : for by their were in any part of the world, 

own accounts of one another, (and fetched a great sigh,) " but 

there was never an honest nor " they are not my friends." D. 
an able man in the three king- 

p3 



214 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

i6g3. and they the wisdom to have accepted, might have 
much increased our factions and jealousies. It was, 
that king James should offer to resign his title in 
favour of his son, and likewise to send him to be 
bred in England, under the direction of a parlia- 
ment, tiQ he should be of age ; but I could never 
hear that he ventured on this advice ; in another he 
succeeded better. When king James thought the 
invasion from Normandy, the former year, was so 
well laid, that he seemed not to apprehend it could 
miscarry, he had prepared a declaration, of which 
some copies came over. He promised nothing in it, 
and pardoned nobody by it. But he spoke in the 
style of a conqueror, who thought he was master, 
and therefore would limit himself by no promises, 
but such as were conceived in- general words, which 
might be afterwards expounded at pleasure. This 
was much blamed, even by his own party, who 
thought that they themselves were not enough se- 
cured by so loose a declaration : so the earl of Mid- 
dletoun, upon his going over, procured one of an- 
123 other strain, which, as far as words could go, gave 
aU content : for he promised every thing, and par- 
doned all persons. His party got this into their 
hands ; I saw a copy of it, and they waited for a fit 
occasion to publish it to the nation '. 
The duke Wc wcrc also at tliis time alarmed with a nego- 
oflFered°" tiatiou, that the court of France was setting on foot 
^pliiards. ^* Madrid : they offered to restore to the crown of 

' (" His lordship might also " April 1 7th, and was dispersed 

" have said, that by the care of " by the Jacobite party in Lon- 

" the said party it was printed, " don, about the middle of May 

" and that it was still extant " following." Ralph's Hist, of 

"in the State Tracts of this Ewg/anr/, vol. ii. p. 418.) 
*• reign. This piece was date<l 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 215 

Spain all that had been taken from it since the 1693. 
peace of Munster, on condition that the duke of An- 
jou should be declared the heir of that crown, in de- 
fault of issue by the king : the grandees of Spain, 
who are bred up to a disregard and contempt of all 
the world besides themselves, were inclinable to en- 
tertain this proposition ; though they saw that by 
so doing, they must lose the house of Austria, the 
elector of Bavaria, and many of their other allies. 
But the king himself, weak as he was, stood firm 
and intractable ; and seemed to be as much set on 
watching their conduct, as a man of his low genius 
could possibly be. He resolved to adhere to the al- 
liance, and to carry on the war ; though he could do 
little more than barely resolve on it. The Spaniards 
thought of nothing but their intrigues at Madrid ; 
and for the management of the war, and all their 
affairs, they left the care of that to their stai's, and 
to their allies. 

The king came over to England in November ; The duke 
he sa\^ the necessity of changing both his measures Lry iT*' 
and his ministers; he expressed his dislike of the Jf ^^'"j^'J'*^* 
whole conduct at sea; and named Russel for the °^ **'»^*'- 
command of the fleet next year : he dismissed the 
earl of Nottingham, and would immediately have 
brought the earl of Shrewsbury again into the mi- 
nistry : but when that lord came to him, he thought 
the king's inclinations were still the same that they 
had been for some years, and that the turn which 
he was now making was not from choice, but force; 
so that went off; and the earl of Shrewsbury went 
into the country : yet the king soon after sent for 
him, and gave him such assurances, that he was 
again made secretary of state, to the general satis- 

r 4) 



216 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1693. faction of the whigs "*. But the person that had the 
king's confidence to the highest degree was the earl 
of Sunderland, who, by his long experience, and his 
knowledge of men and things, had gained an ascend- 
ant over him, and had more credit with him than 
any Englishman ever had • : he had brought the 
king to this change of councils, by the prospect he 
gave him of the ill condition his affairs were in, if 
he did not entirely both trust and satisfy those, who, 
in the present conjuncture, were the only party that 
both could and would support him "'. It was said, 
124 that the true secret of this change of measures was, 
that the tories signified to the king plainly, that 
they could carry on the war no longer, and that 
therefore he must accept of such a peace as could be 
had : this was the most pernicious thing that could 
be thought on, and the most contrary to the king's 

^ (Another reason appears to vol. O. Mr. Montague (who 

have existed for the earl of was the worst bred gentleman 

Shrewsbury's return to office ; I ever saw) had reflected in a 

the danger of refusing the post very rude manner upon lord 

of secretary which was from Sunderland before the king, at 

king William's knowledge of his the cabinet, who was highly 

engagements with James, and incensed at his behaviour, and 

after the king's actually charg- ordered him to wait upon lord 

ing him with them. See Mac- Sunderland next day to ask his 

pherson's Original Papers, vol. i. pardon ; which he did, and 

p. 481. See also Dalrjmple's with a very saucy air told him 

Memoirs, vol. i. p. 29 T. and vol. the king had commanded him 

iii. p. 40. In the Correspond- to ask his pardon, and therefore 

ence of lord Shrewsbury, lately he did it : the other replied, 

published by Mr. Coxe, there is "I know very well the king 

nothing subversive of the truth " conmianded you to ask my 

of the above statement. His " pardon, but he did not com- 

extreme reluctance to resume " mand me to give it you, and 

the employment, from whatever " therefore I do not do it." 

cause it originated, is to be But Montague was glad to ask 

seen in p. i. c. 2. p. 18 — 30.) it in a more respectful manner 

' See postea, page 207. See before he had it. D. 

also page 756, in the former •" See antea, p. 4. O. 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 217 

notions and designs ; but they being positive, he was 1693. 
forced to change hands, and to turn to the other 
party ; so the whigs were^ now in favour again, and 
every thing was done that was like to put them in 
good humour. The commission of the lieutenancy 
for the city of London, on which they had set their 
hearts, much more perhaps than it deserved, was so 
altered, that the whigs were the superior number ; 
and all other commissions over England were much 
changed. They were also brought into many places 
of trust and profit ; so that the king put his affairs 
chiefly into their hands : yet so, that no tory, who 
had expressed zeal or affection for the government, 
was turned out. Upon this, the whigs expressed 
new zeal and confidence in the king. All the money 
that was asked, for the next year's expense, was 
granted very readily. 

Among otlier funds that were created, one was a bank 

(erected* 

for constituting a bank, which occasioned great de- 
bates : some thought a bank would gi'ow to be a 
monopoly. All the money of England would come 
into their hands ; and they would in a few years be- 
come the masters of the stock and wealth of the na- 
tion. Others argued for it : that the credit it would 
have must increase trade and the circulation of 
money, at least in bank notes. It was visible, that 
all the enemies of the government set themselves 
against it with such a vehemence of zeal, that this 
alone convinced all people, that they saw the strength 
that our affairs would receive from it. I had heard 
the Dutch often reckon up the great advantages 
they had from their banks; and they concluded, 
that as long as England continued jealous of the go- 



218 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

i6g3. vemment, a bank could never be settled among us, 



nor gain credit enough to support itself: and upon 
that, they judged that the superiority in trade must 
still lie on their side. This, with all the other re- 
mote funds that were created, had another good ef- 
fect : it engaged all those who were concerned in 
them, to be, upon the account of theu' own interest, 
zealous for maintaining the government ; since it 
was not to be doubted, but that a revolution would 
have swept all these away. The advantages that 
the king, and all concerned in tallies, had from the 
bank, were soon so sensibly felt, that all people saw 
into the secret reasons, that made the enemies of 
125 the constitution set themselves with so much ear- 
nestness against it. 
The con- The inquiry into the conduct at sea, particularly 

duct of the • 1 1 • 1 o • n 

fleet exa- With relation to the Smima fleet, took up much 
"*"* ■ time, and held long : great exceptions were taken 
to the many delays ; by which it seemed a train 
was laid, that they should not get out of our ports, 
till the French were ready to lie in their way and 
. intercept them ; our want of intelligence was much 
complained of: the instructions that the admirals 
who commanded the fleet had received from the ca- 
binet council, were thought ill given, and yet worse 
executed; their orders seemed weakly di-awn, am- 
biguous, and defective : nor had they shewed any 
zeal in doing more than strictly to obey siich orders; 
they had very cautiously kept within them, and had 
been very careful never to exceed them in a tittle : 
they had used no diligence to get certain informa- 
tion concerning the French fleet, whether it was still 
in Brest or had sailed out; but in that important 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 219 

matter, they had trusted general and uncertain re- 1693. 
ports too easily : nor had they sailed with Rook till' 
he was past danger. To all this their answer was, 
that they had observed their orders ; they had rea- 
son to think the French were still in Brest ; that 
therefore it was not safe to sail too far from the 
coast of England, when they had (as they under- 
stood) ground to believe, that they had Jeft behind 
them a great naval force, which might make an im- 
pression on our coast, when they were at too great 
a distance from it; the getting certain intelligence 
from Brest was represented as impracticable. They 
had many specious things to say in their own de- 
fence, and many friends to support them ; for it was 
now the business of one party to accuse, and of an- 
other to justify that conduct. In conclusion, there 
was not ground sufficient to condemn the admirals ; 
as they had followed theii* instructions : so a vote 
passed in their favour. The rest of the business of 
the session was managed both with dexterity and 
success : all ended well, though a little too late : for 
the session was not finished before the end of April. 
Prince Lewis of Baden came this winter to concert 
measures with the king: he stayed above two 
months in England, and was treated with very sin- 
gular respects, and at a great expense. 

The tories began in this session to obstruct the 1694. 
king's measures more openly than before ; the earls vemm^t 
of Rochester and Nottincrham did it in the house of ™'*'*pre- 

'-' seated. 

lords with a pecuhar edge and violence : they saw 
how great a reputation the fair administration of 
justice by the judges, and more particularly that 
equity which appeared in the whole proceedings of 126 



220 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1694. the court of chancery, gave the government; there- 
fore they took all occasions that gave them any 
handle to reflect on these. We had many sad de- 
clamations, setting forth the misery the nation was 
under, in so tragical a strain, that those who thought 
it was quite otherwise with us, and that under all 
our taxes and losses, there was a visible increase of 
the wealth of the nation, could not hear all this 
without some indignation. 
The bishops fhe bishoos had their share of ill humour vented 

are heavily ^ * 

charged, agaiust them ; it was visible to the whole nation, 
that there was another face of strictness, of humility 
and charity among them, than had been ordinarily 
observed before ; they visited their dioceses more ; 
they confirmed and preached oftener than any who 
had in our memory gone before them ; they took 
more care in examining those whom they ordained, 
and in looking into the behaviour of their clergy, 
than had been formerly practised ; but they were 
faithful to the government, and zealous for it ; they 
were gentle to the dissenters, and did not rail at 
them, nor seem uneasy at the toleration. This was 
thought such a heinous matter, that all their other 
diligence was despised ; and they were represented 
as men who designed to undermine the church, and 
to betray it. 

Debates Qf ^-jj^g J y^'^yi^ ~jyg ^j^g iustaucc *, the matter was 

concerning o 

divorce, of great importance ; and it occasioned great and 
long debates in this and in the former session of 
parliament : it related to the duke of Norfolk, who 
had proved his wife guUty of adultery, and did 
move for an act of parliament, dissolving his mar- 
riage, and allowing him to marry again : in the 
later ages of popery, when marriage was reckoned 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 221 

among the sacraments, an opinion grew to be re- 1694. 
ceived, that adultery did not break the bond, and 
that it could only entitle to a separation, but not 
such a dissolution of the marriage, as gave the party 
that was injured a right to many again " : this be- 
came the rule of the spiritual courts ; though there 
was no definition made about it before the council 
of Trent. At the time of the reformation, a suit of 
this nature was prosecuted by the marquis of North- 
ampton ° : the marriage was dissolved, and he mar- 
ried a second time; but he found it necessary to 
move for an act of parliament to confirm this sub- 
sequent marriage : in the reformation of the ecclesi- 
astical laws, that was prepared by Cranmer and 
others, in king Edward's time, a rule was laid down 
allowing of a second marriage upon a divorce for 
adultery. This matter had lain asleep above an 
hundred years, till the present duke of Rutland, 
then lord Roos, moved for the like liberty. At that 
time a sceptical and libertine spirit prevailed, so 127 
that some began to treat marriage only as a civil 
contract, in which the parliament was at full liberty 
to make what laws they pleased ; and most of king 
Charles's courtiers applauded this, hoping by this 
doctrine that the king might be divorced from the 
queen. The greater part of the bishops, apprehend- 
ing the consequence that lord Roos's act might 
have, opposed every step that was made in it; 
though many of them were persuaded, that in the 
case of adultery, when it was fully proved, a second 

" (Such an opinion was en- fourth century.) 
tertained by some doctors of ° In the reign of king Ed- 
the church, as early as the ward Vlth. O. 



THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1694. marriage might be allowed p. In the duke of Nor- 
folk's case, as the lady was a papist, and a busy Ja- 
cobite, so a great party appeared for her. All that 
favoured the Jacobites, and those who were thought 
engaged in lewd practices, espoused her concern 
with a zeal that did themselves little honour^. 
Their number was such, that no progress could be 
made in the bill, though the proofs were but too full 
and too plain. But the main question was, whe- 
ther, supposing the matter fully proved, the duke of 
Norfolk should be allowed a second marriage : the 
bishops were desired to deliver their opinions, with 
their reasons : all those, who had been made during 
- the present reign, were of opinion, that a second 
marriage in that case was lawful and conformable, 
both to the words of the gospel, and to the doctrine 
of the primitive church ; and that the contrary 
opinion was started in the late and dark ages : but 

P (Cosin, the learned bishop vicious man, and besides his 
of Durham, had given his rea- ow^n example, had been the ori- 
sons, in support of that persua- ginal introducer of all the bad 
sion in the lord Roos's case, company she kept, to her ac- 
and they were published at this quaintance. After sir John Fen- 
time by the order of the duke wick's trial, the earl of Peter- 
of Norfolk.) borough promoted the bringing 

1 The bishop lived in such the bill in a second time, in re- 
constant apprehensions of a hal- venge for her behaviour on that 
ter, that he finds a Jacobite in- occasion ; when it met with lit- 
fluence predominant in all trans- tie opposition, her father, the 
actions : the truth was, the earl old earl of Peterborough, being 
of Peterborough and all her re- dead, who kept his nephew in 
lations opposed the bill with some awe, and would not have 
great zeal and warmth ; and^ suffered his daughter to have 
though nobody pretended to been insulted by one of his own 
justify her conduct, there were family, and was known to be 
many reasons for alleviating the as great a blusterer, and thought 
rigour of her punishment. The to have more real courage, than 
duke being notoriously a very his nephew. D. 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 22S 

all the bishops, that had been made by the two for- 1694. 
mer kings, were of another opinion ; though some of 
them could not well tell why they were so. Here was 
a colour for men, who looked at things superficially, 
to observe that there was a difference of opinion, 
between the last made bishops and tliose of an elder 
standing : from which they inferred, that we were 
departing from the received doctrine of our church ; 
and upon that topic the earl of Rochester charged 
us very vehemently. The bill was let fall at this 
time; nor was the dispute kept up, for no books 
were writ on the subject of either side. 

The king went beyond sea in May ; and the cam- The cam- 
paign was opened soon after : the armies of both Fiandew. 
sides came very near one another : the king com- 
manded that of the confederates, as the dauphin did 
the French : they lay between Brussels and Liege ; 
and it was given out, that they intended to besiege 
Maestricht; the king moved toward Namur, that 
he might either cut off their provisions, or force 
them to fight; but they were resolved to avoid a 
battle : so they retired likewise, and the campaign 
passed over in the ordinary manner ; both of them 
moving and watching one another. The king sent 128 
a great detachment to break into the French coun- 
try at Pont Esperies : but though the body he sent 
had made a gi'eat advance, before the French knew 
any thing of their march, yet they sent away their 
cavalry with so much haste, and in so continued a 
march, that they were possessed of the pass Ijefore 
the body the king had sent could reach it ; whereby 
they gained their point, though their cavalry suf- 
fered much. This design failing, the king sent an- 
other body towai'ds Huy, who took it in a few days : 



J«M< THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1694. it was become more necessary to do this for the co- 
vering of Liege, which was now much broken into 
faction ; their bishop was dead, and there was a 
great division in the chapter : some were for the 
elector of Cologne, and others were for the elector 
palatine's brother: but that for the elector of Co- 
logne was the stronger party, and the court of Rome 
judged in their favour. The differences between 
that court and that of Versailles were now so far 
made up, that the bulls for the bishops, whom the 
king had named to the vacant sees, were granted, 
upon the submission of all those who had been con- 
cerned in the articles of 1682. Yet after all that 
reconciliation, the real incUnations of the court of 
Rome lay still towards the confederates : the alli- 
ance that France was in with the Turk was a thing 
of an odious sound at Rome. The taking of Huy 
covered Liege ; so that they were both safer and 
quieter. The confederates, especially the English 
and the Dutch, grew weary of keeping up vast ar- 
mies, that did nothing else, but lay for some months 
advantageously posted, in view of the enemy, with- 
out any action. 
On the On the Rhine, things went much in the usual 

Rhine. i o i • -i 

manner; only at the end of the campaign, the 
prince of Baden passed the Rhine, and raised great 
contributions in Alsace, which the French suffered 
him to do, rather than hazard a battle. There was 
nothing of any importance done on either side in 
Piedmont; only there appeared to be some secret 
management between the court of France and that 
of Turin, in order to a peace : it was chiefly nego- 
tiated at Rome, but was all the while denied by the 
duke of Savoy. 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 225 

In Catalonia, the Spaniards were beat off from 1^94. 



some posts, and Gironne was taken ; nor was Bar- And in ca. 
celona in any condition to have resisted, if the 
French had set down before it. The court of Ma- 
drid felt their weakness, and saw their danger so 
visil)ly, that they were forced to implore the protec- 
tion of the English fleet: the French had cairied 
the best part of their naval force into the Mediter- 
ranean, and had resolved to attack Barcelona both 
by sea and land at the same time : and, upon theii* 
success there, to have gone round Spain, destroying 
their coast every where. All this was intended to 129 
force them to accept the offers the French were 
wiUing to make them; but to prevent this, Russel 
was ordered to sail into the Mediterranean with a 
fleet of threescore great ships : he was so long stopped 
in his voyage by contrary winds, that the French, 
if they had pursued then- advantages, might have 
finished the conquest of Catalonia ; but they resolved 
not to hazard their fleet ; so it was brought back to 
Toulon, long before Russel could get into the Me- 
diterranean, which was now left entirely to him. 
But it was thought, that the French intended to 
make a second attempt, in the end of the year, as 
soon as he should sail back to England : so it was 
proposed, that he might lie at Cadiz all the winter. 
This was an affair of that importance, that it was, 
long and much debated before it was resolved on. 
It was thought a dangerous thing to expose theourfle«t 
best part of our fleet, so much as it must be, while "^^^ 
it lay at so great a distance from us, that convoys 
of stores and provisions might easily be intercepted : 
and indeed, the ships were so low in their provi- 
sions, when they came back to Cadiz, (the vessels 

VOL. IV. Q 



226 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
1694. that were ordered to carry them having been stop- 



ped four months in the channel by contrary winds,) 
that our fleet had not then above a fortnight's vic- 
tuals on board : yet when the whole matter was 
thoroughly canvassed, it was agreed, that our ships 
might both lie safe and be well careened at Cadiz ; 
nor was the difference in the expense, between their 
lying there and in our own ports, considerable. By 
our lying there, the French were shut within the Me- 
diterranean ; so that the ocean and their coasts were 
left 0]jen to us. They were in effect shut up within 
Toulon; for they, having no other port in those 
seas but that, resolved not to venture abroad; so 
that now we were masters of the seas every where. 
These considerations determined the king to send 
orders to Russel to lie all the winter at Cadiz ; 
which produced very good effects ; the Venetians 
and the great duke had not thought fit to own the 
king till then : a great fleet of stores and ammuni- 
tion, with aU other provisions for the next cam- 
paign, came safe to Cadiz : and some clean men of 
war were sent out, in exchange for others, which 
were ordered home. 
A design on g^^ while wc wcrc vcrv fortunate in our main 

Camaret. J 

fleet, we had not the like good success in an at- 
tempt that was made on Camaret, a small neck of 
land that lies in the mouth of the river of Brest, 
and would have commanded that river, if we could 
have made ourselves masters of it. Talmash had 
formed the design of seizing on it ; he had taken 
care to be well informed of every thing relating to 
it ; six thousand men seemed to be more than were 
130 necessary for taking and keeping it: the design, 
and the preparations for it, were kept so secret, that 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 227 
there was not the least suspicion of the project, till 1694. 



the hiring transport ships discovered it. A propo- 
sition had been made of this two years before to the 
earl of Nottingham ; who, among other things, 
charged Russel with it, that this had been laid be- 
fore him, by men that came from thence, but that 
he had neglected it : whether the French appre- 
hended the design from that motion, or whether it 
was now betrayed to them, by some of those who 
were in the secret, I know not : it is certain, that 
they had such timely knowledge of it, as put them 
on their guard. The preparations were not quite 
ready by the day that was settled : and, when all 
was ready, they were stopt by a westerly wind for 
some time : so that they came thither a month 
later than was intended. They found the place 
was well fortified by many batteries, that were 
raised in different lines upon the rocks, that lay over 
the place of descent : and great numbers were there 
ready to dispute their landing. Wlien our fleet 
came so near as to see all this, the council of officers 
were all against making the attempt ; but Talmash 
had set his heart so much upon it, that he could not 
be diverted from it. 

He fancied, the men they saw were only a rabble it miscw- 
brought together to make a show, though it ap-"* " 
peared very evidently, that there were regular bo- 
dies among them, and that their numbers were 
double to his^ He began with a landing of six 

*■ (" We fire therefore to in- " what his own eyes beheld ; 

" fer, that the commander in " which is utterly inconceivable, 

" chief, whom the author soon " as well as irreconcileable with 

" after calls a good officer, was "all the accounts which are 

" the only man who could de- " extant of this undertaking." 

" rive no information from Ralph's History of England, 

Q 2 



THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



1694. hundred men, and put himself at the head of them ; 
the men followed him with great courage ; but they 
were so exposed to the enemies fire, and could do 
them so little harm, that it quickly appeared, it was 
needlessly throwing away the lives of brave men, to 
persist longer in so desperate an undertaking. The 
greatest part of those who landed were killed or 
taken prisoners ; and not above an hundred of them 
came back. Talmash himself was shot in the thigh, 
of which he died in a few days, and was much la- 
mented ; for he was a brave and generous man, and 
a good officer, very fit to animate and encourage in- 
ferior officers and soldiers; but he was much too 
apt to be discontented, and to turn mutinous ; so 
that, upon the whole, he was one of those dangerous 
men, that are capa])le of doing as much mischief 
as good service ^ Thus that design miscarried, 



vol. ii. p. 50 J, where the asser- 
tion is also disproved, that the 
council of officers was against 
making the attempt. The mis- 
carriage of the enterprise is 
attributed by Ralph to other 
causes. Seep. 501 — 504. But 
an additional cause, unknown to 
this historian, has be^n brought 
to light in these days. For sir 
John Dalrymple in the third 
volume of his Memoirs of Great 
Britain &c. on the authority of 
state papers, relates, that the 
resolution to attack this place 
was betrayed to king James by 
lord Godolphin, first lord of 
the treasury, and after\vards by 
a letter from lord Marlborough, 
eldest lieutenant general in the 
service, dated the fourth of 
May ; in the same way as a 
project against Toulon was be- 



trayed two years afterwards by 
lord Sunderland. See p. 43 . &c. 
and Macjiherson's Original Pa- 
pers, vol. i. pp. 480. 487. Ralph 
had before found reason for sup- 
posing that admiral Russel also 
was no well-wisher to the suc- 
cess of the enterprise. Yet Mr. 
Coxe, in his Correspondence 
of the duke of Shrewsbury 
lately published, is more inclin- 
ed to assign the failure to the 
publicity of the design, and to 
other causes which he enume- 
rates in p. i. chapter 3. p. 31.) 
' It was commonly thought, 
that he was Oliver Cromwell's 
son, and he had a very particu- 
lar sort of vanity, in desiring it 
should be so understood. This 
is certain, that for some time 
before he was born, Oliver had 
a very intimate correspondence 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 229 
which, if it had been undertaken at any time before 1^94. 



the French were so well prepared to receive us, 
might have succeeded; and must have had gi*eat 
effects. 

Our fleet came back to Plymouth ; and after they 131 
had set the land forces ashore, being well furnished ^*'^//*°*^^ 

' o coast bom- 

with Ijomb-vessels and ammunition, they were or-t>arded. 
dered to try what could be done on the French 
coast; they lay first before Dieppe, and burnt it 
almost entirely to the ground ; they went next to 
Havre de Grace, and destroyed a gi*eat part of that 
town: Dunkirk was the place of the greatest im- 
portance : so that attempt was long pursued in se- 
veral ways ; but none of them succeeded. These 
bombardings of the French towns soon spread a 
terror among aU that lived near the coast; batte- 
ries were every where raised, and the people were 
brought out to defend their country ; but they could 
do us no hurt, while our bombs at a mile's distance 
did great execution : the action seemed inhuman ; 
but the French, Avho had bombarded Genoa without 
a previous declaration of war, and who had so often 
put whole countries under military execution, even 
after they had paid the contributions that had been 
laid on them, (for which they had protection given 
them,) had no reason to complain of this way of car- 
rying on the war, which they themselves had first 
begun. 

The campaign ended every where, to the ad- Affaire in 

with his mother. He was ex- with a good deal of mirth, at 

tremely lewd, and bishop Bur- dinner at my old lord Mainard's, 

net, who was very much his supposing the bishop thought 

friend, took the freedom to tell some might be very allowa- 

him he was too lewd; which ble. D. 
I beard him tell once himself, 

q3 



THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1694. vantage of the confederates, though no signal suc- 
cesses had happened to their arms ; and this new 
scene of action at sea raised the hearts of our people 
as much as it sunk our enemies. The war in Turky 
went on this year with various success : the Vene- 
tians made themselves masters of the isle of Scio, 
the richest and the best peopled of all the islands in 
the Archipelago : those of that island had a greater 
share of liberty left them than any subjects of the 
Ottoman empire ; and they flourished accordingly : 
the great trade of Smirna, that lay so near them, 
made them the more considerable : the Venetians 
fortified the port, but used the natives worse than 
the Turks had done : and as the island had a greater 
number of people upon it, than could subsist by the 
productions within themselves, and the Turks pro- 
hibited all commerce with them from Asia, from 
whence they had their bread, the Venetians could 
not keep this possession, unless they had carried off the 
greatest part of the inhabitants to the Morea, or their 
other dominions that wanted people. The Turks 
brought their whole power at sea together, to make 
an attempt for recovering this island : two actions 
happened at sea, within ten days one of another ; in 
the last of which the Venetians pretended they had 
got a great victory : but their abandoning Scio, in a 
few days after, shewed that they did not find it con- 
ISSvenient to hold that island, which obliged them to 
keep a fleet at such a distance from their other do- 
minions, and at a charge, which the keeping the 
island could not balance. The Turks sent, as they 
did every year, a great convoy to Caminieck, guarded 
by the Crim-Tartars : the Polish army routed the 
convoy, and became masters of aU the provisions ; 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 231 

but a second convoy was more happy, and got into 1694. 



the place ; otherwise it must have been abandoned. 
There was great distraction in the affairs of Poland : 
their queen's intrigues with the court of France 
gave much jealousy; their diets were broke up in 
confusion ; and they could never agree so far in the 
preliminaries, as to be able by their forms to do any 
business. In Transilvania, the emperor had, after a 
long blockade, forced Giula to surrender ; so that 
the Turks had now nothing in those parts, on the 
north of the Danube, but Temeswaer. The grand 
vizier came into Hungary with a great army, while 
the emperor had a very small one to oppose him. 
If the Turks had come on resolutely, and if the 
weather had continued good, it might have brought 
a fatal reverse on all the imperial affairs, and re- 
trieved all that the Turks had lost. But the grand 
vizier lay still, while the emperor's army increased, 
and such rains fell, that nothing could be done. 
The affairs of Turky were thus in great disorder : 
the grand seignior died soon after : and his successor 
in that empire gave his subjects such hopes of peace, 
that they Avere calmed for the present. 

At the end of the campaign, the court of France Attempu 
flattered their people with hopes of a speedy end of *"^ * ''^"*^*' 
the war : and some men of great consideration were 
sent to try what terms they could bring the empire 
or the States to : but the French were yet far from 
offering conditions, upon which a just or a safe 
peace could be treated of: the States sent some as 
far as to Maestricht, to see wliat powers those sent 
from France had brought with them, before they 
would grant them the passports that they desired : 
and when they saw how limited these were, the 

Q 4 



232 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1694. negotiation was soon at an end ; or rather, it never 
" began. When the French saw this, they disowned 

their having sent any on such an errand ; and pre- 
tended, that this was only an artifice of the confe- 
derates, to keep one another and their people in 
heart, by making them believe, that they had now 
only a small remnant of the war before them, since 
the French had instruments every where at work 
to solicit a peace. 
piTatf The king came to England in the beginning of 
November ; and the parliament was opened with a 
calmer face than had appeared in any session dur- 
133 ing this reign: the supplies that were demanded, 
the total amounting to five millions, were all granted 
readily : an iU humour indeed appeared in some, 
who opposed the funds, that would most easily and 
most certainly raise the money that was given, upon 
this pretence, that such taxes would grow to be a 
general excise ; and that the more easily money was 
raised, it would be the more easy to continue such 
duties to a longer period, if not for ever ; the truth 
was, the secret enemies of the government proposed 
such funds, as would be the heaviest to the people, 
and would not fully answer what they were esti- 
mated at ; that so the nation might be uneasy under 
that load, and that a constant deficiency might 
bring on such a debt, that the government could not 
discharge, bvit must sink under it. 
An act for With the supply bills, as the price or bargain for 
pariia- thcm, thc bill for frequent parliaments went on ; it 
enacted, that a new parliament should be called 
every third year, and that the present parliament 
should be dissolved before the first of January 
1695-6 ; and to this the royal assent was given : it 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 233 

was received with great joy, many fancying that all 1694. 
their other laws and liberties were now the more se- 
cure, since this was passed into a law. Time must 
teU what effects it will produce ; whether it wiU put 
an end to the great corruption with which elections 
were formerly managed, and to all those other prac- 
tices that accompanied them. Men that intended 
to sell their own votes within doors, spared no cost 
to buy the votes of others in elections : but now it 
was hoped we should see a golden age, wherein the 
character men were in, and reputation they had, 
would be the prevailing considerations in elections : 
and by this means it was hoped, that our constitu- 
tion, in particular that part of it which related to 
the house of commons, would again recover both its 
strength and reputation ; which was now very much 
sunk ; for corruption was so generally spread, that 
it was believed every thing was carried by that me- 
thod ^ 

But I am now coming towards the fatal period of Tiie queen's 
this book. The queen continued still to set a great tion. 
example to the whole nation, which shined in all the 
parts of it. She used all possible methods for re- 
forming whatever was amiss: she took ladies off 
from that idleness, which not only wasted their 
time, but exposed them to many temptations ; she 
engaged many both to read and to work ; she 
wrought many hours a day her self, with her ladies 
and her maids of honour working .about her, while 
one read to them all ; the female part of the court 
had been in the former reigns subject to much cen- 

' (It was not found that this j)ractice, which for other rea- 
alterative helped the disorder sons was afterwards adopted.) 
any more than the present 



^4 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1694. sure; and there was great cause for it; but she 
22^ freed her court so entirely from all suspicion, that 
there was not so much as a colour for discourses of 
that sort ; she did divide her time so regularly, be- 
tween her closet and business, her work and diver- 
sion, that every minute seemed to have its proper 
employment : she expressed so deep a sense of reli- 
gion, with so true a regard to it ; she had such right 
principles and just notions; and her deportment was 
so exact in every part of it, all being natural and 
unconstrained, and animated with due life and cheer- 
fulness ; she considered every thing that was laid 
before her so carefully, and gave such due encou- 
' ragement to a freedom of speech : she remembered 
every thing so exactly, observing at the same time 
the closest reservedness, yet with an open air and 
frankness ^ : she was so candid in all she said, and 
cautious in every promise she made ; and, notwith- 
standing her OA^Ti great capacity, she expressed such 
a distrust of her own thoughts, and was so entirely 
resigned to the king's judgment, and so constantly 
determined by it, that when I laid all these things 
together, which I had large opportunities to observe, 
it gave a very pleasant prospect, to balance the me- 
lancholy view that rose from the iU posture of our 
affairs in all other respects. It gave us a very par- 
ticular joy, when we saw that the person whose con- 
dition seemed to mark her out as the defender and 
perfecter of our reformation, was such in all respects 
in her public administration, as well as in her pri- 
vate deportment, that she seemed well fitted for ac- 
complishing that work, for which we thought she 

" i pensieri stretti, et il viso sciolto. See Sir H. Wotton's 
Letter to Milton, printed before the Mask. O. 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 235 

was bom : but we soon saw this hopeful view 1694. 
blasted, and our expectations disappointed in the 
loss of her ^. 

It was preceded by that of archbishop Tillotson ; Archbishop 
who was taken ill of a fit of a dead palsy, in Novem- death. 
ber, while he was in the chapel at Whitehall, on a 
Sunday, in the worship of God : he felt it coming on 
him ; but not thinking it decent to interrupt the 
divine service, he neglected it too long; till it fell 
so heavily on him, that all remedies were ineffectual: 
and he died the fifth day after he was taken ill. His 
distemper did so oppress him, and speaking was so 
uneasy to him, that though it appeared, by signs 
and other indications, that his understanding re- 
mained long clear, yet he was not able to express 
himself so as to edify others. He seemed stiQ se- 
rene and calm ; and in broken words he said, he 
thanked God, he was quiet within, and had nothing 
then to do, but to wait for the will of Heaven. I 
preached his funeral sermon, in which I gave a cha- 
racter of him which was so severely true, that I per- 

" The duke of Leeds told granted, that she was of his 

me, that king William, before opinion, every time she did not 

he went abroad, told him, that think fit to contradict him. The 

he must be very cautious of earl of Nottingham, who was 

saying any thing before the much in her confidence, told 

queen that looked like a disre- me, he was very sure, if she 

spect to her father, which she had outlived her husband, she 

never forgave anybody ; and would have done her utmost to 

the marquis of Halifax, in par- have restored her father, but 

ticular, had lost all manner of under such restrictions, as 

credit with her, for some un- should have prevented his ever 

seasonable jests he had made making any attempts upon the 

upon this subject : that he, the religion or liberties of his 

duke, might depend upon what country. D. (This note has 

she said to him to be strictly been already published by sir 

true, though she would not al- John Dalrymple, in the third 

ways tell the whole truth ; and Appendix to his Memoirs, p. 

that he must not take it for 169.) 



236 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1694. haps kept too much within bounds, and said less 
than he deserved. But we had lived in such friend- 



135 

ship together, that I thought it was more decent, 

as it always is more safe, to err on that hand : he 
was the man of the truest judgment and best temper 
I had ever known ; he had a clear head, with a most 
tender and compassionate heart ; he was a faithful 
and zealous friend, but a gentle and soon conquered 
enemy ; lie was truly and seriously religious, but 
without affectation, bigotry, or superstition ; his no- 
tions of morality were fine and sublime ; his thread 
of reasoning was easy, clear, and solid ; he was not 
only the best preacher of the age, but seemed to 
have brought preaching to i3erfection ; his sermons 
were so well heard and liked, and so much read, 
that all the nation proposed him as a pattern, and 
studied to copy after Jiim ; his parts remained with 
him clear and unclouded ; but the perjictual slan- 
ders, and other iU usage he had been followed with, 
for many years, most particularly since his advance- 
ment to that great post, gave him too much trouble 
and too deep a concern : it could neither provoke 
him, nor fright him from his duty ; but it affected 
his mind so much, that this was thought to have 
shortened his days. 
Sancroft's Saucroft had died a year before, in the same poor 
and despicable manner in which he had lived for 
some years ; he died in a state of separation from 
the church ; and yet he had not the courage to own 
it in any public declaration : for neither living nor 
dying did he publish any thing concerning it : his 
death ought to have put an end to the schism that 
some were endeavouring to raise ; upon this pre- 
tence, that a parliamentary deprivation was never to 



death. 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 237 

be allowed, as contrary to the intrinsic power of 1694. 
the church ; and therefore they looked on Bancroft 
as the archbishop still, and reckoned Tillotson an 
usurper ; and all that joined with him were counted 
schismatics ; they were willing to forget, as some of 
them did plainly condemn, the deprivations made in 
the progress of the reformation, more particularly 
those in the first parliament of queen Elizabeth's 
reign, and tlie deprivations made by the act of uni- 
formity in the year 1662 : but from thence the con- 
troversy was carried up to the fourth century ; and 
a great deal of angry reading was brought out on 
both sides, to justify or to condemn those proceed- 
ings. j3ut arguments will never have the better of 
interest and humour; yet now, even according to 
their own pretensions, the schism ought to have 
ceased ; since he, on whose account it was set up, 
did never assert his right ; and therefore that might 
have been more justly construed a tacit yielding it : 
but those who have a mind to embroil church or 
state will never want a pretence, and no arguments 136 
will beat them from it. 

Both king and queen were much affected withTenison 

succeeded* 

Tillotson's death : the queen ior many days spoke of 
him in the tenderest manner, and not without tears; 
he died so poor, that if the king had not forgiven 
his first-fruits, his debts could not have been all 
paid : so generous and charitable was he in a post 
out of which Sancroft had raised a great estate, 
which he left to his family y : but Tillotson was rich 
in good works. His see was filled by Tenison, bi- 

>■ (The contrary of this is him, and he bestowed the re- 
well known. It was but a small venues of his see in hospitality 
estate which he left behind and charity.) 



9S8 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1 694. shop of Lincoln ; many wished that Stillingfleet 
might have succeeded, he being not only so emi- 
nently learned, but judged a man in all respects fit 
for the post. The queen was inclined to him ; she 
spoke with some earnestness, oftener than once, to 
the duke of Shrewsbury on that subject: she thought 
he would fiU that post with great dignity : she also 
pressed the king earnestly for him : but as his ill 
health made him not capable of the fatigue that be- 
longed to this province, so the whigs did generally 
apprehend, that both his notions and his temper 
were too higli ; and all concurred to desire Tenison, 
who had a firmer health, with a more active temper ; 
and was universally well liked, for having served 
the cure of St. Martin's, in the worst time, with so 
much courage and discretion ; so that at this time 
he had many friends and no enemies '. 

The small pox raged this winter about London ; 
some thousands dying of them ; which gave us great 
apprehensions with relation to the queen ; for she 
had never had them. 
The queen's In conclusiou, shc was taken ill, but the next day 
ic ness. ^j^^^ seemed to go off: I had the honour to be half 
an hour with her that day : and she complained then 
of nothing. The day following she went abroad ; 

^ Tenison was presented to whom the Roman catholics had 
St. Martin's by lord chan- any advantage in king James's 
cellor Nottingham, and re- reign. Pulton, the Jesuit, re- 
commended to him by Tillot- fused to dispute with him any 
son, as a strong bodied man, longer, because he found he 
therefore fit to take care of so had all the good qualities of a 
large a parish. He was ex- tailor's goose, which were, be- 
ceeding dull and covetous, ing very hot and heavy. His 
lived to a great age, and died successor recovered a very great 
very rich; was a zealous par- sum after his death for dilapi- 
ty man, and the only divine dations. D. 
of the church of England over 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 



239 



but her illness returned so heavily on her, that she 
could disguise it no longer : she shut her self up 
long in her closet that night, and burnt many pa- 
pers, and put the rest in order : after that, she used 
some slight remedies, thinking it was only a trans- 
ient indisposition ; but it increased upon her ; and 
within two days after, the small pox appeared, and 
with very bad symptoms. I will not enter into an- 
other's province, nor speak of matters so much out 
of the way of my own profession : but the physician's 
part was universally condemned, and her death was 
imputed to the negligence or unskilfulness of Dr. 
Ratcliffe. He was called for ; and it appeared but 
too evidently that his opinion was chiefly consi- 
dered, and was most depended on". Other phy- 
sicians were afterwards called; but not till it was 



1694. 



" He was deemed the ablest 
man of his profession, not from 
learning in it, which he would be 
thought to despise, but from an 
extraordinary sagacity (which 
he certainly had, and is a great 
talent) in an early and quick 
discovery of a distemper : but 
he was vain and insolent, an hu- 
mourist in his practice ; proud of 
his fame in his profession, which 
fed his natural haughtiness, and 
niade him think himself above, 
and refuse the attending of the 
highest personages, when he 
liad taken any prejudice to 
them, which he was nnich given 
to, and as it actually happened 
even with regard to queen 
Anne, whom he would not 
come to in her last illness, 
though sent for, because of 
something he took amiss of 
her. The case of the duke of 
Gloucester's death, and this a- 



gainst the strong force of his 
party zeal, for he was a tor)' of 
the highest sort, and which 
made his friends of that kind 
severely reproach him, so much 
that sir John Packington, one 
of his constant companions, 
made a public complaint of 
him for it in the house of com- 
mons ; and I have been told, 
that he was so affected with it 
in his own mind, as never to 
recover of it. This behaviour 
of his may by some of the pro- 
fession be called the dignity of 
it ; but the practice of it ought 
to be corrected by law, let the 
patient be of any sort. How 
often is that word dignify a- 
bused ! He accumulated a vast 
fortune by his business, but left 
most of it to be disposed of in 
ostentatious and useless works. 
O. 



240 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1694. too late. The king was struck with this beyond ex- 
77Z pression : he came, on the second day of her illness, 
and passed the biU for frequent parliaments ; which 
if he had not done that day, it is very probable he 
would never have passed it ^. The day after, he 
called me into his closet, and gave a free vent to a 
most tender passion ; he burst out into tears ; and 
cried out, that there was no hope of the queen ; and 
that from being the happiest, he was now going to 
be the miserablest creature upon earth. He said, 
during the whole course of their marriage, he had 
never known one single fault in her ; there was a 
worth in her that nobody knew besides himself; 
though he added, that I might know as much of her 
as any other person did. Never was such a face of 
universal sorrow seen in a court or in a town as at 
this time : all people, men and Avomen, young and 
old, could scarce refrain from tears : on Christmas- 
day, the small pox sunk so entirely, and the queen 
felt her self so well upon it, that if was for a while 
concluded she had the measles, and that the danger 
was over. This hope was ill grounded, and of a 
short continuance : for before night all was sadly 
changed. It appeared, that the small pox were now 
so sunk, that there v/as no hope of raising them. 
The new archbishop attended on her ; he performed 

^ (According to sir John Dal- Burnet ought perhaps rather to 

rymple, in the third vohime of have said, that if the queen's 

his Memoirs, he assigned this illness had not happened, his 

reason for refusing the hill : uaajesty would not have passed 

" that as he found the English the bill, for upon her death he 

" constitution the best in the could scarce have avoided it, 

" world when he saved it, he yet that the bishop forgets the 

" would not jjresuine to make bargain which he had spoken of 

" it better." Book i. p. 42. before, at p. 133. Ralph's Hist. 

Ralph observes, that bishop vol. ii. p. 535.) 



fjF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 241 

all devotions, and had much private discourse with 1694. 
her : when the desperate condition she was in was 
evident beyond doubt, he told the king, he could not 
do his duty faithfully, unless he acquainted her with 
the danger she was in : the king approved of it, and 
said, whatever effect it might have, he would not 
have her deceived in so important a matter. And, 
as the archbishop was preparing the queen with 
some address, not to surprise her too much with 
such tidings, she presently apprehended his drift, but 
shewed no fear nor disorder upon it. She said, she 
thanked God she had always carried this in her 
mind, that nothing was to be left to the last hour ; 
she had nothing then to do, but to look up to God, 
and submit to his will ; it went further indeed than 
submission ; for she seemed , to desire death rather 
than life; and she continued to the last minute of 
her life in that calm and resigned state. She had 
formerly wrote her mind, in many particulars, to the 
king: and she gave order, to look carefully for a 
small scrutoir that she made use of, and to deliver 
it to the king: and, having despatched that, she 
avoided the giving her self or him the tenderness 
which a final parting might have raised in them 
both. She was almost perpetually in prayer: the 
day before she died, she received the sacrament, all 138 
the bishops who were attending being admitted to 
receive it with her : we were, God knows, a sorrow- 
ful company ; for we were losing her who was our 
chief hope and glory on earth ; she followed the 
whole office, repeating it after the archbishop ; she 
apprehended, not without some concern, that she 
should not be able to swallow the bread, yet it went 
down easily. When this was over, she composed 

VOL. IV. R 



242 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1694. her self solemnly to die ; she slumbered sometimes, 
but said she was not refreshed by it ; and said often, 
that nothing did her good but prayer; she tried once 
or twice to have said somewhat to the king, but was 
not able to go through with it. She ordered the 
archbishop to be reading to her such passages of 
scripture, as might fix her attention, and raise her 
devotion : several cordials were given, but all was 
ineffectual ; she lay silent for some hours : and some 
words that came from her, shewed her thoughts 
And death, bcgau to break : in conclusion, she died on the 28th 
of December, about one in the morning, in the 
thirty-third year of her age, and in the sixth of her 
reign. 

She was the most universally lamented princess, 
and deserved the best to be so, of any in our age or 
in our history. I wiU add no more concerning her, 
in the way of a character : I have said a great deal 
already in this work ; and I wrote a book, as an es- 
say on her character, in which I have said nothing, 
but that which I knew to be strictly true, without 
the enlargement of figure or rhetoric '^. The king's 

•^ Till her grace of Marl- (The duke of Shrewsbury, in a 

borough was pleased to publish letter to admiral Russel, writes 

her own very bad conduct, I thus : " I know you will be as 

can with great truth affirm, that *' much concerned to receive 

I never heard an ill character " the melancholy account as I 

given of her majesty by any bo- " am to send it, that the queen 

dy. She was generally thought " fell ill of the small pox the 

to submit to the king's ill hu- " 20th of December (1694), 

mours and temper more than " and died the 28th in the 

she had reason to do, consider- " morning. Certainly there was 

ing the insolent treatment she " never any one more really and 

frequently received from him, " universally lamented ; but the 

which she was never known to " king particularly has been 

complain of herself, but 1 have " dejected by it, beyond what 

heard most of her servants speak "could be imagined: but I 

of it with great indignation. D. " hope he begins to recover out 



OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 



24S 



affliction for her death was as great as it was just ; 
it was greater than those who knew him best 
thought his temper capable of: he went beyond 
all bounds in it : during her sickness, he was in 
an agony that amazed us all, fainting often, and 
breaking out into most violent lamentations : when 
she died, his spirits sunk so low, that there was 
great reason to apprehend that he was following 
her ; for some weeks after, he was so little master 
of himself, that he was not capable of minding bu- 
siness or of seeing company^. He turned himself 
much to the meditations of religion, and to secret 
prayer; the archbishop was often and long with 
him ; he entered upon solemn and serious resolu- 
tions of becoming, in all things, an exact and an ex- 
emplary Christian. And now I am come to the pe- 
riod of this book, with a very melancholy prospect : 
but God has ordered matters since, beyond all our 
expectations. 



" of his great disorder, and 
" that a little time will restore 
" him to his former application 
" to business." Coxes Shrews- 
bury Correspondence, p. 218. 
See also p. 2 1 9. where the con- 
tinuance of the king's affliction 
is mentioned.) 

'^ I have seen a letter of the 



queen's, containing a strong but 
decent admonition to the king, 
for some irregularity in his con- 
duct. The expressions are so 
general, that one can neither 
make out the fact or person al- 
luded to. This was thought 
improper to be published by 
sir J. I), (alrymple.) H. 



1694. 



R SI 



THE 139 

HISTORY 



OF 



MY OWN TIMES. 



BOOK VI. 

Of the life and reign ofMng William III. 

jLhE two houses of parliament set an example, 1695. 
that was followed by the whole nation, of making ceeding in 
consolatory and dutiful addresses to the king. The p*'"*"""*' 
queen was buried with the ordinary ceremony, and 
with one piece of magnificence that could never 
happen before ; for both houses of parliament went 
in procession before the chariot that carried her 
body to Westminster abbey ; where places were 
prepared for both houses, to sit in form, while the 
archbishop preached the funeral sermon. This could 
never happen before, since the sovereign's death had 140 
always dissolved our parliaments : it is true, the earl 
of Rochester tried if he could have raised a doubt 
of the legality of this parliament's continuance, since 
it was summoned by king William and queen Mary; 
so upon her death, the writ, that ran in her n^me, 

R 3 



246 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1695. seemed to die with her : this would have had fatal 
consequences, if in that season of the year all things 
must have stood stiU, tiU a new parliament could 
have been brought together : but the act, that put 
the administration entirely in the king, though the 
queen had a share in the dignity of sovereign, made 
this cavil appear to be so ill grounded, that nobody 
seconded so dangerous a suggestion. 
The ill The parliament went on with the business of the 

state of the . . ■, • 1 ■, lo-ni ii 

coin. nation ; m which the earl oi Kochester and that 
party artfully studied, all that was possible, to em- 
broil our affairs : the state of our coin gave them too 
great a handle for it. We had two sorts of coin, 
the one was miQed, and could not be practised on : 
but the other was not so, and was subject to clipping ; 
and in a course of some years, the old money was 
every year so much diminished, that it at last grew 
to be less than the half of the intrinsic value ; those 
who drove this trade were as much enriched, as the 
nation suffered by it : when it came to be generally 
observed, the king was advised to issue out a pro- 
clamation, that no money should pass for the future, 
by the tale, but by the weight, which would put a 
present end to clipping. But Seimour, being then 
in the treasury, opposed this; he advised the king 
to look on, and let that matter have its course : the 
parhament would in due time take care of it ; but 
in the mean while, the badness of money quickened 
the circulation, while every one studied to put out 
of his hands all the bad money; and this would 
make all people the readier to bring their cash into 
the exchequer ; and so a loan was more easily made. 
The badness of the money began now to grow very 
visible ; it was plain, that no remedy could be pro- 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 247 

vided for it, but by recoining all the specie of Eng- i6gb 



land ; and that could not be set about in the end of 
a session. The earls of Rochester and Nottingham 
represented this very tragically in the house of lords, 
where it was not possible to give the proper re- 
medy ; it produced only an act, with stricter clauses 
and severer penalties against clippers ; this had no 
other effect, but that it alarmed the nation, and 
sunk the value of our money in the exchange ; gui- 
neas, which were equal in value to twenty-one shil- 
lings and six-pence in silver, rose to thirty shillings, 
that is to say, thirty shillings sunk to twenty-one 
shillings and six-pence *. This public disgrace put 
on our coin, when the evil was not cured, was in 141 
effect a great point carried, by which there was an 
opportunity given to sink the credit of the govern- 
ment and of the public funds ; and it brought a dis- 
count of above 40/^ per cent, upon tallies. 

Another bill was set on foot, which was long pur- a bin con- 

1 • 1 • -111 • • cerniiig 

sued, and, m conclusion, earned by the tones : it trials for 
was concerning trials for treason ; and the design of ^^^°"' 
it seemed to be, to make men as safe in all treason- 
able conspiracies and practices as was possible^. 
Two witnesses were to concur to prove the same 
fact, at the same time ^ : council in matters of fact, 

■ (Ralph, citing some MS. of the motives influencing per- 
observations on this subject, sons, who, in a point of the ut- 
states, that a great part of our most concern to the safety of 
base coin was minted in Hoi- the subject, proposed regula- 
land, and from thence obtruded tions, which were, in the bi- 
upon us : that after having beat shop's own 0]>inion, just and 
down the value of guineas abroad reasonable.) 
to nineteen shillings sterling, the '^ But see the act, and also 
Dutch remitted them to Eng- the journals of both houses, re- 
land, where they were current for lating to this matter, especially 
thirty. Hist, of England, vol. \\. for the conferences, which are 
p. 566.) very well worth reading. See 



•^ (A charitable representation postca, 142, 161. O. 



* 



248 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1695. and witnesses upon oath, were by it allowed to the 
' prisoners; they were to have a copy of the indict- 

ment, and the pannel in due time : all these things 
were in themselves just and reasonable : and if they 
had been moved by other men, and at another time, 
they would have met with little opposition : they 
were chiefly set on by Finch, the earl of Notting- 
ham's brother, who had been concerned in the hard 
prosecutions for treasons in the end of king Charles's 
reign, and had then carried aU prerogative points 
very far; but was during this reign in a constant 
opposition to every thing that was proposed for the 
king's service : he had a copious way of speaking, 
with an appearance of beauty and eloquence to vul- 
gar hearers : but there was a superficialness in most 
of his harangues, that made them seem tedious to 
better judges ; his rhetoric was aU vicious, and his 
reasoning was too subtle. The occasion given for 
this bill leads me to give an account of some trials 
for treason, during the last harvest, which, for the 
relation they have to this matter, I have reserved 
for this place. 
Trials in Luut, an IHshmau, who was bold and poor, and 
' of a mean understanding, had been often employed 
to carry letters and messages between Ireland and 
England, when king James was there. He was 
once taken up on suspicion, but he was faithful to 
his party, and would discover nothing ; so he con- 
tinued after that to be trusted by them. But, being 
kept very poor, he grew weary of his low estate, and 
thought of gaining the rewards of a discovery. He 
fell into the hands of one TaafF, an Irish priest, who 
had not only changed his religion, but had married 
in king James's time. Taaflf came into the service of 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 249 

the present government, and had a small pension. 1695. 
He was long in pursuit of a discovery of the im- 
posture in the birth of the prince of Wales, and was 
engaged with more success in discovering the con- 
cealed estates of the priests, and the religious orders, 
in which some progress was made. These seemed 
to be sure evidences of the sincerity of the man, at 
least in his opposition to those whom he had for- 142 
saken, and whom he was provoking in so sensible a 
manner. All this I mention, the more particularly, 
to shew how little that sort of men is to be depended 
on ; he possessed those, to whom his other disco- 
veries gave him access, of the importance of this 
Lunt, who was then come from St. Germain s, and 
who could make great discoveries : so Lunt was ex- 
amined by the ministers of state ; and he gave them 
an account of some discourses and designs against 
the king, and of an insurrection that was to have 
broke out in the year 1692, when king James was 
designing to come over from Normandy ; for, he 
said, he had carried at that time commissions to the 
chief men of the party, both in Lancashire and Che- 
shire. A carrier had been employed to carry down 
great quantities of arms to them : one of the chests, 
in which they were put up, had broke in the car- 
riage, so the carrier saw what was in them ; and he 
deposed he had carried many of the same weight 
and size ; the persons concerned, finding the carrier 
was true and secret, continued to employ him in 
that sort of carriage for a great while. Lunt's story 
seemed probable and coherent in all its circum- 
stances : so orders were sent to seize on some per- 
sons, and to search houses for arms. In one house 
they found arms for a troop of horse, built up within 



250 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1695. walls, very dexterously. Taaff was aU this while very 
zealous in supporting Lunt's credit, and in assisting 
him in his discoveries ; a solemn trial of the prison- 
ers was ordered in Lancashire. When the set time 
drew near, Taaff sent them word, that, if he should 
be well paid for it, he would bring them all off; it 
may be easily imagined that they stuck at nothing 
for such a service ; he had got out of Lunt all his 
depositions, which he disclosed to them ; so they had 
the advantage of being well prepared to meet, and 
overthrow his evidence in many circumstances : and 
at the trial, Taaff turned against him, and witnessed 
many things against Lunt, that shook his credit. 
There was another witness that supported Lunt's 
evidence ; but he was so profligate a man, that great 
and just objections lay against giving him any cre- 
dit; but the carrier's evidence was not shaken. 
Lunt, in the trial, had named two gentlemen wrong, 
mistaking the one for the other : but he quickly cor- 
rected his mistake; he had seen them but once, and 
they were both together ; so he might mistake their 
names : but he was sure these were the two persons 
with whom he had those treasonable negotiations. 
Taaff '^ had engaged him in company in London, to 
whom he had talked very idly, like a man who re- 
solved to make a fortune by swearing : and it 
143 seemed, by what he said, that he had many disco- 

^ This man was brought to what became of them after- 

me so late as since I was wards I cannot say. He went 

speaker ; he was then very old to some of the then ministry, 

and poor. I saw some of his and I saw him no more. He 

papers, of which he had many, had been a secretary to Dada, 

relating to the discoveries he the pope's nuntio to king James, 

had made of estates here given He told me he had continued a 

to superstitious uses. They protestant from the time of his 

seemed to be of importance, but first change. O. 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 251 

veries yet in reserve, which he intended to spread 1695. 
among many, till he should grow rich and consider- 
able by it : this was sworn against him : by all these 
things, his evidence was so blasted, that no credit 
was given to him. Four of the judges were sent 
down to try the prisoners at Manchester and at 
Chester ; where they managed matters with an im- 
partial exactness : any leaning that appeared was in 
favour of the prisoners, according to a characteristic 
that judges had always pretended to, but had not of 
late deserved so well as upon this occasion, of being 
counsel for the prisoner. The evidence that was 
brought against Lunt was afterwards found to be 
false ; but it looked then with so good an appear- 
ance, that both the king's council and the judges 
were satisfied with it ; and so, without calling for 
the rest of the evidence, the matter was let fall : and 
when the judges gave the charge to the jury, it was 
in favour of the prisoners, so tliat they were ac- 
quitted. And the rest of those who were ordered to 
be tried after them were all discharged without 
trial. 

The whole party triumphed upon this, as a vic- 
tory ; and complained both of the ministers of state 
and of the judges ; the matter was examined into 
by both houses of parliament ; and it evidently ap- 
peared, that the proceeding had been, not only ex- 
actly according to law, but that all reasonable favour 
had been shewed the prisoners : so that both houses 
were fully satisfied ; only the earls of Rochester and 
Nottingham hung on the matter long, and with 
great eagerness ; and in conclusion, protested against 
the vote, by which the lords justified these proceed- 
ings. This examination was brought on with much 



^% THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1695. noise, to give the more strength to the bill of trea- 
sons : but the progress of the examination turned so 
much against them who had made this use t)f it, 
that it appeared there was no just occasion, given by 
that trial, to alter the law^. Yet the commons 
passed the bill : but the lords insisted on a clause, 
that all the peers should be summoned to the trial 
of a peer, that was charged with high treason ; the 
commons would not agree to that ; and so the bill 
was dropt for this time. By the late trial it had 
manifestly appeared, how little the crown gained by 
one thing, which yet was thought an advantage ; 
that the witnesses for the prisoner were not upon 
oath : many things were upon this occasion wit- 
nessed in favour of the prisoners, which were after- 
wards found to be notoriously false ; and it is cer- 
tain, that the terror of an oath is a great restraint, 
and many, whom an oath might overawe, would 
144 more freely allow themselves the liberty of lying, in 
behalf of a prisoner, to save his life. 
coiniiiaints When this design failed, another was set up 
bank. against the bank, which began to have a flourishing 
credit, and had supplied the king so regularly with 
money, and that upon such reasonable terms, that 
those who intended to make matters go heavily, tried 
what could be done to shake the credit of the bank. 
But this attempt was rejected in both houses with 
indignation ; it was very evident, that public credit 
would signify little, if what was established in one 



^ (But see an account of this Ralphhad the statements of Bo- 
prosecution of the Lancashire yer in his Life of king William, 
and Cheshire gentlemen in and of Tindal in his Continua- 
Ralph's History of England, tion of Rapin's History, before 
vol. ii. p. 523— 528, 560, 561. him.) 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 253 

session of parliament, might be fallen upon, and 1695. 
shaken in another. ' 

Towards the end of the session, complaints were inquiries 
made of some military men, who did not pay their ITr^tk^""* 
quarters, pretending their own pay was in arrear ; 
but it appearing that they had been payed, and the 
matter being further examined into, it was found 
that the superior officers had cheated the subalterns, 
which excused their not paying their quarters. Upon 
this, the inquiry was carried further ; and such dis- 
coveries were made, that some officers were broke 
upon it, while others prevented complaints, by satis- 
fying those whom they had oppressed : it was found 
out, that the secretary of the treasury ^ had taken 
two hundred guineas, for procuring the arrears due 
to a regiment, to be payed ; whereupon he was sent 
to the tower, and turned out of his place : many 
were the more sharpened against him, because it 
was believed that he, as well as Trevor the speaker, 
were deeply concerned in corrupting the members 
of the house of commons : he had held his place 
both in king Charles and king James's time : and 
the share he had in the secret distribution of money 
had made him a necessary man for those methods. 

But the house, being on this scent, carried the 
matter stiU further. In the former session of parlia- 
ment an act had passed, creating a fund for the re- 
payment of the debt owing to the orphans, by the 
chamber of London ; and the chamber had made 
Trevor a present of a thousand guineas, for the ser- 
vice he did them in that matter ; this was entered 
in their books ; so that full proof was made of it. It 

'Guy. O. 



264 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

J 695. was indeed believed, that a much greater present 
had been made him in behalf of the orphans : but 
no proof of that appeared ; whereas, what had been 
taken in so public a manner could not be hid. This 
was objected to Trevor as corruption, and a breach 
of trust ; and upon it he was expelled the house ; 
and Mr. Paul Foley was chosen speaker in his room ; 
who had got great credit by his integrity, and his 
constant complaining of the administration. 
145 One discovery made way for another : it was 
the presents found, that iu the books of the East India company, 
E^t^Sa^*^^^^ were entries made of great sums given, for 
company, secret scrvicc done the company, that amounted to 
170,000 pounds; and it was generally believed, that 
the greatest part of it had gone among the members 
of the house of commons ; for the two preceding 
winters there had been attempts, eagerly pursued 
by some, for breaking the company, and either open- 
ing a free trade to the Indies, or at least erecting 
a new company : but it was observed, that some of 
the hottest sticklers against the company did insen- 
sibly, not only fall off from that heat, but turned to 
serve the company, as much as they had at first en- 
deavoured to destroy it. Seimour was among the 
chief of these : and it was said, that he had 12,000 
pounds of their money, under the colour of a bargain 
for their salt-petre. Great pains and art was used 
to stifle this inquiry ; but curiosity, envy, and ill- 
nature, as well as vutue, wiU on such occasions al- 
ways prevail, to set on inquiries. Those who have 
had nothing, desire to know who have had some- 
thing, while the guilty persons dare not shew too 
great a concern in opposing discoveries. Sir Tho- 
mas Cook, a rich merchant, who was governor of 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 255 

the company, was examined concerning that great 169^- 



sum given for secret service ; but he refused to an- 
swer. So a severe bill was brought in against him, 
in case he should not, by a prefixed day, confess 
how all that money had been disposed of. When 
the bill was sent up to the lords, and was like to 
pass, he came in, and offered to make a full disco- 
very, if he might be indemnified for all that he had 
done or that he might say in that matter : the ene- 
mies of the court hoped for great discoveries, that 
should disgi'ace both the ministers and the favour- 
ites : but it appeared, that, whereas both king Charles 
and king James had obliged the company to make 
them a yearly present of 10,000 pounds, that the 
king had received this but once ; and that, though 
the company offered a present of 50,000 pounds, if 
the king would grant them a new charter, and con- 
sent to an act of parliament confirming it, the king 
had refused to hearken to it. There were indeed 
presumptions, that the marquis of Caermarthen had 
taken a present of 5000 guineas, which were sent 
back to sir Thomas Cook, the morning before he was 
to make his discovery. The lords appointed twelve 
of their body to meet with twenty-four of the house 
of commons, to examine into this matter ; but they 
were so ill satisfied with the account that was given 
them by the four persons who had been entrusted 
with this secret, that by a particular act, that passed 146 
both houses, they were committed to the tower of 
London, till the end of the next session of parliament, 
and restrained from disposing of their estates, real 
or personal. These were proceedings of an extra- 
ordinary nature, which could not be justified, but 
from the extraordinary occasion that was given for 



S56 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1695. them. Some said, this looked like the setting up a 
court of inquisition, when new laws were made on 
purpose to discover secret transactions ; and that 
no bounds could be set to such a method of proceed- 
ing. Others said, that when entries were made of 
such sums, secretly disposed of, it was as just for a 
parliament to force a confession, as it was common 
in the course of the law to subpoena a man, to de- 
clare aU his knowledge of any matter, how secretly 
soever it might have been managed, and what person 
soever might have been concerned in it. The lord 
president felt that he was deeply wounded with this 
discovery ; for while the act, against Cook, was 
passing in the house of lords, he took occasion to 
affirm, with solemn protestations, that he himself 
was not at aU concerned in that matter ; but now 
all had broke out : one Firebrace, a merchant, em- 
ployed by the East India company, had treated 
with Bates, a friend of the marquis of Caermar- 
then's ; and for the favour that lord was to do them, 
in procuring them a new charter. Bates was to have 
for his use five thousand guineas. But now a new 
turn was to be given to all this : Bates swore, that 
he indeed received the money, and that he offered 
it to that lord, who positively refused to take it : 
but, since it was already payed in, he advised Bates 
to keep it to himself; though by the examination, 
it appeared, that Bates was to have five hundred 
pounds for his own negotiating the affair : it did 
also appear, that the money was payed into one of 
that lord's servants ; but he could not be come at : 
upon this discovery, the house of commons voted an 
impeachment for a misdemeanour against the lord 
president ; he, to prevent that, desired to be heard 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 367 

speak to that house in his own justification ; when 1695. 
he was before them, he set out the services that he 
had done the nation, in terms that were not thought 
very decent s ; he assumed the greatest share of the 
honour of the revolution to himself ; he expressed a 
great uneasiness, to l)e brought under so black an 
imputation, from which he cleared himself as much 
as words could do ; in the end, he desired a present 
trial. Articles were upon that brought against him ; 
he, in answer to these, denied his having received 
the money. But his servant, whose testimony only 
could have cleared that point, disappearing, the sus- 
picion stuck still on him. It was intended to hang 147 
up the matter to another session ; but an act of 
grace came in the end of this, with an exception in- 
deed as to corruption ^ ; yet this whole discovery 
was let fall, and it was believed too many of aU 
sides were concerned in it : for by a common con- 
sent, it was never revived; and thus the session 
ended. 

The first consultation, after it was over, was con- consuiu- 
cerning the coin, what methods should be taken to the coin, 
prevent further clipping, and for remedying so great 
an abuse. Some proposed the recoining the money, 
with such a raising of the value of the species as 
should balance the loss upon the old money, that 
was to be called in : this took with so many, that 
it was not easy to correct an eiTor, that must have 

K (" lie displeased the pride vol. iii. p. 55.) 
" of his audience by an arro- '' (Ralph observes, that this 

" gant expression on which he is too general an expression ; for 

" laid arrogant emphases, * that all the exceptions of that kind 

" if it had not been for hiniy are confined to the affair of 

" they had not then been sitting the East India company. //«- 

" tliere.'" Dalrymple' s MemoitSy tory, vol. ii. p. 560.) 

VOL. IV. 8 



258^ THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1695. had very bad effects in the conclusion : for the only 
fixed standard must be the intrinsic value of an 
ounce of silver ; and it was a public robbery, that 
would very much prejudice our trade, not to keep 
the value of our species near an equality with its 
weight and fineness in silver. So that the difference 
between the old and new money, could only be set 
right by the house of commons, in a supply to be 
given for that end. The lord keeper Somers did 
indeed propose that which would have put an effec- 
tual stop to clipping for the future ; it was, that a 
proclamation should be prepared with such secrecy, 
as to be published over all England on the same 
day, ordering money to pass only by weight ; but 
that, at the same time, during three or four days 
after the proclamation, all pei*sons in every county, 
that had money, should bring it in to be told and 
weighed ; and the difference was to be registered, 
and the money to be sealed up, to the end of the 
time given, and then to be restored to the owners ; 
and an assurance was to be given, that this defi- 
ciency in weight should be laid before the parliament, 
to be supplied another way, and to be allowed them 
in the following taxes. But though the king liked 
this proposition, yet aU the rest of the council were 
against it. They said, this would stop the circula- 
tion of money, and might occasion tumults in the 
markets. Those, whose money was thus to be 
weighed, would not believe that the difference, be- 
tween the tale and the weight, would be allowed 
them, and so might grow mutinous ; therefore, they 
were for leaving this matter to the consideration of 
the next parliament. So this proposition was laid 
aside : which would have saved the nation above a* 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 259 

million of money. For now, as all people believed, i^gs. 
that the parliament would receive the dipt money ' 

in its tale, clipping went on, and became more visi- 
bly scandalous than ever it had been '. 

There was indeed reason to apprehend tumults ; 148 
for now, after the queen's death, the Jacobites be-tio"*" 
gan to think that the government had lost the halfj^^^^^^fj^*" 
of its strength, and that things could not be kept 
quiet at home, when the king should be beyond sea. 
Some pretended, they were for putting the princess 
in her sister's place ; but that was only a pretence, 
to which she gave no sort of encouragement : king 
James lay at bottom. They fancied, an invasion in 
the king's absence would be an easy attempt, which 
would meet with little resistance : so they sent some 
over to France, in particular one Charnock, a fellow 
of Magdalen college, who in king James's time had 
turned papist, and was a hot and active agent among 
them : they undertook to bring a body of 2000 
horse, to meet such an army as should be sent over ; 
but Charnock came back with a cold account, that 
notliing could be done at that time ^ ; upon which it 
was thought necessary to send over a man of quality, 
who should press the matter with some more au- 
thority : so the earl of Ailesbury was prevailed on to 
go : he was admitted to a secret conversation with 
the French king : and this gave rise to a design, 
which was very near being executed the following 
winter. 

But if sir John Fenwick did not slander king a design to 

, . . , , , assassinate 

James, they at this time proposed a shorter and the king, 
more infallible way, by assassinating the king ; for 

' (See afterwards, pp. i6i, ^ (See more of this man af- 

and 171.) terwards at pp. 165. 171.) 

s 2 



360 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1695. he said, that some came over fi'om France about 
this time, who assured their party, and himself in 
particular, that a commission was coming over, 
signed by king James, which they affirmed they 
had seen, warranting them to attack the king's per- 
son. This, it is true, was not yet arrived; but 
some affirmed they had seen it, and that it was 
trusted to one who was on his way hither ; there- 
fore, since the king was so near going over to Hol- 
land, that he would probably be gone before the 
commission could be in England; it was debated 
among the Jacobites, whether they ought not to 
take the first opportunity to execute this commis- 
sion, even though they had it not in their hands : ^ 
it was resolved to do it ; and a day was set for it ; 
but, as Fenwick said, he broke the design ; and sent 
them word, that he would discover it, if they would 
not promise to give over the thoughts of it : and 
upon this reason he believed, he was not let into the 
secret the following winter. This his lady told me 
from him, as an article of merit to obtain his pardon : 
but he had trusted their word very easily, it seems, 
since he gave the king no warning to be on his 
guard ; and the two witnesses, whom he said he 
could produce to vouch this, were then under prose- 
149cution, and outlawed: so that the proof was not at 
hand, and the warning had not been given, as it 
ought to have been. But of all this, the govern- 
ment knew nothing, and suspected nothing at this 
time. 
te^7*n"^e ^^ ^^"^ Settled the government of England in 
king's ab- scvcn lords justices, during his absence ; and in this 

*ence. . 

a great error was committed, which had some lU 
effects, and was like to have had worse : the queen, 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 261 

when she was dying, had received a kind letter 1695. 
from, and had sent a reconciling message to, the prin- 
cess ; and so that breach was made up. It is true, 
the sisters did not meet ; it was thought, that might 
throw the queen into too great a commotion ; so it 
was put off till it was too late; yet the princess 
came soon after to see the king; and there was 
after that an appearance of a good correspondence 
between them : but it was little more than an ap- 
pearance. They lived still in terms of civility, and 
in formal visits. But the king did not bring her 
into any share in business ; nor did he order his 
ministers to wait on her, and give her any account 
of affairs. And now, that he was to go beyond sea, 
she was not set at the head of the councils, nor was 
there any care taken to oblige those who were about 
her. This looked either like a jealousy and dis- 
trust', or a coldness towards her, which gave all 
the secret enemies of the government a colour of 
complaint '". They pretended zeal for the princess, 

' All princes have it, more or giving the opportunity. O. 
less, with regard to their sue- •" The earl of Jersey told me, 
cessors. The princess was not the king, besides hating of her 
only next to him in succession, most heartily, (for he often 
but there was a party which said, if he had married her, he 
might have made a claim for should have been the misera- 
her against him. She was a blest man upon the earth,) af- 
very good woman, and not like- ter the queen died, was ex- 
ly of herself to give into it. tremely jealous of her. He 
But she was not of the strong- thought he was little beloved 
est imderstanding, and always himself, and that it was gene- 
influenced by others, who might rally understood that he reign- 
have found their account in it ; ed in her wrong, and having a 
and power is a very tempting son, made every body look upon 
consideration. Successors are the establishment to be in her, 
often desiring to govern before and supposed they would act 
their time, which is generally accordingly. But after the duke 
to the distraction of the state ; of Gloster died, bad very dif- 
and therefore wise princes avoid ferent notions, and thought it 

s 3 



262 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1695. though they came little to her ; and they made it 
very visible, on many occasions, that this was only 
a disguise for worse designs. 
The death Two ffi'cat men had died in Scotland the former 

of some , ^ 

lords. winter, the dukes of Hamilton and Queensbury : 
they were brothers-in-law, and had been long gi'eat 
friends ; but they became irreconcileable enemies. 
The first had more application, but the other had 
the greater genius; they were incompatible with 
each other, and indeed with all other persons ; for 
both loved to be absolute, and to direct every thing. 
The marquis of Halifax died in April this year ; he 
had gone into all the measures of the tories ; only 
he took care to preserve himself from criminal en- 
gagements ; he studied to oppose every thing, and 
to embroil matters all he could ; his spirit was rest- 
less, and he could not bear to be out of business ; 
his vivacity and judgment sunk much in his last 
years, as well as liis reputation ; he died of a gan- 
grene, occasioned by a rupture that he had long 
neglected ; when he saw death so near him, and was 
warned that there was no hope, he shewed a great 
firmness of mind, and a calm that had much of true 
philosophy at least ; he professed himself a sincere 
150 Christian, and lamented the former parts of his life, 
with solemn resolutions of becoming in all respects 
another man, if God should raise him up. And so, 
I hope, he died a better man than he lived. 

The lords The scven lords justices were, the archbishop of 

justices. 

Canterbury, the lord keeper, the lord privy seal, the 
lord steward, the lord chamberlain, the first secre- 
tary of state, and the first commissioner of the trea- 

would be an easy matter to set ing to come into any measures 
her aside, and seemed very will- for that end. D. 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 263 

sury : they had no character nor rank, except when 1695. 
four of them were together; and they avoided as- 
sembling to that number, except at the council 
board, where it was necessary ; and when they were 
together, they had the regal authority vested in 
them. They were chosen by the posts they were in. 
So that no other person could think he was neglect- 
ed by the preference : they were not envied for this 
titular greatness ; since it was indeed only titular ; 
for they had no real authority trusted with them ". 
They took care to keep within bounds, and to do 
nothing but in matters of course, till they had the 
king's orders, to which they adhered exactly : so 
that no complaints could be made of them, because 
they took nothing on them, and did only keep the 
peace of the kingdom, and transmit and execute the 
king's orders. The summer went over quietly at 
home ; for though the Jacobites shewed their dis- 
position on some occasions, but most signally on the 
prince of Wales's birthday, yet they were wiser than 
to break out into any disorder, when they had no 
hopes of assistance from France. 

A])out the end of May, the armies were brought The c»ni- 
together m Flanders : the kmg drew his mam force FianJers. 
towards the French lines ; and the design was form- 
ed to break through, and to destroy the French 
Flanders : Luxembourg died this winter ; so the 
command of the French armies was divided be- 
tween Villeroy and Bouflers : but the former com- 
manded the stronger army. An attempt was made 
on the fort of Knock, in order to forcing the lines ; 

" Would the princess or the to them ? The case of the 
people about her have liked queen was very ditferent almost 
these restrictions, or submitted in everj' respect. O. 

8 4 



«64 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1695. and there was some action about it ; but all on tlie 
sudden, Namur was invested ; and the king drew 
off the main part of his army to besiege that place, 
and left above 30,000 men, under the command of 
the prince of Vaudemont, who was the best general 
he had ; for prince Waldeck died above a year before 
this. With that army he was to cover Flanders and 
Brabant, while the king carried on the siege. 
The siege of As soou as Namur was invested, Bouflers threw 
himself into it, with many good officers, and a gi'eat 
body of dragoons; the garrison was 12,000 strong: 
a place so happily situated, so well fortified, and so 
151 well furnished and commanded, made the attempt 
seem bold and doubtful; the dry season put the 
king under another difficulty; the Maese was so 
low, that there was not water enough to bring up 
the barks, loaden with artillery and ammunition, 
from Liege and Maestricht ; so that many days were 
lost in bringing these over land ; and if Villeroy had 
followed the king close, it is thought he must have 
quitted the design : but the French presumed upon 
the strength of the place and garrison, and on our 
being so little practised in sieges : they thought 
that Villeroy might make some considerable con- 
quest in Flanders, and when that was done, come in 
good time to raise the siege. Prince Vaudemont 
managed his army with such skill and conduct, that 
as he covered all the places on which he thought 
the French had an eye, so he marched with that 
caution, that though Villeroy had above double his 
strength, yet he could not force him to an engage- 
ment, nor gain any advantage over him. The mili- 
tary men, that served under him, magnified his con- 
duct highly, and compared it to any thing that Tu- 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 265 

renne, or the greatest generals of the age had done. 1695. 
Once it was thought he could not get off; but he 
marched under the cannon of Ghent without any 
loss. In this, Villeroy's conduct was blamed, but 
without cause ; for he had not overseen his advan- 
tage, but had ordered the duke of Mayne, the 
French king's beloved son, to make a motion with 
the horse which he commanded ; and probably, if 
that had been speedily executed, it might have had 
ill effects on the prince of Vaudemont: but the 
duke de Mayne despised Villeroy, and made no 
haste to obey his orders, so the advantage was lost, 
and the king of France put him under a slight dis- 
grace for it. Villeroy attacked Dixmuyde and 
Deinse ; the garrisons were not indeed able to make 
a great resistance; but they were iU commanded: 
if their officers had been masters of a time judg- 
ment or presence of mind, they might at least have 
got a favourable composition, and have saved the 
garrisons, though the places were not tenable ; yet 
they were basely delivered up, and about 7000 men 
were made prisoners of war. And hereupon, thougli 
by a cartel that had been settled between the two 
armies, all prisoners were to be redeemed at a set 
price, and within a limited time ; yet the French, 
having now so many men in their hands, did, with- 
out either colour or shame, give a new essay of their 
perfidiousness ; for they broke it upon this occasion, 
as they had often done at sea ; indeed, as often as 
any advantages on their side tempted them to it : 
the governors of those places were at first believed 
to have betrayed their trust, and sold the garrisons 
as well as the places to the French ; but they were 152 



966 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1695. tried afterwards ; and it appeared that it flowed 
~ from cowardice and want of sense; for which one 

of them suffered, and the other was broke with dis- 
grace. 
Brussels Villcroy marched toward Brussels, and was fol- 

barded. lowcd by priucc Vaudcmont, whose chief care was 
to order his motions so, that the French might not 
get between him and the king's camp at Namur. 
He apprehended, that Villeroy might bombard Brus- 
sels, and would have hindered it, if the town could 
have been wrought on to give him the assistance 
that he desired of them : townsmen, upon all such 
occasions, are more apt to consider a present, though 
a small expense, than a great, though an imminent 
danger : so prince Vaudemont could not pretend to 
cover them : the electoress of Bavaria was then in 
the town ; and though Villeroy sent a compliment 
to her, yet he did not give her time to retire ; but 
bombarded the place for two days with so much 
fury, that a great part of the lower town was burnt 
down : the damage was valued at some millions, and 
the electoress was so frighted, that she miscarried 
upon it of a boy. When this execution was done, 
ViQeroy marched towards Namur; his army was 
now so much increased, by detachments brought 
from the Rhine, and troops drawn out of garrisons, 
that it was said to be 100,000 strong: both armies 
on the Rhine were so equal in strength, that they 
could only lie on a defensive ; neither side being 
strong enough to undertake any thing: M. de 
L'Orge commanded the French, and the prince of 
Baden the imperialists : the former was sinking as 
much in his health as in his credit ; so a great body 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 267 

was ordered to march from him to Villeroy; and 169.5. 
another body equal to that, commanded by the land- 
grave of Hesse, came and joined the king's army. 

The siege was carried on with great vigour ; the Namur was 

, , , n ' t taken. 

errors, to which our want 01 practice exposed us, 
were all corrected by the courage of our men ; the 
fortifications, both in strength and in the extent of 
the outworks, were double to what they had been 
when the French took the place : our men did not 
only succeed in every attack, but went much fur- 
ther: in the first great saUy, the French lost so 
many, both officers and soldiers, that after that they 
kept within their works, and gave us no disturb- 
ance: both the king and the elector of Bavaria 
went fi'equently into the trenches ; the town held 
out one month, and the citadel another : upon Vil- 
leroy's approach, the king drew off all the troops 
that could be spared from the siege, and placed 
himself in his way, with an army of 60,000 men; 153 
but he was so well posted, that after Villeroy had 
looked on him for some days, he found it was not 
advisable to attack him : ' our men wished for a bat- 
tle, as that whicli would not only decide the fate of 
Namur but of the whole war ; the French gave it 
out, that they would put all to hazard, rather than 
suffer such a diminution of their king's glory, as the 
retaking that place seemed to be ; but the signal of 
the citadel's treating put an end to Villeroy's de- 
signs : upon which, he apprehending that the king 
might then attack him, drew off with so much pre- 
cipitation, that it looked liker a flight than a re- 
treat. 

The capitulation was soon ended and signed by 
Bouflers, who, as was said, was the fiist mareschal 



968 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1695. of France that had ever delivered up a place ; he 
marched out with 5000 men, so it appeared he had 
lost 7000 during the siege : and we lost in it only 
about the same number. This was reckoned one of 
the greatest actions of the king's life, and indeed 
one of the greatest that is in the whole history of 
war. It raised his character much, both at home 
and abroad, and gave a great reputation to his 
troops : the king had the entire credit of the matter] 
his general officers having a very small share in it, 
being most of them men of low genius, and little 
practised in things of that nature. Cohom, the chief 
engineer, signalized himself so eminently on this oc- 
casion, that he was looked on as the greatest man 
of the age : and outdid even Vauban, who had gone 
far beyond all those that went before him, in the 
conduct of sieges : but it was confessed by all, that 
Cohom had carried that art to a much farther per- 
fection during this siege. The subaltern officers and 
soldiers gave hopes of a better race, that was grow- 
ing up, and supplied the errors and defects of their 
superior officers. As the garrison marched out, the 
king ordered Bouflers to be stopped, in reprisal £ot 
the garrisons of Dixmuyde and Deinse. Bouflers 
complained of this as a breach of articles, and the 
action seemed liable to censure. But many author- 
ities and precedents were brought, both from law 
and history, to justify it : all obligations among 
princes, both in peace and war, must be judged to 
be reciprocal ; so that he who breaks these first, sets 
the other at liberty. At length, the French con- 
sented to send back the garrisons, pursuant to the 
cartel; Bouflers was first set at liberty, and then 
these garrisons were released according to pi-omise^H 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 269 

The officers were tried and proceeded against, by 1695. 
councils of war, according to martial law ; they were 
raised in the army by ill methods, and maintained 
themselves by worse; corruption had broke into the 154 
army, and oppression and injustice were much com- 
plained of; the king did not approve of those prac- 
tices ; but he did not inquire after them, nor punish 
them with a due severity ; nor did he make differ- 
ence enough between those who served weU, sold 
nothing, and used their subalterns kindly, and those 
who set every thing -to sale, and oppressed all that 
were under them ; and when things of that kind go 
unpunished, they will soon make a great progress. 
There was little more done during the campaign in 
Flanders; nor was there any action upon the Rhine. 

In Italy, there was nothing done in the field by 
force of arms : but an affair of great consequence 
was transacted in a very mysterious manner : the 
duke of Savoy, after a very long blockade, undertook casai was 
the siege of Casal ; but he was so ill provided for it, dered? 
that no good account of it could be expected : the 
king had so little hopes of success, that he was not 
easily prevailed on to consent to the besieging it ; 
but either the French intended to gain the pope and 
the Venetians, and in conclusion, that duke himself, 
with this extraordinary concession ; or, since our 
fleet was then before Toulon, they judged it more 
necessary to keep their troops for the defence of 
their coast and fleet, than to send them to relieve 
Casal ; so orders were sent to the governor to capi- 
tulate, in such a number of days, after the trenches 
were opened : so that the place was surrendered, 
though it was not at aU straitened : it was agreed, 
that it should be restored to the duke of Mantua, 



27^ THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
1695. but so dismantled, that it might give jealousy to no 



side ; and the slighting the fortifications went on so 
slowly, that the whole season was spent in it, a truce 
being gi'anted all that while. Thus did the French 
give up Casal, after they had been at a vast expense 
in fortifying it, and had made it one of the strongest 
places in Europe. 
AfTaire Our fleet was all the summer master of the Me- 

at sea. , _ . 

diterranean ; the French were put under great dis- 
order, and seemed to apprehend a descent ; for Rus- 
sel came before Marseilles and Toulon oftener than 
once ; contrary winds forced him out to sea again, 
' but with no loss ; he himself told me, he believed 
nothing could be done there ° ; only the honour of 
commanding the sea, and of shutting the French 
within their ports, gave a great reputation to our 
affairs. In Catalonia, the French made no progress ; 
they abandoned Palamos, and made Gironne their 
frontier. The Spaniards once pretended to besiege 
Palamos, but they only pretended to do it ; they de- 
sired some men from Russel, for he had regiments 
155 of marines on board : they said, they had begun the 
siege, and were provided with every thing that was 
necessary to carry it on, only they wanted men ; so 
he sent them some battaUons ; but when they came 
thither, they found not any one thing that was ne- 
cessary to carry on a siege, not so much as spades, 
not to mention guns and ammunition : so Russel 
sent for his men back again. But the French of 
themselves quitted the place ; for as they found the 

° Admiral Russel never per- still more at being kept there, 

formed any remarkable service though a most wise and reason- 

at sea, after La Hogiie. He able measure. And he made 

was very angry at being sent his fortune there by victualling 

into the Mediterranean, and the fleet. H. 



OF KING WILLIAM IIL 271 

charge of the war in Catalonia was great, and though 1695. 
they met with a feeble opposition from the Spa- 
niards, yet since they saw they could not cany Bar- 
celona so long as our fleet lay in those seas, they re- 
solved to lay by, in expectation of a better occasion. 
We had another fleet in our own channel, that was 
ordered to bombard the French coast; they did 
some execution upon St. Malos, and destroyed 
Grandville, that lay not far from it : they also at- 
tempted Dunkirk, but failed in the execution ; some 
boml)s were thrown into Calais, but without any 
great effect; so that the French did not suffer so 
much by the bombardment as was expected : the 
country indeed was much alarmed by it ; they had 
many troops dispersed all along their coast ; so that 
it put their affairs in great disorder, and we were 
every where masters at sea. Another squadron, 
commanded by the marquis of Caermarthen, (whose 
father was created duke of Leeds, to colour the dis- 
missing him from business, with an increase of title,) 
lay off from the isles of Scilly, to secure our trade, 
and convoy our merchants ; he was an extravagant 
man, both in his pleasures and humours; he was 
slow in going to sea ; and, when he was out, he fan- 
cied the French fleet was coming up to him, which 
proved to be only a fleet of merchant ships : so he 
left his station, and retired into Milford Haven : by 
which means that squadron became useless. 

This proved fatal to our trade ; many of our Bar-^he losses 

. .of our mer- 

badoes ships were taken by French cruisers and pri- chants, 
vateers : two rich ships, coming from the East In- 
dies, were also taken, 150 leagues to the westward, 
by a very fatal accident, or by some treacherous ad- 
vertisement ; for cruizers seldom go so far into the 



THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1695. ocean : and to complete the misfortunes of the East 
India company, three other ships, that were come 
near Galway, on the west of Ireland, fell into the 
hands of some French privateers: those five ships 
were valued at a million, so here was great occasion 
of discontent in the city of London. They com- 
plained, that neither the admiralty nor the govern- 
ment took the care that was necessary for preserv-. 
ing the wealth of the nation. A French man of 
156 war, at the same time, fell upon our factory on the 
coast of Guinea; he took the small fort we had there, 
and destroyed it : these misfortunes were very sen- 
sible to the nation, and did much abate the joy 
which so glorious a campaign would otherwise have 
raised ; and much matter was laid in for ill humour 
to work upon. 
Affairs in The War went on in Hungary ; the new grand 

Hungary. , . o .» c? 

signior came late into the field; but as late as it 
was, the imperiahsts were not ready to receive him : 
he trjed to force his way into Transilvania, and took 
^QSf^ weak and ill defended forts, which he soon 
^^ter abandoned; Veterani, who was the most he- 
loved of all the emperor's generals, lay with a smaU 
army to defend the entrance into Transilvania ; the 
Turks fell upon him, and overpowered him with 
^ numbers ; his army was destroyed, and himself kill- 
ed ; but they sold their lives dear ; the Turks lost 
double their number, and their best troops in the ac- 
tion ; so that they had only the name and honour of 
a victory ; they were not able to prosecute it, nor to 
draw any advantage from it. The stragglers of the 
defeated army drew together, towards the passes. 
But none pursued them, and the Turks mai'ched 
back to Adrian ople, with the triumph of having 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 273 

made a glorious campaign. There were some slight 1695. 
engagements at sea, between the Venetians and the 
Turks, in which the former pretended they had the 
advantage ; but nothing followed upon them. Thus 
affairs went on abroad during this summer. 

There was a parliament held in Scotland, where a pariia- 
the marquis of Tweedale was the king's commis- Scotland, 
sioner : every thing that was asked for the king's 
supply, and for the subsistence of his troops, was 
granted ; the massacre in Glencoe made still a great 
noise ; and the king seemed too remiss in inquiring 
into it. But when it was represented to him, that 
a session of parliament could not be managed with- 
out high motions and complaints of so crying a mat- 
ter, and that his ministers could not oppose these, 
without seeming to bring the guilt of that blood, 
that was so pei*fidiously shed, both on the king and 
on themselves : to prevent that, he ordered a com- 
mission to be passed under the great seal, for a pre- 
cognition in that matter, which is a practice in the 
law of Scotland, of examining into crimes before 
the persons concerned are brought upon their trial. 
This was looked on as an artifice to cover that trans- 
action by a private inquiry ^ ; yet, when it was com- 
plained of in parliament, not without reflections on 
the slackness in examining into it, the king's com- 
missioner assured them, that by the king's order the 
matter was then under examination, and that it 157 
should be reported to the parliament : the inquiry 

P (" And an artifice it cer- " the guilt of that blood which 

" tainly was, both to soften the " had been so perfidiously shed, 

" report, and defeat the pu- " upon those whose duty it was 

" nishment ; consequently it " to punish it." Ralph's Hist. 

" was not calculated to prevent of England, vol. ii. p. 569.) 
" bringing, but rather to fasten, 

VOL. IV. T 



«T4 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1695. went on ; and, in the progress of it, a new practice 



of the earl of Braidalbin's was discovered ; for the 
Highlanders deposed, that, while he was treating 
with them in order to their submitting to the king, 
he had assured them, that he still adhered to king 
James's interest, and that he pressed them to come 
into that pacification, only to preserve them for his 
service, till a more favourable opportunity. This, 
with several other treasonable discourses of his, be- 
ing reported to the parliament, he covered himself 
with his pardon ; but these discourses happened to 
be subsequent to it ; so he was sent a prisoner to 
the castle of Edinburgh : he pretended, he had scr 
cret orders from the king, to say any thing that 
would give him credit with them ; which the king 
owned so far, that he ordered a new pardon to be 
passed for him. A great party came to be formed 
in this session, of a very odd mixture ; the high 
presbyterians and the Jacobites joined together to 
oppose every thing ; yet it was not so strong as to 
carry the majority ; but great heats arose among 
them. 
The busi- The rcport of the massacre of Glencoe was made 
G^Dcoe in full parliament : by that it appeared, that a black 
examined, design was laid, not only to cut off the men of 
Glencoe, but a great many more clans, reckoned to 
be in all above six thousand persons : the whole was 
pursued in many letters, that were writ with great 
earnestness; and though the king's orders carried 
nothing in them that was in any sort blameable ^, 

<J (How is this assertion con- for military- execution on the 

sistent with the author's pre- men of Glencoe, provided they 

vious ^count, p. 89. where could be separated from the 

it is said, that the order was rest of the Highlanders r Un- 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 275 

yet the secretary "^ of state's letters went much fur- 1 695. 
ther. So the parliament justified the king's instruc- 
tions, but voted the execution in Glencoe to have 
been a barbarous massacre, and that it was pushed 
on by the secretary of state's letters beyond the 
king's orders : upon that, they voted an address to 
be made to the king, that he, and others concerned 
in that matter, might be proceeded against accord- 
ing to law ; this was carried by a great majority. 

In this session, an act passed in favour of such 
of the episcopal clergy as should enter into those 
engagements to the king, that were by law required *, 
that they should continue in their benefices under 
the king's protection, without being subject to the 
power of presbytery. This was carried with some 
address, before the presbyterians were aware of the 
consequences of it ; for it was plainly that which 
they call Erastianism. A day was limited to the 
clergy for taking the oaths : and by a very zealous 
and dexterous management, about seventy ^ of the 
best of them were brought to take the oaths to the 
king; and so they came within the protection pro- 158 
mised them by the act. 

Another act passed, that has already produced An act for 
very fatal consequences to that kingdom, and maypany. 
yet draw worse after it : the interlopers in the East 
India trade, finding that the company was like to 
be favoured by the parliament, as well as by the 
court, were resolved to try other methods to break 
in upon that trade : they entered into a treaty with 

less an order to extirpate, in- » (" Above one hundred, ac- 

stead of bringing men to justice, "cording to the London ga- 

vvas not in any sort blameable.) " zette. No. 3122." Ralph's 

^ Dalrymple. O. History, vol. i. p. 580.) 

T 2 



a new com- 



276 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1695. some merchants in Scotland ; and they had, in the 
former session, procured an act, that promised letters 
patents to all such as should offer to set up new 
manufactures, or drive any new trade, not yet prac- 
tised by that kingdom, with an exemption for twenty 
one years from all taxes and customs, and with all 
such other privileges, as should be found necessary 
for establishing or encouraging such projects. But 
here was a necessity of procuring letters patents, 
which they knew the credit that the East India 
company had at court would certainly render in- 
effectual. So they were now in treaty for a new 
act, which should free them from that difficulty. 
There was one Paterson, a man of no education, but 
of great notions ; which, as was generaUy said, he 
had learned from the Buccaneers, with whom he 
had consorted for some time. He had considered a 
place in Darien, where he thought a good settlement 
might be made, with another over against it, in the 
South Sea ; and by two settlements there, he fancied 
a great trade might be opened both for the East 
and West Indies ; and that the Spaniards in the 
neighbourhood might be kept in great subjection to 
them ; so he made the merchants believe, that he 
had a great secret, which he did not think fit yet to 
discover, and reserved to a fitter opportunity ; only 
he desired, that the West Indies might be named in 
any new act that should be offered to the parlia- 
ment: he made them in general understand, that 
he knew of a country^ not possessed by Spaniards, 
where there were rich mines, and gold in abun- 
dance. ^Vhile these matters were in treaty, the 
time of the king's giving the instructions to his 
commissioner for the parliament came on ; and it 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 277 

had been a thing of course, to give a general instnic- 1695. 
tion, to pass all bills for the encouragement of trade. 
Johnstoun ' told the king, that he heard there was 
a secret management among the merchants for an 
act in Scotland, under which the East India trade 
might be set up ; so he proposed, and drew an in- 
struction, impowering the commissioner to pass any 
bill, promising letters patents for encouraging of. 
trade, yet limited, so that it should not interfere 
with the trade of England : when they went down 159 
to Scotland, the king's commissioner either did not 
consider this, or had no regard to it; for he gave 
the royal assent to an act, that gave the undertakers, 
either of the East India or West India trade, all 
possible privileges, with exemption of twenty-one 
years from all impositions : and the act directed 
letters patents to be passed under the great seal, 
without any further warrant for them : when this 
was printed, it gave a great alarm in England, more 
particularly to the East India company ; for many 
of the merchants of London resolved to join stock 
with the Scotch company ; and the exemption from 
all duties gave a great prospect of gain. Such was 
the posture of affairs in Scotland. 

In Ireland, the three lords justices did not agree Affairs ia 
long together: the lord Capel studied to render 
himself popular, and espoused the interests of the 
English against the Irish, without any nice regard 
to justice or equity : he was too easily set on, by 
those who had their own end in it, to do every thing 
that gained him applause : the other two " were 

* The aforementioned, p. Duncombe. O. (Ralph praises 

87. O. bishop Burnet for his account 

" Sir Cyril Wyche and Mr. of these affairs ; he seeras, he 

T 3 



378 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1^5. men of severe tempers, and studied to protect the 
Irish, when they were opprest ; nor did they try to 
make themselves otherwise popular, than by a wise 
and just administration : so lord Capel was highly 
magnified, and they were as much complained of, 
by all the English in Ireland. Lord Capel did un- 
dertake to manage a parliament so, as to carry all 
things, if he was made lord deputy, and had power 
given him to place and displace such as he should 
name. This was agreed to, and a parliament was 
held there, after he had made several removes : in 
the beginning of tlie session things went smoothly ; 
the supply that was asked, for the support of that 
government, was granted ; all the proceedings in 
king James's parliament were annulled, and the 
great act of settlement was confirmed and explained, 
as they desired : but this good temper was quickly 
lost, by the heat of some, who had great credit with 
lord Capel. Complaints were made of sir Charles 
Porter, the lord chancellor, who was beginning to 
set on foot a tory humour in Ireland, whereas it was 
certainly the interest of that government, to have 
no other division among them, but that of English 
and Irish, and of protestant and papist " : lord Ca- 

says, to be influenced by that ant and papist, which sir 

spirit of truth and plainness, Charles, who well understood 

which ought to actuate an his- the dangerous consequence of 

t9i;ian. History, vo\. i. p. ^9ti.) dividing the protestants, op- 

* Lord Capel was a very posed to the utmost of his 

weak, formal, conceited man ; power ; and not from a tory 

had no other merit than being humour, as the partial and ma- 

a violent party man, which he licious bishop would insinuate, 

knew so well, that he had no 1 arrived at Dublin the night 

thought but for promoting what he died : if lord Capel ever 

he called the whig interest, in aimed at being popular, he suc- 

a country where there was no ceeded very ill, for the whole 

distinction but that of protest- town seemed mad with joy. 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 279 

pel's party moved in the house of commons, that 1695. 
Porter should be impeached ; but the grounds, upon 
which this motion was made, appeared to be so fri- 
volous, after the chancellor was heard by the house 
of commons, in his own justification, that he was 
voted clear from all imputation, by a majority of 
two to one ; this set the lord deputy and the lord 
chancellor, with all the fiiends of both, at so great I60 
a distance from each other, that it put a full stop, 
for some time, to all business. 

Thus factions were formed in all the king's do- 
minions ; and he being for so much of the year at 
a great distance from the scene, there was no pains 
taken to quiet these, and to check the animosities 
which arose out of them. The king studied only 
to balance them, and to keep up among the parties 
a jealousy of one another, that so he might oblige 
them all to depend more entirely on himself y. 

He made a very ridiculous dis- as bishop Burnet, for the like 

position for the government of reasons of party. " This post," 

Ireland, a little before his death ; he writes to the duke of Shrews- 

which the parliament that was bury, " having brought the 

then assembled would not sub- " news of sir Charles Porter's 

mit to, but ordered the lord " death, I cannot but look upon 

chancellor to take the adminis- '* it a great good fortune to the 

tration, till the king's pleasure " king's affairs in Ireland to be 

was known. D. (The duke " rid of a man, who had formed 

of Shrewsbury, who acted with " so troublesome a party in 

the whig party, speaks in dif- " that kingdom, which may 

fereht terms of lord Capel, in a " now easily be set right again, 

letter to the earl of Portland. " if the government be put in 

" My lord Capel is liked and " good hands, and his employ- 

" beloved by all parties. The " ment filled with an honest 

" same, I doubt, cannot be said " and prudent person." III. 8. 

"of the other two," (Wyche p. 451.) 

andDuncombe.) Coxe's Shrews- y A politic the king's temper 

bury Correspondence. I. 4. p. and principles did not seem to 

62. And of sir Charles Por- incline him to, but his peculiar 

ter, lord Somers appears to circumstances made it necessary 

have had the same sentiments throughout his whole reign. A 

T 4 



THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



1695. As soon as the campaign was over in Flanders, 



A new par- the king intended to come over directly into Eng- 
ISd°* l^^d ; but he was kept long on the other side by 
contrary winds : the first point, that was under de- 
bate upon his arrival, was, whether a new parlia- 
ment should be summoned, or the old one be brought 



difficult and disagreeable mea- 
sure of government, but beheld 
his crown and power by it. 
Either party in its extremes 
would have ruined him. He 
has been much misrepresented 
in this matter, whatever par- 
ticular errors he might have run 
into, in the course of it. As 
his parliaments were consti- 
tuted, he could have done no- 
thing there, without this temper 
towards the tories, who were 
also the majority of the nation. 
The present family nuist have 
done the same, but that they 
have had the felicity of their 
parliaments having always a 
great majority of whigs gene- 
rally, if not constantly, comply- 
ing with the measures and in- 
clination of the government. If 
king William could have had 
this, he would have had the 
like steadiness. He had no 
fickleness in his nature. But 
the condition of the kingdom 
then was such, and his own 
also, that his firmness to the 
whigs, let it have been ever so 
much, and they ever so comply- 
ing, could not have obtained 
fqr him a thorough course of 
whig parliaments : he was 
therefore obliged to soften the 
tories, and the rather to re- 
strain by that the impetuosity 
of revenge, or of impracticable 
schemes of government, in many 



of the whigs, (who however in 
the main loved him;) and by 
this, and this only, he preserved 
his crown. Most of the mal- 
content whigs fell into the to- 
ries, and became part of their 
body, and were the least ma- 
nageable of them all. It must 
however be confessed, that what- 
ever was the motive to it, the 
opposition to the government 
in these parliaments afforded 
precedents of many useful 
checks upon courts and minis- 
ters, to the confirming of the 
rights and privileges and pow- 
ers of parliament, especially in 
the house of commons. To 
what I have here said, let me 
add, that whatever strength the 
court in the present times may 
have acquired, and (which is al- 
ways wrong) towards the choice 
of a parliament, which king 
William had not, and of secur- 
ing it afterwards, (which is still 
worse,) more than he could do-, 
yet a court has less power (in 
fact) than ever it had to pursue 
measures, or preser\'e ministers, 
-against the sense and inclina- 
tion of parliament, or of the 
house of commons alone. And 
instances of this, the present 
times have afforded. A good use 
of this, and annual meetings of 
parliament, are the great palladi- 
um of the constitution of Britain. 
See pp. 4. 662. in this vol. O. 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 281 

together again, which, by the law that was lately 1695, 
passed, might sit till Lady-day : the happy state the 
nation was in put all men, except the merchants, in 
a good temper ; none could be sure we should be 
in so good a state next year ; so that now probably 
elections would fall on men who were well affected 
to the government ; a parliament, that saw itself in 
its last session, might affect to be froward, the mem- 
bers, by such a behaviour, hoping to recommend 
themselves to the next election ; besides, if the same 
parUament had been continued, probably the in- 
quiries into con'uption would have been carried on, 
which might divert them from more pressing affairs,^ 
and kindle greater heats ; all which might be more 
decently dropt by a new parliament, than suffered 
to lie asleep by the old one. These considerations 
prevailed, though it was still believed that the king's 
own inclinations led him to have continued the par- 
liament yet one session longer ; for he reckoned, he 
was sure of the major vote in it. Thus this parlia- 
ment was brought to a conclusion, and a new one 
was summoned. 

The king made a progress to the north ; and stayed 
some days at the earl of Sunderland's, which was the 
first public mark of the high favour he was in : the 
king studied to constrain himself to a little more 
openness and affability than was natural to him ; 
but his cold and dry way had too deep a root, not 
to return too oft upon him : the Jacobites were so 
decried, that few of them were elected ; but many 
of the sourer sort of whigs, who were much alien- 
ated from the king, were chosen : generally, they 
were men of estates, but many were young, hot, 
and without experience. Foley was again chosen 



THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



1695. speaker; the demand of the supply was stiU very 

161 ^^^^' ^^d there was a great arrear of deficiencies ; 

aU was readily granted, and lodged on funds that 

seemed to be very probable. 

The state The state of the coin was considered, and there 

of the coin 

rectified, wcre great and long debates about the proper reme- 
dies ''■ : the motion of raising the money above its in- 



^ 'This was the scheme of 
Mr. Lowndes, secretary of the 
treasurj'. (See postea, p. 176.) 
He wrote the best book upon 
it, with much learning in that 
way, which was published on 
that side of the question. But 
he was fully answered and con- 
futed by the famous Mr. Lock, 
whose arguments prevailed for 
the contrary method. I have 
often wondered, that upon this 
public occasion, the author 
should not have mentioned Mr. 
Lock. It was a fair opportuni- 
ty for it, and to have enlarged 
upon his character in general. 
Mr. Lock died the year before 
this volume was begun, and his 
works, that have recommended 
him so much and so deservedly 
to the world, must have been 
well known to the writer of 
this history ; some of which 
(as his tract upon toleration, 
and his two treatises of go- 
vernment, being written on pur- 
pose to establish the great prin- 
ciples of the revolution) have a 
close relation to the subject of 
this work. Besides, the bishop 
himself, in this vol. p. 539. 
mentions Filmer's book of go- 
vernment, against which Mr. 
Lock had professedly written 
one of the above-named trea- 
tises; and commends Hoadley 



(now bishop of Winchester) for 
writings of his against Filmer's 
notions, and in defence of the 
same doctrines, relating to go- 
vernment, which Mr. Lock has 
so well maintained, and says, 
that Hoadley had done this in 
vindication of the revolution, 
I therefore have sometimes 
thought, that Burnet had a dis- 
like to Mr. Lock, either from 
the free notions of Mr. Lock in 
some points of religion ; or from 
having been an admirer and 
confident of the first earl of 
Shaftesbury, whom our author 
abhorred ; or from some dif- 
ferences they might have had 
when they were in Holland, 
and when they both were exiles 
at the same time, and both of 
them engaged in the aftairs of 
their own country. But be it 
as it will, I do believe the bi- 
shop would not have omitted 
to speak of so eminent a per- 
son as Mr. Lock, when there 
were several public occasions 
for it, and who was also in 
high esteem with king Wil- 
liam, unless he had contract- 
ed some prejudices against 
him. O. (The conduct of 
this important business, the re- 
formation of the coin, was left 
to Montague, chancellor of the 
exchequer, afterwards earl of 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 283 

trinsic value was still much pressed; many appre- 1695. 



hended this matter could not be cured without cast- 
ing us into great disorders: our money, they thought, 
would hot pass, 'and so the markets would not be 
furnished ; and it is certain, that if there had been 
ill humours then stirring in the nation, this might 
have cast us into great convulsions. But none hap- 
pened, to the disappointment of our enemies, who 
had their eyes and hopes long fixed on the efifects 
this might produce. All came in the end to a wise 
and happy resolution of recoining all the specie of 
England in milled money ; all the old money was 
ordered to be brought in, in public payments or 
loans to the exchequer, and that by degrees; first 
the half-crown pieces, and the rest of the money by 
a longer day: money of a bad allay, as well as 
clipped money, was to be received ; though this was ^ I 
thought an ill precedent, and that it gave too much 
encouragement to false coining ; yet it was judged 
necessary upon this occasion : and it gave a present 
calm to a ferment that was then working all Eng- 
land over. Twelve hundred thousand pounds was 
given, to supply the deficiency of the bad and clipped 
money. So this matter was happily settled, and was 
put in a way to be effectually remedied ; and it was 
executed with an order and a justice, with a quiet 
and an exactness, beyond all men's expectation. So 
that we were freed from a great and threatening 
mischief, without any of those efiects that were ge- 
nerally apprehended from it. 

The biU of trials in cases of treason was again An act of 

trials in 
. . . cases of 

Halifax, who called to his aid See Dalrymple's Memoirs, vol. treason, 
sir Isaac Newton, made master iii. book 4. p. 62.) 
of the mint, and Mr. Locke. 



284 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1695. brought into the house of commons, and passed 
there ; when it came up to the lords, they add- 
ed the clause for summoning all the peers to the 
trial of a peer, which was not easily carried; for 
those who wished well to the bill looked on this as 
a device to lose it, as no doubt it was; and therefore 
they opposed it : but, contrary to the hopes of the 
court, the commons were so desirous of the bill, that, 
when it came down to them, they agreed to the 
clause ; and so the bill passed, and had the royal as- 
sent *. 
Acts con- A severe bill was brought in, for voiding aU the 
lections to clcctions of parliament men, where the elected had 
par ament. j^^^^ ^^ ^^y. gxpeusc iu meat, drink, or money, to 
procure votes : it was very strictly penned ; but 
time must shew whether any evasions can be found 
162 out to avoid it: certainly, if it has the desired ef- 
fect, it would prove one of the best laws that ever 
was made in England ; for abuses in elections were 
grown to most intolerable excesses, which threatened 
even the ruin of the nation. Another act passed 
against unlawful and double returns ; for persons 
had been often returned plainly contrary to the vote 
of the majority ; and in boroughs, where there was 
a contest between the select number of the corpora- 
tion and the whole populace, both sides had ob- 
tained favourable decisions, as that side prevailed on 



^ Which this most reverend in the power of the crown to 
bishop opposed with all his im- have created as many new 
potent might ; having never peers, or corrupted as many 
been in reality for any liberty, old ones, as should have con- 
but that of his own being im- demned whoever they pleased, 
pertinent, which, by his being D. (See note at p. 464. vol. i. 
no peer, could have no benefit concerning the peerage of the 
by this bill. Before this, it was bishops.) 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 



285 



which the person elected happened to be ; so both 
elections were returned, and the house judged the 
matter. But by this act, aU returns were ordered to 
be made according to the last determination of the 
house of commons : these were thought good securi- 
ties for future parliaments ; it had been happy for 
the nation, if the first of these had proved as effec- 
tual as the last was '\ 



1695. 



^ The last was defective in 
not binding the house of com- 
mons ; who too often varied 
their determinations, (for party 
reasons,) to prefer one man to 
another. But this is now in 
great measure prevented too, 
by a provision in an act of 2 
George II. called the bribery 
act, and the resolution of the 
house of commons, that it ex- 
tends to their proceedings. I 
earnestly contended for this re- 
solution, against very strong op- 
position to it by men of dif- 
ferent sides. The use of it is 
this : when a bad cause was to 
be established, and the number 
of votes below could not do it, 
then the right of election was al- 
tered by the house, to be suited 
to the minority of the electors; 
wliich was a short and easy me- 
thod. But now the members 
must be accommodated to a for- 
mer determined (by the house) 
right of election ; which is often a 
long and difficult thing to do; 
and so a good cause has a better 
chance for success ; and it has 
had its effect in many instances. 
I am sorry to say all this, and to 
vise the language I do u|)on it, 
but it is too true, and has been 
a vice of all parties, to their 
shame and reproach ; and the 
more so, as it has been avowed, 



justified, and boasted of, under 
the scandalous pretence of serv- 
ing their party friends against 
justice ! I have many times re- 
flected u|X)n it with some grief, 
in a farther light than of the 
thing itself. I think I have seen 
it derive itself to much iniquity 
in other determinations, and to 
have been almost habitual, when 
public or private friendships 
and attachments have been con- 
cerned, and even to have cor- 
rupted in it son)e persons, other- 
wise very worthy and respectable 
men. Good God! what would be 
thought, and said, and done, if 
such judgments should be given 
in Westminster hall ? And is 
not justice the same in every 
judicaUire ? One would think it 
was not. But beware, my son, 
and fly from the contagion, if 
it should ever prevail again. 
Remember, and often think of, 
and carry with you in parlia- 
ment, the great and noble say- 
ing of Mr. Chillingworth : " I 
" will never do that for prefer- 
" ment, which I would not do 
" but for preferment. I will 
" never say that, living and in 
" health, which I would not 
" say were I dying." See post- 
ea, 410. O. (By an act pass- 
ed in the late king's time, called 
the Grenville act, the mem- 



286* THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1695. Great complaints were made in both houses of 
Complaints ^^^ ^^^ ^or the Scotch East India company, and ad- 
ScotTh act. d^^ss^s were made to the king, setting forth the in- 
Gonveniencies that were like to arise from thence to 
England : the king answered, that he had been ill 
served in Scotland: but he hoped remedies should be 
found, to prevent the ill consequences that they ap- 
prehended from the act: and soon after this, he 
turned out both the secretaries of state and the 
marquis of Tweedale: and great changes were made 
in the whole ministry of that kingdom, both high 
and low. No inquiry was made, nor proceedings 
ordered, concerning the business of Glencoe : so that 
furnished the libellers with some colours in aspersing 
the king, as if he must have been willing to suffer it 
to be executed, since he seemed so unwilling to let 
it be punished. 
Scotland But whcu it was understood in Scotland that the 
on support- king had disowned the act for the East India com- 
*°^ ' ■ pany, from which it was expected that great riches 
should flow into that kingdom, it is not easy to con- 
ceive how great and how general an indignation was 
spread over the whole kingdom : the Jacobites saw 
what a game it was like to prove in their hands ; 
they played it with great skill, and to the advantage 
of their cause, in a course of many years ; and con- 
tinue to manage it to this day : there was a great 
deal of noise made of the Scotch act in both houses 
of parliament in England, by some who seemed to 
have no other design in that, but to heighten our 
distractions by the apprehensions that they ex- 
pressed. The Scotch nation fancied nothing but 

bers of election committees are oath, well and truly to try every 
chosen by ballot, and take an petition.) 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 287 

mountains of gold ; and the credit of the design rose 1695. 
so high, that subscriptions were made, and advances 
of money were offered, beyond what any believed 
the wealth of that kingdom could have furnished. 163 
Paterson came to have such credit among them, 
that the design of the East India trade, how pro- 
mising soever, was whoUy laid aside : and they re- 
solved to employ all their wealth in the settling a 
colony, with a port and fortifications, in Darien; 
which was long kept a secret, and was only trusted 
to a select number, empowered by this new com- 
pany, who assumed to themselves the name of the 
African company, though they never meddled with 
any concern in that part of the world : the unhappy 
progress of this affair wiU appear in its proper time. 

The losses of the merchants gave great advan- a motion 
tages to those who complained of the administra-di of trade, 
tion ; the conduct, with relation to our trade, was 
represented as at best a neglect of the nation and of 
its prosperity : some, with a more spiteful malice, 
said, it was designed that we should suffer in our 
trade, that the Dutch might cany it from us : and 
how extravagant soever this might seem, it was 
often repeated by some men of virulent tempers. 
And in the end, when all the errors, with relation to 
the protection of our trade, were set out, and much 
aggravated, a motion was made to create, by act of 
parliament, a council of trade. 

This was opposed by those who looked on it as a 
change of our constitution in a very essential point : 
the executive part of the government was wholly in 
the king : so that the appointing any council by act 
of parliament, began a precedent of their breaking 
in upon the execution of the law, in which it could 



288 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1695. not be easy to see how far they might be carried ; 
it was indeed offered, that this council should be 
much Umited as to its powers ; yet many appre- 
hended, that if the parliament named the persons, 
how low soever their powers might be at first, they 
would be enlarged every session ; and from being a 
council to look into matters of trade, they would be 
next empowered to appoint convoys and cruizers; 
this in time might draw in the whole admiralty, and 
that part of the revenue or supply that was appro- 
priated to the navy ; so that a king would soon 
grow to be a duke of Venice ; and indeed those 
who set this on most zealously, did not deny that 
they designed to graft many things upon it. 

The king was so sensible of the ill effects this 
would have, that he ordered his ministers to oppose 
it as much as possibly they could : the earl of Sun- 
derland, to the wonder of many, declared for it, as 
all that depended on him promoted it : he was afraid 
of the violence of the republican party, and would 
not venture on provoking them*^; the ministers were 
164 much offended with him, for taking this method to 
recommend himself at their cost ; the king himself 
took it ill, and he told me, if he went on, driving it 
as he did, that he must break with him ; he imputed 
it to his fear ; for the unhappy steps he had made in 
king James's time gave his enemies so many handles 
and colours for attacking him, that he would ven- 
ture on nothing that might provoke them. Here 
was a debate plainly in a point of prerogative, how 

'^ (Ralph supposes the num- p. 625. Perhaps the bishop 
ber of the adherents to republi- comprehended in the term most 
canism to be scarcely numerous of those whigs who were anti- 
enough to deserve the name of courtiers.) 
a party. See his Hist. vol. ii. 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 289 

far the government should continue on its ancient 1695. 



bottom of monarchy, as to the executive part; or 
how far it should turn to a commonwealth ; and yet 
by an odd reverse, the whigs, who were now most 
employed, argued for the prerogative, while the 
tories seemed zealous for public liberty : so power- 
fully does interest bias men of all forms. 

This was going on, and probably would have a con. 
passed in both houses, when the discovery of a con- coUred. 
spiracy turned men's thoughts quite another way : 
so that all angry motions were let fall, and the ses- 
sion came to a very happy conclusion, with greatei* 
advantages to the king than could have been other- 
wise exj^ected. We were all this winter alarmed, 
from many different quarters, with the insolent dis- 
courses of the Jacobites, who seemed so weU as- 
sured of a sudden revolution, which was to be both 
quick and entire, that at Christmas, they said, it 
would be brought about within six weeks. The 
French fleet, which we had so long shut up within 
Toulon, was now fitting out, and was ordered to 
come round to Brest; our fleet that lay at Cadiz 
was not strong enough to fight them, when they 
should pass the straits : Russel had come home, 
with many of the great ships, and had left only a 
squadron there ; but a gi'cat fleet was ordered to go 
thither : it was ready to have sailed in December, 
but was kept in our ports by contrary winds till 
February ; this was then thought a gi'eat unhappi- 
ness; but we found afterwards, that our preserva- 
tion was chiefly owing to it ; and it was so extraor- 
dinary a thing, to see the wind fixed at south-west 
during the whole winter, that few could resist the 
observing a signal providence of God in it. We were 

VOL. IV. U 



THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
1695. all this while in great pain for Rook, who com- 



manded the squadron that lay at Cadiz; and was 
like to suffer for want of the provisions and stores 
which this fleet was to carry him, besides the addi- 
tion of strength this would bring him, in case the 
Toulon squadron should come about : we were only 
apprehensive of danger from that squadj'on ; for we 
thought that we could be in none at home, till that 
fleet was brought about : the advertisements came 
from many places, that some very important thing 
160 was ready to break out : it is true, the Jacobites fed 
their party with such stories every year ; but they 
both talked and wrote now with more than ordinary 
assurance. The king had been so accustomed to 
alarms and reports of this kind, that he had now so 
• little* regard to them, as scarce to be willing to 

hearken to those who brought him such advertise- 
ments. He was so much set on preparing for the 
next campaign, that aU other things were little con- 
sidered by him. 
ofassassi- But iu the beginning of February, one captain 
king!^ ' Fisher came to the earl of Portland, and in general 
told him, there was a design to assassinate the king; 
but he would not or could not then name any of 
the persons who were concerned in it ; he never ap- 
peared more, for he had assurances given him, that 
he should not be made use of as a witness : few days 
after that, one Pendergrass, an Irish officer, came to 
the earl of Portland, and discovered aU that he knew 
of the matter ; he freely told him his own name ; 
but would not name any of the conspirators ; La 
Rue, a Frenchman, came also to brigadier Levison, 
* and discovered to him all that he knew ; these two 
(Pendergrass and La Rue) were brought to the 



OF KING WILLIAM IIL 



291 



king apart, not knowing of one another's discovery : 
they gave an account of two plots then on foot, the 
one fcNT assassinating the king, and the other for in- 
vading the kingdom. The king was not easily 
brought to give credit to this, till a variety of cir- 
cumstances, in which the discoveries did agree, con- 
vinced him of the truth of the whole design. 

It has been already told, in how many projects 
king James was engaged for assassinating the king ; 
but all these had failed ' ; so now one was laid, that 
gave better hopes, and looked liker a military action 
than a foul murder : sir George Berkeley, a Scotch- 
man % received a commission from king James, to 
go and attack the prince of Orange in his winter 
quarters ' : Chamock ", sir William Perkins, captain 



1695. 



■' (But see above at page 96. 
*' All the prisoners," observes 
Dalrymple, " with their last 
*' breath acquitted the late king 
" of any knowledge of the in- 
" tended assassination," Me- 
moirs, vol. iii. book 4. p. 76. 
It may be added, that those 
persons at the same time con- 
fessed, and many of them justi- 
fied, their own conduct in the 
affair. Compare what follows, 
at pp. 171, 172.) 

' (The name of this man, 
who was a disgrace, as an as- 
sassin, to any name, was Bar- 
clay, not Berkeley.) 

t (" Before I parted from St. 
" Gerniains, the king gave me 
** a commission to authorize 
" me, and all those who should 
" join n»e in his majesty's cause, 
" to rise in arms and make war 
" upon the prince of Orange 
" and all his adherents. Which 
" commission was exactly as 



follows : 

" JAIVIES R. 
" Our will and pleasure is, and 
we do hereby fully authorize, 
strictly require, and expressly 
command our loving subjects 
to rise in arms and make war 
upon the prince of Orange, 
the usurper of our throne, 
and all his adherents, and to 
seize for our use all such 
forts, towns, strong holds, 
within our dominion of Eng- 
land, as may serve to further 
our interest, and to do from 
time to time such other acts 
of hostility against the prince 
of Orange and his adherents, 
as may conduce loost to our 
service, we judging this the 
properest, justest, and most 
effectual means of procuring 
our restoration and their de- 
liverance ; and we do here- 
by indemnify them for what 
they shall act in pursuance 

u 2 



292 



THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



1695. Porter, and La Rue, were the men to whose con- 
'duct the matter was trusted; the duke of Berwick 
-came over, and had some discourse with them about 
the method of executing it: forty persons were 
thought necessary for the attempt; they intended 
to watch the king, as he should go out to hunt, or 
come back from it in his coach ; some of them were 
to engage the guards, while others should attack 
the king, and either carry him off a prisoner, or, in 



" of this our royal command. 
" Given at our court of St. Ger- 
*' mains en Laye, 27th of De- 
" cember, 1695. 

" ^Miich day I posted from 
*' St. Gerniains, having none 
" with me but major Hohnes ; 
" and about the 27 th, old stile, 
" I arrived at London. Soon 
" after my arrival there, I came 
" acquainted with Mr. Char- 
** nock, who at our first meeting 
" complained to me, that he and 
" some others had a design on 
" foot, which would have un- 
•' doubtedly facilitated the king's 
" return, but that his majesty 
" would never permit them to 
" put it in execution. A few 
" days after that, Mr. Char- 
" nock made me acquainted 
" with sir William Perkins, 
*' who was concerned with him 
" in all their proposals, who 
" then opened the design to 
" me, and assured me they 
" wanted nothing for perfect- 
** ing of it, but his majesty's 
" leave ; it was to form a par- 
*' ty to fall upon the prince of 
" Orange, which I did much 
" approve of, if it could be car- 
*' ried on with that secrecy 
*' and conduct as a thing of 
** that consequence ought to be. 



" . Presuming there- 

" fore upon the commission I 
" had from his majesty, to make 
" war upon the prince of O- 
" range and all his adherents, 
" I thought myself sufficiently 
" authorized to engage with 
*' them to attack that prince 
" when his guards were about 
" him ; upon which I shewed 
" them my commission, which 
" they were much pleased with." 
8ir George Barclay's Relation 
of the Attempt against the Prince 
of Orange, inserted in the Life 
of King James II. lately edited 
by Dr. Clarke, vol. ii. torn. 4. 

P- 547-) 

" (" The officers were about 
"ten in number, the highest of 
" whom in rank was lieutenant 
" colonel Lowick ; but the most 
" remarkable was captain Char- 
" nock, formerly fellow of Mag- 
" dalen college, who had been 
" one of the instruments to 
" serve king James in invading 
" the rights of that college, and 
" who now shewed that the 
" distance is small between a 
" dependant, a criminal, and a 
" cowardly spirit." Dalrym- 
ple's Memoirs, vol. iii. book 4. 
P- 74-) 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 293 

case of any resistance, kill him. This soft manner 1695. 
was proposed, to draw military men to act in it, as 
a warlike exploit: Porter and Kniglitly went and 
viewed the grounds, and the way through which 
the king passed, as he went between Kensington 
and Richmond park, where he used to hunt com- 166 
monly on Saturdays ; and they pitched on two places, 
where they thought they might well execute the de- 
sign. King James sent over some of his guards to 
assist in it; he spoke himself to one Harris to go 
over, and to obey such orders as he should receive 
from Berkeley ; he ordered money to be given him, 
and told him, that, if he was forced to stay long at 
Calais, the president there would have orders to fur- 
nish him. 

When the duke of Berwick had laid the matter 1(596. 
so well here, that he thought it could not miscarry, y^^e the" 
he went back to France, and met king James at St. '^'"sJo™- 
Denis, who was come so far on his way from Pai'is " : 
he stopped there, and after a long conference with 
the duke of Berwick, he sent him first to his queen 
at St. Germains, and then to the king of France, 



* (" The duke of Berwick " ing received information dur- 

** was so much convinced, from *' ing his stay in London, that 

" near observation, of the weak- " a conspiracy was carrj'ing on 

" ness of his father's friends, " against the person of the 

" and their incapacity to ren- " prince of Orange, he thought, 

" der»him any effectual service, " his principal commission be- 

" that no attempt was made by " ing at an end, he ought to 

" him to excite an insurrec- " lose no time to return to 

" tion." SotnerviUe's Hist, of " France, that he might not be 

Political Transactions, vol. i. " confounded with the conspi- 

chap. 16. J). 422. referring to " rators, whose de.sign appeared 

the Memoirs of the Duke of " to him dilBcult to execute." 

Berwick, imder the year 1696. Duke of Berwick's Memoirs, 

The duke there says, that '* hav- vol. i. p. 132.) 

u 3 



j$i THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1696. and he himself called for a notary, and passed some 
act : but it was not known to what effect. When 
that was done, he pursued his journey to Calais, to 
set himself at the head of an army of about 20,000 
men, that were drawn out of the garrisons which 
lay near that frontier. These being full in that 
season, an army was in a very few days brought 
together, without any previous warning or noise. 
There came every winter a coasting fleet, from all 
the seaports of France to Dunkirk, with all the pro- 
visions for a campaign ; and it was given out, that 
the French intended an early one this year. So 
that this coasting fleet was ordered to be there by 
the end of January ; thus here were transport ships, 
as well as an army, brought together in a very silent 
manner ; there was also a small fleet of cruizers, 
and some men of war ready to convoy them over ; 
many regiments were embarked, and king James 
was waiting at Calais, for some tidings of that on 
which he chiefly depended ; for upon the first notice 
of the success of the assassination, he was resolved 
to have set sail: so near was the matter brought 
to a crisis, when it broke out by the discovery made 
by the persons above named. La Rue told all par- 
ticulars with the greatest frankness, and named all 
the persons that they had intended to engage in the 
execution of it ; for several lists were among them, 
and those who concerted the matter had those lists 
given them ; and took it for granted, that every 
man named in those lists was engaged ; since they 
were persons on whom they depended, as knowing 
their inclinations, and believing that they would 
readily enter into the project: though it had not 
been, at that time, proposed to many of them, as it 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 295 

appeared afterwards. The design was laid, to strike 1696. 
the blow on the 15th of February, in a lane that jg^ 
turns down from Turnham Green to Brentford; 
and the conspirators were to be scattered about the 
Green, in taverns and alehouses, and to be brought 
together upon a signal given. They were cast into 
several parties, and an aide de camp was assigned to 
every one of them, both to bring them together, and 
to give the whole the air of a military action : Pen- 
dergrass owned very freely to the king, that he was 
engaged in interest against him, as he was of a reli- 
gion contrary to his; he said, he would have no 
reward for his discovery ; but he hated a base ac- 
tion ; and the point of honour was the only motive 
that prevailed on him : he owned, that he was de- 
sired to assist in the seizing on him, and he named 
the person that was fixed on to shoot him ; he ab- 
horred the whole thing, and immediately came to 
reveal it : his story did in all particulars agree with 
La Rue's : for some time he stood on it as a point 
of honour, to name no person ; but upon assurance 
given him, that he should not be brought as a wit- 
ness against them, he named all he knew : the king 
ordered the coaches and guards to be made ready 
next morning, being the 15th of February, and on 
Saturday, his usual day of hunting : but some acci- 
dent was pretended to cover his not going abroad 
that day; the conspirators continued to meet together, 
not doubting l)ut that they should have occasion to 
execute their design the next Saturday ; they had 
some always about Kensington, who came and went 
continually, and brought them an account of every 
thing tliat passed there : on Saturday the 22d of 
February, they put themselves in a readiness ; and 

u 4 



296 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1696. were going out to take the posts assigned them ; 
but were surprised when they had notice that the 
king's hunting was put off a second time ; they ap- 
prehended they might be discovered : yet, as none 
were seized, they soon quieted themselves. 
Many of Ncxt uight, a great many of them were taken in 
sprrators their beds : and the day following, the whole disco- 
very was laid before the privy council : at the same 
time, advices were sent to the king from Flanders, 
that the French army was marching to Dunkirk, 
on design to invade England : and now, by a very 
happy providence, though hitherto a very unaccept- 
able one, we had a great fleet at Spithead ready to 
sail: and we had another fleet, designed for the 
summer's service in our own seas, quite ready, 
though not yet manned. Many brave seamen, see- 
ing the nation was in such visible danger, came out 
of their lurking h,oles, in which they were hiding 
themselves from the press, and offered their service ; 
168 and all people shewed so much zeal, that in three 
days Russel, who was sent to command, stood over 
to the coast of France, with a fleet of above fifty 
men of war. The French were amazed at this ; 
and upon it their ships drew so near their coasts, that 
he durst not follow them in such shallow water, but 
was contented with breaking their design, and driv- 
ing them into their harbours. King James stayed 
for some weeks there. But, as the French said, his 
malignant star still blasted every project that was 
formed for his service. 
The design The court of France was much out of counte- 

01 the inva- 
sion broken, nance with this disappointment; for that king had 

ordered his design of invading England to be com- 
municated to all the courts in which he had minis- 



OF KING WILLIAM IIL 297 

ters : and they spoke of it with such an air of assur- 1696- 
ance, as gave violent presumptions that the king of 
France knew of the conspiracy against the king's 
person, and depended upon it ; for indeed, without 
that, the design was impracticable, considering how 
great a fleet we had at Spithead; nor could any 
men of common sense have entertained a thought of 
it, but with a view of the confusion into which the 
intended assassination must have cast us. They went 
on in England seizing the conspirators ; and a pro- 
clamation was issued out for apprehending those 
that absconded, with a promise of a thousand pound 
reward, to such as should seize on any of them, and 
the offer of a pardon to every conspirator that should 
seize on any of the rest : this set all people at work, 
and in a few weeks most of them were apprehend- 
ed ; only Berkeley was not found, who had brought 
the commission from king James, though great 
search was made for him. For, though the reality 
of such a commission was fuUy proved afterwards, 
in the trials of the conspirators, by the evidence of 
those who had seen and read it, all written in king 
James's own hand, (such a paper being too import- 
ant to be trusted to any to copy,) yet much pains 
was taken to have found the very person who was 
entrusted with it : the commission itself would have 
been a valuable piece, and such an original as was 
not to be found any where. 

The military men would not engage on other 
terms ; they thought, by the laws of war, they were 
bound to obey all orders that run in a military style, 
and no other ; and so they imagined, that their pait 
in it was as innocent as the going on any desperate 
design during a campaign : many of them repined at 



Sm THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1696. the service, and wished that it had not been put on 

them ; but, being commanded, they fancied that 

they were liable to no blame nor infamy, but ought 

to be treated as prisoners of war. 

169 Among those who were taken, Porter and Pen- 

Porter (lis- (jeforrass wcre brouffht in. Porter had been a vi- 
ce verea all. o o 

cious man, engaged in many iU things ; and was 
very forward and furious in all their consultations : 
the lord Cutts, who, as captain of the guards, was 
present, when the king examined Pendergrass, but 
did not know his name, when he saw him brought 
in, pressed him to own himself, and the service that 
he had already done ; but he claimed the promise of 
not being forced to be a witness, and would say no- 
thing : Porter was a man of pleasure, who loved not 
the hardships of a prison, and much less the solem- 
nities of an execution ; so he confessed all : and then 
Pendergrass, who had his dependance on him, freely 
confessed likewise : he said, Porter was the man 
who had trusted him ; he could not be an instru- 
ment to destroy him ; yet he lay under no obliga- 
tions to any others among them. Porter had been 
in the management of the whole matter : so he gave 
a very copious account of it all, from the first begin- 
ning. And now it appeared, that Pendergrass had 
been but a very few days among them, and had seen 
very few of them ; and that he came and discovered 
the conspiracy the next day after it was opened to 
him. 
Both houses When by these examinations the matter was clear 

of parlia- 
ment enter and undeniable, the king communicated it, in a 

luntary as- spccch to both houscs of parliament : they imme- 
soaation. ^jig^^giy made addresses of congratulation, with as- 
surances of adhering to him against all his enemies, 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 299 

and in particular, against king James; and after 1696. 
that, motions were made in both houses for an asso- 
ciation, wherein they should own him as their right- 
ful and lawful king, and promise faithfully to adhere 
to him against king James, and the pretended prince 
of Wales ; engaging at the same time to maintain 
the act of succession, and to revenge his death on 
all who should be concerned in it. This was much 
opposed in both houses, chiefly by Seimour and 
Finch in the house of commons, and the earl of 
Nottingham in the house of lords : they went chiefly 
upon this, that rightful and lawful were words that 
had been laid aside in the beginning of this reign ; 
that they imported one that was king by descent, 
and so could not belong to the present king. They 
said, the crown and the prerogatives of it were 
vested in him, and therefore they would obey him, 
and be faithful to him, though they could not ac- 
knowledge him their rightful and lawful king. Great 
exceptions were also taken to the word revenge^ as 
not of an evangelical sound ; but that word was so 
explained, that these were soon cleared; revenge 
was to be meant in a legal sense, either in the pro- 
secution of justice at home, or of war abroad; and 1 70 
the same word had been used in that association 
into which the nation entered, when it was appre- 
hended that queen Elizabeth's life was in danger, by 
the practices of the queen of Scots. After a warm 
debate, it was carried in both houses, that an asso- 
ciation should be laid on the table, and that it might 
be signed by all such as were willing of their own 
accord to sign it ; only with this difference, that in- 
stead of the words rightful and lauful king, the 
lords put these words ; that king William hath the 



300 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1696. right by law to the crown of these realms, and that 
neither king James, nor the pretended prince of 
Wales, nor any other person, has any right whatso- 
ever to the same. This was done to satisfy those, 
who said, they could not come up to the words 
rightful Qxid lawful; and the earl of Rochester of- 
fering these words, they were thought to answer the 
ends of the association, and so were agreed to. This 
was signed by both houses, excepting only fourscore 
in the house of commons y, and fifteen in the house 
of lords : the association was carried from the houses 
of parliament over all England, and was signed by 
all sorts of people, a very few only excepted : the bi- 
shops also drew a form for the clergy, according to 
that signed by the house of lords, with some small 
variation, which was so universally signed, that not 
above an hundred all England over refused it. 

Soon after this, a bill was brought into the house 
of commons, declaring aU men incapable of public 
trust, or to serve in parliament, who did not sign 
the association ; this passed with no considerable op- 
position ; for those who had signed it of their own 
accord, were not unwilling to have it made general ; 
and such as had refused it when it was voluntary, 
were resolved to sign it as soon as the law should 
be made for it. And at the same time, an order 
passed in council, for reviewing all the commissions 
in England, and for turning out of them all those 
who had not signed the association while it was vo- 
luntary ; since this seemed to be such a declaration 
of their principles and affections, that it was not 
thought reasonable, that such persons should be any 

y (Ralph says ninety-two commoners. Hxst. of England, vol. iL 
P- 654-) 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 301 

longer either justices of peace or deputy lieute- 'W* 



nants. 

The session of parliament was soon brought to a a fund 
conclusion. They created one fund, upon which 3d°bank. 
two millions and an half were to be raised, which 
the best judges did apprehend was neither just nor 
prudent. A new bank was proposed, called the land 
bank, because the securities were to be upon land : 
this was the main difference between it and the 
bank of England : and by reason of this it was pre- 171 
tended, that it was not contrary to a clause in the 
act for that bank, that no other bank should be set 
up in opposition to it. There was a set of under- 
takers, who engaged that it should prove effectual 
for the money for which it was given: this was 
chiefly managed by Foley, Harley, and the tories ; 
it was much laboured by the earl of Sunderland; 
and the king was prevailed on to consent to it, or 
rather to desire it, though he was then told by many, 
of what ill consequence it would prove to his affairs: 
the earl of Sunderland's excuse for himself, when 
the error appeared afterwards but too evidently, 
was, that he thought it would engage the tories in 
interest to support the government. 

After most of the conspirators were taken, and all chamock 

and others 

exammations were over, some of them were brought tried and 
to their trials. Chamock, King, and Keys, were be-*'"*^" 
gun with : the design was fully proved against them. 
Charnock shewed great presence of mind, with tem- 
per and good judgment, and made as good a defence 
as the matter could bear : but the proof was so full, 
that they were all found guilty. Endeavours were 
used to persuade Charnock to confess all he knew ; 
for he had been in all their jilots from the l)eginning: 



S09 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1696. his brother was employed to deal with him, and he 
seemed to be once in suspense : but the next time 
that his brother came to him, he told him, he could 
not save his own life without doing that which 
would take away the lives of so many, that he did 
not think his own life worth it. This shewed a 
greatness of mind, that had been very valuable, if it 
had been better directed. Thus this matter was un- 
derstood at the time. But many years after this, 
the lord Somers gave me a diflferent account of it ^* 
Charnock, as he told me, sent an offer to the king, 
of a full discovery of all their consultations and de- 
signs ; and desired no pardon, but only that he 
might live in some easy prison ; and if he was found 
to prevaricate, in any part of his discovery, he would 
look for the execution of the sentence : but the king 
apprehended, that so many persons would be found 
concerned, and thereby be rendered desperate, that 
he was afraid to have such a scene opened, and 
would not accept of this offer ^. At his death, Char- 
nock delivered a paper, in which he confessed he 
was engaged in a design to attack the prince of 
Orange's guards ; but he thought himself bound to 

^ I do not recollect any thing the seals in his hands. King 
amongst lord Somers's papers William always declined taking 
relative to this plot. Sir R. them, not being prepared with 
Blackmore's narrative is the a secretary to his mind, and 
best general account of it, and choosing the appearance of re- 
it seems surprising that lord taining the duke- in his service. 
Shrewsbury would not let it be H. 

published at the time. Soon * Like the story of Pompey 

after the discoverj-, his grace re- in Spain. O. (" The king ge- 

tired, on account (as he gave '* nerouslyanswered. He wished 

out) of health, into the coun- " not to know them." Dal- 

try, and never returned to the rymple's Memoirs, vol. iii. book 

exercise of his office, for any 4, p. 75.) 
lenjgth of time, though he kept 



•^ 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 303 

clear king James from having given any commission i6q6. 

to assassinate him. King's paper, who suffered with 

him, was to the same purpose ; and they both took 
pains to clear all those of their religion from any 
accession to it. King expressed a sense of the un-172 
lawfulness of the undertaking ; but Charnock seemed 
fully satisfied with the lawfulness of it. Keys was a 
poor ignorant trumpeter, who had his dependance 
on Porter, and now suffered chiefly upon his evi- 
dence, for which he was much reflected on : it was 
said, that servants had often been witnesses against 
their masters, but that a master's witnessing against 
his servant was somewhat new and extraordinary. 

The way that Charnock and King took to vindi- King Jame» 

,,.T I'l 1 n !• • ^^ °ot ac- 

cate kmg James did rather fasten the imputation quitted by 
more upon him ; they did not deny, that he had *"' 
sent over a commission to attack the prince of O- 
range, which, as Porter deposed, Charnock told him 
he had seen ; if this had been denied by a dying 
man, his last words would have been of some weight: 
but instead of denying that which was sworn, he 
only denied, that king James had given a commis- 
sion for assassination : and it seems great weight 
was laid on this word; for all the conspirators agreed * 
in it, and denied that king James had given a com- 
mission to assassinate the prince of Orange. This 
was an odious word, and perhaps no person was ever 
so wicked, as to order such a thing, in so crude a 
manner: but the sending a commission to attack the 
king's person was the same thing upon the matter ; 
and was all that the witnesses had deposed. There- 
fore their not denying this, in the terms in which 
the witnesses swore it, did plainly imply a confession 
that it was true. But some, who had a mind to de- 



304 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1696. ceive themselves or others, laid hold on this, and 
^ made great use of it, that dying men had acquitted 
king James of the assassination. Such slight colours 
will serve, when people are engaged beforehand to 
believe as their affections lead them ^. 
Friend and Sir Johu Friend and sir William Perkins were 
tried and tried next. The first of these had risen from mean 
suflFered. beginnings to great credit and much wealth; he 
was employed by king James, and had all this while 
stuck firm to his interests : his purse was more con- 
sidered than his head, and was open on all occasions, 
as the party applied to him : while Parker was for- 
merly in the tower, upon information of an assassin- 
ation of the king designed by him, he furnished the 
money that con'upted his keepers, and helped him 
to make his escape out of the tower : he knew of 
the assassination, though he was not to be an actor 
in it: but he had a commission for raising a regi- 
ment for king James, and he had entertained and 
paid the officers who were to serve under him : he 
had also joined with those who had sent over Char- 
173 nock, in May 1695, with the message to king James, 
mentioned in the account of the former year : it ap- 
' pearing now, that they had then desired an invasion 
with 8000 foot, and 1000 horse, and had promised 
to join these with 2000 horse, upon their landing. 
In this, the earl of Ailesbury, the lord Montgomery, 
son to the marquis of Powis, and sir John Fenwick, 

'' (Read the commission it- actions, vol. i. p. 423, observes, 

' self above at p. 165, and a vin- that the authors who accuse 

dication of king James from any James, fall into inaccuracy by 

knowledge of or participation connecting the commands he 

in the horrible design to assas- gave to promote a general in- 

sinate William, in king James's surrection, with the intention 

Life, vol. ii. p. 544 — 557. So- of those who conspired to as- 

merville, in his Political Trans- sassinate William.) 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 305 

were also concerned: upon all this evidence, Friend 1696. 
was condemned, and the earl of Ailesbury was com- 
mitted prisoner to the tower. Perkins was a gentle- 
man of estate, who had gone violently into the pas- 
sions and interests of the court in king Charles's 
time : he was one of the six clerks in chancery, and 
took all oaths to the government, rather than lose 
his place : he did not only consent to the design of 
assassination, but undertook to bring five men who 
should assist in it ; and he had brought up horses 
for that service, from the country; but had not 
named the persons; so this lay yet in his own 
breast : he himself was not to have acted in it, for 
he likewise had a commission for a regiment; and 
therefore was to reserve himself for that service : 
he had also provided a stock of arms, which were 
hid under ground, and were now discovered : upon 
this evidence he was condemned. Great endeavours 
were used, both with Friend and him, to confess all 
they knew : Friend was more sullen, as he knew 
less ; for he was only applied to and trusted when 
they needed his money : Perkins fluctuated more ; 
he confessed the whole thing for which he was con- 
demned ; but would not name the five persons whom 
he was to have sent in to assist in the assassination ; 
he said, he had engaged them in it, so he could not 
think of saving his own life by destroying theirs : he 
confessed he had seen king James's commission ; the 
words differed a little from those which Porter had 
told ; but Porter did not swear that he saw it him- 
self; he only related what Charnock had told him 
concerning it; yet Perkins said, they were to the 
same effect : he believed, it was all writ with king 
James's own hand; he had seen his writing often, 

VOL. IV. X 



306 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
1696. and was confident it was writ by him : he owned, 



that he had raised and maintained a regiment ; but 
he thought he could not swear against his officers, 
since he himself had drawn them into the service ; 
and he affirmed that he knew nothing of the other 
regiments : he sent for the bishop of Ely, to whom 
he repeated all these particulars, as the bishop him- 
self told me ; he seemed much troubled with a sense 
of his former life, which had been very irregular: 
the house of commons sent some to examine him : 
but he gave them so little satisfaction, that they left 
1 74 him to the course of the law : his tenderness, in not 
accusing those whom he had drawn in, was so ge- 
nerous, that this alone served to create some regard 
for a man who had been long under a very bad cha- 
racter. In the beginning of April, Friend and he 
were executed together. 

A very unusual instance of the boldness of the 
Jacobites appeared upon that occasion; these two 
had not changed their religion, but still called them- 
selves protestants ; so three of the nonjuring clergy- 
men waited on them to Tyburn, two of them had 
been oft with Friend, and one of them with Per- 
They had a kins ; and all the three, at the place of execution, 
Sution joined to give them public absolution, with an im- 
given em. p^g^^j^jj q£ hauds, iu the view of all the people ^ ; a 
strain of impudence, that was as new as it was 
wicked; since these persons died, owning the ill 
designs they had been engaged in, and expressing 
no sort of repentance for them. So these clergy- 
men, in this solemn absolution, made an open decla- 
ration of their allowing and justifjdng these persons, 

•= See Kennett's History, 718, 719. O. 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 307 

in all they had been concerned in: two of these 1696. 
were taken, and censured for this in the king's 
bench, the third made his escape. 

Three other conspirators, Rookwood, Lowick, and other con- 
Cranbom, were tried next. By this time, the new Jf^^^^^d 
act for trials in such cases began to take place, so^^""'*'^* 
these held long ; for their council stuck upon every 
thing. But the evidence was now more copious: 
for three other witnesses came in ; the government 
being so gentle as to pardon even the conspirators 
who confessed their guilt, and were willing to be 
witnesses against others. The two first were pa- 
pists, they expressed their dislike of the design ; 
but insisted on this, that as military men they were 
bound to obey all military orders ; and they thought 
that the king, who knew the laws of war, ought to 
have a regard to this, and to forgive them. Cran- 
born called himself a protestant, but was more sul- 
len than the other two; to such a degree of fury 
and perverseness had the Jacobites wrought up their 
party. Knightly was tried next; he- confessed all, 
and upon that, though he was condemned, he had a 
reprieve, and was afterwards pardoned. These were 
all the trials and executions that even this black 
conspiracy drew from the government; for the 
king's inclinations were so merciful, that he seemed 
uneasy even under these acts of necessary justice. 

Cook was brought next upon his trial, on account cook tried 
of the intended invasion ; for he was not charged vasion. 
with the assassination ; his trial was considered as 
introductory to the earl of Ailesbury's ; for the evi- 
dence was the same as to both. Porter and Good- 175 
man were two witnesses against him ; they had 
been with him at a meeting, in a tavern in Leaden- 

X 2 



SOS THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1696. hall street, where Charnock received instructions to 
' go to France, with the message formerly mentioned ; 

aU that was brought against this was, that the mas- 
ter of the tavern and two of his servants swore, that 
they remembered well when that company was at 
the tavern, for they were often coming into the 
room where they sat, both at dinner time and after 
it; and that they saw not Goodman there, nay, 
they were positive that he was not there. On the 
other hand. Porter deposed, that Goodman was not 
with them at dinner ; but that he came to that 
house after dinner, and sent him in a note ; upon 
which he, with the consent of the company, went 
out and brought him in : and then it was certain, 
that the servants of the house were not in that con- 
stant attendance ; nor could they be believed in a 
negative, against positive evidence to the contrary. 
Their credit was not such, but that it might be well 
supposed, that, for the interest of their house, they 
might be induced to make stretches : the evidence 
was believed, and Cook was found guilty, and con- 
demned; he obtained many short reprieves, upon 
assurances that he would tell all he knew : but it 
was visible he did not deal sincerely : his punish- 
ment ended in a banishment. Sir John Fenwick 
was taken not long after, going over to France, and 
was ordered to prepare for his trial: upon which 
he seemed willing to discover all he knew : and in 
this, he went oflf and on, for he had no mind to die, 
and hoped to save himself by some practice or other: 
several days were set for his trial, and he procured 
new delays, by making some new discoveries : at 
last, when he saw that slight and general ones would 
not serve his turn, he sent for the duke of Devon- 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 309 

shire, and wrote a paper as a discovery, which he 1696. 
gave him to be sent to the king ; and that duke af- 
firming to the lords justices, that it was not fit that 
paper should be seen by any, before the king saw it, 
the matter was suffered to rest for this time. 

The summer went over, both in Flanders and on The cum. 
the Rhine, without any action : all the funds given jond sea 
for this year's service proved defective, but that of Jed on!*'' 
the land bank failed totally : and the credit of the 
bank of England was much shaken. About five 
millions of clipped money was brought into the ex- 
chequer ; and the loss that the nation suffered, by 
the recoining of the money, amounted to two mil- 
lions and two hundred thousand pounds. The coin- 
age was carried on with aU possible haste; about 
eighty thousand pounds was coined every week : 
yet still this was slow, and the new money was ge- 
nerally kept up ; so that, for several months, little 1 76 
of it appeared. This stop in the free circulation of 
money put the nation into great disorder : those 
who, according to the act of parliament, were to 
have the first payments in milled money, for the 
loans they had made, kept their specie up, and 
would not let it go but at an unreasonable advan- 
tage. The king had no money to pay his army, so 
they were in great distress, which they bore with 
wonderful patience : by this means, the king could 
undertake nothing, and was forced to lie on the de- 
fensive : nor were the French strong enough to 
make an impression in any place ; the king had a 
mighty army, and was much superior to the enemy; 
yet he could do nothing ; and it passed for a happy 
campaign, because the French were not able to take 
any advantage from those ill accidents that our 

X 3 



310 



THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



1696. 



want of specie brought us under; which indeed 
were such, that nothing but the sense all had of the 
late conspiracy kept us quiet and free from tumults. 
It now appeared, what a strange error the king was 
led into, when he accepted of so great a sum, to be 
raised by a land bank : it was scarce honourable, 
and not very safe at any time ; but it might have 
proved fatal at a time in which money was like to 
be much wanted, which want would have been less 
felt, if paper credit had been kept up : but one bank 
working against another, and the goldsmiths against 
both, put us to great straits: yet the bank sup- 
plied the king in this extremity, and thereby con- 
vinced him, that they were his friends in affection 
as well as interest ^. 



^ They had deputies in Flan- 
ders and Holland, for manag- 
ing the remittances of money 
to pay the army. I have seen 
some of their letters in the bank, 
in one of which it is said, Mr. 
Lowndes's book (see antea, 
i6i.) had frightened and asto- 
nished all persons on that side 
the water, that the exchange 
there fell upon it, that one of 
the deputies was forced to go 
to the Hague to possess the 
people in Holland that this 
scheme was the notion only of 
one man, and would not take 
effect; and that without the 
coin was made good, we should 
be in a miserable condition, 
and that it would be impossi- 
ble to carry on the war. The 
letter is dated Antwerp, 19th 
of December, 1695, The then 
deputies were sir Henry Funess 
and sir Theodore Janssen. In 
these letters, mention is made 



of Mr. Hill with good respect 
for his assistance to the depu- 
ties in their service of the ar- 
my. He was then abroad, a 
deputy paymaster of the troops 
then, and was afterwards, I 
think, one of our ministers at 
the treaty of Ryswick. He 
was very able in business, and 
much esteemed by king Wil- 
liam, whom he almost adored, 
and often reflected with some 
severity on his own party, (he 
was a tory,) for their false no- 
tions of foreign affairs, with re- 
gard to England, and for their 
not better supporting the king 
in the war. 1 have read many 
of his letters, and they prove 
him to have been a very consi- 
derable person, and made for 
higher stations than he arrived 
to. He was some time in the 
admiralty, and every where in 
general estimation with people 
of all denominations for his 



OF KING WILLIAM IIL 



311 



The secret practices in Italy were now ready to 1696. 
break out ; the pope and the Venetians had a mind ^ p^^ ;„ 
to send the Germans out of Italy, and to take the i''«<*"«n*' 
duke of Savoy out of the necessity of depending on 
those they called heretics. The management in the 



abilities and his virtue. He 
had an academical education, 
was a scholar, and had taken 
deacon's orders, which he laid 
aside while employed in civil 
affairs. But upon his withdraw- 
ing from them, he resumed his 
clerical character, took priest's 
orders, and became a fellow of 
Eton college. He lived, the 
latter part of his life, in no high 
fashion at Richmond in Surrey ; 
where however he was much 
resorted to by the most emi- 
nent persons of that time. The 
royal family shewed him very 
particular regards, and he was 
strongly pressed to accept of a 
bishopric ; but it being one of 
the smallest, and he desirous to 
have had that of Ely, which he 
could not have, he declined the 
other: some who wished him 
very well, thought, as he was 
unmarried, and had no chil- 
dren, he should rather have cho- 
sen a small bishopric, to have 
enriched and adorned it out of 
his great fortune, for an esta- 
blishment of his fame, and for 
some retribution of gratitude to 
the public. But his thoughts 
lay entirely towards raising his 
family, to which, in three 
branches of it, he left the whole 
of his estate. It was verj' large, 
and sufficient to satisfy every 
public and private claim upon 
his generosity. It was all ac- 
jjuircd by himself, from hb em- 



ployments and his own im- 
provements of it, and without 
any reproach as to the manner 
of it, that I ever heard of. He 
was however too rich, or died 
at least too much so. He con- 
tinued a tory to the last, but of 
that sort who were earnest for 
the succession in the house of 
Hanover, when that was a very 
small party. See postea, 488. O. 
(Ralph, in his Hist, of England, 
vol. ii. pp. 667, 668, obsen'es, 
that although the inefficiency of 
the campaign is ascribed, by 
Burnet, to the land bank, at the 
expense of his being guilty of 
great inconsistency in the above 
statement, yet the same was in 
reality not so much owing to 
the want of specie, or the fail- 
ure of any particular fund, a.s 
to the precaution used on both 
sides not to expose themselves 
unnecessarily, when a peace was 
expected, as also to the nego- 
tiation then pending between 
the courts of France and Savoy. 
But after all, with Ralph's good 
leave, the truth perhaps was, 
that the peace itself, which 
might have been concluded be- 
fore on nearly as good terms, 
through the mediation of the 
northern courts, was owing to 
the exhausted finances of tlie 
belligerent powers ; and if so, 
their inactinty also might ori- 
ginate, at least in part, from 
the same cause.) 

x4 



S12 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1696. business of Casal looked so dark, that the lord Gal- 
way, who was the king's general and envoy there, 
did apprehend there was somewhat mysterious un- 
der it. One step more remained, to settle the peace 
there ; for the duke of Savoy would not own that 
he was in any negotiation, till he should have re- 
ceived the advances of money that were promised 
him from England and Holland; for he was much 
set on the heaping of treasure, even during the 
war; to which end he had debased his coin so, 
that it was not above a sixth part in intrinsic value 
of what it passed for. He was always beset with 
his priests, who were perpetually complaining of the 
progress that heresy was like to make in his do- 
minions ; he had indeed granted a very full edict in 
177 favour of the Vaudois, restoring their former liber- 
ties and privileges to them, which the lord Galway 
took care to have put in the most emphatical 
words, and passed with all the formalities of law, to 
make it as effectual as laws and promises can be : 
yet every step that was made in that affair went 
against the grain, and was extorted from him by 
the intercession of the king and the States, and by 
the lord Galway's zeal. 

In conclusion, the French were grown so weary 
of that war, and found the charge of it so heavy, 
that they offered, not only to restore all that had 
been taken, but to demolish Pignerol, and to pay the 
duke some millions of crowns ; and to complete the 
whole, that the duke of Burgundy should marry his 
daughter : to this he consented ; but to cover this 
defection from his allies, it was further agreed, that 
Catinat should draw his army together, before the 
duke could bring his to make head against him; and 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 313 

that he should be ordered to attempt the bombard- i6g6. 
ment of Turin, that so the duke might seem to be 
forced, by the extremity of his affairs, to take such 
conditions as were offered him. He had a mind to 
have cast the blame on his allies ; but they had as- 
sisted liim more effectually at this time than on 
other occasions : a truce was first made, and that, 
after a few months, was turned into an entire peace; 
one article whereof was, that the Milaneze should 
have a neutrality granted them, in case the German 
forces were sent out of Italy ; all the Italian princes 
and states concurred in this, to get rid of the Ger- 
mans as soon as was possible ; so the duke of Savoy 
promised to join with the French to drive them out. 
Valence was the first place that the duke of Savoy 
attacked; there was a good gan*ison in it, and it 
was better provided than the places of the Spaniards 
generally were : it was not much pressed, and the 
siege held some weeks, many dying in it. At last, 
the courts of Vienna and Madrid accepted of the 
neutrality, and engaged to draw the Germans out of 
these parts, upon an advance of money, which the 
princes of Italy were glad to pay, to be delivered 
from such troublesome guests. 

Thus ended the war in Piedmont, after it had 
lasted sik years : Pignerol was demolished ; but the 
French, by the treaty, might build another fort at 
Fenestrella, which is in the middle of the hiUs : and 
so it will not be so important as Pignerol was, 
though it may prove an uneasy neighbour to the 
duke of Savoy. His daughter was received in France 
as duchess of Burgundy, though not yet of the age 
of consent : for she was but ten years old. 

Nothing of consequence passed in Catalonia; the 178 



31* THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
1696. French went no further than Gironne, and the Spa- 



niards gave them no disturbance*, both the king and 
queen of Spain were at this time so ill, that, as is 
usual upon such occasions, it was suspected they 
were both poisoned : the king of Spain relapsed of- 
ten, and at last remained in that low state of health, 
in which he seemed to be always rather dying than 
living. The court of France were glad of his reco- 
very; for they were not then in a condition to un- 
dertake such a war, as the dauphin's pretensions 
must have engaged them in. 
Affairs ia In Hungary, the Turks advanced again towards 
Hungary. Transilvania, where the duke of Saxony commanded 
the imperial army : the Turks did attack them, and 
they defended themselves so well, that, though they 
were beat, yet it cost the Turks so dear, that the 
grand signior could undertake nothing afterwards. 
The imperialists lost about 5000 men ; but the 
Turks lost above twice that number ; and the grand 
signior went back with an empty triumph, as he 
did the former year : but another action happened, 
in a very remote place, which may come to be of 
a very great consequence to him. The Muscovites, 
after they had been for some years under the di- 
vided monarchy of two brothers, or rather of a sis- 
ter, who governed all in their name, by the death of 
one of these, came now under one czar : he entered 
into an alliance with the emperor against the Turks ; 
and Azuph, which was reckoned a strong place, that 
commanded the mouth of the Tanais or Donn, 
where it falls into the Meotis-palus, after a long 
siege, was taken by his army. This opened the 
Euxine sea to him ; so that, if he be furnished with 
men, skilled in the building and in the sailing of 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 315 

ships, this may have consequences that may very 1696. 
much distress Constantinople, and be in the end fatal 
to that empire. The king of Denmark's health was 
now on a decline ; upon which the duke of Holstein 
was taking advantage, and new disputes were like to 
arise there. 

Our affairs at sea went well with relation to Affairs at 
trade : all our merchant fleets came happily home ; 
we made no considerable losses; on the contrary, 
we took many of the French privateers ; they now 
gained little in that way of war, which in some of 
the former years had been very advantageous to 
them. Upon the breaking out of the conspiracy, 
orders were sent to Cadiz for bringing home our 
fleet; the Spaniards murmured at this, though it 
was reasonable for us to take care of our selves in 
the first place. Upon that, the French fleet was also 
ordered to come about ; they met with rough wea- 
ther, and were long in the passage: so that if we 179 
had sent a squadron before Brest, we had probably 
made some considerable advantage; but the fleet 
was so divided, that faction appeared in every order 
and in every motion ; nor did the king study enough 
to remedy this, but rather kept it up, and seemed 
to think that was the way to please both parties ^ ; 
but he found afterwards, that by all his manage- 
ment with the tories, he disgusted those who were 
affectionate and zealous for him ; and that the tories 
had too deep an alienation from liim to be overcome 
with good usage : their submissions however to him 
gained their end, which was to provoke the whigs 
to be peevish and uneasy. Our fleet sailed towards 
the isle of Rhee, with some bomb vessels: some 
* See antea, p. 160. O. 



316 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1696. smaU islands were burnt and plundered, as St. Mar- 
" tin's was bombarded : the loss the French made was 
not considerable in itself, but it put their affairs in 
great distraction : and the charge they were at in 
defending their coast was much greater than ours 
in attacking it. This was the state of affairs in 
England and abroad, during this summer. 

Affairs in Scotland was falling under gi'eat misery by reason 
*° * of two successive bad harvests, which exhausted 
that nation, and drove away many of their people ; 
the greatest number went over to Ireland : a parlia- 
ment was held at Edinburgh, and, in a very thin 
house, every thing that was asked was granted: they 
were in a miserable condition, for two such bad years 
lay extremely heavy on them. 

A treaty of This summcr, the French were making steps to- 

peace set on 

foot by the wards a peace ; the court was very uneasy under so 
'^"'^ ■ long and so destructive a war; the country was ex- 
hausted ; they had neither men nor money : their 
trade was sunk to nothing, and public credit was 
lost : the creation of new offices, which always was 
considered as a resource never to be exhausted, did 
not work as formerly ; few buyers or undertakers 
appeared : that king's health was thought declining ; 
he affected secrecy and retirement, so that both the 
temper of his mind and the state of his affairs dis- 
posed him to desire a peace. One Callieres was sent 
to make propositions to the States, as D'Avaux was 
pressing the king of Sweden to offer his mediation : 
the States would hearken to no proposition, till two 
preliminaries were agreed to; the first was, that 
all things should be brought back to the state in 
which they were put by the treaties of Munster and 
Nimeguen. This imjiorted, not only the restoring 



OF KING WILLIAM IIL 317 

Mons and Charleroy, but likewise Strasburg and 1696. 
Luxembourg, and that in the state which they were 
in at present ; the other preliminary was, that France 180 
should own the king, whensoever the peace should 
be concluded. The emperor, who designed to keep 
off any negotiation as much as possible, moved that 
this should be done before the treaty was opened : 
but the king thought the other was sufficient, and 
would not suffer the peace to be obstructed by a 
thing that might seem personal to himself. To all 
this the court of France, after some delays, con- 
sented ; but that spirit of chicane and injustice, that 
had reigned so long in that court, did still appear in 
every step that was made : for they made use of 
equivocal terms in every paper that was offered in 
their name : the States had felt the effects of these 
in former treaties too sensibly not to be now on their 
guard against them : the French still returned to 
them, and when some points seemed to be quite 
settled, new difficulties were still thrown in. It was 
proposed by the French, that the popish religion 
must continue still at Strasburg, that the king of 
France could not in conscience yield that point : it 
was also pretended, that Luxembourg was to be re- 
stored in the same state in which it was when the 
French took it: these variations did almost break 
off the negotiation ; but the French would not let it 
fall, and yielded them up again : so it was visible all 
this was only an amusement, and an artifice, by this 
shew of peace, to get the parliament of England to 
declare for it : since as a trading nation must grow 
weary of war, so the party they had among us would 
join in with the inclination that was now become gene- 
ral to promote the peace : for though our affairs were 



S18 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1696. in all respects, except that of the coin, in so good a 
condition, that we felt our selves grow richer by the 
war, yet during each campaign we ran a greater risk 
than our enemies did : for all our preservation hung 
on the single thread of the king's life, and on that 
prospect the party that wrought against the govern- 
ment had great hopes, and acted with much spirit 
during the war, which we had reason to think must 
sink with a peace. 
A session of Thc parliament met in November ; and at the 

parliament . . t t • • 1 • -i t 

in England, opcumg 01 the scssion, the king, m his speech to the 
two houses, acquainted them with the overtures that 
were made towards a peace : but added, that the 
best way to obtain a good one was to be in a posture 
for carrying on the war ^. The great difficulty was 
to find a way to restore credit : there was a great 
arrear due ; all funds had proved deficient ; and the 
total failing of the land bank had brought a great 
confusion on aU payments ; the arrears were put 
upon the funds of the revenue, which had been 
181 granted for a term of but five years, and that was 
now ending ; so a new continuance of those revenues 
was granted ; and they were put under the manage- 
ment of the bank of England, which, upon that se- 
curity, undertook the payment of them all. It was 
long before all this was fully settled : the bank was 
not willing to engage in it; yet at last it was agreed: 

^ During all this and the next to let him resign the seals of 

year, the duke of Shrewsbury his office, but he could not pre- 

lived retired in the country, and vail till the year 1699, when 

could not "be brought to town the earl of Jersey was appoint- 

upon any persuasions of his ed to succeed him. The whigs 

friends,pretending ill health, and wanted to bring in the lord 

spitting of blood. He was al- Wharton, but the king could 

ways pressing the king, who had not endure him. H. 
a great personal regard for him, 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 319 

and the bank quickly recovered its credit so entirely, 1690. 
that there was no discount upon the notes. The ar- 
rear amounted to ten millions : and five millions 
more were to be raised for the charge of the follow- 
ing year. So that one session was to secure fifteen 
millions, a sum never before thought possible to be 
provided for in any one session. There was not 
specie enough for giving that quick circulation 
which is necessary for trade ; so to remedy that, the 
treasury was empowered to give out notes, to the 
value of almost three millions, which were to circu- 
late as a species of money, and to be received in 
taxes, and were to sink gradually, as the money 
should arise out of the fund that was created to an- 
swer them ; by these methods all the demands, both 
for arrears and for the following year, were an- 
swered. The commons sent a bill to the lords, li- 
miting elections to future parliaments, that none 
should be chosen but those who had such a propor- 
tion of estate or money ; the lords rejected it : they 
thought it reasonable to leave the nation to their 
freedom, in choosing their representatives in parlia- 
ment : it seemed both unjust and cruel, that if a 
poor man had so fair a reputation as to be chosen, 
notwithstanding his poverty, by those who were 
willing to pay him wages, that he should be branded 
with an incapacity because of his small estate. Cor- 
ruption in elections was to be apprehended from the 
rich rather than from the poor. Another bill was 
sent up by the commons, but rejected by the lords, 
prohibiting the importation of all East India silks 
and Bengales : this was proposed, to encourage the 
silk manufacture at home; and petitions were brought 



THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
1696. for it by great multitudes, in a very tumultuary way; 



but the lords had no regard to that. 

Fenwick's The great business of this session, that held long- 
business. , , , , 

est m both houses, was a bill relating to sir John 

Fenwick : the thing was of so particular a nature, 
that it deserves to be related in a special manner ; 
and the great share that I bore in the debate, when 
it was in the house of lords, makes it more necessary 
for me copiously to enlarge upon it : for it may at 
first view seem very liable to exception, that a man 
of my profession should enter so far into a debate of 
that nature ^. Fenwick, when he was first taken, 
182 writ a letter to his lady, setting forth his misfortune, 
and giving himself for dead, unless powerful applica- 
tions could be made for him, or that some of the 
jury could be hired to starve out the rest ; and to 
that he added, this or nothing can save my life: 
this letter was taken from the person to whom he 
had given it : at his first examination, before th'e 
lords justices, he denied every thing, till he was 
shewed this letter; and then he was confounded. 
In his private treaty with the duke of Devonshire, 
he desired an assurance of life, upon his promise to 
tell all he knew ; but the king refused that, and 
would have it left to himself, to judge of the truth 
and the importance of the discoveries he should 
make. So he, resolving to cast himself on the king's 

s The bishops of Winchester shew so much indecent zeal, in 
and Durham were both very a matter so little becoming his 
old, and the king had a personal profession. To my own know- 
peek to sir John, that appeared ledge, rewards and punishments 
throughout the whole transac- were very liberally promised and 
tion ; which, it was generally threatened upon that occasion, 
thought, induced the bishop to D. (See below at pp. 190. 219.) 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 321 

mercy, sent him a paper, in which, after a bare ac- 1696. 
count of the consultations among the Jacobites, (in 
which he took care to charge none of his own party,) 
he said, that king James, and those who were em- 
ployed by him, had assured them, that both the earls 
of Shrewsbury and Marlborough, the lord Godolphin, 
and admiral Russel, were reconciled to him, and 
were now in his interests, and acting for him. This 
was a discovery that could signify nothing, but to 
give the king a jealousy of those persons; for he 
did not offer the least shadow or circumstance, ei- 
ther of proof or of presumption, to support this ac- 
cusation. The king, not being satisfied herewith, 
sent an order for bringing him to a trial, unless he 
made fuller discoveries : he desired to Ije further ex- 
amined by the lords justices, to whom he, being 
upon oath, told some more particulars ; but he took 
care to name none of his own side, but those against 
whom evidence was already brought, or who were 
safe and beyond sea; some few others he named, 
who were in matters of less consequence, that did 
not amount to high treason ; he owned a thread of 
negotiations, that had passed between them and 
king James, or the court of France; he said, the 
earl of Ailesbury had gone over to France, and had 
b^en admitted to a private audience of the French 
king, where he had proposed the sending over an 
army of 30,000 men, and had undertaken that a 
gi'eat body of gentlemen and horses should be brought 
to join them '' : it apf)eared by his discoveries, that 

'' There is too much reason the duke of Newcastle, that his 

to think, from late discoveries, father, the first lord Pelliam, 

that the greatest part of sir J. then a lord of the trejusury, and a 

Fenwick's informations were stauncli whig, voted against the 

true. My father was told by bill, because he thought it hard 

VOL. IV. Y 



322 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1696. the Jacobites in England were much divided : some 
were called compounders, and others noncompound- 
ers. The first sort desired securities from king 
James, for the preservation of the religion and liber- 
ties of England ; whereas the second sort were for 
trusting him upon discretion, without asking any 
terms, putting aU in his power, and relying entirely 
on his honour and generosity. These seemed indeed 
to act more suitably to the great principle upon 
183 which they all insisted, that kings have their power 
from God, and are accountable only to him for the 
exercise of it. Dr. Lloyd, the deprived bishop of 
Norwich, was the only eminent clergyman that went 
into this : and therefore, all that party had, upon 
Bancroft's death, recommended him to king James, 
to have his nomination for Canterbury '. 
Manyde- Fcnwick put aU this in writing, upon assurance 
that he should not be forced to witness any part of 
it. When that was sent to the king, aU appearing 
to be so trifling, and no other proof being offered 
for any part of it, except his own word, which he 
had stipulated should not be made use of, his ma- 
jesty sent an order to bring him to his trial. But 
as the king was slow in sending this order, so the 
duke of Devonshire, who had been in the secret ma- 
nagement of the matter, was for some time in tjie 
country: the lords justices delayed the matter till 



to put a man to death, who on who knew he could tell tales, 

compulsion, i. e. to save his life. The consequence was, that he 

had told disagreeable truths ; was afraid to affirm his own 

and the management of party tale, and lost his life. H. 
was such, that sir J. Fenwick ' Dean Prideaux speaks very 

was prevented from speaking highly of the worthiness of this 

out, lest he should exasperate bishop. See the life of the 

the great men on both sides, dean. O. 



OF KING WILLIAM IIL 323 

he came to town : and then the king's coming was 1696. 
so near, that it was respited till he came over. By 
these delays, Fenwick gained his main design in 
them, which was to practise upon the witnesses ^. 

His lady began with Porter ; he was offered, that Practices 
if he would go beyond sea, he should have a good nesses. 
sum in hand, and an annuity secured to him for his -i'' 
life : he hearkened so far to the proposition, that he 
drew those who were in treaty with him, together 
with the lady herself, who carried the sum that he 
was to receive, to a meeting, where he had provided 
witnesses, who should overhear all that passed, and 
should, upon a signal, come in, and seize them with 
the money; which was done, and a prosecution upon 
it was ordered. The practice was fully proved, and 
the persons concerned in it were censured, and pu- 
nished : so Porter was no more to be dealt with. 
Goodman was the other witness : first they gathered 
matter to defame him, in which his wicked course 
of life furnished them very copiously; but they 
trusted not to this method, and betook themselves 
to another, in which they prevailed more effectually; 
they persuaded him to go out of England : and by 
this means, when the last orders were given for 
Fenwick's trial, there were not two witnesses against 
him ; so by the course of law, he must have been ac- 
quitted: the whole was upon this kept entire for 

^ The king before the session The papers were transmitted to 
had sir J. Ftnwick brought to the king in Flanders, through 
the cabinet council, where he the duke of Devonshire, lord 
was present himself. But sir steward, and that noble person 
John would not explain his voted against the attainder, 
paper ; the original of it was The papers are printed in the 
amongst lord Somers's manu- Journals of the lords and corn- 
scripts, which were burnt in the nions. H. 
(ire in Lincoln's Inn, 1752. 

Y 2 



THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

, 1696. the session of parliament. The king sent to the 
house of commons the two papers that Fen wick had 
sent him ^ ; Fenwick was brought before the house : 
but he refused to give any farther account of the 
matter contained in them ; so they rejected them as 
false and scandalous, made only to create jealousies : 
184 and they ordered a bill of attainder to be brought 
against Fenwick ; which met with great opposition 
in both houses, in every step that was made "\ The 
debates were the hottest, and held the longest, of 
any that ever I knew. The lords took a very ex- 
traordinary method to force aU their absent mem- 
bers to come up ; they sent messengers for them to 
bring them up, which seemed to be a great breach 
on their dignity; for the privilege of making a proxy 
was an undoubted right belonging to their peerage ; 
but those who intended to throw out the bill re- 

A bill of solved to have a full house. The bill set forth the 

attainder 

ajfainst artificcs Fcuwick had used to gain delays ; and the 

Fenwick. 

' Sir John bad little reason end of government would have 

to depend upon his majesty's been answered with much less 

mercy. He had served in Hoi- clamour. It is probable that 

land in king James's reign ; the resentment of the whigs 

where the prince of Orange re- against sir J. Fenwick, for le- 

flected very severely upon his veiling his discoveries almost 

courage, which occasioned his entirely against their party, was 

making some returns that pro- the true cause of this extraor- 

voked the prince to say, that if dinary proceeding by bill of at- 

he had been a private person, tainder. Some of these he 

he must have cut sir John's named (as lord Marlborough 

throat. D. (See also the Life of and lord Shrewsbury) had been 

K. James II. vol. ii, p. 557.) tampering with king James 

■" This affair was well con- during this reign. He named 

ducted in parliament on the also admiral Russel and lord 

part of the whigs, but neither Godolphin ; of the latter there 

the man nor the occasion de- was no doubt, and of Russel's 

served soextraordinaryastretch; treachery too strong proofs 

and had he been imprisoned for have since appeared. H. 
life, or banished, every rational 



OF KING WILLIAM IIL 325 

practice upon Porter, and Goodman's escape; the 1696. 
last having sworn treason against him at Cook's 
trial, and likewise to the grand jury, who had found 
the bill against him upon that evidence. So now 
Porter appearing, and giving his evidence against 
him, and the evidence that Goodman had given being 
proved, it was inferred, that he was guilty of high 
treason, and that therefore he ought to be attainted. 

The substance of the arguments brought against Reasons 
this way of proceeding was, that the law was all*^*'"* 
men's security, as well as it ought to be their rule : 
if this was once broke through, no man was safe : 
men would be presumed guilty without legal proofs, 
and be run down, and destroyed by a torrent : two 
witnesses seemed necessary, by an indisputable law 
of justice, to prove a man guilty : the law of God 
given to Moses, as well as the law of England, made 
this necessary : and, besides all former ones, the law 
lately made for trials in cases of treason was such a 
sacred one, that it was to be hoped, that even a par- 
liament would not make a breach upon it. A written 
deposition was no evidence, because the person ac- 
cused could not have the benefit of cross interrogat- 
ing the witness, by which much false swearing was 
often detected : nor could the evidence given in one 
trial be brought against a man who was not a party 
in that trial: the evidence that was offered to a 
grand jury was to be examined all over again at the 
trial; till that was done, it was not evidence. It 
did not appear, that Fenwick himself was concerned 
in the practice upon Porter; what his lady did, 
could not be charged on him : no evidence was 
brought that Goodman was practised on ; so his 
withdrawing himself could not be charged on Fen- 

Y 3 



«26 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1696. wick. Some very black things were proved against 
Goodman, which would be strong to set aside his 
testimony, though he were present ; and that proof, 
which had been brought in Cook's trial, against Por- 
ter's evidence, was again made use of, to prove, that 
as he was the single witness, so he was a doubtful 
185 and suspected one : nor was it proper, that a bill of 
this nature should begin in the house of commons, 
which could not take examinations upon oath. This 
was the substance of the arguments that were urged 
against the biU ". 

i697« On the other hand, it was said, in behalf of the 
thTbiiK bill, that the nature of government required, that 
the legislature should be recurred to in extraordi- 
nary cases, for which effectual provision could not 
be made by fixed and standing laws : our common 
law grew up out of the proceedings of the courts of 
law : afterwards, this in cases of treason was thought 
too loose, so the law in this point was limited, first 
by the famous statute in king Edward the third's 
time, and then by the statute in king Edward the 
sixth's time ; the two witnesses were to be brought 
face to face with the person accused : and that the 
law, lately made, had brought the method of trials 

° The bishop most ingeni- reputation, and actually in cus- 

ously has left out the chief ar- tody, was a subject proper for 

gument on one side, and stuffed the legislature to exert its ut- 

up the other with a vast deal of most authority upon, which 

matter that is nothing to the ought never to be exercised but 

purpose ; there was nobody de- when there is eminent danger 

nied but a bill of attainder to the public ; which could not 

might be justifiable in some be pretended in this case. But 

cases, but the dispute was, whe- the protest signed by two and 

ther sir John Fenwick, a man fifty lords had sufficiently an- 

of no fortune, (besides an an- swered the bishop's elaborate 

nuity,) with a very indiiferent harangue. D. (See it at p. 193.) 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 327 

to a yet further certainty ; yet in that, as well as in 1697. 
the statute of Edward III. parliamentary proceed- 
ings were still excepted " ; and indeed, though no 
such provision had been expressly made in the acts 
themselves, the nature of government puts always 
an exception in favour of the legislative authority. 
The legislature was indeed bound to observe justice 
and equity, as much, if not more, than the inferior 
courts ; because the supreme court ought to set an 
example to all others : but they might see cause to 
pass over forms, as occasion should require ; this 
was the more reasonable among us, because there 
was no nation in the world besides England, that 
had not recourse to torture, when the evidence was 
probable, but defective : that was a mighty restraint, 
and struck a terror into all people ; and the freest 
governments, both ancient and modem, thought 
they could not subsist without it. At present, the 
Venetians have their civil inquisitors, and the 
Grisons have their high courts of justice, which act 
without the forms of law, by the absolute trust that 
is reposed in them, such as the Romans reposed in 
dictators, in the time of their liberty. England had 
neither torture, nor any unlimited magistrate in its 
constitution ; and therefore, upon great emergen- 
cies, recourse must be had to the supreme legisla- 
ture. Forms are necessary in subordinate courts; 
but there is no reason to tie up the supreme one by 
them : this method of attainder had been practised 
among us at aU times ; it is true, what was done in 
this way at one time was often reversed at another ; 
but that was the effect of the violence of the times ; 

*> See my printed copy of the trials of the earl of Kihuar- 
nock, &c. O. 

Y 4 



328 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

J 697. and was occasioned often, by the injustice of those 
attainders : the judgments of the inferior courts 
186 were upon the like account often reversed; but 
when parliament^y attainders went upon good 
grounds, though without observing the forms of law, 
they were never blamed, not to say condemned. 
When poisoning was first practised in England, and 
put in a pot of porridge in the bishop of Rochester's 
house, this, which was only felony, was by a special 
law made to be high treason : and a new punish- 
ment was appointed by act of parliament : the poi- 
soner was boiled alive. When the nun of Kent pre- 
tended to visions, to oppose king Henry the eighth's 
divorce, and his second marriage ; and said, if he 
married again, he should not live long after it, but 
should die a villain's death ; this was judged in par- 
liament to be high treason ; and she and her accom- 
plices suffered accordingly. After that, there passed 
many attainders in that reign, only upon deposi- 
tions, that wei'e read in both houses of parliament : 
it is true, these were much blamed, and there was 
great cause for it ; there were too many of them ; 
for this extreme way of proceeding is to be put in 
practice but seldom, and upon great occasions ;' 
whereas, many of these went upon slight grounds, 
such as the uttering some passionate and indecent 
words, or the using some embroidery in garments 
and coats of arms, with an ill intent. But that, 
which was indeed execrable, was, that persons in 
prison were attainted, without being heard in their 
own defence ; this was so contrary to natural justice, 
that it could not be enough condemned. In king 
Edward the sixth's time, the Lord Seimour was at- 
tainted in the same manner, only with this diffe- 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 329 

rence, that the witnesses were brought to the bar, 1697. 
and there examined; whereas, formerly, they pro- 
ceeded upon some depositions that were read to 
them : at the duke of Somerset's trial, which was 
both for high treason and for felony, in which he 
was acquitted of the former, but found guilty of the 
latter, depositions were only read against him ; but 
the witnesses were not brought face to face, as he 
pressed they might be : upon which it was, that 
the following parliament enacted, that the accusers 
(that is the witnesses) should be examined face to 
face, if they were alive : in queen Elizabeth's time, 
the parliament went out of the method of law, in aU 
the steps of their proceedings against the queen of 
Scots; it is true, there were no parliamentary at- 
tainders in England, during that long and glorious 
reign, upon which those who opposed the bill in- 
sisted much ; yet that was only, because there then 
was no occasion here in England for any such bill : 
but in Ireland, where some things were notoriously 
true, which yet could not be legally proved, that 
government was forced to have, on many different 187 
occasions, recourse to this method. In king James 
the first's time, those who were conceraed in the 
gunpowder plot, and chose to be kiUed rather than 
taken, were by act of parliament attainted after 
their death ; which the courts of law could not do, 
since by our law a man's crimes die with himself; 
for this reason, because he cannot make his own de- 
fence, nor can his children do it for him. The fa- 
mous attainder of the earl of Strafford, in king 
Charles the first's time, has been much and justly 
censured ; not so much, because it passed by bill, as 
because of the injustice of it : he was accused, for 



THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1697- having said, upon the house of commons refusing to 
grant the subsidies the king had asked, That the 
king was absolved from all the rules of govern- 
ment, and might make use of force to subdue this 
kingdom. These words were proved only by one 
witness, all the rest of the council, who were present, 
deposing, that they remembered no such words, and 
were positive, that the debate ran only upon the 
war with Scotland ; so that though this kingdom, 
singly taken, must be meant of England, yet it 
might well be meant of that kingdom, which was 
the subject then of the debate ; since then the words 
were capable of that favourable sense, and that both 
he who spoke them and they who heard them 
affirmed that they were meant and understood in 
that sense J', it was a most pernicious precedent, first 
to take them in the most odious sense possible, and 
then to destroy him who said them, upon the tes- 
timony of one single exceptionable witness ; whereas, 
if, upon the commons refusing to grant the king's 
demand, he had plainly advised the king to subdue 
his people by force, it is hard to teU what the par- 
liament might not justly have done, or would not 
do again in the like case. In king Charles the se- 
cond's time, some of the most eminent of the re- 
gicides were attainted after they were dead; and 
in king James's time, the duke of Monmouth was 
attainted by bill : these last attainders had their 
' first beginning in the house of commons. Thus it 
appeared, that these last two hundred years, not to 



P In his speech at his death, had been ftlse. O. (The earl 

he does not deny the charge, in his s|)eech enters on no par- 

although it was very incumbent ticulars.) 
upon him to have done it, if it 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 331 

mention much anci enter precedents, the nation had 1697. 



upon extraordinary occasions proceeded in this par- 
liamentary way by bill. There were already many 
precedents of this method ; and whereas it was said, 
that an iU parliament might carry these too far ; it 
is certain, the nation, and every person in it, must 
be safe, when they are in their own hands, or in 
those of a representative chosen by themselves : as 
on the other hand, if that be ill chosen, there is no 
help for it ; the nation must perish, for it is by their 
own fault; they have already too many precedents for 188 
this way of proceeding, if they intend to make an ill 
use of them : but a precedent is only a ground or war- 
rant for the like proceeding upon the like occasion*!. 
Two rules were laid down for all bills of this na-"^''^ . 

grounds 

ture : first, that the matter be of a very extraordi- «pou wiiich 

_ •111 1 t such a bill 

nary nature : lesser crimes had better be passed was neces- 
over than punished by the legislature. Of all theJS.*" 
crimes that can be contrived against the nation, cer- 
tainly the most heinous one is, that of bringing in 
a foreign force to conquer us : this ruins I)oth us 
and our posterity for ever: distractions at home, 
how fatal soever, even though they should end ever 
so tragically, as ours once did in the murder of the 
king, and in a military usurpation, yet were capable 
of a crisis and a cure. In the year I66O, we came 
again to our wits, and all was set right again ; 
whereas there is no prospect, after a foreign con- 
quest, but of slavery and misery : and how black 

*i I never could understand, done, though it were never done 

why a precedent, unless in ce- before : if it be wrong, its hav- 

remonial matters, should ever ing been done a thousand times 

be thought a warrant for the can never justify its being done 

like proceedings. If the thing any more. D. 
in itself be right, it ought to be 



332 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1697. soever the assassinating the king must needs appear, 
yet a foreign conquest was worse, it was assassinat- 
ing the kingdom : and therefore the inviting and 
contriving that, must be the blackest of crimes. 
But, as the importance of the matter ought to be 
equal to such an unusual way of proceeding, so the 
certainty of the facts ought to be such, that if the 
defects in legal proof are to be supplied, yet this 
ought to be done upon such grounds, as make the 
fact charged appear so evidently true, that though 
a court of law could not proceed upon it, yet no 
man could raise in himself a doubt concerning it. 
Anciently, treason was judged, as felony still is, 
upon such presumptions as satisfied the jury : the 
law has now limited this to two witnesses brought 
face to face ; but the parliament may still take that 
liberty which is denied to inferior courts, of judging 
this matter as an ordinary jury does in a case of 
felony. In the present case, there was one witness, 
viva voce, upon whose testimony several persons 
had been condemned, and had suffered ; and these 
neither at their trial nor at their death disproved 
or denied any circumstance of his depositions. If 
he had been too much a libertine in the course of 
his life, that did not destroy his credit as a witness : 
in the first trial, this might have made him a doubt- 
ful witness ; but what had happened since, had de- 
stroyed the possibility even of suspecting his evi- 
dence ; a party had been in interest concerned to 
inquire into his whole life, and in the present case 
had fuU time for it ; and every circumstance of his 
deposition had been examined ; and yet nothing was 
discovered that could so much as create a doubt ; 
all was still untouched, sound and true. The only 



OF KING WILLIAM IIL 333 

circumstance in which the dying speeches of those 1697. 
who suffered on his evidence seemed to contra- -jgQ 
diet him, was concerning king James's commis- 
sion : yet none of them denied really what Porter 
had deposed, which was, that Chamock told him, 
that there was a commission come fi*om king James, 
for attacking the prince of Orange's guards : they 
only denied, that there was a commission for assas- 
sinating him. Sir John Friend and sir William 
Perkins were condemned, for the consultation now 
given in evidence against Fen wick : they died, not 
denying it ; on the contrary, they justified all they 
had done : it could not be supposed, that, if there 
had been a tittle in the evidence that was false, they 
should both have been so far wanting to themselves 
and to their friends, who were to be tried upon the 
same evidence, as not to have declared it in the so- 
lemnest manner : these things were more undeniably 
certain than the evidence of ten witnesses could 
possibly be. Witnesses might conspire to swear a 
falsehood ; but in this case, the circumstances took 
away the possibility of a doubt. And therefore, the 
parliament, without taking any notice of Goodman's 
evidence, might well judge Fenwick guilty, for no 
man could doubt of it in his own mind. 

The ancient Romans were very jealous of their 
liberty ; but how exact soever they might be in or- 
dinary cases, yet when any of their citizens seemed 
to have a design of making himself king, they either 
created a dictator to suppress or destroy him, or 
else the people proceeded against him in a sum- 
mary way. By the Portian law, no citizen could 
be put £0 death for any crime whatsoever ; yet such 
regard did the Romans pay to justice, even above 



384 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
1697. law, that, when the Campanian legion had perfidi- 



ously broke in upon Rhegium, and piQaged it, they 
put them all to death for it. In the famous case of 
Catiline's conspiracy, as the evidence was clear, and 
the danger extreme ; the accomplices in it were ex- 
ecuted, notwithstanding the Portian law : and this 
was done by the order of the senate, without either 
hearing them make their own defence, or admit- 
ting them to claim the right which the Valerian 
law gave them, of an appeal to the people. Yet that 
whole proceeding was chiefly directed by the two 
greatest assertors of public liberty that ever lived, 
Cato and Cicero; and Caesar, who opposed it on 
pretence of its being against the Portian law, was 
for that reason suspected of being in the conspiracy; 
it appeared afterwards, how little regard he had, 
either to law or liberty, though, upon this occasion, 
he made use of the one to protect those who were 
190 in a plot against the other. This expression was 
much resented by those who were against this bUl, 
as carrying a bitter reflection upon them, for oppos- 
ing it. 

The bill In conclusion, the bUl passed, by a small majority 

of only seven in the house of lords ^ ; the royal as- 

^ Several of the principal his life,) that preserved so ge- 

• ministers of state were against neral an esteem with all parties 

the bill, and some of the whig as he did. When he came back 

bishops. Trevor, the attorney to the whigs, he was made privy 

general, had divided against it seal, and afterwards president 

in the house of commons. But of the council, and had much 

he had been leaving his party joy in both. He liked being 

for some time before, as he told at court, and was much there 

me himself. He was the only after he had these offices, but 

man almost that I ever knew was very awkward in it, as you 

who changed his party as he may well imagine, by having 

had done, (for he returned to been the most reserved, grave, 

the whigs at the latter end of and austere judge I ever saw in 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 



335 



sent was soon given to it ; Fenwick then made all 
possible applications to the king for a reprieve ; and 
as a main ground for that, and as an article of me- 
rit, related how he had saved the king's life, two 
years before, as was already told in the beginning 
of the year 1695. But as this fact could not be 
proved, so it could confer no obligation on the king, 
since he had given him no warning of his danger ; 
and, according to his own story, had trusted the 
conspirators' words very easUy, when they promised 
to pursue their design no farther, which he had no 
reason to do^ So that this pretension was not 
much considered ; but he was pressed to make a full 
discovery ' ; and for some days he seemed to be in 



1697. 



Westminster Hall. He was a 
very able and upright judge ; 
but Holt affected to disparage 
his law. After I was speaker, 
and of the council, I had fre- 
quent conversations with him ; 
and he was then very commu- 
nicative. O. 

* (There is the following 
paragraph in sir John's speech 
on the scaffold : " I might have 
" expected mercy from that 
*' prince (prince of Orange,) 
" because I was instrumental 
" in saving his life ; for when 
" about April 95, an attempt 
*' formed against him came to 
" my knowledge, I did, partly 
•* by dissuasions, and partly by 
" delays, prevent ; which, I 
" suppose, was the reason that 
" the last villainous project was 
*• concealed from me.") 

' Vernon, afterwards secre- 
tary of state, says, in a letter to 
the duke of Shrewsbury, which 
I have seen, that the king was 
a great while very averse to the 



bringing of this matter before 
the parliament. This letter is in 
a large collection of letters from 
Mr. Vernon to that duke, now 
in the hands of the earl of Car- 
digan. (These letters have been 
printed.) O. He said he had 
discovered too much already, 
for having endeavoured to cre- 
ate jealousies between the king 
and some of his best subjects, 
was part of his charge in the 
preamble to the bill, and he 
did not know how far any thing 
he could say might be taken in 
that sense, therefore hoped their 
lordships would not press him 
to proceed in what had turned 
so much to his prejudice. But 
had that, which the bishop 
thinks scarce deserves to be 
mentioned, broke out before 
the bill passed, as it did imme- 
diately after, it would certainly 
have prevented its passing; it 
being visible to every body, 
that sir John had been intrigued 
and tricked out of his life. But 



S36 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1697. some suspense what course to take. He desired to 
" be secured, that nothing which he confessed should 

turn to his own prejudice ; the house of lords sent 
' an address to the king, entreating, that they might 
be at liberty to make him this promise ; and that 
was readily granted. He then farther desired, that, 
upon his making a full confession, he might be as- 
sured of a pardon, without being obliged to become 
a witness against any other person : to this the lords 
answered, that he had to do with men of honour, 
and that he must trust to their discretion ; that they 
would mediate for him with the king, in proportion 
as they should find his discoveries sincere and im- 
portant : his behaviour to the king hitherto had not 
been such as to induce the lords to trust to his can- 
dour, it was much more reasonable that he should 
trust to them. Upon this, all hopes of any disco- 
veries from him were laid aside. But a matter of 
another nature broke out, which, but for its singular 
circumstances, scarce deserves to be mentioned. 
Practices Thcrc was one Smith, a nephew of sir William 

against the 

duke of Perkins, who had for some time been in treaty at 
bury. the duke of Shrewsbury's office, jjretending that he 
could make great discoveries, and that he knew all 
the motions and designs of the Jacobites : he sent 
many dark and ambiguous letters to that duke's 
under secretary", which were more properly. to be 

the earl of Carlisle timed it so " passed at all, when one con- 
ill, that it could be of no ser- " siders who they were that 
vice to him. D. "voted against it, particularly 
" Vernon. O. (Vernon, " all the lords justices who had 
in a letter to the duke of " voices, except the archbishoj) 
Shrewsbury, says, " that the " of Canterbury, (Tenison,) 
" bill of attainder was carried " who spoke for the bill to ad- 
" only by a majority of seven, " miration." Coxe's Shrewsbury 
" and that one would wonder it Correspondence, III. 3. p. 45 2. 



OF KING WILLIAM IIL 837 

called amusements than discoveries; for he only 1697. 
gave hints and scraps of stories ; but he had got a 
promise not to be made a witness, and yet he never 
offered any other witness, nor told where any of 
those he informed against were lodged, or how they 
might be taken. He was always asking more mo- 
ney, and bragging what he could do if he were welll91 
supplied, and he seemed to think he never had 
enough. Indeed, before the conspiracy broke out, 
he had given such hints, that when it was disco- 
vered, it appeared, he must have known much more 
of it than he thought fit to tell ^. One letter he 
wrote, two days before it was intended to have been 
put in execution, shewed, he must have been let 
into the secret very far, (if this was not an artifice to 
lay the court more asleep,) for he said, that as things 
ripened and came near execution, he should certainly 
know them better : it was not improbable, that he 
himself was one of the five, whom Perkins under- 
took to furnish, for assisting in the assassination ; 
and that he hoped to have saved himself by this pre- 
tended discovery, in case the plot miscarried. The 
duke of Shrewsbury acquainted the king with his 
discoveries, but nothing could then be made either 
of them or of him. When the whole plot was un- 
ravelled, it then was manifest from his letters, that 
he must have known more of it than he would own : 
but he stiU claimed the promise before made him, 
that he should not be a witness. Upon the whole, 
therefore, he rather deserved a severe punishment, 
than any of those rewards which he pretended to. He 
was accordingly dismissed by the duke of Shrews- 

" It was so said : but Mr. Ver- he says in one of the letters be- 
non was of another opinion, as fore mentioned. Q. 

VOL. IV. Z 



338 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1697. bury, who thought that even this suspicious be- 
haviour of his did not release him from keeping the 
promises he had made him. Smith, thereupon, went 
to the earl of *** >, and possessed him with bad im- 
pressions of the duke of Shrewsbury, and found him 
much inclined to entertain them : he told him, that 
he had made great discoveries, of which that duke 
would take no notice ; and because the duke's ill 
health had obliged him to go into the country two 
days before the assassination was intended ^, he put 
this construction upon it, that he was willing to be 
out of the way, when the king was to be murdered. 
To fix this imputation, he shewed him the copies of 
all his letters, all of which, but the last more espe- 
cially, had the face of a great discovery. The lord 
*** > carried this to court, and it made such an im- 
pression there, that the earl of Portland sent Smith 
money, and entertained him as a spy, but never 
could by his means learn any one real piece of intel- 
ligence. When this happened, the king was just 
going beyond sea ; so Smith's letters were taken, and 
sealed up by the king's order, and left in the hands 
of sir William Trumball, who was the other secre- 
tary of state. This matter lay quiet till Fenwick 
began to make discoveries ; and when lord *** un- 
derstood that he had not named himself, (about 
which he expressed too vehement a concern,) but 
192 that he had named lord Shrewsbury, it was said, 
that he entered into a negotiation with the duchess 



y Monmouth, afterwards earl the assassination was to have 

of Peterborough. O. been, and after he had received 

^ Mr. Vernon ftilly clears the this letter. But it was unfor- 

duke with regard to his going tunate that he did so. O. 



out of town two days before 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 339 

of Norfolk \ that she should, by Fenwick's lady, en- 1697. 
courage him to persist in his discoveries : and that 
he dictated some papers to the duchess, that should 
be offered to him, as an additional one; in which 
many little stories were related, which had been told 
the king, and might be believed by him; and by 
these, the king might have been disposed to believe 
the rest of Fenwick's paper : and the whole ended 
in some discoveries concerning Smith, which would 
naturally occasion his letters to be called for, and 
then they would probably have had great effect. 
The duchess of Norfolk declared, that he had dic- 
tated all these schemes of his to her, who copied 
them, and handed them to Fenwick ; and that he 
had left one paper with her ; it was short, but con- 
tained an abstract of the whole design, and referred 
to a larger one, which he had only dictated to her. 
The duchess said, she had placed a gentlewoman, 
who carried her messages to Fenwick's lady, to over- 
hear all that passed ; so that she both had another 
witness, to support the truth of what she related, 
and a paper left by him with her. She said, that 
Fenwick would not be guided by him ; and said, he 
would not meddle with contrived discoveries : that 
thereupon this lord was highly provoked : he said, 
if Fenwick would follow his advice, he would cer- 
tainly save him ; but if he would not, he would get 
the bill to pass. And, indeed, when that matter was 
depending, he spoke two full hours in the house of 
lords, in favour of the bill, with a peculiar vehe- 
mence. Fenwick's lady, being much provoked at 
this, got her nephew, the earl of Carlisle, to move the 
lords, that Fenwick might be examined, concerning 
^ She was niece to the earl of Monmouth. O. 
z 2 



349> THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1697- any advices that had been sent him with relation to 
his discoveries : and upon this, Fenwick told what 
his lady had brought him, and thereupon the duchess 
of Norfolk and her confident were likewise interro- 
gated,, and gave the account which I have here re- 
lated : in conclusion, Smith's letters were read, and 
he himself was examined. This held the lords several 
days ; for the earl of Portland, by the king's orders, 
produced all Smith's papers : by them it appeared, 
that he was a very insignificant spy, who was always 
insisting in his old strain of asking money, and tak- 
ing no care to deserve it. The earl of *** was% 
upon the accusation and evidence above mentioned, 
sent to the tower ^, and turned out of all his em- 
ployments. But the court had no mind to have the 
matter farther examined into ; for the king, spoke to 
my self to do all I could to soften his censure, which 
193 he afterwards acknowledged I had done. I did not 
know what new scheme of confusion might have 
been opened by him in his own excuse. The house 
of lords was much set against him, and seemed re- 
solved to go great lengths. To allay that heat, I 
put them in mind, that he set the revolution first on 
foot, and was a great promoter of it, coming twice 
over to Holland to that end : I then moved, that he 
should be sent to the tower : this was agi'eed to, and 
he lay there tiU the end of the session, and was re- 
moved from all his places : but that loss, as was be- 
lieved, was secretly made up to him, for the court 
was resolved not to lose him quite ^. 

•^ Monmouth, afterwards Pe- having spoken undutiful words 

terborough, who well deserved of the king. It was done in 

this censure, and was a the- his discourse upon this matter 

rough bad man. H. with the duchess of Norfolk. O. 

** In this resolution of the ^ Very bad this in all parts 

lords, mention is made of his of it. He deserved almost anv 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 



341 



Fenwick, seeing no hope was left, prepared him- 1697- 
self to die ^ : he desired the assistance of one of the penwit k's 
deprived bishops, which was not easily granted ; but ^''*"'*'°"* 
in that, and in several other matters, I did him such * 
service, that he wrote me a letter of thanks upon 
it. He was beheaded on Tower-hill, and died very 
composed, in a much better temper than was to be 
expected ; for his life had been very irregular. At 
the place of his execution, he delivered a paper in 
writing, wherein he did not deny the facts that had 



punishment. I wonder any 
man of honour could keep him 
company after such an attempt. 
He was of the worst principles 
of any man of that or perhaps 
any age. Yet from some glit- 
tering in his character, he had 
some admirers. He was Pope's 
hero. O. (See the bishop's ac- 
count of Smith's disclosures, 
and of the earl of Monmouth's 
transactions with him and sir 
John Fenwick, examined by 
Ralph, in his Hist. vol. ii. p. 709 
— 714. Little additional light 
is thrown on this business in the 
Shrewsbury Correspondence, 
lately published by Mr. Coxe. 
See p. 3. c. 2. 3. p. 43 1— 468.) 
^ And petitioned the house 
of lords to intercede with the 
king for a reprieve for two 
days, which the house came 
readily into, (notwithstanding 
a strange confused story the 
archbishop of Canterbury told 
of a paper found upon Ken- 
sington road, though he could 
neither tell where it was, nor 
what was in it,) and order- 
ed the bishops of London and 
Salisbury to wait upon the 
king with their address ; which 
the last positively refused, and 



said, their lordships might send 
him to the tower, but they had 
no right to send him to Ken- 
sington. I never saw so uni- 
versal an indignation as this 
raised in the house. The earl 
of Rochester said, he thought 
the bishop had moved very well, 
therefore he seconded him that 
he should be sent immediately to 
the tower, for refusing to obey 
the orders of the house ; but the 
earl of Scarborow, who was the 
lord of the bedchamber in wait- 
ing, said, he hoped they would 
not insist upon doing a hardship 
to the only man in the house 
that would think it one : there- 
fore desired he might have the 
honour to attend the bishop of 
London with an address, that 
he was sure would be very gra- 
ciously received : which was a- 
greed to, though with the ut- 
most contempt for the reverend 
prelate. If he received a letter 
of thanks afterwards, it is a 
great proof that sir John died 
a much better Christian than 
he had lived. D. King James's 
Memoirs confirm the facts 
mentioned by Fenwick, and add 
many more of a similar kind. 
H. 

Z 3 



S4S 



THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



1697. 



been sworn against him s, but complained of the in- 
* justice of the procedure, and left his thanks to those 
who had voted against the bill. He owned his loy- 
alty to king James, and to the prince of Wales after 
him ; but mentioned the design of assassinating king 
William in terms full of horror. The paper was sup- 
posed to have been drawn by bishop White ^, and 
the Jacobites were much provoked with the para- 
graph last mentioned '. This was the conclusion of 
that unacceptable affair, in which I had a much 



s (As a direct contradiction 
to the truth of this assertion, 
Ralph, in his Hist, of England, 
vol. ii. p. 715, produces the fol- 
lowing parts of sir John Fen- 
wick's last speech : " As for 
" what I am now to die, I call 
" God to witness, I went not 
" to that meeting in Leaden- 
" hall-street with any such in- 
" tention as to invite king 
•* James by force to invade this 
" nation; nor was I myself pro- 
" vided with either horse or 
" arms, or engaged for any 
" number of men, or gave par- 
" ticular consent for any such 
*' invasion, as is most falsely 

" sworn against me I do 

" also declare in the presence 
** of God, that I knew nothing 
*• of king James's coming to 
" Calais, nor of any invasion 
" intended from thence, till it 
" was publicly known. And 
" the only notion I had that 
" something might be attempt- 
" ed, was from the Toulon fleet 
" coming to Brest." He begs 
also God to pardon those who 
with great zeal have sought his 
life, and brought the guilt of 
his innocent blood upon this 
nation, no treason being proved 



upon him. , In a note inserted 

in the 8vo edition of bishop 

Burnet's History, it is replied, 

that " whether sir John Fen- 

' wick went to the above-men- 

' tioned meeting with an in- 

' tention to invite king James 

' or not, or to invite him to 

' invade this nation by force, 

' or only by a few from abroad, 

' who might trust to a greater 

' strength at home, yet here is 

' no denial that he was at the 

' meeting where it was agreed 

* to invite king James to invade 

' this nation." It is added, 

that his words imply, " that he 

' did give a general consent to 

' an invasion by force.") 

^ The deprived bishop of Pe- 
terborough. O. 

' (It is to be hoped, not all, 
if any of them. From Porter's 
information given in sir Richard 
Blackmore's History of this 
Conspiracy, p. 85, it appears, 
that Bevill Higgons, so often 
cited in the preceding notes, 
and his elder brother, Mr. Tho- 
mas Higgons, who were both 
deeply engaged in king James's 
interests, refused to be con- 
cerned in any attempt upon 
king William's jierson.) 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 



34S 



larger share than might seem to become a man of 1697. 
my profession ^. But the house of Lords, by severe 
votes, obliged all the peers to be present, and to give 
their votes in the matter. Since I was therefore con- 
vinced, that he was guilty of the crime laid to his 
charge, and that such a method of proceeding was 
not only lawful, but in some cases necessary ; and 
since, by the search I made into attainders and par- 
liamentary proceedings, when I wrote the History of 
the Reformation, I had seen further into those mat- 
ters, than otherwise I should ever have done; I 
thought it was incumbent on me, when my opinion 
determined me to the severer side, to offer what rea- 
sons occurred to me, in justification of my vote. But 
this did not exempt me from falling under a great 
load of censure upon this occasion ^ 



^ Archbishop Tenison engag- 
ed also very largely iu the de- 
bate for the bill. O. Dukes of 
Somerset, Devonshire, Leeds, 
voted against the bill. H. 

' The bishop having thought 
it necessary, (and indeed there 
was occasion enough for it,) in 
justification of his scandalous 
behaviour in sir John Fenwick's 
trial, to expatiate upon that 
siibject with more words than 
truth, 1 have inserted the pro- 
test entered in the books of the 
house of lords ; by which the 
falsehood of most of his asser- 
tions will appear under the 
hands of those that could not 
be contradicted, (for whenever 
the facts are disputed, the pro- 
test is always expunged in that 
house,) and it is there to be 
found at this day in form fol- 
lowing. &c. &c. D. (Ralph, 
in his Hist, of England, vol. ii. 



p. 709, after remarking, that out 
of one hundred and twenty- 
nine lords spiritual and tempo- 
ral, a majority only of seven could 
be obtained for the bill, has in- 
serted the protest against it of 
forty-one peers, of whom eight 
were bishops. 

" We whose names are un- 
'* denvritten, do dissent for the 
" reasons following : 

" Because bills of attainder 
" against jjcrsons in prison, and 
" who are therefore liable to be 
" tried by law, are of dangerous 
" consequence to the lives of 
" the subjects ; and, as we con- 
" ceive, may tend to the sub- 
*' version of the laws of this 
" kingdom. 

" Because the evidence of 
" grand-jurjmen, of what was 
" sworn against sir John Fen^ 
" wick, as also the evidence 
" of petty -jurj men, of what 

z 4 



344 



THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



1 6gy. " was sworn at the trial of other 

" men, were admitted here, both 

" which are against the rules of 
" law ; besides that they dis- 
" agreed in their testimony. 

" Because the information of 
" Goodman, in writing, was re- 
" ceived, which is not by law 
" to be admitted ; and the pri- 
" soner, for want of his appear- 
" ing face to face, as is required 
" by law, could not have the 
" advantage of cross examining 
" him. 

" And it did not appear by 
" any evidence, that sir John 
" Fenwick, or any other person 
" employed by him, had any 
" way persuaded Goodman to 
" withdraw himself, and it 
" would be of very dangerous 
" consequence, that any person 
" so accused, should be con- 
'♦ demned : for by this means 
" a witness, who should be 
" found insufficient to convict 
" a man, shall have more power 
" to hurt him by his absence, 
" than he could have had, if he 
" were produced viva voce a- 
" gainst him. 

" And if Goodman had ap- 
" peared against him, yet he 
" was so infamous in the whole 
" course of his life, and parti- 
" cularly for the most horrid 
" blasphemy which was proved 
" against him, that no evidence 
" from him could or ought to 
" have any credit, especially in 
" the case of blood. 

*' So that in this case there 
" was but one witness, viz. Por- 
" ter ; and he, as we conceive, 
" a very doubtftil one. 

" Lastly, because sir John 
" Fenwick is so inconsiderable 
" a man, as to the endangering 
•' the peace of the government. 



" that there needs no necessity 
" of proceeding against him in 
'* this extraordinar)' manner. 

" Huntingdon, Thanet, N. 
" Dunelm, R. Bath and WelKs, 
" Craven, Carlisle, Nottingham, 
" H. London, Gil. Hereford, 
" Willoughby, Kent, R. Fer- 
" rers, Granville, Fitzwalter, 
" Hahfax, Lindsey, P. Winton, 
" Arundell, Lempster, Here- 
" ford, Carnarvon, Jonat. Ex- 
" on. Jeffreys, Northumberland, 
" Abingdon, Hunsdon, Chan- 
" dos, Scarsdale, Normanby, 
" Weymouth, Tho. Menev. 
" Dartmouth, Sussex, North- 
" ampton. Bathe, Tho. Roffen. 
" Bristol, Leeds, Rochester, 
" Leigh, Willoughby de Broke." 
Seven at least of the eight bi- 
shops who signed this protest, 
were of the tory party ; Mr. On- 
slow remarks, at p. 190, that 
some of the whig bishops were 
against the bill. But who were 
they ? Lord Dartmouth, in his 
copy of Burnet's History, sub- 
joins the names of fifty-two lords 
to the above protest, instead of 
forty-one ; but eleven of the 
number, to whom might have 
been added Herbert earl of Tor- 
rington, are recorded in the 
Journals as dissentient only, 
whilst forty-one aj)pear as pro- 
testers. His lordship adds, that 
the dukes of Somerset, Or- 
mond, and Devonshire, and the 
earls of Pembroke and Dorset, 
voted against the bill, but did 
not sign the protest. The state 
of the case appears to be this. 
Eight peers, besides the twelve 
dissentients and forty-one pro- 
testers, voted on the same side 
of the question; five of them 
are here mentioned by lord 
Dartmouth. They make loge- 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 345 

As soon as the business of the session of parlia- 1697. 



ment was at an end, the king went beyond sea ; the Affairs in 
summer passed over very quietly in England, for the i q"^*""* 
Jacobites were now humble and silent. The French 
were resolved to have peace at any rate, by the end 
of the year ; they therefore studied to push matters 
as far as possible, during this camj^aign, that they 
might obtain the better terms, and that their king 
might still, to outward appearance, maintain a supe- ji 

riority in the field, as if nothing could stand before ' 

him, and from thence might indulge his vanity in 
boasting, that, notwithstanding all his successes, he 
was willing to sacrifice his own advantages to the 
quiet of Europe. The campaign was opened with 
the siege of Aeth ; the place was ill furnished, and 
the bad state both of our coin and credit, set the 
king's preparations so far back, that he could not 
come in time to relieve it*". From thence the French 
were advancing towards Brussels, on design either 

ther sixty-one, opposed to six- " to shew the necessity of pass- 

ty-eight consentients, a ma- " ing this bill, he drew the cast- 

jority only of seven in favour *• ing votes on his side ; and so 

of the bill, the whole number " the bill was carried by a ma- 

of voters being one hundred " jority of seven voices only, 

and twenty-nine. Chandler, " there being sixty-eight for it, 

in his Debates of the House " and sixty-one against it.") 

of Lords, says, " that the bill "> (" The joint army of the 

" received long and violent de- " confederates having continued 

" bates, the house appearing to " long enough at Iseringhe to 

" be equally divided in their " be convinced, that nothing 

" opinions, and even some of " feasible could be done for 

" the best friends to the present " the relief of the place, (Aeth,) 

"government remained stiff "on the 31st of May broke 

" against the extraordinary pro- " up and separated ; king Wil- 

" ceeding : but a court prelate," " Ham directing his course to 

(either Burnet, or Tenison arch- " Bniine-le-Chateau, and the 

bishop of Canterbury,) " not " elector of Bavaria returning 

" without occasioning a severe " to his former post at Deinse." 

" reflection on his character, Ealph's Hist, of England, vol. i. 

" having made a long speech p. 734.) 



346 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

^697. to take or bombard it. But the king, by a very 
happy diligence preventing them, possessed himself 
of an advantageous camp, about three hours before 
the French could reach it ; by which they were 
wholly incapacitated to execute their design. After 
this there was no more action in Flanders all the 
summer ; the rest of the time was spent in negotia- 
tion. 
Barcelona The Frcuch wcrc more successful in Catalonia : 
the^French. they sent an army against Barcelona, commanded 
by the duke of Vendome, and their fleet came to 
his assistance : the garrison was under the command 
of a prince of Hesse, who had served in the king's 
army, and, upon changing his religion, was now at 
the head of the German troops that were sent into 
Spain. The viceroy (whether by a fate common to 
all the Spaniards, or from a jealousy that the whole 
honour would accrue to a stranger, if the place should 
hold out) so entirely neglected to do his part, that he 
was surprised, and his small army was routed. The 
town was large and ill fortified, yet it held out two 
months after the trenches were opened : so that 
time was given to the Spaniards, sufficient to have 
brought relief from the furthest comer of Spain. 
Nothing had happened, during the whole course of 
the war, that did more evidently demonstrate the 
feebleness into which that monarchy was fallen ; for 
no relief was sent to Barcelona, so that they were 
forced to capitulate. By this the French gained a 
great point; hitherto the Spaniards, who contri- 
buted the least towards carrying on the war, were 
the most backward to all overtures of peace : they 
had felt little of the miseries of war, and thought 
themselves out of its reach : but now, France being 



OF KING WILLIAM IIL 347 

master of so important a place, which cut off all iOgy. 
their communication with Italy; they became asjQK 
earnest for peace, as they had hitherto been averse 
from it. 

Nor was this all their danger: a squadron had '^French 

_ . -11 squHdrou in 

been sent, at the same time, to seize on the plate the west 
fleet in the West Indies : the king ordered a squa- " '"' 
dron, which he had lying at Cadiz, to sail after 
them, and assist the Spaniards. The French, finding 
that the galleons were already got to the Havana, 
where they could not attack them, sailed to Cartha- 
gena, which was in no condition to resist them. The 
plate had all been sent away before they came thi- 
ther; but they landed and pillaged the place, and 
then gave it out that they had found many millions 
there, which at first seemed incredible, and was af- 
terwards known to be false : yet it was confidently 
asserted at that time, to cover the reproach of hav- 
ing miscarried in the attempt, on which they had 
raised great expectations, and to which many un- 
dertakers had been drawn in. Our squadron was 
much superior to theirs, yet never engaged them : 
once indeed they came up to the French, and had 
some advantage over them ; but did not pursue it. 
The French sailed to the north, towards Newfound- 
land, where we had another squadron lying, which was 
sent with some land forces to recover Hudson's bay: 
these ships might have fallen upon the French, and 
would probably have mastered them : but as they 
had no certain account of their strength, so being 
sent out upon another service, they did not think it 
proper to hazard the attacking them : so the French 
got safe home, and the conduct of our aftairs at sea 
was much censured: yet our admiralty declared 



348 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1697. themselves satisfied with the account the com- 
manders gave of their proceedings. But that board 
was accused of much partiality : on all such occa- 
sions, the unfortunate must expect to be blamed, 
and, to outward appearance, there was much room 
given, either to censure the orders, or the execution 
of them. The king owned he did not understand 
those matters : and Russel, now made earl of Orford, 
had both the admiralty and the navy board in a great 
dependance on himself; so that he was considered al- 
most as much as if he had been lord high admiral. 
He was too much in the power of those in whom he 
confided, and trusted them too far : and it was ge- 
nerally believed, that there was much corruption, 
as it was certain there was much faction, if not 
treachery, in the conduct of our iparine. Our mis- 
carriages made all people cry, that we must have a 
peace, for, we could not manage the war to any good 
purpose ; since, notwithstanding our great superiority 
at sea, the French conducted their matters so much 
196 better than us, that we were losers, even in that ele- 
ment where we used to triumph most. Our squa- 
dron, in the bay of Mexico, did very little service ; 
they only robbed and destroyed some of the French 
colonies ; and that sent to Hudson's bay found it 
quite abandoned by the French ; so that both re- 
turned home inglorious. 
The king A great change of affairs happened this year in 
death. Poland : their king, John Sobieski, after he had long 
outlived the fame he had got by raising the siege of 
Vienna, died at last under a general contempt. He 
was going backwards and forwards, as his queen's 
negotiations in the court of France were entertained 
or rejected : his government was so feeble and dis- 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 349 

jointed at home, that all their diets broke up upon 1697. 
preliminaries, before they could, according to their 
forms, enter upon business : he was set on heaping 
up wealth, which seemed necessary to give his son 
an interest in the succeeding election. And upon his 
death, a great party appeared for him, notwithstand- 
ing the general aversion to the mother : but the 
Polish nobility resolved to make no haste with their 
election ; they plainly set the crown to sale', and en- 
couraged all candidates that would bid for it : one 
party declared for the prince of Conti, of which their 
primate, then a cardinal, was the head : the emperor 
did all he could to support the late king's son ; but 
when he saw the French party were too strong for 
him, he was willing to join with any other pre- 
tender. 

The duke of Lorrain, the prince of Baden, and The elector 

. . of Saxony 

don Livio Odeschalchi, pope Innocent's nephew, chosen king 
were all named ; l)ut these not being Ukely to sue- ° 
ceed, a negotiation was secretly managed with the 
elector of Saxony, which succeeded so well, that he 
was prevailed on to change his religion, to advance 
his troops towards the frontier of Poland, to distri- 
bute eight millions of florins among the Poles, and 
to promise to confirm all their privileges, and in par- 
ticular, to undertake the siege of Caminieck. He 
consented to all this, and declared himself a candi- 
date, a very few days before the election ; and so he 
was set up by the imperialists, in opposition to the 
French party : his party became quickly so strong, 
that though, upon the first appearance at the elec- 
tion, while every one of the competitors was trying 
his strength, the French party was the strongest, 
and was so declared by the cardinal ; yet when the 



360 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

i6p7. other pretenders saw that they could not cany the 
election for themselves, they united in opposition to 
the French interest, and gave over all their voices 
to the elector of Saxony, by which his party became 
jQtj'much the strongest, so he was proclaimed the elected 
king. The cardinal gave notice to the court of 
France, of what had been done in favour of the 
prince of Conti ; and desired that he might be sent 
quickly thither, well furnished with arms and am- 
munition, but chiefly with money. But the party 
for Saxony made more despatch; that elector lay 
nearer, and had both his money and troops ready ; 
so he took the oaths that were required, and got the 
change of his religion to be attested by the imperial 
court : he made all the haste he could with his army 
to Cracow, and he was soon after crowned, to the 
great joy of the imperial party, but the unexpressible 
trouble of all his subjects in Saxony. 

The secular men there saw, that the supporting 
this elective crown, would ruin his hereditary domi- 
nions : and those, who laid the concerns of the pro- 
testant religion to heart, were much more troubled, 
when they saw that house, under whose protection 
their religion grew up at first, now fall off to popery. 
It is true, the present family, ever since Maurice's 
time, had shewed very little zeal in that cause : the 
elected king had so small a share of religion in him- 
self, that little was to be expected from him : nor 
was it much apprehended that he would become a 
bigot, or turn a persecutor : but such was the ea- 
gerness of the popish clergy toward the suppressing 
what they call heresy, and the perpetual jealousies, 
with which therefore they would possess the Poles, 
were like to be such, in case he used no violence to- 



OF KING WILLIAM IIL 351 

wards his Saxon subjects, as possibly might have 1697. 
great effects on him; so that it is no wonder, if 
they were struck with a general consternation upon 
his revolt. His electoress, though a very young 
person, descended of the house of Brandenbourg, ex- 
pressed so extraordinary a measure of zeal and piety 
upon this occasion, that it contributed much to the 
present quieting of their fears. The new king sent 
a popish statholder to Dresden, but so weak a man, 
that there was no reason to apprehend much from 
any conduct of his. He also sent them all the as- 
surances that could be given in words, that he 
would make no change among them, nor has he hi- 
therto made any steps towards it. 

A veiy unusual accident happened at this time, The czar 
that served not a little to his quiet establishment on Hou&ad 
the throne of Poland. The Czar was so sensible of f"'^^"^' 

land. 

the defects of his education, that, in order to the 
correcting these, he resolved to go a little into the 
world for better information : he was forming great 
designs; he intended to make a navigable canal 
between the Volga and the Tanais, by which he 
might carry both materials and provisions for a 
fleet to Azuph ; and when that communication was 198 
opened, he apprehended great things might be done 
afterwards : he therefore intended to see the fleets 
of Holland and England, and to make himself as 
much master of that matter, as his genius could 
rise up to. He sent an embassy to Holland, to re- 
gulate some matters of commerce, and to see if they 
would assist him in the war he was designing against 
the Turks : when the ambassadors were set out, he 
settled his affairs in such hands, as he trusted most 
to, and with a small retinue of two or three servants. 



352 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1697. he secretly followed his ambassadors, and quickly 
overtook them. He discovered himself first to the 
elector of Brandenbourg, who was then in Prussia, 
looking on the dispute that was like to arise in Po- 
land, in which, if a war should follow, he might be 
forced to have a share. The Czar concerned himself 
much in the matter, not only by reason of the neigh- 
bourhood, but because he feared, that if the French 
party should prevail, France being in an alliance 
with the Turk, a king sent from thence would pro- 
bably not only make a peace with the Turk, but 
turn his arms against himself, which would hinder 
all his designs for a great fleet. The French party 
ivas strongest in Lithuania : therefore the Czar sent 
orders to his generals, to bring a great army to the 
frontier of that dutchy, to be ready to break into 
it, if a war should begin in Poland: and we were 
told, that the teiTor of this had a great effect. From 
Prussia, the Czar went into Holland, and thence 
came over to England; therefore I will refer all 
that I shall say concerning him, to the time of his 
leaving England. 
The prince A fleet was Ordered at Dunkirk, to carry the 
sailed to prince of Conti to Poland : a squadron of ours, that 
lay before that port, kept him in for some time : at 
last he got out, and sailed to Dantzick ; but that 
city had declared for the new king, so they would 
not suffer him to land, with all those that had come 
with him : they only consented to suffer himself to 
land, with a small retinue : this he thought would 
not become him ; so he landed at Marienbourg, 
where he was met by some of the chief of his party: 
they pressed him to distribute the money, that he 
had brought from France, among them ; and pro- 



OF KING WILLIAM IIL 358 

mised to return quickly to him with a great force : 1 697. 
but he was limited by his instructions, and would 
see a good force, before he would part with his 
treasure. The new king sent some troops to dis- 
l)erse those who were coming together to serve him, 
and these had once almost seized on the prince him- 
self; but he acted after that with gi'eat caution, 
and would not trust the Poles. He saw no appear- 
ance of any force, like to be brought to him, equal 199 
to the undertaking, and fearing lest, if he stayed 
too long, he should be frozen up in the Baltick, he 
came back to Dunkirk. The cardinal stood out still : 
the court of Rome rejoiced at the pretended con- 
version of the new king, and owned him ; but he 
quickly saw such a scene of difficulties, that he had 
reason to repent his embarking himself in such a 
dangerous undertaking. This may prove of such 
importance, both to the political and religious con- 
cerns of Europe, that I thought it deserved that a 
particular mention should be made of it, though it 
lies at a great distance from us : it had some in- 
fluence in disposing the French now to be more 
earnest for a peace ; for if they had got a king of 
Poland in their dependance, that would have given 
them a great interest in the northern parts, with an 
easier access, both to assist the Turk and the male- 
contents in Hungary. 

The negotiation for a peace was held at Ryswick, I'l'e treaty 
a house of the king's, between the Hague and Delft. 
The chief of our plenipotentiaries was the earl of 
Pembroke, a man of eminent virtue, and of great 
and profound learning, particularly in the mathe- 
matics : this made him a little too speculative and 
abstracted in his notions : he had gi*eat application, 

VOL. IV. A a 



354 



l^HE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



1697. but he lived a little too much out of the world, 
though in a public station ; a little more practice 
among men would give him the last finishing : 
there was somewhat in his person and manner that 
created him an universal respect ; for we had no 
man among us whom all sides loved and honoured 
so much as they did him*" . There were two others 
joined with him in that emt)assy ". 



"" The forms of the nego- 
tiation were chiefly managed 
by sir J. Williamson ; the se- 
cret intrusted to the earl of 
Portland, though no plenipo- 
tentiary. The article whereby 
France engages not to disturb 
king William, was communi- 
cated by Mr. Boufflers at a con- 
ference with the earl of Port- 
land, who would willingly have 
obtained a promise from the 
French court, not to suffer king 
James to remain at St. Ger- 
mains, but it could not be ad- 
mitted. It was also one of the 
points of his embassy ; but the 
French ministers would never 
talk upon the subject. Madam 
Maintenon would never see 
lord Portland ; which was 
looked upon as a bad sign of 
the French intention towards 
king William and his govern- 
ment. She was a bigot, having 
been a coquette. H. 

" Except as to his virtue and 
learning, he did not keep up a 
great character afterwards, and 
even at this time, and in this 
transaction, they who were 
near him did not think very 
highly of him ; he had such 
strange particularities, and 
which grew so much upon him, 
that he became long a subject of 



jest and laughter : yet with 
some degree of respect always 
paid to him : he had no enemies- 
He made and left behind him 
the largest collection of medals, 
coins, statues, busts, pictures, 
&c. that has been made in this 
country by any one person ; 
since that of the famous earl of 
Arundel, whom he seems to 
have emulated in this respect, 
and was not very unlike him in 
some others. He was at a vast 
expense in his collecting these 
curiosities, and notwithstand- 
ing that, died very rich, becom- 
ing so by management, and the 
profits of the several employ- 
ments he had been in. He had 
gone through most of the great 
offices of the kingdom, but ne- 
ver as a minister, and some of 
them he had only, till they 
could otherwise be disposed of, 
which produced a jest from the 
duke of Bucks, then much 
spoken of, but not quite so de- 
cent to tell here. The truth is, 
his character for probity was so 
high, and the esteem of him, 
on other accounts also in these 
times, so general, that his ac- 
ceptance of employments was 
a credit to the government ; 
and his own indifference as to 
them made him the more easily 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 355 

The king of Sweden was received as mediator, i6q7. 
but he died before any progress was made in the The king of 
treaty : his son, who succeeded him in his throne, a^th*" His 
was also received to succeed him in the mediation. *"" '* "«■ 

^ diator at 

The father was a rough and boisterous man ; he the treaty 
loved fatigue, and was free from vice ; he reduced 
his kingdom to a military state, and was ever going 
round it, to see how his troops were ordered, and 
his discipline observed : he looked narrowly into the 
whole administration ; he had quite altered the con- 
stitution of his kingdom ; it was formerly changed 
from being an elective, to be a hereditary kingdom ; 
yet till his time it had continued to be rather an 
aristocracy than a monarchy ; but he got the power 
of the senators to be quite taken away, so that it 
was left free to him, to make use of such counsel- 
lors as he should choose : the senators had enriched 
themselves, and oppressed the people ; they had de- 
voured the revenues of the crown, and in two reigns, 
in which the sovereign was long in a state of in- 200 
fancy, both in queen Christina's and in this king's 
time, the senators had taken care of themselves, and 
had stripped the crown. So the king moved for a 
general resumption ; and this he obtained easily of 
the states : who, as they envied the wealth of the 
senators, so they hoped that, by making the king 
rich, the people would be less charged with taxes. 
This was not all ; he got likewise an act of ;'e vision, 
by which those who had grants were to account for 

to be removed from them. He ministers or parties; and in that 

was very firm to the govern- he preserved the dignity of his 

ment and constitution, but had rank. O. 
no particular attachment to 

A a 2 



356 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1697. the mean profits, and this was applied even to those 
who had grants upon valuable considerations ; for 
when it appeared that the valuable consideration 
was satisfied, they were to account for all they had 
received over and above that, and to repay this, 
with the interest of the money, at twelve per cent, 
for all the years they had enjoyed it. This brought 
a great debt on all the senators and other families 
of the kingdom ; it did utterly ruin them, and left 
them at mercy : and when the king took from them 
all they had, he kept them still in a dependance upon 
him, giving them employments in the army or mi- 
litia that he set up. 

After that, he procured of the states of his king- 
dom an absolute authority to govern them as he 
thought fit, and according to law ; but even this 
limitation seemed uneasy, and their slavery was 
finished by another act, which he obtained, that he 
should not be obliged to govern by law, but by his 
f)f»' mere will and pleasure : so successful was he, in the 
space of five years, to ruin all the famiUes in his 
kingdom, and to destroy their laws and Uberties, 
and that by their own consent. He died when his 
son was but fifteen years old, and (who) gave great 
hopes of being an active, warlike, and indefatigable 
prince, which his reign ever since has demonstrated 
to the world. 

The first act of his reign was the mediation at 
Ryswick, where the treaty went on but slowly, till 
Harlay, the first of the French plenipotentiaries, 
came to the Hague, who, as was believed, had the 
secret. He shewed a fairer incUnation than had 
appeared in the others, to treat frankly and honour- 



OF KING WILLIAM IIL 357 

ably; and to clear all the difficulties that had been 1697. 
started before : but while they were negotiating, by 
exchanging papers, which was a slow method, sub- 
ject to much delay, and too many exceptions and 
evasions, the marshal Bouflers desired a conference 
with the earl of Portland '', and by the order of their 
masters, they met four times, and were long alone : 
that lord told me himself, that the subject of those 
conferences was concerning king James : the king 
desired to know, how the king of France intended 201 
to dispose of him, and how he could own him, and 
yet support the other : the king of France would 
not renounce the protecting him, by any article of 
the treaty : but it was agi'eed between them, that 
the king of France should give him no assistance, 
nor give the king any disturbance on his account : 
and that he should retire from the court of France, 
either to Avignon or to Italy : on the other hand, 
liis queen should have fifty thousand pounds a year, 
which was her jointure, settled after his death, and 
that it should now be paid her, he being reckoned 
as dead to the nation ; and in this, the king very 
readily acquiesced : these meetings made the treaty 
go on with more despatch, this tender point being 
once settled p. 

" (Ralph gives good reasons having been since published 

for believing, tliat the earl of n)ay be consulted, at p. 574. 

Portland proposed the confe- vol. ii. it has been maintained, 

rence ; and states, that they had that ^\'illiam consented at 

five meetings instead of four, this time, on condition of the 

mentioning the days on which recognition by France of his 

they took place. See his Hist, title to the crown of Eng- 

of England, vol. ii. p. 735.) land, to have the young son of 

P (On the authority of Mac- James succeed him ; and that 

pherson's extracts from the Life the proposal was rejected by 

of king James II. which work his father. But the truth of 

A a 3 



958 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
1697. A new difficulty arose with relation to the em- 



The peace piic : the Ffcnch offered Brizack and Fribourg, as 
&Td th^*^ ^^ equivalent for Strasbourg ; the court of Vienna 
treaty conscuted to this, but the empire refused it : these 

signed. ' ^ 

places belonged to the emperor's hereditary domi- 
nions, whereas Strasbourg was a free city, as weU as 
a protestant town ; so the emperor was soon brought 
to accept of the exchange. All other matters were 
concerted : Spain was now as impatient of delays as 
France : England and the States had no other con- 
^ cem in the treaty, but to secure their allies, and to 
settle a barrier in the Netherlands ; so in September 
the treaty was signed by aU, except the German 
princes : but a set time was prefixed for them to 
come into it. The duke of Savoy was comprehended 
within it; and the princes of the empire, finding 
they could struggle no longer, did at last consent to 
it. A new piece of treachery, against the protestant 
reHgion, broke out in the conclusion of all: the 
French declared, that that part of the Palatinate 
which was stipulated to be restored in the state in 
which it was, by virtue of that article, was to con- 
tinue in the same state, with relation to religion, in 
which it was at that time : by this, several churches 
were to be condemned, that otherwise, according to 
the laws of the empire, and in particular of those 
dominions, were to be restored to the protestants : 
the elector palatine accepted of the condition very 
wiUingly, being bigoted to a high degree : but some 
of the princes, the king of Sweden in particular, as 

this account is opposed with litical Transactions, c. 17. p. 
Ht least plausible arguments by 442 — 452.) 
Somerville in his History of Po- 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 359 

duke of Deuxponts, refused to submit to it : but this 1697. 
had been secretly concerted, among the whole popish 
party, who are always firm to the interests of their 
religion, and zealous for them ; whereas the protest- 
ant courts are too ready to sacrifice the common in- 
terest of their religion to their own private advan- 
tage. The king was troubled at this treacherous 
motion, but he saw no inclination in any of the al-202 
lies to oppose it with the zeal with which it was 
pressed on the other hand: the importance of the 
thing, sixteen churches being only condemned by it, 
as the earl of Pembroke told me, was not such as to 
deserve he should venture a rupture upon it : and it 
was thought, the elector palatine might, on other 
accounts, be so obnoxious to the protestants, and 
might need their assistance and protection so much, 
that he would be obliged afterwards to restore these 
churches, thus wrested from them : so the king con- 
tented himself with ordering his plenipotentiaries to 
protest against this, which they did in a formal act 
that they passed. 

The king by this peace concluded the great design. Reflections 
of putting a stop to the progress of the French arms, peace. 
which he had constantly pursued from his first ap- 
pearance on the stage in the year 1672. There was 
not one of the allies who complained that he had 
been forgot by him, or wronged in the treaty : nor 
had the desire of having his title universally ac- 
knowledged, raised any impatience in him, or made 
him run into this peace with any indecent haste. 
The terms of it were stiU too much to the advantage 
of France ; but the length and charge of the war 
had so exhausted the allies, that the king saw the 
necessity of accepting the best conditions that could 

A a 4 



360 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1697- be got : it is true, France was more harassed by the 
war, yet the arbitrary frame of that goveniment 
made their Idng the master of the whole wealth of 
his people ; and the war was managed on both sides, 
between them and us, with this visible difference, 
that every man who dealt with the French king was 
ruined by it ; whereas, among us, every man grew 
rich by his dealings with the king : and it was not 
easy to see how this could be either prevented or 
punished. The regard that is shewn to the mem- 
bers of parliament among us, makes that few abuses 
can be inquired into or discovered; and the king 
found his reign grow so unacceptable to his people, 
by the continuance of the war, that he saw the neces- 
sity of coming to a peace. The States were under 
the same pressure ; they were heavier charged, and 
suffered more by the war than the English. The 
French got indeed nothing by a war which they 
had most perfidiously begun ; they were forced to 
return £0 the peace of Nimeguen ; Pignerol and Bri- 
zack, which cardinal Riehlieu had considered as the 
keys of Italy and Germany, were now parted with ; 
and all that base practice, of claiming so much, 
under the head of reunions and dependencies, was 
abandoned : the duchy of Lon'ain was also entirely 
203 restored 1 : it was generally thought that the king of 

•1 (" Lorrain was not entirely " considered as a member of 

" restored : France, on the con- " the Germanic body : Pigne- 

" trary, could never be induced " rol, the key of Italy, was not 

" to part with the reserves she " restored to Savoy in virtue 

" had established by the peace " of this treaty, as the bishop 

" of Nimeguen : it was also '* has unfairly insinuated: Stras- 

" restored in a defenceless " burgh opened as wide an en- 

" state : it -was to remain for " trance into the empire as Bri- 

" ever invested with the domi- " sac ; and an author, who was 

" nions of France, and conse- " a perpetual advocate for king 

" quently could no more be " William, declares, ♦ that to 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 361 

France intended to live out the rest of his days in 1697- 
quiet ; for his parting with Barcelona made all jieo- 
pie conclude that he did not intend to prosecute the 
Dauphin's pretensions upon the crown of Spain, 
after that king's death, by a new war ; and that he 
would only try how to manage it by negotiation. 

The most melancholy part of this treaty M^as, that 
no advantages were got by it in favour of the pro- 
testants in France; the French refugees made all 
possible applications to the king, and to the other 
protestant allies ; but as they were no part of the 
cause of the war, so it did not appear that the allies 
could do more for them, than to recommend them, 
in the warmest manner, to the king of France ' ; but 
he was so far engaged in a course of superstition 
and cruelty, that their condition became worse by 
the peace ; the court was more at leisure to look 
after them, and to persecute them, than they thought 
fit to do during the war. The military men in 
France did generally complain of the peace, as dis- 
honourable and base ; the Jacobites among us were 
the more confounded at the news of it, because the 

" leave Strasburgh in the hands Hist, of England, vol. ii. p. 762.) 
" of France, was tacitly to yield "■ (Ralph relates, that a re- 

•' her all that belongs to the monstrance in their favour was 

" empire beyond the Rhine, delivered by the earl of Peni- 

" from Sundgaw to the Palati- broke in the name of the pro- 

•' nate.' The ten cities in Al- testant allies in general, on the 

" sace, together with their de- 19th of September, which was 

" pendencies, were never held in but the day before the peace 

" sovereignty by France before : was signed ; that consequently, 

'• that all that base practice on as it is reasonable to think, it 

" the head of reunions was was delivered only to anmse the 

" not abandoned, appears by parties concerned in it, without 

'* the reserve made by the most any serious purpose in their fa- 

** Christian king in Flanders, vour. Ralph's Hist, oj Enghnd, 

" of eighty-two towns and vil- vol. ii. p. 752.) . 
" lages.tosaynomOre.'' Ralph's 



m^ THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
1697. court of France did, to the last minute, assure king 



James, that they would never abandon his interests : 
and his queen sent over assurances to their party 
here, that England would be left out of the treaty, 
and put to maintain the war alone : of which they 
were so confident, that they entered into deep wagers 
upon it ; a practice little known among us before 
the war, but it was carried on, in the progress of it, 
to a very extravagant degree ; so that they were 
ruined in their fortunes, as well as sunk in their ex- 
pectations, by the peace ; upon which, it was said, 
king James's queen made a bold repartee to the 
French king, when he told her the peace was signed: 
she said, she wished it might be such as should raise 
his glory, as much as it might settle his repose ^ 

But while the peace was concluded in these parts, 

the war between the emperor and the Turk went 

on in Hungary : the imperial army was commanded 

by prince Eugene, a brother of the count of Soissons, 

who, apprehending that he was not like to be so 

much considered, as he thought he might deserve in 

France, went and served the emperor, and grew up, 

in a few years, to be one of the greatest generals of 

the age. 

The Turk's The grand signior came to command his armies 

Hungary in pcrsou, and lay encamped on both sides of the 

"*° * Theisse, having laid a bridge over the river : prince 

Eugene marched up to him, and attacked his camp 

* The worst part of the treaty agreeably to the original plan 

was, that no measures were of the first grand alliance, 

taken by it, either by private Through this defect the treaty 

agreement amongst the allies, of Ryswick rather deserves the 

or in concert with Lewis the name of a truce than a peace. 

XlV^th, for settling the succes- H. . . 

bion to the Spanish monarchy, 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 363 

on the west side of the river, and after a short dis- 1697. 
pute, he broke in, and was master of the camp, and ^q^ 
forced all who lay on that side over the river : in 
this action many were killed and drowned ; he fol- 
lowed them cross the Theisse, and gave them a total 
defeat : most of their janizaries were cut off, and 
the prince became master of all their artillery and 
magazines : the grand signior himself narrowly 
escaped, with a body of horse, to Belgrade ; this was 
a complete victory, and was the greatest blow the 
Turks had received in the whole war. At the same 
time, the czar was very successful on his side against 
the Tartarians. The Venetians did little on their 
part, and the confusions in Poland made that repub- 
lic but a feeble ally : so that the weight of the war 
lay wholly on the emperor. But though he, being 
now delivered from the war with France, was more 
at leisure to prosecute this, yet his revenue was so 
exhausted, that he was willing to suffer a treaty to 
be carried on, by the mediation of England and 
Holland ; and the French, being now no longer con- 
cerned to engage the port to carry on the war, the 
grand signior, fearing a revolution upon his iU suc- 
cess, was very glad to hearken to a treaty, which 
was carried on all this winter, and was finished the 
next year at Carlowitz, from which place it takes 
its name. 

By it, both parties were to keep that of which The peace 
they were then possessed ; and so this long war of wiu. 
Hungary, which had brought both sides by turns 
very near the last extremities, was concluded by the 
direction and mediation of the king of England: 
upon which I will add a curious observation, that 
though it may seem to be out of the laws of history, 



364 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
1697. yet considering my profession, will, I hope, be for- 



' given. 

The dara- j^j.^ Lloyd, the present most learned bishop of 
Turkish Worcester, who has now, for above twenty years, 
been studying the revelations with an amazing dili- 
gence and exactness, had long before this year said, 
the peace, between the Turks and the papal Christ- 
ians, was certainly to be made in the year 1698, 
which he made out thus : the four angels, mentioned 
in the fourteenth chapter of the Revelations, that 
were bound in the river Euphrates, which he ex- 
pounds to be the captains of the Turkish forces, that 
till then were subject to the sultan at Babylon, were 
to be loosed, or freed from that yoke, and to set up 
for themselves : and these were prepared to slay the 
third part of men, for an hour, a day, a month, and 
a year : he reckons the year, in St. John, is the Ju- 
lian year of 365 days, that is, in the prophetic style, 
each day a year ; a month is 30 of these days ; and 
205 a day makes one ; which added to the former num- 
ber makes 396. Now he proves from historians, 
that Ottoman came, and began his conquests at 
Prousse, in the year 1302, to which the former num- 
ber, in which they were to slay the third part of 
men, being added, it must end in the year 1698 : 
and though the historians do not mark the hour, or 
the twelfth part of the day or year, which is a 
month, that is, the beginning of the destruction the 
Turks were to make ; yet he is confident, if that is 
ever known, that the prophecy will be found, even 
in that, to be punctually accomplished. After this, 
he thinks their time of hurting the papal Christians 
is at an end ; they may indeed still do mischief to 
the Muscovites, or persecute their own Christian 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 365 

subjects, but they can do no hurt to the papalins; 1697. 
and he is so positive in this, that he consents that 
all his scheme should be laid aside, if the Turk en- 
gages in a new war with them ' ; and I must confess, 
that their refusing now, in a course of three years, 
to take any advantage from the troubles in Hun- 
gary, to begin the war again, though we know they 
have been much solicited to it, gives for the present 
a confirmation to this learned prelate's exposition of 
that part of the prophecy. 

The king came over to England about the middle The king 
of November ; and was received by the city of Lon- to England, 
don, in a sort of triumph, with all the magnificence 
that he would admit " ; some progress was made in 
preparmg triumphal arches, but he put a stop to it ; 
he seemed, by a natural modesty, to have contracted 
an antipathy to all vain shows ; which was much in- 
creased in him, by what he had heard of the gross 
excesses of flattery, to which the French have run, 
beyond the examples of former ages, in honour of 
their king ; who having shewed too great a pleasure 
in these, they have been so far pursued, that the wit 
of that nation has been for some years chiefly em- 
ployed on these ; for they saw that men's fortunes 
were more certainly advanced by a new and lively 
invention in that way, than by any service or merit 
whatsoever. This, in which that king has seemed 
to be too much pleased, rendering him contemptible 
to better judges, gave the king such an aversion to 
every thing that looked that way, that he scarce 

' (Whoever recollects the vie- will be inclined to accept tlie 

tories gained by the imperial bishop's offer.) 
general prince Eugene over the " I remember it verj' well, 

Turks so late as the year 17 17, being carried to see it. O. 



366 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1697. bore even with things that were decent and pro- 



per ^. 
consuita- The king ordered many of his troops to be dis- 
8 sSi'nd^ng* banded soon after the peace ; but a stop was put to 
*^™y* that, because the French were very slow in evacuat- 
ing the places that were to be restored by the treaty, 
and were not beginning to reduce their troops : so, 
though the king declared what he intended to do, 
yet he made no haste to execute it, till it should ap- 
206 pear how the French intended to govern themselves. 
The king thought it was absolutely necessary to 
keep up a considerable land force ; he knew the 
-French would still maintain great armies, and that 
the pretended prince of Wales would certainly be 
assisted by them, if England should fall into a feeble 
and defenceless condition; the king of Spain was 
also in such an uncertain state of health, so weak 
and so exhausted, that it seemed necessary that 
England should be in a condition to bar France's 
invading that empire, and to maintain the rights of 
the house of Austria. But though he explained 
himself thus in general to his ministers, yet he would 
not descend to particulars, to tell how many he 
thought necessary ; so that they had not authority 
to declare what was the lowest number the king in- 
sisted on. 
The matter Papers Were writ on both sides, for and against a 
bo^h sides. Standing force ; on the one hand, it was pretended, 
that a standing army was incompatible with public 

"Secretary Trumbull resigned secretary to the earl of Shrews- 
about this time, in disgust with bury, was his successor, by the 
the lords of the regency, who recommendation of lord Sun- 
he said had used him more like derland, and much against his 
a footman than a secretary, own inclination. H. 
Mr. Vernon, who was imder- 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 367 

liberty, and according to the examples of former 1697. 
times, the one must swallow up the other : it was 
proposed, that the militia might be better modelled 
and more trained, which, with a good naval force, 
some thought, would be an effectual security against 
foreign invasions, as well as it would maintain our 
laws and liberties at home. On the other side, it 
was urged, that since all our neighbours were armed, 
and the most formidable of them all kept up such a 
mighty force, nothing could give us a real security, 
but a good body of regulated troops ; nothing could 
be made of the militia, chiefly of the horse, but at a 
vast charge ; and if it was well regulated, and well 
commanded, it would prove a mighty army ; but 
this of the militia was only talked of, to put by the 
other ; for no project was ever proposed to render it 
more useful; a force at sea might be so shattered, 
while the enemy kept within their ports, (as it act- 
ually happened at the revolution,) that this strength 
might come to be useless, when we should need it 
most ; so that without a considerable land force, it 
seemed the nation would be too much exposed. 
The word standing army had an odious sound in 
English ears; so the popularity lay on the other 
side ; and the king's ministers suffered generally in 
the good characters they had hitherto maintained, 
because they studied to stop the tide that run so 
strong the other way^. 

y The whigs in the house of persuade the friends of the go- 
commons were much divided vernment to agree to a reason- 
about this point of the army, able number; and the members 
The king came over from Hoi- having been some days in town 
land about a few days before idle, had leisure to cabal and 
the sessions began ; so that talk one another into a bad hu- 
there was not time enough to niour. It was absurd to the 



368 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1697. At the opening the session of parliament, the king 
^7^~]7~ ^old them, that in his opinion a standing land force 
of pariia- ^^g necessary ; the house of commons carried the 
jealousy of a standing army so high, that they would 
207 not bear the motion, nor did they like the way the 
king took of offering them his opinion in the point : 
this seemed a prescription to them, and might bias 
some in the counsels they were to offer the king, 
and be a bar to the freedom of debate : the manag- 
ers for the court had no orders to name any num- 
ber ; so the house came to a resolution of paying off 
and disbanding all the forces that had been raised 
since the year 1680; this vote brought the army to 
A small be less than 8000 : the court was struck with this ; 
kept up. and then they tried, by an after-game, to raise the 
number to 15,000 horse and foot. If this had been 
proposed in time, it would probably have been car- 
ried without any difficulty ; but the king was so 
long upon the reserve, that now, when he thought 
fit to speak out his mind, he found it was too late : 
so a force not exceeding 10,000 horse and foot was 
all that the house could be brought to. This gave 
the king the greatest distaste of any thing that had 
befallen him in his whole reign ; he thought it would 
derogate much from him, and render his alliance so 
inconsiderable, that he doubted whether he could 
carry on the government, after it should be reduced 
to so weak and so contemptible a state. He said, 
that if he could have imagined, that after all the 
service he should have done the nation, he should 

last degree neither to keep up Lord Bolingbroke admits thi» 

army or fleet, nor to establish a most strongly in his Letters on 

militia: the nation was literal- History, and reasons very justly 

ly for three years at the mercy on the subject. H. 
of France and king James. 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 8G9 

have met with such returns, he would never have 1697. 
meddled in our affau's ; and that he was weary of ' 

governing a nation that was so jealous, as to lay it- 
self open to an enemy, rather than trust him, who 
had acted so faithfully during his whole life, that he 
had never once deceived those who trusted him. 
He said this, with a great deal more to the same 
purpose, to my self; but he saw the necessity of sub- 
mitting to that which could not be helped. 

During these debates, the earl of Sunderland had 1698. 
argued with many upon the necessity of keeping upI,*'Y*f **{ 
a greater force ; this was in so many hands, that he 'etired 

from bu- 

was charged as the author of the counsel, of keeping sine»». 
on foot a standing army : so he was often named in 
the house of commons, with many severe reflections, 
for which there had been but too much occasion 
given during the two former reigns'^. The tories 
pressed hard upon him, and the whigs were so jea- 

^ The king had given ten which king William reposed in 
thousand pounds to the earl of this lord, through the whole 
Dorset, to quit the chamber- course of his reign, that he had 
Iain's staff; and gave it to the received some particular ser- 
earl of Sunderland; upon which vices from him at the time of 
lord Norris fell very violently the revolution, which no one 
upon him in the house of com- else could have performed ; and 
mons, as a man whose actions j)erhaps this reserved and can- 
had been so scandalous during tious prince liked him the bet- 
his whole life, that he never ter for being only his man ; 
had any way to excuse one both parties (and no won- 
criuie, but by accusing himself der) were much embittered a- 
of another : therefore ho])ed gainst him. Further discove- 
they would address to his ma- ries about him, from incotitest- 
jesty, to remove him from his ible authority, have appearetl 
presence and councils, which, since this note, 1775. H. (To 
though not seconded, was uni- be seen iu Macpherson's Ori- 
versally well received. D. I ginal I*a]>ers, published in that 
have always been persuaded, vear.) 
from the signal confidence 

VOI,. IV. B b 



370 



THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



1698. lous of him^, that he, apprehending that, while the 
former would attack him, the others would defend 
him faintly, resolved to prevent a public affront^, 
and to retire from the court and from business ; not 
only against the entreaties of his friends, but even 
the king's earnest desire that he would continue 
about him ^ ; indeed, upon this occasion, his majesty 
expressed such a concern and value for him, that 
208 the jealousies were increased by the. confidence the 



^ Chiefly owing to Smith, af- 
terwards speaker, who detested 
him, Vernon's letters. O. 

■^ Some of his friends told 
him, they had computed how 
the numbers would run in the 
house of commons upon any 
address that should be moved 
for there against him : and that 
they did not think there could 
be more than 160 for it. " 160 
" (said he) for it ! that is more 
" than any man can stand 
" against long ; I am sure I 
" won't;" and so resigned his 
staff and key the next day : but 
the king continued to advise 
with him in private upon all 
his affairs. To confirm this 
anecdote, and to shew the haste 
he was in to put himself out of 
this danger, my lord chancellor 
Hardwick told me, that in a 
conversation he had with the 
old duke of Somerset, about this 
earl of Sunderland, the duke 
said, that upon the apprehen- 
sion of this attack in the house 
of commons, the earl desired 
the duke and lord chief justice 
Holt, both of them his most 
particular friends, to give him a 
meeting, to consult with them 
what he should do upon the oc- 
casion, either to retire or to 



stand it. The appointment 
was for the evening before the 
day, as he was told, (after the 
appointment,) the attempt was 
to be made, and the address to 
be moved for, and they came 
accordingly, but found the earl 
was gone to the king at Ken- 
sington. He left word however, 
that he begged them to stay, 
for he would be back very soon, 
and was so. When they met, 
the earl fell into other discourse 
with them ; and whilst he was 
talking, Holt observed he had 
not the key upon his coat, and 
interrupting him, said, " My 
" lord, where is your key ?" At 
Kensington, said the earl. 
" Why so quick, my lord ? (re- 
" plied the chief justice,) you 
" might have stayed till to-mor- 
" row." "To-morrow, my lord, 
" (said the earl,) to-morrow 
" would have ruined me ; to- 
" night has saved me :" and so 
told them what he had heard 
was the design, and that he 
knew the king must have sub- 
mitted to it. See antea 123, 
163. O. 

•^ Surely there must have 
be^n the timidity of a bad con- 
science ill this. H. 



OF KING WILLIAM IIL 371 

court saw the king had in him. During the time of 1698. 
his credit, things had been carried on with more 
spirit and better success than before : he had gained 
such an ascendant over the king, that he brought 
him to agree to some things that few expected he 
would have yielded to : he managed the pubb'c af- 
fairs, in both houses, with so much steadiness and 
so good a conduct, that he had procured to himself 
a greater measure of esteem, than he had in any of 
the former parts of his life ; and the feebleness and 
disjointed state we fell into, after he withdrew, con- 
tributed not a little to establish the character which 
•his administration had gained him. 

The parliament went on slowly in fixing the fund The civil 
for the supplies they had voted : they settled a reve- on the king 
nue on the king for life, for the ordinary expense of ^'^'^ ''**' 
the government, which was called the civil list : this 
they carried to seven hundred thousand pounds a 
year, which was much more than the former kings 
of England could apply to those occasions ; six hun- 
di-ed thousand pounds was all that was designed, but 
it had been promised at the treaty of Ryswick, that 
king James, being now as dead to England, his queen 
should enjoy her jointure, that was fifty thousand 
pound a year ; and it was intended to settle a court 
about the duke of Glocester, who was then nine 
years old; so to enable the king to bear that ex- 
pense, this large provision was made for the civil 
list " : but by some great error in the management, 

" (The duchess of Marlbo- " into men's hands, the king 

rough, in the Account of her " insinuated to such members 

Conduct, p. 116, relates, as she '* of the parliament as he knew 

is cited by Ralph, that " when " were desirous to have the 

" the duke of Gloticester was " duke handsomely settled, that 

'• arrived at the age to be put " it would require near 50,000^ 

B b2 



878 



THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



1698. 



A new 
East India 
company. 



though the court never had so much, and never 
spent so little ^, yet payments were ill made, and by 
some strange consumption all was wasted. 

While the house of commons was seeking a fund 
for paying the arrears of the army, and for the ex- 
pense at sea and land for the next year ; a proposi- 
tion was made for constituting a new East India 
company, who should trade with a joint stock, others 
being admitted in a determinate proportion to a 
separate trade : the old East India company opposed 
this, and offered to advance a sum (but far short of i 
what the public occasions required) for an act of ' 
parliament, that should confirm their charters. The 
projectors of the new company offered two millions, 
upon the security of a good fund, to pay the interest J 
of their money at eight per cent. Great opposition 



" a year. And at the same 
" time he promised other per- 
" sons, whom he knew it would 
" please, that he would pay 
" queen Mary in France her 
" settlement, which was also 
" 50,000/. a year. And these 
" steps he took, in order to ob- 
" tain an addition of 100,000/. 
" a year to his civil list. The 
" addition was, granted, yet he 
" never paid one shilling to the 
" queen ; and as to the duke, 
" the king not only kept him in 
" women's hands a good while 
" after the new revenue was 
" granted, but, when his high- 
" ness's family was settled, 
",would give him no more than 
'• 15,000/. a year. Nay, of this 
** small allowance he refused to 
" advance one quarter, though 
" it was absolutely wanted to 
" buy plate and furniture : so 
" that the princess was forced 



" to be at that expense her- 
" self." Burnet says below, in 
p. 276, that the queen would 
not take her jointure.) 

^ (" It appears by the most 
" authentic accounts that can be 
" obtained, that the expenditure 
" of king Charles the second's 
" household, and all the arti- 
" cles belonging to it, did not 
" exceed 588,493/. is. id. out 
" of which the duke of York 
" alone had about 80,000/. : and 
" that the expenditure of king 
" James for the same articles, 
''was but 576,105/. 14s. ^. 
" Whereas that of king William 
" amounted to 675,270/. 19s. 
" gd. which was 86,778/. 18*. 
" and Sd. more than that of 
" king Charles, and 99,165/. 5s. 
" g^d. more than that of king 
" James." Ralph's Hist. vol. ii. 
p. 777. See also Carte's An- 
swers to a Bystander.) 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 373 

was made to this: for the king, upon an address 1698. 
that was made to him by the house of commons, had 
granted the old company a new charter, they being 
obliged to take in a new subscription of seven hun- 
dred thousand pounds, to increase their stock and 
trade. Those impowered by this new charter were 209 
not charged with any maleversation : they had been 
trading under great disadvantages, and with great 
losses, by reason of the war : it is true, the king had 
reserved a power to himself, by a clause in the char- 
ter, to dissolve them upon warning given, three 
years before such dissolution : so it was said, that 
no injustice was done them, if public notice should 
be given of such an intended dissolution. To this it 
was answered, that the clause reserving that power 
was put in many charters, but that it was considered 
only as a threatening, obliging them to a good con- 
duct; but that it was not ordinary to dissolve a 
company, by virtue of such a clause, when no error 
or maleversation was objected : the old company 
came at last to offer the whole sum that was wanted; 
but the party was now formed, so they came too 
late, and this had no other effect but to raise a cla- 
mour against this proceeding, as extremely rigorous, 
if not unjust. This threw the old company, and all 
concerned in it, into the hands of the tories, and 
made a great breach and disjointing in the city of 
London: and it is certain, that this act, together The wi.igs 
with the inclinations which those of the whigs who credit in 
were in good posts, had expressed for keeping up a* * "*"*°* 
greater land force, did contribute to the blasting the 
reputation they had hitherto maintained, of being 
good patriots, and was made use of over England by 
the tories, to disgrace both the king and them. To 

B b 3 



874 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1698. this, another charge of a high nature was added, 
that they robbed the public, and applied much of 
the money that was given for the service of the na- 
tion, both to the supporting a vast expence, and to 
the raising great estates to themselves. This was 
sensible to the people, who were uneasy under heavy 
taxes, and were too ready to believe, that, according 
to the practice in king Charles's time, a great deal 
of the money that was given in parliament was di- 
vided among those who gave it. These clamours 
were raised and managed with great dexterity, by 
those who intended to render the king, and all who 
were best affected to him, so odious to the nation, 
that by this means they might carry such an elec- 
tion of a new house of commons, as that by it all 
might be overturned. It was said, that the bank of 
England and the new East India company, being in 
the hands of whigs, they would have the command 
of all the money, and by consequence, of aU the 
trade of England; so a great party was raised against 
the new company, in both houses : but the act for it 
was carried: the king was very indifferent in the 
matter at first, but the gi'eatness of the sum that 
was wanted, which could not probably be raised by 
210 any other project, prevailed on him ; the interests of 
princes canying them often to act against their pri- 
vate opinions and inclinations. 
The king Bcforc the king went into HoUand, which was in 

of Spain's ^ ^ . 

ill stete July, news came from Spam that their king was dy- 
ing ; this alarm was often given before, but it came 
much quicker now; the French upon this sent a fleet 
to lie before Cadiz, which came thither at the time 
that the galleons were expected home from the West 
Indies ; and it was apprehended, that, if the king 



OF KING WILLIAM III. ST5 

had died, they would have seized on all that trea- lOije. 

su^e^ We sent a fleet thither to secure them, but 

it came too late to have done any service, if it had 
been needed ; this was much censured, but the ad- 
miralty excused themselves, by saying, that the par- 
liament was so late in fixing the funds for the fleet, 
that it was not possible to be ready sooner than 
they were : the king of Spain recovered for that 
time, but it was so far from any entire recovery, 
that a relapse was still apprehended. When the 
king went to Holland, he left some sealed orders be- 
hind him, of which some of his ministers told me, 
they knew not the contents tUl they were opened : 
by these the king ordered 16,000 men to be kept 
up. For excusing this, it was said, that though the 
parliament had in their votes mentioned only 10,000 
land men, to whom they had afterwards added 
3,000 marines, and had raised only the money ne- 
cessary for that number, yet no determined number 
was mentioned in the act itself; so, since the appre- 
hension of the king of Spain's death made it ad- 
visable to have a greater force ready for such an ac- 
cident, the king resolved to keep up a force some- 
what beyond that which the house of commons had 
consented to. The leaving these orders sealed made 
the whole blame to be cast singly on the king, as it 
skreened the ministers from a share in this counsel : 
and we have more than once known ministers put 

' (Ralph, in opposition to but that the French squadron 

this statement, observes, that did not come into the bay of 

nine of the thirteen galleons ex- Cadiz till the 1 1 th of August, 

pected, on board of which were nor the king of Spain relapsd 

above thirty millions of dollars, before the 29th of that month, 

arrived at Cadiz on the 4th of See vol. ii. p. 786.) 
June, and the rest soon after ; 

B b 4 



«76 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1698. the advices that they themselves gave in such a 
' manner on their masters, that, in executing them, 
our kings have taken more care to shelter their mi- 
nisters than to preserve themselves. 
The duke The king, before his leaving England, settled a 
puUnrme- houschold about the duke of Glocester ; the earl of 
1.'^°'^^^^''"' Marlborough, who was restored to favour, was made 
his governor, and I was named by the king to be his 
preceptor. I used all possible endeavours to excuse 
my self; I had hitherto no share in the princess's 
favour or confidence ; I was also become uneasy at 
some things in the king's conduct ; I considered him 
as a glorious instrument raised up by God, who had 
done great things by him ; I had also such obliga- 
211 tions to him, that I had resolved, on public as well 
as on private accounts, never to engage in any op- 
position to him, and yet I could not help thinking 
he might have carried matters further than he did ; 
and that he was giving his enemies handles to 
weaken his government. I had tried, but with little 
, success, to use all due freedom with him ; he did not 
love to be found fault with ; and though he bore 
every thing that I said very gently, yet he either 
discouraged me with silence, or answered in such 
general expressions, that they signified little or no- 
thing^. These considerations disposed me, rather 

8 King William always com- of humour at this time, having 

plained of Burnet's breaking in found out, that the king had 

upon him, whether he would promised Mr. Hill, of the trea- 

or no, and asking such ques- sury, the reversion of Winches- 

tions as he did not know how ter, which he had set his heart 

to answer, without trusting him upon ; and was made preceptor 

more than he was willing to to the duke of Glocester, in 

do, having a very bad opinion hopes it would appease him : 

of his retentive faculty. But though much to the princess's 

the bishop was very umch out dissatisfaction, who always 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 377 

to retire from the court and town, than to engage idgd. 
deeper in such a constant attendance, for so many 
years as this employment might run out to; the 
king made it indeed easy in one respect ; for as the 
young prince was to be all the summer at Windsor, 
which was in my diocese, so he allowed me ten 
f weeks in the year, for the other parts of my diocese. 
All my endeavours to decline this were without ef- 
fect ; the king would trust that care only to me, and 
the princess gave me such encouragement, that I re- 
solved not only to submit to this, which seemed to 
come from a direction of Providence, but to give my 
self wholly up to it. I took to my own province, 
the reading and explaining the Scriptures to him, 
the instructing him in the principles of religion and 
the rules of virtue, and the giving him a view of 
histoiy, geography, politics, and government. I re- 
solved also to look very exactly to all the mastei*s 
that were appointed to teach him other things ; but 
now I turn, to give an account of some things that 
more immediately belong to my own profession. 

This year, Thomas Firmin, a famous citizen of The pro- 
London, died ; he was in great esteem, for promot- cinfanUm. " 
ing many charitable designs, for looking after the 
poor of the city, and setting them to work ; for rais- 
ing great sums for schools and hospitals, and indeed 
for charities of all sorts, private and public ; he had 
such credit with the richest citizens, that he had the 
command of great wealth, as oft as there was occa- 
sion for it ; and he laid out his own time chiefly in 
advancing all such designs : these things gained him 

thought it one of the greatest able he was to her, and be- 
hartlships put upon her by the Hcved it was done for that rea- 
ting, who knew how disagree- son. D. Sec antea, p. i6o. O, 



878 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1698. a great reputation ; he was called a Socinian, but 
was really an Arian, which he very freely owned, 
before the revolution ; but he gave no public vent to 
it, as he did afterwards. He studied to promote his 
opinions, after the revolution, with much heat; many 
books were printed against the Trinity, which he 
dispersed over the nation, distributing them freely 
to all who would accept of them ; profane wits were 
much delighted with this ; it became a common 
topic of discourse, to treat all mysteries in religion 
212 as the contrivances of priests to bring the world 
into a blind submission to them; 'priestcraft grew to 
be another word in fashion, and the enemies of re- 
ligion vented all their impieties under the cover of 
these words. But while these pretended much zeal 
for the government, those who were at work to un- 
dermine it made great use of all this ; they raised a 
great outcry against Socinianism, and gave it out, 
that it was like to overrun all ; for archbishop Til- 
lotson and some of the bishops had lived in great 
friendship with Mr. Firmin, whose charitable temper 
they thought it became them to encourage. Many 
undertook to write in this controversy ; some of 
these were not fitted for handling such a nice sub- 
ject : a learned deist made a severe remark on the 
progress of this dispute ; he said, he was sure the 
divines would be too hard for the Socinians, in 
proving their doctrines out of scripture ; but if the 
doctrine could be once laughed at and rejected as 
absurd, then its being proved, how well soever, out 
of scripture, would turn to be an argument against 
the scriptures themselves, as containing such incre- 

Different diblc doctrincs. 

tbns oTthe "^^ divines did not go all in the same method. 

Trinity. 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 379 

nor upon the same principles : Dr. Sherlock engaged 1698. 
in the controversy ; he was a clear, a polite, and a 
strong writer, and had got great credit in the for- 
mer reign, by his writings against those of the 
church of Rome ; but he was apt to assume too 
much to himself, and to treat his adversaries with 
contempt ; this created him many enemies, and 
made him pass for an insolent, haughty man ; he was 
at first a Jacobite, and while, for not taking the 
oaths, he was under suspension'', he wrote against 
the Socinians, in which he took a new method of 
explaining the Trinity; he thought there were three 
eternal minds; two of these issuing from the Father, 
but that these were one, by reason of a mutual con- 
sciousness in the three, to every of their thoughts : 
this was looked on as plain tritheism ; but all the 
party applauded him and his book ; soon after that, 
an accident of an odd nature happened. 

There was a book drawn up by bishop Overall, i''"- si»e»"- 

/ -^ *^ ^ 'lock left the 

fourscore years ago, concerning government ; in Jacobite*. 
which its being of a divine institution was very po- 
sitively asserted ; it w^as read in convocation, and 
passed by that body, in order to the pul)lisliing it, 
in opposition to the principles laid down in that fa- 
mous book of Parson's the Jesuit, published under 
the name of DoUman. King James the first did not 
like a convocation entering into such a theory of po- 
litics ; so he wrote a long letter to Abbot, who was 

^ This is not true. His Case not published till the January 
of Allegiance, in which he dis- following : so that Burnet's re- 
owned the principles of Jacobit- flections ujwn the party for 
ism, was published October 1 7, their inconsistency are without 
1690; but his Vindication of foundation. Note by Mr. God- 
the Doctrine of the Trinity was wyn, fellow of Balliol college. 



380 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1698. afterwards archbishop of Canterbury, but was then 
171 in the lower house ; I had the original, writ all in 
his own hand, in my possession ; by it he desired, 
that no further progress should be made in that 
matter, and that this book might not be offered to 
him for his assent : thus that matter slept, but San- 
croft had got Overall's own book into his hands; so, in 
the beginning of this reign, he resolved to publish it, 
as an authentic declaration that the church of Eng- 
land had made in this matter ; and it was published, 
as well as licensed by him, a very few days before 
he came under suspension for not taking the oaths : 
but there was a paragraph or two in it that they 
had not considered, which was plainly calculated to 
justify the owning the United Provinces to be a law- 
ful government : for it was there laid down, that 
when a change of government was brought to a 
thorough settlement, it was then to be owned and 
submitted to, as a work of the providence of God ; 
and a part of king James's letter to Abbot related to 
this. When Sherlock observed this, he had some 
conferences with the party, in order to convince 
them by that which he said had convinced himself; 
soon after that he took the oaths, and was made 
dean of St. Paul's ; he published an account of the 
grounds he went on, which drew out many virulent 
books against him; after that they pursued him with 
the clamour of tritheism, which was done with much 
malice, by the very same persons who had highly 
magnified the performance while he was of their 
party : so powerful is the bias of interest and pas- 
sion, in the most speculative and the most important 
<loctrines. 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 381 

Dr. South ', a learned but an ill-natured divine, igps. 
who had taken the oaths, but with the reserve of an ^^ j^^,, 
equivocal sense, which he put on them, attacked ^'^^^ "- 

* *■ gainst hiiu. 

Dr. Sherlock's book of the Trinity, not without wit 
and learning, but without any measure of Christian 
charity, and without any regard, either to the dig- 
nity of the subject, or the decencies of his profes- 
sion. He explained the Trinity in the common me- 
thod, that the Deity was one essence in three sub- 
sistencies ; Sherlock replied, and charged this as 
Sabellianism ; and some others went into the dis- 
pute, with some learning, but with more heat : one 
preached Sherlock's notion before the university of 
Oxford, for which he was censured ; but Sherlock 
wrote against that censure, with the highest strains 
of contempt : the Socinians triumphed not a little 
upon all this: and, in several of their books, they 
divided their adversaries into real and nominal Tri- 
nitarians ; Sherlock was put in the first class ; as 
for the second class, they pretended it had been the 
doctrine of the western church, ever since the time 214 
that the fourth council in the Lateran sat ; some, 
who took advantage from these debates to publish 
their impieties without fear or shame, rejoiced to 
see the divines engaged in such subtle questions; 
and they reckoned, that, which side soever might 
have the better, in the turn of this controversy, yet 
in conclusion they alone must be the gainers, by 
every dispute that brought such important matters 
to a doubtfulness, which might end in infidelity at 
last. 

The ill effects that were like to follow, on those ^he king** 

injunctions 

' See something of this man 445, of Dr. Birch's Life of 
in pages 211, 348, 352,444, Archbishop Tillotson. O. 



882 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1698. different explanations, made the bishops move the 



silence king to sct out ittjuttctions, requiring them to see 
putes ^' ^^ *^^ repressing of error and heresy, with aU pos- 
sible zeal, more particularly in the fundamental ar- 
ticles of the Christian faith : and to watch against 
and hinder the use of new terms or new explana- 
tions in those matters : this put a stop to those de- 
bates, as Mr. Firmin's death put a stop to the print- 
ing and spreading of Socinian books. Upon all this, 
some angry clergymen, who had not that share of 
preferment that they thought they deserved, begun 
to complain, that no convocation was suffered to 
sit, to whom the judging in such points seemed 
most properly to belong : books were writ on this 
head ; it was said, that the law made in king Henry 
the eighth's time, that limited the power of that 
body, so that no new canons could be attempted or 
put in use, without the king's licence and consent, 
did not disable them from sitting : on the contrary, 
a convocation was held to be a part of the parlia- 
ment, so that it ought always to attend upon it, and 
to be ready, when advised with, to give their opi- 
nions chiefly in matters of religion. They had also, 
as these men pretended, a right to prepare articles 
and canons, and to lay them before the king, who 
might indeed deny his assent to them, as he did to 
bills, that were offered him by both houses of par- 
liament. This led them to strike at the king's su- 
premacy, and to assert the intrinsic power of the 
church, which had been disowned by this church 
ever since the time of the reformation : and indeed, 
the king's supremacy was thought to be carried for- 
merly too high, and that, by tlie same sort of men, 
who were now studying to lay it as low. It seemed. 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 383 

that some men were for maintaining it, as long as 1698. 
it was in their management, and that it made for 
them : but resolved to weaken it, all they could, as 
soon as it went out of their hands, and was no more 
at their discretion : such a turn do men's interests 
and partialities give to their opinions. 

All this while it was manifest, that there were 215 
two different parties among the clergy ; one was f^^'*"* tf,e 
firm and faithful to the present government, and'^^e'^gy* 
served it with zeal; these did not envy the dis- 
senters the ease that the toleration gave them ; 
they wished for a favourable opportunity of making 
such alterations, in some few rites and ceremonies, 
as might bring into the church those, who were not 
at too great a distance from it ; and I do freely own 
that I was of this number. Others took the oaths 
indeed, and concurred in every act of compliance 
with the government, but they were not only cold 
in serving it, but were always blaming the admi- 
nistration, and aggravating misfortunes ; they ex- 
pressed a great esteem for Jacobites, and in all elec- 
tions, gave their votes to those who leaned that 
way : at the same time, they shewed great resent- 
ments against the dissenters, and were enemies to 
the toleration, and seemed resolved never to con- 
sent to any alteration in their favour. The bulk of 
the clergy ran this way, so that the moderate party 
was far outnumbered. Profane minds had too gi'eat 
advantages from this, in reflecting severely on a 
body of men, that took oaths, and performed pub- 
lic devotions, when the rest of their lives was too 
public and too visible a contradiction to such oaths 
and prayers. 

But while we are thus unhappily disjointed in Divisions 

among the 
Papists. 



884 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

i6ge. matters of religion, our neighbours are not so en- 
tirely united as they pretend to be ; the quietists 
are said to increase not only in Italy, but in France ; 
the persecution there began at first upon a few Jan- 
senists, but it turned soon to the protestants, on 
whom it has been long very heavy and bloody; this 
had put an end to all disputes in those matters ; a 
new controversy has since been managed, with great 
heat, between Bossuet, the famous bishop, first of 
Condom, and now of Meaux; and La Motte Fenelon, 
who was once in high favour with madam Mainte- 
non, and was, by her means, made preceptor to the 
Dauphin's children, and afterwards advanced to be 
archbishop of Cambray. He wrote a treatise of 
spiritual maxims, according to the subtilty, as well 
as the sublimity of the writers, called the mystics ; 
in it, he distinguished between that which was 
falsely charged upon them, and that which was 
truly their doctrine : he put the perfection of a spi- 
ritual life, in the loving of God purely for himself, 
without any regard to ourselves, even to our own 
salvation : and in our being brought to such a state 
of indifference, as to have no will nor desire of our 
own, but to be so perfectly united to the will of 
God, as to rejoice in the hope of heaven, only be- 
216 cause it is the will of God to bring us thither, witli- 
out any regard to our own happiness. Bossuet 
wrote so sharjily against him, that one is tempted to 
think, a rivalry for favour and preferment had as 
great a share in it, as zeal for the tinith. The 
matter was sent to Rome; Fenelon had so many au- 
thorized and canonized writers of his side, that 
many distinctions must be made use of to separate 
them from him; but the king was much set against 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 385 

him ; he put him from his attendance on the young 1698. 



princes, and sent him to his diocese : his disgrace 
served to raise his character. Madam Maintenon's 
violent aversion to a man she so lately raised, was 
imputed to his not being so tractable as she expected, 
in persuading the king to own his marriage with 
her : but that I leave to conjecture. There is a 
breach running through the Lutheran churches ; it 
appeared at first openly at Hamborough, where 
many were going into stricter methods of piety, who 
from thence were called pietists : there is no differ- 
ence of opinion between them and the rest, who 
are most rigid to old forms, and are jealous of all 
new things, especially of a stricter course of devo- 
tion, beyond what they themselves are inclined to 
practise : there is likewise a spirit of zeal and de- 
votion, and of public charities, sprung at home, 
beyond what was known among us in former times ; 
of which I may have a good occasion to make men- 
tion hereafter. 

But to return from this digression : the company The Scotch 
in Scotland, this year, set out a fleet, with a colony, oarieu. 
on design to settle in America: the secret was 
better kept than could have been well expected, 
considering the many hands in which it was lodged ; 
it appeared at last, that the true design had been 
guessed, from the first motion of it : they landed at 
Darien, which, by the report that they sent over, 
was capable of being made a strong place^ with a 
good port. It was no wonder that the Spaniards 
complained loudly of this; it lay so near Porto 
Bello and Panama on the one side, and Carthagena 
on the other, that they could not think they were 
safe, when such a neighbour came so near the centre 

A'OL. IV. ' c c 



386 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1698. of their empire in America : the king of France 
complained also of this, as an invasion of the Spa- 
nish dominions, and offered the court of Madrid a 
fleet to dislodge them. The Spaniards pressed the 
king hard upon this : they said, they were once 
possessed of that place ; and though they found it 
too unhealthy to settle there, yet the right to it be- 
longed still to them : so this was a breach of treaties, 
and a violent possession of their country. In answer 
to this, the Scotch pretended, that the natives of 
Darien were never conquered by the Spaniards, and 
217 were by consequence a free people ; they said, they 
had purchased of them leave to possess themselves 
of that place, and that the Spaniards abandoned the 
country, because they could not reduce the natives : 
so the pretension of the first discovery was made 
void, when they went off from it, not being able to 
hold it ; and then the natives being left to them- 
selves, it was lawful for the Scots to treat with them : 
it was given out, that there was much gold in the 
country. Certainly, the nation was so full of hopes 
from this project, that they raised a fund for carry- 
ing it on, greater than, as was thought, that king- 
dom could stretch to ; four hundred thousand pounds 
sterling was subscribed, and a fourth part was paid 
down, and afterwards, seventy thousand pounds 
more was brought in, and a national fury seemed to 
have transported the whole kingdom, upon this pro- 
ject. 
Great dis- Thc Jacobitcs went into the management with a 

putes about • 1 1 

it. particular heat : they saw the kmg would be much 

pressed from Spain : the English nation apprehend- 
ing that this would be set up as a breach of trea- 
ties, and that upon a rupture their effects in Spain 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 387 

might be seized, grew also very uneasy at it ; upon 1698. 
which it was thought, that the king would in time 
be forced to disown this invasion, and to declare 
against it, and in that case they hoped to have in- 
flamed the kingdom with this, that the king denied 
them his protection, while they were only acting 
according to law ; and this, they would have said, 
was -contrary to the coronation oath, and so they 
would have thought they were freed from their al- 
legiance to him. The Jacobites, having this pro- 
spect, did all that was possible to raise the hopes of 
the nation to the highest degree ; our English plan- 
tations grew also very jealous of this new colony ; 
they feared, that the double prospect of finding gold 
and of robbing the Spaniards, would draw many 
planters from them into this new settlement; and 
that the buccaneers might run into them : for by 
the Scotch act, this place was to be made a free 
port ; and if it was not ruined Ijefore it was well 
formed, they reckoned it would become k seat of pi- 
racy and another Algiers in those parts. Upon 
these grounds, the English nation inclined to de- 
clare against this, and the king seemed convinced, 
that it was an infraction of his treaties with Spain : 
so orders were sent, but very secretly, to the Eng- 
lish plantations, particularly to Jamaica and the 
Leeward islands, to forbid all commerce with the 
Scots at Darien. The Spaniards made some faint 
attempts on them, but without success. This was a 
very great difficulty on the king ; he saw how much 
he was like to be pressed on both hands, and he ap- 
prehended what ill consequences were like to follow, 
on his declaring himself either way. 

The parliament of England had now sat its pe-218 
c c 2 



, 388 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1698. riod of three years, in which great things had been 
The present done ', the wholc money of England was recoined, 
"oodlon! ^^^ king was secured in his government, an honour- 
duct, able peace was made, pubUc credit was restored, 
and the payment of public debts was put on sure 
and good funds. The chief conduct lay now in a 
few hands : the lord Somers was made a baron of 
England : and as he was one of the ablest and the 
most incorrupt judges that ever sat in chancery, 
so his great capacity for all affairs made the king 
consider him beyond all his ministers, and he well 
deserved the confidence that the king expressed for 
him on all occasions. In the house of commons, 
Mr. Mountague had gained such a visible ascendant 
over all that were zealous for the king's service, 
that he gave the law to the rest, which he did al- 
ways with great spirit, but sometimes with too as- 
suming an air"^. The fleet was in the earl of Or- 
ford's management, who was both treasurer of the 

^ Which did him infinite nied the charge; and Montague 

hurt, and lowered at last his was thought to have behaved 

credit ver\' much in the house very meanly. King William had 

of commons. O. Mr. Monta- been much too lavish of these 

gue (for what reason I know grants. H. See note at pages 

not) did not exert himself for 238. 240. (Ralph, at page 785 

two sessions together in the of the second vol. of his His- 

house of commons ; and suffer- tory, which was published in 

ed Mr. Harley and his friends 1746, says of Montague, "If he 

to take the lead, even whilst he " was not the father of corrup- 

(Mr. Montague) continued in " tion, he fostered it, as if all 

the king's service. During the " his hopes were built upon it: 

session, when the Irish grants " and as to his bargains with 

were resumed, he lost much " the money-jobbers, (to say 

credit, by acquainting the house " nothing of the usurious con- 

with a piece of confidence which " ditions on which they were 

Mr.Methuen (the chancellor of " made,) they lie heavy on the 

Ireland) had made him in pri- " nation to this day, and pro- 

vate, relative to what passed at " bably will so continue to the 

reporting king William's grant " day of judgment.") 
to lady Orkney. Methuen de- 



OF KING WILLIAM IIL 389 

navy, and was at the head of the admiralty ; he had 1698. 
brought in many into the service, who were very 
zealous for the government, but a spirit of impiety 
and dissolution ran through too many of them, so 
that those who intended to cast a load upon the 
government, had too great advantages given by 
some of these. The administration at home was 
otherwise without exception, and no grievances were 
complained of. 

There was a new parliament called, and the elec- a new par- 
tions fell generally on men who were in the interest ' 
of the government : many of them had indeed some 
popular notions, which they had drank in under a 
bad government, and thought they ought to keep 
them under a good one ' ; so that those who wished 
well to the public, did apprehend great difficulties 
in managing them. The king himself did not seem 
to lay this to heart so much as was fitting; he 
stayed long beyond sea ; he had made a visit to the 
duke of Zell, where he was treated in a most magni- 
ficent manner. Cross winds hindered his coming to 
England so soon as he had intended ; upon which 

' They might happen to then marquis of Hartington, 
think a good one might be- who were his great and con- 
come a bad one, or a bad one stant friends ; names that will 
might succeed to a good one. always do him honour, and re- 
They were the best men of the fute the base treatment of him 
age ; and were for maintaining by Vernon, in his letters to his 
the revolution government by master the duke of t^hrewsbur)', 
its own principles, and not by whose answers are of a great 
those of a government it had man gently checking the ini- 
superseded. My uncle (sir Ri- pertinence of a little one. But 
chard, afterwards lord Onslow) of this I have spoken to you 
was among the chief of them, elsewhere. His letters, however, 
generally united in it with sir are the best detail I have seen of 
Thomas (afterwards lord) Pel- the proceedings of the house of 
ham, and afterwards with the commons in those times. O. 

c c 3 



'990 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1698. the parliament was prorogued for some weeks after 
the members were come up : even this soured their 
spirits, and had too great a share in the ill humour 
that appeared among them. 
The forces Thc kiug's keeping up an army beyond the votes 
minished. of the former parliament was much resented, nor 
was the occasion for doing it enough considered ; all 
this was increased by his own management after he 
came over. The ministers represented to him, that 
they could carry the keeping up a land force of ten 
219 or twelve thousand, but that they could not cany it 
further : he said, so small a number was as good as 
none at all ; therefore he would not authorize them 
to propose it : on the other hand, they thought they 
should lose their credit with their best friends, if 
they ventured to speak of a greater number. So, 
when the house of commons took up the debate, the 
ministr)'' were silent, and proposed no number; upon 
which those who were in the contrary interest 
named seven thousand men, and to this they added, 
that they should be aU the king's natural born sub- 
jects. Both the parts of this vote gave the king 
great uneasiness : he seemed not only to lay it much 
to heart, but to sink under it : he tried all that was 
possible to struggle against it, when it was too late ; 
it not being so easy to recover things in an after- 
game, as it was to have prevented this misunder- 
standing, that was like to arise between him and his 
parUament. It was surmised, that he was resolved 
not to pass the bill, but that he would abandon the 
government, rather than hold it with a force that 
was too small to preserve and protect it; yet this 
was considered only as a threatening, so that little 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 



391 



regard was had to if": the act passed with some op- 
position in the house of commons; a feeble attempt 
was made in the house of lords against it, but it was 
rather a reproach than a service to the government, 
it being faintly made, and ill supported. The royal 
assent was given, and when it was hoped that the 
passing the act had softened people's minds, a new 
attempt was made for keeping the Dutch guards in 
England ; but that was rejected, thougli the king 
sent a message desiring it ". 



1698. 



h 



™ (Ralph says, that very pro- 
bably it was only a threat, for 
it was a threat which he had 
used twice before. Vol. ii. p. 
807. But hear how lord So- 
mers, in his letter to the duke 
of Shrewsbury, of which men- 
tion is made below, expresses 
himself ■ on this subject : " I 
" have not acquainted you with 
" his (the king's) resolution 
" sooner, because I thought it 
" could not be taken up in 
" good earnest. But I have 
" had this morning such a sort 
" of confirmation of it, that I 
" cannot think it possible to 
•' have it carried on so far, if 
" it be meant but as an appear- 
" ance only, and to provoke us 
" to exert ourselves. 

" His resolution is, when the 
" next Wednesday's business is 
" over, to come to the parlia- 
" nient, and tell them, that he 
" came over to rescue the na- 
•' tion from the ruin impending 
" over them, in which he suc- 
" ceeded, and had brought them 
" to the end of a dangerous 
" war, without any great mis- 
" fortune; that now they had 
" peace, and might provide for 
" their own safety ; that he saw 



" they were entertaining dis- 
" trusts and jealousies of him, 
" so as not to do what was ne- 
" cessary for themselves ; that 
" he was therefore determined 
" to leave England, but, before 
" he went, would consent to 
" any law they should offer, for 
" appointing commissioners of 
" both houses, to administer the 
" government, and then they 
" would not be jealous of them- 
" selves.*') 

" The king should not have 
desired it, or at least not have 
brought it to a question : it 
was the meanest act of his 
reign. Whatever malice there 
might be in some towards him 
in it, yet the public reasons for 
it had so national an appear- 
ance, that it was unhappy for 
the king, that he had kept them 
here at all after he had the 
crown. It looked like a dis- 
trust, which could not avoid 
giving a distaste, and therefore 
lessened the security of it to 
him, if there was really any in 
it. If he had any particular af- 
fection for them, because they 
had always been about him, as 
it was said, it was below his 
greatness to let that prevail 

c c 4 



392 



THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



1698. In the carrying these points, many hard things 
The party wcrc Said against the court, and against the king 
opposed the jjj^jjggjf. ^^ ^g^g sufirgested, that he loved not the na- 

kmg with ^ ' 00 ' 

great bit- tioH *, that hc was on the reserve with all English- 

tcrncss* 

men, and shewed no confidence in them ; but that 
as soon as the session of parliament was over, he 
went immediately to Holland ; and they said, this 
was not to look after the affairs of the States, which 
had been more excusable, but that he went thither 
to enjoy a lazy privacy at Loo ; where, with a few 
favourites, he hunted and passed away the summer. 



against the contrarj- prejudice. 
He was often enough in Hol- 
land to give them the coun- 
tenance of his favour. The per- 
son of the king of England 
guarded by a troop of foreign- 
ers, was not a pleasing sight to 
Englishmen, who had so far 
trusted him, as to make him 
their king. Nor did he want it, 
as it appeared afterwards : for 
he was in truth more really be- 
loved by the body of the people 
than he thought himself to be, 
or than his enemies seemed 
to believe he was. And I 
have this from those who very 
well knew the state of this 
country at that time. I have 
said the more upon this affair 
of the Dutch guards, because 
it is a matter which was then 
and since much agitated, and I 
think misrepresented by many 
writers, though this author's 
manner of touching it shews he 
did not concur in the warm 
sense of those who have called 
it an affront and a piece of in- 
gratitude to king William. See 
the .Journal of the House of 
Conin)ons. O. ("A well voucb- 



" ed tradition relates, that when 
" the account of the refusal of 
" the commons to pay respect 
" to his last message (request- 
" ing that out of consideration 
" to him, which he would take 
" very kindly, they wofild suf- 
" fer the guards to continue 
" longer in his service) was 
" brought to him, he walked 
" some time through the room, 
" with his eyes fixed on the 
" ground, then stopped, threw 
" them around with wildness, 
" and said, ' If I had a son, by 
" God, these guards should not 
" quit me.' In a letter to lord 
" Galway he says, ' I am afraid 
" the good God will pimish the 
" ingratitude of this nation.' " 
Dalrymple's Memoirs, vol. iii. p. 
I 29. See also in Coxe's Shrews- 
bury Correspondence, lately pub- 
lished, the interesting letter just 
mentioned from lord Soniers, 
giving an account of the king's 
resolution to withdraw from 
England, in consequence of the 
reduction of the army, and the 
dismission of the Dutch guards. 
P. iii. c. 8. p. 57'-) 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 393 

in a way that did not raise his character much. It 1698. 



is certain, the usage he had met with of late put his 
spirits too much on the fret; and he neither took 
care to disguise that, nor to overcome the ill hu- 
mour, which the manner of his deportment, rather 
than any just occasion given by him, had raised in 
many against him°. Some, in the house of com- 
mons, began to carry things much further, and to 
say, that they were not bound to maintain the votes, 
and to keep up the credit of the former parhament ; 220 
and they tried to shake the act made in favour of 
the new East India company : this was so contrary 
to the fundamental maxims of our constitution, that 
it gave cause of jealousy, since this could be in- 
tended for nothing but to ruin the government : 
money raised by parliament, upon bargains and con- 
ditions that were performed by those who advanced 
it, gave them such a purchase of those acts, and this 

° The implacable revengeful to be included in his majesty's 
temper he had shewn in the mostgracious declaration: which 
violent and irregular prosecu- had a very surprising effect in 
tion of so insignificant (and, in the house of lords for a long 
truth, despicable) a gentleman time after; the court not daring 
as sir John Fenwick, made him to propose any thing without 
universally feared and hated, consulting the minority first. 
His passion had so far got the and, in reality, asking their 
better of him, that when he leave ; but he could never re- 
saw the lords' protest, he said, cover the confidence or affec- 
he did not doubt, but all those tions of any of them during 
that had signed it, would have the rest of his reign, which 
done as much as sir John if proved very prejudicial to his 
they durst ; from whence we affairs ever after. D. Vid. pag. 
concluded, he would hang all 307. H. L. (Henry Legge.) 
of us, if he could : and the (The earl of Dartmouth had 
dukes of Somerset, Ormond, there added the protest against 
and Devonshire, with the earls the bill of attainder of sir John 
of Pembroke and Dorset, who Fenwick ; which has been in- 
had spoke and voted against serted above, at p. 195, folio 
the bill, though not signed the edit.) 
protest, understood themselves 



a^ THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1698. was so sacred, that to overturn it must destroy aU 
credit for the future, and no government could be 
maintained that did not preserve this religiously. 

1699. Among other complaints, one made against the 
concerning court was, that the king had given grants of the 
fS** "^ confiscated estates in Ireland : it was told before, 
estetes, that a biU being sent up by the commons, attainting 

the Irish that had been in arms, and applying their 
estates to the paying the public debts, leaving only 
a power to the king to dispose of the third part of 
them, was like to lie long before the lords ; many 
petitions being offered against it; upon which the 
king, to bring the session to a speedy conclusion, 
had promised, that this matter should be kept entire 
till their next meeting : but the next session going 
over without any proceeding in it, the king granted 
away all those confiscations : it being an undoubted 
branch of the royal prerogative, that all confiscations 
accrued to the crown, and might be granted away 
at the pleasure of the king : it was pretended, that 
those estates came to a million and a half in value. 
Great objections were made to the merits of some, 
who had the largest share in those grants ; attempts 
had been made, in the parliament of Ireland, to ob- 
tain a confirmation of them, but that which Ginkle, 
who was created earl of Athlone, had, was only con- 
firmed : now it was become a popular subject of de- 
clamation, to arraign both the grants and those who 
had them : motions had been often made, for a ge- 
neral resumption of all the grants made in this 
reign ; but in answer to this, it was said, that since 
no such motion was made for a resumption of the 
gi'ants made in king Charles the second's reign, not- 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 395 

withstanding the extravagant profusion of them, and 1699. 
the ill grounds upon which they were made, it 
shewed both a disrespect and a black ingratitude, if, 
while no other grants were resumed, this king only 
should be called in question. The court party said 
often, let the retrospect go back to the year I66O, 
and they would consent to it, and that which might 
be got by it would be worth the while. It was an- 
swered, this could not be done after so long a time, 
that so many sales, mortgages, and settlements had 221 
been made, pursuant to those grants ; so all these 
attempts came to nothing. But now they fell on a 
more effectual method. A commission was given, by 
act of pai'liament, to seven persons named by the 
house of commons, to inquire into the value of the 
confiscated estates in Ireland so granted away, and 
into the considerations upon which those grants 
were made p. This passed in this session, and in the 
debates a great alienation discovered itself in many 
from the king and his government, which had a very 
ill effect upon all affairs, both at home and abroad. 
When the time prefixed for the disbanding the army 
came, it was reduced to seven thousand men : of 
these, four thousand were horse and dragoons, the 
foot were three thousand ; the bodies were also re- 



P It was about this lime, exchequer. Mr. Smith was soon 

that on a vacancy of the audit- after appointed to that employ- 

or's place, Mr. Montague, with ment. It appears by a letter 

the approbation or advice of to the king from lord S , 

his friends, declared his resolu- (perhaps Somers,) that he did 

tion of taking to himself that not approve of this step of Mr. 

lucrative office, and put in his Montague. But the other was 

relation. Kit Montague, to much disheartened by the grow- 

keep it for him, as the holding ing opposition to him in the 

the auditorship was incompali- house of coiunions. H. 
ble with being chancellor of the 



396 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1699. duced to so small a number of soldiers, that it was 

said we had now an ai'my of officers : the new model 

was much approved of by proper judges, as the best 
into which so small a number could have been 
brought. There was at the ^ame time a very large 
provision made for the sea, greater than was thought 
necessary in a time of peace. Fifteen thousand sea- 
men, with a fleet proportioned to that number, was 
thought a necessary security, since we were made so 
weak by land. 
The czar I mentioned, in the relation of the former year, 
in EngkncL the czar's comiug out of his own country ; on which 
I will now enlarge : he came this winter over to 
England, and stayed some months among us 'i ; I 
waited often on him, and was ordered, both l)y the 
king and the archbishop and bishops, to attend upon 
him, and to offer him such informations of our re- 
ligion and constitution, as he was willing to receive : 
I had good interpreters, so I had much free dis- 
course with him ; he is a man of a very hot temper, 
soon inflamed, and very brutal in his passion ; he 
raises his natural heat, by drinking much brandy, 
which he rectifies himself with great application : 
he is subject to convulsive motions all over his body. 



'I The king made the czar a had a great dislike to being 

visit, in which an odd incident looked at, but had a mind to 

happened. The czar had a see the king in parliament ; in 

favourite monkey, which sat order to which, he was placed 

upon the back of his chair ; as in a gutter upon the house-top, 

soon as the king was sat down, to peep in at the window ; 

the monkey jumped upon him where he made so ridiculous a 

in some wrath, which discom- figure, that neither king nor 

posed the whole ceremonial ; people could forbear laughing ; 

and most of the time was af- which obliged him to retire 

terwards spent in apologies for sooner than he intended. D. 
the monkey's misbehaviour. He 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 397 

and his head seems to be affected with these ; he 1699. 
wants not capacity, and has a larger measure of 
knowledge, than might be expected from his educa- 
tion, which was very indifferent ; a want of judg- 
ment, with an instability of temper, appear in him 
too often and too evidently ; he is mechanically 
turned, and seems designed by nature rather to be 
a ship-carpenter, than a great prince. This was his 
chief study and exercise, while he stayed here : he 
wrought much with his own hands, and made all 
about him work at the models of ships : he told me, 
he designed a great fleet at Azuph, and with it to 
attack the Turkish empire ; but he did not seem 
capable of conducting so gi'eat a design, though his 222 
conduct in his wars since this, has discovered a 
greater genius in him than appeared at that time. 
He was desirous to understand our doctrine, but he 
did not seem disposed to mend matters in Moscovy; 
he was indeed resolved to encourage learning, and 
to polish his people, by sending some of them to 
travel in other countries, and to draw strangers to 
come and live among them. He seemed apprehen- 
sive still of his sister's intrigues. There was a mix- \ 
ture both of passion and severity in his temper. He 
is resolute, but understands little of war', and seemed 
not at all inquisitive that way. After I had seen him 
often, and had conversed much with him, I could 
not but adore the depth of the providence of God, 
that had raised up such a furious man to so absolute 
an authority over so great a part of the world. 
David, considering the great things God had made 



■■ Bishop Burnet makes a very wrong judgment of the czar. 
H. 



THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1699. for the use of man, broke out into the meditation, 



What is man^ that thou art so mindful of him t 
But here there is an occasion for reversing these 
words, since man seems a very contemptible thing 
in the sight of God, whUe such a person as the czar 
has such multitudes put as it were under his feet, 
exposed to his restless jealousy and savage temper. 
He went from hence to the court of Vienna, where 
he purposed to have stayed some time, but he was 
called home sooner than he had intended, upon a 
discovery or a suspicion of intrigues managed by his 
sister : the strangers to whom he trusted most, were 
so true to him, that those designs were crushed be- 
fore he came back ; but on this occasion he let loose 
his fury on all whom he suspected ; some hundreds 
of them were hanged all round Moscow, and it was 
said that he cut off many heads with his own hand, 
and so far was he from relenting, or shewing any 
sort of tenderness, that he seemed delighted with it. 
How long he is to be the scourge of that nation, or 
of his neighbours, God only knows : so extraordi- 
nary an incident will, I hope, justify such a digres- 
sion. 
If Po/^nd' '^^^ ^^^^ ^^ Poland was not much better thought 
of by the Poles, though somewhat deeper in his de- 
signs : he had given that republic great cause of 
suspecting, that he intended to turn that free and 
elective state into an hereditary and absolute domi- 
nion. Under the pretence of a civil war, like to arise 
at home, on the prince of Conti's account, and of the 
war with the Turks, he had brought in an army of 
Saxons, of whom the Poles were now become so 
jealous, that if he does not send them home again, 
probably that kingdom will fall into new wars. 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 399 

The young king of Sweden seemed to inherit the 1699. 
roughness of his father's temper, with the piety and 'Z^ 
the virtues of his mother ; his coronation was per- The affair* 
formed in a particular manner; he took up the°^^*'****°' 
crown himself, and set it on his head ; the design of 
this innovation in the ceremonial seems to be, that 
he will not have his subjects think, that he holds his 
crown in any respect by their grant or consent, but 
that it was his own by descent : therefore no other 
person was to set it on his head : whereas, even ab- 
solute princes are willing to leave this poor remnant 
and shadow of a popular election, among the cere- 
monies of their coronation ; since they are crowned 
upon the desires and shoutings of their people. 
Thus the two northern crowns, Denmark and Swe- 
den, that were long under great restraints by their 
constitution, have in our own time emancipated 
themselves so entirely % that in their government 
they have little regard, either to the rules of law or 
the decencies of custom. A little time will shew, 
whether Poland can be brought to submit to the 
same absoluteness of government ; they who set 
their crown to sale in so barefaced a manner, may 
be supposed ready likewise to sell their liberties, if 
they can find a merchant that wiU come to their 
price. 

The frequent relapses, and the feeble state of thc^'i^^^'y 

* ^ for the suc- 

king of Spain's health, gave the world great alarms, cession to 

the crown 

The court of Vienna trusted to their interest m the of spaiu. 
court of Spain, and in that king himself; the French 
court was resolved not to let go their pretensions to 
that succession, without gi*eat advantages' ; the king 

» As princes call it. O. this time of sending an ambas- 

' There was a thought at sador to Spain ;• lord Wharton 



400 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1699. and the States were not now strong enough to be 
the umpires in that matter ; this made them more 
easily hearken to propositions, that were set on foot 
by the court of France ; the electoral prince of Ba- 
varia was proposed, he being the only issue of the 
king of Spain's second sister, who was married to 
the emperor. Into this, the king, the States, and 
the elector of Bavaria entered ; the court of Spain 
agreed to this ; and that king, by his will, confirmed 
his father's will, by which the succession of the 
crown was settled on the issue of the second daugh- 
ter, and it was resolved to engage all the grandees 
and cities of Spain, to maintain the succession, ac- 
cording to this settlement. The house of Austria 
complained of this, and pretended that, by a long 
tract of reciprocal settlements, several mutual entails 
had passed between those two branches of the 
house of Austria ; the court of France seemed also 
to complain of it, but they were secretly in it, upon 
engagements, that the dominions in Italy should fall 
to their share ; but while these engagements, in fa- 
224 vour of the prince electoral, were raising great ap- 
prehensions every where, that young prince, who 
seemed marked out for great things, and who had 
all the promising beginnings that could be expected 
in a child of seven years old, fell sick, and was car- 
ried off the third or fourth day of his illness ; so 
uncertain are all the prospects and all the hopes 



was proposed, but excused him- earlier broken to the Spanish 

self from going, and the king court, or at least excused after 

was too much chagrined with it was concluded, by a solemn 

all parties to propose any body embassy, and an able ambas- 

himself. Undoubtedly the parti- sador. H. 
tion treaty should have been 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 401 

that this world can give". Now the dauphin and 1699. 
the emperor were to dispute, or to divide this sue- 
cession between them ; so a new treaty was set on 
foot : it was generally given^ out, and too easily be- 
lieved, that the king of France was grown weary of 
war, and was resolved to pass the rest of his days in 
peace and quiet ; but that he could not consent to 
the exaltation of the house of Austria ; yet if that 
house were set aside, he would yield up the dau- 
phin's pretensions ; and so the duke of Savoy was 
much talked of, but it was with the prospect of hav- 
ing his hereditary dominions yielded up to the crown 
of France : but this great matter came to another 
digestion a few months after. 

About this time, the king set up a new favourite : The eari of 
Keppel, a gentleman of Guelder, was raised, fromfavou?. " 
being a page, into the highest degree of favour, that 
any person had ever attained, about the king ; he 
was now made earl of Albemarle, and soon after 
knight of the garter, and, by a quick and unaccount- 
aljle progress, he seemed to have engrossed the royal 
favour so entirely, that he disposed of every thing, 
that was in the king's power. He was a cheerful 
young man, that had the art to please, but was so 
much given up to his own pleasures, that he could 
scarce submit to the attendance and drudgery that 
was necessary to maintain his post. He never had 
yet distinguished himself in any thing, though the 
king did it in every thing. He was not cold nor 



" The elector of IJavaria, in fatality, that always attended 

the memorial he published at those that stood in the way of 

the beginning of the second aggrandizing the house of Au»- 

war, gave broad hinte, that his tria. D. 
son had suffered, from a certain 

VOL. IV. 1) d 



4m THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1699. dry* as the earl of Portland was thought to be; 
who seemed to have the art of creating many ene- 
mies to himself, and not one friend ^ : but the earl 
of Albemarle had all the arts of a court, was civil to 
all, and procured many favours. The earl of Port- 
land observed the progress of this favour with great 
uneasiness ; they grew to be not only incompatible, 
as all rivals for favour must needs be, but to hate 
and oppose one another in every thing ; by which 
the king's affairs suffered much ; the one had more 
of the confidence, and the other much more of the 
favour ; the king had heaped many grants on the 
earl of Portland, and bad sent him ambassador to 
France, upon the peace ; where he appeared with 
great magnificence, and at a vast expense, and had 
many very unusual respects put upon him by that 
king and all that court; but upon his return, he 
225 could not bear the visible superiority in favour, that" 
the other was grown up to ; so he took occasion, 
from a small preference that was given him, in pre- 
judice of his own post, as groom of the stole, and 
upon it withdrew from the court, and laid down all 
his employments. The king used all possible means 
to divert him from this resolution, but without pre- 
vailing on him ; he consented to serve the king stiU 
in his affairs, but he would not return to any post 
in the household ; and not long after that, he was 

" The earl of Sunderland " carry." I mention this parti- 
had a very mean opinion of the cular as a specimen of the earl 
earl of Portland ; and said upon of Sunderland's style, which he 
Keppel's being sent to him by was much given to, and which 
the king upon some business, did much increase enmities to 
" This young man brings and him. He wanted not this far- 
" carries a message well ; but ther quality to make him uni- 
" Portland is so dull an animal, versally odious. O. 
" that he can neither fetch nor 



OF KING WILLIAM IIL 403 

employed in the new negotiation, set on foot for the 1699. 
succession to the crown of Spain. 

This year died the marquis of Winchester, whom ^Z**. *^***J 
the king had created duke of Bolton ; he was a man of Boiton. 
of a strange mixture ; he had the spleen to a high 
degree, and affected an extravagant behaviour ; for 
many weeks he would take a conceit not to speak 
one word ; and at other times, he would not open 
his mouth, till such an hour of the day, when he 
thought the air was pure ; he changed the day into 
night, and often hunted by torch Ught, and took all 
sorts of liberties to himself, many of which were 
very disagreeable to those about him. In the end 
of king Charles's time, and during king James's 
reign, he affected an appearance of folly, which af- 
terwards he compared to Junius Brutus's behaviour 
under the Tarquins y. With all this, he was a very 
knowing, and a very crafty politic man ; and was 
an artful flatterer, when that was necessaiy to com- 
pass his end, in which generally he was successful : 
he was a man of a profuse expense, and of a most 
ravenous avarice to support that ; and though he 
was much hated, yet he carried matters before him 
with such authority and success, that he was in all 
respects the great riddle of the age. 

This summer, sir Josiah Child died; he was aAndoftir 

Josiah 

man of great notions as to merchandise '^, which was cinid. 

y (Sir John Reresby, in his the prince of Orange before his 
Memoirs, p. 140, confirms the arrival in England. After all, 
notion, that this strange mode perhaps insanity was at the bot- 
of life, in turning night into day, torn of the whole.) 
was the result of policy in this ^ Manifested in the best 
nobleman, wishing people to book we have upon that sub- 
think him mad, in order to ject, and which in the principal 
avoid harsher censure in king parts of it, and in general, is 
James's reign. He certainly still our standard. O. 
entered into engagements with 

D d 2 



404! THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1699. his education, and in which he succeeded beyond 
~ any man of his time : he applied himself chiefly to 

the East India trade, which by his management was 
raised so high, that it drew much envy and jealousy 
both upon himself and upon the company ; he had 
a compass of knowledge and apprehension beyond 
any merchant I ever knew ; he was vain and cove- 
tous, and thought too cunning, though to me he 
seemed always sincere. 
The arch- The complaiuts that the court of France sent to 
camTraVs Romc, agalust the ai'chbishop of Cambray's book, 
demned." procurcd a ccusurc from thence ; but he gave such 
a ready and entire submission to it, that how much 
soever that may have lessened him in some men's 
opinions, yet it quite defeated the designs of his 
enemies against him : upon this occasion it appeared 
226 how much both the clergy of France, and the courts 
of parliament there, were sunk from that firmness, 
which they had so long maintained against the in- 
croachment of the court of Rome ; not so much as 
one person of those bodies has set himself to assert 
those liberties, upon which they had so long valued 
themselves ; the whole clergy submitted to the buU, 
_ the king himself received it, and the parUament re- 
gistered it: we do not yet know, by what methods 
and practices this was obtained at the court of 
Rome, nor what are the distinctions, by which they 
save the doctrine of so many of their saints, while 
they condemn this archbishop's book ; for it is not 
easy to perceive a difference between them : from 
the conclusion of this process at Rome, I turn to 
another, against a bishop of our own church, that 
was brought to a sentence and conclusion this sum- 
mer. 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 405 

Dr. Watson was promoted by king James to the 1699. 
bishopric of St. David's ; it was believed that he The bishop 
gave money for his advancement, and that, in order^Jj^'^^' 
to the reimbursing himself, he sold most of the spi- p"''*'* ^°' 

<-> ^ ^ simony. 

ritual preferments in his gift : by the law and custom 
of this church, the archbishop is the only judge of a 
bishop, but, upon such occasions, he calls for the as- 
sistance of some of the bishops ; he called for six 
in this cause ; I was one of them ; it was proved, 
that the bishop had collated a nephew of his to a 
great many of the best preferments in his gift, and 
that, for many years, he had taken the whole profits 
of these to himself, keeping his nephew very poor, 
and obliging him to perform no part of his duty : it 
was also proved, that the bishop obtained leave to 
keep a benefice, which he held before his promotion, 
by a commendam (one of the abuses which the 
popes brought in among us, from which we have 
not been able hitherto to free our church) he had 
sold both the cure and the profits to a clergyman, 
for a sum of mon^, and had obliged himself to re- 
sign it upon demand ; that is, as soon as the clergy- 
man could, by another sum, purchase the next pre- 
sentation of the patron : these things were fully 
proved. To these was added a charge of many op- 
pressive fees, which, being taken for benefices that 
were in his gift, were not only extortion, but a pre- 
sumptive simony : all these he had taken himself, 
without making use of a register or actuary ; for as 
he would not trust those secrets to any other, so he 
swallowed up the fees, both of his chancellor and 
register : he had also ordained many pei*sons, with- 
out tendering them the oaths enjoined by law ; and 
yet, in their letters of orders, he had certified under 

Dd3 



406 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1699. his hand and seal, that they had taken those oaths ; 
227 this was what the law calls crimen falsi, the certi- 
fying that which he knew to be false : no excep- 
tions lay to the witnesses, by whom these things 
were made out, nor did the bishop bring any proofs, 
on his side, to contradict their evidence : some af- 
firmed, that he was a sober and regular man, and 
that he spoke often of simony with such detestation, 
that they could not think him capable of committing 
it. The bishop of Rochester withdrew from the 
court, on the day in which sentence was to be 
given ; he consented to a suspension, but he did not 
think that a bishop could be deprived by the arch- 
bishop. When the court sat to give judgment, the 
bishop resumed his privilege of peerage, and pleaded 
it ; but he, having waved it in the house of lords, 
and having gone on stiU submitting to the court, 
no regard was had to this, since a plea to the juris- 
diction of the court was to be offered in the first 
instance, but could not be kept up to the last, and 
then be made use of. The bishops, that were pre- 
sent, agreed to a sentence of deprivation : I went 
further, and thought that he ought to be excommu- 
nicated. He was one of the worst men, in all re- 
spects, that ever I knew in holy orders : passionate, 
covetous, and false in the blackest instances ; with- 
out any one virtue or good quality, to balance his 
many bad ones. But, as he was advanced liy king 
James, so he stuck firm to that interest ; and the 
party, though ashamed of him, yet were resolved to 
support him with great zeal : he appealed to a court 
of delegates ; and they, about the end of the year, 
confirmed the archbishop's sentence. Another pro- 
secution followed for simony, against Jones bishop 



OP KING WILLIAM III. 407 

of St. Asaph, in which, though the presumptions 1699. 
were very great, yet the evidence was not so clear 
as in, the former case ^ The bishops in Wales give 
xilmost all the benefices in their diocese ; so this pri- 
mitive constitution, that is still preserved among 
them, was scandalously abused by some wicked 
men, who set holy things to sale, and thereby in- 
creased the prejudices, that are but too easily re- 
ceived, both against religion and the church. 

I pubhshed this year an Exposition of the Thirty- ^ published 

A • 1 n Ti !• • • 1 1 an Exposi- 

nme Articles of Rehgion : it seemed a work much tion of the 
wanted, and it was justly to be wondered at, that Articfes"!'"* 
none of our divines had attempted any such per- 
formance, in a way suitable to the dignity of the 
subject: for some slight analyses of them are not 
worth either mentioning or reading. It was a work 
that required study and labour, and laid a man open 
to many malicious attacks ; this made some of my 
friends advise me against publishing it; in compli- 
ance with them, I kept it five years by me, after I 
had finished it : but I was now prevailed on by the 228 
archbishop, and many of my own order, besides a 
great many others, to delay the publishing it no 



■ The chief difference he- him, I always understood be- 
tween their cases was, that fore, that simony had been com- 
Watson took the money him- posed of simoniacal practices ; 
self, (being a bachelor,) and which he seemed to take a 
Jones's wife received it for him. little unkindly, but gave me no 
I asked bishop Burnet myself, auswer. D. Alluding to tliese 
bow they distinguished the two cases, Shippen in his fa- 
crime : he told me, they looked mous party-poem called " Fac- 
upon one as direct simony, and " tion Displayed," says of the 
the other as a simoniacal prac- archbishop, " Here spared a 
tice. Knowing the exceeding " friend, there triumphed o'er 
partiality of the man, I told " a foe." O. 

D d 4 



408 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1699. longer. It seemed a proper addition to the History 
of the Reformation, to explain and prove the doc- 
trine which was then established. I was moved first 
by the late queen, and pressed by the late archbi- 
shop to write it ; I can appeal to the searcher of all 
hearts, that I wrote it with great sincerity and a 
good intention, and with all the application and 
care I was capable of. I did then expect, what I 
have since met with, that malicious men would em- 
ploy both their industry and ill-nature, to find mat- 
^ ter for censure and cavils ; but though there have 
been some books writ on purpose against it, and 
many in sermons and other treatises have occasionally 
reflected, with great severity, upon several passages 
in it, yet this has been done with so little justice or 
reason, that I am not yet convinced, that there is 
' one single period or expression, that is justly re- 
marked on, or that can give me any occasion, either 
to retract, or so much as to explain any one part of 
that whole work ; which I was very ready to have 
done, if I had seen cause for it. There was another 
reason, that seemed to determine me to the publish- 
ing it at this time. 
The growth Upou the pcace of Ryswick, a great swarm of 
popery. pj.jgg|.g came over to England, not only those whom 
the revolution had frighted away, but many more 
new men, who appeared in many places with gi*eat 
insolence ; and it was said, that they boasted of the 
favour and protection of which they were assured. 
Some enemies of the government began to give it 
out, that the favouring that religion was a secret 
*gL article of the peace ; and so absurd is malice and 

calumny, that the Jacobites began to say, that the 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 409 

king was either of that religion, or at least a fa- 1699. 
vourer of it '^ : complaints of the avowed practices ' 
and insolence of the priests were brought from seve- 
ral places, during the last session of parliament, and 
those were maliciously aggravated by some, who 
cast the blame of all on the king. 

Upon this, some proposed a bill, that obliged all An act 
persons educated in that religion, or suspected to be puu"* ''* 
of it, who should succeed to any estate before they 
were of the age of eighteen, to take the oaths of al- 
legiance and supremacy, and the test, as soon as 
they came to that age; and till they did it, the 
estate was to devolve to the next of kin, that was a 
protestant ; but was to return back to them upon 
their taking the oaths. All popish priests were also 
banished by the biU, and were adjudged to perpe- 
tual imprisonment, if they should again return into 229 
England ; and the reward of an hundred pound was 
offered to eveiy one who should discover a popish 
priest, so as to convict him. Those, who brought 
this into the house of commons, hoped, that the 

^ He does the Jacobites a care to secure the interest and 
great deal of wrong; for it was safety of his friends. Lord Jer- 
the whigs gave out that the sey told me afterwards, that 
king was turned Jacobite, upon such a proposal had been once 
a jealousy they conceived at the made, with an offer that the 
conferences between lord Port- pretender should be sent over, 
land and marshal Bouflers, that and educated as the king thought 
the king had agreed that the fit, who shewed no sort of dis- 
pretender should succeed him, like to it, but said it would bo 
which was carried so for, that a contradiction to all the other 
the earl of Oxford (Orford) actions of his life. That he fa- 
came in the name of them all, voured the Roman catholics as 
to ask if there was any thing in far as he could, and that he was 
that report, and said, with some frequently called upon by the 
emotion, that it was hard if the emperor so to do, is most cer- 
king had entered into any such tain. D. (See note before at 
eogagenients, without taking p. 201.) 



*10 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1699. court would have opposed it; but the court pro- 
moted the bill; so when the party saw their mis- 
, take, they seemed willing to let the bill fall ; and 
when that could not be done, they clogged it with 
many severe and some unreasonable clauses, hoping 
that the lords woidd not pass the act ; and it was 
said, that if the lords should make the least altera- 
tion in it, they, in the house of commons, who had 
set it on, were resolved to let it lie on their table, 
when it should be sent back to them. Many lords, 
who secretly favoured papists, on the Jacobite ac- 
count, did for this very reason move for several al- 
terations ; some of these importing a greater seve- 
rity ; but the zeal against popery was such in that 
house, that the bill passed without any amendment, 
and it had the royal assent. I was for this bill, not- 
^f:. withstanding my principles for toleration, and against 
all persecution for conscience sake ; I had always 
thought, that if a government found any sect in re- 
ligion incompatible with its quiet and safety, it 
might, and sometimes ought, to send away all of 
that sect, with as little hardship as possible : it is 
certain, that as all papists must, at all times, be ill 
subjects to a protestant prince, so this is much more 
to be apprehended, when there is a pretended popish 
heir in the case : this act hurt no man that was in 
the present possession of an estate, it only incapaci- 
tated his next heir to succeed to that estate, if he 
continued a papist; so the danger of this, in case 
the act should be well looked to, would put those of 
that religion, who are men of conscience, on the 
selling their estates ; and in the course of a few 
years, might deliver us from having any papists left 
among us. But this act wanted several necessary 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 



411 



clauses to enforce the due execution of it; the word i6gg, 
next of kin, was very indefinite, and the next of' kin " 

was not obliged to claim the benefit of this act, nor 
did the right descend to the remoter heirs, if the 
more immediate ones should not take the benefit of 
it; the test, relating to matters of doctrine and 
worship, did not seem a proper ground for so great 
a severity ; so this act was not followed nor executed 
in any sort ^ ; but here is a scheme laid, though not 
fully digested, which on some great provocation, 
given by those of that religion, may dispose a par- 
liament to put such clauses in a new act, as may 
make this effectual ^. 

The king of Denmark was in a visible decUne^SO 
all this year; and died about the end of summer. Hoistein. 



•• It has since, in the instance 
of one Roper, when it received 
a construction that contributes 
very much to the enforcing of 
the act. This construction was 
a point in which the chancellor, 
(lord Harcourt,) before whom 
the cause came, had a difference 
of opinion with the chief justice, 
(Parker,) whom the chancellor 
called to his assistance. The 
last was for a construction 
which would in effect have made 
the act useless, by an easy eva- 
sion of it, and Parker's opinion 
was calculated to prevent that. 
The chancellor's opinion was 
the decree, but there was an 
appeal from it to the house of 
lords, where the decree was re- 
versed, upon Parker's reasons, 
whom the lords called upon for 
his opinion. He got great cre- 
dit by it, with some reflection 
upon the chancellor. So that 
all the papists now have their 



land estates in England upon 
a very precarious holding. O. 
(See below, p. 440.) 

= (The passing this act, and 
the arguments in its favour, are 
a good specimen of consistency 
in the professed patrons of mo- 
deration. What would they 
have said, if the government in 
Charles the second's reign had 
proposed banishing from their 
country the protestant noncon- 
formists, under pretence of their 
incompatibility with its quiet 
and safety ? It certainly behoved 
king William, in conformity 
with the assurances he is said 
to have given the confederate 
princes, of protecting his Ro- 
man catholic subjects, to have 
prevented, if it had been in his 
power, such a scandalous and 
persecuting measure. But the 
kings of England were become, 
instead of constitutional kings, 
only puppets.) 



412 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1699. ^Vhile he was languishing, the duke of Holsteih 
began to build some new forts in that duchy ; this, 
the Danes said, was contrary to the treaties, and 
to the condominium, which that king and the duke 
have in that duchy; the duke of Holstein had 
man'ied the king of Sweden's sister, and depended 
on the assurances he had, of being supported by 
that crown ; the young king of Denmark, upon his 
coming to the crown, as he complained of these 
infractions, so he entered into an alliance with the 
king of Poland and the elector of Brandenburgh, 
and, as was said, with the landgrave of Hesse and 
the duke of Wolfembuttel, to attack Sweden and 
Holstein at once, on all hands. The king of Poland 
was to invade Livonia; the elector of Branden- 
burgh was to fall into the regal Pomerania, and the 
other princes were to keep the dukes of ZeYi and 
Hanover from assisting Holstein ; the king of Den- 
mark himself was to attack Holstein; but his father's 
chief minister and treasurer, the baron Plesse, did 
not like the concert, and apprehended it would not 
end weU ; so he withdrew from his post, which he 
had maintained long, with a high reputation, both 
for his capacity and integrity ; which appeared in 
this, that, though that king's power is now canied 
to be absolute, yet he never stretched it to new or 
oppressive taxes ; and therefore seeing things were 
like to take another ply in a new reign, he resigned 
his employment. He was the ablest and the wor- 
thiest man, that I ever knew belonging to those 
parts ; he was much trusted and employed by prince 
George ; so that I had great opportunities to know 
him. 

The king of Sweden, seeing such a storm coming 



I 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 413 

upon him from so many hands, claimed the effects 1699. 
of his aUiance with England and Holland, who were a war rais- 
guarantees of the several treaties made in the north, the'kfn^of 
particularly of the last, made at Altena but ten years Sweden- 
before. The house of Lunenburgh was also engaged 
in interest to preserve Holstein, as a barrier between 
them and Denmark : the king of Poland thought 
the invasion of Livonia, which was to be begun with 
the siege of Riga, would prove both easy and of 
great advantage to him. Livonia was anciently a 
fief of the crown of Poland, and delivered itself, for 
protection, to the crown of Sweden, by a capitula- 
tion : by that, they were still to enjoy their ancient 
liberties ; afterwards, the pretension of the crown of 
Poland was yielded up, about threescore years ago : 
so that Livonia was an absolute but legal govern- 
ment : yet the late king of Sweden had treated that 231 
principality in the same rough manner in which 
he had oppressed his other dominions ; so it was 
thought, that the Livonians were disposed (as soon 
as they saw a power ready to protect them, and to 
restore them to their former liberties) to shake off 
the Swedish yoke ; especially, if they saw the king 
attacked in so many different places at once. 

The king of Poland had a farther design in thisTbekiny 
invasion : he had an army of Saxons in Poland, to desigi'?** * 
whom he chiefly trusted in carrying on his designs 
there ; the Poles were become so jealous, both of him 
and of his Saxons, that in a general diet they had 
come to very severe resolutions, in case the Saxons 
were not sent out of the kingdom by a prefixed day: 
that king therefore reckoned, that as the reduction 
of Livonia liad the fail* appearance of recoyering the 
a,ucient inheritance of the crown, so by this means 



414 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1699. he would ,caiTy the Saxons out of Poland, as was de- 
creed, and yet have them within caU: he likewise 
studied to engage those of Lithuania to join with 
him in the attempt. His chief dependance was on 
the czar, who had assured him, that if he could 
make peace with the Turk, and keep Azuph, he 
would assist him powerfully against the Swedes ; 
his design being to recover Narva, which is capable 
of being made a good port. By this means he hoped 
to get into the Baltic, where if he could once settle, 
he would soon become an uneasy neighbour to aU. 
the northern princes : the king of Poland went into 
Saxony, to mortgage and sell his lands there, and to 
raise as much money as was possible, for carrying on 
this war ; and he brought the electorate to so low a 
state, that if his designs in Poland miscarry, and if 
he is driven back into Saxony, he, who was the 
richest prince of the empire, wiU become one of the 
poorest. But the amusements of balls and operas 
consumed so much both of his time and treasure, 
that whereas the design was laid to surprise Riga 
in the middle of the winter, he did not begin his at- 
tempt upon it before the end of February, and these 
designs went no farther this year. 
The parti- While the king was at Loo this summer, a new 

tion treaty. . 

treaty was set on toot, concemmg the succession to 
the crown of Spain ; the king and the states of the 
United Provinces saw the danger to which they 
would be exposed, if they should engage in a new 
war, while we were yet under the vast debts that 
the former had brought upon us ; the king's mi- 
nisters in the house of commons assured him, that it 
would be -a very difficult thing to bring them to 
232 enter into a new war, for maintaining the rights of 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 415 

the house of Austria. During the debates concern- 1699. 
ing the army, when some mentioned the danger of 
that monarchy falling into the hands of a prince of 
the house of Bourbon, it was set up for a maxim, 
that it would be of no consequence to the affairs of 
Europe who was king of Spain, whether a French- 
man or a German ; and that as soon as the successor 
should come within Spain, he would become a true 
Spaniard, and be governed by the maxims and in- 
terests of that crown : so that there was no prospect 
of being able to infuse into the nation an apprehen- 
sion of the consequence of that succession ^ The 
emperor had a very good claim ; but as he had little 
strength to support it by land, so he had none at all 
by sea ; and his treasure was quite exhausted by his 
long war with the Turk : the French drew a great 
force towards the frontiers of Spain, and they were 
resolved to march into it, upon that king's death : 
there was no strength ready to oppose them, yet 
they seemed willing to compound the matter ; but 
they said, the consideration must be very valuable, 
that could make them desist from so great a preten- 
sion ; and both the king and the States thought it 
was a good bargain, if, by yielding up some of the 
less important branches of that monarchy, they could 
save those in which they were most concerned, which 
were Spain itself, the West Indies, and the Nether- 
lands. The French seemed willing to accept of the 
dominions in and about Italy, with a part of the 
kingdom of Navarre, and to yield up the rest to the 
emperor's second son, the archduke Charles ; the 

^ Lord Bolingbroke, in his in the nation, with regard to fo- 
Letters, censures this indolence reigu affairs, very strongly. IL 



416 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1699. emperor entered into the treaty, for he saw he could 
not hope to carry the whole succession entire ; but 
he pressed to have the duchy of Milan added to his 
hereditary dominions in Germany: the expedient 
that the king proposed was, that the duke of Lor- 
rain should have the duchy of Milan, and that 
France should accept of Lorrain instead of it ; he 
was the emperor's nephew, and would be entirely in 
his interests : the emperor did not agi'ee to this, but 
yet he pressed the king not to give over the treaty, 
and to try if he could make a better bargain for 
him : above all things, he recommended secrecy; for 
he well knew how much the Spaniards would be of- 
fended, if any treaty should be owned, that might 
bring on a dismembering of their monarchy; for 
though they were taking no care to preserve it, in 
whole or in part, yet they could not bear the having 
any branch torn from it. The king reckoned, that 
the emperor, with the other princes of Italy, might 
have so much interest in Rome, as to stop the pope's 
giving the investiture of the kingdom of Naples ; 
233 and which way soever that matter might end, it 
would oblige the pope to shew great partiality, ei- 
ther to the house of Austria or the house of Bour- 
bon ; which might occasion a breach among them, 
with other consequences that might be very happy 
to the whole protestant interest : any war that 
might foUow in Italy would be at great distance 
from us, and in a country that we had no reason to 
regard much; besides, that the fleets of England 
and Holland must come, in conclusion, to be the ar- 
biters of the matter. 

These were the king's secret motives ; for I had 



OF KING WILLIAM IIL 



417 



most of them from his own mouth e. The French 
consented to this scheme, and if the emperor would' 
have agreed to it, his son the archduke was imme- 
diately to go to Spain, to be considered as the heir 
of that crown. By these articles, signed both by the 
king of France and the dauphin, they bound them- 
selves not to accept of any wiU, testament, or dona- 
tion, contrary to this treaty, which came to be called 
the partition treaty. I had the original in my hands, 
which the dauphin signed. The French and the em- 
peror tried their strength in the court of Spain ; it 
is plain, the emperor trusted too much to his interest 
in that court, and in that king himself; and he re- 
fused to accept of the partition, merely to ingratiate 



1699. 



8 There was a minute among 
lord Somers's papers, of a meet- 
ing of some of the king's ser- 
vants. When lord Portland com- 
municated the treaty to them, 
several objections were made 
to parts of it ; but lord Port- 
land's constant answer was, 
♦' that nothing could be al- 
" tered ;" upon which, one of 
the company (whose name is 
not mentioned) said, that if 
that was the case, he saw no 
reason why they were troubled 
with it. It is remarkable, that 
the impeached lords rather ex- 
cused than defended the mi- 
nisterial or subordinate share 
which they had in the treaty; 
and lord Orford (I think) 
l)leaded ignorance of the whole 
affair. H, ("The terms will, tes- 
" tamenty and donation, it must 
" be owned, are very emphati- 
" cal : but if no such terms are 
" to be found in the act of re- 
" nunciation, which was pre- 

VOL. IV. 



" pared by the contracting par- 
" ties, for the signature of the 
" emperor, on his accession 
" thereto, (as it is certain there 
" are not,) it may be fairly in- 
" ferred, that the bishop trusted 
" to his memory in composing 
'* this paragraph, instead of 
" laying the said original be- 
" fore his eyes, as he ought 
" to have done. Then as to 
" the archduke's inmiediate go- 
" ing to Spain, in case the em- 
" peror agreed to the partition, 
" the secret article above in- 
" serted shews, that no one 
" circumstance was more cau- 
" tiously or exj)ressly provided 
" against than that ; and if the 
" French court did afterwards 
" seem to relent a little on 
•' that head, it was by way of 
•* voluntary concession, and the 
" merit of it, if any, as we shall 
" see in its place, belonged only 
" to themselves." Ralph's Hist. 
of England^ vol. ii. p. 859.) 

E e 



418 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1699. himself with them; otherwise it was not doubted, 
but that, seeing the impossibility of mending mat- 
ters, he would have yielded to the necessity of his 
affairs. The French did, in a most perfidious man- 
ner, study to alienate the Spaniards from their al- 
lies, by shewing them to how great a diminution of 
their monarchy they had consented ; so that no way 
possible was left for them to keep those dominions 
stiU united to their crown, but by accepting the 
duke of Anjou to be their king, with whom aU 
should be again restored. The Spaniards complained 
in the courts of their allies, in ours in particular, of 
this partition, as a detestable project ; which was to 
rob them of those dominions that belonged to their 
crown, and ought not to be torn from it. No men- 
tion was made of this during the session of piar- 
liament, for though the thing was generally be- 
lieved, yet it not being publicly owned, no notice 
could be taken of bare reports ; and nothing was to 
be done, in pursuance of this treaty, during the king 
of Spain's life. 
The affairs In Scotlaud all mcH were full of hopes, that their 
new colony should bring them home mountains of 
gold ; the proclamations sent to Jamaica and to the 
other English plantations were much complained of, 
as acts of hostility, and a violation of the common 
234 rights of humanity ; these had a great effect on 
them, though without these, that colony was too 
weak and too ill supplied, as well as too much di- 
vided within itself, to have subsisted long; those, 
who had first possessed themselves of it, were forced 
to abandon it : soon after they had gone from it, a 
second recruit of men and provisions was sent thi- 
ther from Scotland ; but one of their ships unhap- 



OF KING WILLIAM IIL 419 

pily took fire, in which they had the greatest stock 1699. 
of provisions; and so these likewise went off: and" 
though the third reinforcement, that soon followed 
this, was both stronger and better furnished, yet 
they fell into such factions among themselves, that 
they were too weak to resist the Spaniards, wlio, 
feeble as they were, yet saw the necessity of attack- 
ing them : and they finding themselves unable to 
resist the force which was brought against them, 
capitulated; and with that the whole design fell 
to the ground, partly for want of stock and skill in 
those who managed it, and partly by the baseness 
and treachery of those whom they employed ^. 

The conduct of the king's ministers in Scotland Great di*. 
was much censured in the whole progress of this af- upon the 
fair ; for they had connived at it, if not encouraged olrien. 
it, in hopes that the design would fall of itself; but 
now it was not so easy to cure the universal discon- 
tent, which the miscarriage of this design, to the 
impoverishing the whole kingdom, had raised, and 
which now began to spread, like a contagion, among 
all sorts of people. A petition for a present session 
of parliament was immediately sent about the king- 
dom, and was signed by many thousands : this was 
sent up by some of the cliief of their nobility, whom 
the king received very coldly : yet a session of par- 
liament was granted them, to which the duke of 
Queensbury was sent down commissioner. Great 
pains were taken, by all sorts of practices, to lje sure 
of a majority ; great offers were made them in order 

•' The Scotch were hardly king and his government, as 

used in the affair of Darien, the lords and commons of Scot- 

and it had bad consequences land were then desirous of get- 

with regard to their zeal for the ling into trade. H. 

E e 2 



420 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1699- to lay the discontents, which ran then very high ; a 
law for a habeas corpus^ with a great freedom for 
trade, and every thing that they could demand, was 
offered, to persuade them to desist from pursuing 
the design upon Darien. The court had tried to get 
the parliament of England to interpose in that mat- 
ter, and to declare themselves against that under- 
taking. The house of lords was prevailed on to make 
an address to the king, representing the ill effects 
that they apprehended from that settlement; but 
this did not signify much, for as it was carried in 
that house by a small majority of seven or eight, so 
it wa& laid aside by the house of commons. Some 
were not ill pleased to see the king's affairs run into 
an embroilment; and others did apprehend, that 
235 there was a design to involve the two kingdoms in 
a national quarrel, that by such an artifice a greater 
army might be raised, and kept up on both sides ; 
so they let that matter fall, nor would they give any 
entertainment to a biQ that was sent them by the 
lords, in order to a treaty for the union of both 
kingdoms'. The managers in the house of commons, 
who opposed the court, resolved to do nothing that 
should provoke Scotland, or that should take any 
part of the blame and general discontent, that soured 
that nation, off from the king : it was further given 
out, to raise the national disgust yet higher, that 
the opposition the king gave to the Scotch colony, 
flowed neither from a regard to the interests of 
England, nor to the treaties with Spain, but from a 
care of the Dutch, who from Curasoe drove a coast- 

' (It had been introduced lords' address in Ralph's Hist. 
at the recommendation of the of England, vol. ii. p. 849.) 
king. See his answer to the 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 421 

ing trade, among the Spanish plantations, with great 1699. 
advantage; which, they said, the Scotch colony, if 
once well settled, would draw wholly from them. 
These things were set about that nation with gieat 
industry ; the management was chiefly in the hands 
of Jacobites; neither the king nor his ministers were 
treated with the decencies that are sometimes ob- 
served, even after subjects have run to arms : the 
keenest of their rage was plainly pointed at the king 
himself; next him, the earl of Portland, who had 
still the direction of their affairs, had a large share 
of it. In the session of parliament it was carried by 
a vote, to make the affair of Darien a national con- 
cern : upon that, the session was for some time dis- 
continued. When the news of the total abandoning 
of Darien was brought over, it cannot be well ex- 
pressed into how bad a temper this cast the body of 
that people : they had now lost almost two hundi'ed 
thousand pounds sterling upon this project, besides 
aU the imaginary treasure they had promised them- 
selves from it : so the nation was raised into a sort 
of a fury upon it, and in the first heat of that, a re- 
monstrance was sent about the kingdom for hands, 
representing to the king, the necessity of a present 
sitting of the parliament, which was drawn in so 
high a strain, as if they had resolved to pursue the 
effects of it by an armed force. It was signed by a 
great majority of the members of parliament ; and 
the ferment in men's spirits was raised so high, that 
few thought it could have been long curbed, without 
breaking forth into gi*eat extremities. 

The king stayed beyond sea till November : many a session of 
expected to see a new parliament; for the kmgs 
speech at the end of the former session looked like 

E e 3 



423 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1699. a complaint, and an appeal to the nation against 
aaa them ; he seemed inclined to it, but his ministers 
would not venture on it : the dissolving a parliament 
in anger has always cast such a load on those who 
were thought to have advised it, that few have been 
able to bear it; besides, the disbanding the army 
had rendered the members, who promoted it, very 
popular to the nation : so that they would have sent 
up the same men, and it was thought that there 
was little occasion for heat in another session : but 
those who opposed the king, resolved to force a 
change of the ministry upon him ; they were seek- 
ing colours for this, and thought they had found 
one, with which they had made much noise : it was 
this. 
A com- Some pirates had got together in the Indian seas, 

of*8om™pi- ^^d robbed some of the mogid's ships, in particular 
rates. Qjjg |.|jg^^ jjg ^^^ sending with presents to Mecca; 
most of them were English : the East India com- 
pany, having represented the danger of the mogul's 
taking reprisals of them for these losses, it appeared 
that there was a necessity of destroying those pi- 
rates, who were harbouring themselves in some 
creeks in Madagascar. So a man of war was to be 
set out to destroy them, and one Kid was pitched 
upon, who knew their haunts, and was thought a 
proper man for the service : but there was not a 
fund, to bear the charge of this ; for the parliament 
had so appropriated the money given for the sea, 
that no part of it could be applied to this expedi- 
tion. The king proposed the managing it by a pri- 
vate undertaking, and said he would lay down three 
thousand pounds himself, and recommended it to 
his ministers to find out the rest : in compliance 



OF KL\G WILLIAM III. 423 

with this, the Lord Somers, the earls of Orford, 1699. 
Rumney, Bellamount, and some others, contribut- 
ed the whole expense ; for the king excused him- 
self by reason of other accidents, and did not ad- 
vance the sum that he had promised : lord Somers 
understood nothing of the matter, and left it wholly 
to the management of others, so that he never saw 
Kid, only he thought it became the post he was in, 
to concur in such a public service. A grant was 
made to the undertakers, of all that should be taken 
from those pirates by their ship. Here was a han- 
dle for complaint ; for as it was against law, to take a 
grant of the goods of any offenders before convic- 
tion, so a parity between that and this case was 
urged ; but without any reason ; the provisions of 
law being very different in the case of pirates and 
that of other criminals. The former cannot be at- 
tacked, but in the way of war ; and therefore since 
those who undertook this must run a great risk in 
executing it, it was reasonable, and according to the 
law of war, that they should have a right to all that 
they found in the enemies' hands ; whereas those 
who seize common offenders, have such a strength 237 
by the law, to assist them, and incur so little dan- 
ger in doing it, that no just inference can be di*awn 
from the one case to the other. When this Kid was 
thus set out, he turned pirate himself; so a heavy 
load was cast on the ministry, chiefly on him who 
was at the head of the justice of the nation. It was 
said, he ought not to have engaged in such a pro- 
ject ; and it was maliciously insinuated, that the 
privateer turned pirate, in confidence of the protec- 
tion of those who employed him, if he had not se- 
cret orders from them for what he did. Such black 

£ e 4 



424 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1699. constructions are men, who are engaged in parties, 
apt to make of the actions of those whom they in- 
tend to disgrace, even against their own consciences : 
so that an undertaking, that was not only innocent, 
but meritorious, was traduced as a design for rob- 
bery and piracy. This was urged in the house oi 
commons as highly criminal, for which, all who were 
concerned in it ought to be turned out of their em- 
ployments ; and a question was put upon it, but it 
was rejected by a great majority ''. The next at- 
tempt was to turn me out from the trust of educat- 
ing the duke of Glocester : some objected my be- 
ing a Scotchman, others remembered the book that 
was ordered to be burnt; so they pressed an ad- 
dress to the king, for removing me from that post ; 
but this was likewise lost by the same majority that 
had carried the former vote'. The pay for the 
small army, and the expense of the fleet, were set- 
tled : and a fund was given for it ; yet those who 
had reduced the army, thought it needless to have 
so great a force at sea ; they provided only for eight 
thousand men. This was moved by the tories, and 

^ (See an account of this " to indicate, that he looked on 

transaction in Ralph's History " this new promotion as a deo- 

of England, vol. ii. pp. 831, " dand ; and that he made it a 

832, where, although the ori- " point of conscience to distri- 

ginal scheme is blamed, yet " bute the product of it accord- 

the charge of connivance with " ingly : a circumstance which 

Kidd's piracy is properly repro- *' would have greatly raised his 

bated.) " character, if he had not used 

' (Ralph mentions in the bi- " all possible caution to con- 

shop's praise, that " whereas the " ceal it ; that the purity of 

" profits accruing to him from " his intentions might not be 

" this new employment amount- " debased by any mixture of 

" ed to about 1500/. per ann. " vainglory." Hist. vol. ii. p. 

" his private charities from that 833. Compare Life of Burnet, 

•* time amounted annually to by his son, p. 725.) 
" the like sum : which seemed 



OF KING WILLIAM HI. 425 

the whigs readily gave way to this reduction, be- iQqq, 

cause the fleet was now in another management; 

Russel (now earl of Orford) with his friends being 
laid aside, and a set of tories being brought into 
their places '". 

The great business of this session was the report 1700. 
brought from Ireland, by four of the seven commis-con*ernin( 
sioners, that were sent by parliament to examine JJ^I^V" 
into the confiscations, and the grants made of them. 
Three of the seven refused to sign it, because they 
thought it false, and ill grounded in many particu- 
lars, of which they sent over an account to both 
houses ; but no regard was had to that, nor was any 
inquiry made into their objections to the report. 
These three were looked on as men gained by the 
court; and the rest were magnified as men that 
could not be wrought on, nor frighted from their 
duty. They had proceeded hke inquisitors, and did 
readily believe every tiling that was offered to them, 238 
that tended to inflame the report; as they sup- 
pressed all that was laid before them, that contra- 
dicted their design, of representing the value of the 
grants as very high, and of shewing how undeserv- 
ing those were who had obtained them : there was 
so much truth in the main of this, that no com- 
plaints against their proceedings could be hearkened 
to " ; and indeed, all the methods that were taken, 

"1 Good God ! what are par- sent and reversion, to the value 

ties in practice? are they not all of fifty thousand pounds a year : 

alike ? all factions ? O. lady Orkney had what was call- 

" Never was such profusion ed the duke of York's private 
heard of before. The earl of estate, valued at eight and twen- 
Portland had a grant of all the ty : lord Rumney above seven- 
earl of Clancarty's great estate, teen: lord Rochford to avast 
besides English grants in pre- value; besides a grant of the 



426 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1700. to disgrace the report, had the quite contrary effect : 



they represented the confiscated estates to be such, 
that out of the sale of them, a million and a half 
might be raised ; so this specious proposition for dis- 
charging so great a part of the public debt, took 
with the house ; the hatred into which the favour- 
ites were fallen, among whom and their creatures 
the grants were chiefly distributed, made the motion 
go the quicker. All the opposition that was made in 
the whole progress of this matter, was looked on as 
a courting the men in favour ; nor was any regard 
paid to the reserve of a thu'd part, to be disposed 
of by the king, which had been in the bill that 
was sent up eight years before to the lords. When 
this was mentioned, it was answered, that the 
grantees had enjoyed those estates so many years, 
that the mean profits did arise to more than a third 
part of their value: little regard also was shewn to 
the purchases made under those grants, and to the 
great improvements made by the purchasers or te- 
nants, which were said to have doubled the value of 
those estates. All that was said on that head made 
no impression, and was scarce heard with patience : 
yet, that some justice might be done both to pur- 
Anact chasers and creditors, a number of trustees were 
them in uamcd, iu whom all the confiscated estates were 
vested, and they had a very great and uncontrollable 
authority lodged with them, of hearing and deter- 

marquis of Powis's whole estate, tion to persons of equal merit ; 

which was above twelve ; (but that the king seemed not to 

the earl of Pembroke put a stop know or care how lavishly they 

to that, as being entailed upon were bestowed, though he was 

him, thc-iigh not till the other tenacious, even to a meanness, 

had done at least forty thousand of any thing he looked upon to 

pounds damage to it:) with a be his own. D. 
vast many more in like proper- 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 427 

mining all just claims relating to those estates, and 1700. 
of selling them to the best purchasers ; and the mo- 
ney to be raised by this sale was appropriated to 
pay the arrears of the army. When all this was di- 
gested into a bill, the party apprehended that many 
petitions would be offered to the house, which the 
court would probably encourage, on design at least 
to retard their proceedings : so, to prevent this, and 
that they might not lose too much time, nor clog 
the bill with too many clauses and provisos, they 
passed a vote of a very extraordinary nature ; that 
they would receive no petitions relating to the mat- 
ter of this bill. The case of the earl of Athlone's 
grant was very singular ; the house of commons had 
been so sensible of his good service in reducing Ire- 
land, that they had made an address to the king, to 239 
give him a recompence suitable to his services : and 
the parliament of Ireland was so sensible of their 
obligations to him, that they, as was formerly told, 
confirmed his grant, of between two and three thou- 
sand pounds a year. He had sold it to those who 
thought they purchased under an unquestionable 
title, yet aU that was now set aside, no regard being 
had to it ; so that this estate was thrown into the 
heap. Some exceptions were made in the bill in fa- 
vour of some grants, and provision was made for re- 
warding others, whom the king, as they thought, 
had not enough considered. Great opposition was 
made to this by some, who thought that all favours 
and grants ought to be given by the king, and not 
originally by a house of parliament ; and this was ma- 
naged with great heat, even by some of those who 
concurred in carrying on the bill : in conclusion it 
was, by a new term as well as a new invention. 



428 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1700. consolidated with the money-bill, that was to go for 
the pay of the fleet and army, and so it came up to 
the house of lords ; which by consequence they must 
either pass or reject. The method that the court 
took in that house to oppose it was, to offer some 
alterations, that were indeed very just and reason- 
able ; but since the house of commons would not 
suffer the lords to alter money-bills, this was in ef- 
fect to lose it. The court, upon some previous votes, 
found they had a majority among the lords ; so, for 
some days, it seemed to be designed to lose the bill, 
and to venture on a prorogation or a dissolution ra- 
ther than pass it '^^ Upon the apprehensions of this, 
^ the commons were beginning to fly out into high 
votes, both against the ministers and the favourites ; 
the lord Somers was attacked a second time, but 
was brought off by a gi-eater majority than had ap- 

° Whilst the bill was in sus- could not prevail with their 
pense, the whole city of Lon- people either to join with us 
don was in an uproar : West- or keep away ; and they under- 
minster was so thronged, that stood the duke of Leeds (which 
it was with great difficulty any was true) was trying to make 
body got into either house. The use of the false step the king 
lords had insisted and adhered ; had made, to force him to a 
so there could be no more con- dissolution ; which, in the fer- 
ferences ; and all seemed un- ment the nation was in, must 
der the greatest distraction. I throw us into the utmost con- 
heard the king was come to the fusion ; therefore desired I would 
Cockpit, and had sent for the persuade our side to stay, till 
crown, with a resolution to dis- they could make us a majority, 
solve us immediately, which I which they brought about at 
communicated to the earl of last, though they could prevail 
Shaftsburj-, who ran full speed with nobody to come over to 
with it to the house of com- us besides themselves. l?ut the 
mons ; upon which they ad- archbishop beckoning out his 
jotirned in great haste. Next brethren, and the other lords 
morning the earls of Jersey and dropping off by degrees, was 
Albemarle told me, the king full as comical a scene, as that 
was convinced of the danger the night before had been tra- 
in rejecting the bill : but their gical. D. 
present difficulty was, that they 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 429 

peared for him at the beginning of the session. 1700. 

During the debates about the bill, he was ill; and 

the worst construction possible was put on that ; it 
was said, he advised all the opposition that was 
made to it in the house of lords, but that, to keep 
himself out of it, he feigned that he was ill : though 
his great attendance in the court of chancery, the 
house of lords, and at the council table, had so im- 
paired his health, that every year, about that time, 
he used to be brought very low, and disabled from 
business. The king seemed resolved to venture on 
all the ill consequences that might follow the losing 
this bill; though those would probably have been 
fatal. As far as we could judge, either another ses- 
sion of that parliament, or a new one, would have 
banished the favourites, and begun the bill anew, 
with the addition of obliging the grantees to refund 240 
all the mean profits : many in the house of lords, that 
in all other things were very firm to the king, were 
for passing this bill, notwithstanding the king's ear- 
nestness against it p, since they apprehended the ill 

P So was lord Sunderland. England, vol. ii. p. 853. That 

Lord Portland was active in the king was prevailed on by 

stirring up opposition to the lord Jersey to interfere in this 

bill. There was not the ap- business, and to request his 

pearance of a ministry at this friends in the house of lords to 

time. Lord Somers was con- desist from their opposition, is 

fined by illness, and took little mentioned by archdeacon Coxe, 

or no share in the debates a- in the Shrewsbury Correspond' 

bout this bill, for which it is ence, iii. iv. p. 609. where he 

said the king was angry with cites the letters of Secretary 

him, and made easy to part Vernon. See also lord Dart- 

with so wise a servant soon mouth above. Yet notwith- 

after. H. ("We are assured by standing these accounts, the bi- 

*' others, that the compliance of shop may be accurate in what 

" the lords was owing to the he says, because it was late be- 

" request of the king, signified fore the king waved his oppo- 

•• in a private message, by lord sition to the bill.) 
" Albemarle." Ralph's Hist, of 



430 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1700. consequences that were like to follow if it was lost. 
I was one of these, and the king was much dis- 
pleased with me for it : I said, I would venture 
his displeasure, rather than please him in that, which 
I feared would be the ruin of his government: I 
confess, I did not at that time apprehend what in- 
justice lay under many of the clauses in the bill, 
which appeared afterwards so evidently, that the 
very same persons who drove on the bill were con- 
vinced of them, and redressed some of them in acts 
that passed in subsequent sessions : if I had under- 
stood that matter aright, and in time, I had never 
given my vote for so unjust a bill ^. I only consi- 
dered it as a hardship put on the king, many of his 
grants being thus made void; some of which had 
not been made on good and reasonable considera- 
tions, so that they could hardly be excused, much 
less justified^: I thought the thing was a sort of 
force, to which it seemed reasonable to give way at 
that time, since we were not furnished with an equal 
strength to withstand it : but when I saw after- 
wards, what the consequences of this act proved to 
be, I did firmly resolve, never to consent again to 



*> (" The point on which the " the proceedings grafted upon 

*• party (against the court) had " it, were altogether as factious 

" laid the greatest stress, and " and malevolent." Ralph's 

" which the community seemed Hist, of England, vol. ii. p. S^^.) 
" to be most concerned in, was ^ One of these, and a very 

" the result of the inquiry made large one, had been made to 

" by the parliament conimis- my lady Orkney, a favourite of 

" sioners into the Irish forfeit- the king's not without some 

" ures, and into the distribution scandal, of which not a word is 

" which the court had made of said any where by this author. 

" them, in order to a resump- I take it for granted, he had 

" tion : but as that distribution never heard of it, or did not 

" had been made wantonly and believe it, if otherwise, what ? O. 
" corruptly, so the inquiry, and 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 481 

any tack to a money-bill, as long as I lived \ The 1700. 
king became sullen upon all this, and upon the 
many incidents that are apt to fall in upon debates 
of this nature : he either did not apprehend in what 
such things might end, or he was not much con- 
cerned at it : his resentment, which was much pro- 
voked, broke out into some instances, which gave 
such handles to his enemies as they wished for ; and 
they improved those advantages, which his ill con- 
duct gave them, with much spite and industry, so 
as to alienate the nation from him. It was once in 
agitation among the party, to make an address to 
him, against going beyond sea, but even that was 
diverted with a malicious design. Hitherto the body 
of the nation retained a great measure of affection 
to him ; this was beginning to diminish, by his go- 
ing so constantly beyond sea, as soon as the session 
of parliament was ended ; though the war was now 
over. Upon this, it grew to be publicly said, that 
he loved no Englishman's face, nor his company : so 
his enemies reckoned it was fit for their ends, to let 
that prejudice go on, and increase in the minds of 
the people ; tUl they might find a proper occasion to 
gi'aft some bad designs upon it. The session ended 
in April ; men of all sides being put into a very ill 
humour by the proceedings in it \ 

The leaders of the tories began to insinuate to 241 
the favourites, the necessity of the king's changing (), ^^2"^' 

* The whole of this business when he prorogued the parlia- 

relating to these forfeitures, as ment. Lord Jersey (says se- 

carried on by all parties, was a cretary Vernon, in a letter to 

great reproach to the times. the duke of Shrewsbury) had 

There was neither justice nor been with lord Somers about 

jniblic spirit in it, of either preparing one, but he would 

side. O. not meddle in it, H. 

' The king made no speech 



nistry. 



432 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1700. his ministry, in particular of removing the lord So- 
mers", who, as he was now considered as the head of 
the whigs, so his wise counsels, and his modest way 
of laying them before the king, had gained him a 
great share of his esteem and confidence ; and it was 
reckoned, that the chief strength of the party lay in 
his credit with the king, and in the prudent methods 
he took to govern the party, and to moderate that 
heat and those jealousies with which the king had 
been so long disgusted, in the first years of his 
reign ^. In the house of commons he had been par- 
ticularly charged, for turning many gentlemen out 
of the commission of the peace : this was much ag- 
gravated, and raised a very high complaint against 
him ; but there was no just cause for it : when the 
design of the assassination and invasion, in the year 
1695 and 1696 was discovered, a voluntary associa- 
tion was entered into, by both houses of parliament, 
and that was set round the nation : in such a time 
of danger, it was thought, that those who did not 
enter voluntarily into it, were so ill affected, or at 
least so little zealous for the king, that it was not 



" An impeachment proposed law or equity. In justification 
by sir John Levison, turned in- of himself in the house of lords, 
to an address to remove him he allowed they had a right, but 
from the king's presence and said they had no remedy : to 
councils. This moved by sir which Holt answered very re- 
Charles Musgrave, rejected by solutely, That was nonsense, for 
167 against ic6. Several of the if they had lost one, they had 
whigs who had voted for re- lost the other ; but no English- 
suming the king's Irish grants, man could lose either, but by 
and lessening the army, took his own default, which was not 
part with lord Somers. H. their case. Upon that, after a 

" The bishop takes no notice very warm debate, the decree 

of the decree he made in the was set aside, and lord Somers 

bankers* case, upon political fell ill, and never appeared up- 

reasons, without any regard to on the woolsack more. D. 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 433 

fit they- should continue justices of peace: so an 1700. 
order passed in council, that all those who had so ' 

refused should be turned out of the commission : he 
had obeyed this order, upon the representations 
made to him by the lords lieutenants and the cus- 
todes rotulorum of the several counties, who were 
not all equally discreet: yet he laid those representa- 
tions before the council, and had a special order for 
every person that was so turned out. All this was 
now magnified, and it was charged on him, that he 
had advised and procured these orders ; yet this 
could not be made so much as a colour to proceed 
against him, a clamour and murmuring was all that 
could be raised from it ^. But now the tories studied 
to get it infused into the king, that all the hard 
things that had been of late put on him by the par- 
liament, were occasioned by the hatred that was 
borne to his ministers ; and that if he would change 
hands, and employ others, matters might be softened 
and mended in another parliament: with this the 
earl of Jersey studied to possess the earl of Albe- 
marle ; and the uneasiness the king was in disposed 
him to think, that if he should bring in a set of to- 
ries into his business, they would serve him with 
the same zeal, and with better success than the 
whigs had done ; and he hoped to throw all upon 
the ministers that were now to be dismissed '. 

The first time that the lord Somers had recovered 242 
so much health as to come to court, the king told Jo''me'«1i 
liim, it seemed necessary for his service, that he *"""*•"*• 

> The great number of jus- » Can this be true ? If it be. 

tices was turned out in Suffolk, how nuuh of some kings, how 

on the representation of lord little of king William in gene- 

Cornwallis, the lord lieutenant. ml, but how little in him in 

H. this particular ! O. 

VOL. IV. F f 



4S4 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1700. should part with the seals, and he wished that he 
would make the delivering them up his own act : he 
excused himself in this ; aU his friends had pressed 
him not to offer them, since that seemed to shew 
fear or guilt ; so he begged the king's pardon, if in 
this he followed their advice ; but he told the king, 
that whensoever he should send a warrant under his 
hand, commanding him to deliver them up, he would 
immediately obey it : the order was brought by lord 
Jersey, and upon it the seals were sent to the king *. 
Thus the lord Somers was discharged from this 
gi'eat office, which he had held seven years, with a 
high reputation for capacity, integrity, and dili- 
gence : he was in all respects the greatest man I 
had ever known in that post; his being thus re- 
moved was much censured by all but those who had 
procured it. Our princes used not to dismiss mi- 
nisters who served them well, unless they were 
pressed to it by a house of commons, that refused to 
give money till they were laid aside. But here a 
minister (who was always vindicated by a great ma- 
jority in the house of commons, when he was charged 
there, and who had served both with fidelity and 
success, and was indeed censured for nothing so 
much as for his being too compliant with the king's 
humour and notions, or at least for being too soft or 
too feeble in representing his errors to him) was re- 
moved without a shadow of complaint against him. 

* The king re|>ented it im- Somers back in a few months, 

mediatelyafter, probably worked It is supposed Keppel and Jer- 

up to it by some of his favour- sey were the principal instru- 

ites, who were angry with lord ments for bringing the tories 

Somers for not opposing the and Mr. Harley (for opposing 

bill about the Irish forfeitures, the whigs) into the king's ser- 

Lord Sunderland pretended to vice. H. 
have a scheme for bringing lord 



OF KING WILLIAM IIL 435 

This was done with so much haste, that those who 1700. 
had prevailed with the king to do it, had not yet 
concerted who should succeed him : they thought 
that all the great men of the law were aspiring to 
that high post, so that any one to whom it should 
he offered would certainly accept of it : but they 
soon found they were mistaken ; for what, by reason 
of the instability of the court, what by reason of the 
just apprehensions men might have of succeeding so 
great a man, both Holt and Trevor, to whom the 
seals were offered, excused themselves. It was term- 
time, so a vacancy in that post put things in some 
confusion. A temporally commission was granted 
to the three chief judges, to judge in the court of 
chancery ; and after a few days, the seals were given 
to sir Nathan Wright, in whom there was nothing 
equal to the post, much less to him who had lately 
filled it. The king's inclinations seemed now turned 
to the tories, and to a new parliament : it was for 
some time in the dai'k, who had the confidence, and 
gave directions to affairs : we who looked on were 
often disposed to think, that there was no direction 243 
at all, but that every thing was left to take its 
course, and that all was given up to hazard. 

The king, that he miffht ffive some content to the a fleet 

° 00 sent to the 

nation, stayed at Hampton-court till July, and then sound. 
went to Holland ; but before he went, the minister 
of Sweden pressed him to make good his engage- 
ments with that crown : Riga was now besieged by 
the king of Poland : the first attempt, of carrying 
the place by surprise, miscarried ; those of Riga were 
either overawed by the Swedish garrison, that com- 
manded there, or they apprehended that the change 
of masters would not change their condition, unless 

Ff2 



m THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1700. it ^ere for the worse : so they made a gi'eater stand 
than was expected ; and in a siege of above eight 
months, very little progress was made : the firmness 
of that place made the rest of Livonia continue fixed 
to the Swedes : the Saxons made great waste in the 
country, and ruined the trade of Riga : the king of 
Sweden, being obliged to employ his main force else- 
where, was not able to send them any considerable 
assistance : the elector of Brandenburgh lay quiet, 
without making any attempt : so did the princes of 
Hesse and Wolfembuttle. The two scenes of action 
were in Holstein and before Copenhagen. The 
king of Denmark found the taking the forts, that 
had been raised by the duke of Holstein, an easy 
work ; they were soon carried and demolished : lie 
besieged Toninghen next, which held him longer. 
Upon the Swedes' demand of the auxiliary fleets, 
• that were stipulated both by the king and the States, 
orders were given for equipping them here, and like- 
wise in Holland : the king was not willing to com- 
municate this design to the two houses, and try if 
the house of commons would take upon themselves 
the expense of the fleet : they were in so bad a hu- 
mour, that the king apprehended that some of them 
might endeavour to put an affront upon him, and 
oppose the sending a fleet into the Sound : though 
others advised the venturing on this, for no nation 
can subsist without alliances sacredly observed : and 
this was an ancient one, lately rene^^ed by the king ; 
so that an opposition in such a point must have 
turned to the prejudice of those who should move it. 
Soon after the session, a fleet of thirty ships, English 
and Dutch, was sent to the Baltic, commanded by 
Rook : the Danes had a good fleet at sea, much su- 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 437 

perior to the Swedes, and almost equal to the fleet 1700. 
sent from hence : but it was their whole strength, so 
they would not nm the hazard of losing it : they 
kept at sea for some time, having got between the 
Swedes and the fleet of their allies, and studied to 
hinder their conjunction : when they saw that could 
not be done, they retired, and secured themselves 244 
within the port of Copenhagen, which is a very 
strong one: the Swedes, with their allies, came be- 
fore that town, and bombarded it for some days, but 
with little damage to the place, and none to the 
fleet. The dukes of Lunenburgh, together with the 
forces that the Swedes had at Bremen, passed the 
Elbe, and marched to the assistance of the duke of 
Holstein : this obliged the Danes to raise the siege 
of Toninghen, and the two armies lay in view of 
one another, for some weeks, without coming to any 
action : another design of the Danes did also mis- 
cany. A body of Saxons broke into the territories 
of the duke of Brunswick, in hopes to force their 
army to come back to the defence of their own 
country : but the duke of Zell had left things in so 
good order, that the Saxons were beat back, and all 
the booty that they had taken was recovered. 

In the mean time, the king oflered his mediation, Peace be- 

1 „, ,. tween Deu- 

and a treaty was set on toot : the two young kings „„rk „„i 
were so much sharpened against one another, that *'"*'**"■ 
it was not easy to bring them to hearken to terms 
of peace. The king of Denmark proposed that the 
king of Poland might Ix? included in the treaty, but 
the Swedes refused it : and the king was not gua- 
rantee of the treaties between Sweden and Poland, 
so he was not obliged to take care of the king of 
Poland : the treaty went on but slowly ; this made 

F f 3 



438 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1700- the king of Sweden apprehend that he should lose 
the season, and be forced to abandon Riga, which 
began to be straitened : so to quicken the treaty, he 
resolved on a descent in Zealand. This was exe- 
cuted without any opposition, the king of Sweden 
conducting it in person, and being tlie first that 
landed : he shewed such spirit and courage in his 
whole conduct, as raised his character very high : it 
struck a terror through all Denmark : for now the 
Swedes resolved to besiege Copenhagen. This did 
so quicken the treaty, that by the middle of August 
it was brought to a full end : old treaties were re- 
newed, and a liberty of fortifying was reserved for 
Holstein, under some limitations : and the king of 
Denmark paid the duke of Holstein two hundred 
and sixty thousand rix dollars for the charge of the 
war. The peace being thus made, the Swedes re- 
tired back to Schonen : and the fleets of England 
and Holland returned home. The king's conduct, 
in this whole matter, was highly applauded ; he ef- 
fectually protected the Swedes, and yet obliged them 
to accept of reasonable terms of peace : the king of 
Denmark suffered most in honour and interest : it 
was a great happiness that this war was so soon at 
245 an end ; for if it had continued, aU the north must 
have engaged in it, and there the chief strength of 
the protestant religion lay : so that interest must 
have suffered much, which side soever had come by 
the worst, in the progress of the war : and it is al- 
ready so weak, that it needed not a new diminution. 
Censures The sccrct of the partition treaty was now pub- 
the parti- lishcd ; and the project was to be offered jointly, by 
tion treaty. ^^^ ministers of France, England, and the States, to 
all the princes of Europe, but particularly to those 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 439 

who were most concerned in it : and an answer was 1 700. 
to be demanded by a day limited for it. The em- 
peror refused to declare himself, till he knew the 
king of Spain's mind concerning it : the duke of Sa- 
voy, and the princes of Italy, were very apprehen- 
sive of the neighbourhood of France : the pope was 
extreme old, and declined very fast. The treaty 
was variously censured : some thought it would de- 
liver up the Mediterranean sea, and all our trade 
there, into the hands of France : others thought, 
that the treaties of princes were (according to the 
pattern that the court of France had set now for al- 
most half an age) only artifices to bring matters to a 
present quiet, and that they would be afterwards 
observed, as princes found their account in them. 
The present good understanding that was between 
our court and the court of France, made, that the 
party of our malecontents at home, having no support 
from thence, sunk much in their heat, and they had 
now no prospect ; for it seemed as if the king of 
France had set his heart on the pai'tition treaty, and 
it was necessary for him, in order to the obtaining 
his ends in it, to live in a good correspondence with 
England and the States : all our hoY>es were, that 
the king of Spain might yet live a few years longer, 
till the great mortgages that were on the revenue 
might be cleared, and then it would be more easy 
for us to engage in a new war, and to be the arbi- 
ters of Europe. 

But while we were under the apprehension of his n.r death 
death, we were surprised Iiy an imlooked for and of (jioc«- 
sudden death of our young prince at home, which ^"■• 
brought a great change on the face of affairs. I had 
been trusted with his education now for two years ; 

Ff 4 



440 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1700. and he had made an amazing progress. I had read 
over the Psalms, Proverbs, and Gospels with him, 
and had explained things that fell in my way, very 
copiously; and was often surprised with the ques- 
tions that he put me, and the reflections that he 
made. He came to understand things relating to re- 
ligion, beyond imagination. I went through geo- 
graphy so often with him, that he knew all the 
maps very particularly. I explained to him the 
246 forms of government in every country, with the in- 
terests and trade of that country, and what was both 
good and bad in it : I acquainted him with all the 
great revolutions that had been in the world, and 
gave him a copious account of the Greek and Roman 
histories, and of Plutarch's lives; the last thing I 
explained to him was the Gothic constitution, and 
the beneficiary and feudal laws : I talked of these 
things at different times, near three hours a day : 
this was both easy and delighting to him. The 
king ordered five of his chief ministers to come once 
a quarter, and examine the progress he made : they 
, seemed amazed both at his knowledge and the good 
understanding that appeared in him : he had a won- 
derful memory, and a very good judgment. He had 
gone through much weakness, and some years of iQ 
health : the princess was with child of him, during 
all the disorder we were in at the revolution, though 
she did not know it herself at the time when she left 
the court : this probably had given him so weak a 
constitution ; but we hoped the dangerous time was 
over: his birthday was the 24th of July, and he 
was then eleven years old: he complained a little 
the next day, but we imputed that to the fatigues 
of a birthday : so that he was too much neglected. 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 441 

« 

The day after, he grew much worse, and it proved to 1 700. 

be a malignant fever. He died the fourth day of his 
illness, to the great grief of aU who were concerned 
in him. He was the only remaining child of seven- 
teen that the princess had borne, some to the full 
time, and the rest before it. She attended on him, 
during his sickness, with great tenderness, but with 
a grave composedness, that amazed all who saw it : 
she bore his death with a resignation and piety that 
were indeed very singular ''. His death gave a great 
alarm to the whole nation : the Jacobites grew inso- 
lent upon it, and said, now the chief difficulty was 
removed out of the way of the prince of Wales's suc- 
cession. Soon after this, the house of Brunswick 
returned the visit that the king had made them last 
year, and the eyes of all the protestants in the nation 
turned towards the electoress of Brunswick, who 
was daughter to the queen of Bohemia, and was the 
next protestant heir, aU papists being already ex- 
cluded from the succession. Thus, of the four lives 
that we had in view, as our chief security, the two 
that we depended most on, the queen and the duke 
of Glocester, were carried off on the sudden, before 
we were aware of it ; and of the two that remained, 
(the king and the princess,) as there was no issue, 
and little hopes of any by either of them, so the 
king, who at best was a man of a feeble constitution, 
was now falling under an ill habit of l)ody : his legs 
were much swelled, which some thought was the be- 247 
ginning of a dropsy, while others thought it was 
only a scorbutic distemper '^. 

^ (The earl of Seafield says, mightily afflictetl. Carstare's 
that on waiting on her after the State Papers, p. 6u .) 
death of the duke, she appeared "^ During this summer, the 



442 



THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



1700. Thus God was giving us great alarms, as well as 



The temper many mcrcies : he bears long with us, but we are 
onhe na- j^g^^Qj^g y^j-y corTupt in all respects : so that the 
state of things among us gives a melancholy pro- 
spect. The nation was falling under a general dis- 
content, and a dislike of the king's person and go- 
vernment : and the king, on his part, seemed to 
grow weary of us and of our affairs ; and partly by 
the fret, from the opposition he had of late met with, 
partly from his iU health, he was falling as it were 
into a lethargy of mind : we were, upon the matter, 
become already more than half a commonwealth ^ ; 



duke of Shrewsbun,-, foreseeing 
a storm, went abroad, and con- 
tinued in foreign parts for some 
years. It is very remarkable, 
that amongst a large number of 
letters from secretary Vernon to 
his grace, I could meet with no 
traces of the partition treaty, 
and yet it is scarce probable 
that king William concluded it 
without consulting him. H. 
(Archdeacon Coxe, in his recent 
edition of the Correspondence 
of the Duke of Shrewsbury, has 
favoured us in p. ii. c. 9. p. 381. 
with the following observations : 
" So far was the king from re- 
" curring to the advice of his 
♦' English ministers, that it was 
" conducted through Pension- 
" arj- Heinsius and the earl of 
" Portland, and imparted only 
" to the principal members of 
" the cabinet, when it became 
" necessary to pass a commis- 
*' sion under the great seal for 
" its conclusion. Even then 
" the sole communication was 
" through lord Portland and 
" secretary Vernon to the lord 



" chancellor, who was impow- 
" ered to open the matter only 
" to such as he thought proper. 
" We shall enter no farther in- 
" to the details of this nego- 
" tiation, than as the duke of 
" Shrewsbury was concerned. 
" It appears that he received 
" from the lord chancellor a 
" communication on the sub- 
" ject, and that Mr, Montague 
" and lord Orford were likewise 
" consulted. But Shrewsbury 
'* seems to have prudently ab- 
" stained from giving any spe- 
*• cific opinion on so delicate a 
" point ; or, at least, no trace 
" of his sentiments can be 
" found in the papers still ex- 
" tant.") 

'' The reverie and outcrj* here 
of the good bishop, with regard 
to a commonwealth, arose, I 
believe, from this. The admi- 
nistration were now so much 
sunk in their credit, that the 
ministers in the house of com- 
mons were not able to manage 
the common business of the 
government there. Even the 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 



44S 



since the government was plainly in the hands of 1700. 
the house of commons, who must sit once a year% 



supplies were proposed and car- 
ried on by the leaders of the 
opposition, (particularly by Har- 
ley,) while the Iving's servants 
sat silent and sullen. This, the 
author might have seen, tended 
more to a change of ministry, 
which every body expected, than 
to a democracy, which I dare 
say nobody thought of. It was 
court power and favour only that 
were sought after. This parlia- 
ment would have been no bad 
one, either for the king or the 
public, had his measures and 
ministers been in better esteem. 
O. (That is, if one party had 
obtained, by whatever means, a 
decided ascendancy over the 
other, and at the same time the 
wheels of government had been 
kept well oiled ; witliout which 
the most skilful director of the 
state machine could not have 
proceeded in his journey, or 
been in much credit or esteem. 
Observe also, that lord So- 
mers, and some of the best of 
his party, were the ministers, 
during almost the whole of this 
parliament. But in the minds 
of the parliamentary leaders, 
tories as well as whigs, the bi- 
shop's reverie was ovk wap aXX' 
tvap ia-6Xo». Even the money 
appropriated to the civil list, 
whether more or less than what 
it had been, was chiefly in- 
tended for the prevailing party. 
So much for the speaker's court 
poicer and court favour. On 
the contrary, the bishop's state- 
ment seems to be a true picture 
of things at that time ; and as 
for his saying that we were be- 



come more than half a com- 
monwealth, the great whig 
leader in our own times, Mr. 
Fox, pronounced the English 
constitution, in his view of it, 
to be a disguised republic. Nay 
what then followed on the 
protracted contest between the 
late king George 111. and the 
house of commons, concerning 
the appointment of the admi- 
nistration, was rather the tri- 
umph of one party over the 
other, than a restoration to the 
crown of the power of nominat- 
ing ministers ; rather a defeat 
of measures avowedly repub- 
lican, than an establishment 
of the constitutional right of 
the king. See before, at p. 137, 
king William's sentiments on 
this important subject.) 

•^ The great security of our 
liberties. Let parliaments be 
what they will, they are still 
parliaments, and there are al- 
ways some persons in parlia- 
ment who will speak their 
minds freely ; and even that 
keeps power and office in some 
awe. I have seen good effects 
from the bare apprehension of 
being complained of in the 
house of commons, and men of 
all sorts have some dread of it. 
It is only annual meetings of 
parliament can presen-e this 
great check upon all delinquen- 
cy to prevent its being at- 
tempted, or to stop its course 
before it goes too far, or is too 
nmch encouraged, yet this does 
not always do. See postea 460. 
O. (No doubt but the an- 
nual meeting of parliament is 



444 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
1700. and as long as they thought fit, while the king had 



only the civil list for life, so that the whole adminis- 
tration of the government was under their inspec- 
tion : the act for triennial parliaments kept up a 
standing faction in every county and town of Eng- 
land : but though we were falling insensibly into a 
democracy, we had not learned the virtues that are 
necessary for that sort of government ; luxury, va- 
nity, and ambition increased daily, and our animosi- 
ties were come to a great height, and gave us dis- 
mal apprehensions. Few among us seemed to have 
a right notion of the love of their country, and of a 
zeal for the good of the public : the house of com- 
mons, how much soever its power was advanced, yet 
was much sunk in its credit ; very little of gravity, 
order, or common decency appeared among them : 
the balance lay chiefly in the house of lords, who 
had no natural strength to resist the commons : the 
toleration of all the sects among us had made us 
live more quietly together of late, than could be ex- 
pected when severe laws were rigorously executed 
against dissenters. No tumults or disorders had 
been heard of in any part of the kingdom, these 
eleven years, since that act passed : and yet the 
much greater part of the clergy studied to blow up 
this fire again, which seemed to be now, as it were, 
covered over with ashes. 
Divisions The dissenters behaved themselves more quietly, 
dissenters! with relation to the church, they having quaiTels 
and disputes among themselves: the independents 

a considerable check on the taken from their competitors 

abuses of office, from the fear the patronage of the kingdom, 

of tlieir being brought forward It is also a great security for 

by the opposite party, and ob- the value and importance of a 

jected to the majority, who have scat in parliament.) 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 445 

were raising the old antinomian tenets, as if men, 1700. 
by believing in Christ, were so united to him, tliat 
his righteousness became theirs, without any other 
condition, l)esides that of their faith : so that, thougli 
they acknowledged the obedience of his laws to be 
necessaiy, they did not call it a condition, but only 248 
a consequence of justification. In this they were 
opposed by most of the presbyterians, who seemed 
to be sensible, that this struck at the root of all reli- 
gion, as it weakened the obligation to a holy life : 
this year had produced a new extravagance in that 
matter. One Asgil, a member of parliament, had 
published a book, grounded on their notions, on 
which he had grafted a new and wild inference of 
his own, that since true believers recovered in Christ 
all that they lost in Adam, and our natural death 
was the effect of Adam's sin, he infen-ed that believ- 
ers were rendered immortal by Christ, and not liable 
to death : and that those who believed with a true 
and firm faith could not die. This was a strain be- 
yond all that ever went before it, and since we see 
that all men die, the natural consequence that re- 
sulted from this was, that there neither are nor ever 
were any true believers. The presbyterians had 
been also engaged in disputes with the anabaptists. 
They complained, that they saw too great a giddi- 
ness in their f>eople, and seemed so sensible of this, 
and so desirous to be brought into the church, that 
a few inconsiderable concessions would very pro- 
bably have brought the bulk of them into our com- 
munion : but the greater part of the clergy were so 
far from any disposition this way, that they seem to 
be more prejudiced against them than ever. 

The quakers have had a great breach made among And %mong 

the qitakers. 



446 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1700. them, by one George Keith, a Scotchman, with whom 
I had my first education at Aberdeen : he had been 
thirty-six years among them ; he was esteemed the 
most learned man that ever was in that sect; he 
was well versed both in the oriental tongues, in phi- 
losophy, and mathematics : after he had been above 
thirty years in high esteem among them, he was 
sent to Pensilvania, (a colony set up by Pen, where 
they are very numerous,) to have the chief direction 
of the education of their youth. In those parts, he 
said, he first discovered that, which had been always 
either denied to him, or so disguised that he did not 
suspect it : but being far out of reach, and in a place 
where they were masters, they spoke out their mind 
plainer; and it appeared to him, that they were 
deists, and that they turned the whole doctrine of 
the Christian religion into allegories; chiefly those 
which relate to the death and resurrection of Christ, 
and the reconciliation of sinners to God, by virtue of 
his cross : he being a true Christian, set himself with ^ 
great zeal against this, upon which they grew weary 
of him, and sent him back to England. At his re- 
turn, he set himself to read many of their books, 
and then he discovered the mystery which was for- 
merly so hid from him, that he had not observed it. 
249 Upon this, he opened a new meeting, and by a 
printed summons he called the whole party to come 
and see the proof that he had to offer, to convince 
them of these errors : few quakers came to his meet- 
ings, but gi'eat multitudes of other people flocked 
about him : he brought the quakers' books with him, 
and read such passages out of them, as convinced 
his hearers, that he had not charged them falsely : 
he continued these meetings, being still in outward 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 447 

appearance a quaker, for some years ; till having ^ 700. 
prevailed, as far as he saw any probaliility of success, 
he laid aside their exterior, and was reconciled to 
the church, and is now in holy orders among us, and 
likely to do good service, in undeceiving and re- 
claiming some of those misled enthusiasts. 

The clergy continued to be much divided: all a division 
moderate divines were looked upon by some hot church, 
men with an ill eye, as persons who were cold and 
indifferent in the matters of the church : that which 
flowed from a gentleness, both of temper and prin- 
ciple, was represented as an inclination to favour 
dissenters, which passed among many for a more 
heinous thing than leaning to popery itself. Those 
men, who began now to be called the high church 
party, had all along expressed a coldness, if not an 
opposition, to the present settlement : soon after the 
revolution, some great preferments had been given 
among them, to try if it was possible to bring them 
to be hearty for the government ; but it appearing 
that they were soured with a leaven that had gone 
too deep to be wrought out, a stop was put to the 
courting them any more; when they saw prefer- 
ments went in another channel, they set up a com- 
plaint over England of the want of convocations, 
that they were not allowed to sit nor act with a free 
liberty, to consider of the grievances of the clergy, 
and of the danger the church was in. This was a 
new pretension, never thought of since the reforma- 
tion : some lx)oks were writ to justify it, with great 
acrimony of style, and a strain of insolence, that was 
peculiar to one Atterbury, who had indeed very good 
parts, great learning, and was an excellent preacher, 
and had many extraordinary things in him ; but was 



448 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
1700. both ambitious and virulent out of measure; and 



had a singular talent in asserting paradoxes with a 
great air of assurance, shewing no shame when he 
was detected in them, though this was done in many 
instances : but he let all these pass, without either 
confessing his errors, or pretending to justify him- 
self: he went on stiU venting new falsehoods in so 
barefaced a manner, that he seemed to have outdone 
250 the Jesuits themselves. He thought the govern- 
ment had so little strength or credit, that any claim 
against it would be well received ; he attacked the 
supremacy of the crown, with relation to ecclesi- 
astical matters, which had been hitherto maintained 
by all our divines with great zeal ; but now the hot 
men of the clergy did so readily entertain his no- 
tions, that in them it appeared, that those who are 
the most earnest in the defence of certain points, 
when these seem to be for them, can very nimbly 
change their minds upon a change of circumstances. 
Debates An eminent instance of this had appeared in the 

the bTsho^p^ house of lords, in the former session ; where the de- 
vidt'^" prived bishop of St. David's complained of the arch- 
bishop of Canterbury : first, for breach of privilege, 
since sentence was passed upon him, though he had 
in court claimed privilege of parliament, to which 
no regard had been paid ; but, as he had waved his 
privilege, in the house of lords, it was carried, after 
a long debate, and by no great majority, that in that 
case he could not resume his privilege. He excepted 
next to the archbishop's jurisdiction, and pretended 
that he could not judge a bishop, but in a synod of 
the bishops of the province, according to the rules 
of the primitive times : in opposition to this it was 
shewn, that from the ninth and tenth century down- 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 449 

ward, both popes and kings had concurred to bring 1700. 
this power singly into the hands of the metropo- 
litans; that this was the constant practice in England 
before the reformation; that by the provisional clause 
in the act passed in the twenty-fiftli of Henry the 
eighth, that empowered thirty-two persons to draw 
a new body of church laws, all former laws or cus- 
toms were to continue in force till that new body 
was prepared : so that the powef the metroi)olitan 
then was possessed of, stood confirmed by that clause: 
it is true, during the high commission all proceed- 
ings against bishops were brought before that court, 
which proceeded in a summary way, and against 
whose sentence no appeal lay ; but after that court 
was taken away, a full declaration was made, by an 
act of parliament, for continuing the power that was 
lodged with the metropolitan. It was also urged, 
that if the bishop had any exception to the archbi- 
shop's junsdiction, that ought to have been pleaded 
in the first instance, and not reserved to the conclu- 
sion of all : nor could the archbishop erect a new 
court, or proceed in the trial of a bishop in any 
other way, than in that which was warranted by law 
or precedent. To all this no answer was made, but 
the business was kept up, and put off by many de- 
lays. It was said, the thing was new, and the house 
was not yet well apprised of it ; and the last time 251 
in which the debate was taken up in the house, it 
( iided in an intimation, that it was hoped the king 
would not fill that see, till the house should be 
l)etter satisfied in the point of the archlnshop's au- 
thority ^ : so the bishopric was not disposed of for 

^ The bishop represents the with his usual sincerity ; the 
debate in the house of lords great dispute was, whether the 

VOI-. IV. G g 



450 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1700. some years: and this uncertainty put a great delay 



to the process against the other Welsh bishop ac- 
cused of the same crime ?. 
The death In Octobcr the pope died ; and, at the same time, 
of Splin °^ all Europe was alarmed with the desperate state of 
the king of Spain's health. When the news came to 
the court of France, that he was in the last agony, 
the earl of Manchester, who was then our ambas- 
sador in that court, told me, that Mr. Torcy, the 
French secretary of state, was sent to him by the 
king of France, desiring him to let the king his 
master know the news, and to signify to him, that 
the French king hoped that he would put things in a 
readiness to execute the treaty, in case any opposition 
should be made to it: and in his whole discourse he ex- 
, pressed a fixed resolution in the French councils to ad- 
here to it. A few days after that, the news came of 
his death and of his wiU, declaring the duke of Anjou 
the universal heir of the whole Spanish monarchy^' : 
it is not yet certainly known by what means this 

archbishop, by the act that re- never : but in truth there never 
pealed the high commission, were two worse men (even of 
could exercise the legaline their profession) in England, 
power vested in him before, and nothing could have pro- 
by which he could deprive as tected either, but the use they 
many as he pleased of the bi- were of to parties. D. See an- 
shops' bench of their seats in tea, p. 227. O. (A narrative of 
that house. And the great par- the proceedings against bishop 
tiality he had shewn upon this Jones was printed in 1702.) 
occasion, (as well as his as- '' The true reasons were, the 
sistants, of which bishop Bur- Spanish pride, which could not 
net was one,) made every body bear the division of the mo- 
very apprehensive of so great a narchy ; the unpopularity of the 
power's being lodged in the Germans, from the behaviour of 
hands of such a tool. D. the queen, and the rapacious- 
« The bishop knew a better ness of her favourites; and the 
reason for delay in Jones's case; weak state of the king both in 
which was, that he always voted mind and body. H. 
with the court, and Watson 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 461 

was brought about, nor how the king of Spain was 1700. 
drawn to consent to it, or whether it was a mere 
forgery made by cardinal Portocarrero and some of 
the grandees, who, partly by practice and corrup- 
tion, and partly for safety, and that their monarchy 
might be kept entire, (they imagining that the 
power of Fi'ance was far superior to all that the 
house of Austria would be able to engage in its in- 
terests,) had been prevailed on to prepare and pub- 
lish this will; and, to make it more acceptable to 
the Spaniards, among other forfeitures of the crown, 
not only the successor's departing from what they 
call the catholic faith, but even his not maintaining 
the immaculate conception of the virgin was one '. 

As soon as the news came to Rome, it quickened <^'«™«nt 
the intrigues of the conclave, so they set up Albano, venth 
a man of fifty-two years of age, who beyond all pope, 
men's expectation was chosen pope, and took the 
name of Clement the eleventh : he had little prac- 
tice in affairs, but was very learned ; and in so cri- 

' I have perused a volume of milar measures for the parti- 

the marquis of Harcourt's Let- tion of his dominions. He goes 

ters to Mr. Torcy, by which it on to say, that " the refine- 

does not appear that the French " meat imputed to Louis is 

spent any money to procure a " most solidly disproved ; for 

will. That ambassador was at " the memoirs of monsieur de 

Paris when the will was made. " Torci, who was his secretary 

Mr. Blecour was resident. H. " of state at the time, and con- 

(Sir John Dalrj^mple, in answer " ducted the negociations, and 

to the assertion of some per- " of mareschal Villars, who was 

sons, tiiat William, in the trea- '• his ambassador at Vienna, 

ties of partition, was the dupe " ])rove, that the last will of 

of Louis, who only made use " the king of Spain was as 

of them to provoke the king of " great a surprise upon the 

Spain against his former allies, " French court, as it was upon 

observes, that they should ra- " those of London or Vienna." 

ther have provoked him against Memoirs of Great Britain and 

the king of France, who had Ireland, P. iii. b. 8. p. 146.) 
more than once engaged in si- 

Gg2 



452 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
1/00. tical a time, it seems, a pope of courage and spirit, 



not sunk with age into covetousness or peevishness, 
was thought the fittest person for that see. France 
had sent no exclusion to bar him, not imagining 
that he could be thought on : at first they did not 
seem pleased with the choice, but it was too late to 
oppose it : so they resolved to gain him to their in- 
252 terests, in which they have succeeded beyond what 
they then hoped for. When the court of France had 
notice sent them of the late king of Spain's will, 
real or pretended, they seemed to be at a stand for 
some days; and the letters wrote from the secretary's 
office gave it out for certain, that the king would 
stick to the partition treaty : madam de Maintenon 
had an unspeakable fondness for the duke of Anjou ; 
so she prevailed with the dauphin to accept of the 
will, and set aside the treaty ; she also engaged 
Pontchartrain to second this. 
The king of They being thus prepared, when the news of the 
unaccepted, king of Spain's death came to Fontainebleau, where 
the court was at that time, Mr. Spanheim, who was 
then there as ambassador of Prussia, told me, that a 
cabinet council was called within two hours after 
the news came ; it met in madam de Maintenon's 
lodgings, and sat about four hours : Pontchartrain 
was for accepting the will, and the rest of the mi- 
nistry were for adhering to the treaty. But the dau- 
phin joined for accepting the will, with an air of po- 
sitiveness that he had never assumed before : so it 
was believed to be done by concert with the king, 
who was reserved, and seemed more inclined to the 
treaty'*: in conclusion, madam Maintenon said, what 

^ It is now the general be- ly so. This I have had from 
lief in France that he was real- Frenchmen of good authority. O. 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 453 

had the duke of Anjou done, to provoke the king to 1700. 
bar him of his right to that succession ? And upon ' 

tliis, all submitted to the dauphin's opinion, and the 
king seemed overcome with their reasons '. 

This was on Monday ; but though the matter was The duke of 
resolved on, yet it was not published till Thursday tdlredkiug 
for then, at the king's levee, he declared, that he ac- "^ '*^*'"* 
cepted of the will, and the duke of Anjou was now 
treated as king of Spain. Notice of this being sent 
to Spain, an ambassador came in form, to signify 
the will, and to desire that their king might go and 
live among them. Upon which he was sent thither, 
accompanied by his two brothers, who went with 
him to the frontiers of Spain. When the court of 
France published this resolution, and sent it to all 
the courts of Europe, they added a most infamous 
excuse for this notorious breach of faith : they said, 
the king of France considered chiefly what was the 
main design of the treaty, which was to maintain 
the peace of Europe ; and therefore to pursue this, 
he depaited from the words of the treaty, but he ad- 
hered to the spirit and the chief intent of it. This 
seemed to be an equivocation of so gross a nature, 
that it looked like the invention of a Jesuit con- 
fessor, adding impudence to perjury. The king and 
the States were struck with this : the king was full 
of indignation, to find himself so much abused ; so 



' Monsieur Torcy writ, by carried the point in the French 

the king's order, to Monsieur councils. The treaty was so 

Briont, ambassador in Holland, disliked in England at that 

that they would adhere to the time, that king William ujade 

treaty. The letter is in print no representation to the French 

in a small volume of letters to court upon their breach of 

that ambas.sador. The king's faith. H. 
own family, the dauphin, &c. 

Gg3 



454 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1700. he came over to England, to see what was to be 



223 done upon so great an emergency. The Spaniards, 
seeing themselves threatened with a war from the 
emperor, and apprehending that the empire, toge- 
ther with England and the United Provinces, might 
be engaged to join in the war, and being unable to 
defend themselves, delivered all into the hands of 
France : and upon that, both the Spanish Nether- 
lands and the duchy of Milan received French gar- 
risons : the French fleet came to Cadiz : a squadron 
was also sent to the West Indies : so that the whole 
Spanish empire fell now, without a stroke of the 
sword, into the French power. All this was the 
more formidable, because the duke of Burgundy had 
then no children, and by this means the king of 
Spain was in time likely to succeed to the croAvn of 
France ; and thus the world saw the appearance of 
a new universal monarchy like to arise out of this 
conjunction. 
A new par- It might havc been expected that, when such a 

liament ^ 

summoned, ucw uulookcd-for sccuc was opcucd, the king should 
have lost no time in bringing his parliament toge- 
ther as soon as possible : it was prorogued to the 
20th of November, and the king had sent orders 
from Holland, to signify his resolution for their 
meeting on that day : but the ministers, whom he 
was then bringing into his business, had other 
views : they thought they were not sure of a ma- 
jority in parliament for their purposes, so they pre- 
vailed with the king to dissolve the parliament, and 
after a set of sheriffs were pricked, fit for the turn, a 
new parliament was summoned, to meet on the 
sixth day of February, but it was not opened till 
the tenth. 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 455 

And now I am come to the end of this centuiy, '/OO- 



in which there was a black appearance of a new The end of 
and. dismal scene; France was now in possession of '""^'"■y' 
a great empire, for a small part of which they had 
been in wars (broke off indeed in some intervals) 
for above two hundred years ; while we in England, 
who were to protect and defend the rest, were, by 
wretched factions and violent animosities, running 
into a feeble and disjointed state : the king's cold and 
reserved manner, upon so high a provocation, made 
some conclude that he was in secret engagements 
with France; that he was resolved to own the new 
king of Spain, and not to engage in a new war : this 
seemed so different from his own inclinations, and 
from all the former parts of his life, that it made 
many conclude, that he found himself in an ill state 
of health, the swelling of his legs being much in- 
creased, and that this might have such effects on 
his mind, as to make him less warm and active, less 
disposed to involve himself in new troubles ; and 
that he might think it too inconsiderate a thing to 254 
enter on a new war, that was not like to end soon, 
when he felt himself in a declining state of health : 
but the true secret of this unaccountable behaviour 
in the king was soon discov^ered. 

The earl of Rochester was now set at the head of a new mi- 

. 1 . nistry. 

his business, and was to bnng the tones into his 
service : they had continued, from his first accession 
to the throne, in a constant opposition to his inter- 
ests : many of them were believed to be Jacobites 
in their hearts, and they were generally much 
against the toleration, and violent enemies to the 
dissenters : they had been backward in eveiy thing 
that was necessary for carrying on the former war ; 

Gg4 



456 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1700. they had opposed taxes as much as they could, and 
were against all such as were easily levied and less 
sensibly felt by the people "^ ; and were always for 
those that were most grievous to the nation, hoping 
that by those heavy burdens the people would grow 
weary of the war and of the government. On the 
contrary the whigs, by supporting both, were be- 
come less acceptable to the nation : in elections their 
interest was much sunk ; every new parliament was 
a new discovery that they were become less popular, 
and the others, who were always opposing and com- 
plaining, were now cried up as the patriots. In the 
three last sessions, the whigs had -shewed such a 
readiness to give the king more force, together with 
a management to preserve the gi-ants of Ireland, 
that they were publicly charged as betrayers of their 
country, and as men that were for trusting the king 
with an army ; in a word, they were accused of too 
ready a compliance with the humours and interests 
of courts and favourites ; so they were generally cen- 
sured and decried : and now since they had not suc- 
ceeded to the king's mind, some about him possessed 
him with this, that either they would not or could 
not serve him. In some of them indeed, their prin- 
ciples lay against those things, whereas the tories' 
principles did naturally lead them to make the crown 
great and powerful : it was also said, that the great 
opposition made to every thing the king desired, 

"" Some very good men, not easily to be had, or ready at 

tories, nor governed by party hand, bad ministers may be 

reasons, have been of this opi- tempted by that to bad mea- 

nion. But will not difference sures. O. (Perpetual taxes were 

of times and difference of men certainly less felt by the people, 

in poAver make a distinction in the burden being thus chiefly 

this matter ? ^V'hen money is thrown on posterity.) 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 457 

and the difficulties that had been of late put upon 1700. 
him, flowed chiefly from the hatred borne to those 
who were employed by him, and who had brouglit 
in their friends and creatures into the best posts ; 
and they were now studying to recover their lost 
popularity ; which would make them cold, if not 
backward in complying with what the king might 
desire for the future : the whigs did also begin to 
complain of the king's conduct, of his minding af- 
fairs so little, of his being so much out of the king- 
dom, and of his ill choice of favourites ; and they 
imputed the late miscarriages to errors in conduct, 255 
which they could neither prevent nor redress : the 
favourites, who thought of nothing but to continue 
in favour, and to be still safe and secure in their 
credit, concurred to press the king to take other 
measures, and to turn to another set of men, who 
would be no longer his enemies, if they had some of 
the best places shared among them : and though 
this method had been almost fatal, when the king 
had followed it soon after his first accession to the 
crown, yet there seemed to be less danger in trying 
it now, than was formerly. We were in full i)eace : 
and it was commonly said, that nobody thouglit 
any more of king James, and therefore it was fit 
for the king's service, to encourage all his people to 
come into his interests, by letting them see how 
soon he could forget all that was past. These con- 
siderations had so far prevailed with him, that be- 
fore he went out of England, he had engaged liim- 
self secretly to them : it is true, the death, first, 
of the duke of Glocester, and now of the king of 
Spain, had very much changed the face of affairs. 



458 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1700. both at home and abroad; yet the king would not 

break off from his engagements ". 

Soon after his return to England, the earl of Ro- 
chester was declared lord lieutenant of Ireland, and 
he had the chief direction of affairs. And, that the 
most eminent man of the whigs might not oppose 
them in the new parliament, they got Mr. Moun- 
tague to be made a baron, who took the title of 
Halifax, which was sunk by the death of that mar- 
quis without issue male. The man, on whose ma- 
nagement of the house of commons this new set de- 
pended, was Mr. Harley, the heir of a family which 
had been hitherto the most eminent of the presby- 
terian party; his education was in that way: but 
he, not being considered at the revolution, as he 
thought he deserved, had set himself to oppose the 
court in every thing, and to find fault with the 
whole administration. He had the chief l^and, both 
in the reduction of the army, and in the matter of 
the Irish grants : the high party trusted him, though 
he still kept up an interest among the presbyterians: 
and he had so particular a dexterity, that he made 
both the high church party and the dissenters de- 
pend upon him ; so it was agreed that he should be 
speaker. All this while, the new ministers talked 
of nothing but negotiations, and gave it out, that 
the king of France was ready to give all the se- 

" (Ralph remarks, " that the ly with the other." Hist, of 

" king at this crisis proceeded England, vol. ii. p. 890. But 

" on the same maxim in regard this was satisfactory to neither 

" to the whigs, which he had party at the time which the bi- 

" set out with in regard to the shop mentions, and occasioned 

" tories, of giving one party the the malecontents thinking again 

" lead, without breaking entire- of their old muster.) 



OF KING WILLIAM IIL 459 

curity that could be desired, for maintaining the 1700. 
peace of Europe. At this time, the emperor sent 
over to England a minister, to set forth his title to 
the Spanish monarchy, settled on his house by an- 256 
cient entails, often repeated, and now devolving on 
him by an undoubted right, since by the renuncia- 
tion made by the late queen of France (as was sti- 
pulated by the treaty of the Pyrenees, and then 
made by her in due form) this could not be called in 
question. Our new ministers were scarce civil to 
the emperor's envoy ; and would not enter into any 
consultations with him : but the Dutch, who were 
about the king, and all the foreign ministers, spoke 
in another style ; they said, that nothing but a ge- 
neral union of all the powers in Europe could hin- 
der the conjunction of the two monarchies ° : so, by 
what those, who talked often with the king, gave 
out, it came to be soon known, that the king saw 
the necessity of a new war, but that he kept himself 
in a great reserve, that he might manage his new 
ministers and their party, and see if he could engage 
them to concur with him. 

But before I conclude the relation of this year, at The king 
which the century ends, 1 must close it with an ac- glorious 
count of the king of Sweden's glorious campaign : *^'*"'i'*'s°' 
he made all the haste he could to relieve Livonia, 

" (Ralph says, that a survey the States General professed a 
of the distracted state of Eu- willingness to live in good cor- 
rope at this conjuncture, would respondence with the Spanish 
shew not only a general union crown, in case the Dutch gar- 
to have been impossible, but risons were continued in the 
that it would also have deterred barrier towns on the same foot- 
any one from taking measures to ing, but subject to the orders 
precipitate a rupture, who had of the Spanish governors, as 
any regard to consequences, heretofore. See p. 902.) 
vol. ii. p. 901. At this period 



460 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
] 700. where not only Riga was for some months besieged 



by the king of Poland, but Narva was also attacked 
by the czar, who hoped, by taking it, to get an en- 
trance into the Baltick : the czar came in person 
against it, with an army of one hundred thousand 
men : Narva was not provided for a siege : it had a 
small gan-ison, and had very poor magazines, yet 
the Muscovdtes attacked it so feebly, that it held 
out, beyond all expectation, till the end of the year. 
Upon the king of Sweden's landing at Revel, the 
Saxons drew off from Riga, after a long siege at a 
vast charge : this being done, and Riga both opened 
and supplied, that king marched next to Narva. The 
czar, upon his march towards him, left his army in 
such a manner, as made all people conclude, he had 
no mind to hazard his person : the king marched 
through ways that were thought so impracticable, 
that little care had been taken to secure them : so he 
surprised the Muscovites, and broke into their camp 
before they apprehended he was near them ; he to- 
taUy routed their army, took many prisoners, with 
aU their artillery and baggage, and so made a glori- 
ous entry into Narva. This is the noblest campaign 
that we find in any history ; in which a king about 
eighteen years of age, led an army himself against 
three kings, who had confederated against him, and 
was successful in every one of his attempts, giving 
great marks both of personal courage and good con- 
duct in them aU ; and, which is more extraordinary, 
an eminent measure both of virtue and piety ap- 
257peared in his whole behaviour. In him the world 
hoped to see another Gustavus Adolphus, who con- 
quered, or rather possessed himself of Livonia, in the 
same year of his age in which this king tUd now so 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 461 

gloriously recover it, when almost lost by the inva- '700. 
sion of two powerful neighbours. There were great 
disorders at this time in Lithuania, occasioned by 
the factions there, which were set on and fomented 
by the king, who seemed to aspire to be the here- 
ditary king of Poland. But as these things are 
at a great distance from us, so since we have no 
public minister in those parts, I cannot give an ac- 
count of them, nor form a true judgment thereupon.' 
The eighteenth century began with a great scene,' 
that opened with it. 

The new king of Spain wrote to all the courts of 1701. 
Europe, giving notice of his accession to that crown, ^rehentfons 
only he forgot England : and it was publicly given "^ *Euro"J 
out, that he had promised the pretended prince of ^^s now 
Wales, that m due time he would take care of his 
interests : the king and the States were much 
alarmed, when they beheld the French possessed of 
the Spanish Netherlands : a great part of the Dutch 
army lay scattered up and down in those gamsons, 
more particularly in Luxemburgh, Namur, and Mons, 
and these were now made prisoners of war : neither 
officers nor soldiers could own the king of Spain, for 
their masters had not yet done it : at this time, the 
French pressed the States very hard to declare 
themselves : a great party in the States were for 
owning him, at least in form, till they could get 
their troops again into their own hands, according 
to capitulation : nor were they then in a condition 
to resist the impression, that might have been made 
upon them, from the garrisons in the Spanish Guel- 
der, who could have attacked them before they were 
able to make head : so the States consented to own 



462 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1701- the king of Spain. That being done, their batta- 
lions were sent back, but they were ill used, contrary 
to capitulation, and the soldiers were tempted to de- 
sert their service, yet very few could be prevailed on 
to do it. 
A party As soou as our parliament was opened, it appeared 

for France i -m i i i .... 

in the par- that the t rcuch had a great party m it : it is cer- 
**"*" ' tain, great sums came over this winter from France, 
the packet-boat came seldom without 10,000 louis 
d'ors, it brought often more : the nation was fiUed 
with them, and in six months' time, a million of gui- 
neas were coined out of them : the merchants indeed 
said, that the balance of trade was then so much 
turned to our side, that, whereas we were wont to 
258 carry over a million of our money in specie, we then 
sent no money to France ; and had at least half that 
sum sent over to balance the trade : yet this did not 
account for that vast flood of French gold that was 
visible amongst us : and, upon the French ambassa- 
dor's going away, a very sensible alteration was 
found in the bills of exchange : so it was concluded, 
that great remittances were made to him, and that 
these were distributed among those who resolved to 
merit a share in that wealth, which came over now 
so copiously, beyond the examj^le of former times. 
The king, in his speech to the parliament, in the 
most effectual manner possible, recommended the 
settling the succession of the crown in the protest- 
ant line ; and with relation to foreign affairs, he laid 
them before the two houses, that they might offer 
him such advices, as the state of the nation and her 
alliances required ; but he did not so much as inti- 
mate to them his own thoughts concerning them. 
A design was laid in the house of commons, to open 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 463 

the session with an address to the king, that he 1701. 
would own the king of Spain : the matter was so 
far concerted, that they had agreed on the words of 
the vote, and seemed not to doubt of the concur- 
rence of the house; but Mr. Monkton opposed it with 
great heat, and among other things said, if that vote 
was carried '', he should expect that the next vote to 
be put, would be for owning the pretended prince of 
Wales : upon this occasion it appeared how much 
popular assemblies are apt to be turned, by a thing 
boldly said, though the consequence is ever so re- 
mote ; since the connection of these two points lay 
at some distance, yet the issue of the debate was 
quite contrary to that which was designed : it ended 
in an address to the king, to enter into new alliances 
with the States, for our mutual defence, and for pre- 
serving the liberty and peace of Europe : these last 
words were not carried without much difficulty: 

P ("As to any design formed " upon considering the Dutch 

" to open the session with such " envoy's memorial. You will 

" an address, facts and dates de- " see it has fully answered all 

" nionstrate, to say nothing of " his majesty's desires ; and I 

" the contents of Burnet's own " must needs say, that I never 

" legend, that the session was " saw so great a spirit in the 

*• not opened with any such de- " house of commons, and such 

" bate : nor indeed, is any trace " a resolution to preserve Hol- 

" of any such motion, in rela- " land as well us England : I 

" tion to the king of Spain, to " hope it will have that good 

" be found in the journals. Let " effect on your side, as to pro- 

" us also confront the bishop's " duce a fair disposition to 

" whole account with the words " treat upon reasonable terms, 

" of Mr. Vernon, in his letter " that a war maybe prevented; 

" to lord Manchester, of Fe- " which I see we shall not de- 

" bruary 20 : ' I do not doubt " cline, if we are forced into it 

" but you have our parliament " by necessity ; but if France 

" news from many hands. How- " has any inclination for peace, 

"ever, I must not omit send- "we may still hope for it.'" 

♦' ing you the vote that passed Ralph's Hist, of England, vol. 

"this day both in the com- ii. p. 914. See also p. 940.) 
" mittee and in the house. 



464 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1701. they were considered, as they were indeed, an in- 



sinuation towards a war. 
i^^jldtfng Upon the view of the house, it appeared very evi- 
eiections. Gently, that the tories were a great majority ; yet 
they, to make the matter sure, resolved to clear the 
house of a great many that were engaged in another 
interest : reports were brought to them of elections, 
that had been scandalously purchased, by some who 
were concerned in the new East^ndia company. In- 
stead of drinking and entertainments, by which elec- 
tions were formerly managed, now a most scandalous 
practice was brought in of buying votes, with so little 
decency, that the electors engaged themselves by 
subscription, to choose a blank person, before they 
259 were trusted with the name of their candidate. The 
old East India company had driven a course of cor- 
ruption within doors with so little shame, that the 
new company intended to follow their example, but 
with this difference, that, whereas the former had 
bought the persons who were elected, they resolved 
to buy elections. Sir Edward Seimour, who had 
dealt in this corruption his whole lifetime, and 
whom the old company was said to have bought be- 
fore, at a very high price, brought before the house 
of commons the discovery of some of the practices of 
the new company'': the examining into these took 
up many days. In conclusion, the matter was so well 
proved, that several elections were declared void; 
and some of the persons so chosen, were for some 
time kept in prison ; after that, they were expelled 
the house. In these proceedings, great partiality 

•J (For which he had the so- Hist, of England, vol. ii. p. 
lemn thanks of the house of 926.) 
commonsgiven him. See Ralph's 



OF KING WILLIAM IIL 465 

ap|>eared; for when, in some cases, corruption was 1701. 
proved clearly against some of the tory party, and 
but doubtfully against some of the contrary side, 
that which was voted corruption in the latter, was 
caUed the giving alms in those of the former sort. 
Thus for some weeks the house seemed to have for- 
got all the concerns of Europe, and was wholly em- 
ployed in the weakening of one side, and in fortify- 
ing the other : to make some shew of zeal for the 
public safety, they voted thirty thousand men for 
the fleet ; but they would allow no marines, though 
they were told that a fleet without these was only a 
good security for our own defence, but could have 
no influence on the affairs of Europe, either to 
frighten or to encourage those abroad : such a fleet, 
as it could not offend, so it was much too strong, if 
it was intended only for a defence, and it looked like 
a needless wasting the treasure of the nation, to em- 
ploy so much of it to so little purpose, and only to 
make a shew. 

While the house of commons was going on, mind- The parti- 

• ■, , . 1 • 1 • 1 t'''" treaty 

ing only party matters, a design was laid m the charged in 
house of lords, to attack the partition treaty, and ^5^, JJ^U!* 
some of those who were concerned in it. They begun 
with an address to the king, that he would order all 
the treaties made since the peace of Ryswick to be 
laid before them. This was complied with so slowly, 
that they were not brought to the house till the 26th 
of February, and no notice was taken of them till 
the 10th of March. It soon appeared that this was 
done by a French direction. The court of France 
(perceiving that the Dutch were alarmed at their 
neighbourhood, and were increasing their force both 
by sea and land, and were calling upon their allies 
VOL. IV. H h 



466 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1701 • to furnish their quota's, which they were bound by 
treaties to send to their defence) entered upon a ne- 
260gotiation with them at the Hague, to try what 
would lay these fears. Upon this, in the beginning 
of March, the States, in conjunction with Mr. Stan- 
hope % the English envoy at the Hague, gave in 
memorials, in which they insisted on the violation of 
the partition treaty, and particularly on the Frencli 
possessing themselves of the Spanish Netherlands : 
they also desired, that the emperor might have just 
satisfaction in his pretensions, and that in the mean 
while Luxemburgh, Namur, Mons, and Aeth, might 
be put in their hands; and Ostend and Newport 
into the hands of the English, and both they and 
the Dutch might have a free trade, as before, to all 
the Spanish dominions. The French, seeing these 
demands run so high, and being resolved to offer no 
other security for the peace of Europe, but the re- 
newing the treaty of Ryswick, set all their engines 
at work in England, to involve us into such conten- 
tions at home, as should both disable us from taking 
any care of foreign affairs, and make the rest of Eu- 
rope conclude, that nothing considerable was to be 
expected from England. As soon as the news of 
those memorials could come to England, the mar- 
quis of Normanby, and the rest of the tories, took up 
the debate concerning the partition treaty: this they 
managed with great dexterity, while the matter was 
as much neglected by the king, who went that day 
to Hampton court, where he stayed some time ; by 
this means no directions were given, and we were 
involved in great difficulties, before the court was 

*■ Father of general, afterwards earl Stanhope. O. 



OF KING WILLIAM III."^' 467 

aware of it: the king either could not prevail with 1701. 
his new ministers to excuse the treaty, if they would 
not justify it ; or he neglected them so far, as not to 
speak to them at all about it. Those who attacked 
it, said, they meant nothing in that but to offer the 
Jiing advices for the future, to prevent such errors 
as had been committed in that treaty, both as to 
matter and form. They blamed the giving such ter- 
ritories to the crown of France, and the forsaking 
the emperor ; they also complained of the secrecy in 
which the treaty was carried on, it not being com- 
municated to the English council or ministry, but 
privately transacted by the earls of Portland and 
Jersey : they also blamed the putting the great seal, 
first to blank powers, and then to the treaty itself, 
which the king's new ministers said was unjust in 
the contrivance, and ridiculous in the execution. To 
all this it was answered, that there not being a force 
ready and sufficient to hinder the French from pos- 
sessing themselves of the Spanish monarchy, which 
they were prepared for, the emperor had desired the 
king to enter into a treaty of partition, and had con- 
sented to every article of it, except that which re- 261 
lated to the duchy of Milan : but the king, not 
thinking that worth the engaging in a new war, 
had obtained an exchange of it for the duchy of 
Lorrain : the emperor did not agree to tliis, yet he 
pressed the king not to break off the treaty, but to 
get the best terms he could for him, and above all 
things he recommended secrecy, that so he might 
not lose his interest in Spain, by seeming to consent 
to this partition. It is certain, that by our constitu- 
tion, all foreign negotiations were trusted entirely 
to the crown ; that the king was under no obliga- 

H h 2 



468 



THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



1701. tion by law to communicate such secrets to his 
council, or to hear, much less was he obliged to fol- 
low, their advices : in particular it was said, that the 
keeper of the great seal had no sort of authority to 
deny the putting it, either to powers for a treaty, 
or to any treaty which the king should agree to : 
the law gives no direction in such matters, and he 
could not refuse to put the great seal to any thing 
for which he had an order from the king, unless the 
matter was contrary to law, which had made no 
provision in this case ^ : they insisted most on the 



* This defence has some very 
dangerous and unconstitutional 
doctrines in it. If ministers 
advise a bad measure, they are 
answerable for it to the nation 
in parliament ; and so are they 
though they advise against it, if 
they concur in the execution of 
it ; he especially who puts the 
great seal to it, although the 
matter may not be strictly ille- 
gal, to render the act void ; 
otherwise the people have no 
security against a bad admini- 
stration of government. All 
will be laid upon the person of 
the king, ministers will escape 
by that, and the nation be with- 
out remedy. The deposit of 
the great seal is a trust of the 
highest kind for the public, and 
may be applied to acts of the 
most pernicious consequence to 
the state, though not properly 
illegal in the form. Can the 
command of the crown excuse 
this ? Suppose it in a treaty 
where the trade of England is 
sacrificed to a foreign nation. 
This may not be contrary to 
law in a strict sense, and the 
treaty may in a like strict sense 



be valid. But is not the keeper 
of the seal criminal for giving 
the national sanction to such a 
treaty ? If he be not, his office 
is no longer a trust, and no- 
thing more in these things than 
the office of his sealer, whose 
hand put the seal to the wax. 
We know how some chancel- 
lors have treated this matter 
for their indemnity, and that 
some, a little more wary, have 
resorted to the j)oor evasion of 
delivering up the seal to the 
king, for him to put it to the 
instnunent, and immediately to 
receive the seal back again. 
The lord chancellor Notting- 
ham did this last in the case of 
the earl of Danby's pardon, 
and I have been well informed 
he escaped censure for it, by an 
obsequious courting of the house 
of commons at that time, and 
giving with great warmth into 
the prosecution of the popish 
plot, for which see the former 
volume of this history, the lord 
Staiford's trial, and Journal of 
the house of commons. As 
these claims of impunity have 
been made by men of great 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 469 

other side, upon the concluding a treaty of this im- 1701. 
portance, without communicating it first to the privy 
council ; so the first day of the debate ended with 
this*. 

The earl of Portland apprehending that this might The lords 
fall too heavy on him, got the king's leave to com- with in it 
municate the whole matter next day to the house ; "pp"*^** '*• 
so he told them, that he had not concluded the trea- 
ty alone, but had, by the king's order, acquainted 
six of his chief ministers with it, who were the 
earls of Pembroke and Marlborough, the viscount 
Lonsdale, the lords Somers and Halifax, and secre- 
tary Vernon : upon which those lords, being like- 
wise freed by the king from the oath of secrecy, 
told the house, that the eaii of Jersey, having in 
the king's name called them together, the treaty 
was read to them, and that they excepted to seve- 
ral things in it, but they were told, that the king 
had carried the matter as far as was possible, and 
that he could obtain no better terms : so when they 
were told, that no alterations could be made, but 
that every thing was settled, they gave over insist- 
ing on particulars ; they only advised, that the king . 

character and authority in this or suffer a dismission. This 

high station, it becomes a very would make kings counsellable, 

important question to the pub- and the nation safe. O. 
lie, and ought to be thoroughly * The minute of this council 

and very well considered by was burnt amongst lord So- 

those who are to watch and niers's papers. It did appear, 

control the power of ministers, njany objections were made by 

by which the freedom of this the lords. Lord Portland's con- 

coimtry is only jjreserved. If stant answer was, " Nothing 

ministers should say. What are " could be altered." To which 

we to do, if the prince will not one of the lords present (the 

be withstood by our advice, but name not mentioned) replied, 

will still persist against it ? the " If that be the case, why are 

answer is, (if the measure be " we called together?" H. 
of a dangerous nature,) Resign, 

H h 3 



He THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

)70l. might not engage himself in any thing that would 
bring on a new war, since the nation had been so 
uneasy under the last. This was carried to the 
king, and a few days after that, he told some of 
them, that he was made acquainted with their ex- 
ceptions, but how reasonable soever they were, he 
had driven the matter as far as he could : the earl 
of Pembroke said to the house of lords, he had of- 
fered the king those advices, that he thought were 
262 most for his service and for the good of the nation ; 
but that he did not think himself bound to give an 
account of that to any other persons : he was not 
the man struck at, so there was nothing said, either 
against him or the earls of Marlborough or Jersey : 
upon this, the debate went on : some said this was a 
mockery, to ask advice when there was no room for 
it : it was answered, the king had asked the advice 
of his privy council, and they had given it ; but that 
such was the regal prerogative, that it was still free 
to him to follow it or not, as he saw cause. 
An ad- In conclusion, the house of lords resolved to set 

king about out this wholc matter, in an address to the king, 
''■ complaining both of the partition treaty, and of the 

method in which it had been carried on : the lord 
Wharton moved an addition to the address, that, 
whereas the French king had broke that treaty, 
they should advise the king to treat no more with 
him, or rely on his word without further security : 
this was much opposed by all those who were against 
the engaging in a new war : they said, all motions 
of that kind ought to come from the house of com- 
mons, who only could support such an advice, that 
did upon the matter engage us into a new war ; nor 
would they lay any blame on the breaking of a trea- 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 471 

ty, which they were resolved to condemn : they also 1701. 
excepted to the words further security as ambigu- 
ous ; yet the majority of the house agreed to it ; for 
there was such treachery in the French negotiations, 
that they could not be relied on, without a good 
guarantee, and the pledge of some strong places. 
It now plainly appeared, that the design was to set 
on the house of commons to impeach some of the 
lords who had been concerned in the partition trea- 
ty, for it was moved to send the address to the house 
of commons for their concurrence ; but that was not 
canied. The king seemed to bear all this with his 
usual coldness: and the new ministers continued 
still in his confidence, but he laid the matter much 
to heart : now he saw the error he had fallen into 
by the change he had made in the ministry " : it 
was plain they resolved to govern him in every 
thing, and not to be governed by him in any one 
thing. 

As soon as this was over, the earl of Jersey did, Memorials 
by the king's order, bring to the house of lords the the state*. 
memorials that had been given in at the Hague, and 
then, by comparing dates, it was easy to conjecture 
why the partition treaty had been let lie so long on 
the table, and it seemed as if it was taken up at last 
only to blast this negotiation ; a French management 
appearing very plainly in the whole steps that had 
been made. The house of commons began, at the 263 
same time, not only to complain of the partition 



" Yet what could lie do o- done in the partition treaty, 

therwise ? But his giving up his merely in deference to him, 

former ministers in the manner was unworthy of a king, or a 

he did, with regard to this pro- great man. O. 
secution, for what they had 

H h 4 



4n THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1701. treaty, but likewise of the demand of Ostend and 
Newport, nor would they shew any concern for the 
emperor's pretensions : the Dutch demanded the ex- 
ecution of the treaty that king Charles had made 
with them in the year 1677, by which England was 
bound to assist them with ten thousand men and 
twenty ships of war, if they were attacked: some 
endeavoured, all that was possible, to put this off for 
the present, pretending that they were not yet at- 
tacked : others moved, that the pay of ten thousand 
men might be given to them, with the twenty ships, 
as a full equivalent to the treaty ; yet they not lik- 
ing this, it was in conclusion agreed to send the ten 
thousand men : five thousand of these were to be 
drawn out of the army in Ireland, and five thousand 
of them were to be new levied ; but they took cai'e 
that Ireland should not be provided with any new 
forces in their stead, so jealous were they of trusting 
the king with an army. The representation sent 
over by the States, setting forth the danger they 
were in, and desiring the assistance of England, 
was penned with great spirit, and in a very moving 
strain : the house of lords did, upon a debate on 
that subject, make an address to the king, to enter 
into leagues offensive and defensive with the em- 
peror and other princes and states, who were inte- 
rested against the conjunction of the French and 
Spanish monarchies : but the house of commons 
could not upon this occasion be earned farther, than 
** to advise the king to enter into such alliances as 
should be necessary for our common security, and 
for the peace of Europe. This coldness and uncer- 
tainty in our councils gave the Frencli great advan- 
tages in their negotiations both in Germany and in 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 473 

Portugal. They tried the courts of Italy, but with- 1701. 
out success; only the duke of Mantua consented 
that they should make a shew, as if they had sur- 
prised him, and so force him to put Mantua in theii* 
hands : the pope and the Venetians would not de- 
clare themselves ; the pope favoured the French, as 
the Venetians did the emperor ; who began the war 
with a pretension on the duchy of Milan, as a fief of 
the empire that devolved on him ; and he was mak- 
ing magazines, both in Tyrol and at Trent : the 
French seemed to despise all he could do, and did 
not apprehend that it was possible for him to march 
an army into Italy: both the king and the States 
pressed him to make that attempt. The elector of 
Bavaria and some of the circles had agreed to a 
neutrality this year ; so there was no hope of doing 
much upon the Rhine, and the French were making 
the Italians feel what insolent masters they were 264 
like to prove : so a general uneasiness among them . 
determined the emperor to send an army into Italy 
under the command of prince Eugene. England was 
aU this while very unwilling to engage ; yet for fear 
we should at last have seen our interest so clearly, 
that we must have fallen into it, tjiose who were 
practised on to embroil us, so that we might not be 
in a condition to mind foreign affairs, set on foot a 
design to impeach the former ministry. 

The handle that brought this about was eiven by a <iesign to 

. . impeach the 

the earl of Portland : when he was excusmg his own former mi- 
part in the partition treaty, he said, that having "" "^^ 
withdrawn himself from business, and^being at his 
country house in Holland, the king sent to him, de- 
siring him to enter upon that negotiation ; upon 
that, he wrote to secretary Vernon, to ask his ad- 



474 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1701. vice and the advice of his other friends, whether it 
was fit for him to meddle in that matter, since his 
being by birth a foreigner seemed a just excuse for 
not engaging in a thing of such consequence : to 
this, secretary Vernon answered, that all liis friends 
thought he was a very proper person to be employed 
in that treaty, since he had known the progress of 
all those treaties, and the persons who were em- 
ployed on that occasion : and he named the lord 
Somers among those who had advised this ^. The 
earl of Portland had mistaken this circumstance, 
which did not belong to the last partition treaty, 
but to that of the year before, in favour of the 
prince electoral of Bavaria. The house of commons 
hearing of this, required secretary Vernon to lay be- 
fore them that letter, with his answer to it ; for the 
earl of Portland said, that he had left all papers re- 
lating to that matter in Holland. Vernon said, he 
had received no such letter in the year 1699 ; so that 
led them to inquire farther, and they required him 
to lay before them all the letters he had, relating 
to both treaties : he said, those were the king's se- 
crets, writ in confidence by the persons he employed. 
But in such a case, a house of commons will not be 
put ofi": a denial rather raises in them more ear- 
nestness in following their point : it was said, the 
king had dispensed with the oath of secrecy, when 
he ordered all matters to be laid before them, and 
they would admit of no excuse. Vernon upon this 
went to the king, and told him, since these were his 

'^ N. B. I remember a letter lary Vernon, for bringing the 

from lord Somers to the king, papers and letters relating to it 

desiring leave to produce his before the house without leave 

letter about the partition trea- of the king. H. 
ty, and complaining of secre- 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 475 

secrets, he was ready to expose himself to the indig- 1701. 
nation of the house, and to refuse to shew his let- 
ters : but the king said, his refusing to do it would 
not only raise a storm against himself, from which 
the king could not protect him, but it would occa- 
sion an address to the king, to order him to lay 265 
every thing before the house, which, in the state 
that things were in then, he could not deny : Ver- 
non, upon these orders given him at two different 
times, carried all the letters, and laid them before 
the house of commons : it appeared by these, that 
he had communicated the treaty to the king's mi- 
nisters, who were in town, about the end of Au- 
gust 1698 : that lord Somers being then at Tun- 
bridge, he went to him ; and that he had communi- 
cated the project, both to the earl of Oi-ford and the 
lord Halifax : several objections were made by them 
to many parts of the treaty, which were mentioned 
in Vernon's letters ; but, if better terms could not 
be had, they thought it was better to conclude the 
treaty, than to leave the Spanish monarchy to be 
overrun by France, or to involve Europe in a new 
war. Lord Somers had also put the seals to blank 
powers, for concluding this treaty >. When all this 
was read, those who were set on to blow up the 
flame, moved the house to impeach some of the mi- 
nistei's who had been concerned in this transaction ; 
yet in this they proceeded with so visible a partial- 
ity, that though the earl of Jersey had signed the 
treaty, had been plenipotentiary at Ryswick, ambas- 
sador in France, and secretary of state, while the 
partition treaty was negotiating; yet he, having 

> I have heard my father s<'iy that was imprudent. H. 



476 



THE HISTORY OF THE REIG^N 



1701. 



They are 
impeached. 



joined himself to the new ministry, was not ques- 
" tioned about it : the party said, he had been too 
easily drawn into it, but that he was not in the se- 
cret, and had no share in the councils that projected 
it ^ 

On the first of April, the house of commons 
brought up a general impeachment of the earl of 
Portland, for high crimes and misdemeanours ; but 
the chief design was against the earl of Orford, and 
the lords Somers and Halifax ^ Their enemies tried 



2 King William had, with 
good intentions, conducted the 
partition treaty himself. His 
English ministers rather acqui- 
esced in, than advised it, and 
for that reason, rather apolo- 
gize in their defences for the 
share they had in it, than open- 
ly stand forth to defend it. 
Lord Orford, in particular, dis- 
owned the whole, and was very 
angry with the king at that 
time. H. 

^ There had been a warm 
debate in the house of com- 
mons upon the partition treaty, 
in which it was moved to im- 
peach lord Somers, but carried 
in the negative by a great ma- 
jority ; after which, Harlington 
moved the earl of Portland, 
who was a foreigner, and had 
meddled so much in English 
affairs, shoidd be impeached, 
which met with little opposi- 
tion. Next day, lord Jersey 
came to me from the king, who 
was highly provoked at the 
whigs, for having brought their 
own minister off, and his upon 
the stage : therefore desired I 
would get somebody in the 
house of commons to ask if 
there had never been another 



treaty of partition besides that 
before them, which would soon 
set the whole matter in a clear 
light ; but great care must be 
taken, that the king might not 
be known to have any hand in 
it : which 1 very readily under- 
took, in return for the many 
good offices the ministers had 
done me, (as the king said he 
believed I would,) and assured 
lord Jersey, the king's name 
should never be mentioned in 
the matter. Next day, Mr. Finch 
took notice, that the secretary 
often insisted upon this treaty, 
therefore desired he might in- 
form the house, whether there 
had ever been any other treaty 
for dividing of the Spanish mo- 
narchy ; which jHit Mr. Vernon 
into greatconfusion, and obliged 
him to tell all he knew, and 
the three lords were impeached. 
The king told lord Jersey, he 
knew I lived in great intimacy 
with lord Berkely of Stratton, 
who had married lady Port- 
land's sister; therefore desired 
I would aggravate lord Port- 
land's treatment to him, and 
try if he could prevail with him 
to take his revenge, (which he 
had it very much in his power 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 477 

again what use could be made of Kid's business, for 1701, 
he was taken in our northern plantations in Ame- 
rica, and brought over: he was examined by the 
house, but either he could not lay a probable story 
together, or some remnants of honesty, raised in him 
by the near prospect of death, restrained him ; he 
accused no person of having advised or encouraged 
liis turning pirate : he had never talked alone with 
any of the lords, and never at all with lord Somers : 
he said he had no orders from them, but to pursue 
his voyage against the pirates in Madagascar. All 
endeavours were used to persuade him to accuse the 
lords ; he was assured, that if he did it, he should be 
preserved ; and if he did it not, he should certainly 
die for his piracy : yet this could not prevail on him 
to charge them : so he with some of his crew were 
hanged, there appearing not so much as a colour to 266 
fasten any imputation on those lords ; yet their ene- 
mies tried what use could be made of the grant of all 
that Kid might recover from the pirates, which some 
bold and ignorant lawyers affirmed to be against 
law. So this matter was for the fourth time de- 
bated in the house of commons, and the behaviour 
of those peers in it appeared to be so innocent, so 
legal, and in truth so meritorious, that it was again 
let fall. The insisting so much on it served to con- 
vince all people, that the enemies of these lords 
wanted not inclinations, but only matter to charge 
them, since they made so much use of this : but so 
partial was a great part of the house, that the drop- 
to do,) and I was authorized to thought would ruin him, and 
assure him, the king would be did not think the lories were 
pleased with his so doing. Lord either able or willing to protect 
Portland seemed willing, but him : which put an end to that 
was afraid of the whigs, who he negotiation. D. 



*78 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
1701. ping this was carried only by a small majority. 



boiise of 
commons. 



When one design failed, another was set up. 
Lord So- It was pretended, that by secretary Vernon's let- 
"y^Sie^*"^ ters it was clearly proved, that the lord Somers had 
consented to the partition treaty : so a debate com- 
ing on concerning that, lord Somei's desired that he 
might be admitted, to give an account of his share in 
it, to the house of commons : some opposition was 
made to this, but it had been always granted, so it 
could not be denied him: he had obtained the king's 
leave to teU every thing : so that when he appeared 
before the house, he told them, the king had writ to 
him, that the state of the king of Spain's health was 
desperate, and that he saw no way to prevent a new 
war, but to accept of the proposition the French 
made for a partition : the king sent him the scheme 
of this, and ordered him to communicate it to some 
others, and to give him both his own opinion and 
theii's concerning it, and to send him over powers 
for a treaty, but in the secretest manner that was 
possible : yet the king added, that, if he and his 
other ministers thought that a treaty ought not to 
be made upon such a. project, then the whole matter 
must be let fall, for he could not bring the French 
to better terms. Lord Somers upon this said, that 
he thought it was the taking too much upon him- 
self, if he should have put a stop to a treaty of such 
consequence : if the king of Spain had died before it 
was finished, and the blame had been cast on him 
for not sending the necessary powers, because he was 
not ordered to do it by a warrant in full form, he 
could not have justified that, since the king's letter 
was really a warrant, and therefore he thought he 
was bound to send the powers that were called for. 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 479 

which he had done. But at the same time, he wrote 1701 
his own opinion very fully to the king, objecting 
to many particulars, if there was room for it, and 
proposing several things, which, as he thought, were 
for the good and interest of England. Soon after 267 
the powers were sent over by him, the treaty was 
concluded, to which he put the great seal, as he 
thought he was bound to do : in this, as he was a 
privy counsellor, he had offered the king his best 
advice, and as he was chancellor, he had executed 
his office according to his duty. As for putting the 
seal to the powers, he had done it upon the king's 
letter, which was a real warrant, though not a formal 
one. He had indeed desired, that a warrant in due 
form might be sent him for his own security ; but 
he did not think it became him, to endanger the 
public only for want of a point of form, in so critical 
a time, where great despatch was requisite. He 
spoke so fully and so clearly, that, upon his with- 
drawing, it was believed, if the question had been 
quickly put, the whole matter had been soon at an 
end, and that the prosecution would have been 
let fall ^ : but his enemies drew out the debate to 

'' I was in the house of com- ficiently justify him, if it had 

mons during the whole debate : been any ; and his endeavour- 

what the bishop says of lord ing to throw everj- thing upon 

Soniers making an impression the king provoked them to such 

in his favour is so far from a degree, that he left them in a 

true, that I never saw that much worse disposition to him- 

house in so great a flame as self than he found thenj ; and I 

they were upon his withdraw- heard many of his best friends 

ing. He justified his putting say, they heartily u-ished he had 

the great seal to a blank so never come thither. D. We 

poorly, and insisted that the found no minute of this excel- 

king's letter (which he pro- lent speech amongst lord So- 

duced) was a good warrant, mers's papers ; there were some 

which every body knew to be heads about the conduct of his 

none, nor did the contents suf- defence, in case the impeach- 



4fdO 



THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



1701. 



such a length, that the impression which his speech 
had made was much worn out ^ ; and the house sit- 
ting till it was past midnight, they at last carried it, 
by a majority of seven or eight, to impeach him and 
the earl of Orford and the lord Halifax of high 



ment had been tried. There 
is a verj' honourable and manly 
answer of lord Soniers, upon 
being asked who had informed 
him that the house was in de- 
bate about impeaching him. 
Vide the Journals. H. (Ralph 
in his History gives the follow- 
account of it : " Before lord 
" Somers's admission it had 
" been ordered, that he should 
" be asked from the chair, who 
*' it was informed him that 
" there was a debate in the 
" house relating to his lord- 
" ship ? And the said question, 
" after he had done speaking, 
" being put to him accordingly, 
" his lordship made the follow- 
*' ing reply ; to wit : * that he 
" was strangely surprised at a 
" question that he never knew 
" was put to any man that 
" came to desire the favour of 
" being heard : and that if the 
" question was asked to bripg 
" the least prejudice to any 
" man in England, he would 
" not only be content to lie 
" under the censure of the 
" house, but suffer the worst 
" thing that might befall him 
" upon earth, rather than do a 
" dishonourable thing.' After 
" which follows this other ar- 
" tide in the Journals : ' And 
" then his lordship withdraw- 
" ing, came back, and desired 
" to leave with the house a let- 
•' ter his lordfihij) acquainted the 



*' house that he had received 
" from his majesty, (and which 
" he said he had his majesty's 
" leave to acquaint the house 
" with,) and also a copy of his 
" lordship's letter, which he 
" sent to his majesty in an- 
" swer thereof; which letter 
" and copy his lordship had 
" mentioned in what he had 
" offered to the house, and he 
" left the same accordingly, 
" and then withdrew.' This 
"is all that can be deliver- 
" ed with any certainty con- 
" cerning this event : for of 
" the debate which followed, 
" or even the names of those 
" who conducted it on either 
" side, no specific mention is 
" made. And all that the 
" Journals farther report is, 
" that the question being put, 
" that John lord Somers, by 
" advising his majesty in the 
*' year 1689 to the treaty for 
" dividing the Spanish mo- 
" narchy, whereby large territo- 
" ries of the king of Spain's 
" dominions were to be deli- 
•' vered up to France, is guilty 
" of a high crime and misde- 
" meanour, the house divided ; 
" and it was resolved in the 
" affirmative, by 198 against 
" 188." Vol. ii. p. 943.) 

•^ Cowper (afterwards chan- 
cellor) unhappily entering into 
a defence of him, begat a de- 
bate. O. 



OF KING WILLIAM IIL 481 

crimes and misdemeanors'^: the geneml impeach- 1701. 
ment was brought up the next day to the lords' 
bar. 

The commons were very sensible, that those im- contrary 

addresses of 

peachments must come to nothmg, and that they the two ^ 
had not a majority in the house of lords, to judge in *°"*"" 
them as they should direct : so they resolved on a 
shorter way, to fix a severe censure on the lords 
whom they had thus impeached : they voted an ad- 
<lress to the king, for excluding them from his pre- 
sence and councils for ever: this had never gone 
along with an impeachment before : the house of 
commons had indeed begun such a practice in 
king Charles the second's time: when they dis- 
liked a minister, but had not matter to ground 
an imi>eachment on, they had taken this method* 
of making an address against him, but it was a 
new attempt, to come with an address after an 
impeachment : this was punishing before trial, con- 
trary to an indispensable rule of justice, of not 
judging before the parties were heard : the lords 
saw, that this made their judicature ridiculous, when, 
in the first instance of an accusation, application was 
made to the king for a censure, and a very severe 
one ; since few misdemeanors could deserve a hai'der 
sentence. Upon these grounds, the lords prevented 
the commons, and sent some of their body to the 
king with an address, praying him, that he would 
net proceed to any censure of these lords till they 
had undergone their trial. The king received these 268 

'' (" The question was after- " firmative ; to wit : against 

" wards put in relation to the " lord Orford, by 193 against 

" earl of Orford and lord Ha- " 148; and against lord Hali- 

" lifax; and was carried on two " fax, by 186 against 163." 

" several divisions in the af- Ralph's Hist, of England, ibid.) 

VOL. IV. I i 



482 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
1/01. addresses, so contrary one to another, from both 



houses, but made no answer to either of them ; un- 
less the letting the names of these lords continue 
still in the council books might be taken as a refus- 
ing to grant what the commons had desired. They 
renewed their address, but had no direct answer 
from the king ; this, though a piece of common jus- 
tice, was complained of, and it was said, that these 
lords had still gi'eat credit with the king : the com- 
mons had, for form's sake, ordered a committee to 
prepare articles of impeachment, but they intended 
to let the matter sleep ; thinking, that what they 
had already done had so marked those lords, that 
the king could not employ them any more : for that 
was the main thing they drove at. 
The king While this was in agitation, a letter came to the 
king of king from the king of Spain, giving notice of his ac- 
Spain. cession to that crown : it was dated the day after he 
entered into Spain, but the date and the letter were 
visibly writ at different times : the king ordered the 
letter to be read in the cabinet council ; there was 
some short debate concerning it, but it was never 
brought into any further deliberation there. The 
earl of Rochester saw the king seemed distrustful of 
him, and reserved to him in that matter, and was 
highly offended at it : he and the rest of the new 
ministry pressed the king to own the king of Spain, 
and to answer his letter ; and since the Dutch had 
done it, it seemed reasonable that the king should 
likewise do it: they prevailed at last, but with much 
difficulty : the thing was kept secret, and was not 
communicated to the privy council, or to the two 
houses, nor did the king speak of it to any of the 
foreign ministers ; the Paris gazette gave the world 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 483 

the first notice of it^. This being carried in such a 1701. 
manner, seemed the more strange, because his mi- 
nistry had so lately condemned a former one, for not 
communicating the partition treaty to the council 
before it was concluded; and yet had, in a matter of 
great consequence, so soon forgot the censures they 
had thrown out so liberally, upon the secrecy with 
which that matter had been transacted. While 
things were moving in such a slow and uncertain 
pace in England, the Dutch had daily new alarms 
brought them of the forces that the French were 
pouring into their neighbourhood ; into the Spanish 
Guelder on the one hand, and into Antwerp on the 
other : so that they were apprehensive of a design 
both upon Nimeguen and Bergen-op-zom: they took 
the best care they could to secure their frontier: the 
negotiations went on slowly at the Hague : the 
French rejected all their demands, and offered no- 
thing but to renew the peace of Ryswick : this the 269 
Dutch laid again before the king, in a very awaken- 
ing strain ; and he sent all to the house of commons, 
but they could not be brought to declare that the 
offers made by the French were not sufficient. 
D'Avaux, seeing this coldness in our counsels, re- 
fiised to treat any more with the Dutch, in conjunc- 
tion with the envoy of England, and said, his powers 
directed him only to them : this put a full stop to 
all further treaty ; for the States said, they were en- 
gaged in such a close conjunction with England, 
that they could not enter on a separate treaty. In 
. the mean while they armed powerfully ; and our 
fleet, in conjunction with theirs, were masters of the 

* (Ralph, amongst other ob- fication, could do no less than 
servations, remarks, that the acknowledge it. Hist, of Eng- 
king having solicited the noti- land, vol. ii. p. 939.) 

I i 2 



484 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
1701. sea; but, for want of marines, 'they were in no con- 



dition to make any impression on the enemy. The 
emj^eror went on with his preparation for a cam- 
paign in Italy : the French sent an army into the 
Milanese, that they reckoned would be much supe- 
riof to any force the emperor could send thither : 
the duke of Savoy was engaged in the interest of 
France, by king Philip's marrying his second daugh- 
ter : the pope still refused to give the investiture of 
Naples, or to accept the annual present; for he 
would not quite break with the Emperor. 
Negotia- The Frcnch practices were every where the more 
Mv^? prevalent, because they gave out that England 
p'ace«- would not engage in a wai', and the face of our 
affairs looked but dark at home : the emperor's mi- 
nisters had an uneasy time among us ; the king en- 
couraged them, but the new ministers were scarce 
civil to them, and studied to put them quite out of 
hope. The king of Denmark entered into a treaty 
with the emperor and the States. Great pains were 
taken to mediate a peace between Sweden and Po- 
land. The court of France, as well as that of Vienna, 
tried it ; both sides hoping that Sweden, if not Po- 
land, might enter into their interests : the French 
reckoned that Denmark and Sweden could never be 
on the same side ; so, when they found they could 
not gain Denmark, they tried a mediation, hoping 
to get Sweden into an alliance with them, but aU 
attempts for a mediation proved unsuccessful. The 
diet of Poland was put off, and their king being de- 
livered from them, resolved to carry on the war. 
The Spaniards, and the subjects of their other domi- 
nions, began to feel the insolence Qf the French very 
sensibly ; but nothing was more uneasy to them, 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 



485 



than the new regulations, they were endeavouring 1701. 
to bring in, to lessen the expense of the court of 
Spain : so they seemed well disposed to entertain a 
new pretender. 

While all these things were in a ferment all 270 
Europe over ; the declaring a protestant successor cirring «' 
after the princess, and such issue as she might have, Jucwllfon 
seemed to be forgot by our parliament, though the 
king had begun his speech with it. The new 
ministers spoke of it with much zeal^ ; from this their 
friends made inferences in their favour, that cer- 
tainly men, in the interests of France, would not 
promote a design so destructive of all they drove 
at : this was so little of a piece with the rest of 
their conduct, that those, who were still jealous of 
their sincerity, looked on it as a blind, to cover their 
ill designs, and to gain them some credit ; for they 



f Upon the death of the 
duke of Glocester there was a 
necessity for this declarative 
act ; there being so many in- 
termediate heirs that were pa- 
pists, who are as incompatible 
with our constitution as Jews 
or Mahometans ; and that the 
legislature had a right to limit 
the crown was never doubted, 
until king James the first's 
time, who was against law, be- 
cause law was against him. 
But for any merit that has been 
ascribed to king William, I do 
jwsitively affirm, that it was 
never in his power to nominate 
any body but the princess So- 
phia ; and if it had, we all 
knew that his inclinations, as 
well as vanity, led him to the 
house of Brandenburg, who 
were his own immediate heirs; 



and luckily for the present 
reigning family, there was no 
qualified heir between them and 
the princess Ann when the act 
passed, by which no subsequent 
qualification can avail those 
that have lost their right by 
their own default. D. It is 
very probable, the king made 
it a stipulation with them when 
he took them into the admi- 
nistration. Besides the earl of 
Rochester, although a very high 
tor>', was certainly no Jacobite, 
and always in great credit and 
esteem at Hanover : at least 
with the princess Sophia, who 
upon his death expressed a 
more than ordinary concern. 
This last I had from some Eng- 
lish gentlemen who were then 
at Hanover, O. 

lis 



486 THE fflSTORY OF THE REIGN 

1701. could not but see, that if France was once possessed 
of the power and wealth of Spain, our laws, and 
every thing that we could do to support them, would 
prove but feeble defences. The manner, in which 
this motion of the succession was managed, did not 
cany in it great marks of sincerity : it was often 
put off from one day to another, and it gave place 
to the most trifling matters. At last, when a day 
was solemnly set for it, and all people expected 
that it should pass without any difficulty, Harley 
moved, that some things previous to that might be 
first considered^. He observed, that the haste the 
nation was in, when the present government was 
settled, had made us go too fast, and overlook many 
securities, which might have prevented much mis- 
chief, and therefore he hoped they would not now 
fall into the same error. Nothing pressed them at 
present, so he moved they would settle some con- 
ditions of government, as preliminaries, before they 
should proceed to the nomination of the person ; 
that so we might fix every thing that was wanting, 
to make our security complete. This was popular, 
and took with many, and it had so fair an appear- 
ance, that indeed none could oppose it : some weeks 
were spent upon it''. Suspicious people thought. 



8 In the committee of the ^ (" On the first of March, 

whole house, who were to con- " being precisely the fifteenth 

sider of that part of the king's " day after the king's speech 

speech which related to the " had been reported to the 

succession. H. It has been said " house, the clause in relation 

by his particular friends, that " to the succession was taken 

he took this matter into his " into consideration by a com- 

hands, to hinder some worse " mittee of the whole house, 

proposals, and went so far as " who came to certain resolu- 

he did to preserve hia credit " tions, which were reported 

with his party. O. '* on the third, and with two 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 487 

this was done on design to blast the motion, and to 1701. 
offer such extravagant limitations, as should quite 
change the form of our goverament, and render the 
crown titular and precarious : the king was alarmed 
at it, for almost every particular, that was proposed, 
implied a reflection on him and his administration, 
chiefly that of not employing strangers, and not go- 
ing too often out of the kingdom : it was proposed, 
that every thing should be done with the advice of 
the privy council, and every privy counsellor was to 
sign his advice. All men, who had places or pen- 
sions, were made incapable of sitting in the house 
of commons. As all this was unacceptable to the 
king, so many, who had an ill opinion of the design 
of those, who were now at the helm, began to con- 271 
elude, that the delays were affected, and that these 
limitations were designed to raise disputes between 
the two houses, by which the bill might be lost '. 
When some time had been spent in those prelimi- 
naries, it came to the nomination of the person ; 
sir John Bowles, who was then disordered in his 
senses, and soon after quite lost them, was set on 



" amendments agreed to." through at any rate. I have 

Ralph's History of England, seen his picture, with this bill 

vol. ii. p. 921. On the four- in his hand, and Prior had 

tecnth day of May the bill was written under it, " Paid such 

by a unanimous vote sent up to " a day," viz. when he was 

the house of lords ; the two par- sent to the tower by the Ha- 

ties, as Ralph observes, p. 923. nover partj'. Mr. Harley was 

having been previously in the an able speaker, an indifferent 

midst of their broils.) secretary of state, and a good 

' Mr. Harley was obliged to (Economist at the treasury 

humour his own party in these board. Mr. Pelham used to 

limitations, some of which were applaud his conduct there ; but 

absurd, and others, to speak the duke of Newcastle differed 

the truth, verj* proper. He with him, and preferred lord 

judged right in getting the bill Godolphin's. H. 

I i 4 



4f88 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1701. by the party, to be the first that should name the 
electoress dowager of Brunswick, which seemed 
done to make it less serious, when moved by such a 
person : he was, by the forms of the house, put in 
the chair of the committee, to whom the bill was 
committed : the thing was still put off for many 
weeks ; at every time that it was called for, the mo- 
tion was entertained with coldness, which served to 
heighten the jealousy : the committee once or twice 
sat upon it, but all the members ran out of the 
house with so much indecency, that the contrivers 
seemed ashamed of this management '' : there were 
seldom fifty or sixty at the committee ; yet in con- 
clusion, it passed, and was sent up to the lords ; 
where we expected great opposition would be made 
to it : some imagined, the act was only an artifice, 
designed to gain credit to those, who at this time 
were so iU thought of over the nation, that they 
wanted some colourable thing, to excuse their other 
proceedings. Many of the lords absented themselves 
on design. Some little opposition was made by the 
marquis of Normanby ; and four lords, the earls of 
Huntington and Plymouth, and the lords Guildford 
and Jefferies, protested against it. Those who 
wished well to the act were glad to have it passed 
any way, and so would not examine the limitations 
that were in it ; they thought it of gi'eat importance 
to carry the act, and that, at another time, those 
limitations might be better considered : so the act 
passed, and the king sent it over by the earl of 
Macclesfield to the electoress, together with the 

•^ (If this be true, neither this time at least, about the 
party seem to have given Hanover succession.) 
themselves much concern, at 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 



4f89 



garter to the elector. We reckoned it a great point 
carried, that we had now a law on our side, for a 
protestant successor; for we plainly saw, a great 
party formed against it, in favour of the pretended 
prince of Wales. He was now past thirteen, bred 
up with a hatred both of our religion and our con- 
stitution, in an admiration of the French govern- 
ment ; and yet many who called themselves pro- 
testants seemed fond of such a successor ; a degi'ee 
of infatuation that might justly amaze all who ob- 
served it, and saw the fury with wliich it was pro- 
moted K 



1701. 



' Long since tlie author 
wrote this History, a very re- 
markable transaction has ap- 
peared, relating to the succes- 
sion, from a letter found among 
my lord Somers's papers. It is 
written by the princess Sophia 
to Mr. Stepney, then in some 
character for us somewhere 
abroad. (He was envoy in 
1692. and again in 1698. to 
the court of Brandenburg. See 
Johnson's Lives of the Poets, 
vol. i. p. 291.) The letter is 
an answer to a private one of 
his to her, intimating by some 
private direction from hence, 
that the duke of Gloucester be- 
ing dead, there was an intention 
to settle the succession upon 
her and her family after the 
death of the king and the prin- 
cess of Denmark without issue. 
In this letter she says, how 
highly she thought of this no- 
tice of her and her family, but 
wishes that it might be well 
considered of with regard to 
some improprieties she men- 
tions of her family having the 



crown of England, that they 
were strangers, and used in 
their own country to a form of 
government very different from 
that of ours, and which we 
were so fond of; and then re- 
commends^ in a style of com- 
passion, the unhappy case of 
le pauvre prince de Galles, and 
wishes that he may rather be 
thought of than her family, 
saying, that he had learned and 
suffered so much by his father's 
errors, that he would certainly 
avoid all them, and make a good 
king of England. This letter I 
saw and read by the favour of 
one of the sons of my lord Hard- 
wick, the chancellor, whose lady 
was a neice of my lord Somers, 
and by her my lord Hardwick 
had many of his papers, most of 
which were unfortunately de- 
stroyed in Mr. Charles Yorke's 
chambers at Lincoln's inn by 
the late terrible fire there, 
though I have some notion, 
this letter was among the few 
papers that were saved. I have 
heard my lord Hardwick »i>eak 



4(90 



THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



.1701. of this, calling it princess So- 

phia's Jacobite letter. But a 

very short time after this hap- 
pened, she was with king Wil- 
liam at Loo, (see antea 246,) 
where the affair of the succes- 
sion in her house was fully set- 
tled. To explain this strange 
matter : I will tell you what 
I heard several years before I 
knew of this letter, and it was 
from Richard earl of Scarbo- 
rough, who said he had it 
from the earl of Halifax hinir 
self, that he and others, who 
wished the succession to be in 
the house of Hanover, yet were 
very apprehensive that many 
evils to England might arise 
from the two countries being 
under the same sovereign, and 
therefore wished that it might 
be a condition in the new set- 
tlement of the crown, that who- 
ever of the house of Hanover 
succeeded to it should not at 
the same time hold their Ger- 
man dominions, and that upon 
this, the proposal was made to 
the elector, (our late king,) who 
immediately rejected it, declar- 
ing he would not accept of the 
crown here on the terms of 
quitting his own country, where 
he had a sure possession. That 
it was then proposed, that the 
crown should go to some other 
Protestant of his family: to 
which he answered, that if the 
crown of England was to come 
to his family, no one should 
wear it before himself, except 
his mother. Might not the 
letter of the princess Sophia 
have been written whilst this 
matter was pending ? This 
condition was very desirable 
for us, and the elector's answer 
was very sensible for him, but 



he was safe in it, and .so was 
the mother in her letter ; for 
where else could we have gone, 
unless we had fallen in with 
her pious proposal ? It has 
been said that king William 
had some design of that sort at 
this time; but I never saw any 
good authority for that notion, 
although it may be true for 
any I have met with to the 
contrary. (See above, note at 
p. 201.) But now I will men- 
tion to you a particular I can 
speak of with some author- 
ity. A little while before sir 
Robert Walpole'sfall (and as a 
popular act to save himself, for 
he went very imwillingly out of 
his offices and power,) he took 
me one day aside, and said, 
" WTiat will you say, speaker, if 
" this hand of mine shall bring 
" a message from the king to 
" the house of commons, de- 
" daring his consent to having 
•' any of his family, after his 
" own death, to be made by act 
" of parliament incapable of 
" inheriting and enjoying the 
" crown, and possessing the 
" electoral dominions at the 
" same time r" My answer 
was, " Sir, it will be as a nies- 
" sage from heaven." He re- 
plied, " It will be done," But 
it was not done ; and I have 
good reason to believe, it would 
have been opposed, and re- 
jected at that time, because it 
came from him, and by the 
means of those who had al- 
ways been most clamorous for 
it ; and thus perhaps the op- 
portunity was lost : when will 
it come again ? It was said 
that the prince at that junc- 
ture would have consented to 
it, if he could have had the 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 



491 



Another very good act passed this session, con- 1701. 
cerning the privilege of parliament. Peers had, by An act ex 
law or custom, a privilege for themselves and their p^*'"'"^ 

' i O privilege. 

servants, during the session, and at least twenty 272 
days before and after. Of late they have reckoned 
forty days before and after, in which neither they 
nor their servants could be sued in any court, un- 
less for treason, felony, or breach of the peace : the 
house of commons had also possessed themselves of 
the same privilege ; but with this difference, that 
the lords pretended theirs was a right, not subject 
to the order of the house of lords ; whereas the com- 
mons held, that their privilege was subject to the 
authority of their house "' : of late years, sessions 



credit and popularity of the 
measure, and that some of his 
friends were to have moved it 
in parliament, but that the de- 
sign at St. James's prevented 
it. Notwithstanding all this, 
I have had some thoughts, that 
neither court ever really in- 
tended the thing itself; but 
that it came on, and went off, 
by a jealousy of each other in 
it, and that both were equally 
pleased that it did so, from an 
equal fondness (very natural) 
for their own native country. 
But of our connections with 
Hanover I shall speak to you 
more at large elsewhere. O. 

•" The privilege here men- 
tioned is not the privilege of 
peerage, (which is quite a dif- 
ferent thing,) but parliamentary 
privilege, which from the na- 
ture of it must be common to 
both houses in right and use, 
and so it has always been un- 
derstood and practised. It is 



inherent in every member by 
law, and cannot be taken away 
but by act of parliament. The 
house of commons has some- 
times suspended the benefit of 
it in some particular members : 
but this has ever been by way 
of punishment, for some de- 
linquency, when such punish- 
ment was adapted to the crime ; 
and when a member waves his 
privilege, the house will not 
let him resume it again in that 
cause during that parliament. 
But they never oblige a mem- 
ber to wave it, nor can they. 
The house indeed will judge 
whether privilege does or does 
not extend to such or such 
cases, (and so do the lords,) 
and determine and declare ac- 
cordingly ; (it was done 30th 
of November, 1696. — 17th 
April, 1699. — 13th February, 
1700. But quere as to the 
legality of this, for the reasons 
before mentioned, and compare 



4&1 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1701, were long, and continued by intermediate proroga- 
tions, so that the whole year round was a time of 
privilege : this made a great obstruction in the 
course of justice, and none who were so protected 
could be sued for debt. The abuse was carried fur- 
ther, by the protections which some lords gave, or 
rather sold to persons, who were no way concerned 
in their affairs ; but when they needed this shelter, 
they had a pretended office given them, that was a 
bar to all arrests. After many fruitless attempts to 
regulate these abuses, a biU was brought into the 
house of commons, that took away all privilege 
against legal prosecutions, in intermediate proroga- , 
tions ; and did so regulate it, during the sitting of 
parliament, that an effectual remedy was provided 
for a giievance, that had been long and much com- 
plained of" : these were the only popular things 
that were done by this parliament, the rest of their 



it with the act here spoken of, and two thousand pounds a 

see the journal of the house of year annuity during lord Grey's 

commons of 14th of February, life; and his brother Ralph 

1694.) but never attempt to take Grey, upon whom the estate 

it away where it is, except by was intailed, was bound for the 

way of punishment ; and when performance. After the revo- 

a member is thus suspended hition, lord Grey, created earl 

from it, or waves it, it never of Tankerville, never paid the 

goes to his person, 1 mean annuity, but insisted upon his 

such suspension or wave. You privilege ; which occasioned 

will see among my parlia- sir John Levison, whose sister 

ment-entries a pretty curious was married to lord Rochester's 

piece of private history as to son, to bring the bill into the 

this ver\' good law. O. house of commons. Lord Tan- 

" This good bill had its rise kerville died not long before, 

from private interest ; lord and left nothing to his brother 

Grey had been pardoned after in return for his good nature 

Monmouth's rebellion, upon and generosity, but the arrears 

condition that lord Rochester to pay, which were afterwards 

should have twenty thousand com|X)unded for sixteen thou- 

poundb raised upon his estate, sand pounds. D. 



OF KING WILLIAM IIL 493 

proceedings shewed both the madness and fiiry of 1701. 
parties. 

The impeachments lay long neglected in the house Proceeding* 
of commons, and probably they would have been impeach- 
let sleep, if the lords concerned had not moved for 
a trial : on their motion, messages were sent to the 
commons to quicken their proceedings : at last, ar- And first, 

1111 /» . the articles 

tides were framed and brought up, first against the against the 
earl of Orford: he was charged for taking great ford" 
grants from the king ; Kid's business was objected 
to him ; he was also charged for abuses in manag- 
ing the fleet, and victuaUing it, when it lay on the 
coast of Spain, and for some orders he had given, 
during his command ; and in conclusion, for his ad- 
vising the partition treaty. And in setting this out, 
the commons urged, that the king, by the alliance 
made with the emperor in the year 1689, was bound 
to maintain his succession to the crown of Spain, 
which they said was still in force : so the partition 
treaty was a breach of faith, contrary to that alli- 
ance, and this passed current in the house of com- 
mons, without any debate or inquiry into it; for every 
thing was acceptable there, that loaded that treaty 
and these lords : but they did not consider, that by 
this they declared, they thought the king was bound 273 
to maintain the emperor's right to that succession ; 
yet this was not intended by those, who managed 
the party, who had not hitherto given any counte- 
nance to the emperor's pretensions : so apt are par- 
ties to make use of any thing that may serve a 
turn, without considering the consequences of it. 

The earl of Orford put in his answer in four '^''^ «"• of 

1 Orford's 

days. He said he had no gi*ant of the king, but a answer. 
reversion at a great distance, and a gift of ten thou- 



494 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1701. sand pounds, after he had defeated the French at 
La Hogue, which he thought he might lawfully ac- 
cept of, as all others before him had done: he opened 
Kid's matter, in which he had acted legally, with 
good intentions to the public, and to his own loss : 
his accounts, while he commanded the fleet, had 
been all examined, and were passed; but he was ready 
to wave that, and to justify himself in every parti- 
cular, and he denied his having given any advice 
about the partition treaty; this was immediately 
sent down to the commons : but they let it lie be- 
fore them, without coming to a replication ; which 
is only a piece of form^, by which they undertake to 
make good their charge. 
Articles of Articlcs wcrc next sent up against the lord So- 

impeach- tit • • 

went a- mcrs. lu thcsc the two partition treaties were co- 
lomers.*"^ piously sct forth, and it w as laid down for a founda- 
tion, that the king was bound to maintain the em- 
peror's right of succession to the crown of Spain ; 
lord Somers was charged for setting the seals, first 
to the powers, and then to the treaties themselves ; 
he was also chai'ged for accepting some grants, and 
the manner of taking them was represented as frau- 
dulent, he seeming to buy them of the king, and then 
getting himself discharged of the price contracted 
for P. Kid's business was also mentioned, and dilatory 
and partial proceedings in chancery were objected to 
Lord him. He put in his answer in a very few days : in 

Sonicrs's 

answer, the partition treaty, he said, he had offered the king 
very faithful advice as a counsellor, and had acted 
according to the duty of his post, as chancellor '^ ; so 
he had nothing more to answer for: as for his 

° Generally. O, bad aspect. O. 

P If this was true, it has a 'i See antea, p. 25 1 . O. 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 495 

grants, the king designed him a grant to such a 1701. 
value ; the king was not deceived in the value ; the 
manner of passing it was according to the usual 
methods of the treasury, in order to make a grant 
sure, and out of the danger of being avoided. Kid's 
business was opened, as was formerly set forth ; and 
as to the court of chancery, he had applied himself 
wholly to the despatch of business in it, with little 
regard to his own health or quiet, and had acted ac- 
cording to the best of his judgment, without fear or 
favour. This was presently sent down to the house 274 
of commons, and upon that they were at a full 
stand : they framed no articles against the earl of 
Portland, which was represented to the king as an 
expression of their respect to him. 

Some time after this, near the end of the session, Articles of 

1 • 1 '111 TT i«n 1 • 1 impsach- 

they sent up articles agamst the lord Haliiax, which ment a- 
I mention here, that I may end this matter all atH^faxr 
once. They charged him for a grant that he had in 
Ireland, and that he had not paid in the produce of 
it, as the act concerning those grants had enacted : 
they charged him for another grant, out of the forest 
of Dean, to the waste of the timber, and prejudice 
of the navy of England : they charged him for hold- 
ing places that were incompatible, being at the same 
time both a commissioner of the treasury, and audi- 
tor of the exchequer; and in conclusion, he was 
charged for advising: the two partition treaties. He Lord HaU- 
was as quick with his answer as the other lords hadswer. 
been; he said, his grant in Ireland was of some 
debts and sums of money, and so was not thought 
to be within the act concerning confiscated estates. 
All he had ever received of it was four hundred 
pounds. If he was bound to repay it, he was liable 



496 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
1701. to an action for it; but every man was not to be 



impeached, who did not pay his debts at the day of 
payment. His grant in the forest of Dean was only 
of the weedings ; so it could be no waste of timber, 
nor a prejudice to the navy : the auditor's place was 
held by another, till he obtained the king's leave to 
withdraw from the treasury : as for the first parti- 
tion treaty, he never once saw it, nor was he ever 
advised with in it ; as for the second, he gave his 
advice very freely about it, at the single time, in 
which he had ever heard any thing concerning it. 
This was sent down to the commons, but was never 
so much as once read by them. \VTien, by these 
articles, and the answers to them, it appeared, that 
after all the noise and clamour that had been raised 
against the former ministry, (more particularly against 
the lord Halifax,) for the great waste of treasure 
during their administration, that now, upon the 
strictest search, all ended in such poor accusations ; 
it turned the minds of many that had been formerly 
prejudiced against them. It appeared, that it was 
the animosity of a party at best, if it was not a 
French practice, to ruin men who had sensed the 
king faithfully, and to discourage others from en- 
gaging themselves so far in his interests as these 
lords had done. They saw the effect that must fol- 
low on this ; and that the king could not enter upon 
a new war, if they could discourage from his service 
all the men of lively and active tempers, that would 
275 raise a spirit in the nation for supporting such an 
important and dangerous war, as this now in pro- 
spect was like to prove. 
^td^™'of '^^^^ gave a general disgust to all England, more 
parliament particularly to the city of London, where foreign af- 

lured. 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 497 

fairs and the interest of trade were generally better 1701. 
understood. The old East India company, though 
they hated the ministry that set up the new, and 
studied to support this house of commons, from 
whom they expected much favour ; yet they, as well 
as the rest of the city, saw visibly, that first the ruin 
of trade, and then, as a consequence of that, the ruin 
of the nation, must certainly ensue, if France and 
Spain were once firmly united : so they began openly 
to condemn the proceedings of the commons, and to 
own a jealousy, that the louis d'ors sent hither of 
late, had not come over to England for nothing. 
This disposition to blame the slowness in which the 
house of commons proceeded, with relation to fo- 
reign affairs, and the heat with which private quar- 
rels were pursued, began to spread itself through 
the whole nation. Those of the county of Kent sent The Kent- 
up a petition to the house, desiring them to mindtion. 
the public more, and their private heats less, and to 
turn their addresses to the king, to bills of supplies, 
to enable him both to protect the nation and to de- 
fend our allies. This was brought up by some per- 
sons of quality, and was presented by them to the 
house : but it was looked on as a libel on their pro- 
ceedings ; and the gentlemen who brought it up 
were sent to prison, where they lay till the proroga- 
tion ; but they were nuich visited, and treated as con- 
fessors. This was highly censured ; it was said, the 
commons were the creatures of the people, and upon 
all other occasions they used to favour and encou- 
rage petitions : this severity was condemned there- 
fore as unnatural, and without a precedent : it was 
much questioned, whether they had really an au- 
thority to imprison any except their own members, 
VOL. IV. K k 



498 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1701. or such as had violated the privilege of their house : 
but the party thought it was convenient, by such an 
unusual severity, to discourage others from following 
the example set them by those of Kent : for a de- 
sign was laid to get addresses of the same nature, 
from all parts of the kingdom, chiefly from the city 
of London. The ministers represented to the king, 
what an indignity this would be to the house of 
commons ; and that, if he did not discourage it, he 
might look for unacceptable things from them. It 
might rather discourage than give heart to our al- 
lies, if they should see such a disjointing, and both 
city and country in an opposition to the house of 
commons. Some went in his name to the eminent 
276 men of the city, to divert it ; yet with all this it came 
so near, for such an address, in a common council, 
that the lord mayor's vote turned it for the negative, 
so that fell. But a disposition to a war, and to a 
more hearty concurrence with the king, appeared to 
be the general sense of the nation ; and this had a 
great effect on the house of commons ' : they began 
to talk of a war as unavoidable ; and when the ses- 
sion drew near an end, they, by an address, desired 
the king to enter into such alliances with the em- 
peror, and other states and princes, as were neces- 
sary for the support of us and our allies, and to 
bring down the exorbitant power of France. This 
was opposed with great zeal by those who were 
looked on as the chief conductors of the Jacobite 

"■ The tory party was certainly presentations to force the cohl 

drawn much against their in- spirits which they did shew, 

clinations into measures of war, The fitting out a fleet under sir 

and the king was forced to plie G. Rooke, withoiit marines or 

the house of commons hard land forf!es, was a very lame 

with Dutch memorials and re- and inefficient measure. H. 



OF KING WILLIAM IIL 499 

party, though many, who had in other things gone 1701« 
along with them, thought this was the only mean 
that was left, to recover their credit with the peo- 
ple : for the current ran so strong for a war, that 
those who struggled against it were looked on as 
little better than pul)lic enemies. They had found 
good funds for a million and a lialf : it is true, one 
of these was very unacceptable to the king : it was 
observed, that the allotment for the civil list did far 
exceed the sum that was designed, which was only 
six hundred thousand pounds, and that, as king 
James's queen would not take her jointure % so by 
the duke of Glocester's death the charge on it was 
now less than when it was granted ; so they took 
almost four thousand pounds a week out of the ex- 
cise, and, upon an assignation made of that for some 
years, a great sum was raised. This was very sen- 
sible to the court, and the new ministei*s found it no 
easy thing to maintain, at the same time, their in- 
terest both with the king and their party : this mat- 
ter was at last yielded to by the king. All the re- 
mainder of this session relates to the impeachments. 

The lords had resolved to begin with the trial of Messages 
the earl of Orford ; because the articles against him l^a the 
were the first that were brought up ; and since the ^^° '*°"'"" 
commons made no replication, the lords, according 
to clear precedents, named a day for his trial, and 
gave notice of it to the house of commons : upon 
this, the commons moved the lords, to agree to name 
a committee of both houses for settling the preli- 
minaries of the trial, and they named t'.vo prelimi- 
naries; one was, that the lord who was to be tried, 

* (See before, at p. 208.) 
K k 2 



500 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1701. should not sit as a peer; the other was, that those 
lords who were impeached for the same matter, 
might not vote in the trial of one another : they also 
acquainted the lords, that the course of their evi- 
dence led them to begin with the lord Somers. The 
277 lords judged their last demand reasonable, and 
agreed to it; but disagreed to the others. They 
considered themselves as a court of justice, and how 
great soever the regard due to the house of com- 
mons might be, in all other respects, yet in matters 
of justice, where they were the accusers, they could 
only be considered as parties. The king, when he 
had a suit with a subject, submitted to the equality 
of justice ; so the commons ought to pretend to no 
advantage over a single person, in a trial : a court of 
justice ought to hear the demands of both parties 
pleaded fairly, and then to judge impartially; a 
committee named by one of the parties, to sit in an 
equality with the judges, and to settle matters relat- 
ing to the trial, was a thing practised in no court or 
nation, and seemed contrary to the principles of law 
or rules of justice : by these means, they could at 
least delay trials as long as they pleased, and all de- 
lays of justice are real and gi'eat injustices. This 
had never been demanded but once, in the case of 
the popish plot ; then it was often refused ; it is true, 
it was at last yielded to by the lords, though with 
great opposition ; that was a case of treason, in 
which the king's life and the safety of the nation 
was concerned ; there was then a great jealousy of 
the court, and of the lords that belonged to it ; and 
the nation was in so great a ferment, that the lords 
might at that time yield to such a motion, though it 
derogated from their judicature : that ought not to 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 501 

be set up for a precedent for a quiet time, and in a 1701. 
case pretended to be no more than a misdemeanour ; 
so the lords resolved not to admit of this, but to 
hear whatsoever should be proposed by the com- 
mons, and to give them all just and reasonable satis- 
faction in it. The chief point in question, in the 
year 1679, was, how far the bishops might sit and 
vote in trials of treason ; but without all dispute, 
they were to vote in trials for misdemeanours. It was 
also settled in the case of the lord Mordaunt, that a 
lord tried for a misdemeanour was to sit within the 
bar. In all other courts, men tried for such offences 
came within the bar. This was stronger in the case 
of a peer, who by his patent had a seat in that 
house, from which nothing but a judgment of the 
house, for some offence, could remove him : they in- 
deed found that, in king James the first's time, the 
earl of Middlesex, being accused of misdemeanom's, 
was brought to the bar ; but as that prosecution was 
violent, so there had been no later precedent of that 
kind, to govern proceedings by it ; there had been 
many since that time, and it had been settled as a 
rule for future times, that peers tried for such of- 
fences were to sit within the bar. The other pre- 278 
liminary was, that peers accused for the same of- 
fence might not vote in the trials of the others : the 
lords found that a right of voting was so inherent in 
every peer in all causes, except where himself was a 
pai'ty, that it could not be taken from him, but by a 
sentence of the house ; a vote of the house could not 
deprive him of it : otherwise, a majority might upon 
any pretence deny some peers their right of voting, 
and the commons, by impeaching many peers at 
once, for the same offence, might exclude as many 

K k 3 



502 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1701. lords as they pleased from judging' : it was also ob- 
served, that a man might be a judge in any cause 
in which he might be a witness ; and it was a com- 
mon practice to bring persons charged with the 
same offence, if they were not in the same indict- 
ment, to witness the facts with which they them- 
selves were charged, in another indictment : and a 
parity of reason appeared in the case of lords who 
were charged in different impeachments for the 
same facts, that they might be judges in one an- 
other's trials ". tJpon these points, many messages 
passed between the two houses, with so much pre- 
cipitation, that it was not easy to distinguish be- 
tween the answers and the replies : the commons 
still kept off the trial by affected delays. It was vi- 
sible, that when a trial should come on, they had no- 
thing to charge these lords with : so the leaders of 
the party shewed their skiU i» finding out excuses, 
to keep up the clamour, and to hinder the matters 
from being brought to an issue : the main point, that 
was still insisted on, was a committee of both houses ; 
so according to the forms of the house it was brought 
to a free conference. 

In it the lord Haversham, speaking to the point 
of lords being partial in their own cases, and there- 
fore not proper judges, said that the house of com- 
mons had plainly shewed their partiality, in im- 
peaching some lords for facts, in which others Avere 

* This was certainly a strong his credit, and his testimony 

ohjection, but not so as to (sen- may not have any effect, but 

tence not finished.) O. the vote of a judge has its fiill 

" For the case of a witness is operation in judgment. Quaere, 

very different from that of a whether this be a cause of chal- 

judge. In that of a witness, lenge with regard to a jur\'- 

though it does not go to his man» O. 
competency, yet it does go to 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 503 

equally concerned with them, who yet were not im- 1701. 
peached by them, though they were still in credit 
and about the king; which shewed, that they 
thought neither the one nor the other were guilty. 
The commons thought they had now found an oc- 
casion of quarrelling with the lords, which they 
were looking for; so they immediately withdrew 
from the conference, though they were told that the 
lord Haversham spoke only his own private sense, 
and not by any direction from the house. The 
house of commons sent up a complaint to the lords, 
of this reflection on their proceedings, as an indig- 
nity done them, for which they expected reparation ; 
upon this, the lord Haversham offered himself to 
a trial, and submitted to any censure that the lords 279 
should think he had deserved ; but insisted that the 
words must first be proved, and he must be allowed 
to put his own sense on them ; the lords sent this to 
the commons, but they seemed to think that the 
lords ought to have proceeded to censure him in a 
summary way, which the lords thought, being a 
court of judicature, they could not do, till the words 
were proved, and the importance of them dis- 
cussed ^. 

The house of commons had now got a pretence The lords 
to justify their not going further in these trials ; ac.,uitted. 
and they resolved to insist upon it : they said, they 

" The words that gave most in their own house and every 

offence were, that the commons' where else; there not having 

proceedings were abhorrent to been one man in the painted 

justice; and the chicane of pro V- chamber, which was verj' full 

ing words spoke publicly and upon that occasion, that had 

very audibly at a conference not heard them : therefore look 

between the two houses, was ed upon to be a greater insult 

received with the scorn and than the words themselves. D. 
contempt it well deserved, both 

K k 4 



604 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1701. could expect no justice, and therefore they could 
not go on with the prosecutions of their impeach- 
ments : and a day being set for the lord Somers's 
trial, they excepting still, it was put off for some 
time; at last a peremptory day was fixed for it; but 
the commons refused to appear, and said they were 
the only judges, when they were ready with their 
evidence, and that it was a mockery to go to a trial, 
when they were not ready to appear at it. There 
were great and long debates upon this in the house 
of lords; the new ministry and all the Jacobites 
joined to support the pretensions of the commons : 
every step was to be made by a vote, against which 
many lords protested; and the reasons given in some 
of their protestations were thought to be so injuri- 
ous to the house, that they were by a vote ordered 
to be expunged; a thing that seldom happens. 
When the day set for the trial came, the other 
lords, who were also impeached, asked the leave of 
the house to withdraw, and not to sit and vote in 
it ; this was granted them, though it was much op- 
posed and protested against by the tory pai'ty, be- 
cause the giving such leave supposed that they had 
a right to vote : the lords went down in form to 
Westminster-hall, where the articles against the lord 
Somers were first read ; lord Somers's answers were 
next read; and none appearing to make good the 
charge, the lords came back to their house, where 
they had a long and warm debate of many hours, 
concerning the question that was to be put. The 
judges told them, that, according to the forms of 
law, it ought to be guilty or not guilty : but those 
of the party said, as it was certain that none could 
vote him guilty, so, since the house of commons had 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 605 

not come to make good the charge, they could not i70i. 



vote him not guilty ; so to give them some content, 
the question agreed on to be put was, whether he 
ought to be acquitted of the impeachment or not ? 
That being settled, the lords went again to the hall, 
and the question being put, fifty-six voted in the 
affirmative, and thirty-one in the negative. Upon 
this, the house of commons passed some high votes 280 
against the lords, as having denied them justice, 
and having obstructed the public proceedings ; and 
called the trial a pretended trial. The lords went 
as high in their votes against the commons ; and 
each house ordered a narrative of the proceedings 
to be published, for satisfying the nation. A few 
days after this, the earl of Orford's trial came on, 
but all the lords of the other side withdrawing, 
there was no dispute ; so he was acquitted by an > / 

unanimous vote. The lords did also acquit both 
the earl of Portland and the lord HaUfax ; and be- 
cause the commons had never insisted on their pro- 
secution of the duke of Leeds, which they had be- 
gun some years before, they likewise acquitted him, 
and so this contentious session came to an end. The 
two houses had gone so far in their votes against 
one another, that it was believed they would never 
meet again : the proceedings of the lords had the 
general approbation of the nation on their side: 
most of the bishops adhered to the impeached lords, 
and their behaviour on this occasion was much com- 
mended : I bore some share in those debates, per- 
haps more than became me, considering my station 
and other circumstances : but as I was convinced of 
the innocence of the lords, so I thought the govern- 
ment itself was struck at; and therefore, when I ap- 



506 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1701. prehended aU was in danger, I was willing to ven- 
ture every thing in such a quarrel : the violence, as 
well as the folly of the party, lost them much gi-ound 
with all indifferent men ; but with none more than 
with the king himself; who found his error in 
changing his ministry at so critical a time ; and he 
now saw that the tories were at heart iiTeconcileable 
to him : in particular, he was extreme uneasy with 
the earl of Rochester, of whose imperious and in- 
tractable temper he complained much, and seemed 
resolved to disengage himself quickly from him, and 
never to return to him any more^. He thought 
the party was neither solid nor sincere, and that 
they were actuated by passion and revenge, without 
any views with relation to our quiet at home, or to 
our affairs abroad. 
Aconvoca- But having now given an account of the session 
clergy met. of parliament, I turn to another scene : when the 
new ministry undertook to serve the king, one of 
their demands was, that a convocation should have 
leave to sit, which was promised ; and it sat this 
winter : Dr. Atterbury's book, concerning the rights 
of a convocation, was reprinted with great correc- 
tions and additions : the first edition was drawn out 
of some imperfect and disorderly collections, and he 
28lhiwiself soon saw that, notwithstanding the assur- 

y Lord Rochester had an as- gone, the king stamped about 

suming manner, both in his be- the room, and repeated the 

haviour and discourse, that was word " must," several times ; 

extremely disagreeable. Lord at last, turning to lord Jersey, 

Jersey told me, he was with said, " If I had ordered him 

him once in the king's closet, " to have been thrown out of 

where he took the liberty to '* the window, he must have 

tell the king, that princes must " gone ; I do not see how he 

not only hear good advice, but " could have hindered it." D. 
must take it. After he was 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 607 

ance and the virulence with which it was writ, he 1701. 
had made many great mistakes in it : so, to prevent 
a discovery from other hands, he corrected his book 
in many important matters : yet he left a great deal 
to those who answered him, and did it with such a 
superiority of argument and of knowledge in these 
matters, that his insolence in despising these an- 
swers, was as extraordinary as the parties adhering 
to him after such manifest discoveries. Dr. Kennet 
laid him so open ^, not only in many particulai*s, but 
in a thread of ignorance that ran through his whole 
book, that if he had not had a measure of confidence 
peculiar to himself, he must have been much hum- 
bled under it. The clergy hoped to recover many 
lost privileges by the help of his performances : they 
fancied they had a right to be a part of the parlia- 
ment; so they looked on him as their champion, and 
on most of the bishops as the betrayers of the rights 
of the church : this was encouraged by the new mi- 
nistry : they were displeased with the bishops for 
adhering to the old ministry; and they hoped, by 
the terror of a convocation, to have forced them to 
apply to them for shelter. The Jacobites intended 
to put us all in such a flame, as they hoped would 
disorder the government. The things the convoca- 
tion pretended to, were first, that they had a right 
to sit whensoever the parliament sat : so that they 
could not be prorogued but when the two houses 
were prorogued : next they advanced, that they had 
no need of a licence to enter upon debates, and to 
prepare matters, though it was confessed, that the 

^ But chiefly Wake (after- This Dr. Kennet was, in the 
wards archbishop of Canterbu- reign of George the first, made 
ry) in his State of the Church, bishop of Peterborough. O. 



508 



THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



170]. practice for an hundred years was against them: 
but they thought the convocation lay under no far- 
ther restraint than that the parliament was under ; 
and as they could pass no act without the royal as- 
sent, so they confessed that they could not enact or 
publish a canon without the king's licence. An- 
ciently the clergy granted their own subsidies apart, 
but ever since the reformation, the grant of the con- 
vocation was not thought good till it was ratified in 
parliament : but the rule of subsidies being so high 
on the clergy, they had submitted to be taxed by 
the house of commons ever since the year 1665, 
though no memorials were left to inform us how 
that matter was consented to so generally, that no 
opposition of any sort was made to it '^ : the giving 



' It was first settled by a 
verbal agreement between arch- 
bishop Sheldon and the lord 
chancellor Clarendon, and ta- 
citly given into by the clergy in 
general, as a great ease to them 
in taxations. The first public 
act of any kind relating to it, 
was an act of parliament in 1 665 , 
by which the clergy were, in 
common with the laity, charg- 
ed with the tax given in that 
act, and were discharged from 
the payment of the subsidies 
they had granted before in con- 
vocation ; but in this act of par- 
liament of 1 665, there is an ex- 
press saving of the right of the 
clergy to tax themselves in con- 
vocation, if they think fit ; but 
that has been never done since, 
nor attempted, as I know of, and 
the clergy have been constantly 
from that time charged Avith the 
laity in all public aids to the 
crown by the house of com- 



mons. In consequence of this, 
(but from what period I can- 
not say,) without the interven- 
tion of any particular law for 
it, except what I shall mention 
presently, the clergy (who are 
not lords of parliament) have 
assumed, and, without any ob- 
jection, enjoyed the privilege of 
voting in the election of mem- 
bers of the house of commons, 
in virtue of their ecclesiastical 
freeholds. This having con- 
stantly been practised from the 
time it first began, there are 
two acts of parliament which 
suppose it to be now a right. 
The acts are the i oth of Anne, 
chap. 23; 1 8th of George II. 
chap. 1 8. And here it is best, 
the whole of this matter should 
remain without further ques- 
tion or consequence of any kind; 
as it now stands, both the 
church and the slate have a 
benefit from it. See the other 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 609 

of money being yielded up, which was the chief bu- 1701, 
siness of convocations, they had after that nothing 
to do; so they sat only for form's sake, and were 
adjourned of course; nor did they ever pretend, 
notwithstanding all the danger that religion was in 
during the former reigns, to sit and act as a synod ; 
but now this was demanded as a right, and they 282 
complained of their being so often prorogued, as a 
violation of their constitution, for which all the bi- 
shops, but more particularly the archbishop of Can- 
terbury, was cried out on : they said, that he and 
the bishops looked so much to their own interests, 
that they forgot the interests of the church, or ra- 
ther betrayed them : the greater part of the clergy 
were in no good temper ; they hated the toleration, 
and were heavily charged with the taxes, which 
made them very uneasy ; and this disposed them to 
be soon inflamed by those who were seeking out all 
possible methods to disorder our affairs : they hoped 
to have engaged them against the supremacy, and 
reckoned, that in the feeble state to which the go- 
vernment was now brought, they might hope either 
to wrest it quite from the crown, and then it would 
fall into the management of the house of commons ; 
or if the king should proceed against them accord- 
ing to the statute, and sue them in a premunire, 
this might unite the clergy into such an opposition 
to the government, as would probably throw us into 
great convulsions : but many aspiring men among 
them had no other design but to force themselves 
into preferment by the opposition they made. In 
the writ that the bishops had, summoning them to 

vol. p. 197. Gibson, bishop of the constitution ever made, with- 
London, said to me, that this out an express law. O. 
was the greatest alteration in 



610 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
1701. parliament, the clause, known by the first word of 



it, Premunientes, was still continued; at first, by 
virtue of it, the inferior clergy were required to 
come to parliament, and to consent to the aids there 
given : but after the archbishops had the provincial 
writ, for a convocation of the province, the other 
was no more executed, though it was still kept in 
the writ, and there did not appear the least shadow 
of any use that had been made of it for some hun- 
dreds of years ^; yet now some bishops were pre- 
vailed on to execute this clause, and to summon the 
clergy by virtue of it : the convocation was opened 
with speeches full of sharp reflections on the bi- 
shops, which they passed over, being unwilling to 
begin a dispute. 
They dis- Dr. HooDcr, dcan of Canterbury, was chosen pro- 

pute the n , . 11 , , . 

arcbbi- locutor, a man of learnmg and good conduct hi- 
erTf aT"* therto : he was reserved, crafty, and ambitious; his 
them.'"^ deanery had not softened him, for he thought he de- 
served to be raised higher. The constant method of 
adjournments had been this ; the archbishop signed 
a schedule for that purpose, by which the upper 
house was immediately adjourned, and that being 
sent down to the prolocutor, did also adjourn the 
lower house : the clergy perceiving that by this 
means the archbishop could adjourn them at plea- 
sure, and either hinder or break off all debates, re- 
283 solved to begin at disputing this point ; and they 
brought a paper to the upper house, in which they 
asserted their right of adjourning themselves, and 
cited some precedents for it. To this, the bishops 
drew a very copious answer, in which all their 
precedents were examined and answered, and the 

C' See before, at p. 17.) 



OF KING WILLIAM IIL 511 

matter was so clearly stated and so fully proved, 1701. 
that we hoped we had put an end to the dispute. 
The lower house sat for some time about the reply 
to this : but instead of going on with that, they de- 
sired a free conference ; and began to affect, in all 
their proceedings, to follow the methods of the house 
of commons. The bishops resolved not to comply 
with this, which was wholly new : they had, upon 
some occasions, called up the lower house to a con- 
ference, in order to the explaining some things to 
them; but the clergy had never taken upon them to 
desire a conference with the bishops before ; so they 
resolved not to admit of it, and told them, they ex- 
pected an answer to the paper they had sent them. 
The lower house resolved not to comply with this, 
but on the contrary, to take no more notice of the 
archbishop's adjournments : they did indeed observe 
the rule of adjourning themselves to the day which 
the archbishop had appointed in his schedule, but 
they did it as their own act, and they adjourned 
themselves to intermediate days. 

That they might express a zeal in the matters They cen- 
of religion, they resolved to proceed against some*""^** °° 
bad books : they began with one, entitled Chris- 
tianity not mysterious, wrote by one Toland, a man 
of a bold and petulant wit, who passed for a So- 
cinian, but was believed to be a man of no religion : 
they drew some propositions out of this book, but 
did it with so little judgment, that they passed over 
the worst that were in it, and singled out some, 
that how ill soever they were meant, yet were ca- 
pable of a good sense : they brought up the censure 
that they had passed on this book to the bishops, 
and desired them to agree to their resolutions. This 



51« THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1701. struck so directly at the episcopal authority, that it 
seemed strange to see men, who had so long as- 
serted the divine right of episcopacy, and that pres- 
byters were only their assistants and council, (ac- 
cording to the language of all antiquity,) now as- 
sume to themselves the most important act of church 
government, the judging in points of doctrine : in this 
it appeared, how soon men's interests and passions can 
run them from one extreme to another. The bishops 
saw, that their design in this was only to gain some 
credit to themselves, by this shew of zeal for the 
great articles of religion ; so they took advice of men 
learned in the law, how far the act of submission in 
284 the twenty-fifth of Henry the eighth did restrain 
them in this case. There had been the like com- 
plaint made in the convocation 1698, of many ill 
books then published ; and the bishops had then ad- 
vised both with civilians and common lawyers in 
this matter : they were answered, that every bishop 
might proceed in his own court against the authors 
or spreaders of ill books within his diocese : but they 
did not know of any power the convocation had to 
do it : it did not so much as appear, that they could 
summon any to come before them : and when a book 
was published with the author's name to it, the con- 
demning it, without hearing the author upon it, 
seemed contrary to the common rules of justice. It 
did not seem to be a court at all, and since no ap- 
peal lay from it, it certainly could not be a court in 
the first instance. When this question was now 
again put to lawyers, some were afraid, and others 
were unwilling to answer it : but Sir Edward 
Northey, afterwards made attorney general, thought 
the condemning books was a thing of great conse- 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 513 

quence; since the doctrine of the church might be 1701. 
altered, by condemning explanations of one sort, and 
allowing those of another; and since the convoca- 
tion had no licence from the king, he thought that, 
by meddling in that matter, they should incur the 
pains in the statute : so all further debate of this 
matter was let fall by the bishops. The lower house 
going on to sit in intermediate days, many of the 
most eminent and learned among them, not only re- 
fused to sit with them on those days, but thought it 
was incumbent on them to protest against their pro- 
ceedings ; but the lower house refusing to suffer this 
to be entered in their books, they signified it in a 
petition to the archbishop. The party sitting alone, 
in those intermediate days, they entered into such a 
secrecy, that it could not be known what they sat so 
close upon : so the archbishop appointed five bi- 
shops, together with ten they should name, as a 
committee to examine their books ; but though this 
had been often done, yet, upon this occasion, the 
lower house refused to comply with it, or to name a 
committee. This was such an unprecedented inva- 
sion of the episcopal authority, that the upper house 
resolved to receive nothing from them, till that irre- 
gularity was set right. 

Hereupon they, being highly incensed against me, And com- 
censured my Exposition of the Articles, which, inExposUionl 
imitation of the general impeachments by the house 
of commons, they put in three general propositions : 
First, That it allowed a diversity of opinions, which 
the articles were framed to avoid. Secondly, That it 
contained many passages contrary to tlie true mean- 
ing of the articles, and to other received doctrines of 285 
our church. Thirdly, That some things in it were 

TOL. IV. L 1 



514 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
1701. of dangerous consequence to the church, and dero- 



gated from the honour of the reformation. What the 
particulars, to which these general heads referred, 
were, could never be learned : this was a secret 
lodged in confiding hands. I begged that the arch- 
bishop would dispense with the order made, against 
further communication with the lower house, as to 
this matter : but they would enter into ' no parti- 
culars, unless they might at the same time offer 
some other matters, which the bishops would not 
admit of. 

In these proceedings the bishops were unanimous, 
except the bishops of London, Rochester, and Ex- 
eter: the bishop of London had been twice disap- 
pointed of his hopes, of being advanced to the see of 
Canterbury ; so for several years he was engaged 
with the tory party, and opposed the court in every 
thing, but with little force or authority : the bishop 
of Rochester had been deeply engaged in the former 
reigns, and he stuck firm to the party, to which, by 
reason of the liberties of his life, he brought no sort 
of honour ^. These bishops gave no great reputation 
to the proceedings of the lower house, to w hich they 
adhered : they likewise entered their dissent to the 
resolutions taken in the upper house. From the fire 
raised thus in convocation, a great heat was spread 
through the whole clergy of the kingdom : it alien- 
ated them from their bishops, and raised factions 
among them every where. 

The king Thus cudcd the session of parliament and con- 
was still ^ 

reserved, vocatiou, which had the worst aspect of any that 
had sat during this reign. The new ministers pressed 
the king often to dissolve the commission, that re- 
•^ (But see note at p. 483, vol. i.) 



OF KING WILLIAM IIL 515 

commended to ecclesiastical preferments, and to turn 1701. 
out some of the whigs who were in employments, the ' 
lord Haversham in particular, who was in the ad- 
miralty : but the king could not be prevailed on to 
do any thing; yet he kept himself so much on the 
reserve, that when he went out of England, it was 
not certainly known, whether he intended to dissolve 
the parliament or not. When the king came to the 
Hague, he found the negotiation with France quite 
at an end : the king of France had recalled his mi- 
nister ; the States had increased their force, and the 
French were very strong in their neighbourhood : so 
that though no war was actuaUy declared, yet it was 
very near breaking out. 

The emperor's army was now got into Italy: the^"""^"- 
entrance towards Verona was stopped by the French; marched 
but prince Eugene came in by Vincenza ; and when 
the reinforcements and artillery came up to him, he 286 
made a feint of passing the Po near Ferrara; and 
having thus amused the French, he passed the Adige 
near Carpi, where a body of five thousand French lay: 
these he routed ; so the French retired to the Min- 
cio: he followed them, and passed that river in their 
sight, without any opjwsition. The French army 
was commanded by the duke of Savoy; with him 
were the mareschal Catinat, and the prince of Vaude- 
momt, governor of Milan : these differed in opinion ; 
the duke of Savoy was for fighting; Catinat and 
prince Vaudemont were against it : so the mare- 
schal Villeroy was sent thither, with orders to 
fight. Catinat, who was the best general the 
French had left, looking on this as a disgrace, 
retired, and languished for some time ; yet he 
recovered. There were many small engagements 

L 12 



516 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1701. of parties sent out on both sides, in which the 
Germans had always the better : yet this did not 
discourage Villeroy from venturing to attack them 
in their camp at Chiari : but they were so well en- 
trenched, and defended themselves with so much re- 
solution, that the French were forced to draw off 
with great loss : about five thousand of them were 
killed, whereas the loss of the Germans was incon- 
siderable. Sickness likewise broke in upon the 
French, so that their army was much diminished ; 
and after this they were not in a condition to under- 
take any thing. Prince Eugene lay for some time 
in his camp at Chiari, sending out parties as far as 
the Adda, who meeting oft with parties of the 
French, had always the advantage, killing some, and 
taking many prisoners : for several months prince 
Eugene had no place of defence to retire to; his camp 
was all ; so that a blow given him there must have 
ruined his whole army. Towards the end of the 
campaign, he possessed himself of all the Mantuan 
territory, except Mantua and Goits : he blocked 
them both up; and when the season obliged the 
French to go into quarters, he took all the places on 
the Oglio, and continued in motion the whole fol- 
lowing winter. The French had no other enemy to 
deal with, so they poured in their whole force upon 
him : he was then but a young man, and had little 
assistance from those about him, and none at all 
during the summer from the princes and states of 
Italy : for the pope and the Venetians pretended to 
maintain a neutrality, though upon many occasions 
the pope shewed great partiality to the French : the 
people indeed favoured him, so that he had good 
.and seasonable intelligence brought him of all the 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 517 

motions of the French: and in his whole conduct '70i 



he shewed both a depth of contrivance and an ex- 
actness in execution, with all the courage, but with- 
out any of the rashness of youth. 

But to carry on the series of his motions as far 287 
as this period of my history goes, his attempt in Ja- J^j* "^'^ ^^^^ 
nuary following, upon Cremona, had almost proved t remona. 
a decisive one. Mareschal Villeroy lay there with 
six or seven thousand men, and commanded a bridge 
on the Po ; prince Eugene had passed that river with 
a part of his army ; the princess of Mirandola drove 
out the French, and received a garrison from him : 
the duke of Modena put his country in his hand, 
and gave him Bersello, the strongest place of his 
dominions : the duke of Parma pretended he was 
the pope's vassal, and so put himself under the pro- 
tection of that see : prince Eugene would not pro- 
voke the pope too much, so he only marched through 
the Parmezan ; here he laid the design of surprising 
Cremona, with so much secrecy, that the French 
had not the least suspicion of it. Prince Eugene 
went to put himself at the head of a body that he 
brought from the Oglio, and ordered another to 
come from the Parmezan at the same time, to force 
the bridge. He marched with all secrecy to Cre- 
mona ; at the same time, through the ruins of an 
old aqueduct, he sent in some men, who got through, 
and forced one of the gates, so that he was within 
the town before mareschal Villeroy had any ap- 
prehension of an enemy being near him : he wak- 
ened on the sudden with the noise, got out to the 
street, and there he was taken prisoner. But the 
other body did not come up critically, at the time 
appointed : so an Irish regiment secured the bridge: 

Ll3 



518 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1/01. and thus the design, that was so well contrived, and 
so happily executed in one part, did fail. Prince 
Eugene had but four thousand men with him, so 
that since the other body could not join him, he 
was forced to march back, which he did without 
any considerable loss, carrying mareschal Villeroy 
and some other prisoners with him. In this at- 
tempt, though he had not an entire success, yet 
he gained all the glory to which the ambition of a 
military man could aspke ; so that he was looked on 
as the greatest and happiest general of the age : he 
Avent on enlarging his quarters, securing all his posts, 
and straitening the blockade of Mantua, and was in 
perpetual motion during the whole winter : the 
French were struck with this ill success ; more 
troops were sent into Italy, and the duke of Ven- 
dome went to command the armies there. 
King Phi- 'pjjg duke of Savoy was pressed to send his forces 

lip at Bar- •' ^ 

ceiona. thither : but he grew cold and backward : he had 
now gained all that he could promise himself from 
France : his second daughter was married to king 
Philip, and was sent to him to Barcelona, and he 
came and met her there : PhilijD fell into an ill ha- 
288 bit of body, and had some returns of a feverish dis- 
temper : he had also great disputes with the states 
of Catalonia, who, before they would grant him the 
tax that was asked of them, proposed that all their 
privileges should be confirmed to them. This took 
up some time, and occasioned many disputes : all 
was settled at last : but their grant was short of 
what was expected, and did not defray the charges 
of the king's stay in the place. A great disposition 
to revolt appeared in the kingdom of Naples, and it 
Iwoke out in some feeble attempts, that were soon 



OF KING WILLIAM IIL 519 

mastered; the leaders of these were taken and exe- 1701. 
cuted: they justified themselves by this apology, 
that till the pope granted the investiture, they could 
not be bound to obey the new king : the duke of 
Medina was a severe governor, both on his master's 
account and on his own : some of the Austrian 
party made their escape to Rome and to Vienna : 
they represented to the emperor, that the disposi- 
tion of the country was such, in his favour, that a 
small force of ten thousand men would certainly 
put that kingdom wholly into his hands. Orders 
were upon that sent to prince Eugene, to send a 
detachment into the kingdom of Naples : but though 
he believed a small force would soon reduce that 
kingdom, yet he judged that such a diminution of 
his own strength, when the French were sending so 
many troops into the Milanese, would so expose 
him, that it would not be possible to maintain a de- 
fensive, with such an unequal force: yet repeated 
orders came to him to the same effect ; but in op- 
position to those, he made such representations, that 
at last it was left to himself, to do what he found 
safest, and most for the emperor's service ; with 
that the matter was let faU, and it soon appeared, 
that he had judged better than the court of Vienna : 
but this was, by his enemies, imputed to humour 
and obstinacy : so that for some time after that, he 
was neither considered nor supported as his great 
services had deserved. This might flow from envy 
and malice, which are the ordinary gi'owth of all 
courts, chiefly of feeble ones : or it might be a prac- 
tice of the French, who had corrupted most courts, 
and that of Vienna in particulai* ; since nothing 
could more advance their ends, than to alienate the 

Ll4 



5«) THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
1701. emperor from prince Eugene ; which might so far dis- 



gust him, as to make him more remiss in his service. 
The war in Qyj. flgets lav all this summcr idle in our seas, on 

Poland. -^ ^ 

a bare defensive; while the French had many squa- 
drons in the Spanish ports and in the West Indies. 
In the north, the war went on still '^ ; the king of 
Sweden passed the Dun a, and feU on an army of 
289 the Saxons, that lay on the other side, over against 
Riga, and routed them so entirely, that he was 
master of their camp and artillery. From thence 
he marched into Courland, where no resistance was 
made : Mittaw, the chief town, submitted to him : 
the king of Poland drew his army into Lithuania, 
which was much divided between the Saphias and 
Oginskis : so that aU those parts were breaking into 
much confusion : the court of Vienna pretended, 
they had made a great discovery of a conspiracy in 
Hungary : it is certain, the Germans played the mas- 
ters very severely in that kingdom, so that all places 
were full of complaints, and the emperor was so be- 
sieged, by the authors of those oppressions, and the 
proceedings were so summary upon very slight 
grounds, that it was not to be wondered, if the 
Hungarians were disposed to shake off the yoke, 
when a proper opportunity should offer itself: and 
it is not to be doubted, but the French had agents 

'^ The foreign alliances this approved by the next session 

summer were managed with of parliament, in consequence 

great ability under the king's of the resentment raised by 

own direction. For his secre- the French acknowledging the 

taries of state were not equal pretender, and the king's ani- 

to the task, and little more mating and affectionate speech 

than commis in office. The to his people, which was pre- 

grand alliance was formed ; pared by lord Somers, though 

treaties signed with Denmark no minister. H. (See below, 

and other princes for troops, p. 295.) 
all which were laid before and 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 521 

among them, by the way of Poland as well as of ^70i. 



Turkey, that so the emperor might have work 
enough at home. 

This was the state of the affairs of Europe this sevenu ne- 

c 1 • • 1.1 gotiatioiw. 

summer, beveral negotiations were secretly carried 
on ; the elector of Cologn was entirely gained to 
the French interest, but was resolved not to declare 
himself, till his brother thought fit likewise to do it : 
all the progress that the French made with the two 
brothers this summer, was, that they declared for a 
neutrality, and against a war with France : the 
dukes of Wolfembuttle and Saxe Gotha were also 
engaged in the same design ; they made great levies 
of troops, beyond what they themselves could pay, 
for which it was visible that they were supplied 
from France : here was a formidable appearance of 
great distractions in the empire. An alliance was 
also projected with the king of Portugal: his mi- 
nisters were in the French interests, but he himself 
inclined to the Austrian family : he for some time 
affected retirement, and avoided the giving audi- 
ence to foreign ministers : he saw no good prosf>ect 
from England ; so being pressed to an alliance with 
France, his ministers got leave from him to propose 
one, on terms of such advantage to him, that as it 
was not expected they could be granted, so it was 
hoped this would run into a long negotiation : but 
the French were as liberal in making lai'ge promises, 
as they were perfidious in not observing them : so 
the king of France agreed to all that was proposed, 
and signed a treaty pursuant to it, and published it 
to the world : yet the king of Portugal denied that 
he had consented to any such project ; and he was 
so haidly brought to sign the treaty, that when it 



52« THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
1701. was brought to him, he threw it down, and kicked it 



gjQQ about tht^ room, as our envoy wrote over : in con- 
clusion however, he was prevailed on to sign it: 
but it was generally thought, that when he should 
see a good fleet come from the allies, he would ob- 
serve this treaty with the French, as they have 
done their treaties with all the rest of the world. 
Spain gi'ew uneasy and discontented under a French 
management : the grandees were little considered, 
and they saw great designs, for the better conduct 
of the revenues of the crown, likely to take place 
every where, which were very unacceptable to them, 
who minded nothing so much as to keep up a vast 
magnificence at the king's cost. They saw them- 
selves much despised by their new masters, as there 
was indeed great cause for it ; they had too much 
pride to bear this well, and too little courage to 
think how they should shake it off. 
A pariia- But uow to rctum to our affairs at home, the 

ment in 

Scotland, dukc of Quccnsbury was sent down to hold a par- 
liament in Scotland ; where people were in so bad 
a humour, that much practice was necessary to 
bring them into any temper. They passed many 
angry votes upon the business of Darien, but in con- 
clusion the session ended weU. The army was re- 
duced one half, and the troops that were ordered 
to be broke, were sent to the States, who were now 
increasing their force. This session was chiefly ma- 
naged by the duke of Queensbury and the earl of 
Argyle, and in reward for it the one had the garter, 
and the other was made a duke ^. 

^ Bishop Burnet, who is so cond. He never mentions the 

full on the affairs of liis native extraordinary share which Mr. 

country in his first volume, Carstares, a private Scotch nii- 

is very short and dry in his se- nister, had in the management 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 523 

In Ireland, the trustees went on to hear the 1701. 
claims of the Irish, and in many cases they gave 7jj^~~" 
judgment in their favour. But now it began to ap- ireiund. 
pear, that whereas it had been given out, that the 
sale of the confiscated estates would amount to a 
million and a half, it was not like to rise to the 
third part of that sum : in the mean while, the 
tmstees lived in great state there, and were mas- 
ters of all the affairs of that kingdom : but no pro- 
positions were yet made for the purchasing of those 
estates. During the king's absence, the nation was 
in a great ferment, which was increased by many 
books that were wrote, to expose the late manage- 
ment in the house of commons, and the new mi- 
nistry, the earl of Rochester in ])articular, who was 
thought the driver of all violent motions. The few 
books that were published, on the other side, were 
so poorly writ, that it tempted one to think, they 
were writ by men who personated the being on 
their side, on design to expose them. The earl of 
Rochester delayed his going to Ireland very long : 291 
he perceived that the king's heart was not with 
liim, and was very uneasy at that : as on the other 
hand, the king complained much of his intractable 
temper and imperious manner; and by his intercourse 
with him, the king came to see that he was not the 
man he had taken him for ; that he had no great 
nor clear notions of affairs abroad, and that, instead 
of moderating the violence of his party, he inflamed 
them ; so that he often said, that the year in which 
he directed the councils was one of the uneasiest of 

there, and in king William's (He is stiled, in that publica- 

confidence. That clergyman's tion, conHdential Secretary Uf 

Correspondence, lately printed, king William during the whole 

has many anecdotes, 1774. H. of his reign.) 



524 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1701. his whole life. The earl of Rochester finding the 
king's coldness towards him, expostulated with him 
upon it, and said, he could serve him no longer, 
since he saw he did not trust him. The king heard 
this with his usual phlegm, and concluded upon it, 
that he should see him no more : but Harley made 
him a little more submissive and towardly. After 
the king was gone beyond sea, he also went into 
Ireland : there he used much art in obliging people 
of all sorts, dissenters as weU as papists : yet such 
confidence was put in him by the high church 
party, that they bore every thing at his hands : it 
was not easy to behave himself towards the trustees, 
so as not to give a general distaste to the nation, for 
they were much hated, and openly charged with 
partiality, injustice, and corruption : that which 
gave the greatest disgust in his administration there, 
was, his usage of the reduced officers, who were 
upon half pay, a fund being settled for that by act 
of parliament : they were ordered to live in Ireland, 
and to be ready for service there. The earl of Ro- 
chester called them before him, and required them 
to express under their hands their readiness to go 
and serve in the West Indies. They did not comply 
with this : so he set them a day for their final an- 
swer, and threatened, that they should have no 
more appointments, if they stood out beyond that 
time. This was represented to the king, as a 
great hardship put on them, and as done on de- 
sign to leave Ireland destitute of the service that 
might be done by so many gallant officers, who 
were all known to be weU affected to the pre- 
sent government : so the king ordered a stop to be 
put to it. 



OF KING WILLIAM IlL 5^ 

I am now come to the last period of the life of 1701. 
the unfortunate king James : he had led, for above '^~ 
ten yeai's, a very unactive life in France: after heJ*"J"'' 
had, in so poor a manner as was told, abandoned 
first England and then Ireland, he had entered into 
two designs for recovering the crowns, which he 
may be said more truly to have thrown away than 
lost : the one was broke by the defeat of the 
French fleet at sea before Cherburg, in the year 292 
1692 : tlie other seemed to be laid with more depth, 
as well as with more infamy, when an army was 
brought to Dunkirk, and the design of the assassi- 
nation was thought sure, upon which it was reason- 
ably hoped, that we must have fallen into such con- 
vulsions, that we should have been an easy prey to 
an army ready to invade us. The reproach that so 
black a contrivance cast upon him, brought him un- 
der so much contempt, that even the absolute au- 
thority of the French court could hardly prevail 
so far as to have common respect paid him after 
that^ He himself seemed to be the least concerned 
in all his misfortunes ; and though his queen could 
never give over meddling, yet he was the most easy 
when he was least troubled with those airy schemes, 
upon which she was still employing her thoughts. 
He went sometimes to the monastery of La Trappe, 
where the poor monks were much edified with his 
humble and pious deportment. Hunting was his 
chief diversion, and for the most part he led a 
harmless, innocent life; being still very zealous 
about his religion. In the opening of this year 
he had been so near death, that it was generally 

f (But see note at p. 172.) 



5Je6 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1701. thought the decline of it would carry him ofT: he 
went to Bourbon, but had no benefit by the wa- 
ters there : in the beginning of September, he feU 
into such fits, that it was concluded he could not 
live many days : the king of France came to see 
him, and seemed to be much touched with the 
sight : he, with some difficulty, recommended his 
queen and son to his care and protection : the 
French king answered, he would reckon their con- 
cerns as his own ; and when he left him, he pro- 
mised those of his court, that he would, upon king 
James's death, own the prince of Wales as king of 
England, and that he would take care of them aU. 
His cbarac- King Jamcs died on the 6th day of September. He 
was a prince that seemed made for greater things 
than will be found in the course of his life, more 
particularly of his reign : he was esteemed in the 
former parts of his life, a man of great courage, as 
he was quite through it a man of gi^eat application 
to business : he had no vivacity of thought, invention, 
or expression : but he had a good judgment, where 
his religion or his education gave him not a bias, 
which it did veiy often : he was bred with strange 
notions of the obedience due to princes, and came 
to take up as strange ones, of the submission due to 
priests : he was naturally a man of truth, fidelity, 
aiid justice : but his religion was so infused in 
him, and he was so managed in it by his priests, 
tliat the principles which nature had laid in him, 
293 had little power over him, when the concerns of his 
church stood in the way : he was a gentle master, 
and was very easy to all who came near him : yet 
he was not so af)t to pardon, as one ought to be 
that is the vicegerent of that God, who is slow to 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 527 

anger and ready to forgive: he had no personal '70i. 
vices but of one sort : he was still wandering from 
one amour to another; yet he had a real sense of 
sin, and was ashamed of it : but priests know how 
to engage princes more entirely into their interests, 
by making them compound for their sins, by a great 
zeal for holy church, as they call it. In a word, if 
it had not been for his popery, he would have been, 
if not a great, yet a good prince. By what I once 
knew of him, and by what I saw him afterwards 
carried to, I grew more confirmed in the very bad 
opinion which I was always apt to have of the in- 
trigues of the popish clergy, and of the confessors of 
kings : he was undone by them, and was their mar- 
tyr, so that they ought to bear the chief load of all 
the errors of his inglorious reign, and of its fatal ca- 
tastrophe ^. He had the funeral, which he himself had 
desired, private, and without any sort of ceremony. 
As he was dying, he said nothing concerning the le- 
gitimacy of his son, on which some made severe re- 
marks 6 : others thought that, having spoken so oft of 

^ (Ralph, in his History, " ed at the niinous course he 

says well, " How signally so- " held, or wickedly flattered the 

" ever his own frailties, preju- " phrensy which im[)elled him, 

•* dices, absurdities, and vio- " for the sake of their share in 

•' lences contributed to his " the wreck." Hist, of Eng- 

" misfortunes, it ought to be farw/, vol. ii. p. 991.) 
" acknowledged, that the mea- « The bishop has forgot, that 

" sure would never have over- in the last page he says, king 

" flown in so astonishing a James recommended the queen 

" manner, if it had not been and his son to the care and 

" for those fatal concurrents, j)rotectionof the king of France. 

" treacherous counsellors, un- And in this he mentions the 

" grateful senants, &c. all of directions he left with him, as 

" whom, instead of warning such, before he died. What 

" him of the rocks that lay be- sort of owning the bishop ex- 

" fore him, according to the pected, I am at a loss to guess; 

" obligations which lay upon or what severe remarks could 

" them, either sordidly conniv- be n)ade upon that <Krasion, in 



588 



THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



4701. 



it before, he might not reflect on the fitness of saying 
any thing concerning it in his last extremity. He 
recommended to him firmness in his religion, and 
justice in his government, if ever he should come to 
reign ''. He said, that by his practice, he recom- 
mended Christian forgiveness to him ; for he heartily 
forgave both the prince of Orange and the emperor. 
It was believed, that the naming the emperor was 
suggested to him by the French, to render the em- 
peror odious to all those of that religion '. 

Upon his death, it was debated in the French 
council what was fit to be done with relation to his 



court. 



The pre- 
tended 
prince of 
Wales own- 
ed king by relation to his legitimacy. But 
thejrench this Worthy prelate is conti- 
nually insinuating falsehoods, 
when the truth is too notorious 
to be contradicted. D. 

^ This was surely as strong a 
declaration as he could then 
make of the legitimacy. But it 
has been said, (how true I can- 
not say,) that the mother took 
no notice of him in her will, and 
left all she had to dispose of to 
the regent. O. (They were on 
bad terms before her death.) 

' King James was certainly 
far a better man than his bro- 
ther, although of a far inferior 
understanding. His designs 
were in general of a public na- 
ture, most pernicious indeed to 
this country. But the restora- 
tion of poperj' here was a great 
object in the eyes of most of 
his own faith every where, and 
was a great and meritorious 
attempt with them. He fell 
a sacrifice to it, and was un- 
doubtedly very conscientious in 
it; whereas king Charles, in 
his government, had himself 
neither conscience, religion. 



honour, or justice, and he does 
not seem to have had even 
the feelings of them. He had 
no one truly public aim, as 
such, in the whole course of 
his reign. All he meant and 
sought, for which he tumbled 
and tossed from side to side, 
from one minister to another, 
and for what he was continu- 
ally cheating his people, was to 
enjoy a lazy, thoughtless ease, 
in the constant debauchery of 
amours, and in the pleasures of 
wit and laughter, with the most 
worthless, vicious, and aban- 
doned set of men that even that 
age afforded, and who often 
made him the subject of their 
jokes and mirth, sometimes to 
his face. He was corrupted in 
France, and had all the plea- 
santry and vices of his grandfa- 
ther, Henry the fourth, but not 
one of his virtues, and which 
had made Henry great. Charles 
made the times here to be pro- 
fligate, and instead of ministers 
spoiling him, he spoiled most of 
his ministers, and did not love 
thosewhoni he could not S|K)il . O. 



OF KING WILLIAM IIL 529 

pretended son : the ministry advised the king to be I70i. 
passive, to let him assume what title he pleased, but 
that, for some time at least, the king should not de- 
clare himself: this might be some restraint on the 
king of England, whereas a present declaration 
must precipitate a rupture : but the dauphin inter- 
posed with some heat, for the present owning him 
king : he thought the king was bound in honour to 
do it : he was of his blood, and was driven away on 
the account of his religion ; so orders were given to 
proclaim him at St. Germains*^. The earl of Manches- 
ter, then the king's ambassador at Paris, told me, 
that his own court was going about it ; but a diffi- 
culty, proposed by the earl of Middletoun, put a 294 
stop to it : he apprehended, that it would look very 
strange, and might provoke the court of France, 
if, among his titles, he should be called king of 
France ; and it might disgust their party in Eng- 
land, if it was omitted : so that piece of ceremony 
was not performed : soon after this, the king of 
Spain owned him ; so did the pope and the duke of 
Savoy : and the king of France pressed all other 
princes to do it, in whose courts he had ministers, 
and prevailed on the pope to press the emperor and 
other popish princes to own him, though without 
effect. The king looked upon this as an open vio- 
lation of the treaty of Ryswick, and he ordered the 
earl of Manchester to leave that court, without ask- 
ing an audience. The French pretended, that the 
bare owning of his title, since they gave him no as- 
sistance to make good his claim, was not a breach 

^ Lord Manchester says, it king James's queen through 
was owing to a promise made to madame Maintenon. H. 

VOL. IV. M m 



H^ THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1701. of the treaty : but this could not pass on the world, 
since the owning his right was a plain declaration 
that they would assist him in claiming it, whenso- 
ever the state of their affairs should allow of it. 
With which This gave a universal distaste to the whole Eng- 

the English,. , .^ „ , ^ 1 • , , . , 

nation was hsh uation : all people seemed possessed with a high 
in ame . j^idignation upon it, to see a foreign power, that 
was at peace with us, pretend to declare who ought 
to be our king : even those, who were perhaps se- 
cretly well pleased with it, were yet, as it were, 
forced, for their own safety, to comply with the ge- 
neral sense of the rest in this matter. The city of 
London began, and aU the nation followed, in a set 
of addresses, expressing their abhorrence of what 
the French king had done, in taking upon him to 
declare who should be their king, and renewing a 
vow of fidelity to the king and to his successors, ac- 
cording to the act of settlement. A great diversity 
of style appeared in these addresses : some avoided 
to name the French king, the prince of Wales, or 
the act of settlement, and only reflected on the 
transaction in France, in general and soft words : 
but others carried the matter farther, encouraging 
the king to go on in his alliances, promising him all 
faithful assistance in supporting them, and assuring 
him that, when he should think fit to call a new 
parliament, they would choose such members as 
should concur in enabhng him to maintain his al- 
liances : this raised the divisions of the nation higher. 
All this summer the king continued at Loo, in a 
very ill state of health : new methods ^ave some re- 
lief: but when he came to the Hague, on his way 
to England, he wajs for some days in so bad a condi- 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 



3S1 



tioTi, that they were in great fear of his life : he re- 1701. 
covered, and came over in the beginning of Novem- ^^7 
ber'. 

The first thing that fell under debate, upon his ^ new par- 

1 , , . liauieiit 

return, was, whether the parliament should be con- called, 
tinned or dissolved, and a new one called "' : some of 
the leading men of the former parliament had been 
secretly asked, how they thought they would pro- 
ceed, if they should meet again : of these, while 
some answered doubtfully, others said positively, 
they would begin where they had left off, and would 
insist on their imjx^achments. The new ministry 
struggled hard against a dissolution, and when they 
saw the king resolved on it, some of them left his 
service ". This convinced the nation, that the king 



' A negotiation was carried 
on with lord Somers, through 
the earl of Sunderland's hands, 
for bringing the whigs again 
into power. The king was 
heartily tired of his new friends. 
The scheme was ripe for exe- 
cution when the king died. 
Lord Manchester was made se- 
cretary of state in the room of 
sir Charles Hedges, upon which, 
and another alteration of the 
same kind, a courtier humour- 
ously said, " That he saw the 
" whigs were to be taken in 
•' again, for they had sent their 
" men to keep their places." H. 
(" Bishop Burnet intimates, 
" that some of the new minis- 
" ters left the service, as soon 
" as the king had resolved on 
«• the dissolution : but the truth 
" is, that no alterations were 
" made till after the meeting of 
" the parliament, when the earl 
" of Manchester was made se- 



" cretary of state in the room 
" of sir Charles Hedges ; and 
" the earl of Carlisle was put 
" at the head of the treasury in 
" the room of lord Godolphin ; 
" soon after which the earl of 
" Pembroke was made lord high 
•' admiral, and the duke of So- 
•' merset, as a whig, was made 
" lord president." Ralph's 
Hist, of England, vol. ii. p. 
1005.) 

"" What encouraged and in- 
deed enabled the king to do it, 
was the violence the house of 
commons had shown in their 
proceedings. It disgusted the 
nation. The same has hap- 
pened on other occasions. The 
whigs lost themselves by it, af- 
ter the Oxford parliament in 
1680 : so did the tories in 1 705. 
and the whigs again in 17 10. 
This should be a lesson to par- 
ties. O. 

" There was nobody left his 

M m 2 



53g THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1701. was not in a double game, which had been confi- 
dently given out before, and was too easily believed 
by many " : the heats in elections increased with 
every new summons. This was thought so critical 
a conjuncture, that both sides exerted their full 
strength. Most of the great counties, and the chief 
cities, chose men that were zealous for the king and 
government ; but the rotten part of our constitution, 
the small boroughs, were in many places wrought on 
to choose bad men ; upon the whole, however, it ap- 
peared, that a clear majority was in the king's in- 
terests ; yet the activity of the angry side was such, 
that they had a majority in choosing the speaker, 
and in determining controverted elections ; but in 
matters of public concern, things went on as the king 
desired, and as the interest of the nation required. 
Ti.eking'. The king opened the parliament with the best 

speech. 

service but lord Godolphin, " prevail : those who are called 
whom the bishoj) durst not " the tories, do now declare 
name, because he was to be his " very high for the present go- 
favourite upon other occasions ; " vernment, and have lent mo- 
therefore makes use of the word " ney very considerably : so that 
some to avoid it ; which sort of " it seems rather to be an ani- 
fallacy would be called lying " mosity of parties among them- 
in a Jesuit. I am ignorant " selves, than anything in which 
what term the godly make use " the government is concerned : 
of for such misrepresentations, " and the king's own behaviour 
but I know they are frequently " is so very equal, that it ap- 
to be met with in this book. D, " pears he reckons himself sure 
° (Ralph contrasts the bi- " of both hands ; for as he nei- 
shop's observation with his Ian- " ther directly nor indirectly 
guage in the following extract " recommended any, so all that 
from a letter formerly written " he says to those who ask his 
by him to sir William Dutton *' directions in that matter, is, 
Colt, Februar)'22, 1690. "'We " That he would have the mo- 
" have nothing amongst us now *' derate men of the church 
*' but elections, which put the " party chosen.' From the bi- 
" nation into a high fermenta- " shop's original letter under 
" tion : and it is not possible " his own hand." Hist. vol. ii. 
" yet to know which side will p. looo.) 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 5S^ 

speech that he, or perhaps any other prince, ever i70i. 
made to his people p : he laid the state of our affairs, 
both at home and abroad, before them in a most pa- 
thetical manner; he laid it upon them to consider 
the dangers they were in, and not to increase these 
by new divisions among themselves : he expressed a 
readiness to forgive all offences against himself, and 
wished they would as readily forgive one another ; 
so that no other division might remain, but that of 
English and French, protestant and papist : he had 
entered into some alliances, pursuant to the ad- 
dresses of the last parliament, and was negotiating 
some others, all which should be laid before them ; 
and this was accordingly done. Both houses began 
with addresses, in which they did very fully renounce 
the prince of Wales. The house of lords ordered that 
all such as were willing to do it, should sign the ad- 
dress that was entered into their books. This was 
without a precedent, and yet it was promoted by 
those, who, as was thought, hoped, by so unusual a 296 
practice, to prevent any further proceedings on that 
head. No exception was made to any article of the 
alliances : one addition was only proposed, that no 
peace should be made, till a full reparation was of- 
fered to the king, for the indignity done him, by the 
French king's declaring the pretended prince of 
Wales king of England ; which was soon after pro- 
posed to the allies, and was agreed to by them all. 
By the alliances, the king was obliged to furnish ah were 
forty thousand men to serve in the armies, besides 
what he was to do by sea : aU was consented to in 

P Drawn by lord Soiners. I the king's intention to restore 
have seen the original in his him and his friends. H. 
own hand ; a strong proof of 

M m 3 



534 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1701. every particular ; angry men shewed much rancour 
against the king, and tried to cross every thing that 
was proposed, both as to the quotas of the troops we 
were to furnish, and as to the strength of our fleet. 
But the public interest was now so visible, and the 
concurrent sense of the nation ran so vehemently 
for a war, that even those who were most averse to 
it, found it convenient to put on the appearance of 
zeal for it. The city of London was now more 
united than it had been at any time during this 
reign ; for the two companies that traded to the 
East Indies, saw that their common interest required 
they should come to an agreement ; and though men 
of ill designs did all they could to obstruct it, yet in 
conclusion it was happily effected. This made the 
body of the city, which was formerly much divided 
between the two companies, fall now into the same 
measures. But those who intended to defeat all this 
good beginning of the session, and to raise a new 
flame, set on debates that must have embroiled all 
again, if they had succeeded in their designs : they 
began with complaints of some petitions and ad- 
dresses, that had reflected on the proceedings of the 
last house of commons ; but it was carried against 
them, that it was the right of the subjects to peti- 
tion as they thought themselves aggrieved : yet they 
were not discouraged by this, but went on to com- 
plain that the lords had denied justice in the matter 
of the impeachments. This bore a long and hot de- 
bate in a very full house : but it was carried, though 
by a small majority, that justice had not been denied 
them ^ : after this, the party gave over any farther 

1 ("If any such debate, or " occur, they occurred this very 
*' any such division did really " day, (26lh of February,) and 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 535 

struggling, and things were carried on with more 1701. 
unanimity. 

The house of commons began a bill of attainder The pro- 
of the pretended prince of Wales. This could not be p*rin« of 
opposed, much less stopped; yet many shewed a^j^^"*/'' 
coldness in it, and were absent on the days in which 
it was ordered to be read : it was sent up to the 
lords, and it passed in that house, with an addition 
of an attainder of the queen, who acted as queen re- 297 
gent for him. This was much opposed ; for no evi- 
dence could be brought to prove that allegation, yet 
the thing was so notorious, that it passed ^ and was 
sent down again to the commons. It was excepted 
to there as not regular, since but one precedent in 
king Henry the eighth's time was brought for it, 
and in that the commons had added some names, by 
a clause in a bill of attainder, sent down to them by 
the lords ; yet as this was a single precedent, so it 
seemed to be a hard one : attainders by bill were 
the greatest rigours of the law, so stretches in them 
ought to be avoided : it was therefore thought more 
proper to attaint her by a bill apart, than by a clause 
in another biU : to this the lords agreed, so the bill 
against the pretended prince of Wales passed. The 
lords also passed a new bill, attainting the queen, 
but that was let sleep in the house of commons. 

The matter that occasioned the longest and warm- An act for 
est debates in both houses, was an act for abjuring him'.""^ 
the pretended prince of Wales, and for sweai'ing to 
the king, by the title of rightful and lawful king, 

" that in the committee, not " found in the Journals." 

" in the house ; no question of Ralph's Hist, of England, vol. 

♦' that nature, within the inter- ii. p. 1016.) 
" val specified, being to be "^ (But was protested against.) 

M m 4 



536 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1701. and to his heirs, according to the act of settlement : 
this was begun in the house of lords, and the first 
design was, that it should be voluntary, it being only 
to be tendered to all persons, and their subscription 
or refusal to be recorded, without any other penalty. 
It was vehemently opjposed by all the tory party, at 
the head of whom the earl of Nottingham set him- 
self. They who argued against it said, that this 
government was first settled with another oath, 
which was like an original contract, and it was un- 
just and unreasonable to offer a new one : there was 
no need of new oaths, as there was no new strength 
got by them : oaths, relating to men's opinions, had 
been always looked on as severe impositions : a vo- 
luntary oath seemed to be by its nature unlawful ; 
for we cannot swear lawfully, unless we are required 
to do it. To all this it was answered, that in ancient 
time the oath of allegiance was short and simple, be- 
cause then it was not thought that princes had any 
right, other than what was conveyed to them by law : 
but of late, and indeed very lately, new opinions had 
been started of a divine right, with which former 
times were not acquainted : so it was necessary to 
know, who among us adhered to these opinions : the 
present government was begun upon a comprehensive 
foot, it being hoped that all parties might have been 
brought to concur in supporting it : but the effects 
had not answered expectation : distinctions had been 
made between a king de jure and a king cle facto ; 
298 whereby these men plainly declared, with whom 
they believed the right was lodged: this opinion 
must, whensoever that right comes to be claimed, 
oblige those who hold it to adhere to such claimers : 
it seemed therefore in some sort necessary, that the 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 537 

government should know on whom it might depend : '701. 
the discrimination made, by such a test, was to be 
without compulsion or penalty; no hardship was put 
on any person by it : those who refused to give this 
security would see what just cause of jealousy they 
gave ; and would thereby be obliged to behave 
themselves decently and with due caution : when a 
government tendered an oath, though under no pe- 
nalty, that was a sufficient authority for all to take 
it, who were satisfied with the substance of it: 
while therefore there was so great a power beyond 
sea, that did so openly espouse this young man's 
pretensions, and while there was just grounds to 
suspect, that many at home favoured him, it seemed 
very reasonable to offer a method, by which it should 
appear who obeyed the present government from a 
principle, believing it lawful, and who submitted 
only to it, as to a prosperous usurpation. About 
twenty lords persisted in their opposition to this bill, 
those who were for it being thrice that number: 
but in the house of commons, when it appeared how 
the lords were inclined, they resolved to bring in a 
bill, that should oblige all persons to take this ab- 
juration. It was drawn by sir Charles Hedges ; all 
employments in church or state were to be subject 
to it; some things were added to the abjuration, 
such as an obligation to maintain the government 
in king, lords, and commons, and to maintain the 
church of England, together with the toleration for 
dissenters : Finch ' offered an alteration to the 
clause, abjuring the prince of Wales, so that it im- 
ported only an obligation not to assist him ; but 

' Afterwards earl of Aylesford, formerly solicitor general. O. 



588 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
1701. though he pressed this with unusual vehemenee, in 



a debate that he resumed seventeen times in one 
session, against all rules ', he had few to second him 
in it : the debate, whether the oath should be im- 
posed or left free, held longer : it was carried, but 
by one vote, to impose it : the party chose that, ra- 
ther than to have it left free : for they reckoned the 
taking an oath that was imposed, was a part of their 
submission to the usurpation ; but the taking any 
oath, that strengthened the government, of their 
own accord, did not suit with their other principles : 
but to help the matter with a shew of zeal, they 
made the clause that imposed it very extensive, so 
that it comprehended all clergymen, fellows of col- 
299 leges, schoolmasters, and private tutors : the clause 
of maintaining the government in king, lords, and 
commons, was rejected with great indignation ; since 
the government was only in the king : the lords and 
commons being indeed a part of the constitution, 
and of the legislative body, but not of the govern- 
ment. This was a barefaced republican notion, and 
was wont to be condemned as such, by the same 
persons who now pressed it ". It was farther said, 

' Very often ; but was it not " (See Journals of the House 

in the committee? There it of Commons, Feb. 10. 1701.) 

may be against liking, but not The high prerogative men 

rules. O. (" If Finch did press brought in these words here. I 

" this alteration in so earnest a will say nothing as to the dis- 

" manner, he pressed it in the tinction, nor to the restrained or 

" connnittee ; for in the house, general sense of the word go- 

" if the Journals are to be de- vernment. But it is certainly 

" pended upon, no such altera- true and constitutional to say, 

" tion was offered ; and if so, that the supreme power in this 

" it is not against rule, for any country is in king, lords, and 

" member to speak to the same commons. See sir Simon Har- 

" point as often as he pleases." court's speech in Dr. Sacheve- 

Ralph's Hist, of England, vol. rel's trial. Read the whole of 

ji. p. 1017.) those proceedings with care. 



OF KING WILLIAM III. 539 

that if it appeared that our constitution was in dan- 1701. 
ger, it might be reasonable to secure it by an act 
and an oath apart : but since the single point, that 
required this abjuration, was the French king's de- 
claring, that the pretended prince of Wales was our 
king, it was not fit to join matters foreign to that in 
this oath : upon th,e same reason, the clause in fa- 
vour of the church and