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Full text of "Bishop Burnet's History of his own time: with the suppressed passages of the first volume, and notes by the earls of Dartmouth and Hardwicke, and Speaker Onslow, hitherto unpublished"

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{From the middle of the year 1710 to the con- 
clusion of the peace of Utrecht.) 

i HAVE now completed my first design in writ- 1710. 
ing, which was to give a history of our affairs for ,]^jjJ"{jT^^ 
fifty years, from the 29th of May 1660 : so if I con- ^'{{j^^f^ 
fined myself to that, I should here give over : but peace. 
the war seeming now to be near an end, and the 
peace, in which it must end, being that which will 
probably give a new settlement to all Europe, as 
well as to our affau's, I resolve to carry on this 549 
work to the conclusion of the war. And therefore 
I begin with the progress of the negotiations for 
peace, which seemed now to be prosecuted with 

All the former winter, an intercourse of letters Negotia- 
was kept up between Pettecum and Torcy, to trypeaTe." * 
if an expedient could be found to soften that article 
for the reduction of Spain to the obedience of king 
Charles ; which was the thirty-seventh article of the 
preliminaries : it still was kept in agitation, upon 
the foot of offeiing three towns to be put into the 



1710. hands of the allies, to be restored by them when the 
affairs of Spain should be settled ; otherwise to be 
stiU retained by them. The meaning of which was 
no other, than that France was willing to lose three 
more towns, in case king Philip should keep Spain 
and the West Indies : the places therefore ought to 
have borne some equality to that for which they were 
to be given in pawn ; but the answers the French 
made to every proposition shewed they meant no- 
thing but to amuse and distract the allies. The 
first demand the allies made, was of the places in 
Spain then in the hands of the king of France ; for 
the delivering up these might have been a good step 
to the reduction of the whole : but this was flatly 
refused ; and that the king of France might put it 
out of his power to treat about it, he ordered his 
troops to be drawn out of all the strong places in 
Spain, and soon after out of that kingdom, pre- 
tending he was thereby evacuating it ; though the 
French forces were kept still in the neighbourhood : 
so a shew was made of leaving Spain to defend it- 
self. And upon that, king Philip prevailed on the 
Spaniards to make great efforts, beyond what was 
ever expected of them. This was done by the 
French king to deceive both the allies and his own 
subjects, who were calling loudly for a peace : and 
it likewise eased him of a great part of the charge 
that Spain had put him to. But while his troops 
were called out of that kingdom, as many deserted, 
by a visible connivance, as made up several batta- 
lions : and all the Walloon regiments, as being sub- 
jects of Spain, were sent thither : so that king Phi- 
lip was not weakened by the recalling the French 
troops ; and, by this means, the places in Spain could 


not be any more demanded. The next, as most 1710. 
important towards the reduction of Spain, was the 
demand that Bayonne and Perpignan might be put 
into the hands of the allies, with Thionville on the 
side of the empire. By the two former, all commu- 
nication between France and Spain would be cut 
off, and the allies would be enabled to send forces 
thither with less expense and trouble : but it was 
said, these were the keys of France, which the king 
could not part with ; so it remained to treat of towns 
on the frontier of the Netherlands ; and even there 550 
they excepted Doway, Arras, and Cambray : so that 
all their offers appeared illusory ; and the intercourse 
by letters was for some time let fall. But in the 
end of the former year, Torcy wrote to Pettecum, 
to desire, either that passes might be granted to swne 
ministers to come to Holland, to go on with the ne- 
gotiation, or that Pettecum might be suffered to go 
to Paris, to see if an expedient could be found: 
and the States consented to the last. In the mean 
while king Philip published a manifesto, protesting 
against all that should be transacted at the Hague 
to his prejudice ; declaring his resolution to adhere 
to his faithful Spaniards : he also named plenipoten- 
tiaries to go in his name to the treaty, who gave the 
States notice of their powers and instructions ; and, 
in a letter to the duke of Marlborough, they gave 
intimations how grateful king Philip would be to 
him, if by his means these his desires might be com- 
plied with ; as the like insinuations had been often 
made by the French agents : but no notice was 
taken of this message from king Philip, nor was any 
answer given to it. Pettecum, after some days' stay 
at Paris, came back without .the pretence of offer- 

B 2 


1710. ing any expedient, but brought a paper that seemed 
to set aside the preliminaries : yet it set forth, that 
the king was willing to treat on the foundation of 
the concessions made in them to the allies ; and that 
the execution of all the articles should begin after 
the ratification. This destroyed all that had been 
hitherto done ; and the distinction the king had for- 
merly made, between the spirit and the letter of the 
Partition Treaty, shewed how little he was to be 
relied on : so the States resolved to insist both on 
the preliminaries, and on the execution of them, be- 
fore a general treaty should be opened. By this 
message all thoughts of a treaty were at a full stand. 
In the beginning of February another project was 
sent, which was an amplification of that brought by 
Pettecum ; only the restoring the two electors was 
insisted on as a preliminary, as also the restoring 
the upper palatinate to the elector of Bavaria ; but 
the allies stiU insisted on the former preliminaries. 
The court of France seeing that the States were 
not to be wrought on to go off from the prelimina- 
ries, sent another message to them, that the king 
agreed to all the j)reliminaries, except the thirty se- 
venth ; and if they would consent that his ministers 
should come and confer with them upon that article, 
he did not doubt but what should be proposed from 
him would be to their satisfaction. This seemed to 
give some hopes ; so the States resolved to send the 
passports ; but they foresaw the ill effects of suffer- 
ing the French ministers to come into their country, 
551 who, by their agents, were every where stirring up 
the jKJople against the government, as if they were 
prolonging the war without necessity ; so they ap- 
• pointed Gertruydenburg to he the place to which 


the French ministers were to come, to treat with 1710. 
the deputies they should send to meet them. 

The ministers sent by France, were the marquess <^onferen. 

1 -n !• ces at Ger- 

d'Uxelles and the abbot de Pohgnac ; and those trujden- 
from the States, were Buys and Vanderdussen : the "'^^" 
conferences began in March. The French proposed, 
that the dominions in Italy, with the islands, should 
be given to one of the competitors for the Spanish 
monarchy, without naming which ; but it was un- 
derstood, that they meant king Philip : the depu- 
ties did not absolutely reject this ; but shewed, that 
the emperor would never consent to parting with 
Naples, nor giving the French such footing in Italy ; 
the French seemed to be sensible of this : the first 
conference ended upon the return of the courier, 
whom they sent to Versailles. They moved for 
another conference ; and upon several propositions, 
there were several conferences renewed. The king 
of France desisted from the demand of Naples, but 
insisted on that of the places on the coast of Tus- 
cany : at last they desisted from that too, and in- 
sisted only on Sicily and Sardinia : so now the par- 
tition seemed as it were settled. Upon which, the 
deputies of the States pressed the ministers of France 
to give them solid assurances of king Philip's quit- 
ting Spain and the West Indies ; to this (upon ad- 
vertisement given to the court of France) they an- 
swered, that the king would enter into measures 
with them to force it. Many difficulties were 
started, about the troops to be employed, what their 
number should be, and who should command them ; 
all which shewed the execution would prove imprac- 
ticable. Then they talked of a sum of money to 
be paid annually, duiing the war; and here new 

B 3 


1710. difficulties arose, both in settling the sum, and in 
securing the payment : they offered the bankei's of 
Paris ; but these must all break, whensoever the 
king had a mind they should : so it plainly appeared, 
all was intended only to divide the allies, by this 
offer of a partition, to which the States consented; 
and at which the French hoped the house of Aus- 
tria would have been provoked against them. The 
French asked an assurance of the deputies, that no 
other articles should be insisted on but those in the 
preliminaries ; this the deputies positively refused ; 
for they had, by one of the preliminaries, reserved 
a power to all the allies to make farther demands, 
when a general treaty should be opened ; they said, 
they themselves would demand no more, but they 
could not limit the rest fixjm their just demands. 
- 552 This was another artifice, to provoke the empire, 
and the duke of Savoy, as if the States intended to 
force them to accept of such a peace as they should 
prescribe : in another conference, the States rejected 
the offer of a sum of money for carrying on the 
war in Spain, and therefore demanded, that the 
French would explain themselves upon the subject 
of evacuating Spain and the West Indies in favour 
of king Charles, before they could declare their in- 
tentions with relation to the partition ; and added, 
that all further conferences would be to no purpose, 
till that was done. 
All CUM to The French were now resolved to break off the 


•ion. n^otiation ; and so they were pleased to call this 
demand of the States, a formal rupture of the treaty ; 
and upon the return of an express that they sent to 
Versailles, they wrote a long letter to the pensioner, 
in the form of a manifesto ; and so returned back to 


France, in the end of July". This is the account, 1710. 
that both our ministers here and the States have 
published of that affair : the French have published 
nothing ; for they would not own to the Spaniards, 
that they ever entered upon any treaty for a parti- 
tion of their monarchy, much less for evacuating 
Spain. Whether France did ever design any thing 
by all this negotiation, but to quiet their own people, 
and to amuse and divide the allies, is yet to us a se- 
cret ; but if they ever intended a peace, the reason 
of their going off from it, must have been the ac- 
count they then had of our distractions in England ; 
which might make them conclude, that we could 
not be in a condition to carry on the war. 

The queen's intentions to make a change in her a change 

. . , , , . T IT of the mi- 

mmistry now began to break out; m June she dis-nistryin 
missed the earl of Sunderland from being secretary "^ ^° ' 
of state, without pretending any malversation in 
him, and gave the seals to the lord Dartmouth''. 

* There was a minute of a lord Godolphin and lord Sun- 
cabinet council amongst lord derland were not at this meet- 
Somers's papers, in which the ing, but the dukes of Shrewsbu- 
breaking of these conferences ry and Somerset were. It was 
was the subject under debate, before a complete change of the 
Lord Somers gave his opinion ministry : and, if I mistake not, 
very strongly for the continu- lord Cowper was present. H. 
ance of the war, till the resti- ^ The queen said, lord Sun- 
tution of Spain and the West derland always treated her with 
Indies ; and intimated that no- great rudeness and neglect, and 
thing could have encouraged chose to reflect in a very inju- 
the French ministers to hold rious manner upon all princes, 
that insolent language in their before her, as a proper enter- 
manifesto, but the intrigues tainment for her. Hewas'son- 
that were carrying on at home, in-law to the duke of Marlbo- 
The dukes of Shrewsbury and rough, and that whole family 
Somerset, who were both at this thought they had little occasion 
cabinet, appeared to have been to manage the queen, or shew 
of another opinion, and to have her much respect. He was 
disapproved the conduct of the kept a month longer than was 
allies at Gertrudenburg. I think designed, upon a dispute who 

B 4 



1710. This gave the alarm, both at home and abroad ; but 
the queen, to lessen that, said to her subjects here, 
in particular to the governors of the bank of Eng- 
land, and wrote to her ministers abroad, that they 
should assure her allies, that she would make no 
other changes ; and said this herself to the minister 
whom the States had here: all these concurred to 
express their joy in this resolution, and joined to it 
their advice, that she would not dissolve the parlia- 
ment. This was represented by those who had 
never been versed in the negotiations of princes in 
an alliance, as a bold intruding into the queen's 
councils ; though nothing is more common than for 
princes to offer mutual advices in such cases ^. Two 

should succeed him ; the queen 
would not hear of lord Notting- 
ham, nor the whigs of lord An- 
glesey ; and the scheme at that 
time went no further than for 
removing the Marlborough fami- 
ly. At last the queen proposed 
me, as one she had known long, 
and believed she could live ea- 
sily with herself, and asked lord 
Somers if he thought the whigs 
could do so too ; he told her 
she could not have pitched upon 
a properer person ; for though 
I was looked upon as a tory, I 
was known to be no zealous 
party man ; and he was sure the 
whigs would live very well with 
nie, and would understand it to 
be her choice, and think them- 
selves well come off, after the 
alarm, lord Anglesea had given 
them. Upon which the seals 
were given to me, and all the 
ministers visited me, (as did the 
earl of Sunderland ;) and they 
all declared {niblicly, that since 
the queen thought Ht to dismiss 

lord Sunderland, they were very 
well pleased with the choice 
she had made. And lord Go- 
dolphin sent William Penn to 
assure me, nobody approved 
better of it than he did, though 
it was not decent for him, in 
regard to my predecessor, to 
make public demonstration of 
any satisfaction upon that occa- 
sion. D. 

'^ But when they found their 
remonstrance had no effect, 
their envoy, Mr. \'an Boorsel, 
came to me, to assure me 
their high ^mightinesses had the 
utmost respect and value for 
me, and had always esteemed 
me as one zealously affected 
to the common cause ; but 
were obliged to act in the man- 
ner they had done, (which he 
owned was a wrong step,) in 
gratitude to the late minis- 
ters, from whom they had re- 
ceived many obligations : there- 
fore hoped I would not have 
any resentments u[ion that ac- 



months after the change of the secretary of state, 1710. 
the queen dismissed the earl of Godolphin from be- 
ing lord treasurer '', and put the treasury in commis- 
sion : lord Powlet was the first in form, but Mr. 553 
Harley was the person with whom the secret was 
lodged ; and it was visible, he was the chief minis- 
ter : and now it appeared, that a total change of 
the ministry, and the dissolution of the parliament, 
were resolved on. 

In the mean while Sacheverel, being presented to sacheve- 
a benefice in North Wales, went down to take pos-gress^o** 
session of it; as he passed through the countries, ^*'^*" 
both going and coming, he was received and followed 
by such numbers, and entertained with such magni- 
ficence, that our princes in their progresses have not 

count. I told hirn, I thought if 
the queen had none, upon so \m- 
usual a treatment from one so- 
vereign to another, it would lit- 
tle become her servants to shew 
any ; therefore desired he would 
assure their high mightiness- 
es, that in my own particular, I 
should be always ready to serve 
them, as far as was consistent 
with my duty to the queen, and 
the interest of England. After- 
wards, Mr. Bais brought letters 
of compliment from the States 
to the duke of Shrewsbury, the 
earl of Oxford, and myself, and 
made many apologies for their 
former behaviour : but the 
queen did not think it proper 
that we should answer other- 
ways than by word of mouth. D. 
^ The princess of Mindelheim 
says, tlie queen sent her letter 
for dismissing the earl of Go- 
dolphin from her service, by a 
livery man, to be left with his 

porter : which is much of a 
piece with queen Mary's turn- 
ing up the bedding, &c. the 
night she came to Whiteliall. 
The letter was sent by Mr. 
Smith, a particular friend of his 
own, who was then chancellor 
of the exchequer, and after- 
wards a teller for life, at his 
lordship's recommendation ; as 
was his nephew Boscawen, lord 
warden of the stanaries ; and 
the duke of Grafton had se- 
veral grants in Northampton- 
shire ; and many other proofs I 
had of his correspondence with 
her majesty, when he was out : 
but it is possible he might not 
think it proper to trust her 
grace with that secret ; but I 
do believe the letter of his from 
Newmarket was wrote for her 
to shew the whigs, who kept 
him in great awe, and by her 
account were very jealous of 
him. D. 


1710. heen more run after, than he was ^ : great fury and 

violence appeared on many occasions, though care 

was taken to give his followers no sort of provoca- 
tion ; he was looked on as the champion of the 
church ; and he shewed as much insolence on that 
occasion, as his party did foUy. No notice was 
taken by the government of all these riots; they 
were rather favoured and encouraged than checked ; 
all this was like a prelude to a greater scene that 
was to be acted at court. The queen came in Oc- 
tober to council, and called for a proclamation, dis- 
solving the parliament, which Harcourt (now made 
attorney-general in the room of Montague, who had 
quitted that post) had prepared : when it was read, 
the lord chancellor offered to speak ; but the queen 
rose up, and would admit of no debate, and ordered 
the writs for a new parliament to be prepared. At 
that time she dismissed the lord Somers, and in his 
room made the earl of Rochester lord president of 
the council : she sent to the duke of Devonshire for 
the lord steward's staff, and gave it to the duke of 
Buckingham ^ ; Mr. Boyle was dismissed from being 

«(" He was in a manner adored go to the duke of Devonshire for 

" by the common people where- his staff, (which he parted with 

" ever he came ; and arriving in more passion than became 

♦' at Oxford, was met and mag- him ; but I was too much his 

" nificently entertained by the friend to represent it to the 

" vice-chancellor and heads of queen ;) and was to acquaint 

" that university, as well as by lord Somers, that she thought 

" most persons of distinction it necessary for her service, that 

" in the neighbourhood of that lord Rochester should be presi- 

" city. When he approached dent of the council, but had or- 

" Shrewsbury, he was met by ders from her majesty to assure 

" near five thousand horse, and him that she had not lessened 

" saluted with the most joyful her esteem for him, and design- 

" acclamations." The Life and ed to continue the pension, and 

Reign of Queen Anne, p. 541.) should be glad if he came often 

'I was ordered by the queen to to her. Lord Somers said, he 


secretaiy of state, and Mr. St. John had the seals : 1710. 
the earl of Derby was removed from being chan- 
cellor of the duchy of Lancaster, and was succeeded 
by the lord Berkeley. The lord chancellor came, 
upon all these removes, and delivered up the great 
seal ; the queen did not look for this, and was sur- 
prised at it ; and not knowing how to dispose of it, 
she, with an unusual earnestness, pressed him to 
keep it one day longer ; and the day following, she 
having considered the matter with her favourites 
Mrs. Massam and Mr. Harley, received it very rea- 
dily ; and it was soon given to sir Simon Harcourt. 
The earl of Wharton delivered up his commission of 
lord lieutenant of Ireland ; and that was given to 
the duke of Ormond : and the earl of Orford, with 
some of the commissioners of the admiralty, with- 
drew from that board, in whose room others were 
put. So sudden and so entire a change of the mi- 
nistry s is scarce to be found in our history, espe- 

did not think things would have at first. He meant only the 
been carried so far, but ex- removal of the treasurer and his 
pressed a great deal of duty and immediate dependants, with 
gratitude to the queen, with some few others, to make room 
some very obliging compliments for his own friends, and then to 
to myself ; and desired he might have gone on with the rest of 
apply to me when he made use the whigs, and to have conti- 
of the liberty the queen was nued the parliament and the 
pleased to allow him ; which he war, with the duke of Marlbo- 
did several times. She often rough in the command of it. 
told me she thought herself very For this he proposed a meeting 
much obliged to him, and that with the lords Somers, Halifax, 
he was a man that had never and Cowper. They met him, 
deceived her. I knew that he and did not dislike the overture, 
complained that she had him, bxit desired some days to con- 
hut I really believe he wronged suit with their friends upon it, 
her, and what he thought a de- which they did with some few, 
ceit was as much so upon her particularly the lord Wharton, 
as him. D. but he was averse to it, even to a 
B Harley did not design this detestation of having any thing 



1710. cially where men of great abilities had served, both 
with zeal and success, insomuch, that the adminis- 
tration of all affairs at home and abroad, in their 
554 hands, was not only without exception, but had 
raised the admiration of all Europe. All this rose 
purely from the great credit of the new favour- 
ites, and the queen's personal distaste to the old 
ones. The queen was much delighted with all these 
changes, and seemed to think she was freed from 
the chains the old ministry held her in : she spoke 
of it to several persons as a captivity she had been 

to do with Harley, of whom he 
talked with the utmost indig- 
nation and scorn, saying, he 
could do no business, would 
soon break his own neck, and 
that all things would be in such 
confusion, as to force the queen 
back again into the hands of 
the whigs. That this was the 
situation of j)ower they ought 
to be in, and not to have it in 
a motley ministry with such a 

r as Harley at the head of 

it, who perhaps meant now only 
to cheat them into an assist- 
ance he wanted from them for 
his present purpose. This was 
strong, and it had its effect: the 
negotiation was at an end, and 
Harley then threw himself at 
once and entirely into the hands 
of the tories, who soon dis- 
trusted him, and therefore drove 
him, as he was almost alone, into 
many of their most desperate 
measures, by which we lost the 
war, and were very near los- 
ing the protestant succession, 
against his inclination and prin- 
ciples. What I have here men- 
tioned of Mr. Harley's offer to 
those whig lords, and what 

passed upon it, I had from sir 
Joseph Jekyl, who had it, very 
likely, and I think he said so 
too, from the lord Somers, to 
whom he was brother-in-law. 
Lord Cowper's keeping the seal 
so long as to the dissolving of the 
parliament, and issuing the writs 
for the new one, and Harcourt's 
having been made attorney-ge- 
neral, occasioned some imagi- 
nation that he (lord Cowper) 
waited to see whether the whigs 
would not at last come into the 
compromise proposed by Har- 
ley ; and because of that delay 
of his to give up the seal, some 
hopes were entertained at court 
that he would go on with the 
new ministry, which agrees with 
what this author says of the 
surprise the queen was in when 
he first came to deliver it up : 
but this I cannot vouch for. 
There was at this time a famous 
pamphlet, called "Faults of both 
" Sides," written by one Cle- 
ments, imder the direction of 
Mr. Harley, in which this very 
proposal was handed out to the 
world. O. 


long under. The duke of Somerset had veiy much 1710. 
alienated the queen from the old ministry, and had 
no small share in their disgrace ; but he was so dis- 
pleased with the dissolution of the parliament, and 
the new model of the ministry, that though he con- 
tinued some time master of the horse, he refused to 
sit any more in council, and complained openly of 
the artifices had been used, to make him instrumen- 
tal to other people's designs, which he did, among 
others, to myself^. 

The next, and indeed the greatest care of theTheeiec 

, • 1 1 • tions of par- 

new mmistry was, the managing the elections liament 

to parliament. Unheard-of methods were used to™^°' 

secure them ; in London, and in all the parts of 

England, but more reniarkably in the gi'eat cities, 

there was a vast concourse of rude multitudes 

brought together, who behaved themselves in so 

boisterous a manner, that it was not safe, and in 

•* The duke of Somerset al- clared to the queen, that they 

ways acted more by humour would not sit there if he did ; 

than reason. He had been ex- upon which the council was 

tremely solicitous and inipa- dismissed for that time, and he 

tient to get the duke of Marl- never attempted it more. I was 

borough and lord Godolphin ordered to deliver a message 

out; and then insisted to have from the queen to the duke of 

a packed parliament of theirs Kent, who seemed much sur- 

meet, to call himself and every prised, and told me he had just 

body else in question for having before received one in her majes- 

done it. He was a man of vast ty's name by the duke of Somer- 

pride, and having had a very set, directly the contrary. Upon 

low education, shewed it in a which the queen thought her- 

very indecent manner. His self obliged, as she was pleased 

high title came to him by one to say, to turn him out, or I 

man's misfortune, and his great should have reason, as well as 

estate by another's ; (for he the duke of Kent, to have very 

was born to neither, but elated hard thoughts of her. D. This 

with both to a ridiculousness.) noble lord was so humoursome. 

After having absented for some proud, and capricious, that he 

time, he offered himself at the was rather a ministry spoiler 

cabinet : but all the rest de- than a ministry maker. H. 


1710. many places not possible, for those who had a right 
to vote, to come and give their votes for a whig ; 
open violence was used in several parts : this was 
so general through the whole kingdom, all at the 
same time, that it was visible the thing had been 
for some time concerted, and the proper methods 
and tools had been prepared for it'. The clergy 
had a great share in this ; for besides a course, for 
some months, of inflaming sermons, they went about 
from house to house, pressing their people to shew, 
on this great occasion, their zeal for the church, and 
now or never to save it : they also told them in 
what ill hands the queen had been kept, as in cap- 
tivity, and that it was a charity, as well as their 
duty, to free her from the power the late ministry 
exercised over her. 

While the poll was taken in London, a new com- 
mission for the lieutenancy of the city was sent in ; 
by which a great change was made ; tories were put 
in, and whigs were left out ; in a word, the practice 
and violence used now in elections, went far beyond 
any thing that I had ever known in England : and 
by such means, above three parts in four of the 
members returned to parliament may at any time 
be packed : and, if free elections are necessary to 
the being of a parliament, there was great reason to 
doubt, if this was a true representative duly elected. 
555 The bank was the body to which the government 
^{*cl^t^ of late had recourse, and was always readily fur- 

' My uncle sir Richard On- Life and Reign observes, p. 593, 
slow lost his election for the dwells altogether in generals, 
county of Surrey, to the great and does not specify any in- 
triumph of the party, but he stance of a vote being refused, 
recovered it at the choice of the or any person's being threaten- 
next parliament. O. (The bishop, ed or assaulted for giving it.) 
as the author of Queen Anne's 


nished by it; but their credit was now so sunk, 1710. 
that they could not do as they had done formerly ; 
actions, that some months before were at 130, sunk 
now so low as to 95, and did not rise above 101 or 
102 all the following winter. The new ministers 
gave it out, that they would act moderately at 
home, and steadily abroad, maintain our alliances, 
and carry on the war. But before I enter on the 
session of parliament, I will give an account of af- 
fairs abroad. 

King Philip went to Arragon to his army, and Affairs in 
gave it out, that he was resolved to put all to the 
decision of a battle with king Charles, who was 
likewise come to head his army; they Jay so near 
one another, that king Philip cannonaded the camp 
of his enemies, but his men were beat off with loss, 
and drew away to a greater distance ; however, be- 
fore the end of July, there was an action of great 
importance near Almanara : the main body of king 
Philip's horse designed to cut off a part of king 
Charles's foot that was separated from the cavalry, 
commanded by Stanhope : he drew his whole body 
tc^ether ; and though he was much inferior in num- 
ber, yet he sent to king Charles for orders to engage 
the enemy. It was not without some diflficulty, and 
after some reiterated pressing instances, that he got 
leave to fall on. 

As the two bodies were advancing one against The battle 
another. Stanhope rode at the head of his body, andnara. 
the Spanish general advanced at the head of his 
troops : the two generals began the action ; in which, 
very happily for Stanhope, he killed the Spaniard ; 
and his men, animated with the example and suc- 
cess of their general, fell on and broke the Spanish 


1710. horse so entirely, that king Philip lost the best part 
of his cavalry in that action ; upon which, he retired 
towards Sai'agoza ; but was closely followed by king 
Charles : and on the 20th of August they came to a 
total engagement, which ended in an entire defeat : 
and by this means Arragon was again in king 
Chai-les's hands. King Philip got off with a very 
small body to Madrid. But he soon left it, and re- 
tired, with all the tribunals following him, to Val- 
ladolid; and sent his queen and son to Victoria. 
Some of his troops got off in small bodies; and 
these were, in a little time, brought together, to the 
number of about 10,000 men; the troops that they 
had on the frontier of Portugal were brought to 
join them, with which they soon made up the face 
of an army. 
556 King Charles made all the haste he could to 
cSes at Madrid, but found none of the grandees there ; and 
Madnd. j^ apjjcarcd that the Castilians were firmly united 
to king Philip, and resolved to adhere to him at all 
hazards. The king of France now shewed he was 
resolved to maintain his grandson, since if he had 
ever intended to do it, it was now very easy to 
oblige him to evacuate Spain. On the contrary, he 
sent the duke of Vendome to command the army 
there; and he ordered some troops to march into 
Catalonia, to force king Charles to come back, and 
secure that principality. King Charles continued 
till the beginning of December in Castile. In all 
that time no care was taken by the allies to supply 
or support him : we were so engaged in our party 
matters at home, that we seemed to take no thought 
of things abroad, and without us nothing could be 
done : the court of Vienna was so apprehensive of 


the danger from a war like to J)reak out between 1710. 
tlie gi'and seignior and the czar, that they would 
not diminish theii* army in Hungary. After king 
■Charles left his army, Starembergh seemed resolved 
to take his winter quarters in Castile, and made a 
shew of fortifying Toledo ; but for want of provi- 
sion, and chiefly for fear that his retreat to Arragon 
might be cut off, he resolved to march back to the 
Ebro : king Philip marched after him. Starem- 
bergh left Stanhope some hours' march behind him, 
and he took up his quarters in an unfortified village 
called Brihuega : but finding king Philip was near 
him, he sent his aid-de-camp to let Starembergh 
know his danger, and to desire his assistance. Sta- 
rembergh might have come in time to have saved 
him ; but he moved so slowly, that it was conjec- 
tured he envied the glory Stanhope had got, and 
was not sorry to see it eclipsed ; and therefore made 
not that haste he might and ought to have done. 

Stanhope and his men cast up entrenchments. The battle 
and defended these very bravely as long as their viciosa. 
powder lasted ; but in conclusion they were forced 
to surrender themselves prisoners of war '^ : some 

^ When Mr. Stanhope had belonging to its situation and 

obtained leave to return to fastnesses, that he thouglit it 

England, I introduced him to impracticable to be done by 

the queen, who received him force : and there was little rea- 

very graciously, and told him son to expect any assistance 

she should be glad to know his from the people, religion and 

opinion of Spanish aftairs ; and liberty being out of the case, 

whether he thought it practica- and the duke of Anjou's having 

ble to dispossess the duke of children, turned the bias of his 

Anjou. He spoke very modest- side with them. The clerg)', 

ly of his own ability, but obeyed who had the greatest influence, 

her majesty's commands. He were generally averse to the 

said Spain was of so vast an emperor, for having brought an 

extent, besides other properties army of heretics amongst them, 



1710. hours after that, Starembergh came up ; and though 
the enemy were more than double his number, yet 
he attacked them with such success, that he defeated 
them quite, killing 7000 of their men, took their can- 
non and baggage, and stayed a whole day in the field 
of battle. The enemy drew back ; but Starembergh 
had suffered so much in the action, that he was not 
in a condition to pursue them ; nor could he caiTy 
off theu* cannon for want of horses ; but he nailed 
them up, and by slow marches got to Saragoza, the 
enemy not thinking it convenient to give him any 
disturbance. As he did not judge it safe to stay 
long in Arragon, so in the beginning of January he 
marched into Catalonia ; but his army had suffered 
557 so much, both in the last action at Villa Viciosa, 
and in the march, that he was not in a condition to 
venture on raising the siege of Gironne, which was 
then carried on by the duke of Noailles ; and no re- 
lief coming, the garrison, after a brave defence, was 
forced to cajjitulate; and by this means Catalonia 
was open to the enemy on all sides. 
The dit- The Spanish grandees seemed to be in some ap- 
dUI^of prehensions of their being given up by the French ; 
(^11 "" and there was a suspicion of some caballing among 
them : upon which, the duke of Medina Celi, king 
Philip's chief minister, was sent a close prisoner to 
the castle of Segovia, and was kept there very 
strictly, none being admitted to speak to him: he 
was not brought to any examination ; but after he 

and did not think, if he carried ment to expect any great suc- 

his ixjint, that they were likely cess in that part of the world, 

to be under a lusting establish- unless there were other means 

ment. Therefore.upon the whole, than were known to him. D. 
he could give little encourage- 


had been for some months in prison, being oft re- 1710. 
moved from one place to another, it was at last 
given out that he died in prison, not without the 
suspicion of ill practices. Nothing passed on the 
side of Piedmont; the duke of Savoy complaining 
still of the imperial court, and upon that refusing to 
act vigorously. 

After Doway was taken, our army sat down be- Bethane, 
fore Bethune; and that siege held them a month, st.venant 
at the end of which the garrison capitulated: and*"^^*^*"* 
our army sat down at one and the same time be- 
fore Aire and St. Venant, to secure the head of the 
Lys. St. Venant was taken in a few weeks : but 
the marshy ground about Aire made that a slower 
work ; so that the siege continued there about two 
months before the garrison capitulated. This cam- 
paign, though not of such lustre as the former, be- 
cause no battle was fought, yet was by military men 
looked on as a very extraordinary one in this respect, 
that our men were about an hundred and fifty days 
in open trenches; which was said to be a thing with- 
out example. During these sieges the French army 
posted themselves in sure camps, but did not stir 
out of them, and it was not possible to engage them 
into any action. Nothing considerable passed on the 
Rhine, they being equally unable to enter upon ac- 
tion on both sides. 

The czar carried on the war in Livonia with such Affairs in 
success, that he took both Riga and Revel ; and to 
add to the miseries of Sweden, a great plague swept 
away many of their people. Sweden itself was left 
exposed to the Danes and the czar; but their do- 
minions in Germany were secured by the guarantee 
of the allies : yet, though the government of Sweden 

c 2 


1 7 10. did accept of this provisionally, till the king's pleasure 

should be known, it was not without difficulty that 
he was prevailed on to give way to it. 
The new I coHic uow to givc au accouut of the session of 
opened, parliament, which was opened the 25th of Novem- 
ber : the queen, in her speech, took no notice of the 
successes of this campaign, as she had always done 
558 in her former speeches ; and instead of promising to 
maintain the toleration, she said, she would maintain 
the indulgence granted by law to scrupulous con- 
sciences; this change of phrase into Sacheverel's lan- 
guage was much observed. The lords made an ad- 
dress of an odd composition to her, which shewed it 
was not drawn by those who had penned their for- 
mer addi'esses: instead of promising that they would 
do all that was possible, they only promised to do all 
that was reasonable, which seemed to import a li- 
mitation, as if they had apprehended that unreason- 
able things might be asked of them : and the con- 
clusion was in a very cold strain of rhetoric ; they 
ended with saying, they had no more to add. The 
commons were more hearty in their address ; and 
in the end of it they reflected on some late practices 
against the church and state. Bromley was chosen 
speaker without any opposition : there were few 
whigs returned, against whom petitions were not of- 
fered; there were in all about an hundred; and by the 
first steps the majority made it appear, that they in- 
tended to clear the house of all who were suspected 
to be whigs. They passed the bill for four shillings 
in the pound before the short recess at Christmas. 

171 1. During that time, the news came of the ill success in 
due* m*^ Spain: and this giving a handle to examine into that 


part of our conduct, the queen was advised to lay 1711. 

hold on it ; so, without staying till she heard from spain ceo- 
her own ministers or her allies, as was usual, she JJg^f^ri. 
laid the matter before the parliament, as the public 
news brought it from Paris ; which was afterwards 
found to be false in many particulars; and told them 
what orders she had given upon it, of which she 
hoped they would approve. This was a mean ex- 
pression from the sovereign, not nised in former 
messages, and seemed to be below the dignity 
of the crown. She ordered some regiments to be 
carried over to Spain, and named the earl of 
Peterborough to go to the court of Vienna, to 
press them to join in the most effectual measures 
for supporting king Charles there. The lords, in 
their answer to this message, promised that they 
would examine into the conduct of the war in Spain, 
to see if there had been any mismanagement in any 
part of it : and they entered immediately into that 
inquiry. They began it with an address to the 
queen, to delay the despatch of the earl of Peterbo- 
rough, till the house might receive from him such 
informations of the affairs of Spain as he could give 
them. This was readily granted ; and he gave the 
house a long recital of the affairs of Spain, loading 
the earl of Galway with all the miscarriages in that 
war. An ind particular he said, that in a council of 
war in Valencia, in the middle of January, 1706-7,559 
the earl of Galway had pressed the pushing an of- 
fensive war for that year, and that the lord Tyrawly 
and Stanhope had concurred with him in that; 
whereas he himself was for lying on a defensive war 
for that year in Spain : he said, this resolution was 
canied by those three, against the king of Spain's 

c 3 


17^. own mind; and he imputed all the misfortunes that 
followed in Spain to this resolution so taken. Stan- 
hope had given an account of the debates in that 
council to the queen : and the earl of Sunderland, 
in answer to his letter, had wrote by the queen's 
order, that she approved of their pressing for an of- 
fensive war; and they were ordered to persist in 
that. The earl of Sunderland said in that letter, 
that the queen took notice that they three (meaning 
the earl of Galway, lord Tyrawly, and Stanhope) 
were the only persons that were for acting offen- 
sively ; and that little regard was to be had to the 
earl of Peterborough's opposition. Upon the strength 
of this letter the earl of Peterborough affirmed, that 
the whole council of war was against an offensive 
war : he laid the blame, not only of the battle of 
Almanza, and all that followed in Spain, upon those 
resolutions, but likewise the miscarriage of the de- 
sign on Toulon ; for he told them of a great design 
he had concerted with the duke of Savoy, and of 
the use that might have been made of some of the 
troops in Spain, if a defensive war had been agreed 
to there. The earl of Galway and the lord Tyrawly 
were sent for ; and they were asked an account of 
that council at Valencia: they said, there were many 
councils held there about that time ; and that both 
the Portugueze ambassador and general, and the 
envoy of the States, agreed with them in their 
opinions for an offensive war ; and they named some 
Spaniards that were of the same mind : they also 
said, that all along, even to the battle of Almanza, 
in all their resolutions, the majority of the coun(;il 
of war voted for every thing that was done, and 
that they were directed to persist in their opinions 


by letters wrote to them, in the queen's name, by 1711. 
the secretaries of state : that as to the words in the 
earl of Sunderland's letter, that spoke of them as 
the only persons that were of that opinion, these - 
were understood by them as belonging only to the 
queen's subjects, and that they related more imme- 
diately to the earl of Peterborough, who opposed 
that resolution, but not to the rest of the council of 
war, for the majority of them was of their mind. 

The earl of Galway gave in two papers : the one 
related to his own conduct in Spain ; the other was 
an answer to the relation given in writing by the 
earl of Peterborough. The house of lords was so 
disposed, that the majority believed every thing that 
was said by the earl of Peterborough : and it was 560 
carried, that his account was honourable, faithful, 
and just ; and that aU the misfortunes in Spain were 
the effect and consequence of those resolutions taken 
in the middle of January. 

From this censure on the earl of Galway, the de- 
bate was carried to that which was chiefly aimed 
at, to put a censure on the ministry here. So it was 
moved, that an address should be made to the queen, 
to free those who were under an oath of secrecy 
from that tie, that a full account might be laid be- 
fore the house of all their consultations : the queen 
granted this readily ; and came to the house, which 
was understood to be on design to favour that which 
was aimed at. Upon this the duke of Marlborough, 
the earls of Godolphin and Sunderland, and the lord 
Cowper, shewed that, considering the force sent over 
to Spain under the lord Rivers, they thought an 
offensive war was advisable ; that the expense of 
that war was so great, and the prospect was so pro-^ 

c 4 


1711. mising, that they could not but think an offensive 
wai' necessary ; and that to advise a defensive one 
would have made them liable to a just censure, as 
designing to protract the war. The design on Tou- 
lon was no way intermixed with the affairs of Spain ; 
the earl of Peterborough fancied he was in that se- 
cret, and had indeed proposed the bringing over 
some troops from Spain on that design, and had of- 
fered a scheme to the duke of Savoy, in which that 
was mentioned, and had sent that over to England. 
But though the duke of Savoy suffered that lord to 
amuse himself with his own project, which he had 
concerted for the attempt on Toulon, that duke had 
declared he would not undertake it, if it was not 
managed with the utmost secrecy, which was sa- 
credly kept, and communicated only to those to whom 
it must be trusted for the execution of it. No 
troops from Spain were to be employed in that ser- 
vice, nor did it miscarry for want of men. These 
lords farther said, they gave their opinions in coun- 
cil according to the best of their judgment ; their 
intentions were very sincere for the service of the 
queen, and to bring the war to a speedy conclusion. 
Yet a vote passed, that they were to blame for ad- 
vising an offensive war in Spain, upon which the 
loss of the battle of Almanza followed; and that 
this occasioned the miscarrying of the design upon 
Reflection. Hcrc was a new and strange precedent of cen- 

nuule oa it. , , . or 

sunng a resolution taken m council ; and of desiring 
the queen to order all that had passed in council to 
be laid before the house : in all the hot debates in 
king Charles the first's reign, in which many reso- 
lutions taken in council were justly rensurable, yet 


the passing any censure on them was never at- 1711, 
tempted by men who were no way partial in favour 77T 
of the prerogative : but they understood well what 
our constitution was in that point : a resolution in 
council is only the sovereign's act, who, upon hear- 
ing his counsellors deliver their opinions, forms his 
own resolution : a counsellor may indeed be liable 
to censure for what he may say at that board ; but 
the resolution taken there has been hitherto treated 
with a silent respect : but by this precedent it will 
be hereafter subject to a parliamentary inquiry. 
The queen was so desirous to have a censure fixed 
on her former ministry, that she did not enough 
consider the wound given to the prerogative by the 
way in which it was done '. 

After this was over, another inquiry was made 
into the force we had in Spain at the time of the 
battle of Almanza ; and it was found not to exceed 
14,000 men, though the parliament had voted 
29,000 for the war in Spain. This seemed to be a 
crying thing ; tragical declamations were made upon 
it : but in truth that vote had passed here only in 
the January before the battle of Almanza, which 
was fought on the 14th of April. Now it was not 
possible to levy and transport men in so short a 
time : it was made appear, that all the money given 
by the parliament for that service was issued out 
and applied to it, and that extraordinary diligence 
was used, both in forwarding the levies and in their 
transportation : they were sent from Ireland, the 

' The good bishop's general whig principles. See what he 

and indefinite sentiments here himself says in this book, page 

are liable to much exception. 624. O. 
He did not trv them bv his 


-1711. passage from thence being both safest and quickest. 

All this, and a great deal more to the same puipose, 

was said : but it signified nothing ; for when reso- 
lutions are taken up beforehand, the debating con- 
cerning them is only a piece of form, used to come 
at the question with some decency : and there was 
so little of that observed at this time, that the duke 
of Buckingham said in plain words, that they had 
the majority, and would make use of it, as he had 
observed done by othei's, when they had it on their 
side. So, though no examination had been made, 
but into that single point of the numbers at Al- 
manza "", they came to a general vote, that the late 
ministry had been negligent in the management of 
the war in Spain, to the great prejudice of the na- 
tion; and they then ordered all their proceedings 
and votes to be put in an address, and laid before 
the queen : and though they had made no inquiry 
into the expense of that war, nor into the applica- 
tion of the money given by the parliament for it, 
yet in their address they mentioned the great pro-, 
fusion of money in that service. This they thought 
would touch the nation very sensibly ; and they 
hoped the thing would be easily believed on their 
word. Protests were made against every vote in 
265 the whole progress of this matter : some of these 
carried such reflections on the votes of the house> 
that they were expunged. 

"" (The author of the Life and " sued out and applied to it; 

Reign of Queen Anne observes, " then something more must 

" that if it be true what the " have been examined into be- 

" bishop says before, that it " sides that single point of the 

** was made appear, that all the " numbers at Almanza." p. 

" money given by the parlia- 610. Other points, incidentally 

" ment for that service was is- at least, were entered on.) 


/' I never saw any thing carried on in the house of 1711. 
lords so little to their honour as this was ; some, a strange 
who voted with the rest, seemed ashamed of it : they ceeding'"^**" 
said, somewhat was to be done, to justify the queen's 
change of the ministry ; and every thing elsewhere 
had been so well conducted as to be above all cen- 
sure : so the misfortune of Almanza being a visible 
thing, they resolved to lay the load there. The ma- 
nagement of the public treasure was exact and un- 
exceptionable ; so that the single misfortune of the 
whole war was to be magnified: some were more easily 
drawn to concur in these votes, because, by the act 
of grace, aU those who had been concerned in the 
administration were covered from prosecution and 
punishment : so this was represented to some as a 
compliment that would be very acceptable to the 
queen, and by which no person could be hurt. They 
loaded singly the earl of Galway with the loss of 
the battle of Almanza, though it was resolved on in 
a council of war, and he had behaved himself in it 
with all the bravery and conduct that could be ex- 
pected from a great general, and had made a good 
retreat, and secured Catalonia with inexpressible di- 
ligence. They also censured him for not insisting 
on the point of honour, in the precedence to be 
given to the English troops, as soon as the Portu- 
gueze army entered into Spain : but by our treaty 
with that crown the army was to be commanded by 
a Portugueze general ; so it was not in his power to 
change the order of the army : if he had made the 
least struggle about it, the Portugueze, who were 
not easily prevailed on to enter into Spain, would 
have gladly enough laid hold of any occasion which 
such a dispute would have given them, and have 


1711. turned back upon it: and so by his insisting on 
*"""""" such a punctilio, the whole design would have been 
lost. We had likewise, in our treaty with them, 
yielded expressly the point of the flag in those seas ", 
for which alone, on other occasions, we have en- 
gaged in wars ; so he had no reason to contest a 
lesser point : yet a censure was likewise laid on this. 
And this was the conclusion of the inquiries made 
by the house of lords this session. 
Some Harley, in the house of commons, led them to in- 

sured in the quu'e mto somc abuscs m the victualling the navy : 
commons, they had been publicly practised for many years, 
some have said, ever since the restoration : the abuse 
was visible, but connived at, that several expenses 
might be answered that way : some have said, that 
the captains' tables were kept out of the gain made 
in it. Yet a member of the house, who was a whig, 
563 was complained of for this, and expelled the house ; 
and a prosecution was ordered against him ; but the 
abuse goes on stiU, as avowedly as ever : here was a 
shew of zeal, and a seeming discovery of fraudulent 
practices, by which the nation was deceived. 
Supplies The money did not come into the treasury so 

given for -^ 

the war. readily as formerly, neither upon the act of four 
shillings in the pound, nor on the duty laid on malt : 
so, to raise a quick supply, there were two bills passed 
for raising three millions and a half by two lotteries; 
the first of 1,500,000/. and the second of two mil- 
lions, to be paid back in thirty-two years : and for a 
fund to answer this, duties were laid on hops, can- 

" (This had been conceded of the earl of Nottingham. See 

through the superior influence Ralph's Answer to the Account 

of lord Godolphin in the ca- ofthe Duchess of Marlborough's 

binet, against the remonstrance Conduct, p. 209.) 


dies, leather, cards and dice, and on the postage on 1711. 
letters. In one branch of this, the house of commons 
seemed to break in upon a rule that had hitherto 
passed for a sacred one. When the duty upon lea- 
ther was first proposed, it was rejected by a ma- 
jority°, and so, by their usual orders, it was not to 
be offered again during that session : but, after a 
little practice upon some members, the same duty 
was proposed, with this variation, that skins and 
tanned hides should be so charged : this was leather 
in another name. The lotteries were soon filled up ; 
80 by this means money came into the treasury: 
and indeed this method has never yet failed of rais- 
ing a speedy supply. There was no more asked, 
though in the beginning of this session the house 
had voted a million more than these bills amounted 
to; which made some conclude there was a secret 
negotiation and prospect of a peace. 

As the duke of Marlborough was involved in the t*** duke 

° , , of Marlbo- 

general censure passed on the former ministry, so he rough stiii 
had not the usual compliment of thanks for the sue- our amies, 
cesses of the former campaign : when that was 
moved in the house of lords, it was opposed with 
such eagerness by the duke of Argyle and others, 
that it was let fall. For this the duke of Marlbo- 
rough was prepared by the queen ; who, upon his 

° This, I have heard, was car- submissive applications, with 

ried against Harley by the pri- some very bad insinuations a- 

vate instigation of St. John, gainst St. John ; and it is cer- 

who had got the violent tories tain they never were well loge- 

into his separate management, ther afterwards. See postea, 

and was recovered in the way 566. The method here spoken 

here mentioned, by the help of of to recover the loss of the 

the whigs; to whom, for that former question, was unparlia- 

purpose, Harley, by his brother mentary, and dangerous and 

and others, made some very meun too. O. 



1711. coming over, told him that he was not to expect the 
thanks of the two houses, as had been formerly: she 
added, that she expected he should live well with 
her ministers, but did not think fit to say any thing 
of the reasons she had for making those changes in 
her ministry P. Yet he shewed no resentments for 
all the ill usage he met with; and having been 
much pressed by the States and our other allies to 
continue in the command of the army, he told me, 
upon that account, he resolved to be patient, and to 
submit to every thing, in order to the carrying on 
the war; and finding the queen's prepossession 
against his duchess was not to be overcome, he car- 
ried a surrender of all her places to the queen : she 
was groom of the stole % had the robes, and the privy 

P Upon the duke of Marl- 
borough's coming home, I asked 
the queen, how she would have 
the servants live with him ? 
She said, that would depend 
upon his behaviour to her. I 
told her, I was sure that would 
be all submission, since other 
means proved ineffectual ; and 
asked her, if she could stand 
that? She said, from him she 
could. After he had been with 
her, she told me it was just as 
I said, only lower than it was 
possible to imagine. When I 
went to wait upon him, he re- 
ceived me with seeming kind- 
ness and civility, and put me 
in mind of our relation ; which 
I had not heard of for many 
years before : and hoped I would 
do him good offices to the 
queen, who, he knew, had an 
entire confidence in me, which 
he was sincerely glad of. He 

complained of his wife, who, he 
said, acted strangely, but there 
was no help for that, and a 
man must bear with a good 
deal, to be quiet at home. He 
spoke very severely of the duke 
of Argyle, who was never to be 
satisfied or obliged : and told 
me, however the world went, I 
should come ^ff well ; for I had 
many friends and few enemies, 
and he did not despair of laugh- 
ing heartily with me one day 
at all these hurlyburlies. D. 

1 The manner of her grace's 
surrender, as I was told by one 
who was very intimate in the 
family, was, that when the duke 
of Marlborough told her the 
queen expected the gold key, 
she took it from her side, and 
threw it into the middle of the 
room, and bid him take it up, 
and carry it to whom he pleas- 
ed. D. 



purse "^ ; in all which she had served with great eco- 1711. 
nomy and fidelity to the queen, and justice to those 777 
who dealt with the crown ^ The duchess of So- 
merset had the two first of these employments ', and 
Mrs. Massam had the last ". 

' Her grace and the duke 
together had above ninety thou- 
sand pounds a year salary ; be- 
sides whatever else they pleased 
for themselves and the rest of 
the family : and had the in- 
solence, as well as meanness, 
to refuse to pay any thing 
towards the tax upon White- 
hall, which, being a sum cer- 
tain, the rest of the queen's 
servants were obliged to pay it 
for them. They used every 
thing belonging to the queen as 
if it had been their own ; and 
the very linen that went with 
him every year to the army 
was furnished by her majesty. 
The duchess has asserted in her 
Memoirs, that the queen, after 
she came to the crown, never 
gave her a diamond, or any 
thing worth taking notice of. 
Lord Oxford told me, that after 
the battle of Blenheim, the 
queen presented her with the 
duke of Marlborough's picture, 
covered with a flat diamond 
that had brilliant edges, which 
cost eight thousand pounds. I 
myself did see, some years after 
the queen's death, an advertise- 
ment in the newspa])ers, that 
such a diamond was in the 
hands of a Jew to be disposed 
of : therefore suppose her grace 
may not have it by her, and 
has forgot that, with many more 
such trifles, not worth taking 
notice of. But I suppose she 
could not meet with a chapman 

for so valuable a jewel, because 
I find by the codicil to her 
grace's will, she has left to her 
daughter, the duchess of Mon- 
tague, a picture of her father 
covered with a large diamond. 

' Lord Cowper told me, he 
went at this time to the duke 
of Marlborough, and found him 
in bed, with a great deal of 
company in the chamber, and 
the duchess sitting at the bed- 
side, railing in a most extrava- 
gant manner against the queen, 
and said she had always hated 
and despised her; but that 
fool, her daughter Henrietta, 
(who stood by,) had always 
loved her, and did so still, 
which she should never forgive 
her. That surprised him very 
much, though he had heard 
more of her tenjper than he 
believed : but the duke told him, 
he must not mind what she said, 
for she was used to talk at that 
rate when she was in a passion, 
which was a thing she was very 
apt to fall into, and there was 
no way to help it. D. 

' The duchess of Somerset 
was the best bred, as well as 
the best born lady in England. 
(She was the daughter of the 
last Percy, earl of Northumber- 
land.) Her immense wealth in 
her younger days had occasion- 
ed great misfortunes to herself 
and other people, which con- 
cluded in her being married to 



1711. t^c duke of Somerset, who treat- 

ed her with little gratitude or 

aflbction, though he owed all he 
had, except an empty title, to 
ber. She maintained her dig- 
nity at court, with great respect 
to the queen, and sincerity to 
all others. She was by much 
the greatest favourite, when the 
queen died ; and it would have 
continued : for she thought her- 
self justified in her favour to 
her, when she was ashamed of 
it elsewhere. Not long before 
the queen died, she told me she 
designed to leave some of her 
jewels to the queen of Sicily, 
(who was the only relation I 
ever heard her speak of with 
much tenderness,) and the rest 
to the duchess of Somerset, as 
the fittest person to wear them 
after her. Mrs. Danvers, who 
had served her mother, the 
duchess of York, and been a- 
bout her from her infancy, told 
me, she never wondered at her 
favour to the duchess of So- 
merset, but always had to the 
duchess of Marlborough, who 
was the most the reverse of the 
queen that could have been 
found in the whole kingdom. 
D. This was the most pru- 
dent and best accepted thing 
that then was done by the mi- 
nisters; for she was in all re- 
spects a credit and an ornament 
to the court. Yet afterwards 
she came to be in their displea- 
sure, and they suffered her to 
be treated with the most inde- 
cent language by Swift, their 
tool, and the chief writer of 
their libels, who, with great 
parts of wit and style, had the 
most impudent and venomous 
pen of any man of this age. 
Proud, insolent, void of all de- 

cency, offensive to his friends 
almost as much as to his ene- 
mies ; hating all men, and 
human nature itself; wanting 
to be a tyrant, to gratify his 
ambition and his disdain of the 
world ; which he did obtain 
over many by the awe of his 
satire and ridicide, and in that 
he was restrained by the con- 
sideration neither of age or sex, 
character or rank of any person 
whatsoever, who happened to 
fall within the rage of his ge- 
nerally false and sudden resent- 
ment. Even in his defences 
(as he called them) of religion, 
his manner of doing that cre- 
ated doubts of his own belief, 
and often fortified the unbelief 
of others. He was, from all 
that was known of him, of a 
very bad nature, and a very 
odious man ; and, with all his 
great talents of writing, had 
certainly a very foul and cor- 
rupt imagination. His History 
of the Four last Years of Queen 
Anne is, except the style, a mean 
performance, and so deemed by 
every body, A few years be- 
fore he died, he fell (as he had 
often foretold of himself) into 
a state of idiotcy, and was a sad 
and piteous sight. He left a 
good part of his fortune to the 
building and endowing of an 
hospital for persons in that mi- 
serable condition : a great cha- 
rity in this world, and may it 
cover his sins in the world he 
is gone to ! O. 

" Mrs. Masham was an in- 
digent relation of the duchess 
of Marlborough's, (had been a 
waiting-woman to a lady Ri- 
vers of Kent,) and put about 
the queen, as one she could 
trust. I had little conversation 


The house of commons found the encouragement 1711. 
given the Palatines was so displeasing to the people, compiaint.^ 
that they ordered a committee to examine into that "p*"* *•** 

•' favour 

matter. The truth of this story was, that in the *»'«wed tue 

^ , Palatines. 

year 1708, about fifty Palatmes, who were Lutherans, 
and were ruined, came over to England : these were 
«o effectually recommended to prince George's chap- 
lains, that the queen allowed them a shilling a day, 
and took care to have them transported to the planta- 

with her, nor was the queen 
pleased that any body should 
apply to her. I was desired to 
propose her husband's being 
made a lord, which 1 found was 
not very acceptable. The queen 
told me, she never had any de- 
sign to make a great lady of 
her, and should lose a useful 
servant about her person : for 
it would give offence to have a 
peeress lie upon the floor, and 
do several other inferior offices ; 
but at last consented, upon con- 
dition she remained a dresser, 
and did as she used to do. She 
was exceeding mean and vulgar 
in her manners, of a very un- 
equal temper, childishly ex- 
ceptions, and passionate. The 
queen told me, I was not in 
her good graces, (which I did 
not know before,) because I 
lived civilly with the duchess of 
Somerset; which, she said, she 
hoped I would continue, with- 
out minding the other's ill hu- 
mours. At last she grew to be 
very rude and jealous, which I 
took no notice of; but the queen 
had a suspicion, that she or her 
sister listened at the door all 
the time I was with her ; which, 
with some disrespects shown to 
the duchess of Somerset, gave 


her majesty some thoughts of 
making of her a lady of the 
bed-chamber, and laying of her 
down softly. She had credit 
enough to hurt lord Oxford, by 
which she destroyed her own 
foimdation ; and was senseless 
enough to fancy she had gained 
a great point, in having got rid 
of her surest friend and best 
support ; but would soon have 
found the ill effects of her pas- 
sion and folly, having received 
many a deep wound in the con- 
test, and run her mistress into 
difficulties she could not well 
tell how to extricate herself out 
of, and must have been accom- 
modated at her expense, though 
probably not in so gentle a 
manner as the queen proposed. 
D. (Was it then intended by 
the friends of lord Oxford, with 
whom lady Masham had quar- 
relled, that she should be re- 
moved from the queen's pre- 
sence by a parliamentary ad- 
dress, in the way formerly me- 
ditated by the whigs, and so 
much and so justly reprobated 
by these tories ? It is however 
asserted, that she had lately 
been guilty of some corrupt 
practices, which, if true, much 
alters the case.) 



1711- tions : they, ravished with this good reception, wrote 
over such an account of it, as occasioned a general 
disposition among all the poor of that country to 
come over in search of better fortunes ; and some of 
our merchants, who were concerned in the planta- 
tions, and knew the advantage of bringing over 
great numbers to people those desert countries, en- 
couraged them with the promises of lands and set- 
tlements there. This being printed, and spread 
through those parts, they came to Holland in great 
bodies : the anabaptists there were particularly help- 
ful to them, both in subsisting those in Holland, and 
in transporting them to England. Upon their com- 
ing over, the queen relieved them at first ; and great 
charities were sent to support them : all the tories 
declared against the good reception that was given 
them, as much as the whigs approved of it. It hap- 
pened at a bad season, for bread was then sold at 
double the ordinary price ; so the poor complained, 
that such charities went to support strangers, when 
they needed them so much : the time of our fleet's 
sailing to the plantations was likewise at a great 
distance. The Palatines expected to be all kept to- 
gether in a colony, and became very uneasy when 
they saw that could not be compassed: some of 
them were both unactive and mutinous ; and this 
heightened the outcry against them : some papists 
mixed among them, and came over with them, but 
they were presently sent back. Great numbers were 
sent to Ireland ; but most of thenr to the plantations 
in North America, where it is believed their industry 
will quickly turn to a good account. The design 
was now formed, to load the late administration all 
that was possible ; so it was pretended, that in all 


that affair there was a design against the church, 1711. 
and to increase the numbers and strength of the 
dissenters. It has indeed passed for -an established 
maxim, in all ages and in all governments, that the 
drawing of numbers of people to any nation did in- 
crease its intrinsic strength ; which is only to be 
measured by the multitude of the people that in- 565 
habit and cultivate it : yet the house of commons 
came to a sudden vote, that those who had encou- 
raged and brought over the Palatines were enemies 
to the nation : and because a letter, wrote by the 
earl of Sunderland, in the queen's name, to the 
council of trade, was laid before them, by which 
they were ordered to consider of the best methods 
of disposing of them, it was moved to lay the load 
of that matter on him in some severe votes: yet this 
was put off for that time ; and afterwards by several 
adjournments delayed, till at last it was let fall. 

But while the heat raised by this inquiry was a bin to 

repeal the 

kept up, the commons passed a bill to repeal the act general ua- 
for a general naturalization of all protestants, which rejected by 
had passed two years before; pretending that it gave*''^ '°"'*' 
the encouragement to the Palatines to come over, 
though none of them had made use of that act in 
order to their naturalization. This was sent up to 
the lords ; and the lord Guernsey, and some others, 
entertained them with tragical declamations on the 
subject : yet, upon the first reading of the bill, it 
was rejected. A bill, that was formerly often at- 
tempted, for disabling members of the house of com- 
mons to hold places, had the same fate. 

Another bill for qualifying members, by having a bin qna- 
600/. a year for a knight of the shire, and 300/. a meSre to 
year for a burgess, succeeded better : the design of p^^^**"' 

D 2 


1711. this was to exclude courtiers, militaiy men, and 
merchants from sitting in the house of commons, in 
hopes, that this being settled, the land interest would 
be the prevailing consideration in all their consulta- 
tions. They did not extend these qualifications to 
Scotland; it being pretended, that estates there 
being generally small, it would not be easy to find 
men so qualified capal)le to serve. This was thought 
to strike at an essential part of our constitution, 
touching the freedom of elections ; and it had been, 
as oft as it was attempted, opposed by the ministry, 
though it had a fair appearance of securing liberty, 
when all was lodged- with men of estates : yet our 
gentry was become so ignorant and so corrupt, that 
many apprehended the ill effects of this ; and that 
the interest of trade, which indeed supports that of 
the land, would neither be understood nor regarded. 
But the new ministers resolved to be popular with 
those who promoted it ; so it passed, and was much 
magnified, as a main part of our security for the fu- 
ture ^. 
An act for Auothcr bill passcd, not much to the honour of 
wine. those who promotcd it, for the importation of the 
French wine : the interest of the nation lay against 
this so visibly, that nothing but the delicate palates 
566 of those who loved that liquor could have carried 
such a motion through the two houses. But though 
the bill passed, it was like to have no effect : for 
it was provided, that the wine should be imported 
in neutral vessels ; and the king of France had for- 
bid it to be exported in any vessels but his own : it 
seems he reckoned, that our desire of drinking his 

* It was now a contrivance try gentlemen of his party easy 
of Harley's, to make the coun- at the loss of the place bill. O. 



wine would carry us to take it on such terms as he 1711. 
should prescribe. In the house of commons there 
appeared a new combination of tories of the highest 
form, who thought the court was yet in some ma- 
nagement with the whigs, and did not come up to 
their height, which they imputed to Mr. Harley ; so 
they began to form themselves in opposition to him, 
and expressed their jealousy of him on several occa- 
sions, sometimes publicly >. But an odd accident,^"*"*"?* 

^ •' on Harley, 

that had almost been fatal, proved happy to him ; it by Guis- 
fell out on the eighth of March, the day of the 
queen's accession to the crown : one Guiscard, who 
was an abbot '^ in France, had for some enormous 
crimes made his escape out of that kingdom ; he 
printed a formal story of a design he was laying, to 
raise a general insurrection in the southeni parts of 

y See antea, p. 563. O. This 
small party was set a- work by 
the earl of Nottingham, with 
whom the duke of Shrewsbury, 
lord Paulett, Mr. Harley, Mr. 
St. John, and myself, had a 
conference at the earl of Ro- 
chester's : where he desired to 
know what we designed to do, 
for as yet, he said, we had done 
nothing. I said, I believed at 
the conclusion of the last ses- 
sion he would have thought the 
dissolving the parhament, and 
turning out all the whig minis- 
ters, something. He said, that 
was nothing, if we did not make 
it impracticable for them ever 
to rise again. The duke of 
Shrewsbury desired to know 
by what means that should be 
accomplished. Lord Notting- 
ham said, unless we prosecuted 
them, he should think we pro- 

tected them ; for it was plain, 
they had brought things to such 
a pass, that they could neither 
make peace nor war: and we 
were doing their work for them. 
I desired to know who he would 
have prosecuted : he said, lord 
Sunderland for one, and he was 
sure I could find matter enough 
in his office, if I pleased : I said, 
that should be some other bo- 
dy's work, not mine ; and I 
knew the queen would never 
be brought into such measures. 
He got up, and as he went out, 
said, if we did not act in con- 
cert with the whigs, we should 
soon find the effects of our good- 
nature. And from that day 
was most indefatigable in per- 
secuting the queen and all her 
servants, with all tlie art that 
he was master of. D. 
' (An abbe s^culier.) 

D 3 


1711. France (in conjunction with those who were then in 
the Cevennes) for recovering their ancient liberties, 
as well as for restoring the edicts in favour of the 
Huguenots * : and he seemed very zealous for public 
liberty. He insinuated himself so into the duke of 
Savoy, that he recommended him to our court, as a 
man capable of doing great service : he seemed for- 
ward to undertake any thing that he might be put 
on ; he had a pension assigned him for some years, 
but it did not answer his expense ; so when he was 
out of hope of getting it increased, he wrote to one 
at the court of France, to offer his service there; 
and it was thought, he had a design against the 
queen's person ; for he had tried, by all the ways 
that he could contrive, to be admitted to speak with 
her in private ; which he had attempted that very 
morning: but his letter being opened at the post- 
house, and brought to the cabinet council, a mes- 
senger was sent from the council to seize on him. 
He found him walking in St. James's park ; and 
having disarmed him, carried him to the lords, who 
were then sitting : as he waited without, before he 
was called in, he took up a penknife which lay 
among pens in a standish ; when he was questioned 
upon his letter, he desired to speak in private with 
secretary St. John, who refused it ; and he being 
placed out of his reach, whereas Harley sat near 
him, he struck him in the breast with the penknife, 
again and again, till it broke ; and indeed wounded 
him as much as could be done with so small a tool. 
The other counsellors drew their swords, and stab- 

» (His book was printed in " Guiscard, lieutenant general 
1 707 ; in the title-page of which •' o/" the forces, gone upon the 
he is called, " the Marquis de " present descent.") 



bed Guiscard in several places ; and their attendants 171] 
being called-in, they dragged him out. Harley's~T~ — 
wound was presently searched ; it appeared to be a 
slight one, yet he was long in the surgeon's hands : 
some imputed this to an ill habit of body ; others 
thought it was an artifice, to make it seem more 
dangerous than indeed it was. Guiscard's wounds 
were deeper, and not easily managed ; for at first he 
was sullen, and seemed resolved to die ; yet after a 
day, he submitted himself to the surgeons : but did 
not complain of a wound in his back tiU it gan- 
grened; and of that he died. It was not known 
what particulars were in his letter, for various re- 
ports went of it; nor was it known what he con- 
fessed ^. 

*' If Guiscard had any design 
upon the queen, his heart failed 
him : for he had been with her 
the evening before, and nobody 
in the outer room but Mrs. 
Fielding, or within call but 
Mrs. Kirk, who was commonly 
asleep. The queen told me, he 
was very pressing for an aug- 
mentation of his pension, and 
complained that he was ill paid. 
He behaved himself with great 
confidence before the council, 
and denied every thing, till he 
was shewn one of his own let- 
ters, which he endeavoured to 
snatch out of lord Harcourt's 
hand. Having thrusthimself be- 
tween the duke of Ormond and 
Mr. Harley, in such a manner 
that he could easily have drawn 
the duke's sword, if he had not 
depended upon the other tool, 
(as the bishop calls it.) When 
Mr. St. John refused to speak 
with him, he bent down, as if 

he would have whispered with 
Mr. Harley, and gave him two 
or three violent blows upon the 
breast, before any body could 
stop him. When Bucier the sur- 
geon came, Mr. Harley asked 
him, if he were in immediate 
danger, (the penknife having 
been broke in his body,) that he 
might settle his affairs, for he 
did not fear death : — which was 
visible by his countenance, 
which was not in the least al- 
tered. After Guiscard was car- 
ried into another room, he de- 
sired to speak with the duke 
of Ormond, which he refused, 
unless I would go with him, 
which I did. He lamented 
Mr. Harley, who, he said, was 
truly a great man, and to whom 
he had many obligations ; and 
several times repeated, that the 
duke of Marlborough was a 
lucky man. We asked him 
what he meant by that. He 

D 4 


1711. This accident was of great use to Haiiey; for 
the party formed against him was ashamed to push 
a man who was thus assassinated by one that was 
studying to recommend himself to the court of 
France, and who was believed to have formed a 
design against the queen's person. Her health was 
at this time much shaken. She had three fits of an 
ague ; the last was a severe one : but the progress 
of the disease was stopped by the bark. 
A design The tories continued still to pursue the memory 
SJiTwii- of king ^Villiam ; they complained of the grants 
'""nu mis- 1"^^ by b^°*» though thcsc Were far short of those 
"^«»' that had been made by king Charles the second; 
but that they might distinguish between those 
whom they intended to favour, and others, against 
whom they were set, they brought in a bill, em- 
powering some persons to examine aU the grants 
made by him, and to report both the value of them, 
and the considerations upon which they were made: 
this was the method that had succeeded with them 
before, with relation to Ireland ; so the bringing in 
this bill was looked on as a sure step for carrying 
the resumption of all the grants that they had a 

said, he had often designed to ped short, and said it would 
have done as much for him, and make against himself, and ram- 
now it was fallen upon a man bled like a man that was light- 
that he would be glad to be rid headed ; upon which we left 
of. After he was in Newgate, the him. His correspondence with 
lords went to examine him : he France seemed to be but of a 
said, it was to no purpose for late date, and his intelligence 
him to confess any thing, for that he gave was of matter few 
he could not exjiect a pardon, of the cabinet had any know- 
Two days after, he desired to ledge of before they read his 
speak with some of the council : letters ; and he was never asked 
he began a story of a man who, who he had it from, the answer 
he said, had ill designs, but being evident. D. 
would not name him, and stop- 


mind to make void. When it was brought up to i7ii- 

the lords, the design appeared to be an unjust ma- 
lice against the memory of our deliverer, and against 
those who had served him best ; so, upon the first 
reading of the bill, it was rejected. 

Their malice turned next against the earl of Cro- [°JJ' j^^* 
dolphin :. they found, that the supplies given by accounts. 
parliament were not all returned, and the accounts 
of many millions were not yet passed in the exche- 
quer; so they passed a vote, that the accounts of 
thirty-five millions yet stood out '^. This was a vast 
sum; but to make it up, some accounts in king 
Charles's time were thrown into the heap ; the lord 
Ranelagh's accounts of the former reign were the 
greatest part ; and it appeared, that in no time ac- 
counts were so regularly brought up as in the 
queen's reign. Mr. Bridges's accounts of fourteen 
or fifteen millions were the great item ; of which, 
not aljove half a million was passed : but there were 568 
accounts of above eleven millions brought in, though 
not passed in form, through the great caution and 
exactness of the duke of Newcastle, at whose office 
they were to pass ; and he was very slow, and would 
allow nothing, without hearing counsel on every ar- 
ticle^. The truth is, the methods of passing ac- 

' Sir Robert Walpole's an- articles, and considerable ones 

svver to this charge is reckoned on these accounts, that by the 

the best. He makes it appear, strict rules of the exchequer 

that the accounts of all but four could not be received without 

millions were given in, and an authority under the privy 

those not passed, only passed seal at least, and if the lord 

the slow but sure forms of the privy seal doubts of the justice 

exchequer. H. or prudence of such a warrant, 

•* He had the privy seal, to he ought not to pass it. And 
which a warrant came from the this, 1 suppose, was the reason 
crown for the allowing such of the duke's caution. How- 
vouchers in the passing some ever, a privy seal was afterwards 



1711. counts were so sure, that they were very slow ; and 
~ it was not possible for the proper officer to find time 

obtained for it in this reign, 
whether in the duke's time, or 
his successor's, I cannot say ; 
but the accounts were not fully 
passed at the time of the queen's 
death ; for when the auditor 
(Mr. Edward Harley) brought 
them to my uncle, for his de- 
claration of them, as chancellor 
of the exchequer, at the begin- 
ning of the next reign, he very 
properly, and as became his of- 
fice, suggested to him a doubt 
in point of law, whether a privy 
seal in one reign could have 
any operation in another ; upon 
which my uncle forbore the de- 
claration, and the lawyers were 
of opinion a new privy seal 
was necessary. But when the 
new warrant came to the then 
lord privy seal, (the old mar- 
quis of Wharton,) he had the 
same cautions the duke of New- 
castle had, and by the advice of 
Lechmere, his friend, and then 
solicitor general, he at last re- 
fused to put the seal to it. A 
privy seal was obtained after- 
wards from another keeper of 
it; and under the next treasury 
the accounts were finally pass- 
ed. I have heard, that the dis- 
putable vouchers were for the 
pay and subsistence of the 
forces in Spain and Portugal, 
where it was impossible to have 
such as the course of the ex- 
chequer requires. This Mr. 
Bridges was afterwards lord 
Chandos, by descent, and cre- 
ated by the late king, (George 
the first,) earl of Carnarvon, 
and then duke of Chandos. He 

was the most surprising in- 
stance of a change of fortune 
raised by a man himself, that 
has happened, I believe, in any 
age. When he came first into 
the office of paymaster of the 
army, he had little or no estate 
of his own, and never inherited 
more than a few hundred pounds 
a year ; but by the means of 
this office, and the improvements 
of money, in little more than 
ten years, living expensively too 
in the mean while, he had ac- 
cumulated a fortune of not less 
than six or seven hundred thou- 
sand pounds; I have heard .more : 
and without any vices, or being 
at all addicted to pleasures, in 
the compass of about twenty- 
five years afterwards, he was 
reduced to almost the difficul- 
ties of indigence, by a course of 
extravagance in his expendi- 
tures, that had neither Uiste, nor 
use, nor sense in them. He was 
a bubble to every project, and a 
dupe to men that nobody else 
almost would keep company 
with. Yet with all this, he 
had parts of understanding and 
knowledge, experience of men 
and business, with a sedateness 
of mind and a gravity of deport- 
ment, which more qualified him 
for a wise man, than what the 
wisest men have generally been 
possessed with. He fell (for 
so indeed it should be called) 
pitied and lamented by all who 
knew him ; for a man of more 
true goodness of nature, or gen- 
tleness of manners, never lived. 


and leisure to pass the accounts that were already 17' i- 

in their hands. Upon this, though the earl of 
Godolphin had managed the treasury with an un- 
corruptness, fidelity, and diligence, that were so un- 
exceptionable, that it was not possible to fix any 
censure on his administration : yet, because many 
accounts stood out, they passed some angry votes on 
that : but since nothing had appeared in all the ex- 
amination they had made that reflected on him, or 
on any of the whigs, they would not consent to the 
motion that was made for printing that report ; for 
by that it would have appeared who had served 
well, and who had served ill. 

When this session drew near an end, some were 
concerned to find, that a body chosen so much by 
the zeal and influence of the clergy should have 
done nothing for the good of the church ; so it be- 
ing apparent, that in the suburbs of London there 
were about 200,000 people more than could possibly 
worship God in the churches built there, upon a 
message to them from the queen, (to which the rise 
was given by an address to her from the convoca- 
tion,) they voted that fifty more churches should be 
built; and laid the charge of it upon that part of 
the duty on coals that had been reserved for build- 
ing of St. Paul's, which was now finished. 

In the beginning of April, the dauphin and therhedau- 
emperor both died of the smallpox ; the first on the death* and 
third, the second on the sixth of the month : time Jors!'"*'* 
will shew what influence the one or the other will 
have on public affairs. The electors were all re- 
solved to choose king Charles emperor. A little be- 
fore the emperor's death, two great affairs were fully 


171 !• settled; the differences between that court and the 
duke of Savoy were composed to the duke's satis- 
faction : the other was of more importance ; offers 
of amnesty and concessions were sent to the male- 
contents in Hungary, with which they were so well 
satisfied, that a full peace was like to follow on it : 
and, lest the news of the emperor's death should be 
any stop to that settlement, it was kept up from 
them, till a body of 10,000 came in and delivered 
up their arms, with the fort of Cassaw, and took an 
oath of obedience to king Charles, which was the 
first notice they had of Joseph's death. 
569 The effects of this will probably go farther than 
h^"ourbe- barely to the quieting of Hungary : for the king of 
SiTkVnef Sweden, the Crim Tartar, and the agents of France, 
the czar, had SO animated the Turks against the Muscovites, 
that though the sultan had no mind to engage in a 
new war, till the affairs of that empire should be put 
in a better state ; yet he was so apprehensive of the 
janizaries, that, much against his own inclinations, 
he was brought to declare war against the czar : but 
both the czar and he seemed inclined to accept the 
mediation that was offered by England and by the 
States ; to which very probably the Turks may the 
more easily be brought, when they see no hope of 
any advantage to be made from the distractions in 

It did not yet appear what would be undertaken 
on either side in Spain : king Philip had not yet 
opened the campaign ; but it was given out that 
great preparations were made for a siege : on the 
other hand, king Charles had great reinforcements 
sent him ; so that his force was reckoned not infe- 


rior to king Philip's: nor was it yet known what 1711, 
resolutions he had taken, since he received the news 
of the emperor's death. 

The campaign was now opened on both sides in 
the Netherlands, though later than was intended: 
the season continued long so rainy, that all the 
ways in those parts were impracticable: nothing 
was yet attempted on either side ; both armies lay 
near one another ; and both were so well posted, that 
no attack was yet made : and this was the present 
state of affairs abroad at the end of May. At home, 
Mr. Harley was created earl of Oxford, and then 
made lord high treasurer, and had now the supreme 
favour *. The session of parliament was not yet at an 
end : there had been a great project carried on, for 
a trade into the South sea ; and a fund was projected, 
for paying the interest of nine millions, that were in 
arrear for our marine affairs. 

^ Mr. Harley understood and cession in the next qualified 
loved the constitution, upon heir. But those whose true in- 
the ancient establishment of a terest he aimed at did not un- 
legal, limited, hereditary mo- derstand the good he designed 
narchy ; and came heartily into them ; and he fell by the folly, 
the revolution for its preserva- pride, and ambition of his own 
tion. He had a thorough con- tools, and the insatiable avarice 
tempt for all scheme-makers, and resentment of those that 
who, he said, were rogues or could not bear a four years ces- 
fools : either they did not un- sation from plunder. He had, 
derstand its perfections, or had no doubt, his failings ; but no 
base ends of their own to pur- man had more affectionate zeal 
sue. He thought king Wil- for the interest of his country, 
liam's reign after the death of or less for his own. His great- 
queen Mary was a dangerous est fault was vanity ; and his 
violation of the constitution, as friendship was never to be de- 
tending to turn us into a com- pended upon, if it interfered 
monwealth, or that which was with his other designs, though 
worse, an elective kingdom : the sacrifice was to an enemy, 
therefore was very solicitous for D. 
continuintr the risht of sue- 


1711. From our temporal concerns, I turn to give an ac- 

The convo- couut of thosc which related to the church : the 
cation met. convocatiou of the province of Canterbury was 
opened the 25th of November, the same day in 
which the parliament met : and Atterbury was 
chosen prolocutor. Soon after, the queen sent a li- 
cence to the convocation, empowering them to enter 
upon such consultations as the present state of the 
church required, and particularly to consider of such 
matters as she should lay before them ; limiting 
them to a quorum, that the archbishop of Canter- 
bury, the bishop of London, or the bishop of Bath 
and Wells should be present, and agree to their re- 
solutions. With this licence there was a letter di- 
rected to the archbishop, in which the convocation 
was ordered to lay before the queen an account of 
570 the late excessive growth of infidelity and heresy 
among us ; and to consider how to redress abuses in 
excommunications ; how rural deans might be made 
more effectual ; how terriers might be made and 
preserved more exactly ; and how the abuses in li- 
cences for marriage might be corrected. 
Exceptions In this wholc matter, neither the archbishop nor 
cence tent any of the bishops were so much as consulted with ; 
^ *°' and some things in the licence were new : the arch- 
bishop was not named the president of the convoca- 
tion, as was usual in former licences ; and in these 
the archbishop's presence and consent alone was 
made necessary, except in case of sickness, and then 
the archbishop had named some bishops to preside, 
as his commissaries : and in that case the convoca- 
tion was limited to his commissaries, which still 
lodged the presidentship and the negative with the 
archbishop : this was according to the primitive pat- 


tern, to limit the clergy of a province to do nothing 171 1. 
without the consent of the metropolitan ; but it was 
a thing new and unheard of, to limit the convocation 
to any of their own body who had no deputation from 
the archbishop. So a report of this being made by 
a committee that was appointed to search the re- 
cords, it was laid before the queen : and she sent us 
a message to let us know, that she did not intend 
that those whom she had named to be of the quo- 
rum, should either preside or have a negative upon 
our deliberations, though the contrary was plainly in- 
sinuated in the licence. The archbishop was so ill 
of the gout, that after our first meetings he could 
come no more to us ; so was the bishop of London : 
upon which, the bishop of Bath and Wells ^, seeing 
how invidiously he was distinguished from his bre- 
thren, in which he had not been consulted, pretended 
ill health ; and we were at a stand, till a new licence 
was sent us, in which the bishops of Winchester, 
Bristol, and St. David's §, were added to be of the a new lu 
quorum. The two last were newly consecrated, and 
had been in no functions in the church before : so 
the queen not only passed over all the bishops 
made in king William's reign, but a great many of 
those named by herself, and set the two last in a dis- 
tinction above all their brethren. All this was di- 
rected by Atterbury, who had the confidence of the 
chief minister; and because the other bishops had 
maintained a good correspondence with the former 
ministry, it was thought fit to put marks of the 
queen's distrust upon them, that it might appear 
with whom her royal favour and trust was lodged. 

^ (Hooper.) k (Trelawney, Robinson, and Bisse.) 


171 !• The convocation entered on the consideration of 

A repre- the matters referred to them by the queen : and a 
JSlIi'for committee was appointed to draw a representation of 
the qo^n- the present state of the church, and of religion among 
us ; but after some heads were agreed on, Atterbury 
procured, that the drawing of this might be left to 
him : and he drew up a most virulent declamation, 
defaming all the administration from the time of the 
revolution : into this he brought many impious prin- 
ciples and practices, that had been little heard of or 
known, but were now to be published, if this should 
be laid before the queen ^. The lower house agreed 
to his draught ; but the bishops laid it aside, and or- 
dered another representation to be drawn, in more 
general and more modest terms. It was not set- 
tled which of these draughts should be made use 
of, or whether any representation at all should be 
made to the queen : for it was known, that the de- 
sign in asking one was only to have an aspersion 
cast, both on the former ministry and on the former 
reign. Several provisions were prepared, with rela- 
tion to the other particulars in the queen's letter : 
but none of these were agreed to by both houses, 
whuton An incident happened, that diverted their thoughts 
Ari'anism. to auothcr matter : Mr. Whiston, the professor of 
mathematics in Cambridge, a learned man, of a so- 
ber and exemplary life, but much set on hunting for 
paradoxes, fell on the reviving the Arian heresy, 
though he pretended to differ from Arius in several 

*> (lliis is the complaint which sages from impious and bias- 

the bishop, at p. 541, makes of phemous publications, in order 

the defence of Dr, Sacheverel, to evince the negligence and 

in the body of which was in- connivance of administration.) 
troduced a collection of pas- 


particulars : yet upon the main he was partly Apol- 1711. 
linarist, partly Arian ; for he thought the Nous or 
Word was all the soul that acted in our Saviour's 
body. He found liis notions favoured by the Apo- 
stolical Constitutions ^\ so he reckoned them a part, 
and the chief part of the canon of the scriptures. For 
these tenets he was censured at Cambridge, and 
expelled the university : upon that, he wrote a vin- 
dication of himself and his doctrine, and dedicated 
it to the convocation, promising a larger work on 
these subjects. The uncontested way of proceeding 
in such a case was, that the bishop of the diocese 
in which he lived should cite him into his court, in 
order to his conviction or censure, from whose sen- 
tence an appeal lay to the archbishop, and from Kim 
to the crown : or the archbishop might proceed in 
the first instance in a court of audience : but we 
saw no clear precedents of any proceedings in con- 
vocation, where the jurisdiction was contested; a 
reference made by the high commission to the con- 
vocation, where the party submitted to do penance, 
being the only precedent that appeared in history ; 
and even of this we had no record : so that it not 
being thought a clear warrant for our proceeding, 
we were at a stand. The act that settled the 
course of appeals in king Henry the eighth's time 
made no mention of sentences in convocation ; and 
yet, by the act in the first of queen Elizabeth that 
defined what should be judged heresy, that judg-572 
ment was declared to be in the crown ' : by all this 
(which the archbishop laid before the bishops in a 
letter that he wrote to them on this occasion) it 

^ (The pretended Apostolical ' (Compare what is said at 

Constitutions.) the end of this page, 572.) 



1711. seemed doubtful, whether the convocation could in 
the first instance proceed against a man for heresy : 
and their proceedings, if they were not' warranted 
by law, might involve them in a ^^reewMW?'/*^. So 
the upper house, in an address, prayed the queen to 
ask the opinions of the judges, and such others as 
she thought fit, concerning these doubts, that they 
might know how the law stood in this matter •". 
The dif- Eiffht of the judges, with the attorney and soU- 

fereutopi- . » . . , 

nions of the citor general, gave theii* opmion, that we had a ju- 
MraiUg*^he risdictiou, and might proceed in such a case ; but 
JJ^ronvo- brought no express law nor precedent to support 
***'°°* their opinion : they only observed, that the law- 
books spoke of the convocation as having jurisdic- 
tion ; and they did not see that it was ever taken 
from them : they were also of opinion, that an ap- 
peal lay from the sentence of convocation to the 
crown ; but they reserved to themselves a power to 
change their mind, in case, upon an argument that 

"> I was ordered by the queen worse than atheism, and that 

to go to Lambeth, and acquaint false worship was more offen- 

the archbishop, that she thought sive to God than none. He 

it necessary that some censure said, indeed he had not read it, 

should pass upon Whiston and and I found by his discourse 

his book, which gave great that he had not read Whiston's ; 

offence. He said, it was a bad which, I told him, struck at the 

book, and there were a great essentials of the Christian reli- 

many, but the worst of all gion. He said, there were some 

came from abroad ; and wished difficulties and disputes about 

there might some stop be put prosecuting men for their opi- 

to that : I told him, there were nions, and I never could prevail 

bad books every where, but with him to tell me plainly, 

which did his grace mean ? He whether he would do what the 

said, there was one Bayle had queen desired of him, or no. 

wrote a naughty book about But he afterwards sent me a 

a comet, that did a great deal very unintelligible letter, that 

of harm. I told him, I had read concluded with excusing his not 

it, and did not think there was having wrote with his own 

much in it ; the chief design hand, because he had the gout 

being to prove tliat idolatry was in both his feet. D. 


might be made for a prohibition, they should see 1711. 
cause for it. Four of the judges were positively of 
a contrary opinion, and maintained it from the sta- 
tutes made at the reformation. The queen, having 
received these different opinions, sent them to the 
archbishop, to be laid before the two houses of con- 
vocation ; and, without taking any notice of the di- 
versity between them, she wrote that, there being 
now no doubt to be made of our jurisdiction, she 
did expect that we should proceed in the matter be- 
fore us. In this it was visible, that those who ad- 
vised the queen to write that letter, considered more 
their own humours than her honour. Yet two great 
doubts still remained, even supposing we had a ju- 
risdiction : the first was, of whom the court was to 
be composed ; whether only of the bishops, or what 
share the lower house had in this judiciary autho- 
rity : the other was, by what delegates, in case of 
an appeal, our sentence was to be examined : were 
no bishops to be in the court of delegates ? Or was 
the sentence of the archbishop and his twenty-one 
suffragan bishops, with the clergy of the province, 
to be judged by the archbishop of York and his 
three suffragan bishops ? These difficulties appear- 
ing to be so great, the bishops resolved to begin 
with that in which they had, by the queen's licence, 
an undisputable authority ; which was, to examine 
and censure the book, and to see if his doctrine was 
not contrary to the scriptures, and the first four 
general councils, which is the measure set by law to 
judge heresy. They drew out some propositions 573 
from his book, which seemed plainly to be the re- 
viving of Arianism ; and censured them as such. 
These they sent down to the lower house, who, y^'j^^^n's 

•' doctnnes 

E 2 condemned. 


1711. though they excepted to one proposition, yet cen- 
sured the rest in the same manner. This the ai'ch- 
bishop (being then disabled by the gout) sent by one 
of the bishops to the queen for her assent, who pro- 
mised to consider of it : but to end the matter at 
once, at their next meeting in winter, no answer 
being come from the queen, two bishops were sent 
to ask it ; but she could not tell what was become 
of the paper which the archbishop had sent her; 
«o a new extract of the censure was again sent to 
her: but she has not yet thought fit to send any 
answer to it. So Whiston's affair sleeps, though he 
has published a large work in four volumes in oc- 
tavo, justifying his doctrine, and maintaining the ca- 
nonicalness of the Apostolical Constitutions, prefer- 
ring their authority, not only to the epistles, but even 
to the gospels. In this last I do not find he has made 
any proselytes, though he has set himself much to 
support that paradox. 

The lower house would not enter into the consi- 
deration of the representation sent down to them 
by the bishops ', so none was agreed on to be pre- 
sented to the queen : but both were printed, and 
severe reflections were made, in several tracts, on 
that which was drawn by the lower house, or rather 
by Atterbury. The bishops went through all the mat- 
ters recommended to them by the queen ; and drew 
up a scheme of regulations on them all : but neither 
were these agreed to by the lower house ; for their 
spirits were so exasperated, that nothing sent by the 
bishops could be agreeable to them. At last the ses- 
sion of parliament and convocation came to an end. 
the s^Jr "^^^ ^^^* ^^^^S settled by the parliament was, the 
sea trade, creating a new fund for a trade in the South sea : 


there was a great debt upon the navy, occasioned 1711. 
partly by the deficiency of the funds appointed for 
the service at sea, but chiefly by the necessity of 
applying such supplies as were given without ap- , 
propriating clauses, to the service abroad " ; where 
it was impossible to carry it on by credit, without 
ready money, so it was judged necessary to let the 
debt of the navy run on upon credit : this had risen 
up to several millions ; and the discount on the navy- 
bills ran high. All this debt was thrown into one 
stock ; and a fund was formed for paying the inte- 
rest at 6 per cent. 

The flatterers of the new ministers made great Reflection* 
use of this, to magnify them, and to asperse the old Illinistr^ 
ministry : but a full report of that matter was soon ^j"^ *'^"''" 
after published, by which it appeared, that the pub- 
lic money had been managed with the utmost fide- 
lity and frugality ; and it was made evident, that 
when there was not money enough to answer all 574 
the expense of the war, it was necessary to apply it 
to that which pressed most, and where the service 
could not be carried on by credit : so this debt was 
contracted by an inevitable necessity ; and all rea- 
sonable persons were fully satisfied with this account 
of the matter. The earl of Godolphin's unblemished 
integrity was such, that no imputation of any sort 
could be fastened on him ; so, to keep up a clamour, 
they reflected on the expense he had run the nation 
into, upon the early successes in the year 1706 ; 
which were very justly acknowledged, and cleared 
in the succeeding session, as was formerly told : but 

" Not as given without op- appropriation, used in times of 

propriating clauses, for that was war. And this should always 

not so, but by virtue of some be well looked after. O. 
general words in the clauses of 

E S 


171 '• that was now revived ; and it was said to be an in- 
vasion of the great right of the commons in giving 
supplies, to enter on designs and to engage the na- 
tion in an expense not provided for by parliament ". 
This was aggravated with many tragical expres- 
sions, as a subversion of the constitution : so with 
this, and that of the thirty-five millions, of which 
the accounts were not yet passed, and some other 
particulars, they made an inflaming address to the 
queen, at the end of the sessions. And this was ar- 
tificially spread through the nation, by which weaker 
nvinds were so possessed, that it was not easy to un- 
deceive them, even by the fullest and clearest evi- 
dences; the nation seemed still infatuated beyond 
. the power of conviction. With this the session 
ended, and aU considering persons had a very me- 
lancholy prospect, when they saw what might be 
apprehended from the two sessions that were yet 
to come of the same parliament. 

Affairs in I now tum to affairs abroad. The business of 


Spain had been so much pressed from the throne, 
and so much insisted on all this session, and the 
commons had given 1,500,000/. for that service ; (a 
sum far beyond all that had been granted in any 
preceding session ;) so that it was expected matters 
would have been carried there in another manner 
than formerly. The duke of Argyle was sent to com- 
mand the queen's troops there, and he seemed fiill 
of heat : but all our hopes failed p. The duke of 

•* It is a dangerous practice, p The diike of Argyle was 

and not to be justified, but by brave beyond dispute, had a 

extreme and well proved neces- very graceful person, and a 

sity. The house of commons happy expression, though with 

should watch it well, for it is more sharpness than was con- 

rery apt to grow. O. ' sistent with good nature, but 


Vendome's army was in so ill a condition, that if iTn. 
Starembergh had been supported, he promised him- 
self great advantages : it does not yet appear what 
made this to fail ; for the parliament has not yet taken 
this into examination. It is certain the duke of 
Argyle did nothing ; neither he nor his troops were 
once named during the whole campaign ; he wrote 
over very heavy complaints, that he was not sup- 
ported, by the failing of the remittances that he ex- 
pected : but what ground there was for that does 
not yet appear: for though he afterwards came 
over, he was very silent, and seemed in a good un- 
derstanding with the ministers. Starembergh drew 
out his forces ; and the two armies lay for some 575 
time looking on one another, without coming to any 
action : Vendome ordered a siege to be laid to two 
small places, but without success. That of Cardona 
was persisted in obstinately, till near the end of De- 
cember, and tJi^n Starembergh sent some bodies to 
raise the siege, who succeeded so well in their at- 
tempt, that they killed 2000 of the besiegers, and 

could be veryinsinuating when he their court to a new, without 

thought it worth his while. He any sort of regard to gratitude 

had a boundless ambition, and or friendship, if either stood in 

an insatiable thirst after wealth, their way. The duke would 

He got more in the four last sometimes espouse other peo- 

years of queen Anne, than all pie's interests with great zeal 

the rest of her servants put to- and importunity, if he thought 

gether j which was no obsta- they could be of any use to 

cle to his treating her and himself: and never asked for 

them in a very injurious man- one thing without a view to 

ner after her death. His bro- another ; though there were 

ther, the earl of Islay, had all few days in the year, in which 

his bad qualities, without one he had not some request to 

of his good : they both valued make, or rather demand, for 

themselves for knowing when they were commonly asked in 

was the proper time to break a very imperious style. D. 
with an old minister, and make 

E 4 


1711. forced their camp; so that they not only raised the 
siege, but made themselves masters of the enemies' 
artiUery, ammunition, and baggage ; and the duke 
of Vendome's army was so diminished, that if Sta- 
rembergh had received the assistance which he ex- 
pected fi-om England, he would have pierced far into 
Spain. But we did nothing, after all the zeal we 
had expressed for retrieving matters on that side, 
^onof**^ '^^^ emperor's death, as it presently opened to 
•""g kinff Charles the succession to the hereditary do- 

i;harles to ° ... . 

be emperor, minions, SO a dispositiou appeared unanimously 
among all the electors, to choose him emperor : yet 
he stayed in Barcelona till September ; and then, 
leaving his queen behind, to support his affairs in 
Spain, he sailed over to Italy : he stayed some weeks at 
Milan, where the duke of Savoy came to him ; and 
we were told that all matters in debate were ad- 
justed between them. We hoped this campaign 
would have produced somewhat in those parts of 
advantage to the common cause, upon the agree- 
ment made before the emperor Joseph's death. And 
Mr. St. John, when he moved in the house of com- 
mons for the subsidies to the duke of Savoy, said, 
all our hopes of success this year lay in that quarter ; 
for in Flanders we could do nothing. The duke 
came into Savoy, and it was given out that he was 
resolved to press forward ; but, upon what views it 
was not then known, he stopped his course ; and 
after a short campaign, repassed the mountains. 

The election of the emperor came on at Franc- 
fort, where some electors came in person, others sent 
their deputies ; some weeks were spent in preparing 
the capitulations ; great applications were made to 
them, to receive deputies from the electors of Ba- 


varia and Cologne ; but they were rejected, for they 1711. 
were under the ban of the empire ; nor were they 
pleased with the interposition of the pope's nuntio, 
who gave them much trouble in that matter ; but 
they persisted in refusing to admit them. Franc- 
fort lay so near the frontier of the empire, that it • 
was apprehended the French might have made an 
attempt that way ; for they drew some detachments 
from their army in Flanders, to increase their forces 
on the Rhine. This obliged Prince Eugene, after 
he, in conjunction with the duke of Marlborough, 
had opened the campaign in Flanders, to draw off a 
detachment from thence, and march with it towards 576 
the Rhine ; and there he commanded the imperial 
army ; and came in good time to secure the elec- 
tors at Francfort; who, being now safe from the 
fear of any insult, went on slowly in all that they 
thought fit to propose previous to an election ; and 
concluded unanimously to choose Charles, who was 
now declared emperor by the name of Charles the 
sixth : he went from Milan to Inspruck, and from 
thence to Francfort, where he was crowned with 
the usual solemnity. Thus that matter was happily 
ended, and no action happened on the Rhine all this 

The duke of Marlborough's army was not only The duke 
weakened by the detachment that prince Eugene rougrpas*. 
can'ied to the Rhine, but by the calling over 5000 t^endi 
men of the best bodies of his army, for an expedi- ''"**• 
. tion designed by sea ; so that the French were su- 
perior to him in number: they lay behind lines, 
that were looked on as so strong, that the forcing 
them was thought an impracticable thing ; and it 
was said, that Villars had wrote to the French king, 


1711. that he had put a ne plus ultra to the duke of 
Marlborough: but, contrary to all expectation, he 
did so amuse Villars with feint motions, that at last, 
to the surprise of all Europe, he passed the lines 
near Bouchain without the loss of a man. 
• This raised his character beyond all that he had 

done formerly ; the design was so well laid, and was 
so happily executed, that, in all men's opinions, it 
passed for a masterpiece of military skill; the ho- 
nour of it falling entirely on the duke of Marlbo- 
rough, no other person having any share, except in 
the execution. When our army was now so hap- 
pily got within the French lines, the Dutch depu- 
ties proposed the attacking the French, and ventur- 
ing a battle, since this surprise had put them in no 
small disorder. The duke of Marlborough differed 
from them ; he thought there might be too much 
danger in that attempt ; the army was much fa- 
tigued with so long a march, in which their cavalry 
had been eight and forty hours on hors^eback, alight- 
ing only twice, about an hour at a time, to feed 
their horses ; for they marched eleven leagues in 
one day : the French were fresh ; and our army was 
in no condition to enter upon action, till some time 
was allowed for refreshment : and the duke of Marl- 
borough thought, that, in case of a misfortune, their 
being within the French lines might be fatal ^. 
He b««ieged He proposcd the besieging Bouchain ; which he 
thought might oblige the French to endeavour to 

^ Lord Cobhani used to ness of the duke to some politi- 

blame the duke of Marlborough cal cause. The duke enlarges 

for not fighting, and said it was more than usual on his reasons 

the opinion of all the general for not doing it, in a letter to 

officers to risk a battle ; he im- secretary St. John, now in the 

ppted this unusual backward- Paper Office. H. 


raise the siege; and that might give occasion to i7u. 
their fighting on more equal terms; or it would 
bring both a disreputation and a disheartening on 
their army, if a place of such importance should be 577 
taken in their sight : both the Dutch deputies and 
the general officers thought the design was too bold, • 
yet they submitted to him in the matter : it seemed 
impracticable to take a place situated in a morass, 
well fortified, with a good garrison in it, in the sight 
of a superior army ; for the French lay within a 
mile of them : there was also great danger from the 
excursions that the garrisons of Valenciennes and 
Conde might make, to cut off their provisions, which 
were to come to them from Tournay. All about 
the duke studied to divert him from so dangerous 
an undertaking ; since a misfortune in his conduct 
would have furnished his enemies with the advan- 
tages that they waited for. He was sensible of all 
this, yet he had laid the scheme so well, that he re- 
solved to venture on it : the French tried to throw 
more men into the place, by a narrow causeway 
through the morass, but he took his measures so 
well, that he was guarded against every thing : he 
saw what the event of the siege might be ; so he 
bestirred himself with unusual application, and was 
more fatigued in the course of this siege, than he 
had been at any time during the whole war. He 
carried on the trenches, and by his batteries and 
bombs the place was soon laid in ruins. Villars 
seemed to be very busy, but to no purpose ; yet, see- 
ing he could not raise the siege, he tried to surprise 
Doway ; but they discovered the design, and forced 
the body that was sent thither to retreat in all 
haste. After twenty days from the opening the 


1711. trenches, the garrison of Bouchain capitulated ; and 
And took it. could havc no better terms than to be made prison- 
ers of war. As this was reckoned the most extra- 
ordinary thing in the whole history of the war, so 
the honour of it was acknowledged to belong wholly 
to the duke of Marlborough ; as the blame of a mis- 
carriage in it must have fallen singly on him. Vil- 
lars's conduct on this occasion was much censured ; 
but it was approved by the king of France : and 
with this the campaign ended in those parts. 
An expedi- No action happened at sea, for the French had 
tcTcanad^* HO flcct out : an expedition was designed by sea for 
taking Quebec and Placentia; and for that end 
5000 men were brought from Flanders : Hill, who 
was brother to the favourite, had the command- 
There was a strong squadron of men of war ordered to 
secure the transport fleet ; they were furnished from 
hence with provisions only for three months ; but 
they designed to take in a second supply at New 
England. A commissioner of the victualling then 
told me, he could not guess what made them be sent 
out so ill furnished ; for they had stores lying on 
their hands for a full supply. They sailed soon after 
578 the end of the session, and had a quick passage to 
New England ; but were forced to stay many weeks 
on that coast, before they could be supplied with 
provisions : they sailed near the end of August into 
the river of Canada, which was thirty miles broad : 
but they were ill served with pilots; and at that season 
storms were ordinary in those parts : one of these 
broke upon them, by which several ships were over- 
it iniMrar- sct, and al)out 2500 men were lost ^ Thus the de- 

' (The author of the Life serts, page 752, that no other 
and Reign of Queen Anne as- writer but the bishop hag made 


sign of Quebec miscanied; and their provisions 1711. 
were too scanty to venture an attempt on Placen- 
tia : so they returned home unprosperous % 

This was a great mortification to the new minis- 
try ; it being their first undertaking, ill projected, 
and worse executed, in every step of it ' : it was the 
more liable to censure, because at the very time that 
the old ministry were charged with entering on de- 
signs that had not been laid before the parliament, 
and for which no supplies had been given, they pro- 
jected this, even while a session was yet going on, 
without communicating it to the parliament ; where- 
as, what the former ministry had done this way, was 
upon emergents and successes after the end of the 
session : but this matter has not yet been brought un- 
der a parliamentary examination, so the discoveries 
that may be made, if that happens, must be referred 
to their proper place. This was the state of our 
affairs during this campaign : the merchants com- 
plained of great losses made at sea, by the ill ma- 
nagement of convoys and cruizers. 

The war between the Turk and the czar came to Affairs in 

■ Turkey* 

a quick end : the czar advanced with his army so 
far into Moldavia, that he was cut off from his pro- 

the number more than eight der : and it was then stopped, 

hundred.) after great expense and trouble, 

' The management of this upon a representation from the 
exi)edition was put into very admiralty, that it was too late 
unable hands, and the delay in the year ; which I under- 
at New England spoiled the stood the duke of Marlborough 
whole design ; the ministry was much displeased at, the de- 
were certainly in earnest about sign being laid by himself; and 
it, and the strength was ade- I suppose the good bishop, if 
quate to the design. H. he had known that, would have 

' If it was ill projected, it shortened his remarks upon a 

was so by the old ministers : subject so much out of his own 

for I wrote many letters about sphere. D. 
it, the year before, by their or- 


1711. visions: an engagenment followed, in which both 
sides pretended they had the advantage. It is cer- 
tain the czar found he was reduced to great extre- 
mities; for he proposed, in order to a peace, to sur- 
render Azuph, with some other places, and de- 
manded that the king of Sweden might be sent 
borne to his own country. The grand vizier was 
glad to arrive at so speedy a conclusion of the war ; 
and, notwithstanding the great opposition made by 
the king of Sweden, he concluded a peace with the 
Muscovite, not without suspicion of his being cor- 
rupted by money to it. The king of Sweden being 
highly offended at this, charged the grand vizier for 
neglecting the great advantages he had over the 
czar, since he and his whole army were at mercy ; 
and he prevailed so far at the Porte, that upon it the 
grand vizier was deposed, and there was an appear- 
ance of a war ready to break out the next year : for 
the czar delayed the rendering Azuph and the other 
places agreed to be delivered up; pretending that 
579 the king of Sweden was not sent home, according to 
agreement ; yet to prevent a new war, all the places 
were at length delivered up : what effect this may 
have must be left to farther time. 
And in Po- Towards the end of the year the Danes and 
Saxons broke in by concert upon Pomerania, resolv- 
ing to besiege Stralzund ; but every thing necessary 
for a siege came so slowly from Denmark, that no 
progress was made, though the troops lay near the 
place for some months ; and in that time the Swedes 
landed a considerable body of men in the isle of Ru- 
gen : at last the besiegers, being in want of every 
thing, were forced to raise the siege, and to retire 
from that neighbourhood in the beginning of Ja- 



nuary. They sat down next before Wismar, but that 1711. 

attempt likewise miscarried, which rendered the 
conduct of the king of Denmark very contemptible ; 
who thus obstinately carried on a war (at a time that 
a plague swept away a third part of the people of 
Copenhagen) with as little conduct as success. Hav- 
ing thus given a short view of affairs abroad ; 

I come next to give the best account I can, of a Hariey 
secret and important transaction at home : the mi- ^ri,*and 
nisters now found how hard it was to restore credit, ^""^l *'^^*" 

' surer. 

and, by consequence, to carry on the war ; Mr. Har- 
ley's wound gave the queen the occasion which she 
seemed to be waiting for ; upon his recovery she had 
created him an earl, by a double title, of Oxford and 
Mortimer. Preambles to patents of honour usually 
carry in them a short account of the dignity of the 
family, and of the services of the person advanced : 
but his preamble was very pompous, and set him out 
in the most extravagant characters that flatterers 
could invent ; in particular it said, that he had re- 
deemed the nation from robbery, had restored cre- 
dit, and had rendered the public great service in a 
course of many years : all this was set out in too 
fulsome rhetoric, and being prepared by his own di- 
rection, pleased him so much, that whereas all other 
patents had been only read in the house of lords, 
this was printed. He was at the same time made 
lord treasurer, and became the chief, if not sole mi- 
nister, for every thing was directed by him. It soon 
appeared, that his strength lay in managing parties, 
and in engaging weak people, by rewards and pro- 
mises, to depend upon him ; but that he neither tho- 
roughly understood the business of the treasury ", 
" The people of that office say otherwise, and that the bu- 


1711. nor the conduct of foreign affairs. But he trusted 
to his interest in the queen and in the favourite. 
Negotia- Hc saw the load that the canying on the war 
j^ ^.[th must bring upon him ; so he resolved to strike up a 
France. peacc as soou as was possible. The earl of Jersey had 
some correspondence in Paris and at St. Germains'^, 
so he trusted the conduct of the negotiation to him y. 
The duke of Newcastle '', who was lord privy seal, 
580 died of an apoplexy in July, being the richest subject 
that had been in England for some ages ; he had an 
estate of above 40,000/. a year, and was much set on 
increasing it. Upon his death, it was resolved to give 
the earl of Jersey the privy seal; but he died sud- 
denly the very day in which it was to be given him ; 
upon that, it was conferred on Robinson, bishop of 
Bristol, who was designed to be the plenipotentiary 
in the treaty that was projected. One Prior, who 
had been Jersey's secretary ^, upon his death was 
employed to prosecute that which the other did not 


siness there was- carried on by he had introduced.) 
him, with great exactness. O. y The best account of the 
Mr. Pelham (who cannot be rise and progress of this private 
supposed to have any partiality to negotiation between the two 
theearlof Oxford,) has said fre- courts, is in Torcy's Memoirs, 
quently, that, in his administra- vol. iii. I do not think, how- 
lion of the treasury, he was the ever, that the French minister 
most exact and attentive minis- tells the whole of what passed, 
ter that ever presided at the tl>at was material in the sequel 
head of it. And has preferred of the negotiation, particularly 
his management and economy at Paris, which was under his 
at the board to sir Robert Wal- own eyes. H. 
pole's. H. ^ (Mollis, or Holies.) 

* (Invidiously observed: for if *'* (When ambassador in 

lord .lersey did correspond with France ; and before that, he had 

the court of St. Germains, as been secretary to the earl of 

the bishop and his friends sus- Portland, ambassador, as well 

}>ected, yet Harley was attached as the other earl, in France, 

to the succession of the house See translation of Torcy's Me- 

of Hanover, settled by the bill moirs, vol. ii. p. 127.) 


live to finish. Prior had been taken a boy out of a 1711, 

tavern by the earl of Dorset, who accidentally found 
him reading Horace ; and he, being very generous, 
gave him an education in literature ^ : he was sent 
to the court of France in September, to try on what 
terms we might expect a peace ; his journey was 
carried on secretly ; but upon his return, he was 
stopped at Dover ; and a packet that he brought was 
kept, till an order came from court to set him free : 
and by this accident the secret broke out. Soon 
after that, one Mesnager was sent over from France 
with preliminaries; but very different from those 
that had been concerted at the Hague two years 

By these the king of France offered to acknow- Preiimma- 
ledge the queen, and the succession to the crown, byVrance. 
according to the present settlement ; and that he 
would bona jide enter into such measures, that the 
crowns of France and Spain should never belong to 
the same person ; that he would settle a safe and 
proper barrier to all the allies ; that he would raze 
Dunkirk, provided an equivalent should be given for 
destroying the fortifications he had made there at so 
great an expense ; and that he would procure both 
to England and to the States the reestablishing of 
their commerce. The court was then at Windsor : 
these propositions were so well entertained at our 
court, that a copy of them was ordered to be given 
to count Gallas, the emperor's minister : he treated 
these offers with much scorn, and printed the preli- 

^ Malice. S. (The earl sent under Dr. Busby, at the expense 

him to St. John's college, Cam- of his uncle, who was a vintner, 

bridge; but he had been pre- See Johnson's Lives of the Poets.) 
viously educated at Westminster 



1711- minaries in one of our newspapers; soon after that, 

he was ordered to come no more to court, but to 
make haste out of England. 
Count Gal- The proceeding was severe and unusual ; for the 
iS/*trith common method, when a provocation was given l)y 
disgrace. ^ public minister, was to complain of him to his 
master, and to desire him to be recalled. It was not 
then known upon what this was grounded: that 
which was surmised was, that his secretary Gaul- 
tier (who was a priest) betrayed him, and discovered 
his secret correspondence, and the advertisements he 
sent the emperor, to give him ill impressions of our 
court; for which treachery he was rewarded with 
an abbey in France : but of this I have no certain 
information ^. 
581 When our court was resolved on this project, they 
sfraffbrd knew the lord Townshend so well, that they could 
sent ambas- jjQ^ dcpcud on his scrving their ends; so he was 
Holland, both recalled and disgraced : and the lord Raby was 

•^ This reverend prelate has (when he was in England,) was, 
always something of truth, to that he meant well ; but did not 
make that which is not so, pass pretend to justify his conduct, 
the better. Abb^ Gaultier had but thanked me in particular 
been a priest in count Gallas's for my civility to him upon that 
house, but long out of his family occasion. But I have some rea- 
before this happened. There - son to believe, the good bishop 
• were other ways of knowing knew better what his practices 
that count Gallas had as regu- were, than the means by which 
lar a council at Leicester house, they were discovered. I was 
of the queen's own subjects, as ordered to acquaint all the fo- 
she had at St. James's ; who reign ministers, that he had 
drew up all his memorials ; and done many things dishonour- 
had a press in his own house able to her majesty's person, 
for printing all the scandal that prejudicial to her government, 
was too dangerous to be pub- and tending to make a misun- 
lished any other way. He was derstauding between her and 
treated with more respect than the emperor. D. (Compare 
he had reason to expect. All Swift's Four last Years of the 
that prince Eugene said for him, Queen, p. 133 — 157.) 


brought from the court of Prussia, and advanced to 1711. 
be earl of Strafford, and sent ambassador to Hoi- 
land. It was not then known, how far our court 
carried the negotiations with France ; it was not 
certain, whether they only accepted of these preli- 
minaries, as a foundation for a treaty to be opened 
upon them, or if any private promise or treaty was 
signed : this last was very positively given out both 
in France and Spain. The very treating, without 
the concurrence of our allies, was certainly an open 
violation of our alliances, which had expressly pro- '. 
vided against any such negotiation ^. 

Many mercenary pens were set on work, to justify Many libeis 
our proceedings, and to defame our allies, more par- afne"* 
ticularly the Dutch : this was done with much art, 
but with no regard to truth ^, in a pamphlet entitled 
the Conduct of the Allies and of the late MiniS' 
try; to which very full answers were written, de- 
tecting the thread of falsehood that ran through that 
work K It was now said, England was so exhausted, 

^ Mr. Buys, the Dutch en- unreasonable terms; which he 

voy, was of a very different o- agreed, was but reason. D. 

pinion, who told the lords at ^ It was all true. S. ("Swift's 

the cockpit, that he thought, as " pamphlet upon the Conduct 

the queen and the States had " of the Allies was read by all 

borne the chief burden of the " ranks with the utmost avidity ; 

war, they had a right to adjust " and not only ])roduced con- 

the interests of the rest of the " viction, but excited a general 

allies ; who answered, in the " indignation against the late 

queen's name, that as she would " ministers and the allies. It 

not suffer any body to regulate " passed through seven edi- 

her pretensions, so she would " tions ; and eleven thousand 

not take upon her to determine " copies were sold in less than a 

those of her allies, unless they " month. Life of Swift, p. 91." 

desired it: in which case she SomerviUe's Hist, of Queen Anne, 

would do them the best offices chap. xix. p. 474.) 

she could ; but did not think, ^ Written by St. John and 

there was never to be an end of Swift. O. Certainly the bishop 

the war, if they insisted upon was thinking of some of his 

F 2 



1711. that it was impossible to carry on the war: and 
when king Charles was chosen emperor, it was also 
said, he would be too great and too dangerous to all 
his neighbours, if Spain were joined to the emperor 
and to the hereditary dominions ^ : it was also zea- 
lously, though most falsely, infused into the minds 
of the people, that our allies, most particularly the 
Dutch, had imposed on us, and failed us on many 
occasions. The Jacobites did with the greater joy 
entertain this prospect of peace, because the dauphin 
had, in a visit to St. Germains, congratulated that 
court upon it ; which made them conclude, that it 
was to have a happy effect with relation to the pre- 
tender's affairs ^. 

own performances, when he 
thought there was a thread of 
falsehood that ran through the 
work. The pamphlet he men- 
tions was a bare recital of mat- 
ter of fact, known to be true, 
or easily to be proved so, and 
was yet never answered -with 
truth,or ever can. The bishop had 
good reason to dislike it, be- 
cause it contained a full answer 
to most of his malicious insinu- 
ations and wilful misrepresent- 
ations. D. ("The fact seems 
" to have been this : although, 
" by the grand alliance between 
*♦ England, the empire, and Hol- 
*• land, the former was bound 
" to assist the other two with 
" its utmost force by sea and 
" land, yet, by a subsequent 
" convention, the proportion 
" which the several parties were 
" to contribute towards the 
" war, was adjusted in the fol- 
" lowing manner : the emperor 
" was obliged to furnish ninety 
" thousand men against France, 

" Holland to bring sixty thou- 
" sand into the field, and Eng- 
" land forty thousand. In the 
" progress of the war, the 
" quotas of the allies were di- 
" minished, and those of Eng- 
" land augmented ; and when 
" this was complained of, the 
*• former defended themselves 
" upon the general terms of 
" the first convention : and 
" though the existence of the 
" latter was notorious, and ac- 
" knowledged, yet it is remark- 
" able, when a search was made 
" for it by the tory ministry, no 
" copy of it could be found. 
" History ofthe Four last Years, 
" page 148." Somerville's Hist, 
of Queen Anne, chap. xix. p. 

s (Was not this justly ap- 
prehended ? See lord Dart- 
mouth's note below, at p. 583.) 

'• The queen hated and de- 
spised the pretender, to my 
knowledge. S. (Swift, like his 
friend the earl of Oxford, was 


Our court denied this ; and sent the earl of Rivers I7n. 

to Hanover, to assure the elector, that the queen Eari Riven 
would take especial care to have the succession tOnJ^JiJ'er 
the crown secured to his family by the treaty that ^"\»"<=- 

■' •' •' ceeded not. 

was to be opened. This made little impression on' 
that elector ; for he saw clearly, that if Spain and 
the West Indies were left to king Philip, the French 
would soon become the superior power to all the rest 
of Europe ; that France would keep Spain in sub- 
jection ; and by the wealth they would fetch from 
the Indies, they would give law to aU about them, 
and set what king they pleased on the throne of 
England'. Earl Rivers stayed a few days there, 
and brought an answer from the elector in writing : 
yet the elector apprehended, not without reason, 
that it might be stifled; therefore he ordered his 582 
minister to give a full memorial to the same purpose* 
of which our court took no notice : but the memorial 
was translated and printed here, to the gi-eat satis- 
faction of all those who were afraid of the ill designs 
that might be hid under the pretence of the treaty 
then proposed. 

The earl of Strafford pressed the States to com- The state* 

1 . I 1 5 1 . n • - are forced 

ply With the queen s desire of opening a treaty: they to open » 
answered very slowly, being desirous to see how the**^***^' 
parliament was inclined; but the parliament was 
prorogued from the 13th to the 29th of November, 
and from that to the 7th of December. It was also 
reported in Holland, that the earl of Strafford (see- 
ing the States slow in granting the passports, and 

firmly, at that time at least, at- works, see the 36th number of 

tached to the Hanover succes- the Examiner.) 
sion. Amongst numerous proofs ' (Did this prove to be the 

of this, to be found in his other case ?) 

F 3 


1/1 1- upon that apprehending these delays flowed fi*om 
' their expecting to see how the parliament of Eng- 

land approved of these steps) told them plainly, that 
till they agreed to a treaty, and granted the pass- 
ports, the session should not be opened: so they 
granted them, and left the time and place of treaty 
to the queen's determination. She named Utrecht 
as the place of congress, and the first of January 
O. S. for opening it ; and wrote a circular letter to 
all the allies, inviting them to send plenipotentiaries 
to that place. The emperor set himself vehemently 
to oppose the progress of this matter ; he sent prince 
Eugene to dissuade the States from agreeing to it, 
and offered a new scheme of the war, that should be 
easier to the alhes, and lie heavier on himself: but 
the passports were now sent to the court of France ; 
that court demanded passports likewise for the ple- 
nipotentiaries of king Philip, and of the electors of 
Bavaria and Cologn : this was offered by our court 
to the States; they refused it, but whether our mi- 
nisters then agreed to it, or not, I cannot tell. 
EudeaToure Bcforc the Opening the session, pains were taken 

Qscd l)v the 

court be- ou many persons to persuade them to agree to the 
openldThe measurcs the court were in : the duke of Marlbo- 
pariiament. rough, upou his comiug ovcr, spoke very plainly to 
the queen against the steps that were already made ; 
but he found her so possessed, that what he said 
made no impression ; so he desired to be excused 
from coming to council, since he must oppose every 
step that was made in that affair ^. Among others, 

^ Mr. Richard Hill told me, less engaged in party than any 

the duke of Marlborough knew of- her servants, therefore de- 

the queen had a very good opi- sired I would have the goodness 

nion of me, and thought I was to represent the inexpressible 


the queen spoke to myself; she said, she hoped bi- 1711, 
shops would not be against peace. I said, a good 
peace was what we prayed daily for, but the preli- 
minaries offered by France gave no hopes of such an 
one ; and the trusting to the king of France's faith, 
after all that had passed, would seem a strange 
thing. She said, we Avere not to regard the preli- 
minaries ; we should have a peace upon such a bot- 
tom, that we should not at all rely on the king / 
of France's word; but we ought to suspend our 583 
opinions, till she acquainted us with the whole mat- 
ter. I asked leave to speak my mind plainly; which 
she granted : I said, any treaty by which Spain and 
the West Indies were left to king Philip, must in a 
little while deliver up all Europe into the hands of 
France ; and, if any such peace should be made, she 
was betrayed, and we were all ruined ; in less than 
three years' time she would be murdered, and the 
fires would be again raised in Smithfield': I pursued 
this long, tiU I saw she grew uneasy; so I withdrew. 

affliction it was to him to be the duke of Marlborough, un- 
under her majesty's displeasure, less he forced her to do it ; but 
for whom he had the utmost could not think his professions 
gratitude and duty : that he did sincere, as long as he set him- 
not pretend to justify his own self at the head of a party, to 
behaviour in all particulars, oppose every thing that was to 
much less his wife's ; but as her service. Next day there was 
they were, and o\jght to be, her a report all over London, that 
creatures, desired she would dis- the queen had made proposals 
pose of them any way she to the duke, which he had re- 
thought most for her service; jected, though Mr. Hill pro- 
which should be entirely sub- fessed most solemnly to me, 
mitted to, though she should that he never spoke of any 
think proper to have them trans- thing that passed upon that oc- 
planted to the West Indies, casion to any body living but 
The queen ordered me to tell the duke himself. D. 
Mr. Hill, that she never de- ' A false prophet in every 
signed to shew any disfavour to particular. S. 

F 4 


1711. On the seventh of December she opened the par- 

The queen's liament: in her speech she said, notwithstanding 
thrtwo** the arts of those who delighted in war, the time and 
bouses. place were appointed for treating a general peace ; 
her allies, especially the States, had by their ready 
concurrence expressed an entire confidence in her; 
and she promised to do her utmost to procure rea- 
sonable satisfaction to them all: she demanded of 
the house of commons the necessary supplies for 
carrying on the war ; and hoped that none would 
envy her the glory of ending it by a just and ho- 
nourable peace; she in particular recommended 
unanimity, that our enemies might not think us a 
divided people, which might prevent that good 
peace, of which she had such reasonable hopes, and 
so near a view. 
ReBectioiM fhe spccch gavc occasion to many reflections: 
the arts of those who delighted in war seemed to 
be levelled at the duke of Marlborough and the 
preliminaries concerted at the Hague; her saying, 
that the allies reposed an entire confidence in her, 
amazed all those who knew, that neither the em- 
peror nor the empire had agreed to the congress, 
but were opposing it with great vehemence; and 
that even the States were far from being cordial or 
easy in the steps that they had made '". 
Earl of After the speech, a motion was made in the house 

Netting- «, , 

ham moved, of lords, to make an address of thanks to the queen 

that no 

peace could 

be safe, un- "" (" It is evident, that by " the emperor in this case, who 

less Spain " our allies here, the queen " had publicly declared against 

and the « ^eant the Dutch, who had " the treaty, which no man 

dies were " ^'^ten her a letter to this " in England was ignorant of." 

taken from " effect ; and no one could sup- Life and Reign of Queen Anne^ 

the house of <' pose that the queen meant p. 754.) 



for her speech ; upon this the earl of Nottingham " 
did very copiously set forth the necessity of having 


" He left the tones very soon 
after the change of the minis- 
try, and joined very earnestly 
with the whigs in their opposi- 
tion to the court-measures, for 
which he was most scurrilously 
treated by Swift. It was thought 
he hated Harley, who had suc- 
ceeded him as secretary of state, 
upon the plan of a more mode- 
rate tory administration, and of 
the new men being then more 
inclined to the measures of the 
duke of Marlborough and the 
treasurer. See antea, 381. 
Upon the late king's (George 
I.) accession, the earl of Not- 
tingham, in reward of his then 
merit with the whigs, was 
brought into the ministry as 
one of them. He was made 
lord president, and procured an 
earldom, and the chancellor- 
ship of the duchy of Lancaster, 
for his brother the lord Guern- 
sey ; and some others of his 
family had their share of favour, 
out of regard chiefly to him. 
But neither he nor they held 
their offices long. He and they 
were all removed upon his 
pressing in the house of lords 
and elsewhere, as it was said, 
with too much earnestness and 
passion, to have the lives of 
those lords spared who had 
been convicted in parliament 
for the rebellion (in 17 15.) 
After this he forbore any very 
active part in public affairs, and 
lived a good part of his time 
in the country, hospitably and 
friendly to all, and then wrote 
or finished his famous book 
upon the Trinity, which did so 

much recover him with the 
clergy, that addresses of thanks 
were made to him for it from 
bodies of them in almost every 
part of England. And this was 
the last of his church glories. 
He and his brother before men- 
tioned had, by the credit of 
their father, been in the busi- . 
ness of the world from their 
youth, and came early into con- 
siderable employments. They 
had parts, and knowledge, and 
eloquence, (as itwas called,) but 
different from those of every 
body else. Their peculiarities 
did often subject them to some 
ridicule, and became proverbial. 
They were however admired by 
many, and in reality despised 
by none, and may be reckon- 
ed among the considerable 
men of that age. They were 
regular and religious in their 
lives, and likewise in the course 
and fashion of their living. The 
younger brother was deemed 
the abler of the two, but the 
elder far the best conditioned. 
No man in his own time was 
ever more known, or more in 
men's discourse, than this earl of 
Nottingham. He was very long 
at the head of his party, and the 
idol of the churchmen : all his 
politics lay that way, and he 
laboured to make king William 
govern by them only. What- 
ever suspicion some hot men 
of the whigs had of him, he 
seems to have been always 
faithful to the revolution esta- 
blishment, after it was made. 
He was attentive to the duty 
of his offices, and never had any 



1711. corruption imputed to him. He 
. and his brother have continued 
and advanced a very ancient 
and noble family, and which is 
now, and deservedly, one of 
those who are of the first con- 
sideration and the best alliance. 
It was reported, that when the 
duke of Bucks foimd that some 
of the rebel lords, just now 
spoken of, were executed, he 
said, " I perceive the king is 
" resolved to reign here, and he 
" is now worth serving." He 
indeed would have served any 
king that would have employed 
him. A more profligate and 
worthless man never lived, with 
parts, knowledge, sense, and wif, 
and true eloquence, superior al- 
most to the greatest men of any 
age. And all this he preserved 
to the very last, and died upwards 
of fourscore. There are many 
stories of his vivacity and quick- 
ness. I must tell you one, and 
it was of what happened but a 
short time before his death. The 
younger Craggs, who seemed 
made to be above and to de- 
spise such a consideration, yet 
had the weakness to be ever 
uneasy and miserable at the 
thoughts of the mean extrac- 
tion of his father, who had been 
a common barber; though he 
had raised himself by the 
strength of his great natural 
talents, and connection with 
some great men, particularly 
the duke of Marlborough, (to 
whom he was as a first minis- 
ter,) to be very high in busi- 
ness and fortune : yet notwith- 
standing all that, his son was 
perpetually regretting his want 
of birth, and saying that no 
man could make a great figure 
in this country, unless be was 

born a gentleman; and this 
strange weakness of his, by his 
talking of it, which was still 
weaker, came to be known to 
all who knew him. He was 
one day in the house of lords, 
at a debate in which the duke 
of Bucks spoke with all his 
usual force and bitterness (in 
which he excelled) against the 
then ministry: after the debate 
was over, and the duke was 
going away, Craggs, who was 
then secretary of state, followed 
him, and in his familiar frank 
way said to the duke, to whom 
he was well known, and who 
very likely had heard at least of 
this foible in him, " Come, my 
" lord duke, notwithstanding 
" all your greatness to-day, and 
" your severity to us, your 
" grace, who has been so often 
" in administration, knows very 
" well, that let what will be 
" said, business must be car- 
" ried on, and the old proverb 
" is true, that • the pot must 
" boil.' " " Aye," says the duke, 
" it is an old and a true proverb, 
" and there is, as you know, 
" Mr. secretary, as old and as 
" true a proverb, ' that when 
" the pot boils, the scum is 
"uppermost.'" Imagine now, 
the condition of the secretary; 
he turned short away, said not 
a word more, and had all the 
torment of his own folly. This 
came from one who was present, 
and dined that day with Craggs, 
and saw him in all his disorder, 
which, he said, was very visi- 
ble. You see how I ramble, 
and so I will have done, lest I 
should tire you too much. I 
have given you some account 
of the father and son elsewhere. 


Spain and the West Indies oot of the hands of a 1711. 
prince of the house of Bourbon ; he moved, that, 
with their address of thanks, they should offer that 
as their advice to the queen ; he set forth the mi- 
sery that all Europe, but England most particu- 
larly, must be under, if the West Indies came into 
a French management ; and that king Philip's pos- 
sessing them was, upon the matter, the putting 
them into the hands of France ^ This was much 
opposed by the ministers ; they moved the refening 
that matter to another occasion, in which it might 
be fully debated ; but said, it was not fit to clog the 
address with it. Some officious courtiers said, that 
since peace and war belonged as prerogatives to the 
crown, it was not proper to offer any advice in those 584 
matters till it was asked : but this was rejected with 
indignation, since it was a constant practice in all 
sessions of parliament to offer advices ; no preroga- 
tive could be above advice ; this was the end speci- 
fied in the writ by which a parliament was sum- 
moned; nor was the motion for a delay received. 
The eyes of all Europe were upon the present ses- 
sion ; and this was a post night : so it was fit they 
should come to a present resolution in a matter of Agreed to 

1 • m . by the 

such importance p. The question was put, whether lords. 

" Whilst the earl of Not- any body that could fancy such 

tingham was thus copiously de- a scheme practicable. D. 
claiming, the king of Portugal, p There was nobody spoke 

the duke of Savoy, with most of with more candour and since- 

thcprincesofGermany, werere- rity in this whole debate, than 

presenting that the emperor's the earl of Wharton, who never 

having Spain and the West In- desired to pass for a fool, (which 

dies, was creating a more formi- he always left to the solemn 

dable power than that they had gravity of his betters, as he 

been struggling with so long : called them, and most heartily 

and the Dutch were laughing at hated,) therefore declared, that 


171 1« this advice should be part of the address; and the 
previous question being first put, it was cai'ried by 
one voice to put it ; and the main question was car- 
ried by three voices: so this point was gained, 
though by a small majority''. The same motion 
was made in the house of commons, but was re- 
jected by a great majority; yet in other respects 
their address was well couched : for they said, they 
hoped for a just, honourable, and lasting peace to 
her majesty and to all her allies. 

When the address of the lords was reported to 
the house by the committee appointed to prepare 
it, the court tried to get the whole matter to be 
contested over again, pretending that the debate 
was not now upon the matter debated the day be- 
fore, but only whether they should agree to the 
draught prepared by the committee : but that part of 
it which contained the advice, was conceived in the 
very words in which the vote had passed ; and it 
was a standing rule, that what was once voted 
could never again be brought into question during 
that session. This was so sacred a rule, that many 
of those who voted with the court the day before, 

he knew it was impossible and " livered this manly appeal pro- 
impracticable to take Spain and " duced a great sensation in 
the West Indies out of king " the house; and it was warm- 
Philip's hands, but it must be " ly seconded by Cowper, Ha- 
done : which, in plain English, " lifax, and bishop Burnet, and 
was, that we must do that " only feebly opposed by the 
which could not be done, or be " subordinate members of go- 
hanged ; to which this most " vernment. A motion for the 
apostolic bishop gave his cor- " previous question was lost by 
dial Amen. D. " the single casting vote of 
•J (Archdeacon Coxe, after " Nottingham, and the clause 
giving the duke of Marlbo- " itself carried by a majority of 
rough's impressive speech in "641052." Life of the Duke 
favour of the advice, says, "that of Marlborough, vol, iii. c. 106. 
*' the pathos with which he de- p. 472.) 


expressed their indignation against it, as subverting 1711. 
the very constitution of parliaments, if things miglit 
"be thus voted and unvoted again from day to day : 
yet even upon this a division was called for, but the 
majority appearing so evidently against the motion, 
it was yielded without counting the house. 

When the address was presented to the queen, Ti.e queen's 

, - - iiii'i answer. 

her answer was, she was sorry that any should thmk 
she would not do her utmost to hinder Spain and 
the West Indies from remaining in the hands of a 
prince of the house of Bourbon : and the lords re- 
turned her thanks for this gracious answer; for 
they understood, by the doing her utmost was meant 
the continuing the war. The court was much trou- 
bled to see the house of lords so backward; and 
both sides studied to fortify themselves, by bringing 
up their friends, or by getting their proxies. 

The next motion was made by the earl of Not- a bin a- 

. .... gainst oc- 

tmgham, for leave to bring in a bill against occa- casionai 
sional conformity: he told those with whom }ie*=<'°*>™"*y- 
now joined, that he was but one man come over to 585 
them, unless he could carry a bill to that effect; 
but, if they would give way to that, he hoped he 
should be able to bring many to concur with them in 
other things'. They yielded this the more easily, 
because they knew that the court had offered to 
the high men in the house of commons, to cany 
any bill that they should desire in that matter : the 
earl of Nottingham promised to draw it with all 
possible temper. It was thus prepared; that all 
persons in places of profit and trust, and all the 
common-council-men in corporations, who should be 
at any meeting for divine worship (where there were 
■^ But it did not prove so. O. 


171 !• above ten persons more than the family) in which 
the Common Prayer was not used, or where the 
queen and the princess Sophia were not prayed for, 
should, upon conviction, forfeit their place of ti'Ust 
and profit, the witnesses making oath within ten 
days, and the prosecution being within three months 
after the offence ; and such persons were to continue 
incapable of any employment till they should depose, 
that for a whole year together they had been at no 
conventicle. The bill did also enact, that the tole- 
ration should remain inviolable in all time to come ; 
and that if any person '^ should be brought into trou- 
• ble for not having observed the rules that were 
prescribed by the act that first granted the tolera- 
tion, all such prosecution should cease, upon their 
taking the oath prescribed by that act : and a 
teacher, licensed in any one county, was by the bill 
qualified to serve in any licensed meeting in any 
part of England * ; and by another clause, all who 
were concerned in the practice of the law in Scot- 
land, were required to take the abjuration in the 
month of June next. 
p«Med No opposition was made to this in the house of 

without op- . . 1.111 

position, lords *, SO it passcd m three days ; and it had the 
same fate in the house of commons ; only they added 
a penalty on the offender of forty pounds ", which 

* Except their teachers. This it at this time, because he loved 
still remains, and is, in effect, faction better than he did the 
a stop to any prosecution of dissenters. Lord Nottingham 
their laity for not conforming fancied he could work wonders 
to the conditions of the tolera- with it, and make the world 
tion. For who will begin a believe that he governed the 
prosecution that may be thus whigs, who only laughed at 
defeated .? O. himj but hoped he might be of 

* This provision remains also, some use to annoy the enemy. 
O. Lord Halifax told me, he 

" The bishop did not oppose thought they paid too dear for 


was to be given to the informer ; and so it was of- 1711. 

fered to the royal assent, with the bill for four shil- 

Ungs in the pound. Great reflections were made on 

the fate of this bill, which had been formerly so 

much contested, and was so often rejected by the 

lords, and now went through both houses in so si- - 

lent a manner without the least opposition : some of 

the dissenters complained much, that they were 

thus forsaken by their friends, to whom they had 

trusted; and the court had agents among them to 

inflame their resentments, since they were sacrificed 

by those on whom they depended ^. All the excuse 

that the whigs made for their easiness in this matter, 

was, that they gave way to it, to try how far the 

yielding it might go toward quieting the fears of 

those who seemed to think the church was still in 

danger, till that act passed ; and thereby to en- 586 

gage these to concur with them in those important 

matters that might come before them. It must be 

left to time, to shew what good effect this act may 

have on the church, or what bad ones it may have 

on dissenters ^. 

him, by disobliging many of ous history of John Bull, Jack 

their real friends, to please a the presbyterian is introduced, 

man that joined them in spite, persuaded by his friends to 

and would be sure to leave hang himself, in expectation 

them whenever he found it for that sir Roger, the name there 

his advantage. The court were given to the earl of Oxford, 

glad to be rid of a bill they would interpose and cut him 

knew would signify nothing down ; sir Roger is described 

when passed ; though often as passing by without taking 

trumped up, to make divi- notice, and letting Jack hang 

sions and uneasiness. Lord ori, notwithstanding his winks 

Nottingham had the mortifica- and contortions of counte- 

tion afterwards to see his bill nance.) 

repealed with some scorn, and * It has been repealed, ex- 

himself not much better treat- cept the two clauses in it be- 

ed. D. forementioned. O. 
^' (In Arbuthnot's humour- 


1711. The next point that occasioned a great debate in 
Duije hj. the house of lords, which was espoused by the court 
tentT«-^* with great zeal, was a patent, creating duke Hamil- 
miaed. ton a dukc in England y. Lawyers were heard for 
the patent ^ : the queen's prerogative in conferring 
honours was clear ; all the subjects of the united 
kingdom had likewise a capacity of receiving ho- 
nour ; the commons of Scotland had it unquestion- 
ably ; and it seemed a strange assertion, that the 
peers of that nation should be the only persons in- 
capable of receiving honour : by the act of union 
the peers of Scotland were, hy virtue of that treaty, 
to have a representation of sixteen for their whole 
body ; these words, hy virtue of that treaty , seemed 
to intimate, that by creation or succession they might 
be made capable. And in the debate that followed 
in the house, the Scotch lords, who had been of the 

y By the title of Brandon. O. it said to be a maxim with the 
^ Sir Thomas Powys, and ancient peers, and a very wise 
sergeant (afterwards chief jus- one, that quiet possession of 
tice) Pratt, were the counsel. I their seats in parliament stops 
heard them. Powys's was deem- all future question of right, 
ed a great performance. He except the claim be between 
exerted all his strength, and different persons to the same 
left very little for Pratt to say, honours. This was applicable 
although one of the most able to the duke of Queensbury the 
advocates of that time. His father, and if his right was es- 
son (now attorney general) ful- tablished by it, the rule must 
ly succeeds him in his parts, go to the admission of the pre- 
spirit, learning, and eloquence, sent duke, and to duke Hamil- 
{He was afterwards lord clian- ton. A precarious seat in either 
cellor, and earl Camden.) I house of parliament is a dan- 
was then a very young man, in gerous awe upon the members 
all the warmth of party on the concerned, and therefore all 
whig side, yet I was much controverted returns to parlia- 
scandalized, I remember, at this ment ought to be determined 
behaviour of those I wished as soon as possible, as anciently 
best to, as it was a matter of they were in the house of corn- 
right, and so understood at the mons. O. 
union. See 587. I have heard 


treaty, afRrmed that these words were put in on 1711. 
that design : and upon this, they appealed to the 
English lords : this was denied by none of them. 
It was also urged, that the house of lords had al- 
ready judged the matter, when they not only re- 
ceived the duke of Queensbury, upon his being 
created duke of Dover ; but had so far affirmed his 
being a peer of Great Britain, that, upon that ac- 
count, they had denied him the right of voting in 
the election of the sixteen peers of Scotland. But 
in opposition to all this, it was said, that the prero- 
gative could not operate when it was barred by an 
act of parliament ; the act of union had made all 
the peers of Scotland peers of Great Britain, as to 
all intents, except the voting in the house of lords, 
or sitting in judgment on a peer ; and as to their 
voting, that was vested in their representatives by 
whom they voted : the queen might give them what 
titles she pleased; but this incapacity of voting, 
otherwise than by these sixteen, being settled by 
law, the prerogative was by that limited as to them : 
they had indeed admitted the duke of Queensbury 
to sit among them, as duke of Dover ; but that 
"matter was never brought into debate ; so it was 
only passed over in silence : and he was mentioned 
in their books, upon the occasion of his voting in 
the choice of the sixteen peers of Scotland, in terms 
that were far from determining this; for it was 
there said, that he, claiming to be duke of Dover% 
could not vote as a Scotch peer. The Scotch lords 

" Very poor : did they not that word in the matter, it was 

allow and acknowledge his like the observation of a little 

claim by rejecting his Scotch lawyer, unbecoming a great ju- 

vote ? if there was nothing but dicature. O. 

voi,. VI. a 


1711. insisted in arguing for the patent, with great vehe- 

Koj mence, not without intimations of the dismal effects 
that might follow, if it should go in the negative. 
The court put their wliole strength to support the 
patent ; this heightened the zeal of those who opposed 
it : for they apprehended, that, considering the dig- 
nity and the antiquity of the Scotch peers, and the 
poverty of the greater part of them, the court would 
always have recourse to this, as a sure expedient to 
have a constant majority in the house of lords ^ 
There was no limitation indeed on the prerogative, 
as to the creation of new peers, yet these were ge- 
nerally men of estates, who could not be kept in a 
constant dependence, as some of the Scotch lords 
might be, 
Jiuiged The queen heard all the debate, which lasted 

hi,,,. some hours ; in conclusion, when it came to the final 

vote, fifty-two voted for the patent, and fifty-seven 
against it. The queen and the ministers seemed to 
be much concerned at this, and the Scotch were en- 
raged at it '^ : they met together, and signed a re- 

^ The times made these fears, turned out ; for they could 

and I dare say, made the deter- never believe her majesty was 

mination too. But prudence in earnest, whilst a, man that 

is not to take place of justice : had her seals in his pocket 

an abuse of power must have voted against them, and re- 

another correction ; and there ceived no mark of her displea- 

are resorts for it. O. sure. The queen said, she had 

*^ That the Scotch were en- done all she could to persuade 
raged, is true : but that all the me to comply : but I under- 
court voted for it, is not so ; stood it to be against law, and 
for lord Berkely of Stratton and she believed 1 acted sincerely, 
myself voted against it ; which with affection to her service, 
the bishop knew, and the up- and zeal for my country ; there- 
roar it raised amongst his coun- fore had deceived nobody ; and 
trymen. Duke Hamilton went had refused to sign the warrant 
in great wrath to the queen, for the patent at first, which 
and insisted, in the name of the she was sure I would not have 
whole nation, that I should be done, if I had not thought it 


my duty : but if nothing else 
would satisfy them, she was 
sorry for it ; but did not think 
it for her own service to com- 
ply with them in that particu- 
lar : for she believed it would 
give great offence to the Eng- 
lish lords, and do the Scotch 
more harm than good. Then 
duke Hamilton proposed, that 
an act of parliament might be 
brought in to confirm his and 
the duke of Queensbury's pa- 
tents ; to which the queen gave 
him no answer. Next day the 
duke of Alhol came to my house 
to disavow in his own, and the 
name of the rest of the Scotch 
lords, all that duke Hamilton 
had said in relation to myself; 
and to desire that I would ac- 
quaint the queen, that they did 
unanimously protest against the 
act they understood he had pro- 
posed ; and that they would 
bring things to the utmost ex- 
tremities, rather than such a 
bill should pass. 1 told him, I 
should be sure to let the queen 
know what he said ; but I did 
believe there was no occasion 
to be alarmed at duke Hamil- 
ton's bill, for I knew she 
thought it as unreasonable as 
they could do. D. This was 
certainly an after- thought, and 
never meant at the time of the 
union, of which the case of the 
duke of Queensbury is a demon- 
stration. It is a law refine- 
ment, and was chiefly support- 
ed by the lord Nottingham and 
his brother the lord Guernsey. 
But the part the whig lords 
(especially those who had been 
concerned in the union) took 
in it, was very unworthy of 
them, and, as it was said, against 
promises made by the then ad- 

ministration to others of the 1711, 
Scotch lords besides the duke— — 
of Queensbury, that they should, 
at proper times, have the like 
patents after the union ; and 
this done to quiet those of 
the Scotch who desired to have 
them before the union took 
])Iace, as the duke of Argyle 
luckily had to be earl of Green- 
wich. If more of the Scotch 
lords had English seats in par- 
liament, it might not be the 
worse for the English interest 
in Scotland, which the present 
state of the peerage of Scotland 
is not very favourable to, nor to 
the forwarding of the union es- 
tablishment. In consequence 
of this determination, the pre- 
sent duke of Queensbury is ex- 
cluded, and so must his father 
have been, although he had sat 
several years in the house of 
lords as duke of Dover. This 
has been in some ineasure made 
up to the Scotch nobility, by 
creating the eldest sons, if com- 
moners, peers, as of England. 
The eldest sons of the dukes 
of Montrose and Roxburgh were 
so. The present duke of 
Queensbury's case would have 
been the same, because his ti- 
tle to that of Dover was by spe- 
cial limitation in the patent, he 
having at that time an elder 
brother ; but, unfortunately for 
him, he was at that time too a 
peer of Scotland, made so when 
a child, by creation then before 
the union, and by that came 
within the objection made to 
duke Hamilton. No one how- 
ever under these two claims, 
has ever been chosen to be of 
the sixteen. It is a hard case 
upon both. O. (It has since 
been redressed.) 
G 2 


1711- presentation to the queen, complaining of it as a 
breach of the union, and a mai'k of disgrace put on 
the whole peers of Scotland, adding solemn pro- 
mises of maintaining her prerogative, either in an 
united or separated state. This made the ministers 
resolve on another method to let the peers, and in- 
deed the whole world see, that they would have 
that house kept in a constant dependence on the 
court, by creating such a number of peers at once, 
as should give them an unquestionable majority. 
On the twenty-second of December the bill for four 
shillings in the pound was ready for the royal as- 
sent ; yet the house of commons adjourned to the 
fourteenth of January, which was a long recess in 
so critical a time. 
The lords A motion was made in the house of lords, by the 

address that ... 

our allies dukc of Devonshirc, for leave to bring in a bill, to 
wrried ^ give the prince electoral of Hanover, as duke of 
usT/tiTe^'' Cambridge, the precedence of all peers ; this was 
*"^^- granted, and so was like to meet with no opposition. 
The earl of Nottingham moved next, that before 
their recess they should make an address to the 
queen, desiring her to order her plenipotentiaries to 
concert with the ministers of the allies, the grounds 
upon which they were to proceed in their treaties, 
and to agree on a mutual guarantee to secure them 
to us, as well as to all Europe, and in particular to 
secure the protestant succession to England. All 
the opposition that the court made to this was to 
shew it was needless, for it was already ordered : 
and the lord treasurer said, the lords might, in order 
to their satisfaction, send to examine their instruc- 
tions. To this it was answered, that the offering 
such an address would fortify the plenipotentiaries 


in executing their instructions. The court moved 1711. 
that these words might be put in the addi*ess, iftheTZZ 
queen had not ordered it ; so, this being agreed to, 
the thing passed ; and the lords adjourned to the se- 
cond of January. 

But a new scene was ready to be opened in the Discoveries 

■, r> .1 . . ., .of bribery 

house 01 commons: the commissioners lor examin- pretended, 
ing the public accounts made some discoveries, upon 
which they intended to proceed at their next meet- 
ing. Walpole, who had been secretary of war, and 
who had appeared with great firmness in the de- 
fence of the late ministry, was first aimed at : a bill 
had been remitted to him of 500/. by those who had 
contracted to forage the troops that lay in Scot- 
land'^; this made way to a matter of more import- 
ance : a Jew, concerned in the contract for furnish- 
ing bread to the army in Flanders, made a present 
yearly to the duke of Marlborough of between 5000/. 
and 6000/. The general of the States had the like 
present, as a perquisite to support his dignity, and 
to enable him to procure intelligence : the queen or- 
dered 10,000/. a year more to the duke of Marlbo- 
rough, for the same service : the late king had also 
agreed, that two and a half per cent, should be de- 
ducted out of the pay of the foreign troops, which 
amounted to 15,000/.; this the queen had, by a war- 
rant, appointed the duke of Marlborough to receive, 
on the same account. 

He heard liis enemies had discovered the present The dnke 

made him by the Jew, while he was beyond sea : so ",,1 gh aim- 
ed at. 

•' Walpole endorsed the bill, the practice, though common, 

and appears to have made the is not a commendable one. H. 

bargain. The money is said to (See afterwards, p. 591.) 
have been for Mr. Mann, and 



1711. he wrote to them, and owned the whole matter to 
be true ; and added, that he had applied these sums 
to the procuring good intelligence, to which, next to 
the blessing of God, and the bravery of the troops, 
their constant successes were chiefly owing. This 
did not satisfy the commissioners : but, though no 
complaints were brought from the army, of their 
not being constantly supplied with good bread, yet 
they saw here was matter to raise a clamour, which 
they chiefly aimed at ; so this was reported to the 
house of commons, before their recess. 
He is turn- A few days after this, the queen wrote him a let- 
bis employ, tcr, Complaining of tlie ill treatment she received 
•nents. fpom him, and discharged him of all his employ- 
ments. This was thought very extraordinary, after 
such long and eminent services; such accidents, when 
they happen, shew the instability of all human 
things: this was indeed so little expected, that those 
who looked for precedents, could find none since the 
disgrace of Belisarius in Justinian's time : the only 
thing pretended to excuse it was, his being consi- 
dered as the head of those who opposed the peace, 
on which the court seemed to set their hearts. 
Twelve new But they, finding the majority of the house of 

peera made. . 

lords could not be brought to favour their designs, 
589 resolved ^^ make an experiment, that none of our 
princes had ventured on in former times : a resolu- 
tion was taken up very suddenly, of making twelve 
peers all at once; three of these were called up by 
writ, being eldest sons of peers ; and nine more were 
created by patent. Sir Miles Wharton, to whom it 
was offered, refused it: he thought it looked like 
the serving a turn ; and that, whereas peers were 
wont to be made for services they had done, he 


would be made for services to be done by him : so 1711. 
he excused himself, and the favourite's husband, 
Mr. Massam, was put in his room. And whereas 
formerly Jefferies had the vanity to be made a peer, 
while he was chief justice, which had not been 
practised for some ages, yet the precedent set 
by him was followed, and Trevor, chief justice of 
the common pleas, was now advanced to be a peer. 
This was looked upon as an undoul)ted part of the 
prerogative ; so there was no ground in law to op- 
pose the receiving the new lords into the house : 
nor was it possible to raise, in the ancient peers, a 
sense of the indignity that was now put upon their 
house; since the court did by this openly declare, 
that they were to be kept in absolute submission and 
obedience ^, 

When the second of January came, they were all 1712. 

^ I was never so much sur- herself. I told her, I wished 
prised, as when the queen drew it proved a remedy to what she 
a list of twelve lords out of her so justly complained of, but 1 
pocket, and ordered me to bring thought it my duty to tell her 
warrants for them ; there not my apprehensions, as well as 
having been the least intimation execute her commands. She 
before it was to be put in execu- thanked me, and said, she liked 
tion. I asked her, if she designed it as little as I did, but did not 
to have them all made at once. find that any body could pro- 
She asked me, if I had any ex- pose a better expedient. 1 asked 
ceptions to the legality of it. lord Oxford afterwards, what 
I said. No ; but doubted very was the real inducement for 
much of the expediency, for I taking so odious a course, when 
feared it would have a very ill there were less shocking means 
effect in the house of lords, to have acquired the same end. 
and no good one in the king- He said, the Scotch lords were 
dom. She said, she had made grown so extravagant in iheir 
fewer lords than any of her pre- demands, that it was high time 
decessors, and I saw the duke to let them see they were 
of Marlborough and the wliigs not so much wanted as they 
were resolved to distress her as imagined ; for they were now 
much as they could, and she come to expect a reward for 
must do what she could to help every vote they gave. D. 

G 4 


1/12. introduced into the house of lords, without any op- 
The queen's positiou ^ i and when that was ov^er, the lord keeper 
J*^**,^j.'Jj, delivered a message from the queen, commanding 
adjourn, them to adjoum forthwith to the fourteenth ; for by 

disputed, «' -^ 

but obeyed, that time, her majesty would lay matters of great 
importance before the two houses. Upon this a 
great debate arose. It was said, that the queen 
could not send a message to any one house to ad- 
joum, when the like message was not sent to both 
houses : the pleasure of the prince, in convening, 
dissolving, proroguing, or ordering the adjournment 
of parliaments, was always directed to both houses ; 
but never to any one house, without tlie same inti- 
mation was made at the same time to the other?. 
The consequence of this, if allowed, might be the 
ordering one house to adjoum, while the other was 
left to sit still ; and this might end in a total dis- 
jointing of the constitution : the vote was can*ied for 
adjourning, by the weight of the twelve new peers. 
It is true, the odds in the books is thirteen ; but 
that was, because one of the peers, who had a proxy, 
without reflecting on it, went away when the proxies 
were called for. 

f (Lord Wharton asked one belonging to the tory party, 

of these twelve peers, whether Granville, Guernsey, Gower, 

they voted by their foreman, and Conway, with only one 

As to the measure itself, it ad- whig peer, lord Hervey of Suf- 

mits not indeed of justi6cation; folk.) 

yet as the queen was resolved 8 Modern nonsense. S. The 
to free herself from the tyranny pretence for it might be, that 
of the whigs, the change intro- the commons had adjourned 
duced into the constitution fore- themselves to the 1 4th, and I 
ed her to adopt it •, and it is ob- suppose it was upon that prin- 
servable, that at another time ciple they went, in sending this 
also, and early in this reign, message to the house of lords 
when the parties in the house only, whatever might be the 
of lords were near equally ba- private reason for having an ad- 
lanced, four lords were created journnient of the lords. O. 


At this time, prince Eugene was sent by the em- 1712. 

peror to England, to try if it was possible to engage Prime eu- 
our court to go on with the war; offering a new ^^"^^^^^'5'"^^ 
scheme, by which he took a much larger share of it 
on himself than the late emperor would bear. That 590 
prince's character was so justly high, that all people 
for some weeks pressed about the places where he 
was to be seen, to look on him ; I had the honour to 
be admitted, at several times, to much discourse 
with him : his character is so universally known, 
that I will say nothing of him, but from what ap- 
peared to myself. He has a most unaffected mo- 
desty, and does scarcely bear the acknowledgments 
that all the world pay him : he descends to an easy 
equality with those with whom he converses ; and 
seems to assume nothing to himself, while he rea- 
sons with others : he was treated with great respect 
by both parties ; but he put a distinguished respect 
on the duke of Marlborough, with whom he passed 
most of his time. The queen used him civilly, but 
not with the distinction that was due to his high 
merit : nor did he gain much ground with the mi- 
nisters ^. 

When the fourteenth of January came, the houses a message 
were ordered to adjourn to the eighteenth, and then hou^^s! 
a message was sent to both houses : the queen told 
them, the congress was opened, and that she would 
set a day for ending it, as well as she had done for 
opening it. She had ordered her plenipotentiaries 

^ See a strange account of 9. p. 521 — 542. But see Se- 
this journey of prince Eugene, merville's Hist, of Queen Anne, 
in Swift's History (of the Four chap. 19. p. 478 — 480; and 
last Years of Queen Anne.) O. Coxe's Life of the Duke of 
(Compare Mucpherson's Hist. Marlborough, vol. iii. chap. 107. 
of Great Britain, vol. ii. chap. p. 491 — 495.) 


1712. to agree with the ministers of her allies, according 
to all her treaties with them ; to obtain reasonable 
satisfaction to their demands, in particular concern- 
ing Spain and the West Indies ; by which the false 
reports of ill-designing men, who, for evil ends, had 
reported that a separate peace was treated, would 
appear, for there was never the least colour given 
for this '. She also promised, that the articles of 
the treaty should be laid before the houses, before 
any thing should be concluded. Upon this, the 
house of lords agreed to an address, thanking her 
majesty for communicating this to them, and for the 
promises she had made them, repeating the words 
in which they were made : it was moved to add the 
words, conform to her alliance; but it was said, the 
queen assured them of that, so the repeating these 
words seemed to intimate a distrust ; and that was 
not carried. But, because there seemed to be an 
ambiguity in the mention made of Spain and the 
West Indies, the house expressed in what sense they 
understood them, by adding these words; which 
were of the greatest importance to the safety and 
commerce of these nations. The commons made an 

' The queen and her minis- burden upon them, and com- 

ters had good refison to know plained that they had been drawn 

how far offers from the court of into a greater expense than they 

Vienna were to be depended knew liow to support. But this 

upon, by their first engage- factious churchman has been 

ments in the Portugal treaty ; free enough in declaring, how 

whereby the emperor was to little reliance was to be had 

have furnished a third part of ujwn Austrian performances, 

the charge : which fell entirely when those he dignifies with 

upon England, upon a pretence the name of patriots have the 

that they were not able to make managen)ent of affairs. D. (See 

it good ; and the Dutch refused the bishop also afterwards, p. 

to take any more. share of the 613.) 


address to the same purpose, in which they only 1712. 

named Spain and the West Indies. 

The lord treasurer prevented the duke of Devon- a bin giv- 
shire, who had prepared a bill for giving precedence deuce to 
to the duke of Cambridge ; for he offered a bill, giv- of Hauover. 
ing precedence to the whole electoral family, as the 
children and nephews of the crown; and it was in- 591 
timated, that bills relating to honours and prece- 
dence ought to come from the crown : the duke of 
Devonshire would make no dispute on this head ; if 
the thing passed, he acquiesced in the manner of 
passing it, only he thought it lay within the autho- 
rity of the house. On this occasion the court 
seemed, even to an affectation, to shew a particular 
zeal in promoting this bill : for it passed through 
both houses in two days, it being read thrice in a 
day, in them both. For all this haste, the court did 
not seem to design any such bill, till it was proposed 
by others, out of whose hands they thought fit to 
take it. There were two other articles in the 
queen's message ; by the one, she desired their advice 
and assistance, to quiet the uneasiness that the peers 
of Scotland were under by the judgment lately 
given : by the other, she complained of the licence of 
the press, and desired some restraint might be put 
upon it. The lords entered upon the consideration 
of that part of the queen's message, that related to Debates 

1 /»oii n«i 1 It concerning 

the peers 01 Scotland ; and it took up almost a whole the scotch 
week. The court proposed, that an expedient might ^*'"^' 
be found, that the peers of Scotland should not sit 
among them by election, but by descent, in case the 
rest of the peers of that nation should consent to it "^ : 

^ This gave rise, perhaps, to the like provision for Scotch 


1712. a debate followed, concerning the articles of the 

case and 

union, which of them were fundamental, and not 
alterable ; it was said that, by the union, no private 
right could be taken away but by the consent of the 
persons concerned ; therefore no alteration could be 
made in the right of the peers of Scotland, unless 
they consented to it. It was afterwards debated, 
whether an alteration might be made with this con- 
dition, in case they should consent to it ; or whether 
the first rise to any such alteration ought not to be 
given by a previous desire. This was not so subject 
to an ill management ; the court studied to have a 
subsequent consent received as sufficient ; but a pre- 
vious desire was insisted on, as visibly fairer and 
waipok's '^^ house of commons, after the recess, entered 
on the observations of the commissioners for taking 
the public accounts ; and began with Walpole, whom 
they resolved to put out of the way of disturbing 
them in the house '. The thing laid to his charge 
stood thus : after he, as secretary of war, had con- 
tracted with some for forage to the horse that lay in 
Scotland, he, finding that the two persons who con- 
tracted for it made some gain by it, named a friend of 
his own as a third person, that he might have a share 

peers in the famous peerage he asserts, he endeavoured to 

bill, that was so much agitated excuse, but had nothing to say 

in the next reign. O. - about the second. It is proba- 

• He began early, and has ble that archdeacon Coxe has 

been thriving twenty-seven satisfactorily defended sir Ro- 

years to January 1739. S. bert Walpole in these points. 

(In his Four last Years of the His Memoirs of him are unfor- 

Queen, p. 149, he speaks of two tunately not now at hand to be 

contracts being objected to consulted ; but see the note at 

Walpole, the first of which, as the next page.) 


in the gain "' ; but the other two had no mind to let 1712. 
him in, to know the secret of their management ; so 
they offered him 500/. for his share ; he accepted of 
it, and the money was remitted. But they, not 
knowing his address, directed their bill to Walpole, 592 
who endorsed it, and the person concerned received 
the money ; this was found out, and AValpole was 
charged with it as a bribe, that he had taken for his 
own use for making the contract. Both the persons 
that remitted the money, and he who received it 
were examined, and affirmed that Walpole was nei- 
ther directly nor indirectly concerned in the matter ; 
but the house insisted upon his having endorsed the 
bill, and not only voted this a corruption, but sent him 
to the tower, and expelled him the house ". 

"" But these are a sort of bar- 
gainings very bad with regard 
to the public, and disgraceful to 
government. O. 

" " (He had received 500 
" guineas, and a note for 500 
" pounds on account of two 
" contracts for forage to her 
" majesty's troops in North Bri- 
" tain. It appears, from Mr. 
" Mann's evidence in the house 
" of commons, 1 7th of January, 
" and Mr. Walpole's vindication 
" of himself, that the latter de- 
*' rived no advantage from 
" these sums ; that he had re- 
" ceived them on Mr. Mann's 
" account, having before sti- 
" pulated with the contractors, 
" that he was to be a sharer in 
" this undertaking at equal 
" profit or loss, as should happen 
" in performing the contract. 
** He was returned ai^ain niem- 
" ber for the borough of King's 
" Lynn, but the commons 
" found him incapable of be- 

" ing elected to serve in the 
" present parliament. They 
" also resolved, that Samuel 
" Taylor, who had the minority 
" of votes, was not duly elected, 
" and that therefore the election 
" was void. Journals of the 
" Commons, 6th of March, 1712. 
" In tiie dispute relative to the 
" Middlesex election in the year 
" 1769, the ministerial party 
" referred to the case of Mr. 
" Walpole as a precedent for 
" the repeated expulsion of Mr. 
" Wilkes ; but the opposition 
" appealed to the same precedent 
" for refusing to sustain the 
" election of colonel Lutterell, 
" who had the smallest number 
" of votes. See this point 
" stated. Letters of Junius, p. 
" 5 20." Somerville's History of 
Queen Anne, chap. xix. p. 461. 
The decision of the house in fa- 
vour of Lutterell was rescinded 
in 1781.) 


1712. The next attack was on the duke of Marlborough : 
^j,^ pp„ the money received from the Jew was said to be a 
sure put on fraud ; and that deducted out of the pay of the fo- 

the duke of . 

Maribo- reign troops, was said to be public money, and to be 

rough. , 

accounted for: the debate held long: it appeared 
that, during the former war, king William had 
50,000/. a year for contingencies; it was often 
reckoned to have cost much more. The contin- 
gency was that service which could be brought to 
no certain head, and was chiefly for procuring intel- 
ligence ; the duke of Marlborough had only 10,000/. 
for the contingencies ; that and all the other items 
joined together, amounted but to 30,000/. a sum 
much inferior to what had been formerly given ; and 
yet, with this moderate expense, he had procured so 
good intelligence, that he was never surprised, and 
no party he sent out was ever intercepted or cut off. 
By means of this intelligencCj all his designs were so 
well concerted, that he succeeded in every one of 
them, and by many instances the exactness of his 
intelligence was fully demonstrated. It was proved, 
both by witnesses and by formal attestations from 
Holland, that ever since the year 1672, the Jews 
had made the like present to the general of the States, 
army ; and it was understood as a perquisite belong- 
ing to that command : no bargain was made with 
the Jews for the English troops, that made by the 
States being applied to them ; so that it appeared, 
that the making such a present to the general was 
customary; but that was denied: and they voted 
the taking that present to be illegal ; and though he 
had the queen's warrant to receive the sixpence in 
the pound, or two and a half per cent, deducted from 
the pay of the foreign troops, yet that was voted to 


be unwarrantable, and that it ought to be accounted 1712. 
for. The court espoused this with such zeal, and 
paid so well for it, that it was carried by a great 
majority: upon this, many virulent writers (whe- "^^"py ''*'.^'* 

o J L ■> J \ against him. 

thcr set on to it, or officiously studying to merit by 
it, did not appear) threw out, in many defamatory 
libels, a great deal of their malice against the duke 
of Marlborough : they compared him to Catiline, to 
Crassus, and to Anthony ; and studied to represent 
him as a robber of the nation, and as a public enemy. 593 
This gave an indignation to all who had a sense of 
gratitude, or a regard to justice; in one of these 
scurrilous papers, wrote on design to raise the rabble 
against him, one of the periods began thus, He was 
perhaps once fortunate, I took occasion to let 
prince Eugene see the spite of these writers, and 
mentioned this passage ; upon which he made this 
pleasant reflection. That it was the greatest com- 
mendation could be given him, since he was always 
successful ; so this implied, that in one single iur- 
stance he might be fortunate, but that all his other 
successes were owing to his conduct ". I upon that 
said, that single instance must be then his escap- 
ing out of the hands of the party that took him, 
when he was sailing down the Maese in the boat. 

" (The high estimation, in " friend. We sincerely loved 
which prince Eugene really " and esteemed each other. He 
held the duke of Marlborough, " was indeed a great statesman 
may be seen by the manner in " and general." Memoirs of 
which he speaks of him in his Prince Eugene of Savoy, writ- 
own Memoirs. *' The elector ten by himself, p. Si. an. 1704. 
" of Bavaria," he says, " was fu- ed. 1 8 1 1 . That the esteem was 
'I rious at the pillage which I reciprocal, appears by the testi- 
" had suffered Marlborough to mony of the duchess of Marl- 
" commit; (see above, p. 383 borough, contained in a letter 
" of Burnet's Hist.) and who in addressed by her to prince Eu- 
" consequence became my firm gene after the duke's death.) 


1712. But their ill-will rested not in defamation; the 
queen was prevailed on to send an order to the at- 
torney-general, to prosecute him for the 15,000/- 
that was deducted yearly out of the pay of the fo- 
reign troops, which he had received by her own 
warrant : but what this will end in, must be left to 
time P. 

The duke of Ormond was now declared general, 
and had the first regiment of guards ; and the earl 
of Rivers was made master of the ordnance in his 
His inno- Sccrct inquiries were made, in order to the laying 
peared en- morc load ou thc dukc of Marlborough, and to see 
'"^^' whether posts in the army or in the guards were 
sold by him ; but nothing could be found : he had 
suffered a practice to go on that had been begun in 
the late king's time, of letting officers sell their com- 
missions ; but he had never taken any part of the 
price to himself: few thought that he had been so 
clear in that matter ; for it was the only thing in 
which now his enemies were confident that some 
discoveries would have been made to his prejudice ; 
so that the endeavours used to search into those 
matters producing nothing, raised the reputation of 
his incorrupt administration, more than all his well- 
wishers could have expected. Thus happy does 
sometimes the malice of an enemy prove ! In this 

P (" The value of the gratui- " 460,001 pounds. The duke 

*' ties which the duke had re- " of Ormond, who succeeded 

" ceived from the contractors " the duke of Marlborough, en- 

" for bread was calculated at " joyed the same emoluments. 

" 63,319 pounds, and the two " Cunningham's Hist, of Great 

" and a half per cent, deducted " Britain^ vol. ii. p. 417." So- 

" from the pay of the merce- tnerville's Hist, of Queen Anne, 

*' nary troops, at the sum of chap. xjx. p. 462.) 


whole transaction we saw a new scene of ingrati- 1712. 
tude, acted in a most imprudent (f. impudent) manner; 
when the man, to whom the nation owed more than 
it had ever done in any age to any subject, or per- 
haps to any person whatsoever, was for some months 
pursued with so much malice : he bore it with si- 
lence and patience, with an exterior that seemed 
always calm and cheerful ; and though he prepared 
a full vindication of himself, yet he delayed publish- 
ing it, till the nation should return to its senses, and 
be capable of examining these matters in a more 
impartial manner. 

The Scotch lords, seeing no redress to their com- The scotch 

. . lords put ia 

plamt, seemed resolved to come no more to sit m good hopes. 
the house of peers ; but the court was sensible, that 594. 
their strength in that house consisted chiefly in 
them, and in the new peers : so pains were taken, 
and secret forcible arguments were used to them, 
which proved so effectual, that after a few days' ab- 
sence they came back, and continued, during the ses- 
sion, to sit in the house. They gave it out, that an 
expedient would be found, that would be to the sa- 
tisfaction of the peers of Scotland : but nothing of 
that appearing, it was concluded that the satisfac- 
tion was private and personal^. The great arrear 

'I ("A dissent was entered "house of lords, on the 17th 
"against this decision," (viz. " of January, she expressed her 
setting aside the claim of the " desire for their advice, to 6nd 
duke of Hamilton to a seat, " out the best method of set- 
as duke of Brandon, in the " tling this affair to the satis- 
house of lords,) " 20th Decem- " faction of the whole kingdom. 
" her, and the Scottish peers " In consequence of this mes- 
** discontinued their attendance " sage, the lords resolved, that 
" in the house. The queen in- " the sitting of the peers of 
" terested herself anxiously in " Great Britain, who were peers 
" behalf of the duke of Hamil- " of Scotland before the union, 
" ton ; and in a message to the " in that house by election, was 



^712. into which all the regular payments, both of the 

household and of salaries and pensions, was left to 
run, made it to be generally believed, that the in- 
come for the civil list, though it exceeded the esta- 
blishment very far, was applied to other payments, 
which the ministers durst not own. And though 
secret practice on members had been of a great 
while too common, yet it was believed, that it was 
at this time managed with an extraordinary profu- 

Those who were suspected to have very bad de- 
signs, applied themselves with great industry to 
drive on such bills, as they hoped would give the 
presbyterians in Scotland such alarms, as might dis- 
pose them to remonstrate, that the union was broken. 
They passed not all at once ; but I shall lay them 
together, because one and the same design was pur- 
sued in them all. 
A toiera- A tolcratiou was proposed for the episcopal clergy, 
English li- who would usc the liturgy of the church of England; 
Scotund. this seemed so reasonable, that no opposition was 
made to it : one clause put in it occasioned great 
complaints ; the magistrates, who by the laws were 
obliged to execute the sentences of the judicatories 

•' alterable by parliament at the " milton claimed to sit in the 

*' request of the peers of Great " house of peers as duke of 

*' Britain, who were peers of " Brandon, and the question 

" Scotland before the union, " being referred to the judges, 

" without any violation of the *' they were unanimously of 

*' union. Journal, Lords, 25th " opinion, that the peers of 

*' January. Although no alter- " Scotland are not disabled from 

" ation followed immediately " receiving, subsequently to the 

" upon this resolution, yet it " union, a patent of peerage 

*' appeased the Scottish peers " of Great Britain. Journals, 

" so far, as that they returned " Lords, 6th June 1782." So- 

** to the house of lords. In the merville's Hist, of Queen yinne, 

'*' year 1782, the duke of Ha- rh. xix. p. 459.) 


of their kirk, were by this act required to execute 1712. 
none of them. It was reasonable to require them 
to execute no sentences, that might be passed on 
any, for doing what was tolerated by this act ; but 
the carrying this to a general clause, took away the 
civil sanction, which in most places is looked on as 
the chief, if not the only strength of church power. 
Those, who were to be thus tolerated, were required, 
by a day limited in the act, to take the oath of ab- 
juration ; it was well known, that few if any of them 
would take that oath ; so, to cover them from it, a 
clause was put in this act, requiring all the presby- 
terian ministers to take it ; since it seemed reason- Designs to 

provoke the 

able, that those of the legal establishment should presbyte- 
be required to take that, which was now to be ' 
imposed on those who were only to be tolerated. 
It was well understood, that there were words in 
the oath of abjuration, to which the presbyterians 
excepted. In the act of succession, one of the con- 
ditions on which the successor was to be received, 
was, his being of the communion of the church of 
England: and by the oath of abjuration, the succes-595 
sion was sworn to, as limited by that act : the word 
limitation imported only the entail of the crown ; 
but it was suggested, that the particle as related to 
all the conditions in that act. This was spread 
among so many of that persuasion, that it was be- 
lieved a great party among them would refuse to 
take it ; so a small alteration was made by the house 
of lords of these words, as was limited^ into words 
of the same sense, which was limited; but those 
who intended to excuse the episcopal party, who 
they knew were in the pretender's interests, from 
taking the oath, were for keeping in those words 

H 2 


1712. which the presbyterians scrupled. The commons 
accordingly disagreed to the amendment made by 
the lords ; and they receding from it, the bill passed, 
as it had been sent up fi'om the commons. Another 
act passed for discontinuing the courts of judicature 
during some days at Christmas, though the observ- 
ing of holidays was contrary to their principles : 
this was intended only to irritate them. 
Patronages After that, an act was brought in for the restor- 

restored. . „ i i i 1 

mg of patronages ; these had been taken away by 
an act in king William's reign ; it was set up by the 
presbyterians, from their first 'beginning, as a princi- 
ple, that parishes had, from warrants in scripture, a 
right to choose their ministers ; so that they had al- 
ways looked on the right of patronage, as an inva- 
sion made on that : it was therefore urged, that since, 
by the act of union, presbytery, with all its rights 
and privileges, was inalterably secured, and since 
their kirk-session was a branch of their constitution, 
the taking from them the right of choosing their 
ministers was contrary to that act: yet the bill 
passed through both houses, a small opposition be- 
ing only made in either. By these steps the pres- 
byterians were alarmed, when they saw the success 
of every motion that was made on design to weaken 
and undermine their establishment '. 
The barrier Another matter, of a more public nature, was at 

treaty. . . 

this time set on foot: both houses of parliament 
had, in the year 1709, agreed in an address to the 
queen, that the protestant succession might be se- 
cured by a guarantee in the treaty of peace; and 
this was settled at the Hague, to be one of the pre- 

' (See a further account of Ecclesiastical History of Scot- 
these proceedings in Skinner's land, vol. ii. c. 56. p. 609 — 613.) 


Uminaries : but when an end was put to the confer- 1712- 
ences at Gertruydenberg, the lord Townshend was 
ordered to set on a treaty with the States to that 
effect. They entertained it readily; but at the 
same time they proposed, that England should enter 
into a guarantee with them, to maintain their bar- 
rier ; which consisted of some places they were to 
garrison, the sovereignty of which was still in the 
crown of Spain ; and of other places, which had not 
belonged to that crown at the death of king Charles 596 
the second, but had been taken in the progress of 
the war : for by their agi*eements with us, they bore 
the charge of the sieges, and so the places taken 
were to belong to them : these were chiefly Lisle, 
Toumay, Menin, and Doway ; and were to be kept 
still by them. But as for those places which, 
from the time of the treaty of the Pyrenees, be- 
longed to the Spaniards, they had been so ill looked 
after by the Spanish governors of Flanders, who 
were more set on enriching themselves, and keeping 
a magnificent court at Brussels, than on preserving 
the country ; that neither were the fortifications 
kept in due repair, nor the magazines furnished, 
nor the soldiers paid : so that whensoever a war 
broke out, the French made themselves very easily 
masters of places so ill kept. The States had there- 
fore proposed, during this war, that the sovereignty 
of those places should continue still to belong to the 
crown of Spain ; but they should keep garrisons in 
the strongest and the most exposed, in particular 
those that lay on the Lys and the Scheld ; and for the 
maintaining this, they asked 100,000/. a-year from 
those provinces; by which means they would be 
kept better and cheaper than ever they had been 

H 3 


1712. while they were in the hands of the Spaniards: 
they also asked a free passage for all the stores that 
they should send to those places. This seemed to 
be so reasonable, that since the interest of England, 
as well as of the States, required that this frontier 
should be carefully maintained, the ministry were 
ready to hearken to it : it was objected, that in case 
of a war between England and the States, the trade of 
those provinces would be wholly in the hands of the 
Dutch ; but this had been settled in the great truce, 
which, by the mediation of France and England, 
was made between the Spaniards and the States: 
ther;e was a provisional order therein made, for the 
freedom of trade in those provinces ; and that was 
turned to a perpetual one by the peace of Munster. 
King Charles of Spain had agreed to the main of 
the barrier ; some places on the Scheld were not ne- 
cessary for a frontier, but the States insisted on 
them, as necessary to maintain a communication 
with the frontier; the king of Prussia excepted 
likewise to some places in the Spanish Guelder. 
The lord Townshend thought, that these were such 
inconsiderable objections, that though his instruc- 
tions did not come up to every particular, yet he 
signed the treaty, known by the name of the barrier 
treaty : by it the States bound themselves to main- 
tain the queen's title to her dominions, and the pro- 
testant succession, with their whole force ; and Eng- 
land was reciprocally bound to assist them in main- 
taining this barrier. 
597 The mercenary writers, that were hired to defend 
pS/of" *^® peace then projected with France, attacked this 
treaty with great virulence, and by arguments that 
gave just suspicions of black designs : they said, it 


was a disgrace to this nation, to engage any other 1712. 
state to secure the succession among us, which per- 
haps we might see cause to alter : whereas, by this 
treaty, the States had an authority given them to 
interpose in our counsels. It was also said, that if 
the States were put in possession of all those strong 
towns, they might shut us out from any share of 
trade in them, and might erect our manufactures in 
provinces very capable of them : but it was an- 
swered, that this could not be done, as long as this 
treaty continued in force, unless the sovereign of 
the country should join with them against us. Some 
objected to the settlement made at Munster, as a 
transaction when we were in such confusion at 
home, that we had no minister there : but that 
treaty had only rendered the truce, and the provi- 
sional settlement made before, by the mediation of 
England, perpetual ; and we had since acquiesced 
in that settlement for above sixty years. By exa- 
mining into the particulars of the treaty, it appeared, 
that in some inconsiderable matters the lord Towns- 
hend had gone beyond the letter of his instructions, 
in which he had so fully satisfied the ministry, that 
though, upon his first signing it, some exceptions 
had been taken, yet these were passed over, and the 
-treaty was ratified in form. 

But the present ministry had other views : they 
designed to set the queen at liberty from her en- 
gagements by these alliances, and to disengage her 
from treaties. The house of commons went now 
very hastily into several resolutions that were very 
injurious to the States: they pretended they had 
failed in the performance of all agreements with re- 
lation to the service, both at sea and land ; and as 

H 4 


1713. to the troops that were to have been furnished in 

Portugal and Savoy, as well as the subsidies due to 

And con- those pHnces. They fell next on the barrier treaty; 

deiuned by , iii*- i • 1 

the house they gave it out, that the old ministry designed to 
(commons.) bring over an army from Holland, whensoever they 
should, for other ends, pretend that the protestant 
succession was in danger; and it was said, there 
was no need of any foreign assistance to maintain 
it. In the debate, it was insisted on, that it could 
be maintained safely no other way; it was not to 
be doubted, but the king of France would assist the 
pretender ; England was not inclined to keep up a 
standing army in time of peace, to resist him : so 
that we could not be so safe any other way, as by 
having the States engaged to send over their army, 
if it should be necessary. But reason is a feeble 
598 thing to bear down resolutions already taken: so 
the house of commons voted the treaty dishonour- 
able, and injurious to England ; and that the lord 
Townshend had gone beyond his instructions in 
signing it ; and that he, and all who had advised 
and ratified that treaty, were public enemies to the 
kingdom \ These votes were carried by a great ma- 
jority, and were looked on as strange preludes to a 
peace. When the States heard what exceptions were 
taken to the barrier treaty, they wrote a very re- 

* I told lord Townshend the wonder that he had. D. The 
good offices his grace of Marl- duke of Marlborough would 
borough did him upon that oc- have no hand in this treaty, 
casion. When the queen spoke though joined in the same pow- 
to him of the barrier treaty, he ers for it with the lord Towns- 
said, he would have lost his right hend ; of \\'hich I once heard 
hand rather than have signed that lord talk with some indig- 
it ; but lord Tovvnshend's pre- nation, and reflect with some 
dominant passion was love of freedom upon the duke of Marl- 
the Dutch, therefore did not borough for it. O. 


spectful letter to the queen, in which they offered 1712. 
to explain or mollify any part of it that was wrong 
understood ; but the managers of the house of com- 
mons got all their votes to be digested into a well- 
composed, inflaming representation, which was laid 
before the queen : by it all the allies, but most par- 
ticularly the States, were charged for having failed 
in many particulars, contrary to their engagements. 
They also laid before the queen the votes they had 
made with relation to the barrier treaty ; and that 
they might name a great sum, that would make a 
deep impression on the nation, (which was ready to 
receive all things implicitly from them,) they said 
England had been, during the war, overcharged nine- 
teen millions beyond what they ought to have paid ; 
all which was cast on the old ministry. 

The States, in answer to all this, drew up a large The states 
memorial, in which every particular in the represent- {j'^^'^Jgj^gj 
ation was examined, and fully answered : they sent 
it over to their envoy, who presented it to the queen ; 
but no notice was taken of it : the end was already 
served ; and the entering into a discussion about it 
could have no other effect, but to confound those 
who drew it. The two first heads of the States' me- 
morial, that related to the service at sea and in 
Flanders, were printed here, and contained a full 
answer to all that was charged on them, as to those 
matters, to the ample conviction of all who exa- 
mined the particulars. The house of commons saw 
the effect this was like to have ; so they voted it a 
false, malicious, scandalous, and injurious paper, and 
that the printing it was a breach of privilege : and 
to stop the printing the other heads, they put the 
printer in prison. This was a confutation to which 


1712. no reply could be made; yet it seemed to be a con- 
fession, that their representation could not be justi- 
fied, when the answer to it was so carefully stifled. 
The house of commons went next to repeal the na- 
turalization act, in which they met with no opposi- 
The self- The sclf-dcnying bill was brought into the house 
btu uTst. of commons, and, as was ordinary, it passed easily 
there: the scandal of corruption was now higher 
than ever ; for it was believed, men were not only 
bribed for a whole session, but had new bribes for 
particular votes. The twelve new peers being brought 
' 599 into the house of lords, had irritated so many there, 
that for two days, by all the judgments that could 
be made of the house, the bill was likely to have 
passed that house ; but upon some prevailing argu- 
ments, secretly and dexterously applied to some 
lords, an alteration was made in it, by which it was 
lost : for whereas the bill, as it stood, was to take 
place after the determination of the present parlia- 
ment, this was altered, so as that it should take 
place after the demise of the queen ; so it was no 
more thought on. 

- The house of commons voted two millions to be 
raised by a lottery ; for which a fund was created, 
that might pay both principal and interest in thirty- 
two years. 
The treaty I look ncxt to Utrccht, whcrc the treaty was 
opened, opcucd I the cmpcror and the empire sent their mi- 
nisters very late and unwillingly thither ; but they 
submitted to the necessity of their affairs ; yet with 
this condition, that the French proposals (for so 
the propositions, that were formerly called prelimi- 
naries, came to be named) should be no ground to 


proceed on; and that a new treaty should be en- 1712. 
tered on, without any regard to them. It was also 
agreed, to save the loss of time in settling the cere- 
monial, that the plenipotentiaries should assume 
no character of dignity, till all matters were ad- 
justed, and made ready for signing. The first of 
January was the day named for opening the con- 
gress ; but they waited some time for the allies : in 
the beginning of February, O. S. the French made 
their proposals in a very high strain. 

They promised that, at the signing of the treaty, The French 

11' 1 proposals. 

they would own the queen and the succession to the 
crown, as she should direct ; Spain and the West 
Indies were to remain with king Philip ; the domi- 
nions in Italy, with the islands, except Sicily, were 
to go to the emperor, and the Spanish Netherlands 
to the elector of Bavaria : the trade was to be regu- 
lated as it was before the war ; some places in Ca- — 
nada were to be restored to England, with the free- 
dom of fishery in Newfoundland ; but Placentia was 
to remain with the French : Dunkirk was offered to 
be demolished ; but Lisle and Toumay were to be 
given for it : the States were to have their demands 
for the barrier; and the frontier between France, 
the empire, and Italy, was to be the same that it 
was before the war ; by which Landau, Fenestrella, 
and Exiles were to be restored to France. These 
demands were as extravagant as any that France 
could have made in the most prosperous state of 
their affairs : this fiUed the allies with indignation, 
and heightened the jealousy they had of a secret 
understanding between the courts of England and 

But a great change happened in the affairs of 600 


1712. France, at this very time that their plenipotentiaries 
^^^Td^ItJT were making these demands at Utrecht : the dau- 
of the two phiness was taken suddenly ill of a surfeit, as it was 

(Uuipnins. * •' 

given out, and died in three days ; and within three 
or four days after that, the dauphin himself died ; 
and in a few days after him, his eldest son, ahout five 
or six years old, died likewise ; and his second son, 
then about three years old, was thought to be in a 
dying condition : these deaths, coming so quick one 
after another, struck that court : the king himself 
was for some days ill, but he soon recovered. Such 
repeated strokes were looked on with amazement :- 
poison was suspected, as is usual upon all such oc- 
casions ; and the duke of Orleans was generally 
charged with it: he was believed to have dealt much 
in chemistry, and was an ambitious prince. While he 
was in Spain, at the head of king Philip's army, he 
formed a project to set him aside, and to make him- 
self king of Spain ; in which, as the lord Townshend 
told me, he went so far, that he tried to engage Mr. 
Stanhope, to press the queen and the States to assist 
him, promising to break with France, and to marry 
king Charles's dowager. This came to be discovered: 
he was upon that called out of Spain : and it was 
thought, that the only thing that saved him was the 
king's kindness to his natural daughter, whom he 
had married. The king not only passed it over, but 
soon after, he obliged the duke of Berry to marry his 
daughter: such care had that old king taken, to cor- 
rupt the blood of France with the mixture of his 
spurious issue. King Philip was not at all pleased 
with the alliance; but wrote to his elder brother, 
expostulating for his not opposing the marriage more 
vigorously : with which he professed himself so dis- 


pleased, that he could not be brought to congratu- 1712. 
late upon it. This letter was sent from Madrid to 
Paris; but was intercepted, and sent to Barcelona, 
and from thence to the Hague : Dr. Hare told me, 
he read the original letter '. 

The duke of Burgundy, when he became dauphin. The charac- 
upon his father's death, had been let into the under- dauiihin. 
standing the secrets of government; and, as was 
given out, he had on many occasions expressed a 
deep sense of the miseries of the people, with great 
sentiments of justice : he had hkewise, in some dis- 
putes that cardinal de Noailles had with the Jesuits, 
espoused his interests, and protected him. It was 
also believed, that he retained a great affection to 
the archbishop of Cambray, whose fable of Telema- 
chus carried in it the noblest maxims possible, for 
the conduct of a wise and good prince, and set forth 
that station in shining characters, but which were 
the reverse of Lewis the XlVth's whole life and 
reign ". These things gave the French a just sense 6OI 
of the loss they had in his death ; and the appre- 
hensions of a minority, after such a reign, struck 
them with a great consternation. These deaths, in 
so critical a time, seemed to portend, that a\\ the 
vast scheme which the king of France had formed 
with so much perfidy and bloodshed, was in a fair 
way to be soon blasted. But I will go no further in 
so dark a prospect. 

The French propositions raised among the tinieAnindigna- 
English a just indignation ; more particularly their thTrreadi 


* He was at that time chap- " A classic in its composi- c^n^e over, 

Iain-general to the English ar- tion, and of perpetual use and 1'''^!^'^*** '" 

my under the duke of Marlbo- pleasureto others beside princes, 

rough, and in our time bishop It would have adorned the best 

of Chichester. O. ages of the ancients. O. 


1712. putting off the owning the queen, till the treaty 

came to be signed : the lord treasurer, to soften this, 
said, he saw a letter, in which the king of France 
acknowledged her queen : this was a confession that 
there was a private correspondence between them ; 
yet the doing it by a letter was no legal act. In ex- 
cuse of this it was said, that the late king was not 
owned by the French, till the treaty of Ryswick 
came to be signed: but there was a mediator in that 
treaty, with whom our plenipotentiaries only nego- 
tiated ; whereas there was no mediator at Utrecht : 
so that the queen was now, without any interposi;- 
tion, treating with a prince who did not own her 
right to the crown. The propositions made by the 
French were treated here with the greatest scorn ; 
nor did the ministers pretend to say any thing in 
excuse for them : and an address was made to the 
queen, expressing a just indignation at such a pro- 
ceeding, promising her all assistance in carrying on 
the war, tiU she should arrive at a just and honour- 
able peace. 
Thede- The allies did offer their demands next, which 
the"«lHes. ^^^ ^ high another way : the emperor asked the 
whole Spanish monarchy ; England asked the re- 
storing Newfoundland, and the demolishing of Dun- 
kirk; the States asked their whole bander; and 
every ally asked satisfaction to all the other allies, 
as well as to himself: England and the States de- 
clared, that they demanded Spain and the West In- 
dies for the emperor ; so the high pattern set by the 
French in their demands, was to the full imitated by 
the allies. The French set a day for offering their 
answer ; but when the day came, instead of offering 
an answer in writing, they proposed to enter into 


verbal conferences upon the demands made on both 1712. 
sides : this had indeed been practised in treaties ^ 

where mediators interposed ; but that was not done, 
till the main points were secretly agreed to. The 
allies rejected this proposition, and demanded spe- 
cific answers in writing; so, till the beginning of 
May, the treaty went on in a very languid manner, 
in many fruitless meetings, the French always say- 
ing, they had yet received no other orders : so that 
the negotiation there was at a full stand. 

The preparations for the campaign were carried 602 
on by the emperor and the States with all possible Jj^^r the 
vigour: prince Eugene stayed three months in Eng- campaign. 
land in a fruitless negotiation with our court, and 
was sent back with general and ambiguous pro- 
mises : the States gave him the supreme command 
of their army, and assured him that, in the execu- 
tion of the project that was concerted among them, 
he should be put under no restraint by their depu- 
ties or generals, and that no cessation of arms 
should be ordered, till all was settled by a general 
peace. The duke of Ormond followed him in April, 
well satisfied both with his instructions and his ap- 
pointments ; for he had the same allowances that 
had been lately voted criminal in the duke of Marl- 

At this time, the pretender was taken ill of the The pre- 
small-pox:. he recovered of them ; but his sister, who sister died. 
was taken with the same disease, died of it: she 
was, by all that knew her, admired as a most extra- 
ordinary person in all respects ; insomuch that a 
very great character was spread of her by those 
who talked but indifferently of the pretender him- 


1712. self ^ : thus he lost a great strength, which she pro- 
cured to him from all who saw or conversed with 
her. I turn next to give an accouut of the convo- 
Proceedings Thcrc was a dpubt suggested, whether the queen's 
cation. liccuce did still subsist, after a prorogation by a royal 
writ: the attorney-general y gave his opinion, that 
it was still in force ; upon which, the bishops went 
on with the resolution in which the former session 
had ended, and sent back to the lower house a paper, 
which had been sent to them from that house in the 
former session, with such amendments as they thought 
proper: but then Atterbury started a new notion, 
that as, in a session of parliament, a prorogation 
put an end to all matters not finished, so that they 
were to begin all a-new, the same rule was to be 
applied to convocations, in pursuance of his favourite 
notion, that the proceedings in parliament were like- 
wise to be observed amongst them. The bishops 
did not agree to this; for, upon searching their 
books, they found a course of precedents to the con- 

* The queen shewed me a brother : for then the queen 

letter, wrote in the king of might have sent for her, and 

France's own hand, upon the married her to a prince George, 

death of her sister ; in which who could have no pretensions 

there was the highest character during her own life ; which 

that ever was given to any would have pleased every honest 

princess of her age. Mr. Richard man in the kingdom, and made 

Hill came straight from the an end of all disputes for the 

earl of Godolphin's (who had future. D. (This princess, 

always the best and earliest in- whose name was Louisa, was 

telligence from France) to me twenty years of age when she 

with the news, and said, it was died, having been born two years 

the worst that ever came to after the revolution. There is a 

England. I asked him, why he print of her, with her brother, in 

thought so. He said, it had Mr. Rodd's Catal. of Portraits.) 
been happy if it had been her > Northey. O. 


trary : and the schedule, by which the archbishop 1712. 
prorogued them when the royal writ was sent him, 
did, in express words, continue all things in the state 
in which they were then, to their next meeting. 
Yet this did not satisfy Atterbury and his party ; 
so the lower house ordered him to lay the matter 
before the attorney-general for his opinion : he did 
that very partially, for he did not shew him the 
paper sent down by the bishops ; he only gave him a 
very defective abstract of it ; whereupon the attor- 
ney-general gave him such an answer as he desired, 
by which it was very plain, that he was not rightly 
informed about it. The bishops resolved to adhere 603 
to the method of former convocations, and not to 
begin matters afresh that had been formerly near 
finished. By this means they were at a full stop, so 
that they could not determine those points which 
had been recommended to them by the queen ; but 
they entered upon new ones. There was then a bill 
in the house of parliament, for building fifty new 
churches in and about London and Westminster ; so 
an office for consecrating churches and churchyards 
was prepared: and probably this wiU be all the 
fruit that the church will reap from this convoca- 

The censure that was passed on Whiston's book, in censure on 
the former session, had been laid before the queen in books not 
due form, for her approbation : but at the opening of ["°f ™^*^ 
this session in December, the bishops, finding that no q"*«n- 
return was come from the throne in that matter, sent 
two of their number to receive her majesty's plea- 
sure in it ; the archbishop being so ill of the gout, 
that he came not among us all that winter. The 
queen had put the censure that we had sent her, 




1712. into the hands of some of her ministers, but could 

not remember to whom she gave it ; so a new ex- 
tract of it was sent to her ; and she said, she would 
send her pleasure upon it very speedily : but none 
came during the session, so all further proceedings 
against him were stopped, since the queen did not 
confirm the step that we had made. This was not 
unacceptable to some of us, and to myself in parti- 
cular ; I was gone into my diocese, when that cen- 
sure was passed ; and I have ever thought, that the 
true interest of the Christian religion was best con- 
sulted, when nice disputing about mysteries was laid 
aside and forgotten ^. 
Aninciina- There appeared at this time an inclination in 

tion in some n , i 1 . i_ i j 

of the cier- Hiauy 01 the clcrgy, to a nearer approach towards 

gy towards 

^ I have heard it said, that 
Mr. Chillingworth (that great 
and impartial searcher for truth) 
was for some time an Athana- 
sian ; then an Arian ; but 
growing dissatisfied with both, 
or any other supposed expla- 
nation of the Trinity, resorted 
to this, " that God had not 
" yet so revealed it to man as 
•' to be an object of belief in 
" any sense at present among 
" them," See the Life of 
Lord Clarendon, p. 29, and 
the Sydney papers. Are there 
not many other presumptions 
in all church systems, in which 
the compilers of them should 
have had the same modesty of 
doubt and reserve to God's fu- 
ture revelation, that Mr. Chil- 
lingworth had with regard to 
the Trinity ? How many an- 
gry and bitter disputes among, 
otherwise, very good men, had 
been prevented by this tem- 

perament ! How much Chris- 
tian charity and union been 
presen'ed by it, and the Chris- 
tian character unblemished ! O. 
(With relation to Mr. Chilling- 
worth, the circumstances of 
whose life shew him to have 
been raised above all self-in- 
terested motives, he subscribed 
in the latter part of his time 
the articles of the church of 
England, in which the catholic 
doctrine of the Trinity is fully 
set forth. Still he is supposed 
to have subscribed them, as ar- 
ticles of peace rather than of 
belief ; which, if true, weakens 
the argument for his orthodoxy. 
As for Whiston's defence of 
Arianism, or, as he styled his 
opinions, Eusebianism, it was 
proper for the church of Eng- 
land to condemn a work sub- 
versive of a doctrine, which the 
Christian church in all ages has 
considered as fundamental.) 


the church of Rome; Hicks, an ill-tempered man, 1712. 
who was now at the head of the Jacobite party, had 
in several lx)oks promoted a notion, that there was a 
proper sacrifice made in the eucharist, and had on 
many occasions studied to lessen our aversion to po- 
pery : the supremacy of the crown in ecclesiastical 
matters, and the method in which the reformation 
was earned, was openly condemned : one Brett had 
preached a sermon in several of the pulpits of Lon- 
don, which he afterwards printed; in which he 
pressed the necessity of priestly absolution, in a 
strain beyond what was pretended to, even in the 
church of Rome : he said no repentance could serve 
without it, and affirmed, that the priest was vested 
with the same power of pardoning that our Saviour 
himself had. A motion was made in the lower 
house of convocation, to censure this ; but it was so 
ill supported, that it was let fall. Another conceit 
was taken up, of the invalidity of lay-baptism, on 
which several books have been writ ; nor was the 604 
dispute a trifling one, since, by this notion, the 
teachers among the dissenters passing for laymen, 
this went to the re-baptizing them and theii' congre- 

Dodwell gave the rise to this conceit ; he was a oodweii'i 
very learned man, and led a strict life; he seemed "° '**"*' 
to hunt after paradoxes in all his writings, and 
broached not a few ; he thought none could be 
saved, but those who by the sacraments had a 
federal right to it ; and that these were the seals of 
the covenant : so that he left aU who died without 
the sacraments, to the uncovenanted mercies of God ; 
and to this he added, that none had a right to give 
the sacraments, but those who were commissioned to 

I 2 


1712. it; and these were the apostles, and after them, 
bishops and priests ordained by them : it followed 
upon this, that sacraments administered by others 
were of no value. He pursued these notions so far, 
that he asserted that the souls of men were natu- 
rally mortal, but that the immortalizing virtue was 
conveyed by baptism, given by persons episcopally 
ordained. And yet, after all this, which carried the 
episcopal function so high, he did not lay the ori- 
ginal of that government on any instruction or 
warrant in the scripture : but thought it was set up 
in the beginning of the second century, after the 
apostles were all dead. He wrote very doubtfully of 
the time in which the canon of the New Testament 
was settled ; he thought it was not before the second 
century, and that an extraordinary inspiration was 
continued in the churches to that very time, to 
which he ascribed the original of episcopacy. This 
strange and precarious system was in great credit 
among us ; and the necessity of the sacrament, and 
the invalidity of ecclesiastical functions, when per- 
formed by persons who were not episcopally or- 
dained, were entertained by many with great ap- 
plause : this made the dissenters pass for no Chris- 
tians, and put all thoughts of reconciling them to us 
far out of view : and several little books were spread 
about the nation, to prove the necessity of re-baptiz- 
ing them, and that they were in a state of damna- 
tion till that was done ; but few were by these ar- 
guments prevailed upon to be re-baptized : this 
struck even at the baptism by midwives in the 
church of Rome ; which was practised and connived 
at here in England, till it was objected in the con- 
ference held at Hampton-Court, soon after king 


James the first's accession to the crown, and baptism 1712. 

was not till then limited to persons in orders : no- 
thing of this kind was so much as mentioned in the 
year 1 660, when a great part of the nation had been 
baptized by dissenters ; but it was now promoted 
with much heat. 

The bishops thought it necessary to put a stop to 605 
this new and extravagant doctrine ; so a declaration JeXneduf 
was agreed to, first against the irregularity of all '^^"'^'^'T 
baptism by persons who were not in holy orders ; tizing dis- 


but that yet, according to the practice of the primi- 
tive church, and the constant usage of the church of 
England, no baptism (in or with water, in the name 
of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost) ought to be 
reiterated. The archbishop of York at first agreed 
to this ; so it was resolved to publish it in the name 
of all the bishops of England ; but he was prevailed 
on to change his mind ; and refused to sign it, pre- 
tending that this would encourage irregular baptism : 
so the archbishop of Canterbury, with most of the But the 
bishops of his province, resolved to offer it to the noY^ree**to 
convocation. It was agreed to in the upper house,'*- 
the bishop of Rochester only dissenting " : but when 
it was sent to the lower house, they would not so 
much as take it into consideration, but laid it aside ; 
thinking that it would encourage those who struck at 
the dignity of the priesthood. This was all that 
passed in convocation. 

The supplies demanded were given, in all about Great sup- 
six millions ; there were two lotteries of 1,800,000/. '""^"^*°" 
a-piece, besides the four shillings in the pound, and 
the malt biU. A motion was made, for a clause to 

' (Sprat, no deep divine, but an ingenious and fine writer.) 



1712. be put in one of the lottery bills, for a commission 
to inquire into the value and consideration of all 
the grants made by king William. The ministers 
apprehended the difficulty of carrying a money bill 
with a tack to it, through the house of lords ; so 
they prevailed to get it separated from the money 
bill, and sent up in a particular one ; and undertook 
to carry it. When it came up to the house of lords, 
a great party was made against it ; those who con- 
tinued to pay a resptct to the memory of king Wil- 
liam, thought it was a very unbecoming return to 
him, who had delivered the nation from slavery and 
popery, to cast so particular an indignity on his 
grants : the bill made all its steps through the 
house of lords to the last, with a small majority of 
one or two. The earl of Nottingham was absent 
the first two days, but came to the house on the 
last : he said, he always thought those grants were 
too large, and very unseasonably made, but he 
thought there ought to be an equal way of proceed- 
ing in that matter ; they ought either to resume 
them all, or to bring all concerned in them, to an 
equal composition : he therefore could not approve 
of this bill, which by a very clear consequence would 
put it in the power of a fellow-subject, to resume or 
to cover grants at his pleasure ; and so it would put 
the persons concerned in the grants, into too great 
606 a dependence on him. At the last reading of the 
bill, seventy-eight, in person or by proxy, were for 
the bill ; and as many were against it : the votes 
being equal, by the rule of the house the negative 
carried it : so, for that time, the bill was lost. 

During the session, reports were often given out, 
that all things were agreed, and that the treaty was 


as good as finished : but new stories were set on 1712. 
foot, and pretended delays, to put off the expecta- 
tion of peace ; however, in the end of May, we were 
surprised with letters from the camp, which told us, 
that the army of the allies, being joined, was 25,000 • 

men stronger than the French ; an advantage that 
they never had before, during the whole course of 
the war. That prince Eugene therefore proposed, 
that they should march towards the head of the 
Scheld, where the French army lay, and upon their 
advancing, the French would be obliged either to 
venture on action, or to retire ; and in that case 
Cambray would be left open to the allies, to sit down 
before it. The council of war agreed to this, but to The duke 
their great surprise, the duke of Ormond shewed orderTnot 
orders, not to act offensively against the French ; J°^5iJjy^ 
he seemed to be very uneasy with these orders, but 
said he must obey them. This was much resented 
by the whole army, and by the ministers of the allies 
at the Hague and at Utrecht : and it struck us here 
in England with amazement ^. 

Motions were made upon it, in both houses of 
parliament ; for it seemed we were neither to have 
peace nor war : so it was proposed, that an address 
should be made to the queen, that she would set the 
duke of Ormond at liberty, to act in concuri'ence 
with the other generals, and carry on the war, so as 

^ Lord Bolingbroke used to on the point of giving his opi- 

say, that the restraining orders nion against it, when the queen, 

to the duke of Ormond were without suffering the matter to 

proposed at the cabinet council, be debated, directed these or- 

in the queen's presence, by the ders to be sent, and broke up 

earl of Oxford, who had not the council. This story was told 

communicated his intention to by the late lord Bolingbroke to 

the rest of the ministers ; and my father. H. 
that the lord Bolingbroke was 



1712. to obtain a good peace. Those who opposed this, 
asked what proofs they had of what was said con- 
cerning the duke of Ormond's orders ; they had only 
private letters, which were not produced ; so it was 
said, there was not ground enough to found an ad- 
dress upon ; which ought not to be made on bare re- 
ports. The ministers would neither confess nor 
deny the matter, pretending the oath of secrecy ; 
yet they affirmed the duke of Ormond was at liberty 
to cover a siege. 
A separate That which prevailed in lK)th houses, to hinder 

peace tlis- . . , 

owned by the addrcss, was, that the mmisters m both did 
ti^urer. affirm, that the peace was agreed on, and would be 
laid before them in three or four days : it was upon 
that suggested, that this must be a separate peace, 
since the allies knew nothing of it. The lord trea- 
surer said, a separate peace was so base, so knavish, 
and so villainous a thing, that every one who served 
the queen knew they must answer it with their 
heads to the nation ; but it would appear to be a 
g07 safe and a glorious peace, much more to the honour 
and interest of the nation, than the preliminaries 
that were agreed to three years before : he also af- 
firmed, that the allies knew of it, and were satisfied 
with it: so the motion fell; and all were in great 
expectation to see what a few days would produce. 
In order to this, it was proposed to examine into all 
the proceedings at the Hague, and at Gertruyden- 
berg, in the years 1709 and 1710 ; this was set on 
by a representation made Ijy the earl of Strafford ; for 
he affirmed in the house of lords, that those matters 
had not been fairly represented ; he said, he had his 
information from one of the two who had been em- 
ployed in those conferences : by this, it was plain 


he meant Buys. Lord Townshend had informed 1712. 
the house, that those who treated with the French ' 

at Gertruydenberg did, at their return, give an ac- 
count of their negotiation to the ministers of the al- 
lies, in the pensioner's presence, before they reported 
it to the States themselves : but upon this, the earl 
of Strafford said, they had been first secretly with 
the pensioner, who directed them both what to say 
and what to suppress. Upon this, the house made 
an address to the queen, desiring her to lay before 
them all that passed at that time, and in that nego- 
tiation : but nothing followed upon this ; for it was 
said to be designed only to amuse the house. 

Surprises came at this time quick one after an- The queen, 
other : at Utrecht, on the second of June, N. S. the shop of 
plenipotentiaries of the States expostulated with the she Vas' free 
bisliop of Bristol, upon the orders sent to the duke Jr^^jj" ^" 
of Ormond : he answered, he knew nothing of them ; ^'t** *b« 

' ° states. 

but said, he had received a letter, two days before, 
from the queen, in which she complained, that not- 
withstanding all the advances she had made, to en- 
gage the States to enter with her upon a plan of 
peace, they had not answered her as they ought, and 
as she hoped they would have done : therefore she 
did now think herself at liberty to enter into sepa- 
rate measures, to obtain a peace for her own conve- 
nience. The plenipotentiaries said, this was con- 
trary to all their alliances and treaties ; they thought 
that, by the deference they had shewed her on all 
occasions, they had merited much better usage from 
her : they knew nothing of any advancos made to 
them on a plan of peace. The bishop replied, that 
considering the conduct of the States, the queen 
thought herself disengaged from all alliances and 


1712. engagements with them: the bishop did not in ex- 
press words name the banier treaty; but he did 
not except it : so they reckoned it was included in 
the general words he had used. This did not agree 
with what the lord treasurer had said in the house 
608 of lords : and when the States' envoy complained 
to him of these declarations made them by the bi- 
shop, all the answer he made was, that he was cer- 
tainly in a very had humour^ when he talked at 
that rate. 
The queen On the fifth of June, the queen came to the par- 
tie pTriil! liament, and told them on what terms a peace might 
pianVAhe ^ ^^^ * ^"S Philip was to renounce the succession 
P****' to the crown of France, if it should devolve on him ; 
and this was to execute itself, by putting the next 
to him into the succession : Sicily was to be sepa- 
rated from Spain, though it was not yet settled who 
should have it. The protestant succession was to 
be secured ; and he who had pretended to the 
crown was no more to be supported. Dunkirk was 
to be demolished, and Newfoundland to be delivered 
to England. Gibraltar and Port Mahon were to 
remain in our hands : we were also to have the 
AssientOf a word importing the furnishing the Spa- 
nish West Indies with slaves from Africa. The 
Dutch were to have their barrier, except two or 
three places : and due regard would be had to all 
our allies. 
Addre»e« Both houscs afiTced to make addresses of thanks 

of both ... 

bouses ap- to the quccn, for communicating this plan to them, 

"* ' desiring her to finish it: an addition to these last 

words, in conjunction with her allies^ was moved in 

both houses; that so there might be a guarantee 

settled for the maintaining the terms of the treaty : 


but it was rejected by a great majority in both 1712. 
houses. It was said, in opposition to it, that it 
would subject the queen and the whole treaty to 
the pleasure of the allies, who might prove back- 
ward and intractable : and since England had borne 
the greatest share of the burden of the war, it was 
reasonable that the queen should be the arbiter of 
the peace *^. On the other hand it was said, that if 
the allies did not enter into a guarantee, we must 
depend on the faith of the French, and be at their 
mercy ; and so have nothing to trust to, but the 
promises of a court noted, in a course of many years, 
for a train of perfidy : but many had formed an ob- 
stinate resolution to get out of the war on any 
terms : so nothing that was offered, that seemed to 
obstruct the arriving speedily at that end, was heard 
with patience ; and no regard was had to the faith 
of treaties : yet both houses observed one caution, 
not to express their being satisfied with the plan of 
the peace, though it was covertly insinuated. Men- 
tion was also made of our treaties with our allies, 
and of the protestant succession : the lords, who 
had all along protested against the steps that the 
court had taken, entered the reasons of their pro- 
testing against the negative put on adding the 
words, in conjunction with her allies^ and on the 
former vote, concerning the orders sent to the duke 

^ N. B. The nation in ge- merce, which the merchants of 

neral, at that time, ran warmly both sides agreed to condemn, 

into the peace, from a persua- Politicians of a higher order 

sion artfully worked up and had reason to lament the not 

propagated, that we had been restoring Spain and the West 

the dupes of our allies : the Indies to a prince of the house 

first thing which gave the turn of Austria, or of the house of 

another way, was the unpopu- Savoy. H. 
larity of the treaty of com' 


1713. of Ormond : these carried in them such just and se- 
gQQ vere reflections on the ministry, as running the na- 
tion into an open breach of all public trust, and 
putting every thing into the hands of the French, 
that by the strength of the majority they were ex- 
punged ; yet they were printed, and copies of them 
were sent over the nation ; but nothing could break 
through that insensibility which had stupified the 
people. A new set of addresses ran about, full of 
gross flattery, magnifying the present conduct, with 
severe reflections on the former ministry, which 
some carried back to king William's reign : some of 
these addresses mentioned the protestant succession, 
and the house of Hanover, with zeal ; others did it 
more coldly ; and some made no mention at all of 
it. And it was universally believed, that no ad- 
dresses were so acceptable to the ministers, as those 
of the last sort ''. 
The end of About the middle of June, the session of parlia- 

the session . -i • 1 

of pariia- mcut camc to an end : the queen m her speech said, 
she was glad to find they approved of her scheme 
of peace, though that was in none of the addresses ; 
many, who intended to merit by their officious zeal, 
had indeed magnified it in both houses, but it was 
not in either of their addresses. The earl of Straf- 
ford was again sent over, to induce the States to ac- 
cept the offers that the French were making, and to 
consent to a cessation of arms. 
Thcdnkeof Priucc Eugcue Ordered Quesnoy to be besieged; 
proclaims a and hc, iu coujuuctiou with the duke of Ormond, 
arat/and** covcrcd the siege ; but when the place was so 
Eu«neT straitened, that it could not hold out above two 


^ Foolish and factious. S. 


two or three days, the duke of Ormond sent prince 1712, 

Eugene word, that he had orders to proclaim a ces- 
sation of arms for two months. Prince Eugene dis- 
agreeing to this, he signified his orders to all the 
German troops that were in the queen's pay : but 
the States and the emperor had foreseen that this 
might happen, and had negotiated so effectually 
with the princes to whom these troops belonged, 
that they had sent orders to their generals, to conti- 
nue with prince Eugene, and to obey his command. 
This they represented to the duke of Ormond ; and 
he upon that told them, they should have neither 
bread, nor pay, nor their arrears, if they refused to 
obey his orders : this last seemed unjust, since they 
had served hitherto according to agreement ; so 
that their arrears could not be detained with any 
colour of justice. Quesnoy capitulated, and theQ'iesnoy 
garrison were made prisoners of war. It was said, 
that the court of France had promised to put Dun- 
kirk in the queen's hands, as a sure pledge of per- 
forming all that they had stipulated, in order to a 
general peace ; this was executed in the beginning 
of July ; and a body of our troops, with a squadi'on 
of ships, were sent to take possession of the place. 610 
The duke of Ormond made a second attempt on the 
generals of the German troops, to see if they would 
agree to the cessation of arms : but they excused 
themselves, upon the orders they had received from 
their masters : so he proclaimed the cessation at the 
head of the English troops ; upon which he sepa- 
rated himself from prince Eugene's army, and re- 
tired to Ghendt and Bruges, possessing himself of 
them : the fortified places near the frontier had or- 
ders to let the officers pass through, but not to suf- 


1712. fer the troops to possess themselves of them. The 
withdrawing the English forces in this manner 
from the confederate army, was censured, not only 
as a manifest breach of faith and of treaties, but as 
treacherous in the highest and basest degree. The 
duke of Ormond had given the States such assur- 
ances of his going along with them through the 
whole campaign, that he was let into the secrets of 
all their counsels, which, by that confidence, were all 
known to the French : and if the auxiliary German 
troops had not been prepared to disobey his or- 
ders, it was believed he, in conjunction with the 
French army, would have forced the States to come 
into the new measures^. But that was happily 
prevented ; yet all this conduct of our general was 
applauded at home as great, just, and wise ; and 
our people were led to think it a kind of tri- 
umph, upon Dunkirk's being put into our hands; 
not considering that we had more truly put our- 
selves into the hands of the French, by this open 
breach of faith ; after which, the confederates could 
no longer trust or depend on us. Nor was this only 
the act of the court and ministry, but it became the 
act of the nation, which, by a general voice, did not 
only approve of it, but applaud it. 
Landrecy Princc Eugcnc's ncxt attempt was upon Lan- 

besteeed. , , 

drecy, in which it seemed probable that he would 
succeed; but this prospect, and indeed the whole 

* Vile Scot, dare to touch Abuse of Parliaments, vol. i. 

Omiond's honour, and so false- pp. 182 — 185. and the Life of 

ly. S. (See the dean's account the Duke of Ormond, pp. 448 

and defence of this cessation of — 5 29 ; but compare Coxe's 

arms, in his History of the Four Life of the Duke of Marlbo- 

last Years of the Queen, pp. rough, vol. iii. chap. 109. pp. 

294—305, 317—336, and p. 520 — 524.) 
347 ; with Ralph's Use and 


campaign, had a fatal reverse : there was a body of 1712. 
8000 or 10,000 men posted at Denain, on the Scheld, ' 

commanded by the earl of Albemarle, to secure the 
conveying bread and ammunition to the army and 
to the siege ^ Villars made a motion, as if he de- 
signed to give prince Eugene battle; but after a 
feint that way, he turned quick upon this body, 
that lay on both sides of the river, with only one 
bridge of pontoons : the rest had been sent to the 
siege of Landrecy ; and there was not a supply of 
more brought. That bridge, with the weight that a great loss 
was on it, broke ; so the bodies could not be brought a 
joined ; but military men assured me, that, if it had [hr^m-" 
not been for that misfortune, Villars's attempt might p*'^°' 
have turned fatally on himself, and to the ruin of 
his whole army. But in conclusion, he gave them 611 
a total defeat, and so made himself master of those 
posts which they were to defend. This opened a 
new scene ; it not only forced the raising the siege 
of Landrecy, but gave Villars an occasion to seize 
on Marchiennes and some other places, where he 
found great stores of artillery and ammunition ; and 
furnished him likewise with an opportunity of sit- 
ting down before Doway. What errors were com- 

f The duke of Marlborough the blame of this defeat " was 
is reported to have said, in his " equally shared between prince 
gentle, whining manner, upon " Eugene and the earl, although 
seeing a plan of the siege, " it is certain, that the duke of 
" I am under apprehension for ".Ormond gave the latter time- 
*' lord Albemarle." Prince Eu- " ly warning of his danger, ob- 
gene's conduct was certainly " serving he was neither en- 
liable to censure, in establishing " trenched as he ought, nor 
his enlrepdt a distance to his " provided with bridges suffici- 
stores, and having no more " ent for the situation he was 
bridges over the Scheld. H. " in, and at such a distance 
(Swift says, in p. 346. of his " from the main army.") 
History above referred to, that 


1712. mitted, either in the counsels or orders, or in the 
execution of them, and at whose door these ought 
to be laid, is far above my understanding in military 
matters : but be that as it will, this misfortune served 
not a little to raise the duke of Marlborough's cha- 
racter, under whose command no such thing had 
ever happened. The effects of this disgrace were 
great; Doway was taken, after a long and brave 
defence ; prince Eugene tried to raise the siege, but 
did not succeed in it : indeed the States would not 
put things to so great a venture, after such a loss ; 
the garrison were made prisoners of war. Quesnoy 
was next besieged; the great artillery, that had 
been employed in the siege, were left in the place : 
the garrison improved that advantage; so that the 
taking it cost the enemy very dear. 
Dktrat- Thcsc losscs Created a great distraction, in the 

tions at the , 1 tt • i* 1 

Hague. counsels at the Hague ; many were inclmed to ac- 
cept of a cessation ; the emperor and the princes 
of the empire made great offers to the States, to 
persuade them to continue the war; at the same 
time the French grew very insolent upon their suc- 
cesses, and took occasion, from a quarrel between 
the footmen of one of the Dutch plenipotentiaries 
and one of theirs, to demand an extravagant repara- 
tion ; which the Dutch not complying with, a full 
stop was put to all proceedings at Utrecht for some 
months. Our court took some pains to remove that 
obstruction ; but the French king's pride being now 
again in exaltation, he was intractable : St. John, 
being made viscount Bolingbroke, was sent over 
with secret instructions to the court of France ; 
where, as it was believed, the peace was fully con- 
cluded : but all that was published upon his return, 


was a new cessation of arms, both by sea and land, 1712. 
for four months longer. Duke Hamilton was named 
to go ambassador to France, and lord Lexington to 
Spain. The earl of Strafford continued to press the 
States to come into the queen's measures, which, it 
was said, he managed with great imperiousness : 
the States resolved to offer their plan to the queen, 
in which tliey pressed the restoring Strazbourg to 
the empire, to have Valenciennes demolished, and 
Conde added to their barrier, and that the old tariff 
for trade should be again restored. 

The lord Lexington went first to Spain, where 612 
the Cortes were summoned, in which that king did ciatlonTf"* 
solemnly renounce, for himself and his heire, the ^l*^ *""^*" 
right of succession to the crown of France : and li- ^p*'° *"«* 

° . France. 

mited the succession to the crown of Spain, after 
his own posterity, to the house of Savoy. The like 
renunciation was made some months after that by 
the princes of France to the crown of Spain : and 
Philip was declared incapable of succeeding to the 
crown of France. It was something strange to see 
so much weight laid on these renunciations, since 
the king of France had so often and so solemnly 
declared, (upon his claiming, in the right of his queen, 
the Spanish Netherlands ; when the renunciation 
made by his queen before the marriage, pursuant to 
the treaty of the Pyrenees, of all rights of succession 
to her father's dominions, was objected to him,) that 
no renunciation, which was but a civil act, could 
destroy the rights of blood, founded on the laws of 
nature : but this was now forgot, or very little con- 
sidered. At this time the order of the garter had 
nine vacant stalls ; so six knights were at one time 
promoted; the dukes of Beaufort, Hamilton, and 



17 J 2. Kent; and the earls of Oxford, Powlet, and Straf- 
ford. The duke of Hamilton's being appointed to 
go to the court of France, gave melancholy specu- 
lations to those who thought him much in the pre- 
tender's interest : he was considered, not only in 
Scotland, but here in England, as the head of his 
party ; but a dismal accident put an end to his life, 
a few days before he intended to have set out on 
his embassy. 
Duke of He and the lord Mohun were ensealed in some 

Hamilton . ^^^ . 

and lord suits of law ; and a violent hatred was kindled be- 
both killed tween them : so that, upon a very high provocation, 
ma com- ^^^ ^Qj-d Mohuu scut him a challenge, which he 
tried to decline : but both being hurried by those 
false points of honour, they fatally went out to Hyde 
Park, in the middle of November, and fought with 
so violent an animosity, that, neglecting the rules of 
art, they seemed to run on one another, as if they 
tried who should kill first ; in which they were both 
so unhappily successful, that the lord Mohun was 
killed outright, and duke Hamilton died in a few 
minutes after «. I will add no character of him : I 
am sorry I cannot say so much good of him as I 
could wish, and I had too much kindness for him, 
to say any evil without necessity. Nor shall I 
make any reflections on the deplorable effect of 
those unchristian and barbarous maxims, which 

8 Wrongly told. S. (Wrong- Torcy's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 370, 
ly indeed, if Mr. Charles Ha- and Smollet's Hist, of England, 
milton's account of tliis duel (Queen Anne,) chap. xi. pp. 
be true. See his Transactions 256, 257, and Macpherson's 
during the Reign of Queen Hist, of Great Britain, vol. ii. 
Anne, p. 270 — 280. Compare, p- 578, Hamilton and Ma- 
in addition to Swift's Four last cartney's Trials.) 
Years of the Queen, p. 366, and 


have prevailed so universally, that there is little '7 12. 
hope left of seeing them rooted out of the minds of 
men ; the false notions of honour and courage l)eing 
too strong to be weighed down by prudent or reli- 
gious considerations. 

The duke of Shrewsl)ury was, upon duke Hamil-6l3 
ton's death, named for the embassy to France, and J/'I^^^^Jj,', 
went over in the end of December : the same yacht ^"""y '^""1 

•' France, and 

that carried him to Calais, brought over the duke ouke de 
de Aumont, the French ambassador, who was a came to 
good-natured and generous man, of profuse expense, "^ *" " 
throwing handfuls of money often out of his coach, 
as he went about the streets : he was not thought 
a man of business, and seemed to employ himself 
chiefly in maintaining the dignity of his character, 
and making himself acceptable to the nation. I 
turn next to foreign affairs. 

The war in Pomerania went on but slowly. The affairs 

^ in the 

though the czar and the kings of Denmark and Po- north. 
land joined their forces ; upon which it was thought 
the interest of Sweden must have sunk in those 
parts : but the feebleness of one or other of those 
princes lost them great advantages. Steinboek, the 
Swedish general, seeing the Danes were separated 
from their allies, made a quick march toward them ; 
and though the Saxons had joined them before he 
came up, yet he attacked them. The action was 
hot, and lasted some hours ; but it ended in a com- 
plete victory on the Swedish side. At the same 
time the Swedes were animated by reports from 
Constantinople, which gave them hopes of the war 
between the Turks and the czar being like to break 
out again, which the king of Sweden continued to 

K 2 


1712. solicit, and in which he had all the assistance that 
the French could give him. 
The empe- This gavc the emperor great apprehensions," that 

ror prepares ,, , .tt •ir»ii • -l*!. 

for the war disordcrs m Hungary might lollow upon it, which 
Fr»Qce. would defeat the measures he had taken to settle 
matters in that kingdom, so that being safe on that 
side, he might turn his whole force against France, 
and by that means encourage the States to continue 
the war. Those in Holland, who pressed the ac- 
cepting the offers that France made them, repre- 
sented that as a thing not possible to be supported : 
the promises of the emperor and the princes of the 
empire had so often failed them, that they said, they 
could not be relied on : and the distractions in the 
north made them apprehend, that those princes 
might be obliged to recall their troops which were 
in the service of the States. 
A new bar- ^hc carl of Strafford was sent back to the Hasrue 

ner treaty *-" 

with the with the French plan, which came to be called the 
queen s plan : but to draw them m the more, he 
was ordered to enter upon a new barrier treaty 
with them, by which the former was to be set aside : 
by it the States were to maintain the succession to 
the crown, when required to it by the queen, but 
not otherwise. This gave still new occasions for 
jealousy : for whereas by the former treaty they 
614 were strictly bound to maintain the succession, so 
that they were obliged to oppose any attempts they 
saw made against it; they were by this treaty 
obliged to stay, till they were sent to : and if our 
ministers should come to entertain ill designs that 
way, they would take care no notice should be given 
to the States. The barrier for the Dutch came 


far short of the former; the States wrote another 17I2. 

letter to the queen, desiring her to interpose for 
restoring Strazbourg to the empire, for adding Conde 
to their barrier, and for settling the commerce on 
the foot of the ancient tariff; as also for obtaining 
more reasonable terms for the emperor : but things 
were so fixed between the court of France and ours, 
that there was no room for intercession. 

The earl of Godolphin died of the stone in Sep- The death 
tember : he was the man of the clearest head, the of Godoi- 
calmest temper, and the most incorrupt of all the^*""* 
ministers of state I have ever known. After hav- His charac- 
ing been thirty years in the treasury, and during *'* 
nine of those lord treasurer, as he was never once 
suspected of corruption, or of suffering his servants 
to grow rich under him, so in all that time his estate 
was not increased by him to the value of 4000/''. 
He served the queen with such a particular affection 
and zeal, that he studied to possess all people with 
great personal esteem for her': and she herself 

** A great lie. S. 1 have • 1 was the first who brought 

heard it was 3500/. a very small the news of his death to the 

acquisition, not more than half queen : she seemed to be con- 

of his salary as lord treasurer, cerned, and told me, she could 

and his expenses did not seem not help being so, for she had 

to be more than the other half. a long acquaintance with him. 

His family estate came to him and did believe, what she or 

but a few years before he died, any body else had to complain 

upon the death of sir William of, was owing to the influence 

Godolphin, his elder brother. the Marlborough family had 

He (I have been told) was a over him ; but she did not 

very worthy man, had great abi- think him to be naturally an 

Hties for business, but would interested man. I told her, I 

never be in any. His brother, always took the last part to be 

it is said, often consulted him, an atTectation, for I observed, 

and relied very much upon his though he had the grimace of 

judgment. He chose and lov- refusing every thing before he 

ed retirement, and to have it received it, he had contrived to 

in London. O. make his family heir to theirs, 

K 3 



1712. seemed to be so sensible of this for many years, that 
if courts were not different from all other places in 
the world, it might have been thought, that his 
wise management at home, and the dulvc of Marl- 
borough's glorious conduct abroad, would have fixed 
them in their posts, above the little practices of an 
artful favourite, and the cunning of a man, who has 
not hitherto shewed any token of a great genius, 
and is only eminent in the arts of deluding those 
that hearken to him ^. 

and could with more decency 
promote their interest than his 
own, and was sure of having 
advantage to himself at last. 
She laughed, and said, truly 
she had observed a good deal 
of what I said, herself; but 
desired I would hinder, as much 
as I could, any scurrilities com- 
ing out upon him ; which I 
promised, and performed to 
her satisfaction. I afterwards 
told her, I heard the duchess 
of Marlborough and his own 
family gave out that he died 
very poor. The queen said, she 
was ven,' sorry he had suffered 
so much in her service ; for at 
the revolution, he brought 
twenty thousand guineas, for 
her to take care of, which she 
did for some time after, and 
they were constantly removed 
with her, wherever she went. 
He was lord treasurer, his son 
cofferer, and his daiighter in 
law a lady of the bedchamber 
for eight years of queen Anne's 
reign : both himself and family 
lived very meanly for the great 
and profitable posts they were 
in. When he died, he left no 
will, and when he was pressed to 

make one, said he had but one 
child, therefore there was no 
occasion to make any. He 
never bought any land, but 
had very considerable grants ; 
anjl his son was advanced five 
hundred thousand pounds every 
year, upon the land tax, since 
the queen's death. The earl of 
Finlater, who was much in lord 
Godolphin's confidence, told 
me, that a little before the 
change of the ministry, he told 
him, that Frjbey, the Dutch en- 
voy, had threatened to set the 
parliament upon him, if he did 
not comply with all the unrea- 
sonable demands the Dutch 
were pleased to make ; and he 
believed they had a ]3arty strong 
enough to accon)plish it ; but 
said, it was impossible to carry 
on the war, or make peace, 
upon the foot we then were, 
and nothing but the credit of 
a new ministry could do either, 
which, with other observations, 
gave me a suspicion, that there 
was an understanding between 
him and the queen to the last. 

'^ (Mrs. Masham and Mr, 
Harley, created earl of Oxford, 


Upon the earl of Godolphin's death, the duke of 1712. 
Marlborough resolved to go and live beyond sea ; The duke 
he executed it in the end of November; and his J^^^^J^^^'^t 
duchess followed him in the besdnninff of Febru- *" ^'^^ '^*- 

00 yond sea. 

ary '. This was variously censured ; some pretended 
it was the giving up and abandoning the concerns 
of his country ; and they represented it as the ef- 
fect of fear, with too anxious a care to secure him- 
self. Others were glad he was safe out of ill hands ; 
whereby, if we should fall into the convulsions of a 
civil war, he woyld be able to assist the elector of 
Hanover, as being so entirely beloved and confided 
in by all our military men ; whereas, if he had stayed 
in England, it was not to be doubted, but upon the 
least shadow of suspicion he would have been im- 
mediately secured ; whereas now he would be at 
liberty, being beyond sea, to act as there might be 
occasion for it. 

There were two suits begun against him : the one 615 

are here meant. Concerning sents to all her friends, expect- 

Godolphin, whose character is ing, as she said, never to see 

well drawn by Macpherson, in them more ; and chose Mrs. 

his Hist, of Great Britain, vol. Higgens, a gentlewoman in low 

ii. p. 462, and who appears to circumstances, and not much 

have uniformly felt, according her acquaintance, to bestow an 

to his professions made fre- enamelled picture of the queen 

quently to the house of Stuart, ujjon, which she had given her 

a real attachment to its inte- when princess, that had been 

rests, see notes on vol. i. of set round with diamonds ; but 

Burnet's Hist. pp. 479, 621, those her grace thought worth 

and on vol. ii. p. 403.) the keeping. Mrs. Higgens, 

' Before the duchess of who understood it was done as 

Marlborough set out for Hoi- an atfront to the queen, rather 

land, she sent to me for a pass : than a compliment to herself, 

I sent one signed by the queen ; having no pretensions to such 

which she returned, and sent an honour, delivered it to lord 

me word, if one of my own Oxford, who presented her with 

were not sufficient, she would a hundred guineas, and kept the 

go without any, which I sent picture. D. 
immediately. She made pre- 

K 4 


1712. was for the two and a half per cent, that the foreign 
princes were content should be deducted for contin- 
gencies, of which an account was formerly given ; 
the other was for arrears due to the builders of 
Blenheim house. The queen had given orders for 
building it with great magnificence ; all the bargains 
with the workmen were made in her name, and by 
authority from her; and in the preambles of the 
acts of parliament that confirmed the grant of Wood- 
stock to him and his heirs, it was said the queen 
built the house for him : yet now that the tradesmen 
were let run into an arrear of 30,000/. the queen re- 
fused to pay any more ; and set them upon suing 
the duke of Marlborough for it, though he had never 
contracted with any of them "'. Upon his going be- 
yond sea, both those suits were stayed ; which gave 
occasion to people to imagine, that the ministry, 
being disturbed to see so much public respect put on 
a man whom they had used so ill, had set these pro- 
secutions on foot, only to render his stay in England 
uneasy to him ". 

"i But had received the mo- thon's papers, several letters 
ney that was to have paid them, from the duke of Marlborough, 
as both lord Oxford and lord in his own hand, to the elec- 
Bingley told me. D. (See also tor of Hanover, professing the 
lord Dartmouth's note at p. strongest zeal and attachment 
313. Compare Coxe's Life of to his interest, pointing out the 
the Duke of Marlborough, vol. methods by which his adversa- 
iii. chap. 109, p. 530.) ries in England were endea- 
" His going, his staying,and his vouring to undermine the pro- 
return, aiforded many observa- testant succession, offering to 
tions not very favourable to go over whenever his (the elec- 
him. The whole is a mystery, tor's) service made it neces- 
that time perhaps will never sary ; and, in fact, the duke ap- 
unfold. It is enough for us, pears to have accepted a com- 
that he, who was the first man mission to command the army, 
of this country, was confessedly in case of the queen's sudden 
the first man of the age. O. death, and lord Cadogan was 
I have seen, amongst Mr. Robe- to act under him, as his dejMi- 



Our army continued this winter about Ghendt 1713. 
and Bruges : and we kept a sort of garrison in Dun- ^r^ possess 
kirk ; but that was so ill supplied with artillery and ^""^''"^''^^° 
ammunition, that it was visible they were not in a^*"""* 


condition to keep the place any longer than the 
French were willing to let them stay in it °. And 

ty. Particular care was to be 
taken about securing the gar- 
rison of Dunkirk. The court 
of Hanover was not very alert 
about securing the succession. 
The elector was not only very 
backward in sending over bis 
son, (though much pressed to 
it by all his friends in Eng- 
land,) but declined borrowing 

a sum no larger than , 

which his friends represented to 
him was absolutely necessary for 
secret services, pensions to lords, 
&c. I have likewise read, a- 
mongst the papers collected by 
Carte, draughts of letters from 
lord Middieton and king James's 
queen, to the duke of Marlbo- 
rough, in 1 7 10; by which it 
appears, that his grace had 
(when the ministry changed in 
England) made the strongest 
professions of his attachment to 
the Stewart family. H. (Com- 
pare Macpherson's History of 
Great Britain, vol. ii. c. 8 and 9, 
pp. 454, 457, 578. Archdea- 
con Coxe, who, in his Life of 
the Duke of Marlborough, vol. 
iii. c. 106, p. 480, does not ad- 
mit the reality of the design at- 
tributed to him of restoring the 
Stuart family, says, in page 531, 
that "he shall not attempt to 
" detail any farther circum- 
" stances of this mysterious 
" transaction, (the duke's de- 
" parture,) which we have no 

" clue to unravel, but merely 
" observe, that it received the 
" entire approbation of the 
" queen ; for, in a conversation 
" with the duchess of Hamil- 
" ton, she said, ' The duke of 
" Marlborough has acted wisely 
" in going abroad.' Lord Cow- 
" per's Diary." Respecting the 
duke of Marlborough, this ad- 
ditional note occurs at the end 
of the Onslow copy of Burnet, 
written by the earl of Hard- 
wicke : " The speaker (Mr. 
" Onslow) has told me, that 
" he had been informed by 
" the late lord Orford (Sir Ro- 
" bert Walpole) and Arthur 
" Moore, that lord Bolingbroke 
" had formed a scheme of ad- 
" ministration, upon the turn- 
" ing out the earl of Oxford, 
" by which himself was to have 
" been lord treasurer, sir Wil- 
" Ham Wyndham one of the 
" secretaries of state, and Ar- 
" thur Moore chancellor of the 
" exchequer ; and it is now ge- 
" nerally believed, that the duke 
" of Marlborough was to have 
" been restored to the com- 
" mand of the army. See note, 
" p. 622." Mr. Coxe gives 
another list of the projected ad- 
ministration, without naming 
the duke of Marlborough. See 
chap. 1 12. p, 579.) 

° (The author of the Life 
and Reign of the Queen says, 


1712. during that time, they were neither allowed to have 
" a place to worship Grod, nor to bury theu* dead in, 

though by a mortality that raged there, some thou- 
sands died. Our ministers continued still to press 
the States and the emperor to come into the queen's 
measures : the emperor, on some occasions, talked 
in a very positive strain, as if he was resolved to 
put all to hazard, rather than submit to such hard 
conditions ; but the apprehensions of a war in the 
neighbourhood of Hungary, and the low state of 
his treasure, forced him to come down from that 
height, and engage the States to procure better 
terms for him : the demand of Strazbourg was re- 
jected by the French with so positive an air, that 
our court did not move in it more ; nor did it 
appear, that we obtained any one condition of the 
French but what was offered in their own project. 
The barrier In couclusion, the States were forced to yield in 
li^ld. every particular; and then our ministers, to give 
some seeming content to the nation, and to bring 
the States into some confidence with them, ordered 
the new barrier treaty to be signed : and it was 
given out by their creatures, that the French were 
highly offended at their signing this ; making it pre- 
vious to a general peace, and a sort of guarantee 
616 for it. Thus, after all the declamations that were 
made on the first barrier treaty, the ministers came 

that there were not less than adds, that this place had long 
seven or eight thousand men infested the British trade, and 
in garrison there ; and that, as been a thorn in our sides dur- 
the town was open to us by ing the war, p. 751. Its de- 
sea, we might have poured in molition had been made one of 
what supplies we pleased into the conditions of peace, in an 
the town, from time to time, address of the parliament to 
if it had been invested. He the queen.) 


into a new one, which, though not so secure as the 1712. 
former, yet was liable to all the objections that were 
made against that. The French, as we were as- 
sured, in the progi'ess of the treaty, used all that 
course of chicane for which they have been so long 
famous ; and after all the steps our court had made 
to get them a treaty of their own projecting, we 
were not at last able to gain any one point upon 
them : they seemed to reckon, that now we had put 
ourselves in their hands, and that they might use us 
as they pleased. 

A proclamation was set out in the end of Novem- 17^3. 

• • -I • o T Seven pro- 

ber, givmg notice that the session of parliament rogations of 

would be opened on the thirteenth of January ; but ^^^ '*™*" ' 
though the proroguing the parliament after such a 
proclamation was without a precedent p, yet we were 
put off by seven prorogations, some for a fortnight, 
and some for three weeks : it was said, we were 
daily expecting a sudden conclusion of the treaty ; 
and till all was finished, the ministers could not 
know what aids were to be demanded. What occa- 
sioned all these delays is yet a secret to me ; so I 
can write nothing of it ^. Many expresses were sent 

P But this has been a prece- in town, which could not have 

dent, and not without former been done when dispersed in 

authorities for it. The chief the country. It is not prudent 

objection to it in this case, was to use tricks with parliaments, 

from the number of the proro- O. 

gations and the length of time: i And so was the whole 

but some occasions may justify transaction, notwithstanding he 

it, if the reason be evident, and has published a great number 

for the public service, other- of untruths in relation to it, 

wise very censurable on many with many base insinuations, to 

accoimts; particularly as to pre- please a jjarty that never trust- 

vious influence, and manage- ed him with any thing they did 

ment by courts of members when not design all the world should 


1713. to Vienna, and the returns to those could not come 
quick. The demands for restoring the electors of 
Bavaria and Cologn, together with a compensation 
for their losses, were insisted on. The emperor could 
not do the former of these without the diet, by 
whose authority they were put under the imperial 
ban : but neither the emperor nor diet could answer 
the other demand, it rose so high. 
Affairs of While we were at home, uneasy at the many pro- 


rogations and delays, the news from beyond sea 
opened a new scene. The Swedes broke into Hol- 
stein, but were so closely followed by the Danes and 
Muscovites, that their retreat by land was cut off, 
and the Danish ships shut them from the Baltic 
sea: they made great waste in the king of Den- 
mark's share of Holstein ; and burned Altena, a 
great and rich village, within a mile of Hambourg, 
which being an open place, in no sort fortified, 
the burning it was thought contrary to the laws of 
The king The king of Prussia died in February : he was in 
deathT*"** ^^s own pcrsou a virtuous man, and full of zeal in 
the matters of religion ; he raised above two hun- 
dred new churches in his dominions ; he was weak, 
and much in the power of his ministers and flatter- 
ers ; but was so apt to hearken to whispers, that he 
changed twice the whole set of his ministry : his as- 

know. The duke of Marlbo- never prevailed to be advanced 

rough told me, jjeople were ex- from Salisbury, nor, he be- 

tremely mistaken that took him lieved, ever would ; though he 

for a cunning man ; being the was sure no man desired pre- 

least so of any of his country- ferment more : but he had 

men, who were generally very talked himself out of every 

expert at bringing about what body's good opinion. D. 
they aimed at. But he had 


suming the title of a king, and his affecting an ex- 1713, 

traordinary magnificence in his court, brought a 

great charge on himself, and on all about him, which 
made him a severe master to his subjects, and set 
him on many pretensions, chiefly those relating to 617 
the prince of Frizeland, which were not thought 
well grounded. He was succeeded in his dignity 
by his son, who had hitherto appeared to affect a 
roughness of behaviour, and seemed fond of his 
grenadiers, not only beyond all other military men, 
but beyond all men whatsoever : he seemed to have 
a warlike inclination ; but what he will prove^ now 
that he is on the throne, must be left to time '. 

The appearances of a new war between the Turk The king of 
and the czar varied so oft, that it was doubtful iniJsfor-* 
what it might end : the king of Sweden used all *"°"' 
possible means to engage the Turk into it ; but he 
threw himself, ])y his intractable obstinacy, into 
great dangers : the party at the Porte that opposed 
the war, studied to get rid of that king, and of his 
importunities. Orders were sent him to march back 
into his kingdom; and they undertook to procure 
him a safe passage to it : but he treated the person 
that was sent with this message with gi*eat inso- 
lence, and fortified himself, as well as he could, with 

"^ I heard the late queen, as well as the terror, of every 

(Caroline,) who was of his fa- body near him; and that this 

niily, and knew him well, say, happened almost daily. I 

that sometimes he had the ap- heard another person say, (who 

pearance of a great prince, soft knew him too,) that in the 

and polite in his carriage to all morning he was a king, and in 

about him, and of a sudden the afternoon a boor. O. (He 

would, without any provoca- was father of the great king of 

tion, fall into such meanness Prussia, who has given some 

of language and behaviour, with curious accounts of him in his 

such starts of brutal cruelty. Memoirs of the House of Bran- 

that he was then the contempt, denburg.) 

1713. the Swedes that were about him, and resolved to 

defend himself. A force much superior to his was 
brought against him ; but he maintained himself so 
resolutely in his house, that some hundreds of those 
who attacked him were killed: the Turks, upon that, 
set fire to the house, whereupon he was forced to 
surrender, and was put under a guard ; and most of 
his Swedes were sold for slaves : he was carried to 
a house near Adrianople, but not suffered to come 
to court ; only the sultan disowned the violence used 
to his person. In the mean while, the czar shipped 
an army from Petersburgh, that landed in Finland : 
the Swedes were not able to stand before him ; every 
place, as he advanced, submitted to him; and he 
was now master of Abo, the capital of Finland, and 
of that whole province. Steinbock, with his army, 
maintained himself in Tonningen as long as their 
provision lasted; but, all supplies being carefully 
stopped, he was forced at last to deliver up himself 
and his army prisoners of war ; and these were the 
best troops the Swedes had, so that Sweden was struck 
with a general consternation : in this distracted state 
has that furious prince abandoned his own king- 
dom. And there I must leave it, to return to our 
own affairs. 
The treaties After a loug expcctatiou, we at last knew, that on 
tiio"8ession the thirteenth of March", the treaty of peace be- 
ment o- twccu England, France, and the States was signed : 
pened. upou this, the parliament was opened on the ninth 
of April. The queen, in her speech, told the two 
houses, that she had now concluded a peace, and 

• (The peace was signed on Life and Reign of Queen Anne, 
the ' thirtieth of March, O. S. p. 758, correcting Burnet.) 
according to the author of the 


had obtained a further security for the protestant 1713. 

succession, and that she was in an entire union with 
the house of Hanover: she asked of the commons 618 
the necessaiy supplies, and recommended to both 
houses the cultivating the arts of peace, with a re- 
flection upon faction. Upon this speech, a debate 
arose in the house of lords, concerning some words 
that were moved to be put in the address, (which 
of course was to be made to the queen,) applauding 
the conditions of the peace, and the security for the 
protestant succession : this was opposed, since we 
did not yet know what the conditions of the peace 
were, nor what that security was ; all that appeared 
was, that the pretender was gone out of France into 
the Barrois, a part of Lorrain, for which that duke 
did homage to the crown of France. An address of 
congratulation was agreed to, but without any ap- 
probation of the peace. The house of commons ob- 
served the same caution in their address. But upon 
this, a new set of addresses ran through the nation, 
in the usual strains of flattery and false eloquence. 
The parliament sat above a month, before the ar- 
ticles of peace (and of a treaty of commerce, made 
at that same time) were laid before them. It was 
given out, that, till the ratifications were exchanged, 
it was not proper to publish them ; but when that 
was done, they were communicated to both houses, 
and printed. 

By the treaty of peace, the French king was The sub- 
bound to give neither harbour nor assistance to the the"treaties 
pretender, but acknowledge the queen's title, and ^^ j'^^.^^^^ 
the protestant succession, as it was settled by seve- "'"^'=^' 
ral acts of parliament : Dunkirk was to be razed in 
a time limited, within five months after the ratifica- 

1713. tions; but that was not to be begun, till an equiva- 

lent for it was put in the hands of France. New- 
foundland, Hudson's Bay, and St. Christopher's, 
were to be given to England ; but Cape Breton was 
left to the French, with a liberty to dry their fish 
on Newfoundland : this was the main substance of 
the articles of peace. The treaty of commerce ^t- 
tled a free trade, according to the tariff in the year 
1664, excepting some commodities that were sub- 
jected to a new tariff in the year 1699, which was 
so high, that it amounted to a prohibition : all the 
productions of France were' to come into England 
under no other duties but those that were laid on 
the same productions from other countries ; and 
when this was settled, then commissaries were to be 
sent to London, to agree and adjust all matters re- 
lating to trade : the treaty of commerce with Spain 
was not yet finished. As for the allies, Portugal 
and Savoy were satisfied ; the emperor was to have ^ 
the duchy of Milan, the kingdom of Naples, and the 
Spanish Netherlands : Sicily was to be given to the 
duke of Savoy, with the title of king : and Sardinia, 
with the same title, was to be given to the elector 
619 of Bavaria, in lieu of his losses : the States were to 
deliver up Lisle, and the little places about it : and, 
besides the places of which they were already pos- 
sessed, they were to have Namur, Charleroy, Lux- 
embourg, Ypres, and Newport : the king of Prussia 
was to have the Upper Guelder, in lieu of Orange 
and the other estates which the family had in 
Franche Comte : this was all that I think necessary 
to insert here, with relation to our treaty : the em- 
peror was to have time to the first of June, to de- 
clare his accepting of it. It did not appear what 


equivalent the king of France was to have for Dun- 17^3. 
kirk : no mention was made of it in the treaty ; so 
the house of commons made an address to the 
queen, desiring to know what that equivalent was. 
Some weeks passed before they had an answer ; at 
last the queen by a message said, the French king 
had that equivalent already in his own hands ; but 
we were still in the dark as to that, no further ex- 
planation being made of it. As to Newfoundland, 
it was thought that the French settling at Cape 
Breton, instead of Placentia, would be of great ad- 
vantage to them with relation to the fishery, which 
is the only thing that makes settlements in those 
parts of any value. The English have always pre- 
tended that, the first discovery of Newfoundland 
being made in Henry the seventh's time, the right 
to it was in the crown of England. The French 
had leave given them in king Charles the first's 
time to fish there, paying tribute, as an acknow- 
ledgment of that licence: it is true, they carried 
this much further during the civil wars; and this 
grew to a much gi'eater height in the reign of king 
Charles the second : but in king William's time, an 
act of parliament passed, asserting the right of the 
crown to Newfoundland, laying open the trade thi- 
ther to all the subjects of Great Britain, with a po- 
sitive and constant exclusion of all aliens and fo- 
reigners : these were the reflections on the treaty of 
peace; but there were more important objections 
made to the treaty of commerce. During king Charles 
the second's reign, our trade with France was often 
and loudly complained of, as very prejudicial to the 
nation ; there was a commission appointed in the 
year 1674, to adjust the conditions of our commerce 


1713. with that nation, and then it appeared, in a scheme 
that was prepared by very able merchants, that we 
lost every year a million of money by our trade 
thither. This was then so well received, that the 
scheme was entered into the journals of both houses 
of parliament, and into the books of the custom- 
house ; but the court at that time favoured the in- 
terests of France so much, preferably to theii* own, 
that the trade went still on till the year 1678, when 
the parliament laid upon all French commodities 
such a duty as amounted to a prohibition, and was 
to last for three years, and to the end of the next 
620 session of parliament : at the end of the three years, 
king Charles called no more parliaments ; and that 
act was repealed in king James's parliament: but 
during the whole last war, high duties were laid on 
all the productions and manufactures of France; 
which by this treaty were to be no higher charged 
than the same productions from other countries. It 
was said that, if we had been as often beat by the 
French as they had been by us, this would have 
been thought a very hard treaty ; and if the articles 
of our commerce had been settled before the duke 
of Ormond was ordered to separate his troops from 
the confederates, the French could not have pre- 
tended to draw us into such terms as they had in- 
sisted on since that time, because we put ourselves 
into theb power. We were engaged by our treaty 
with Portugal, that their wines should be charged 
a third part lower than the French wines ; but if the 
duties were, according to this treaty of commerce, 
to be made equal, then, considering the difference of 
freight, which is more than double from Portugal, 
the French wines would be much cheaper ; and the 


nation generally liking them better, by this means 1713. 
we should not only break our treaties with Por-^ 
tugal, but if we did not take off their wines, we 
must lose their trade, which was at present the most 
advantageous that we drove any where : for besides 
a great vent of our manufactures, we brought over 
yearly great returns of gold from thence ; four, five, 
and six hundred thousand pounds a year. We had 
brought the silk manufacture here to so great per- 
fection, that about 300,000 people were maintained 
by it^ For carrying this on, we brought great 
quantities of silk from Italy and Turkey, by which, 
people in those countries came to take off as great 
quantities of our manufactures : so that our demand 
for silk had opened good markets for our woollen 
goods aln'oad, which must fail, if our manufacture of 
silk at home should be lost : which, if once we gave 
a free vent for silk stuffs from France among us, 
must soon be the case ; since the cheapness of pro- 
visions and of labour in France would enable the 
French to undersell us, even at our own markets. 
Our linen and paper manufactures would likewise 
be ruined by a free importation of the same goods 
from France. These things came to be so generally 
well understood, that, even while flattering ad- 
dresses were coming to court from all the parts of the 
island, petitions came from the towns and counties 
concerned in trade, setting forth the prejudice they 
apprehended from this treaty of commerce. The 
ministers used all possible arts to bear this clamour 
down ; they called it faction, and decried it with a 

' (Here must have been a probably set down by the au- 
mistake in the figures, and the thor. See the Life and Reiga 
number thirty thousand was of Queen Anne, p. 758.) 

L '2 


1713- boldness that would have surprised any but those 
g2i who had observed the methods they had taken for 
many years, to vent the foulest calumnies and the 
falsest misrepresentations possible. ' But the matter 
came to be so universally apprehended, that it could 
not be disguised. 
Aid given Thc housc of commous gave an aid of two shil- 

bv the com- ... i i i i • • i i 

nions. bugs m the pound, though the mmisters hoped to 

have carried it higher ; but the members durst not 

venture on that, since a new election was soon to 

follow the conclusion of the session : they went next 

to renew the duty on malt for anothei* year ; and 

here a debate arose, that was kept up some days 

in both houses of parliament, whether it should be 

The Scots laid on the whole island : it was carried in the af- 

bei^ "^ firmative, of which the Scots complained heavily, as 

w\tbiL ^ burden that their country could not bear: and 

duty on whcrcas it was said, that those duties ought to be 

malt. ' o 

laid equally on all the subjects of the united king- 
dom, the Scots insisted on an article of the union, 
by which it was stipulated, that no duty should be 
laid on the malt in Scotland during the war, which 
ought to be observed religiously. They said, it was 
evident the war with Spain was not yet ended : no 
peace with that crown was yet proclaimed, nor so 
much as signed: and though it was as good as 
made, and was every day expected, yet it was a 
maxim in the construction of all laws, that odious 
matters ought to be strictly understood, whereas 
matters of favour were to be more liberally inter- 
preted. It was farther said on the Scotch side, that 
this duty was, by the very words of the act, to be 
applied to deficiencies during the war : so this act 
was, upon the matter, making Scotland pay that 


duty during the war, from which the articles of the 1713. 
union did by express words exempt them. A great 
number of the EngHsh were convinced of the equity 
of these grounds that the Scots went on ; but the 
majority was on the other side. So when the bill had 
passed through the house of commons, all the Scots 
of both houses met together, and agreed to move for ^"ha^Thf 
an act dissolving the union; they went first to the ""'""''•*■ 
queen, and told her how grievous and indeed into- 
lerable this duty would be to their country, so that 
they were under a necessity to try how the union 
might be broken. The queen seemed uneasy at the 
motion ; she studied to divert them from it, and as- 
sured them that her officers should have orders to 
make it easy to them. This was understood to im- 
ply that the duty should not be levied; but they 
knew this could not be depended on : so the motion 
was made in the house of lords, and most of the 
lords of that nation spoke to it : they set forth all 
the hardships that they lay under since the union ; 
they had no more a council in Scotland ; their peers 
at present were the only persons in the whole island 
that were judged incapable of peerage by descent " ; 622 
their laws were altered in matters of the highest 
importance, particularly in matters of treason ; and 
now an imposition was to be laid on their malt, 
which must prove an intolerable burden to the poor 
of that country, and force them to drink water. 
Upon all these reasons they moved for liberty to 
bring in a biU to dissolve the union, in^ which they 
would give fuU security for maintaining the queen's 
prerogative, and for securing the protestant suc- 

" He means seats in parliament. O. 
L 3 


1713. cession. This was opposed with much zeal by the 
ministers, but was supported by others''; who, 
though they did not intend to give up the union, 
yet thought it reasonable to give a hearing to this 
motion, that they might see how far the protestant 
succession could be secured, in case it should be en- 
tertained ; but the majority were for rejecting the 
motion : when the malt bill was brought up to the 
lords, there was such an opposition made to it, that 
fifty-six voted against it, but sixty-four were for it, 
and so it passed. 
A bill for The matter of the greatest consequence in this 

rendering , 1 .11 /> i« 1 

the treaty sessiou was a Dill for Settling the commerce with 
mcrcrwith Fraucc, accordiug to the treaty, and for taking off 
fcrtuS.*^ the prohibitions and high duties, that were laid on 
the productions of France. The traders in the city 
of London, and those in all the other parts of Eng- 
land, were alarmed with the great prejudice this 
would bring on the whole nation. The Turkey com- 
pany, those that traded to Portugal and Italy, and all 
who were concerned in the woollen and silk manu- 
factures, appeared before both houses, and set forth 
the great mischief that a commerce with France, on 
the foot of the treaty, would bring upon the nation ; 
while none appeared on the other side to answer 
their arguments, or to set forth the advantage of 
such a commerce. It was manifest, that rione of the 

« The whig lords. How authority, (the late sir Robert 

much to their honour, I will not Monroe, then of the house of 

say. I believe they meant only commons,) that at a meeting 

the distressing of the ministrj-; upon it at my lord Somers's 

but surely there was too much of house, where Monroe was, that 

party violence to make so ten- nobody pressed this motion 

der a point an instrument of more than that lord. Good 

opposition. I had it from good God ! O. 



trading bodies had been consulted in it ; and the 
commissioners for trade and plantations had made 
very material observations on the first project, which 
was sent to them for their opinion : and afterwards, 
when this present project was formed, it was also 
transmitted to that board by the queen's order, and 
they were required to make their remarks on it : but 
Arthur Moor, who had risen up from being a foot- 
man y, without any education ^, to be a great dealer in 


>■ There was no more objec- 
tion to Arthur Moor's having 
raised himself from a footman, 
than there was for a Scotch 
presbyterian minister's having 
done so to the bishopric of Sa- 
lisbur)'. But that Arthur Moor 
ever was in lord Oxford's con- 
fidence, is utterly untrue : and 
that he always objected to lord 
Bolingbroke's having too much 
in him, is true. D. (Neither is it 
true that Burnet had been a 
Scotch presbyterian minister.) 

* But of very extraordinary 
parts, with great experience and 
knowledge of the world, very 
able in parliament, and capable 
of the highest parts of business, 
with a manner in it, and in- 
deed in his general deportment, 
equal almost to any rank. He 
had materials of discourse for 
all sorts of company, to whom 
he knew how to accommodate 
liimself, and never offended by 
forwardness, or pride, or any 
impropriety. If he was with 
scholars, or men of any profes- 
sion he was not skilled in, he 
supplied the want of that by 
giving them entertaining sto- 
ries, and characters of men of 
their own sort, which pleased 
them more than if he could 

have talked to them in their 
own knowledge. He knew eve- 
ry body, and could talk of every 
body, which, with his acquaint- 
ance and readiness in all the 
current business of the times 
he had lived in, made his con- 
versation a sort of history of 
the age, especially in the latter 
part of his life, when his former 
partialities and bias were no 
longer of use to him. He had 
great notions, and was generous 
and magnificent, and wrote and 
spoke with the accuracy and po- 
liteness of the best education. 
His aspect and outward figure 
were disadvantageous enough to 
him, but he wanted nothing else 
to make him appear a man of the 
first fashion. He had a confi- 
dence with the ministers in their 
most secret measures ; first 
with the treasurer, then with 
the lord Bolingbroke, and al- 
ways with the chancellor, (Har- 
court,) and mediated between 
them in their quarrels ; but 
when he found them irrecon- 
cilable, took his part with the 
lord Bolingbroke, who, if the 
queen had lived long enough to 
have enabled him to make a 
ministry', was himself to have 
been treasurer, sir William 




1713. trade, and was the person of that board, in whom the 
lord treasurer confided most, moved that they might 
first read it every one apart, and then debate it ; and 
he desired to have the first perusal : so he took it 
away, and never brought it back to them, but gave 
it to the lord Bolingbroke, who carried it to Paris, 
and there it was settled. The bill was very feebly 
maintained by those who argued for it ; yet the ma- 
623 jority went with the biU till the last day ; and then 
the opposition to it was so strong, that the ministers 
seemed inclined to let it fall : but it was not then 
known, whether this was only a feint, or whether 
the instances of the French ambassador, and the en- 
gagements that our ministers were under to that 

Wyndham, then chancellor of 
the exchequer, was to have been 
one of the secretaries of state ; 
and Mr. Moore, chancellor of 
the exchequer. The queen's 
death defeated all this, but his 
intimac)' with lord Harcourt 
and Bolingbroke was not in- 
terrupted by it, but continued 
in the closest manner for seve- 
ral years aftenvards, and chang- 
ed indeed as they did to the 
ministers in the next reign. 
What his benefits were by so 
doing, I do not know ; but I 
know his circumstances wanted 
it. His acquisitions had been 
very great by trade, and after- 
wards by every method, as it 
has been said, that his interest, 
and power, and opportunities 
opened to him ; but his i)rofu- 
sion consumed all. And he 
died broken in all respects, but 
in his parts and spirit, and it 
was thought they would not 
have held him long. He was 

so eminent an instance of ex- 
traordinary rise from mean be- 
ginnings, by the mere force of 
nattiral genius; and as I knew 
him many years, by his being 
seated in the county of Surrey, 
I imagined it would not be un- 
pleasing or un useful to you to 
have this account of a man, 
who. if he had raised himself 
by a course of virtue, would 
have been justly deemed one of 
the greatest among those who 
have wrought their own for- 
tunes. IJut " vendidit hie auro 
" patriam," — to Spain at least, 
if not to France, in our transac- 
tions of commerce with them at 
the treaty of Utrecht. O. (See 
an unfavourable account of the 
conduct of Arthur Moore, who 
was employed by lord Boling- 
broke to negotiate the commer- 
cial treaty with Spain, in So- 
merville's Hist, of Queen Anne, 
chap.xxiii. p. 562.) 


court, prevailed for carrying it on. It was brought 1713. 
to the last step; and then a great many of those 
who had hitherto gone along with the court, broke 
from them in this matter, and bestirred themselves 
so effectually, that when it came to the last division, 
185 were for the bill, and 194 were against it: by 
so small a majority was a bill of such great import- 
ance lost. But the house of commons, to soften 
the ill constructions that might be made of their 
rejecting this bill, made an address to the queen, in 
which they thanked her for the peace she had con- 
cluded, and for the foundation laid for settling our 
commerce ; and prayed her to name commissaries 
to regulate and finish that matter. 

To this the queen sent an answer, of a singular 
composition : she said, she was glad to see they were 
so well pleased with the treaty of peace and com- 
merce that she had made, and assured them that 
she would use her best endeavours to see all the ad- 
vantages, that she had stipulated for her subjects, 
performed : this was surprising, since the house of 
commons had sufficiently shewed, how little they 
were pleased with the treaty of commerce, by their 
rejecting the bill that was offered to confirm it ; and 
this was insinuated in their address itself : but it was 
pleasantly said, that the queen answered them, ac- 
cording to what ought to have been in their address, 
and not according to what was in it ; besides it was 
observable, that her promise, to maintain what was 
already stipulated, did not at all answer the prayer 
of their address. This was all that passed in this 
session of parliament with relation to the peace \ 

» (Sraollet, in his History of xi. page 265, gives the foUow- 
England, (Queen Anne,) chap, ing account of what took place 



1713. It was once apprehended, that the ministers would 
have moved for an act, or at least for an address, ap- 
proving the peace; and upon that I prepared a 
speech, which I intended to make on the subject : it 
was the only speech that I ever prepared before- 
hand ; but since that matter was never brought into 
the house, I had no occasion to make it ; yet I think 
proper to insert it here, that I may deliver down my 
thoughts of this great transaction to posterity. 

A speech " My LORDS, this matter now before you, as it is 
whl^''tht " of the greatest importance, so it may be seen in 
approbation « ^^^ different lights ; I will not meddle with the 
political view of it ; I leave that to persons, who 

of the 
sbonld be 

the liouse of afterwards with relation to the 
lords. treaty of commerce : " After a 

" violent debate," he says, " the 
" house of commons resolved 
" by a great majority, that a 
" bill should be brought in, to 
" make good the eighth and 
" ninth articles of the treaty 
*' of commerce with France. 
" Against these articles, how- 
" ever, the Portugueze minister 
" presented a memorial, declar- 
*' ing that, should the duties on 
" French wines be lowered to 
" the same level with those that 
" were laid on the wines ofPor- 
" tugal, his master would renew 
*' the prohibition of the woollen 
** manufactures, and other pro- 
'• ducta of Great Britain. In- 
" deed all the trading part of 
** the nation exclaimed against 
'• tl»e treaty of commerce, which 
" seems to have been concluded 
" in a hurry, before the minis- 
" ters fully understood the na- 
" ture of the subject. This 
** precipitation was owing to 

" the fears that their endeavours 
" after peace would miscarry 
" from the intrigues of the whig 
" faction, and the obstinate op- 
" position of the confederates." 
So Smollet. Whatever mistake 
there may be in this last asser- 
tion, yet credit ought to be given 
to sir Thomas Harmer, speaker 
of the house of commons, 
and to those of the tory party, 
who on the occasion mentioned 
by Burnet, from a principle of 
duty voted against the measure, 
however they might give way af- 
terwards, or at the timebesorae- 
what dissatisfied with the court. 
A rare instance of a large num- 
ber of persons sacrificing party 
to principle ; but repeated by 
the same political body of men 
in the reign of George II. when, 
from adherence to their princi- 
ples, they refused to join in 
forcing the crown to remove sir 
Robert Walpole from office, as 
no charge had been regularly 
proved against him.) 


" can judge and speak of it much better than I can : 1713. 
" I will only offer to you what appears to me, when 
" I consider it with relation to the rules of morality 624 
" and religion ; in this I am sure I act within my pro- 
" per sphere. Some things stick so with me, that I 
" could have no quiet in my conscience, nor think I 
" had answered the duty of my function, if I did not 
" make use of the freedom of speech, that our con- 
" stitution and the privileges of this house allow me : 
" I am the more encouraged to do this, because the 
" bringing those of our order into public councils, in 
" which we have now such a share, was originally 
" intended for this very end, that we should offer 
" such considerations, as arise from the rules of our 
" holy religion, in all matters that may come before 
" us. In the opening my sense of things, I may be 
" forced to use some words that may perhaps appear 
" severe : I cannot help it, if the nature of these 
" affairs is such, that I cannot speak plainly of them 
" in a softer strain : I intend not to reflect on any 
" person : and I am sure I have such a profound 
" respect for the queen, that no part of what I may 
" say can be understood to reflect on her in any sort : 
" her intentions are, no doubt, as she declares them 
** to be, all for the good and happiness of her people ; 
" but it is not to be supposed, that she can read long 
" treaties, or carry the articles of them in her me- 
" mory : so if things have been either concealed 
" from her, or misrepresented to her, she can do no 
" wrong: and if any such thing has been done, we 
" know on whom our constitution lays the blame. 

" The treaties that were made some years ago 
" with our allies, are in print ; both the giand alii- 

1713. " ance, and some subsequent ones : we see many 

" things in these, that are not provided for by this 
** peace ; it was in particular stipulated, that no 
" peace should be treated, much less concluded, with- 
** out the consent of the allies. But, before I make 
" any observations on this, I must desire you will 
** consider how sacred a thing the public faith, that 
" is engaged in treaties and alliances, should be 
** esteemed. 

" I hope I need not tell you, that even heathen 
" nations valued themselves upon their fidelity, in a 
" punctual observing of all their treaties, and with 
" how much infamy they branded the violation of 
" them : if we consider that which revealed religion 
" teaches us to know, that man was made after the 
" image of God, the God of all truth, as we know 
" who is the father of lies ; God hates the deceitful 
" man, in whose mouth there is no faithftdness. In 
" that less perfect religion of the Jews, when the 
" Gibeonites had by a fraudulent proceeding drawn 
" Joshua and the Israelites into a league with them, 
" it was sacredly observed ; and the violation of it, 
625 " some ages after, was severely punished. And 
" when the last of the kings of Judah shook off the 
" fidelity, to which he had bound himself to the king 
" of Babylon, the prophet thereupon said with indig- 
" nation, Shall he break the oath of God, andpros- 
" per f The swearing deceitfully is one of the worst 
** characters ; and he who swears to his own hurt, 
" and changes not, is among the best. It is a 
*• maxim of the wisest of kings, that the throne is 
" established by righteousness. Treaties are of the 
" nature of oaths ; and when an oath is asked to 


" confirm a treaty, it is never denied. The best ac- 1713. 
** count that I can give of the disuse of adding that 
" sacred seal to treaties is this : 

" The popes had for some ages possessed them- 
** selves of a power, to which they had often re- 
" course, of dissolving the faith of treaties, and the 
" obligation of oaths : the famous, but fatal story of 
" Ladislaus, king of Hungary, breaking his faith to 
" Amurath the Turk, by virtue of a papal dispensa- 
" tion, is well known. One of the last public acts 
" of this sort was, when pope Clement the seventh 
" absolved Francis the first, from the treaty made 
" and sworn to at Madrid, while he was a prisoner 
" there : the severe revenge that Charles the fifth 
" took of this, in the sack of Rome, and in keeping 
" that pope for some months a prisoner, has made 
" popes more cautious since that time than they 
" were formerly : this also drew such heavy but just 
" reproaches on the papacy from the reformers, 
" that some stop seems now to be put to such a bare- 
" faced protection of perjury. But the late king 
" told me, that he understood from the German pro- 
" testant princes, that they believed the confessors of 
" popish princes had faculties from Rome for doing 
" this, as effectually, though more secretly : he 
" added, that they knew it went for a maxim among 
" popish princes, that their word and faith bound 
" them as they were men and members of society ; 
" but that their oaths, being acts of religion, were 
" subject to the direction of their confessors ; and 
" that they, apprehending this, did, in all their treaties 
" with the princes of that religion, depend upon 
" their honour, but never asked the confirmation of 
" an oath, which had been the practice of former 


1713. " ages. The protestants of France thought they had 


" gained an additional security, for observing the 
" edict of Nantes, when the swearing to observe it 
" was made a part of the coronation oath : but it is 
" probable this very thing undermined and ruined it. 

•' Grotius, Puffendorf, and others who have wrote 
" of the law of nations, lay this down for a rule, that 
** the nature of a treaty, and the tie that arises out 
" of it, is not altered by the having or not having an 
626 ** oath : the oath serves only to heighten the obliga- 
^^^'' ** tion. They do also agree in this, that confederacies 
" do not bind states to carry on a war to their utter 
" ruin ; but that princes and states are bound to use 
" their utmost efforts in maintaining them : and it is 
" agreed by all who have treated of these matters, 
** that the common enemy, by oflfering to any one 
" confederate all his preten^ons, cannot justify his 
" departing from the confederacy ; because it was 
" entered into wdth that view, that all the preten- 
■" sions, upon which the confederacy was made, 
** should be insisted on or departed from by com- 
" mon consent. 

" It is true, that in confederacies where aUies are 
** bound to the performance of several articles, as 
" to their quotas or shares, if any one fails in the 
** part he was bound to, the other confederates have 
" a right to demand a reparation for his nonper- 
" formance : but even in that case, allies are to act 
" as friends, by making allowances for what could 
" not be helped, and not as enemies, by taking ad- 
" vantages, on design to disengage them from their 
** allies. It is certain, allies forfeit tlieir riglit to 
** the alliance, if they do not perform their part : 
" but the failure must be evident, and an expostu- 


" lation must be first made: and if, upon satisfac- 1713. 

" tion demanded, it is not given, then a protestation 
" should be made of such nonperformance ; and 
" the rest of the confederates are at liberty, as to 
•'* him who fails on his part : these are reckoned 
" among the customs and laws of nations : and since 
" nothing of this kind has been done, I cannot see 
" how it can be made out, that the tie of the confe- 
" deracy, and by consequence, that the public faith 
" has not been first broken on our side. 

" My lords, I cannot reconcile the carrying on a 
" treaty with the French, without the knowledge 
" and concurrence of the other confederate states 
" and princes, and the concluding it without the 
" consent of the emperor, the principal confederate, 
" not to mention the visible uneasiness that has ap- 
" peared in the others, who seem to have been 
" forced to consent, by declarations, if not by threat- 
" enings, from hence ; I say, I cannot reconcile this 
" with the articles of the grand alliance, and the 
" other later treaties that are in print : this seems 
" to come within the charge of the prophet against , 
" those who deal treacherously with those who had 
" 7iot dealt treacherously with them ; upon which, 
" the threatening that follows may be justly appre- 
" hended : it wUl have a strange sound among all 
" Christians, but more particularly among the re- 
" formed, when it is reported, that the plenipoten- 
" tiary of the head of the reformed princes said 
" openly to the other plenipotentiaries, that the 
" queen held herself free from all her treaties and 627 
" alliances : if this be set for a precedent, here is a 
" short way of dispensing with the public faith ; 
" and if this was spoken by one of our prelates, I 


1713. ** am afraid it will leave a heavy reproach on our 
" church ; and, to speak freely, I am afraid it wiU 
" draw a much heavier curse after it. My lords, 
" there is a God in heaven, who will judge all the 
" world, without respect of persons : nothing can 
" prosper without his blessing : he can blast all the 
" counsels of men, when laid in fraud and deceit, 
** how cunningly soever they may be either con- 
" trived or disguised : and I must think, that a peace 
" made in opposition to the express words of so 
" many treaties, will prove a curse instead of a 
** blessing to us : God is provoked by such proceed- 
" ings, to pour heavy judgments on us, for the vio- 
** lation of a faith so often given, which is so openly 
** broken : by this our nation is dishonoured, and 
** our church disgraced : and I dread to think, what 
" the consequence of those things is like to prove. 
" I would not have expressed myself in such a 
" manner, if I had not thought that I was bound to 
" it by the duty that I owe to Almighty God, by 
" my zeal for the queen and the church, and by my 
" love to my country. Upon so great an occasion, 
" I think my post in the church and in this house 
" lays me under the strictest obligations to discharge 
" my conscience, and to speak plainly without fear 
" or flattery, let the effect of it, as to myself, be 
" what it will : I shall have the more quiet in my 
" own mind, both living and dying, for having done 
** that which seemed to me an indispensable duty. 

** I hope this house will not bring upon themselves 
" and the nation the blame and guUt of approving 
" that which seems to be much more justly cen- 
" surable : the reproach that may belong to this 
" treaty, and the judgments of God that may follow 



" on it, are now what a few only are concerned in. 1713. 
" A national approbation is a thing of another na- 
" ture : the public breach of faith, in the attack 
" that was made on the Smyrna fleet forty years 
" ago, brought a great load of infamy on those who 
" advised and directed it *, but they were more mo- 
" dest than to ask a public approbation of so oppro- 
" brious a fact : it lay on a few ; and the nation was 
" not drawn into a share in the guilt of that which 
" was then universally detested, though it was passed 
" over in silence : it seems enough, if not too much, 
** to be silent on such an occasion. I can carry my 
" compliances no further ^" 

I now go on with the account of what was farther 628 
done in this session : the house of commons was, as ^f '^^'"*"«* 

''It would have been great 
pity, that this fulminating 
speech should have been totally 
suppressed, shewing so much of 
the true spirit of a clergyman, 
in damning every body that dif- 
fered with him in opinion. But 
it seems his function, or party, 
for I cannot impute it to his 
ignorance, would not allow him 
to set the treaties in a true 
light. There was no obliga- 
tion in any, but that with the 
king of Portugal, (who was 
very far from insisting upon it, 
after the archduke became em- 
peror,) to procure Spain and the 
West Indies for the house of 
Austria. The grand alliance 
being only for obtaining rea- 
sonable satisfaction to the em- 
peror, for his pretensions to the 
Spanish monarchy, king Wil- 
liam, nor the Dutch, ever had 
a thought to dispossess king 
Philip of the whole ; which 


they knew to be impracticable. 
Had the queen stayed, after the 
rest of the allies were fully sa- 
tisfied, for the emperor's con- 
sent to a peace, who was to 
reap all the advantages of a 
war carried on at other people's 
expense, she might soon have 
irreparably ruined her own 
country, which she thought it 
her duty to prevent ; there be- 
ing no possibility of ever suc- 
ceeding in a chimerical notion, 
thrown in by a faction to dis- 
tress her government, and 
serve their own ends, though 
at the hazard of their country. 
But I as little doubt, that that 
great and good queen is now 
enjoying those blessings she so 
well deserved from all her sub- 
jects, as that these ecclesiastical 
censures are fallen uj)on the 
head of him that made them. 


for the ciril 
list debts. 


1713. to all other things except the matter of commerce, 
" so entirely in the hands of the ministers, that they 

ventured on a new demand, of a very extraordinary 
nature, which was made in as extraordinary a 
manner. The civil list, which was estimated at 
600,000/. a year, and was given for the ordinary 
support of the government, did far exceed it : and 
this was so evident, that, during the three first years 
of the queen's reign, 100,000/. was every year ap- 
plied to the war ; 200,000/. was laid out in building 
of Blenheim house, and the entertaining the Pala- 
tines had cost, the queen 100,000/. So that here 
was apparently a large overplus, beyond what was 
necessary towards the support of the government. 
Yet these extraordinary expenses had put the ordi- 
nary payments into such an arrear, that at Midsum- 
mer 1710, the queen owed 510,000/. But upon a 
new account, this was brought to be 80,000/. less ; 
and at that time, there was an arrear of 190,000/. 
due to the civil list ; these two sums together 
amounting to 270,000/. the debt that remained was 
but 240,000/. Yet now, in the end of the session, 
when, upon the rejecting the bill of commerce, most 
of the members were gone into the country, so that 
there were not 180 of them left, a message was sent 
to the house of commons, desiring a power to mort- 
gage a branch of the civil list, for thirty-two years, 
in order to raise upon it 500,000/. 
luuons This was thought a demand of very bad conse- 
quence, since the granting it to one prince would be 
a precedent to grant the like to all future princes '^ ; 
and, as the account of the debt was deceitfully 
stated, so it was known, that the funds set off for 
<= And 80 it has proved. (). 


the civil list would increase considerably in times of i7i3. 

peace : so an opposition was made to it, with a great 
superiority in point of argument, but there was a 
great majority for it : and*all people concluded, that 
the true end of getting so much money into the 
hands of the court, was to funiish their creatures 
sufficiently for carrying their elections. 

The lords were sensible, that the method of pro- unt it was 
curing this supply was contrary to their privileges, ^"^^^ 
since all puljlic supplies were either asked from the 
throne, or by a message which was sent to both 
houses at the same time : this practice was inquired 
into by the lords ; no precedents came up to it '^ ; 
but some came so near it, that nothing could be 
made of the objection. But the ministers appre- 
hending that an opposition would be made to the 
bill, if it came up alone, got it consolidated with 629 
another of 1,200,000/. that was before them. And 
the weight of these two joined together, made them 
both pass in the house of lords without opposition. 

While this was in agitation, the earl of Wharton Address of 
set forth in the house of lords, the danger the na^- to get the 
tion was in, by the pretender's being settled in Lor-re,nover 
rain ; so he moved, that an address should be made ^"JJ' ^'' 
to the queen, desiring her to use her most pressing 
instances with the duke of LoiTain to remove him ; 

'^ The precedents are many, sent these messages to both 

and particularly in king Charles houses, but with a distinction 

U's time ; but the practice has in the wording of them : to 

been disused of late years, oc- make the grant of the money 

casioned by a violent speech to be only in the commons, as 

against it, made by Lechmere, is done in speeches from the 

(then a peer,) in the late reign, throne. And thus qualified, 

and which did so much inflame the commons have made no 

many of the lords, that ministers objection to it. O. 
almost ever since that time have 

M 2 


1713. and with all princes that were in amity or corre- 
spondence with her, not to receive the pretender, 
nor to suffer him to continue in their dominions: 
this was opposed by none" but the lord North ; so it 
was carried to the queen. The day after the lords 
had voted this, Stanhope made a motion to the same 
purpose in the house of commons, and it was agreed 
to, nemine contradicente. The queen, in her answer 
to the address of the lords, said, she would repeat 
the instances she had already used to get that per- 
son removed, according to their desire in the ad- 
dress : this seemed to import, that she had already 
pressed the duke of Lorrain on that subject ; though 
the ministers in the house of lords acknowledged, 
that they knew of no applications made to the duke 
of Lorrain, and thought the words of the answer re- 
lated only to the instances she had used to get the 
pretender to be sent out of France. But the natural 
signification of the words seeming to relate to the 
duke of Lorrain, the lords made a second address ; 
in which they said, they were surprised to find that 
those instances had not their full effect, notwith- 
standing the kings of France and Spain had shewed 
their compliance with her desire on that occasion : 
all the answer brought to this was, that the queen 
received it graciously. She answered the commons 
more plainly, and promised to use her endeavours to 
get him removed. It was generally believed, that 
the duke of Lorrain did not consent to receive him, 
till he sent one over to know the queen's pleasure 
upon it, and that he was very readily informed of 
The death In the end of May, Spratt, bishop of Rochester, 

of tome j« J 1 • 1.1.1. 

bifbops. died : his parts were very bnght m his youth, and 


gave great hopes ; but these were blasted hy a lazy, 1713. 
libertine course of life, to which his temper and' 
good nature carried him, without considering the 
duties, or even the decencies of his profession ^. He 
was justly esteemed a great master of our language, 
and one of our correctest writers. Atterbury suc- 
ceeded him in that see, and in the deanery of West- 630 
minster: thus was he promoted and rewarded for 
all the jflame tliat he had raised in our church ^ 
Compton, bishop of London, died in the beginning 
of July, in the eighty-first year of his age : he was a 
generous and good-natured man, but easy and weak, 
and much in the power of others : he was succeeded 
by Robinson, bishop of Bristol. On the eighteenth 
of July the queen came to the house of lords, to pass 
the bills, and to put an end to the session: she made 
a speech to her parliament ; in which, after she had 
thanked them for the service they had done the 

•^ (See note before, at p. 483, notion of the man, therefore 

vol. i.) wondered she would do it. She 

f Atterbury was just such an- said, lord Harcourt had an- 
other busy, hotheaded, confi- swered for his behaviour, and 
dent churchman as Burnet, but she had lately disobliged him, 
had much a superior under- by refusing the like request for 
standing. He was litigious and Dr. Sacheverel, and found if 
vexatious to so high a degree, she did not grant this, she must 
that he was removed from the break with him quite; which, 
deaneriesof Carlisle and Christ- she believed, I would not think 
church, as the only means to advisable. I told her, I really 
restore them to any tolerable thought any thing was more so, 
state of peace and quiet. 1 ne- than letting such boutefeus into 
ver knew the queen do any the church and house of lords, 
thing with so much reluctancy, D. (Atterbury, in return for 
as the signing of his conge these remarks, would, if he had 
d'elire. She told me, she knew thought it worth while, have 
he would be as meddling and treated his lordship as roughly 
troublesome as the bishop of as he did in those bitter lines 
Salisbury, had more ambition, lord Cadogan, for proposing to 
and was less tractable. I told have him thrown to the lions 
her, I thought she had a right in the tower.) 

M 3 


1713. public, and for the supplies that the commons had 
given, she said, she hoped the affair of commerce 
would be so well understood at their next meeting, 
that the advantageous conditions she had obtained 
from France would be made effectual for the be- 
nefit of our trade. She enlarged on the praises of 
the present parliament : she said, at their first meet- 
ing they had eased the subjects of more than nine 
millions, without any further charge on them, not to 
mention the advantage which the way of doing it 
might bring to the nation; and now they had enabled 
her likewise to pay her debts : they had supported 
the war, and strengthened her hands in obtaining a 
peace. She told them, at her first coming to the 
crown she found a war prepared for her ; and that 
she had now made her many victories useful, by a 
safe and honourable peace. She promised herself, 
that with their concurrence it would be lasting : she 
desired they would make her subjects sensible what 
they gained by the peace, and endeavour to dissipate 
all the groundless jealousies which had been too in- 
dustriously fomented; that so our divisions might 
not endanger the advantages she had obtained for 
her kingdoms: there were some (very few she hoped) 
that would never be satisfied with any government ; 
she hoped they would exert themselves to obviate 
the malice of the ill-minded, and to undeceive the 
deluded : she recommended to them the adhering to 
the constitution in church and state ; such persons 
had the best title to her favour ; she had no other 
aim but their advantage, and the securing our reli- 
gion and liberty : she hoped to meet a parliament 
next winter, that should act upon the same princi- 
ples, and with the same prudence and vigour, to 


support the liberties of Europe abroad, and to reduce 1713. 
the spii'it of faction at home. Few speeches from 
the throne have in my time been more severely re- 
flected on than this was : it seemed strange, that 
the queen, who did not pretend to understand mat- 
ters of trade, should pass such a censure on both 
houses, for their not understanding the affair of631 
commerce ; since, at the bar of both houses, and in 
the debates within them upon it, the interest of the 
nation did appear so visibly to be contrary to the 
treaty of commerce, that it looked like a contempt 
put on them, to represent it as advantageous to us, 
and to rank all those who had opposed it among the 
ill-minded, or, at least, among the deluded. Nor did 
it escape censure, that she should affirm, that the 
nation was by them eased of the load of nine mil- 
lions, without any further charge, since the nation 
must bear the constant charge of interest at six per 
cent, till the capital should be paid off. The sharp- 
ness with which she expressed herself was singular, 
and not very well suited to her dignity or her sex : 
nor was it well understood what could be meant by 
her saying, that she found a war prepared for her at 
her coming to the crown; since she herself began it, 
upon the addresses of both houses ". It was also ob- 
served, that there was not, in all her speech, one 
word of the pretender, or of the protestant succes- 
sion ; but that which made the greatest impression 
on the whole nation was, that this speech discovered 
plainly, that the court was resolved to have the bill 
of commerce pass in the next session : all people 

s (Was not the alliance be- months before the queen's ac- 
tvveen this country, the empe- cession ?) 
rur, and Holland ratitied many 

M 4 


1713. concluded, the ministei*s were under engagements 
to the court of France to get it settled; and this was 
taken to be the sense of the queen's words con- 
cerning the making the peace lasting: what effect 
this may have on the next elections, which are 
quickly to follow, must be left to time. 

I am now come to the end of the war and of this 
parhament both at once : it was fit they should bear 
some proportion to one another ; for as this was the 
worst parliament I ever saw, so no assembly, but 
one composed as this was, could have sat quiet under 
such a peace. But I am now arrived at my full 
period, and so shall close this work : I had a noble 
prospect before me, in a course of many years, of 
bringing it to a glorious conclusion ; now the scene 
is so fatally altered, that I can scarce restrain my- 
self from giving vent to a just indignation in severe 
complaints : but an historian must tell things truly 
as they are, and leave the descanting on them to 
others. So I here conclude this history of above 
three and fifty years. 

I pray God it may be read with the same candour 
and sincerity with which I have written it, and with 
632 such a degree of attention, as may help those who 
read it to form just reflections, and sound principles 
of religion and virtue, of duty to our princes, and of 
love to our country, with a sincere and incorruptible 
zeal to preserve our religion, and to maintain our li- 
berty and property ^. 

'• Thus piously ends the most to all future ages. This canting 

partial, mHlicious heap of scan- bishop having, with his accus- 

clal and misrepresentation, that tomed modesty, represented as 

was ever collected, for the laud- many of the queen's servants as 

able design of giving a false ini- he did not like (of which num- 

prcssion of persons and things bcr I had the honour to be 



one) to be enemies to the 
princess Sophia and her family, 
I shall here insert the letter I 
wrote to her highness, upon 
being made secretary of state, 
and her answer: 

" Madam, 
" The honour lately conferred 
" on me by the queen, of being 
" one of her principal secreta- 
" ries of state, engages me to 
" beg the honour of your elec- 
" toral highness's commands; 
" which, next my duty to her 
" majesty, I shall prefer before 
" ail other considerations; es- 
" teeming it incumbent on me, 
" by my station in her majesty's 
" service, and by the many un- 
" deserved honours which I 
•• received when I waited on 
" your electoral highness at 
" Hanover, which I must al- 
" ways remember with great 
" gratitude, and satisfaction to 
" myself. I should sooner have 
" discharged my duty upon this 
" occasion, but stayed for Mr. 
♦' Cresset's waiting upon your 
" highness by the queen's com- 
" mand, who would have vouch- 
" ed for me, that it was the ill 
" state of my health, and cir- 
" cumstances of my private af- 
" fairs, that would not permit 
" me to have the honour of 
*' waiting upon your highness 
" at her majesty's accession to 
" the crown, of which none 
" could be more ambitious than 
" myself; who will always eu- 

" deavour,with the utmost zeal, 
" to make it appear, that I am, - 
" with the most profound re- 
" spect and submission, 
" Madam, 
" Your electoral highness's 
" most dutiful and most 
•* obedient servant, 

" Dartmouth." 

*' A Hcrenhausen, 
"Monsieur, "le2''«deF-r.l710. 
" Comme j'ay appris que la 
" reine vous avoit choisi, mi- 
" lord, pour 6tre un de ses prin- 
" cipaux secretaires d'etat, j'en 
•' ay eu beaucoup de joie, vous 
" ayant toujours regard^ comme 
" ami, depuis que je vous ay 
" veu ici : cela m'a fait recevoir 
" avec tant plus de plaisir I'ob- 
•• ligante lettre que vous m'avez 
" escrite, et me fait souhaiter la 
" continuation de voire bon- 
"heur; si je pouvois jamais 
" contribuer par quelque ser- 
" vice, vous me trouveries tou- 
" jours, milord, votre tres af- 
" fectionn^ a vous servir, 

*' Sophie Electkice." 
D. (The general Remarks of 
Swift on this History are to be 
found in the eighth volume of 
his works, ed. 1765. As they 
formed no part of his notes on 
Burnet, it was not necessary to 
add them here; and, indeed, al- 
though they contain much just 
criticism, yet the severity of it 
makes them improper for this 


THE 633 


JL have now set out the state of affairs for above 
half a century, with all the care and attention that 
I was capable of: I have inquired into all matters 
among us, and have observed them, during the 
course of my life, with a particular application and 
impartiality. But my intention in writing was not 
so much to tell a fine tale to the world, and to 
amuse them with a discovery of many secrets, and 
of intrigues of state, to blast the memory of some, 
and to exalt others, to disgrace one party, and to 
recommend another: my chief design was better 
formed, and deeper laid : it was to give such a dis- 
covery of errors in government, and of the excesses 
and follies of parties, as may make the next age 
wiser, by what I may tell them of the last. And I 
may presume, that the observations I have made, 
and the account that I have given, will gain me so 
rriuch credit, that I may speak with a plain free- 
dom to all sorts of persons : this not being to be 
published till after I am dead, when envy, jealousy, 
or hatred will be buried with me in my grave, I 
may hope, that what I am now to offer to succeed- 
ing ages, may be better heard, and less censured, 
than any thing I could offer to the present : so that 
this is a sort of testament, or dying speech, which I 


leave behind me, to be read and considered when I 
can speak no more : I do most earnestly beg of God 
to direct me in it, and to give it such an effect on 
the minds of those who read it, that I may do more 
good when dead, than I could ever hope to do while 
J was alive. 
634 My thoughts have run most, and dwelt longest 
the ^rc^ ^^ *^^ concerns of the church and religion : there- 
of England, fore I begin with them. I have always had a true 
zeal for the church of England ; I have lived in its 
communion with great joy, and have pursued its 
true interests with an unfeigned affection : yet I 
must say, there are many things in it that have been 
very uneasy to me. 
The doc- "Pile requiring subscriptions to the thirty-nine ar- 
ticles is a great imposition : I believe them all my- 
self; but as those about onginal sin and predestina- 
tion might be expressed more unexceptionably, so I 
think it is a better way to let such matters continue 
to be still the standard of doctiine, with some few 
corrections, and to censure those who teach any 
contrary tenets, than to oblige all that serve in the 
church to subscribe them : the greater part sub- 
scribe without ever examining them ; and others do 
it because they must do it, though they can hardly 
satisfy their consciences about some things in them. 
Churches and societies are much better secured by 
laws, than by subscriptions : it is a more reasonable, 
as well as a more easy method of government. 
The wor- Our worship is the perfectest composition of de- 
votion that we find in any church, ancient or mo- 
dem : yet the corrections that were agreed to by a 
deputation of bishops and divines in the year 1689, 
woidd make the whole frame of our liturgy stiJl 


more perfect, as well as more unexceptionable ; and 
will, I hope, at some time or other, fje better enter- 
tained than they were then. I am persuaded they 
are such as would bring in the much greater part of 
the dissenters to the communion of the church, and 
are in themselves desirable, though there were not a 
dissenter in the nation. 

As for the ecclesiastical jurisdiction, it has been And disci- 
the burden of my life to see how it was adminis- 
tered : our courts are managed under the rules of 
the canon law, dilatory and expensive : and as their 
constitution is bad, so the business in them is small ; 
and therefore all possible contrivances are used, to 
make the most of those causes that come before 
them: so that they are universally dreaded and 
hated. God grant that a time may come, in which 
that noble design, so near being perfected in king 
Edward the sixth's days, of the reformatio legum 
ecclesiasticarum, may be reviewed and established : 
that so matrimonial and testamentary causes, which 
are of a mixed nature, may be left a little better 
regulated to the lay hands of chancellors and other 
officers ; but that the whole correction of the manners 
of the laity, and the inspection into the lives and la- 
bours of the clergy, may be brought again into the 
hand of spiritual men, and be put into a better me- 635 
thod. It would be well, if, after the poor clergy are 
relieved by the tenths and first-fruits, a fund were 
formed (of twenty or thirty pound a-year) for the 
rural deans ; and that they, with at least three of 
the clergy of the deanery, named by the bishop, ex- 
amined into the manners both of clergy and laity ; 
and after the methods of private admonition had 
been tried, according to our Saviour's rule, but with- 


out effect, that the matter should be laid before the 
bishop, who, after his admonitions were also ineffec- 
tual, might proceed to censures, to a suspension 
from the sacrament, and to a full excommunication, 
as the case should require. This would bring our 
church indeed into a primitive form, in which at 
present the clergy have less authority, and are un- 
der more contempt, than in any church that I have 
yet seen. For though in the church of Rome the 
public authority is in general managed according to 
the method continued among us, yet it was in many 
particulars corrected by the council of Trent; where- 
as we, by that unhappy proviso in the act autho- 
rizing the thirty-two commissioners to reform our 
courts, are fatally tied down to aU that was in use 
in the twenty-fifth year of king Henry the eighth. 
Besides, in that church the clergy have, by auricular 
confession, but too great an authority over the peo- 
ple ; I am far from thinking that to be a lawful, or 
even a desirable thing : but since that is not to be 
thought of, we are in a woful condition, in which 
the clergy are, as it were, shut out from any share 
of the main parts of the care of souls. 
My zeni a- Thc waut of a truc, well regulated discipline, is a 
Elation, gr^at defect, owned to he so in the preface to the 
office of commination : and while we continue in 
this condition, we are certainly in an imperfect 
state. But this did never appear to me to be a just 
ground of separation ; which I could never think 
lawful, unless the terms of communion among us were 
unlawful, and did oblige a man to sin : that seems to 
me the only justifiable cause of separation, of leav- 
ing the established church, and of setting up a dis- 
tinct or opposite communion. Nothing under this 


seems to be a just ground of rending the body of 
Christ, or of disturbing the order of the world and 
the peace of mankind, thereby drawing on that train 
of ill consequences, that must and do follow upon 
such a disjointing the society of Christians ; by 
which they become alienated from one another, and 
in the sequel grow to hate and to devour each other, 
and by which they are in danger of being consumed 
one of another. 

I do wish, and will pray for it as long as I live, And ten- 

1 1 1111 1.1 derness to 

that some regard may be had to those scruples with scrupulous 
which the dissenters are entangled: and though j^"*"*°*^"* 
think they are not all well grounded, yet for peace 
sake I wish some things may be taken away, and 
that other things may be softened and explained: 
many of these things were retained at the reforma- 
tion, to draw the people more entirely into it ; who 
are apt to judge, especially in times of ignorance, by 
outward appearances, more than by the real value 
of things : so the preserving an exterior, that looked 
somewhat like what they had been formerly accus- 
tomed to, without doubt had a great effect at first on 
many persons, who, without that, could not have been 
easily brought over to adhere to that work : and 
this was a just and lawful consideration. But it is 
now at an end; none now are brought over from 
popery by this means ; there is not therefore such a 
necessity for continuing them still, as there was for 
keeping them up at first. I confess, it is not ad- 
visable, without good reason for it, to make great 
changes in tilings that are visible and sensible ; yet, 
upon just gi'ounds, some may be made without any 
danger. No inconvenience could foUow, on leaving 
out the cross in baptism, or on laying aside sur- 


plices, and regulating cathedrals, especially as to 
that indecent way of singing prayers, and of lay- 
men's reading the litany : all bowings to the altar 
have at least an ill appearance, and are of no use ; 
the excluding parents from being the sponsors in 
baptism, and requiring them to procure others, is 
extreme inconvenient, and makes that to be a 
mockery, rather than a solemn sponsion, in too 
many. Other things may be so explained, that no 
just exceptions could lie to them. 

Thus I wish the terms of communion were made 
larger and easier ; but since all is now bound on us 
by a law that cannot be repealed but in parliament, 
there must be a great change in the minds, both of 
princes and people, before that can be brought about : 
therefore the dissenters ought to consider well, what 
they can do for peace, without sinning against God. 
The toleration does not at all justify their separa- 
tion; it only takes away the force of penal laws 
against them : therefore, as lying in common dis- 
course is still a sin, though no statute punishes it ; 
and ingratitude is a base thing, though there is no 
law against it ; so separating from a national body, 
and from the public worship, is certainly an ill 
thing, unless some sin be committed there, in which 
we think ourselves involved, by joining with that 
body and in that worship : so that the toleration is 
only a freedom from punishment, and does not alter 
the nature of the thing. 

JlL^r^r*. ^ ^^y "^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^y dislike of toleration ; I 
•ecutioD. think it is a right due to all men ; their thoughts are 

not in their own power ; they must think of things, 
637 as they appear to them ; their consciences are God's ; 

be only knows them, and he only can change them. 


And as the authority of parents over their children is 
antecedent to society, and no law that takes it away 
can be binding ; so men are bound, antecedently to 
all society, to follow what appears to them to be the 
will of God ; and if men would act honestly, the 
rule of doing to aU othere what we would have 
others do to us, would soon determine this matter ; 
since every honest man must own, that he would 
think himself hardly dealt with, if he were ill used 
for his opinions, and for performing such paits of 
worship as he thought himself indispensably obliged 
to. Indeed the church of Rome has some colour for 
her cruelty, since she pretends to be infallible. But 
these practices are absurdly unreasonable among 
those who own that they may be mistaken, and so 
may be persecuting the innocent and the orthodox. 
Persecution, if it were lawful at all, ought to be ex- 
treme, and go, as it does in the church of Rome, to 
extu*pation ; for the bad treatment of those who are 
suffered still to live in a society, is the creating so 
many malecontents, who at some time or other may 
make those who treat them iU feel their revenge : 
and the principle of persecution, if true, is that to 
which aU have a right, when they have a power to 
put it in practice : since they, being persuaded that 
they are in the right, from that must believe they 
may lawfully exert against others that severity un- 
der which they groaned long themselves. This will 
be aggravated in them by the voice of revenge, 
which is too apt to be well heard by human nature, 
chiefly when it comes with the mask and appearance 
of zeal. I add not here any political considerations, 
from the apparent interest of nations, which must 
dispose them to encourage the increase of their peo- 


pie, to advance industry, and to become a sanctuary to 
all who are oppressed : but though this is visible, 
and is confessed by all, yet I am now considering 
this matter only as it is righteous, just, and merciful 
in tlie principle ; for if it were not so well supported 
in those respects, other motives would only be a 
temptation to princes and states, to be governed by 
interest, more than by their duty. 
My Having thus given my thoughts in general, with 

wncfnling rclatiou to the constitution of our church and the 
the clergy, commuuiou with it, I shall proceed, in the next 
place, to that which is special with relation to the 
clergy. I have said a great deal on this head in my 
book of the Pastoral Care, which of all the tracts I 
ever wrote, is that in which I rejoice the most : and 
though it has brought much anger on me from 
those who will not submit to the plan there laid 
638 down, yet it has done much good during my own 
life, and I hope it will do yet more good after I am 
dead : this is a subject I have thought much upon, 
and so I will here add some things to what will be 
found in that book. 
An inward No man ought to think of this profession, unless 
vocation. ^^ £.^^j^ withiu himsclf a love to religion, with a zeal 
for it, and an interaal true piety ; which is chiefly 
kept up by secret prayer, and by reading of the 
scriptures : as long as these things are a man's bur- 
den, they are infallible indications that he has no in- 
ward vocation, nor motion of the Holy Ghost to un- 
dertake it. The capital error in men's preparing 
themselves for that function is, that they study books 
more than themselves, and that they read divinity 
more in other books than in the scriptures : days of 
prayer, meditation, and fasting, at least once a quar- 


ter in the Ember week, in which they may read 
over and over again both offices of ordination, and 
get by lieart those passages in the epistles to Timo- 
thy and Titus that relate to this function, would 
form their minds to a right sense of it, and be an 
effectual mean to prepare them duly for it. 

Ask yourselves often, (for thus I address myself to 
you, as if I were still alive,) would you follow that 
course of Ufe, if there were no settled establishment 
belonging to it, and if you were to preach under the 
cross, and in danger of persecution ? For till you ar- 
rive at that, you are yet carnal, and come into the 
priesthood for a piece of bread : study to keep alive 
in you a flame of exalted devotion ; be talking often 
to yourselves, and communing with your own hearts ; 
digest all that you read carefully, that you may re- 
member it so well, as not to be at a loss when any 
point of divinity is talked of: a little study well di- 
gested in a good serious mind, will go a great way, 
and will lay in materials for your whole life : above 
aU things, raise within yourselves a zeal for doing 
good, and for gaining souls ; indeed I have lamented, 
during my whole life, that I saw so little true zeal 
among our clergy : I saw much of it in the clergy of 
the church of Rome, though it is both ill directed and 
ill conducted : I saw much zeal likewise throughout 
the foreign churches : the dissenters have a great deal 
among them ; but I must own, that the main body 
of our clergy has always appeared dead and lifeless 
to me, and instead of animating one another, they seem 
rather to lay one another asleep. Without a visible 
alteration in this, you will fall under an universal 
contempt, and lose both the credit and the fruits of 
your ministry. 

N 2 


The func- When you are in orders, be ever ready to perform 

tion of the ^ ] . 

clergy. all the parts of your function ; be not anxious about 
639 a settlement ; study to distinguish yourselves in your 
studies, labours, exemplary deportment, and a just 
sweetness of temper, managed with gravity and dis- 
cretion ; and as for what concerns yourselves, de- 
pend on the providence of God ; for he will in due 
time raise up friends and benefactors to you. I do 
affirm this, upon the observation of my whole life, 
that I never knew any one who conducted himself 
by these rules, but he was brought into good posts, 
or at least into an easy state of subsistence. 

Do not affect to run into new opinions, nor to 
heat yourselves in disputes about matters of small 
importance : begin with settling in your minds the 
foundations of your faith ; and be full of this, and 
ready at it, that you may know how to deal with 
unbelievers ; for that is the spreading corruption of 
this age : there are few atheists, but many infidels, 
who are indeed very little better than the atheists. 
In this argument, you ought to take pains to have 
all well digested, and clearly laid in your thoughts, 
that you may manage the controversy gently, with- 
out any asperity of words, but with a strength of 
reason : in disputing, do not offer to answer any ar- 
gument, of which you never heard before, and know 
nothing concerning it; that will both expose you, 
and the cause you maintain ; and if you feel your- 
selves grow too warm at any time, break off, and 
persist no longer in the dispute; for you may by 
that grow to an indecent heat, by which you may 
wrong the cause which you endeavour to defend. 
In the matter of mysteries be very cautious ; for the 
simplicity in which those sublime truths are deli- 


vered in the scriptures, ought to be well studied and 
adhered to : only one part of the argument should 
be insisted on, I mean the shortness and defective- 
ness of our faculties ; which, being well considered, 
will afford a great variety of noble speculations, that 
are obvious and easily apprehended, to restrain the 
wanton sallies of some petulant men. 

Study to understand well the controversies of the 
church of Rome ; chiefly those concerning infallibi- 
lity and transubstantiation ; for in managing those, 
their missionaries have a particular address. Learn 
to view popery in a true light, as a conspiracy to 
exalt the power of the clergy, even by subjecting the 
most sacred truths of religion to contrivances for 
raising theij authority, and by offering to the world 
another method of being saved, besides that pre- 
scribed in the gospel. Popery is a mass of impos- 
tures, supported by men- who manage them with 
great advantages, and impose them with inexpres- 
sible severities, on those who dare call any thing in 640 
question that they dictate to them. I see a spirit 
rising among us, too like that of the church of 
Rome, of advancing the clergy beyond their due au- 
thority, to an imjust pitch : this rather heightens 
jealousies and prejudices against us, than advances 
our real authority ; and it wiU fortify the designs of 
profane infidels, who desire nothing more than to 
see the public ministry of the church first disgraced, 
and then abolished. The carrying any thing too far 
does commonly lead men into the other extreme: 
we are the dispensers of the word and sacraments ; 
and the more faithful and diligent we are in this, 
the world will pay so much the more respect and 
submission to us : and our maintaining an argument 

N 3 


for more power than we now have, will be of no 
effect, unless the world sees that we make a good 
use of the authority that is already in our hands : 
it is with the clergy as with princes ; the only way 
to keep their prerogative from being uneasy to their 
subjects, and from being disputed, is to manage it 
wholly for their good and advantage ; then all will 
be for it, when they find it is for them : this will 
prevail more effectually than all the arguments of 
lawyers, with all the precedents of former times. 
Therefore let the clergy live and labour well, and 
they will feel that as much authority will follow 
that, as they will know how to manage well. And 
to speak plainly, Dodwell's extravagant notions, 
which have been too much drunk in by the clergy 
in my time, have weakened the power of the church, 
and soured men's minds more against it, than all 
the books wrote, or attempts made against it, could 
ever have done : and indeed the secret poison of 
those principles has given too many of the clergy a 
bias towards popery, with an aversion to the re- 
formation, which has brought them under much con- 
tempt. This is not to be recovered, but by their 
living and labouring as they ought to do, without 
an eager maintaining of arguments for their au- 
thority, which will never succeed till they live bet- 
ter, and labour more: when I say live better, I mean, 
not only to live without scandal, which I have found 
the greatest part of them do% but to lead exemplary 
lives ; to l3e eminent in humility, meekness, sobriety, 
contempt of the world, and unfeigned love of the 

' (This is a valuable conces- makes many rash and severe 
sion from a censurer, who, im- reflections on his brethren.) 
der the pretence of admonition. 


brethren ; aljstracted from the vain conversation of 
the world, retired, and at home, fasting often, join- 
ing prayer and meditation with it ; without which, 
fasting may do well with relation to the body, but 
will signify little with relation to the mind. 

If, to such a course of life, clergymen would add 641 
a little more labour, not only performing public of- 
fices, and preaching to the edification of the people, 
but watching over them, instructing them, exhort- 
ing, reproving, and comforting them, as occasion is 
given, from house to house, making their calling the 
business of their whole life; they would soon find 
their own minds grow to be in a better temper, and 
their people would shew more esteem and regard 
for them, and a blessing from God would attend 
upon their labours. I say it with great regret, I 
have observed the clergy in all the places through 
which I have travelled. Papists, Lutherans, Calvin- 
ists, and Dissenters ; but of them all, our clergy is 
much the most remiss in their labours in private, 
and the least severe in their lives. Do not think I 
say this to expose you, or to defame this church : 
those censures have passed on me for my freedom 
during my life, God knows how unjustly, my designs 
being all to awaken the clergy, and by that means 
to preserve the church ; for which. He who knows 
all things, knows how much and how long I have 
been mourning in secret, and fasting and praying 
before him. And let me say this freely to you, now 
that I am out of the reach of envy and censure, 
unless a better spirit possesses the clergy, argu- 
ments, (and which is more,) laws, and authority, will 
not prove strong enough to preserve the church ; 
especially if the nation observes a progress in that 

N 4 


bias, which makes many so favourable to popery, 
and so severe towards the dissenters : this wUl re- 
commend them the more to pity and favour, and 
will draw a general odium upon you, that may end 
in your ruin, or in a persecution ; for which the 
clergy of this age seem to be very little prepared : 
God grant those of the next may be more so. 

Oh ! my brethren, (for I speak to you as if I were 
among you,) think what manner of persons you 
ought to be, in all holy conversation and godliness, 
that so you may shine as lights in the world : think 
of the account you must give for those immortal 
souls committed to your care, which were redeemed 
by the blood of Christ, who has sent you in his 
name, to persuade them to be reconciled to God, 
and at last to present them to him faultless with 
exceeding joy ; he sees and observes your labours, 
and will recompense them gloriously in that great 

I leave all these things on your consciences, and 
pray earnestly that God may give his blessing to 
this posthumous labour of mine, that our church 
may be so built up by your labours, that it may con- 
tinue to be long the joy of the whole earth, in the 
642 perfection of its beauty, and may be a pattern, as 
well as give protection, to all the churches of God. 
Myadrices I now tum to my brethren and successors in the 
shops. episcopal order: you are they in whose hands the 
government of the church is put ; in some respects 
it is believed to be wholly in you, though I know, 
and have often felt it, that your power is so limited, 
that you can do little ; exemptions (a scandalous 
remnant of popery) take a great part of your dio- 
cese out of your hands. This I have often won- 


dered at, that some who plead that the government 
of the church is settled by divine authority in the bi- 
shops, can yet, by the virtue of papal bulls, confirmed 
])y an unhappy clause in an act of parliament, exercise 
episcopal jurisdiction ; which is plainly to act by 
virtue of the secular power in opposition to that 
which, according to their principles, is settled by a 
divine appointment. Archdeacons' visitations were 
an invention of the latter ages, in which the bishops 
neglecting their duty, cast a great part of their care 
upon them ; now their visitations are only for form 
and for fees ; and they are a charge on the clergy ; 
so, when this matter is well looked into, I hope 
archdeacons, with many other burdens that lay 
heavy on the clergy, shaU be taken away. All the 
various instruments, upon which heavy fees must 
be raised, were the infamous contrivances of the ca- 
nonists, and can never be maintained, when well 
examined. I say nothing to you of your lives : I 
hope you are and shall ever be shining lights; I 
wish the pomp of living, and the keeping high ta- 
bles could be quite taken away ; it is a great charge, 
and no very decent one ; a great devourer of time ; 
it lets in much promiscuous company, and much 
vain discourse upon you : even civility may carry 
you too far, in a freedom and familiarity that will 
make you look too like the rest of the world ; I 
hope this is a burden to you : it was indeed one of 
the greatest burdens of my life, to see so much time 
lost, to hear so much idle talk, and to be living in a 
luxurious waste of that which might have been 
much better bestowed. I had not strength enough 
to break through that which custom has imposed 
on those provided with plentiful bishoprics ; I pray 


Grod to help you to find a decent way of laying this 

The wives and children of bishops ought to be 
exemplary in their apparel, and in their whole de- 
portment ; remembering that no part of the bishop's 
honours belongs to them : the wife of a bishop ought 
to visit the widow and the fatherless, and by a 
grave authority, instruct and admonish, as well as 
oblige and favour, the wives, of the rest of the 
643 The children of bishops ought to be well in- 
structed, and managed with all gravity; bishops 
ought not to press them beyond their inclinations to 
take orders ; for this looks as if they would thrust 
them, how unfit or unwilling soever, into such pre- 
ferments as they can give or procure for them : on 
the contrary, though their children should desire to 
go into orders, they ought not to suffer it, unless 
they see in them a good mind and sincere inten- 
tions, with the other necessary qualifications ; in 
which they cannot be deceived, unless they have a 
mind to deceive themselves: it is a betraying of 
their trust, and the worst sort of simony, to provide 
children with gi'eat dignities and benefices, only as 
an estate to be given them, without a due regard to 
their capacities or tempers. Ordinations are the 
only parts of the episcopal function on which the 
law has laid no restraint ; so this ought to be heavy 
on your thoughts. 

Ordination weeks were always dreadful things to 
me, when I remembered those words. Lay hands 
suddenly on no man, be not partake?' oj' other men^s 
sins : keep thyself pure. It is true, those who came 
to me were generally well prepared as to their stu- 


dies, and they brought testimonials and titles, which 
is aU that in our present constitution can be de- 
manded : I never put over the examining them to my 
chaplains : I did that always myself, and examined 
them chiefly on the proofs of revealed religion, and 
the terms of salvation, and the new covenant 
through Christ; for those are the fundamentals; 
but my principal care was to awaken their con- 
sciences, to make them consider whether they had 
a motion of the Holy Ghost, calling them to the 
function, and to make them apprehend what be- 
longed both to a spiritual life and to the pastoral 
care. On these subjects I spoke much and often to 
every one of them apart, and sometimes to them all 
together, besides the public examination of them 
with my chapter. 

This was all that I could do: but alas! how de-Anexpedu 
fective is this ! and it is too well known how easy ceming or- 
the clergy are in signing testimonials : that which I 
here propose is, that every man who intends to be 
ordained, should be required to come and acquaint 
the bishop with it a year before : that so he may 
then talk to his conscience, and give him good di- 
rections, both as to his studies and the course of hisr 
life and devotions ; and that he may recommend 
him to the care and inspection of the best clergy- 
men that he knows in the neighbourhood where he 
lives ; that so he may have from him, by some other 
conveyance than the person concerned, such an ac- 
count of him as he may rely on. This is all that 
can be proposed, till our universities are put in a 
better method, or tiU seminaries can be raised, for 644 
maintaining a number of persons to be duly pre- 
pared for holy orders. 


Tiie duties As to thc labouFs of a bishop, they ought to think 
o a IS op. ^jjgj^ggjygg obliged to preach as much as their health 
and age can admit of; this the form of ordaining 
bishops sets before them, together with the sense of 
the church in all ages; the complaint of the best 
men, in the worst ages, shews how much the sloth 
and laziness of bishops wiU be cried out on, and 
how acceptable the labours of preaching bishops 
have always been : the people run to hear them, 
and hearken to their sermons with more than ordi- 
nary attention : you will find great comfort in your 
labours this way, and will see the fruits of them. 
The discreet conduct of your clergy is to be your 
chief care; keep not at too great a distance, and 
yet let them not grow too familiar : a bishop's dis- 
course should be well seasoned, turned chiefly to 
good subjects, instruction in the matters of religion 
and the pastoral care : and the more diverting ones 
ought to be matters of learning, criticism, or his- 
tory. It is in the power of a bishop to let no man 
despise him, 

A grave but sweet deportment, and a holy con- 
versation, will command a general respect ; and as 
for some hot and froward spirits, the less they are 
meddled with, they will be the less able to do mis- 
chief; they delight in opposition, which they think 
will make them the more considerable. I have had 
much experience this way ; nothing mortifies them 
so much as neglect: the more abstracted bishops 
live, (from the world, from courts, from cabals, and 
from parties,) they will have the more quiet within 
themselves ; their thoughts will be free, and less en- 
tangled, and they will in conclusion be the more re- 
spected by all, especially if an integrity and a just 


freedom appear among them in the house of lords, 
where they will be much observed ; and judgments 
will be made of them there, that will follow them 
home to their dioceses. 

Nothing will alienate the nation more from them, Their ab- 

. , , . . straction 

than then* becommg tools to a court, and givmg up from courts 
the liberties of their country, and advancing arbi- t^gu'^'. 
trary designs ; nothing will work more effectually on 
the dissenters, than a course of moderation towards 
them; this will disarm their passions, and when 
that is done, they may be better dealt with in point 
of reason : all care ought to be taken to stifle new 
controversies in their birth, to check new opinions 
and vain curiosities. 

Upon the whole matter, bishops ought to consi- 
der, that the honour given them, and the revenues 
belonging to them, are such rewards for former ser- 
vices, and such encouragements to go on to more 
labour and diligence, as ought to be improved, as 
so many helps and advantages for carrying on the 645 
work of the gospel, and their heavenly Father's bu- 
siness : they ought to meditate on these things^ and 
be wholly in them ; so that their profiting may ap- 
pear to all. They ought to preach in season and 
out of season^ to exhort^ admonish, and rebuke, 
with all authority. 

But if they abandon themselves to sloth and idle- 
ness ; if they neglect their proper function, and fol- 
low a secular, a vain, a covetous, or a luxurious 
course of life ; if they, not content with educating 
their children well, and with such a competency as 
may set them afloat in the world, think of building 
up their own houses, and raising up great estates, 
they will put the world on many unacceptable in- 


quiries : wherefore is this waste made ? why are 
these revenues continued to men who make such an 
ill use of them ? and why is an order kept up, that 
does the church so little good, and gives it so much 
scandal? The violences of archbishop Laud, and 
his promoting arbitrary power, ruined himself and 
the church both ^. A return of the like practices 
win bring with it the like dreadful consequences : 
the labours and the learning, the moderation and 
good lives of the bishops of this age have changed 
the nation much, with relation to them, and have 
possessed them of a general esteem ; some fieiy 
spirits only excepted, who hate and revile them for 
' that which is their true glory '^ : I hope another 

age may carry this yet much further, that so they 
may be universally looked on, as the true and tender 
hearted fathers of the church. 
Concerning The affinity of the matter leads me, before I enter 

patrons. , . , 

on another scene, to say somewhat concerning the 
patronage of benefices which liave a care of souls 
belonging to them : it is a noble dignity in a family ; 
it was highly esteemed in the times of popery, be- 

* (The archbishop's conduct quarter. One of them said af- 

has in many instances been terwards, when sobered by his 

grossly misrepresented, and the experience of the ill times which 

character of one of the most succeeded, that when the king 

pious and able persons of the cut off his ears, he would have 

age in which he lived, shame- been justified in taking off his 

fully traduced. He was no ene- head.) 

my to parliaments, understand- '^ (In what light these pre- 

ing, as he says, in his last speech, lates and their successors were 

on the scaffold, the benefit of viewed by their whig friends, 

them too well. And as for vio- may be collected from the cha- 

lences, they were the severities racter given of them by the son 

of long established, but ill con- of one of their great patrons, 

stitued, courts, directed against in his Memoirs of the Ten last 

furious partisans, who were re- Years of George the Second, 

solved neither to give nor to take lately published, vol. ii. p. 296.) 


cause the patron was to be named in all the masses 
said in his church : there is a more real value in it 
in our constitution, since the patron has the nomi- 
nation of him to whom the care of souls is to be 
committed ^ ; which must take place, unless some 
just and legal exception can be made by the bishop. 
Even that is not easy to be maintained in the courts 
of law, where the bishop will soon be run into so 
great an expense, that I am afraid many, rather 
than venture on that, receive unworthy men into 
the service of the church, who are, in the sequel, re- 
proaches to it; and this is often the case of the 
richest and best endowed benefices. 

Some sell the next advowson (turn), which I know 
is said to be legal, though the incumbent lies at the 
point of death ^ ; others do not stick to buy and sell 
benefices, when open and vacant, though this is de- 
clared to be simony by law : parents often buy them 
for their children, and reckon that is their portion ; 
in that case, it is true, there is no perjury in taking 646 
the oath, for the person presented is no party to the 
bargain : often ecclesiastics themselves buy the next 
advowson, and lodge it with trustees for their own 

Where nothing of all this traffick intervenes, pa- 
trons bestow benefices on their children or friepds, 
without considering either their abilities or merit ; 
favour or kindred being the only thing that weighs 
with them. When all this is laid together, how 
great a part of the benefices of England are disposed 
of, if not simoniacally, yet at least unworthily, without 

'1 (Had not the patron the popery ?) 
nomination of the clerk, gene- *= (It has been frequently de- 

rally speaking, in the times of termined to be illegal.) 


regard to so sacred a trust, as the care of souls ! 
Certainly, patrons, who, without due care and in- 
quiry, put souls into bad hands, have much to an- 
swer for. 

I will not say, that a patron is bound always to 
bestow his church on the best man he can find ; that 
may put him on anxieties, out of which it will not 
be easy to extricate himself; nor will it be always 
possible to balance the different excellencies of men, 
who may have various talents, that lie several ways, 
and all of them may be useful, some more, some less : 
but in this I am positive, that no patron answers 
the obligation of that trust, unless he is well per- 
suaded, that the clerk he presents is a truly good 
man, has a competent measure of knowledge, zeal, 
and discretion, so suited to the people for whom he 
names him, that he has reason to believe he will be 
a faithful pastor and a prudent guide to them. 

Patrons ought to take this on their conscience, to 
manage it with great caution, and in the fear of 
God, and not to enter into that filthy merchandise 
of the souls of men, which is too common ; it is like 
to be a moth on their estates, and may bring a curse 
on their families, as well as on their persons. 
NonrMi. J ^Q jjQ^ enter into the scandalous practices of 

dence and '■ 

piiirmiities. nonrcsidencc and pluralities, which are sheltered by 
so many colours of law among us ; whereas the 
church of Rome, from whence we had those and 
many other abuses, has freed herself from this, under 
which we still labour to our great and just reproach : 
this is so shameful a profanation of holy things, that 
it ought to be treated with detestation and horror : 
do such men think on the vows they made on their 
ordination ; on the rules in the scriptures, or on 


the nature of their ftinction, or that it is a care of 
souls ? How long, how long shall this be the peculiar 
disgrace of our church, which, for ought I know, is 
the only church in the world that tolerates it? I 
must add, that I do not reckon the holding poor 
livings that lie contiguous, a plurality, where iDoth 
are looked after, and both afford only a competent 

I have now gone through the most important 647 
things that occur to my thoughts with relation to the"body'"of 
the clergy : I turn next to such observations, re- ^^^ prop's. 
flections, and advices, as relate to the laity. I begin 
with the body of the people: the commonalty of 
this nation are much the happiest, and live the 
easiest and the most plentifully of any that ever I 
saw ; they are very sagacious and skilful in manag- 
ing all their concerns; but at the same time it is 
not to be conceived how ignorant they are in the 
matters of religion : the dissenters have a much 
larger share of knowledge among them, than is 
among those who come to our churches. This is 
the more to be wondered at, considering the plain- 
ness in which matters of religion are wrote in this 
age, and the many small books concerning these, 
that have been published of late years, wliich go at 
easy rates, and of which many thousands are every 
year sent about by charitable societies in London, 
to be freely given to such as will but take them 
and read them : so that this ignorance seems to be 
obstinate and incurable. 

Upon this subject, all that I can propose lies in 
two advices to the clergy : the one is, that they ca- 
techise the youth much at church, not only asking 
the questions and hearing the answers, but joining 

VOL. VI. o 


to that the explaining the terms in other words, and 
by turning to the Bible for such passages as prove 
or enlarge on them : the doing this constantly would 
infuse into the next age a higher measure of know- 
ledge than the present is like to be blessed with. 
Long sermons, in which points of divinity or mo- 
rality are regularly handled, are above the capacity 
of the people ; short and plain ones, upon a large 
portion of scripture, would be better hearkened to, 
and have a much better effect ; they would make 
the hearers understand and love the scriptures more. 
Preachers ought to dwell often in their sermons, on 
those sins that their hearers must needs know them- 
selves guilty of, if they are so ; such as swearing, ly- 
ing, cheating, drunkenness, lewd deportment, breach 
of promise, love of the world, anger, envy, malice, 
pride, and luxury : short discourses upon these, and 
often repeated, in many glances and reflections 
on them, setting forth the real evil of them, with 
the ill consequences that follow, not only to others, 
but to the persons themselves, are the best means 
can be thought of for reforming them ; and these 
will have an effect on some, if not on many. But 
above all, and in order to all the rest, they ought to 
be called on, upon all occasions, to reflect on their 
ways, to consider how they live, to pray in secret to 
God, confessing then* sins to him, begging pardon 
and mercy for what is past, and his holy Spirit to 
648 assist, strengthen, and direct them for the time to 
come, forming sincere resolutions to amend their 
ways, with relation to every particular sin that they 
find they may have fallen into. If the clergy will 
faithfully do their duty in this method, and join to 
it earnest prayers for their people, they may hope. 


through the blessing of God, to succeed better in 
their labours. The people ought to be often put in 
mind of the true end of the rest on the Lord's day, 
which is chiefly to give them time and opportunity 
for meditations and reflections on themselves, on 
what they have said or done, and on what has be- 
fallen them the former week ; and to consider what 
may be before them in the week they are entering 
on. Ministers ought to visit their people, not only 
when they are sick unto death, but when they are 
in an ill state of health, or when they are under 
affliction : these are the times in which their spirits 
are tender, and they will best bear with a due free- 
dom, which ought to be managed in the discreetest 
and most affectionate manner: and a clergyman 
ought not to be a respecter of persons, and neglect 
the meanest of his cure : they have as immortal 
souls as the greatest, and for which Christ has paid 
the same ransom. 

From the commonalty I turn to the gentry : they of the 


are for the most part the worst mstructed, and the 
least knowing of any of their rank I ever went 
amongst. The Scotch, though less able to bear the 
expense of a learned education, are much more 
knowing : the reason of which is this ; the Scotch, 
even of indifferent fortunes, send private tutors with 
their children, both to schools and colleges ; these 
look after the young gentlemen mornings and even- 
ings, and read over with them what they have 
learned, and so make them perfecter in it : they ge- 
nerally go abroad a year or two, and see the world ; 
this obliges them to behave themselves well. Whereas 
a gentleman here is often both ill-taught and ill- 
bred : this makes him haughty and insolent. The 

o 2 


gentry are not early acquainted with the principles 
of religion : so that, after they have forgot their ca- 
techism, they acquire no more new knowledge but 
what they learn in plays and romances : they grow 
soon to find it a modish thing, that looks like wit 
and spirit, to laugh at religion and virtue ; and so 
become crude and unpolished infidels. If they have 
taken a wrong tincture at the university, that too 
often disposes them to hate and despise all those 
who separate from the church, though they can give 
no better reason than the papists have for hating 
heretics, because they forsake the church : in those 
seats of education, instead of being formed to love 
their country and constitution, the laws and liberties 
649 of it, they are rather disposed to love arbitrary go- 
vernment, and to become slaves to absolute mo- 
narchy f : a change of interest, provocation, or some 
other consideration, may set them right again as to 
the public ; but they have no inward principle of 
love to their country, and of public liberty : so that 
they are easily brought to like slavery, if they may 
be the tools for managing it s. 
The danger This is a dismal representation of thiiiffs : I have 

of losing -T o 

jiubiic li- seen the nation thrice on the brink of ruin, by men 
thus tainted. After the restoration, all were running 
fast into slavery ; had king Charles the second been 

^ (To what did this instructor Vindic. of the Church of Scot- 
form his disciples, when he as- land, p. 41. See also his Royal 
serted, that the words of St. Martyr, p. 22.) 
Paul in his Epistle to the Ro- s (The old tory gentry, what- 
mans, chap. xiii. " being de- ever might be the conduct of 
*' signed by the Holy Ghost to their leaders, struggled hard for 
" be a part of the rule of all liberty and property, instead of 
*• Christians, do prove, that being, as this author intimates, 
" whoever hath the supreme like many of their opponents, 
" power is to be submitted to, the venal tools of the destroyers 
" and never resisted ?" Burners of both.) 


attentive to those bad designs (which he pursued 
afterwards with more caution) upon his first return, 
slavery and absolute power might then have been 
settled into a law, with a revenue able to maintain 
it : he played away that game without thought, and 
he had then honest ministers, who would not serve 
him in it ; after all that he did during the course of 
his reign, it was scarce credible, that the same tem- 
per should have returned in his time ; yet he reco- 
vered it in the last four years of his reign ; and the 
gentry of England were as active and zealous to 
throw up all their liberties, as their ancestors ever 
had been to preserve them. This continued above 
half a year in his brother's reign ; and he depended 
so much upon it, that he thought it could never go 
out of his hands : but he, or rather his priests, had 
the skill and dexterity to play this game likewise 
away, and lose it a second time ; so that at the re- 
volution all seemed to come again into their wits. 
But men who have no principles cannot be steady : 
now the greater part of the capital gentry seem to 
return again to a love of tyranny, provided they may 
be the under-tyrants themselves ; and they seem to 
be even uneasy with a court, when it will not be as 
much a court as they would have it. This is a folly 
of so particular a nature, that really it wants a 
name : it is natural for poor men, who have little to 
lose, and much to hope for, to become the instru- 
ments of slavery ; but it is an extravagance peculiar 
to our age, to see rich men grow, as it were, in love 
with slavery and arbitrary power. The root of all 
this is, that our gentry are not betimes possessed 
with a true measure of solid knowledge and sound 
religion, with a love to their country, a hatred of 



tyranny, and a zeal for liberty. Plutarch's Lives, 
with the Greek and Roman history, ought to be 
early put in their hands ; they ought to be well ac- 
quainted with all history, more particularly that 
of our own nation ; which they should not read 
in abridgments, but in the fullest and most co- 
pious collectors of it, that they may see to the bot- 
tom what is our constitution, and what are our 
laws, what are the methods bad princes have taken 
to enslave us, and by what conduct we have been 
650 preserved : gentlemen ought to observe these things, 
and to entertain one another often upon these sub- 
jects, to raise in themselves, and to spread around 
them to all others, a noble ardour for law and li- 
berty. They ought to understand popery well, to 
view it in its politics, as well as in its religious cor- 
ruptions, that they may observe and guard against 
their secretest practices ; particularly that main one, 
that prevails so fatally among us, of making us de- 
spise the foreign churches, and hate the dissenters 
at home. The whole body of protestants, if united, 
might be an equal match to the church of Rome : 
it is much superior to them in wealth and in force, 
if it were animated with the zeal which the mo- 
nastic orders, but chiefly the Jesuits, spread through 
their whole communion ; whereas the reformed are 
cold and unconcerned, as well as disjointed, in mat- 
ters that relate to religion. The chief maxim by 
which men, who have a true zeal for their religion 
and their country, ought to govern themselves, is, 
to live within the extent of their estates, to be above 
luxury and vanity, and all expenses that waste their 
fortunes : luxury must drive them to court favour, 
to depend on ministers, and to aspire after places 


and pensions ; and as the seeking after these does 
often complete the ruin of broken families, so in 
many they prove only a reprieve, and not a reco- 
very; whereas he who is contented with his fortune, 
and measures his way of living by it, has another 
root within him, out of which every noble and ge- 
nerous thought will naturally spring. Public liberty 
has no sure foundation but in virtue, in parsimony, 
and moderation : where these fail, liberty may be 
preserved by accidents and circumstances of affairs, 
but it has no bottom to rest securely on. A know- 
ing and virtuous gentleman, who understands his 
religion and loves it ; who practises the true rules of 
virtue without affectation and moroseness ; who 
knows enough of law to keep his neighbours in 
order, and to give them good advice ; who keeps 
meetings for his county, and restrains vice and dis- 
order at them ; who lives hospitably, frugally, and 
charitably ; who respects and encourages good cler- 
gymen, and worships God both in his family and at 
church ; who educates his children well, who treats 
his servants gently, and deals equitably with his 
tenants, and all others with whom he has any con- 
cerns ; such a man shines, and is a public blessing 
to aU that see him or come near him. Some such 
instances are yet left among us ; but alas ! there 
are not many of them. Can there be any thing more 
barbarous, or rather treacherous, than for gentlemen 
to think it is one of the honours of their houses, that 651 
none must go out of them sober ; it is but a little 
more infamous to poison them ; and yet this passes 
as a character of a noble housekeeper, who enter- 
tains his friends kindly. Idleness and ignorance are 
the ruin of the gi*eatest part, who, if they are not 

o 4 


fit for better things, should descend to any thing, 
rather than suffer themselves to sink into sloth; that 
will carry them to the excesses of hunting, gaming, 
and drinking, which may ruin both soul, body, and 
estate. If a man, by an ill-managed or a neglected 
education, is so turned, that every sort of study or 
reading is a burden, then he ought to try if he has 
a genius to any mechanism that may be an enter- 
tainment to him : the managing a garden is a noble, 
and may be made a useful amusement ; the taking 
some part of his estate into his own hands, if he 
looks carefully to it, will both employ his time weU, 
and may turn to a good account ; in a word, some 
employments may be better than others ; but there 
is no employment so bad as the having none at aU ; 
the mind will contract a rust, and an unfitness for 
every good thing; and a man must either fill up 
his time with good or at least innocent business, 
or it will run to the worst sort of waste, to sin and 
Errors in J havc oftcn thouffht it a ffreat error, to waste 

education. ° ° ^ ' 

young gentlemen's years so long in learning Latin, 
by so tedious a grammar ; I know those who are 
bred to the professions in literature must have the 
Latin correctly ; and for that, the rules of grammar 
are necessary : but these are not at all requisite to 
those who need only so much Latin as thoroughly 
to understand and delight in the Roman authors and 
poets. But suppose a youth had, either for want of 
memory or of application, an incurable aversion to 
Latin, his education is not for that to be despaired 
of; there is much noble knowledge to be had in 
the English and French languages ; geography, his- 
tory, chiefly that of our own country, the knowledge 


of nature, and the more practical parts of the mathe- 
matics, (if he has not a genius for the demonstiative,) 
may make a gentleman very knowing, though he has 
not a word of Latin ; there is a fineness of thought, 
and a nobleness of expression indeed in the Latin 
authors, that will make them the entertainment of a 
man's whole life, if he once understands and reads 
them with delight : but if this cannot be attained 
to, I would not have it reckoned, that the education 
of an ill Latin scholar is to be given over. A compe- 
tent measure of the knowledge of the law is a good 
foundation for distinguishing a gentleman; but I 
am in doubt, whether his being for some time in the 
inns of court will contribute much to this, if he is 
not a studious person : those who think they are 
there only to pass away so many of their years, com- 652 
monly run together, and live both idly and viciously. 
I should imagine it a much better way, though it is 
not much practised, to get a learned young lawyer, 
who has not got into much business, to come and 
pass away a long vacation or two with a gentleman, 
to carry him through such an introduction to the 
study of the law, as may give him a full view of it, 
and good directions how to prosecute his study in it. 
A competent skill in this makes a man very useful 
in his country, both in conducting his own affairs, 
and in giving good advice to those about him : it 
will enable him to be a good justice of peace, and to 
settle matters by arbitration, so as to prevent law- 
suits ; and, which ought to be the top of an English 
gentleman's ambition, to be an able parliament man : 
to which no gentleman ought to pretend, unless he 
has a true zeal for his country, with an inflexible in- 
tegrity and resolution to pursue what appears to him 
just and right, and for the good of the public : the 


parliament is the fountain of law, and the fence of 
liberty ; and no sort of instruction is so necessary for 
a gentleman, as that which may qualify him to ap- 
pear there with figure and reputation. 
And in Gentlemen in their marriages ought to consider a 

™ "^ ** gi'eat many things more than fortune, though, gene- 
rally speaking, that is the only thing sought for : a 
good understanding, good principles, and a good 
temper, with a liberal education, and acceptable per- 
son, are the first things to be considered : and cer- 
tainly fortune ought to come after all these. Those 
bargains now in fashion make often unhallowed mar- 
riages, in which (besides the greater evils) more for- 
tune is often wasted than is brought, with a vain, a 
foolish, an indiscreet, and a hated wife. The first 
thought in choosing a wife ought to be, to find a help 
meet for the man : in a married state the mutual 
study of both ought to be to help and please one an- 
other : this is the foundation of all domestic happi- 
ness ; as to stay at home and to love home is the great- 
est help to industry, order, and the good government 
of a family. I have dwelt the longer on this article, 
because on the forming the gentry well, the good 
government of the nation, both in and out of parlia- 
ment, does so much depend. 
Oftnuie As for the men of trade and business, they are, 
«nd Indus- generally speaking, the best body in the nation, ge- 
nerous, sober, and charitable : so that, while the peo- 
ple in the country are so immersed in their affairs, 
that the sense of religion cannot reach them, there 
is a lietter spirit stirring in our cities ; more know- 
ledge, more zeal, and more charity, with a great deal 
653 more of devotion. There may be too much of va- 
nity, with too pompous an exterior, mixed with 
these in the capital city ; but upon the whole, they 


are the best we have : want of exercise is a great 
prejudice to their health, and a corrupter of their 
minds, by raising vapours and melancholy, that fills 
many with dark thoughts, rendering religion, which 
affords the truest joy, a burden to them, and making 
them even a burden to themselves; this furnishes 
prejudices against religion to those who are but too 
much disposed to seek for them. The too constant 
intercourse of visits in town is a vast consumption of 
time, and gives much occasion to talk, which is at 
best idle, if not worse : this certainly wants regula- 
tion, and is the effect of idleness and vanity. 

The stage is the great corrupter of the town ; and '>f <he 
the bad people of the town have been the chief cor- 
rupters of the stage, who run most after those plays 
that defile the stage and the audience : poets will seek 
to please, as actors will look for such pieces as draw 
the most spectators : they pretend their design is to 
discourage vice ; but they do really recommend it in 
the most effectual manner. It is a shame to our na- 
tion and religion, to see the stage so reformed in 
France, and so polluted still in England. Moliere 
for comedy, and Racine for tragedy, are great pat- 
terns ; few can, and as few will study to copy after 
them. But till another scene appears, certainly our 
plays are the greatest debauchcrs of the nation. 
Gaming is a waste of time, that rises out of idleness, 
and is kept up by covetousness ; those who can think, 
read, or write to any purpose, and those who under- 
stand what conversation and friendship are, will not 
want such a help to wear out the day ; so that, upon 
the whole matter, sloth and ignorance, bad education 
and ill company, are the chief sources of all our vice 
and disorders. 


Of educat- The ill methods of schools and colleges give the 
ithci'^Mx. chief rise to tlie irregularities of the gentry ; as the 
breeding young women to vanity, dressing, and a 
false appearance of wit and behaviour, without pro- 
per work or a due measure of knowledge and a serious 
sense of religion, is the source of the corruption of 
that sex : something like monasteries without vows 
would be a glorious design, and might be so set on 
foot, as to be the honour of a queen on the throne : 
but I will pursue this no further. 
Of the no- My ncxt addi'ess is to the nobility : most of what 
b"«ty- J have proposed to our gentry does in a more emi- 
nent manner belong to them ; the higher their con- 
dition is raised above other gentlemen, so much the 
more eminent ought they to be in knowledge and 
virtue; the share they have in judicature in the 
house of lords should oblige them to acquaint them- 
selves with the rules and principles of law ; though 
654 an unbiassed integrity, neither moved by friendship 
nor party, with a true understanding, will for the 
most part direct them in their judgment, since few 
cases occur, where the point of law is dark or 
Of their Evcry person of a high rank, whose estate can 
* """ ■ bear it, ought to have two persons to manage his 
education ; the one, a goveraor to form his mind, to 
give him true notions, to represent religion and vir- 
tue in a proper light to. him, to give him a view of 
geography, not barely describing the maps, but add- 
ing to it the natural history of every country, its pro- 
ductions, arts, and trade, with the religion and go- 
vernment of the country, and a general idea of the 
history of the world, and of the various revolutions 
that have happened in it. Such a view will open a 


young persoTi's mind : it must be often gone over, to 
fix it well. The ancient government in Greece, but 
much more that of Rome, must be minutely deli- 
vered, that the difference between a just and a vi- 
cious government may be well apprehended. The 
fall of the Roman greatness, under the emperors, by 
reason of the absolute power that let vice in upon 
them, which corrupted not only their courts, but 
their armies, ought to be fully opened : then the Go- 
thic government and the feudal law should he clearly 
explained, to open the original of our own constitu- 
tion. In all this, the chief care of a wise and good 
former of youth ought to be, to possess a young 
mind with noble principles of justice, liberty, and vir- 
tue, as the true basis of government ; and with an 
aversion to violence and arbitrary power, servile flat- 
tery, faction and luxury, from which the corruption 
and ruin of all governments have arisen. 

To this governor (qualified for all this, to be 
sought out and hired at any rate) I would join a 
master for languages and other things, in which this 
young lord is to be instructed ; who ought to be put 
under the direction and eye of the governor, that his 
time may not be lost in trifles ; that nothing of pe- 
dantry or of affectation may be infused into a young 
mind, which is to be prepared for great things. A 
simplicity of style, with a true and grave pronuncia- 
tion, ought to be well looked to ; and this young no- 
bleman ought to be accustomed, as he grows up, to 
speak his thoughts, on the sudden, with a due force 
and weight both of words and voice. I have often 
wondered to see parents, who are to leave vast 
estates, and who stick at no expense in other 
things, yet be so frugal and narrow in the education 


of their children. They owe to their country a 
greater care in preparing the eldest, to make that 
figure in it to which he is born : and they owe to 
their younger children, who are not to be so plenti- 
fully provided, such a liberal education, as may fit 
655 them to answer the dignity of their birth, and pre- 
pare them for employments, by which they may in 
time give a further strength and addition to their 
family. I have been amazed to see how profuse 
some are in procuring good dancing, fencing, and 
riding-masters for their children, and setting them 
out in fine clothes ; and how sparing they are in 
that which is the chief and most important thing, 
and which in time may become the most useful, both 
to themselves and to their country. I look on the 
education of the youth, as the foundation of all that 
can be proposed for bettering the next age : it ought 
to be one of the chief cares of all governments, 
though there is nothing more universally neglected. 
How do some of our peers shine, merely by their 
virtue and knowledge; and what a contemptible 
figure do others make, with all their high titles and 
great estates ! 
Of their Noblemcn begin to neglect the having chaplains 
chaplains, j^^ their houscs, and I do not much wonder at it, 
when I reflect on the behaviour of too many of 
these ; light and idle, vain and insolent, impertinent 
and pedantic ; by this want, however, the worship of 
God, and the instruction of servants, is quite neg- 
lected : but, if a little more care were taken to choose 
weU, a lord might make a good use of a chaplain, 
not only for those ends which I have mentioned, but 
for the reading such books as the lord desires to be 
well informed about, but has not leisure to peruse 


himself. These he may read by his chaplain, and 
receive an account of them from him, and see what 
are the principal things to be learnt from them, for 
which he may find leisure, though not for the whole 
book : by this means he may keep his chaplain well 
employed, and may increase his own stock of know- 
ledge, and be well furnished with relation to all new 
books and new questions that are started. The fa- 
mily of a nobleman, well chosen and well ordered, 
might look like a little court in his country : for 
though it is a happiness to the nation, that the great 
number of idle and useless retainers, that were about 
noblemen anciently, is much reduced ; yet still they 
must entertain many servants, to be either nuisances 
where they live, or to set a pattern to others. The 
greater men are, they ought to be the more modest 
and affable, and more easy of access, that so they 
may, by the best sort of popularity, render them- 
selves acceptable to their country ; they ought more 
particularly to protect the oppressed, to mortify in- 
solence and injustice, and to enter into the true 
grievances of their country ; that they may repre- 
sent these, where it may be proper ; and shew at 
least a tender care of those who ought to be pro- 
tected by them, if they cannot effectually procure a 
redress of their grievances. A continued pursuit of 656 
such methods, with an exemplary deportment, would 
soon restore the nobility to their ancient lustre, from 
which they seem very sensible how much they are 
fallen, though they do not take the proper methods to 
recover it. Have we not seen in our time four or five 
lords, by their knowledge, good judgment, and inte- 
grity, raise the house of peers to a pitch of reputation 
and credit, that seemed once beyond the expectation 


or belief of those who now see it? A progress in 
this method will give them such authority in the na- 
tion, that they will be able, not only to support their 
own dignity, but even to support the throne and the 
church. If so small a number has raised peerage to 
such a regard, that the people, contraiy to all former 
precedents, have considered them more than their 
own representatives; what might not be expected 
from a greater number pursuing the same methods ! 
These would become again that which their title 
imports, the peers of the crown, as well as of the 
kingdom, of which that noble right of putting on 
their coronets at the coronation is a clear proof. 
Great titles, separated from the great estates, and the 
interest their ancestors had in their countries, must 
sink, if not supported with somewhat of more value, 
great merit, and a sublime virtue. 
Concerning After I havc offcrcd what I think of the greatest 

the two . 1 1 n • 1 

houses of importance to the several ranks of men m the na- 
par lament. ^^^^ j ^^ ^^^^ ^^ cousidcr that august body in which 

they are all united; I mean the parliament. As 
long as elections are set to sale, so long we are un- 
der a disease in our vitals, that, if it be not remedied 
in time, must ruin us at last, and end in a change 
of government ; and what that may be, God only 
ofeiec- All laws that can be made will prove ineffectual 
to cure so great an evil, till there comes to be a 
change and reformation of morals in the nation ; we 
see former laws are evaded, and so will aU the laws that 
can be made, till the candidates and electors both 
become men of another temper and other principles 
than appear now among them : the expense of elec- 
tions ruins families ; and these families wiU come in 



time to expect a full reparation from the crown ; or 
they will take their revenges on it, if that hope fails 
them : the commons will grow insolent upon it, and 
look on the gentry as in their dependence. During 
the war, and while the heat of parties ferments so 
much, it is not easy to find a proper remedy for this : 
when the war is over, one expedient in the power 
of the crown is, to declare that elections to parlia- 
ment shall be annual: but if the same heat and 
rivalry of parties should still continue, that would 
ruin families but so much the sooner. 

The most promising expedient, next to a general 657 
reformation, which may seem too remote and too 
hopeless a prospect, is, to try how this great division 
of the nation into whig and tory may be lessened, 
if not quite removed : great numbers on both sides 
are drawn to take up many gi'oundless jealousies one 
of another, with which men of honest minds are 

There are many of the tories that without doubt of the par- 
look towards St. Germains and France ; but this is and tory. '^ 
not true of the bulk of their party. Many infidels, 
who hate all religion and all churches alike, (being 
only against the church of England because it is in 
possession,) do join with the whigs and the dis- 
senters, and appear for them ; from thence the ill- 
disposed tories possess many of those who are better 
minded, with an opinion, that the whigs favour the 
dissenters, only to ruin and destroy religion ; and 
gi'eat multitudes of unthinking and ignorant men 
are drawn into this snare. The principles of the 
whigs lead them to be for the revolution, and for 
every thing that has been done to support and esta- 
blish that ; and therefore those who in their hearts 



hate tlie revolution, fortify and promote their de- 
signs, by keeping up a jealousy of all that body, 
which alone can and must support it. The whigs 
are indeed favoured by the dissenters, because they 
see their principles are for toleration, in which it is 
visible that the dissenters acquiesce, without pursu- 
ing any design contrary to the established church, 
into which the far greater number of them might be 
brought, if but a very few concessions were made 
them. On the other hand, the whigs, seeing the 
leaders of the tories drive on ill designs so visibly, 
(endeavouring to weaken the government, to dis- 
joint the alUance, and to put an untimely end to the 
war, thereby serving the interests of France and of 
the pretender,) and that they are followed in this by 
the body of the tories, who promote their elections, 
and adhere to them in all divisions in the two houses 
of parliament, and are united in one party with 
them, from thence conclude, that they are all equally 
concerned, and alike guilty : and thus they are jea- 
lous of them all. This aversion is daily growing, 
and will certainly continue as long as the war lasts ; 
when that is ended, it may possibly abate ; but so 
great a disease will not be cured, till a prince of 
spirit and authority, managed with temper and dis- 
cretion, undertakes the cure. We see oaths and 
subscriptions make no discrimination, since the ab- 
juration, though penned as fully as words can go, 
has been taken by some, who seem resolved to swal- 
low down every thing, in order to the throwing up 
all at once, if they should come to have a clear ma- 
jority in parliament, and durst lay aside the mask. 
658 In the parliament of 1701, called the impeaching 
parliament, and in the first parliament called by the 


queen, there was a majority of tories; yet it appeared, 
the men of ill designs durst not venture to discover 
themselves to their party and to the nation ; so they 
proceeded with caution. They designed in 1701 to 
have had the duke of Anjou acknowledged, in order 
to have disgraced the late king, and his faithfullest 
ministers ; that so the princes abroad, who could do 
nothing without assistance from England, despairing 
of that, might be forced to submit to the offers 
France made them. In the first year of the queen's 
reign, they durst make no visible steps that way 
neither ; but they tried to raise the heat against the 
dissenters, to make a breach on the toleration, and 
to give that body of men such a jealousy of the go- 
vernment as should quite dishearten them, who were 
always the readiest to lend money to the public, 
without which the war could not be carried on vi- 
gorously. By this it may appear, that many of the 
tories have not those views and designs that perhaps 
some of their leaders may be justly charged with. 
Now a wise and an active prince may find methods 
to undeceive those who are thus fatally imposed on, 
and led blindfold into the serving the ill designs of 
others ; especially if he will propose it as a sure way 
to his favour, for all whom he employs, to procure a 
better understanding and frequent meetings among 
the men of good lives and soft tempers in both 
parties, who by a mutual conversation will so open 
themselves to one another, that jealousies may by 
this means be easily removed. I can carry this no 
further at present; men of good intentions will easily 
find out proper methods to bring about this worthy 
design of healing a breach that has rent the nation 
from top to bottom. The parties are now so stated 



and kept up, not only by the elections of parliament- 
men, that return every third year, but even by the 
yearly elections of mayors and corporation-men, that 
they know their strength ; and in every conier of 
the nation the two parties stand, as it were, listed 
against one another. This may come, in some cri- 
tical time or other, at the death of a prince, or on 
an invasion, to have terrible effects ; as at present it 
creates, among the best of each side, a coldness and 
a jealousy, and a great deal of hatred and virulence 
among the much greater part. 
The cor- There are two things of a very public nature that 

rectionof n t i 

our laws, deservc the care of a parliament : the one must be- 
gin in the house of lords, and the other in the house 
of commons. The law of England is the greatest 
grievance of the nation, very expensive and dilatory: 
there is no end of suits, especially when they are 
brought into chancery. It is a matter of deep study 
to be exact in the law : great advantages are taken 
659 upon inconsiderable errors ; and there are loud com- 
plaints of that which seems to be the chief security 
of property, I mean juries, which are said to be 
much practised upon. If a happy peace gives us 
quiet to look to our own affairs, there cannot be a 
worthier design undertaken, than to reduce the law 
into method, to digest it into a body, and to regu- 
late the chancery so as to cut off the tediousness of 
suits, and, in a word, to compile one entire system 
of our laws. The work cannot be undertaken, much 
less finished, but by so great an authority as at least 
an address from the house of lords to the queen. 
Nothing, after the war is happily ended, can raise 
the glory of her reign more, than to see so noble a 
design set on foot in her time : this would make her 


name sacred to posterity, which would sensibly feel 
all the taxes they have raised fully repaid them, if 
the law were made shorter, clearer, more certain, 
and of less expense. 

The other matter, that must take its rise in thePro^'s^n* 

. iiiim forthepoor. 

house of commons, is about the poor, and should be 
much laid to heart. It may be thought a strange 
motion from a bishop, to wish that the act for charg- 
ing every parish to maintain their own poor were 
well reviewed, if not quite taken away ; this seems to 
encourage idle and lazy people in their sloth, when 
they know they must be maintained : I know no 
other place in the world where such a law was ever 
made. Scotland is much the poorest part of the 
island, yet the poor there are maintained by the vo- 
luntary charities of the people : Holland is the per- 
fectest pattern for putting charity in a good method; 
the poor work as much as they can ; they are hum- 
ble and industrious; they never ask any charity, and 
yet they are well relieved. When the poor see that 
their supply must in a great measure depend on 
their behaviour and on their industry, as far as it 
can go, it wiU both make them better in themselves, 
and move others to supply them more liberally ; and 
when men's offerings are free, (and yet are called for 
every time they go to church or to sacrament,) this 
will oblige those who distribute them to be exact 
and impartial in it : since their ill conduct might 
make the givers trust them with their chai'ity no 
more, but distribute it themselves. If a spirit of 
true piety and charity should ever prevail in this 
nation, those whose condition raises them above the 
drudgery of servile labour, might employ some years 
of their life in this labour of love, and relieve one 



another in their turn, and so distribute among them 
this noble part of government. All this must begin 
in the house of commons ; and I leave it to the con- 
sideration of the wise and worthy members of that 
l)ody, to turn their thoughts to this, as soon as by a 
660 happy peace we are delivered from the cares of the 
war, and are at leisure to think of our own affairs at 
Of shorter Quc thing morc I presume to suggest, which is, 
paruanieot. that we may have fewer and shorter sessions of 
parliament; the staying long in town both wastes 
estates, and corrupts the morals of members ; their 
beginning so late in the day to enter upon business 
is one great occasion of long sessions ^ ; they are sel- 
dom met tiU about twelve a-clock; and except on a day 
in which some great points are to be discussed, upon 
which the parties divide, they grow disposed to rise 
after two or three hours' sitting. The authority of 
the prince must be interposed to make them return 

'' This is shamefully grown eleven o'clock. But it is not the 

of late, even to two of the fault of the present king ; his 

clock. I have done all in my hours are early. It is the bad 

power to prevent it, and it has practice of the higher offices, 

been one of the griefs and bur- and the members fall into it as 

dens of my life. It has innu- suiting their late hours of plea- 

merable inconveniences attend- sures, exercise, or other private 

ing it. The prince of Wales avocations. The modern prac- 

that now is, has mentioned it tice too of long adjournments 

to me several times with con- at Christmas and Easter, and 

cem, and did it again this very thealmost constant late adjourn- 

day, (7th of October 1759,) ments over Saturdays are a great 

and it gives me hopes, that by delay of business, and of the 

his means it may in time be sessions. This last was begun 

corrected. I told him, that in by sir Robert Walpole, for the 

king William's time, those of sake of his hunting, and was 

his ministers who had the care then much complained of, but 

of the government business in now every body is for it. These 

the house of commons, were things want reformation. O. 
dismissed by him to be there by 


to the old hours of eight and nine ; and if from that 
time they sat till two, a great deal of business 
might be despatched in a short session. It is also 
to be hoped, that, when the war is ended, parlia- 
ments will not give the necessary supplies from year 
to year, as in the time of war, but will settle me- 
thods for paying the public debt, and for the sup- 
port of the government, for two, if not for three 
years. The ill effects of an annual meeting of par- 
liament are so visible and so great, that I hope 
nothing but invincible necessity will ever keep us 
under the continuance of so great an inconveni- 
ence '. I speak of this with the more concern, be- 
cause this is not only a great charge on bishops, 
heavy on the richer, and intolerable to the poorer 
bishoprics ; but chiefly, because it calls them away 
from their dioceses, and from minding their proper 
work, and fills their heads too much with secular 
thoughts, and obliges them to mix too much with 
secular company ; from which the more abstracted 

• This has, I confess, some liament breaks up, and employ- 

of the evils here mentioned, but ing their fortunes in hospita- 

parliaments are preserved, and lity there, and not ruining their 

power kept in awe and order, estates in the luxury of all sorts 

by the annual meeting of par- of living in London, which is 

liament, and only by that. See false grandeur for la country 

antea, 460. There are other gentleman, and gives him no 

and better causes, closer attend- credit ; and so most of their 

ance and shorter sessions ; a ancestors thought, even in times 

greater attention to the proper not very far back, who, with as 

business of parliament ; less great property and character, 

haunting of courts and levees did not disdain to come up to 

of ministers ; not coming into parliament with few attendants, 

parliament as the introduction to live in lodgings, and eat at 

to preferments; not bringing up frugal ordinaries in company 

iheir families, and having great with one another. Their great 

houses in town, and villas near tables were in the country, and 

it, but returning to their home for the country. O. 
in the country as soon as the par- 

P 4 


they ai"e, as their minds will be purer and freer, 
so they will be able to follow their own business 
with less distraction, in a more constant attendance 
on the ministry of the word, and prayer, to which, 
in imitation of the apostles, they ought to give 
themselves continually. 

I have now gone over what seemed to me most 
practicable, as well as most important, for all ranks 
of men severally in the nation, as well as for that 
great union of them all in the representative of the 
whole in parliament: I have not gone into wild no- 
tions of an imaginary reformation, more to be wished 
than hoped for ; but have only touched on such ill 
practices, and bad dispositions, as with a little care 
and good government may be in some measure re- 
dressed and corrected. And now, having by all 
these, as by so many steps, risen up to the throne, I 
will end tliis address to the nation, with an humble 
representation to those who are to sit on it. 
661 I have had the honour to be admitted to much 
to our ^^ fr^6 conversation with five of our sovereigns ; king 
princes. Charlcs the second, king James the second, king 
William the third, queen Mary, and queen Anne **. 
King Charles's behaviour was a thing never enough 
to be commended ; he was a perfectly well-bred man, 
easy of access, free in his discourse, and sweet in 
his whole deportment : this was managed with great 

'' I am ignorant what free- plained, that they never failed 

donis he took when admitted, to hear again of whatever they 

but I, that lived in all those said to him : which, I suppose, 

reigns, know, that he was the made them cautious of being 

standing jest of the court in too free themselves, whatever 

ever)' one of them, for his con- he might be ; who was never 

fident intrusions, and saucy, rude suspected of being over modest, 

behaviour : and that the five, in D. 
their sereral turns, have com- 


art, and it covered bad designs ; it was of such use 
to him, that it may teach all succeeding princes, of 
what advantage an easiness of access and an oblig- 
ing behaviour may be : this preserved him ; it often 
disarmed those resentments which his ill conduct 
in every thing, both public and private, possessed 
all thinking people with very early, and all sorts of 
people at last : and yet none could go to him, but 
they were in a great measure softened before they 
left him : it looked like a charm, that could hardly 
be resisted: yet there was no good-nature under 
that, nor was there any truth in him. King James 
had great application to business, though without a 
right understanding; that application gave him a 
reputation, till he took care to throw it off: if he 
had not come after king Charles, he would have 
passed for a prince of a sweet temper, and easy of 
access. King William was the reverse of all this ; 
he was scarce accessible, and was always cold and 
silent ; he minded affairs abroad so much, and was 
so set on the war, that he scarce thought of his go- 
vernment at home : this raised a general disgust, 
which was improved by men of ill designs, so that 
it perplexed all his affairs, and he could scarce sup- 
port himself at home, whilst he was the admiration 
of aU abroad. Queen Mary was affable, cheerful, 
and lively, spoke much, and yet under great re- 
serves, minded business, and came to understand it 
well; she kept close to rules, chiefly to those set 
her by the king; and she charmed all that came 
near her. Queen Anne is easy of access, and hears 
every thing very gently; but opens herself to so 
few, and is so cold and general in her answers, that 
people soon find that the chief application is to be 


made to her ministers and favourites, who in their 
turns have an entire credit and full power with her: 
she has laid down the splendour of a court too 
much, and eats privately; so that except on Sun- 
days, and a few hours twice or thrice a week at 
night in the drawing room, she appears so little, 
that her court is as it were abandoned. Out of all 
these princes' conduct, and from their successes in 
their affairs, it is evident what ought to be the mea- 
sures of a wise and good prince, who would govern 
the nation happily and gloriously. 
662 The first, the most essential, and most indispens- 
able rule for a king, is, to study the interest of the 
nation, to be ever in it, and to be always pursuing 
it ; this will lay in for him such a degree of confi- 
dence, that he will be ever safe with his people, 
when they feel they are safe in him. No part of 
our story shews this more visibly than queen Eliza- 
beth's reign, in which the true interest of the nation 
was constantly pursued; and this was so well un- 
derstood by all, that every thing else was forgiven her 
and her ministers both. Sir Simonds D'Ewe's Jour- 
nal shews a treatment of parliaments, that could not 
have been borne at any other time, or under any 
other administration : this was the constant support 
of king William's reign, and continues to support 
the present reign, as it will support all who adhere 
steadily to it. 

A prince, that would command the affections and 
purses of this nation, must not study to stretch his 
prerogative, or be uneasy under the restraints of 
law ; as soon as this humour shews itself, he must 
expect, that a jealousy of him, and an uneasy oppo- 
sition to him, will follow through the whole course 


of his reign ; whereas if he governs well, parliaments 
wiU trust him, as much as a wise prince would de- 
sire to be trusted ; and will supply him in every w^ar 
that is necessary, either for their own preservation, 
or the preservation of those allies, with whom mu- 
tual interests and leagues unite him : but though, 
soon after the restoration, a slavish parliament sup- 
ported king Charles in the Dutch war, yet the na- 
tion must be strangely changed, before any thing of 
that sort can happen again '. 

One of the most detestable and the foolishest 
maxims, with relation to our government, is to keep 
up parties and a rivalry among them ; to shift and 
change ministers, and to go from one party to an- 
other, as they can be brought in their turns to offer 
the prince more money, or to give him more autho- 
rity : this will in conclusion render him odious and 
contemptible to all parties, who, growing accustomed 
to his fickleness, wiU never trust him, but rather 
study to secure themselves, by depressing him ; of 
wliich the reign of Henry the third of France is a 
signal instance. We saw what effects this had on 
king Charles's reign ; and king William felt what 
an ill step he had made, near the end of his reign, 
in pursuing this maxim'". Nothing creates to a 

' (He must mean the second they have established the pro- 
war, for the first was popular.) testant succession, or many 

'" He did it from necessity, other great designs of king 

not from any maxims of policy. William, which he, happily for 

I am persuaded such were his posterity, obtained by com- 

tinies, that without it he could pounding for them with the 

not have carried on his govern- leaders of the tories,even against 

ment, or held his crown. His the principles of most of the 

parliaments forced him into it, party? The whigs have injured 

and the nation were embittered the character of king William 

against his whig ministers, al- in this matter, and this author 

though very unjustly. Could particularly so, by comparing 


prince such a confidence, as a constant and clear 
firmness and steadiness of government, with an un- 
blemished integrity in all his professions; and no- 
thing will create a more universal dependence on 
him, than when it is visible he studies to allay the 
heats of parties, and to reconcile them to one an- 
663 other ; this will demonstrate that he loves his peo- 
ple, and that he has no ill designs of his own. 

A prince, who would be well served, ought to 
seek out among his subjects the best and most ca- 
pable of the youth, and see to their good education 
at home and abroad ; he should send them to travel, 
and order his ministers abroad to keep such for some 
time about them, and to send them from court to 
court, to learn their language, and observe their 
tempers : if but twelve such were constantly kept, 
on an allowance of 250/. a year, the whole expense 
of this would rise but to 3000/. a year : by this in- 
considerable charge, a prince might have a constant 
nursery for a wise and able ministry. But those 
ought to be well chosen ; none ought to pretend to 
the nomination ; it ought to rise from the motion 
of the honestest and most disinterested of all his 
, ministers, to the prince in secret. As great a care 
ought to be had in the nomination of the chaplains 
of his ministers abroad, that there may be a breed 
of worthy clergymen, who have large thoughts and 
great notions, from a more enlarged view of man- 
kind and of the world. If a prince would have aD 
that serve him grateful and true to him, he must 
study to find out who are the properest and wor- 

him, on this occasion, with king for the most ignoble ends. See 
Charles the second, who did it pp. 4, 1 60 in this vol. O. 
from the worst motives, and 


thiest men, capable of employments, and prevent 
their applications, and surprise them with bestow- 
ing good posts unsought, and raising them higher, 
as they serve well ; when it is known, that a prince 
has made it his maxim to follow this method in 
distributing his favours, he will cut off applications 
for them ; which will otherwise create a great un- 
easiness to him, and have this certain ill effect, that, 
where there are many pretenders, one must have 
the preference to all the rest ; so that many are 
mortified for being - rejected, and are full of envy at 
him who has obtained the favour, and therefore 
will detract from him as much as possible. This 
has no where worse effects than among the clergy, 
in the disposal of the dignities of the church ; and 
therefore queen Mary resolved to break those as- 
pirings ; which resolution she carried on effectually 
for some years : a constant pursuing that maxim 
would have a great effect on the nation. 

Frequent progresses round the nation, so divided, 
that once in seven, eight, or ten years, the chief 
places of it might be gone through, would recom- 
mend a prince wonderfully to the people ; especially 
if he were gentle and affable, and would so manage 
his progress, that it should not be a charge to any, 
by refusing to accept of entertainments from any 
person whatsoever : for the accepting these only 
from such as could easily bear the charge of it, 
would be an affronting of othei*s, who being of equal 664} 
rank, though not of equal estates, would likewise 
desire to treat the prince. So to make a progi'ess 
every where acceptable, and no where chargeable, 
the sure method would be, according to the esta- 
blished rule of the household, for the prince to carry 


the travelling wardrobe with him, and to take such 
houses in the way as are most convenient for him ; 
but to entertain himself and his court there, and 
have a variety of tables for such as may come to 
attend on him. On this queen Mary had set her 
heart, if she had lived to see peace in her days ; by 
this means a prince may see and be seen by his 
people ; he may know some men that deserve to be 
distinguished, of whom otherwise he would never 
have heard; and he may learn and redress the 
grievances of his people, preventing all parliamen- 
tary complaints, except for such matters as cannot 
be cured but by a remedy in parliament : methods 
like these would make a prince become the idol of 
his people. 

It is certain, that their affections must follow a 
prince, who would consider government and the 
royal dignity as his caUing, and would be daily em- 
ployed in it, studying the good and happiness of his 
people, pursuing the properest ways for promoting 
it, without either delivering himself up to the sloth 
of luxury and vain magnificence, or affecting the 
barbarity of war and conquest ; which render those 
who make the world a scene of blood and rapine, 
indeed the butchers of mankind. If these words 
seem not decent enough, I will make no other apo- 
logy, but that I use them, because I cannot find 
worse : for as they are the worst of men, so they 
deserve the worst of language. Can it be thought 
that princes are raised to the highest pitch of glory 
and wealth, on design to corrupt their minds with 
pride, and contempt of the rest of mankind, as if 
they were made only to be the instruments of their 
extravagancies, or the suljject of their passions and 


humours ? No ! they are exalted for the good of 
their fellow creatures, in order to raise them to the 
truest sublimity, to become as like divinity as a 
mortal creature is capable of being. None will 
grudge them their great treasures and authority, 
when they see it is all employed to make their 
people happy. None will envy their greatness, 
when they see it accompanied with a suitable great- 
ness of soul, whereas a magnified and flattered pa- 
geant will soon fall under universal contempt and 
hatred. There is not any one thing more certain 
and more evident, than that princes are made for 
the people, and not the people for them ; and per- 
haps there is no nation under heaven, that is more 
entirely possessed with this notion of princes, than 
the English nation is in this age ; so that they will 665 
soon be uneasy to a prince, who does not govern 
himself by this maxim, and in time grow very un- 
kind to him. 

Great care ought to be taken in the nomination 
of judges and bishops. I join these together; for 
law and religion, justice and piety, are the support 
of nations, and give strength and security to govern- 
ments : judges must be recommended by those in 
the high posts of the law ; but a prince may, by his 
own taste, and upon knowledge, choose his bishops. 
They ought to be men eminent for piety, learning, 
discretion, and zeal ; not broken with age, which 
will quickly render them incapable of serving the 
church to any good purpose : a person fit to be a 
bishop at sixty, was fit at forty, and had then spirit 
and activity, with a strength both of body and mind. 
The vast expense they are at in entering on their 
bishoprics ought to be regulated : no bishoprics can 


be, in any good degree, served under 1000/. a year 
at least. The judges ought to. be plentifully pro- 
vided for, that they may be under no temptation to 
supply themselves by indirect ways : one part of a 
prince's care, to be recommended to judges in their 
circuits, is to know what persons are, as it were, hid 
in the nation, that are fit for employments, and de- 
serve to be encouraged ; of such, they ought to give 
an account to the lord chancellor, who ought to lay 
it before the throne. No crime ought to be par- 
doned, till the judge who gave sentence is heard, to 
give an account of the evidence, with the circum- 
stances of the fact, as it appeared on the trial : no 
regard ought to be had to stories that are told to 
move compassion ; for in these, little regard is had 
to truth : and an easiness in pardoning is in some 
sort an encouraging of crimes, and a giving licence 
to commit them. 

But to run out no longer into particular, the 
great and comprehensive rule of all is, that a king 
should consider himself as exalted by Almighty God 
into that high dignity, as into a capacity of doing 
much good, and of being a great blessing to man- 
kind, and in some sort a God on earth ; and there- 
fore, as he expects that his ministers should study 
to advance his service, his interests, and his glory, 
and that so much the more, as he raises them to 
higher posts of favour and honour ; so he, whom 
God has raised to the greatest exaltation this world 
is capable of, should apply himself wholly to cares 
becoming his rank and station, to be in himself a 
pattern of virtue and true reUgion, to promote jus- 
tice, to relieve and revenge the oppressed, and to 
seek out men of virtue and piety, and bring them 


into such degrees of confidence as they may be ca- 
pable of; to encourage a due and a generous free- 
dom in their advices, to be ready to see his own er- QQQ 
rors, that he may correct them, and to entertain 
every thing that is suggested to him for the good 
of his people, and for the benefit of mankind ; and 
to make a difference betw^een those who court his 
favour for their own ends, who study to flatter, and 
by that to please him, often to his own ruin, and 
those who have great views and nc^le aims, who 
set him on to pursue designs worthy of him, without 
mean or partial regards to any ends or interests of 
their own. It is not enough for a prince, not to 
encourage vice or impiety by his own ill practices ; 
it ought to appear, that these are odious to him, and 
that they give him horror " : a declaration of this 
kind, solemnly made and steadily pursued, would 
soon bring on at least an exterior reformation, which 
would have a great effect on the body of the nation, 
and on the rising generation, though it were but 
hypocritically put on at first. Such a prince would 
be perhaps too great a blessing to a wicked world : 
queen Mary seemed to have the seeds of all this in 
her ; but the world was not worthy of her : and so 
God took her from it. 

I will conclude this whole address to posterity ^^" ex^or- 

' "^ tation to all 

with that which is the most important of all other to become 
things, and which alone will carry every thing elsCg^Js/ 
along with it ; which is, to recommend, in the most 
solemn and serious manner, the study and practice 
of religion to all sorts of men, as that which is !)oth 
the light of the world, and the salt of the earth, 

" (So was the debauchery of the first ; but Marten never for- 
HenryMarten treated by Charles gave the king for it.) 



Nothing does so open our faculties, and compose and 
direct the whole man, as an inward sense of God, of 
his authority over us, of the laws he has set us, of 
his eye ever upon us, of his hearing our prayers, as- 
sisting our endeavours, watching over our concerns, 
and of his being to judge and to reward or punish 
us in another state, according to what we do in 
this : nothing will give a man such a detestation of 
sin, and such a sense of the goodness of God, and of 
our obUgations to holiness, as a right understanding 
and a firm belief of the Christian religion : nothing 
can give a man so calm a peace within, and such a 
firm security against all feai*s and dangers without, 
as the belief of a kind and wise Providence, and of 
a future state. An integrity of heart gives a man a 
courage and a confidence that cannot be shaken : a 
man is sure that by living according to the rules of 
religion, he becomes the wisest, the best, and happi- 
est creature that he is capable of being : honest in- 
dustry, the employing his time well, and a constant 
sobriety, an undefiled purity and chastity, with a 
quiet serenity, are the best preservers of life and 
health : so that, take a man as a single individual, 
667 religion is his guard, his perfection, his beauty, and 
his glory : this will make him the light of the 
worlds shining brightly, and enlightening many 
round about him. 

Then take a man as a piece of mankind, as a ci- 
tizen of the world, or of any particular state, reli- 
gion is indeed then the salt of the earth : for it 
makes every man to be to all the rest of the world, 
whatsoever any one can with reason wish or desire 
him to be. He is true, just, honest, and faithful in 
the whole commerce of life, doing to all others that 


which he would have others do to him: he is a lover 
of mankind and of his country : he may and ought 
to love some more than others ; but he has an ex- 
tent of love to all, of pity and compassion, not only 
to the poorest, but to the worst ; for the worse any 
are, they are the more to be pitied. He has a com- 
placency and delight in all that are truly, though 
but defectively good, and a respect and veneration 
for all that are eminently so : he mourns for the 
sins, and rejoices in the virtues of all that are round 
about him. In every relation of life, religion makes 
him answer all his obligations : it will make princes 
just and good, faithful to their promises, and lovers 
of their people : it will inspire subjects with respect, 
submission, obedience, and zeal for their prince : it 
will sanctify wedlock to be a state of Christian 
friendship and mutual assistance : it will give pa- 
rents the truest love to their children, witli a proper 
care of their education : it will command the re- 
turns of gratitude and obedience from children : it 
will teach masters to be gentle and careful of their 
servants, and servants to be faithful, zealous, and 
diligent in their masters' concerns : it will make 
friends tender and true to one another ; it wiU make 
them generous, faithful, and disinterested: it will make 
men live in their neighbourhood as members of one 
common body, promoting first the general good of 
the whole, and then the good of every particular, as 
far as a man's sphere can go : it will make judges 
and magistrates just and patient, hating covetous- 
ness, and maintaining peace and order, without re- 
spect of persons : it will make people live in so in- 
offensive a manner, that it will be easy to maintain 
justice, whilst men are not disi)osed to give dis- 

Q 2 


turbance to those about them. This will make bi- 
shops and pastors faithful to their trust, tender to 
their people, and watchful over them ; and it will 
beget in the people an esteem for their persons and 
their functions. 

Thus religion, if truly received and sincerely ad- 
hered to, would prove the gi'eatest of all blessings to 
668 a nation : but by religion I understand somewhat 
more than the receiving some doctrines, though ever 
so true, or the professing them, and engaging to 
support them, not without zeal and eagerness. What 
signify the best doctrines, if men do not live suitably 
to them; if they have not a due influence upon their 
thoughts, their principles, and their lives ? Men of 
bad lives, with sound opinions, are self-condemned, 
and lie under a highly aggravated guilt; nor will 
the heat of a party, arising out of interest, and ma- 
naged with fury and violence, compensate for the ill 
lives of such false pretenders to zeal ; while they are 
a disgrace to that which they profess, and seem so 
hot for. By religion, I do not mean an outward 
compliance with form and customs, in going to 
church, to prayers, to sermons, and to sacraments, 
with an external shew of devotion, or, which is 
more, with some inward forced good thoughts, in 
which many may satisfy themselves, while this has 
no visible effect on their lives, nor any inward force 
to subdue and rectify their appetites, passions, and 
secret designs. Those customary performances, how 
good and useful soever, when well understood and 
rightly directed, are of little value when men rest 
on them, and think that, because they do them, they 
have therefore acquitted themselves of their duty, 
though they continue still proud, covetous, full of 


deceit, envy, and malice : even secret prayer, the 
most effectual of all other means, is designed for a 
higher end, which is, to possess our minds with such 
a constant and present sense of divine truths, as may 
make these live in us, and govern us, and may draw 
down such assistances as may exalt and sanctify our 

So that by religion, I mean such a sense of divine 
truth as enters into a man, and becomes a spring of 
a new nature within him ; reforming his thoughts 
and designs, purifying his heart, and sanctifying 
him, and governing his whole deportment, his words 
as well as his actions ; convincing him, that it is 
not enough not to be scandalously vicious, or to be 
innocent in his conversation, but that he must be 
entirely, uniformly, and constantly pure and virtu- 
ous, animating him with a zeal to be still better and 
better, more eminently good and exemplary, using 
prayers and all outward devotions, as solemn acts 
testifying what he is inwardly and at heart, and as 
methods instituted by God, to be still advancing in 
the use of them further and further into a more re- 
fined and spiritual sense of divine matters. This is 
true religion, which is the perfection of human na- 
ture, and the joy and delight of every one that feels 
it active and strong within him : it is true, this is 
not arrived at all at once ; and it wiU have an un- 669 
happy allay, hanging long even about a good man ; 
but, as those ill mixtures are the perpetual grief of 
his soul, so it is his chief care to watch over and 
to mortify them ; he will be in a continual progress, 
still gaining ground upon himself; and, as he attains 
to a good degi'ee of purity, he will find a noble 
flame of life and joy growing upon him. Of this I 


write with the more concern and emotion, because 
I have felt this the true, and indeed the only joy 
which runs through a man's heart and life : it is that 
which has been for many years my greatest support; 
I rejoice daily in it ; I feel from it the earnest of 
that supreme joy which I pant and long for; I am 
sure there is nothing else can afford any true or 
complete happiness. I have, considering my sphere, 
seen a great deal of all that is most shining and 
tempting in this world : the pleasures of sense I did 
soon nauseate " ; intrigues of state, and the conduct 
of affairs, have something in them that is more spe- 
cious ; and I was for some years deeply immersed in 
these, but still with hopes of reforming the world, 
and of making mankind wiser and better : but I 
have found, that which is crooked cannot he made 
straight. I acquainted myself with knowledge and 
learning, and that in a great variety, and with more 
compass than depth : but though wisdom excelleth 
Jolly as much as light does darkness^ yet as it is a 
sore travail^ so it is so very defective, that what is 
wanting to complete it cannot be numbered. I have 
seen that two were better than one^ and that a three- 
fold cord is not easily loosed; and have therefore 
cultivated friendship with much zeal, and a disinter- 
ested tenderness ; but I have found this was also 
vanity and vexation of spirit, though it be of the 
best and noblest sort. So that, upon great and long 
experience, I could enlarge on the preacher's text. 
Vanity ofvanities^ andallis vanity: but I must also 
conclude with him ; Fear God, and keep his com- 
mandments, for this is the all of' man, the whole 

" Not so soon with the wine, and (European Magazine of) 
some elections. S. (sic.) 


both of his duty and of his happiness. I do there- 
fore end all in the words of David, of the truth of 
which, upon great experience and a long observa- 
tion, I am so fully assured, that I leave these as my 
last words to posterity : Come, ye children, hearken 
unto me : I will teach you the fear of the Liord, 
What man is he that desireth life, and loveth many 
days, that he may see goodf Keep thy tongue 
from evil, and thy lips from speaking guile. De^ 
part from evil, and do good; seek peace, and pur- 
sue it. The eyes of the Lord are upon the right- 
eous, and his ears are open unto their cry. The 
face of the Lord is against them that do evil, to 
cut off the remembrance of them from the earth. 
The righteous cry, and the Lord heareth, and de- 
livereth them out of all their troubles. The Lord 
is nigh unto them that are of a broken heart ; and 
saveth such a^ be of a contrite spirit °. 

N. B. This was written in June 1708, when the author 
thought himself near the end of the history. Orig. Editor. 

" This conclusion is wrote ed hereafter as a good, as well 

with a spirit of moderation and as a learned man ; but he was 

integrity that could not have so intoxicated with party zeal 

been expected from the author and fury, that he never scrupled 

of the precedent history, to saying or doing any thing that 

which it has little or no rela- he thought could promote the 

tion : and had he never pub- ends of a party, to which he 

lished any thing besides this, had so entirely devoted him- 

and his History of the Re- self. D. 
formation, he might have pass- 

es 4 




JLt were to be wished, that the author himself had 
lived to have completed his whole design, and as 
he made Thuanus his pattern in history, like him 
to have closed his work with an account of his own 
life : that he intended so to have done, is evident, 
both from his last will, and from a rough draught 
or imperfect sketch of this nature, left behind him. 
He acted so considerable a part in the world, in so 
many different stations; he met with so large a 
share of favour from some, and so much censure 
from others ; and in a life where the scenes were so 
various, there must be so many occurrences, which 
will be both useful and entertaining ; that I feared 
the puljlic would scarce forgive me, as an editor, if 
I should not endeavour to supply this only part of 672 
the author's plan, which he himself did not live to 
execute. Though the producing authorities for the 
several facts asserted in the following sheets, might 
perhaps have exempted a writer from future cavils ; 

" A rude violent party, S. the European Magazine, fre- 
(f. party-man, or partisan ; but quently incorrect, have party 
the extracts from these notes in business, tis if said of the Life.) 


yet the inserting vouchers for every particular^ 
would have rendered a work of this nature both dry 
and tedious : I have only done it where the matter 
related seemed very essential, and the original pa- 
pers themselves might prove an agreeable entertain- 
ment. I have carefully avoided repeating all those 
parts of the author's life which are already related 
in yie History of his Own Time : they are only tran- 
siently mentioned here, so as to continue the thread 
of my narration, and the reader is referred, for far- 
ther information, to the history itself. 

Sfr-rbirth ^"f author, Dr. Gilbert Burnet, was bom at 
and parenu Edinburgh on the eighteenth day of September, in 
the year 1643. His father was the younger brother 
of a family, very considerable for its antiquity as 
well as interest, in the shire of Aberdeen ; and was 
bred to the civil law, which he studied for seven 
years in France. His excessive modesty so far de- 
pressed his abilities, that he never made a shining 
figure at the bar, though he was universally esteemed 
a man of judgment and knowledge in his profession ; 
he was eminent for probity and generosity in his 
practice ; insomuch that near one half of it went in 
acts of charity and friendship: from the poor he 
never took a fee, nor from a clergyman, when he 
sued in the right of his church. In the year 1637, 
when the troubles in Scotland were breaking out, he 
was so disgusted at the conduct of the governing 
bishops there, he censured them with so much 

^ Those facts for which no further supported by other tes- 

voucher is alleged, are taken timonies, if occasion should re- 

froni the bishop's manuscript quire. Author. 
notes of his own life ; and can be 


warmth, and was, at the same time, so remarkable 
for his strict and exemplary life, that he was gene- 
rally called a Puritan : but when he saw, that in- 
stead of reforming abuses in the episcopal order, the 
order itself was struck at, he adhered to it with 
great zeal and constancy ; as he did to the rights of 
the crown, without once complying with that party 
which afterwards prevailed in both nations. For 
though he agreed with Barclay and Grotius, (with 
the latter of whom he had been intimately ac- 
quainted,) as to their notions of resistance, where 
the laws are broke through by a limited sovereign, 
yet hp did not think that was then the case in Scot- 

Our author's mother was very eminent for her 
piety and virtue ; she was a warm zealot for the 
presbyterian discipline ; her education that way had 
been very strict ; she was sister to the famous sir 
Archibald Johnstoun, called lord Warristoun, who, 673 
during the civil wars, was at the head of the presby- 
terians, and was too often hurried away, by his at- 
tachment to them, into excesses that were not suit- 
able to his natural temper, which was just, gene- 
rous, and self-denying ; insomuch that he left behind 
him but a very small provision for a family of thir- 
teen children, though for many years he had been 
entrusted with the whole government of Scotland. 
He was so zealous in the interests of his party, that 
neither friendship nor alliance could dispose him to 
shew favour to those who refused the solemn league 
and covenant. Our author's father therefore, per- 
sisting in this refusal, at three several times was 
obliged to quit the kingdom, and at one of them to 
remain an exile for five yeai*s : and when his return 



was afterwards connived at, as his principles would 
not permit him to renew the practice of the law, 
much less to accept of the preferments in it, offered 
him by Oliver Cromwell, he lived retired in the 
country upon his own estate, till the restoration ; 
when he was made one of the lords of the session. 
Hiseduca- His father's retirement from business proved a 
considerable advantage to our author's education, 
which was wholly under his care, and so managed 
by him, that at ten years old his son was master of 
the Latin tongue : he was sent at that age to the 
college of Aberdeen, where he perfected himself in 
Greek, and went through the common methods of 
the Aristotelian logic and philosophy with applause ; 
he commenced master of arts before he was four- 
teen, and then applied himself to the law, much to 
the regret of his father, who had always designed 
him for a clergyman. He continued studying the 
civil and feudal law for above a year, by which he 
laid in such true notions of society and govern- 
ment, as are seldom found amongst divines ; he then 
changed his resolution, and determined wholly to 
dedicate himself to the church : thereupon he pur- 
sued a very hard course of study ; he went through 
the Old and New Testament, with all the several 
commentaries upon the different parts of it, then in 
repute ; he examined into the most noted authors in 
controversy, and read Bellarmine and Chamier, in 
opposition to each other, quite through ; he perused 
some of the most received systems of school-divi- 
nity, but was soon disgusted at the subtilty of those 
writers, and readily observed, how little all their 
disputes, which the jargon of the schools rendered 
endless, could tend towards making men wiser or 


better. In his hours of amusement, he ran through 
many volumes of history : and it is scarce conceiv- 
able, what a progress he had made in these studies, 
before he was eighteen, by an application which sel-674! 
dom fell short of fourteen hours in a day. 

At that age, he was put upon his trial, as a proba- ne is ad- 
tioner or expectant preacher ; who, after having pass- problti^-" 
ed examination, is at liberty to preach wheresoever ^'^' 
he is desired, but has no particular church to which 
he is attendant. This is the first step in Scotland to- 
wards an admission into orders, and was practised 
both under the episcopal and presbyterian economy. 
The method observed in it has something so different 
from what is customary in England, that it may per- 
haps be worthy the reader's notice. These proba- 
tioners are first appointed to preach practically on a 
text assigned them ; next, critically upon another, 
the sense of which is controverted ; and then a mixed 
sermon, of criticism on the text, and practical in- 
ferences from it, is expected from them. After this, 
the examiners allot a head of divinity to each, on 
which they are to make a Latin oration, and to give 
out theses upon it, which they undertake to defend 
in public : then a Hebrew psalm and a portion of 
the Greek Testament is given them, to render into 
English extempore ; and last of all comes the ques- 
tionary trial, in which every minister of the district 
is at liberty to put such questions to the person un- 
der examination, as occur to him, out of the scripture 
or body of divinity. Before any one can be ad- 
mitted to this, he must produce a testimonial of his 
good life from the minister of the parish where he 
lives; and if, during his trial, which lasts for three 


months, any scandal can be proved upon him, he is 
laid aside as unfit for the church. 
Refuses a This probation our author went thiough, at the 
SI^TtoiT age of eighteen ; about which time his father was 
uving. niade a lord of the session, and his cousin-german, 
sir Alexander Burnet, gave him the presentation to 
a very good benefice, where his family resided, and 
which lay in the centre of all his kindred. There is 
no law in Scotland, that limits the age a minister 
must be of; but our author thought his own so un- 
fit for a cure of souls, that he absolutely refused to 
accept of it, notwithstanding the repeated importu- 
nities of all his relations, except his father, who left 
him wholly to his own discretion. 
His father's lu thc year 1661 his father died; and soon after, 
hts fti'ruTet ^^ brother Robert, who was then become very emi- 
pursuit of j^Qjii at the bar, as his other brother Thomas was af- 

bis studies. 

terwards in physic : upon the occasion of his brother's 
death, our author was much solicited by his mother's 
relations, to return to his former study of the law, 
wherein he was assured of the greatest encourage- 
ment; but he persisted in his former resolution of 
675 devoting his life to the service of the church, in which 
he was confirmed by Mr. Nairn, minister of the ab- 
bey church at Edinburgh. Mr. Nairn was then the 
admired preacher of that country, remarkable for ac- 
curacy of style, as well as strength of reasoning and 
«ublimeness of thought : him our author purposed to 
make his pattern in this branch of the pastoral 
oflSce ; and was not a little surprised to find, that he 
always preached extempore. For though all ser- 
mons in Scotland were delivered without book, yet 
were they premeditated discourses, first written and 


then learned by heart ; which was a loss of time Mr. 
Nairn could not submit to, and he soon put our au- 
thor upon attempting the same method of preach- 
ing ; which he continued to practise all the rest of his 
life *^. He attained to an easiness in it, chiefly by al- 
lotting many hours of the day to meditation upon all 
sorts of subjects, and by accustoming himself, at 
those times, to speak his thoughts aloud, studying 
always to render his expression correct. Mr. Nairn 
led him likewise into a new course of reading, by re- 
commending to his perusal Smith's Select Discourses, 
Dr. More's Works, and the writings of Plato and 
his foUowers ; but no book pleased him more than 
Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity, from the principles of 
which he never departed. 

In the year 1662, the Scotch bishops, who had 
been consecrated at Westminster, made a pompous 
entry into Edinburgh, and, by the pride of their first 
appearance, gave no good omen of their future con- 
duct. Bishop Leightoun, though one of their num- 
ber, would have no share in the state they took upon 

^ I shall only mention two best sermon he ever heard him 

remarkable instances in relation preach. In 1 705, he was ap- 

to his preaching without book, pointed to preach the thanks- 

In 1 69 1, when the sees, vacant giving sermon before the queen 

by the deprivation of the non- at St. Paul's ; and as it was 

juring bishops, were filled up, the only discourse he had ever 

bishop Williams was appointed wrote beforehand, so this was 

to preach one of the consecra- the only time that he was ever 

tion sermons at Bow-church, at a pause in preaching, which 

But being detained by some ac- on that occasion lasted for 

cident, the clerk had twice set above a minute. These two 

the psalm, and still the preacher incidents were so publicly 

did not appear. Whereupon known and spoke of, that I 

the archbishop of Canterbury think it needless to allege any 

desired Dr. Burnet, then bishop particular authority for them, 

of Sarum, to supply his place, unless they should be question- 

which he did ; and, as the arch- ed. Author. 
bishop declared, gave them the 


them on this occasion : he soon became acquainted 
with our author's growing fame, and as he conceived 
a great affection for him, he took a peculiar pleasure 
in overlooking his studies. By his advice he be- 
came conversant with aU the primitive writers, go- 
ing through the apologies and other treatises of the 
fathers of the three first centuries, and Binnius's Col- 
lection of Councils, down to the second council of 

At the same time our author contracted an inti- 
macy with another eminent divine, Mr. Charteris, a 
man of great prudence, joined to an unaffected sim- 
plicity of behaviour : he was not only very knowing 
676 in his own profession, but was likewise a great mas- 
ter of history, both ancient and modern, of geogra- 
phy and books of travels, and not a little skilled in 
mathematical learning. These three persons, by 
their conversation and advice, contributed towards 
finishing an education, which had been so happily be- 
gun. And indeed, what might not be expected from 
such early helps, where nature had laid in materials 
so fit to be wrought upon ? For there was a robust 
constitution, capable of the hardest labour and study, 
an apprehension that took things quickly, and a me- 
mory that retained them long, an imagination rather 
too lively, and a natural fluency of expression. 
His journey lu the year 1663 our author took a short tour 
to ngan ..^^^ England: he first visited the two universities: 
at Cambridge, he had an opportunity to know and 
admire the extensive learning of Dr. Cudworth, the 
judgment and moderation of Dr. Pearson, the fine 
luxuriant imagination of Dr. Burnet, (author of the 
Theory,) and the free-thinking of Dr. Henry More, 
one of whose sayings, with relation to rites and ce- 


remonies, then made great impression on him ; None 
of these f said he, are had enough to make men had, 
and I am sure none of them are good enough to 
make men good. At Oxford our author was much 
caressed, on account of his ready knowledge of the 
councils and fathers, especially by Dr. Fell, and Dr. 
Pocock, that great master of oriental learning ; 
he was much improved there in his mathematics 
and philosophy by the instructions of Dr. Wallis, 
who likewise gave him a letter of recommendation 
to the learned and pious Mr. Boyle at London. 
Upon his arrival there, he was introduced to all the 
most noted divines, such as Tillotson, Stillingfleet, 
Patrick, Lloyd, Whitchcot and Wilkins, whose cha- 
racters are faithfully drawn by him in the History. 
But no conversation proved a greater advantage to 
him, than that of sir Robert Murray, not only as he 
brought him into the best company, but as he also 
acted the part of a faithful monitor, in reproving him 
for any errors or indiscretions his youth might be- 
tray him into. After a stay in England of about 
six months, which, being spent in the manner I have 
mentioned, could not but be highly useful, he re- 
turned to Scotland, where he was again pressed to 
enter into orders, and accept of one of the best be- 
nefices in the west. 

Sir Robert Fletcher, of Saltoun, who, during his Delay* ac- 

... cepting A 

stay at Paris, had received many obligations from his good bene- 
father, hearing so great a character of the son, in- 
vited him down to his seat, and had no sooner heard 
him preach, than he offered him that church, the 
minister of it being nominated to one of the vacant 
bishoprics. Our author would have excused him- 677 
self, as having determined for some months to travel 




beyond sea ; and solicited the living for his friend 
Mr. Nairn : but sir Robert would admit of no de- 
nial ; and as the present incumbent was not to be 
consecrated immediately, resolved to keep the bene- 
fice vacant, till his return from his travels. 
Hutrareis jj^ ^^s iu the vcar 1664, that our author went 

into Hoi- •' ' 

land and Qvcr to HoUaud ; where, after he had seen what 
was remarkable in the seven provinces, he fixed his 
residence at Amsterdam. There, by the help of a 
learned rabbi, he perfected himself in the Hebrew 
language ; he likewise became acquainted with the 
leading men of the different persuasions tolerated in 
that country ; as the Arminians, the Lutherans, the 
Unitarians, the Brownists, the Anabaptists, and the 
Papists : amongst each of whom, he used frequently 
to declare, he had met with men of such real piety 
and virtue, that there he became fixed in that strong 
principle of universal charity, and of thinking well 
of those that differed from him, as likewise in an 
invincible abhorrence of all severities on account of 
religious dissensions, which hath often drawn upon 
him the bitterest censures from those who, perhaps 
by a narrower education, were led into a naiTower 
way of thinking. 

From Holland he passed through the Netherlands 
into France; he remained for some time at Paris, 
and conversed often with the two famous ministers 
of Charenton, Daille and Morus ; the one renowned 
for his learning and judgment, tlie other for his 
bright parts and eloquence. He thought there en- 
tered too much of the gesture of the theatre into 
Morus's delivery; his sermons were full of fire and of 
turns, which, being out of the common road, at once 
surprised and pleased his audience ; but when these 


flights, which passed current in a pathetic dis- 
course, came to be coolly considered, they would 
hardly bear the test : so that, as our author found in 
him much that deserved imitation, there was still 
more that required correction. His stay in France 
was the longer, on account of the great freedom 
and kindness with which he was treated by the lord 
Holies, then ambassador at the French court. To- 
wards the end of the year he returned to Scotland 
through London, where he was introduced by the 
president, sir Robert Murray, to be a member of the 
royal society. 

Soon after his arrival at Edinburgh, sir Robert'*.""'^''" 

o ' minister at 

Fletcher came thither, and carried him down toSaitoun, 
Saltoun, givmg him the presentation to that church ; duct there. 
but he declined taking it absolutely at first, and re- 
solved to continue there four months, performing all 
the functions of a minister, without engaging him- 
self to the parish, till he should have the joint re- 678 
quest of all the parishioners ; which he afterwards 
had, without one single exception : and thereupon 
he was ordained a priest by the bishop of Edin- 
burgh in the year 1665. During the five years he 
remained at Saltoun, he preached twice every Sun- 
day, and once more on one of the weekdays ; he 
catechised three times a week, so as to examine 
every parishioner, old or young, thrice over in the 
compass of a year ; he went round his parish, from 
house to house, instructing, reproving, or comforting 
them, as occasion required ; those that were sick, he 
visited twice a day ; he administered the sacrament 
four times a year, and personally instructed all such 
as gave notice they intended to receive it ; all that 
remained above his own necessary subsistence, (in 

R 2 


which he was very frugal,) he gave away in charity. 
A particular instance of his generosity that way, a 
person '^ (who then lived with him, and afterwards 
was in his service at Salisbury) used to recount : 
one of his parishioners had been in execution for 
debt, and came to our author for some small relief, 
who inquired of him, how much would again set 
him up in his trade ; the man named the sum, and 
he as readily called to his servant to pay it him. 
" Sir," said he, " it is all we have in the house." 
" Well, well," said our author, " pay it this poor 
*' man ; you do not know the pleasure there is in 
" making a man glad." Thus, as he knew the con- 
cerns of his whole parish, as he treated them with 
tenderness and care, and as he set them a fair ex- 
ample of every article of that duty which he taught 
them, he had soon gained the affections of them, 
not excepting the presbyterians ; though he was then 
the only man in Scotland, that made use of the 
prayers in the liturgy of the church of England. 

As his studies were chiefly bent upon the pastoral 
care, in which he endeavoured to instruct himself 
from the best writers, concerning the constitu- 
tion of the primitive church, during the first centu- 
ries, among whom St. Cyprian was the chief; he 
observed, that the bishops who governed in Scot- 
land, though they derived the strongest arguments 
for their order from these very books, yet neglected 
all the rules prescribed in them. He therefore drew 
up a memorial of their abuses, of which some rela- 
tion is given in the History, as likewise of the harsh 

» This was a storj common- Mr, Wastefield, a gentleman 
ly well known at Salisbury, and now living there. Author. 
which the editor learned from 


treatment he met with upon that occasion. How- 
ever, as this step had made some noise, and might 
be imputed to ambition, or a desire of becoming po- 
pular, he resolved to live in a more retired manner 679 
than he had done hitherto ; and abstracting himself 
from all mixed company, confining himself wholly 
to study, and the duties of his function, he entered 
into such an ascetic course as had weU nigh put an 
end to his life : for his bad diet, joined to hard study, 
had so coniipted the mass of his blood, that in two 
successive fevers he was given over by the physi- 

In the year 1668, as the government of Scotland, Much con- 

. •Ill ^suited by 

both in church and state, was put into the hands oi the minis- 
moderate men, among whom sir Robert Murray was [^nd" 
a principal leader, our author was frequently sent 
for and consulted by them ; he was afterwards em- 
ployed as one of the chief managers for the church, 
in negotiating the scheme of an accommodation be- 
tween the episcopal and presbyterian parties ; of 
which a full account is given in the History. He 
was, upon that occasion, introduced to the duchess 
of Hamilton ; who, though her inclinations lay to- 
ward presbytery, professed herself a friend to mo- 
derate counsels. By her he was invited, the year 
following, to Hamilton, where he contracted an ac- 
quaintance with the regent of the university of 
Glasgow, who conceived such an esteem for him, 
that, their chair of divinity being vacant, he pro- 
posed our author as the person most proper to fill 
it ; and he recommended this in so effectual a man- 
ner, that in a few days after, he brought over to 
Hamilton the decree of the university, electing him 
their professor. As this matter had been wholly profe.»or ofs- 

divinity at 
H 3 Glasgow. 


transacted without his knowledge, so was he, for 
some time, in suspense what resokition to take ; his 
friends were all earnest in persuading him to accept 
of it, his parishioners at Saltoun, for whom he had 
a most tender regard, were no less anxious to retain 
him : at length the authority of archbishop Leigh- 
toun prevailed, and he removed to Glasgow in the 
year 1669, where he continued four years and a 
half, in no small exercise of his patience. The 
presbyterian zealots hated him, as apprehending 
that his schemes of moderation would in the end 
prove the sure way of establishing episcopacy 
amongst them : the episcopal party, on the other 
hand, could not endure a man who was for exempt- 
ing the dissenters from their prosecutions. 
His conduct As his principal care, in this new station, was to 

in that sta- , , 

tion. form just and true notions m the students of divi- 
nity, he laid down a plan for that purpose, to 
which no other objection could be offered, but that 
it seemed to require the labour of four or five, in- 
stead of one man; yet he never failed executing 
every part of it, during his residence at Glasgow. 
On Mondays he made each of the students, in his 
turn, explain a head of divinity in Latin, and pro- 
680 pound such theses from it, as he was to defend 
against the rest of the scholars ; and this exercise 
concluded with our author's decision of the point, in 
a Latin oration. On Tuesdays he gave them a pre- 
lection in the same language, wherein he purposed, 
in the course of eight years, to have gone through a 
complete system of divinity. On Wednesdays he 
read them a lecture, for above an hour, by way of a 
critical commentary on St. Matthew's Gospel, which 
he finished before he quitted the chair. On Thurs- 


days the exercise was alternate ; one Thursday he 
expounded a Hebrew psalm, comparing it with the 
Septuagint, the Vulgar, and the English version ; 
and the next Thursday, he explained some portion 
of the ritual and constitution of the primitive 
church, making the apostolical canons his text, and 
reducing every article of practice under the head 
of one or other of those canons. On Fridays he 
made each of his scholars, in course, preach a short 
sermon upon some text he assigned; and when it 
was ended, he observed upon any thing that was 
defective or amiss, shewing how the text ought to 
have been opened and applied. This was the labour 
of the mornings ; in the evenings, after prayer, he 
every day read them some parcel of scripture, on 
which he made a short discourse, and when that 
was over, he examined into the progress of their 
several studies, encouraging them to propose their 
difficulties to him, upon the subjects they were then 
reading. This he performed, during the whole time 
the schools were open ; thereby answering the duty * 

of a professor with the assiduity of a schoolmaster : 
and in order to acquit himself with credit, he was 
obliged to study hard from four till ten in the morn- 
ing ; the rest of the day being of necessity allotted, 
either to the use of his pupils, or to hearing the 
complaints of the clergy; who, finding he had an 
interest with the men in power, were not sparing in 
theu* applications to him. 

In times of vacation, our author made frequent He under- 

takes to 

visits to Hamilton ; and was easily engaged by the write ti.e 

J, 111 if« •• J Memoirs of 

duchess to undertake the task oi exammmg and the Dukes 
putting in order all the papers that related to her ^^ """"''' 
father's and her uncle's ministry: she had kept these 

R 4 


carefiilly together, but had not hitherto found a per- 
son whom she thought safe to be intrusted with the 
perusal of them ; yet now she had so entire a confi- 
dence in him, that she put them all into his hands. 
The earl (afterwards duke) of Lauderdale no sooner 
heard that he was compiling Memoirs of the Dukes 
of Hamilton, than he wrote to Scotland, earnestly 
pressing him to come up to court, in order to re- 
ceive such informations from himself, concerning the 
transactions of those times, as he was able to fur- 
nish. Our author thereupon went to London, where 
681 he was received by the earl of Lauderdale with such 
marks of confidence, as made it evident, that, had he 
pursued the common methods of cultivating an in- 
terest, he might have raised himself to a great for- 
tune : but as he was a constant enemy to all those 
artifices of a court whereby men usually rise, so was 
he naturally of too frank a spirit to bear with the 
earl's imperious temper. All the use therefore he 
made of his freedom of access, was in negotiating 
and concluding a reconciliation between him and 
duke Hamilton ; who had assignations given him on 
the revenues of the crown, in satisfaction of those 
pretensions of which our author had found authentic 
vouchers among the papers intrusted to his care; 
and the duke, in return, promised to concur with 
the measures of the court in the ensuing parUa- 
He refuses a ment. Four Mshoprics in Scotland becoming va- 

Mshopric in , . . . , 

Scotland, cant at this time, our author was ofiered his choice 
of them ; but he declined accepting a station for 
which he thought his years were unfit, in which he 
foresaw he should l3e much entangled, and in aU 
probability would be capable of doing 4ittle good. 

His ni»r- Soon after his return to Glasgow, he married the 

ria|;e with 


lady Margaret Kennedy, a daughter of the earl of the lady 
Cassilis, who lived in great intimacy and friendship K*nnedl*. 
with the duchess of Hamilton : she was a lady of 
distinguished piety and knowledge ; her own senti- 
ments inclined strongly towards the presbyterians, 
with whom she was in high credit and esteem ; yet 
was she far from entering into the rigid and narrow 
zeal of some of their leaders. As there was some 
disparity in their ages, that it might remain without 
dispute, that this match was wholly owing to in- 
clination, not to avarice or ambition ; the day before 
their marriage, our author delivered the lady a deed, 
whereby he renounced all pretension to her fortune, 
which was very considerable, and must otherwise 
have fallen into his hands, she herself having no in- 
tention to secure it. 

In the year 1672, duke Lauderdale was sent 
down, as the king's commissioner, to hold a parlia- 
ment in Scotland, and our author was considered as 
the person who had the greatest influence over him; 
which was wholly employed in doing good offices to 
needy suitors, and in preventing a breach between 
him and duke Hamilton ; for which he was much 
exclaimed at, by the party then opposing the court, 
who could have no hopes of prevailing, unless the 
latter would put himself at their head. About this 
time, he published his Vindication of the Authority, 
Constitution, and Laws of the Church and State of 
Scotland ; wherein he strongly maintained the cause 
of episcopacy, and the illegality of resistance, merely 682 
on account of religion. This was thought, in that Again re- 
juncture, such a public service, that he was agamshopric, 
courted to accept of a bishopric, with the promise of promisTof 

at court. 


the next the Dcxt archbishopric that should be void ; but he 

shopric. still persisted in his refusal. 

His farour In 1673, he was obliged to take another journey 
to London, in order to obtain a licence for publish- 
ing his Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton ; he went 
likewise with a full design to break off from farther 
meddling in matters of state : he saw that popery 
was at bottom the prevailing interest at court, and 
that the sacramental test, whereby the duke of 
York, the lord Clifford, and other papists in employ- 
ment had been excluded, was a mere artifice of king 
Charles, to obtain money for carrying on the war 
that summer with HoUand. He suspected that the 
designs of the court were both corrupt and despe- 
rate ; he therefore used all the freedom he decently 
could with the duke and duchess of Lauderdale ; he 
pointed out to them the errors of their management 
in Scotland, and the ill effects it would have, both 
upon themselves and upon the whole nation : and 
when he saw no disposition to rectify their mea- 
suresj he rejected all offers of preferment made to 
himself; though he could not decline being sworn 
one of the king's chaplains, which, as it was a post 
of no profit, so it was conferred upon him at his ma- 
jesty's express nomination, upon having heard him 
preach. As duke Lauderdale's enemies were soon 
informed of the frankness with which he had re- 
monstrated to his grace, against the methods of ad- 
ministration he was then pursuing, and as they 
knew his friendship and attachment to the Hamilton 
family, they industriously magnified his credit in 
Scotland to such a degree, that his majesty often 
sent for him in private, and the duke of York much 


oftener. He made no other use of the high favour 
shewn him by the latter, than first to introduce Dr. 
Stillingfleet to him, and afterwards to propose a con- 
ference, to be held in his royal highness's presence, 
between them two and the chief of the Romish 
priests ; though there was little reason at that time 
to hope that any arguments would be able to effect 
the duke's conversion, and the very proposal of such 
a dispute was in a great measure renouncing all pre- 
tensions to preferment. He likewise sought no other 
advantage from the great freedom with which the 
king received him, than only to awaken in that 
prince a sense of religion, and to rouse him from 
that lethargy of vice and indolence, in which his na- 
tural great talents seemed wholly buried. This is 
so much the reverse of the conduct of aspiring cler- 
gymen, it lies so directly out of the road to power, 
riches, or dignity, that I hope it may acquit him 683 
fiom all imputation of ambition. 

As soon as the Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamil- ^i',,*'^'^'* 
ton were licensed by Mr. Secretary Coventry ; which L»"«ierdaie. 
was the longer delayed, because the king and many 
of the ministers were desirous to read them in ma- 
nuscript, our author returned to Scotland : and on 
his arrival at Edinburgh, finding the animosity be- 
tween the dukes of Hamilton and Lauderdale risen 
to a height not to be composed, he retired to his 
station at Glasgow, and refused to stir from thence 
all that winter. This, joined to the jealousy the 
favour shewn him at London had raised, drew upon 
him a storm, which pursued him for many years 
after with the utmost violence. The measures of 
the court proving unsuccessful in parliament, duke 
Lauderdale threw the load of his own miscarriage 


upon our author, whom he represented as the cause 
and instrument, under hand, of all the opposition 
he had met with. This accusation made it incum- 
bent on him once more to return to court, in the 
year 1674. The king received him coldly, and or- 
dered his name to be struck out of the list of chap- 
lains ; yet, at the duke of York's entreaty, he ad- 
mitted him to offer what he thought proper in his 
own justification : he thereupon gave his majesty so 
clear and satisfactory an account of his conduct, ap- 
pealing for the truth of all his assertions to duke 
Hamilton, that in the end the king seemed con- 
vinced of his innocence, and ordered him home to 
Glasgow. But the duke of York dissuaded him 
from returning thither, till his peace should be 
entirely made ; for he assured him, that otherwise 
he would be clapped up in prison, and detained 
there perhaps as long as the same interest prevailed 
at court; his royal highness likewise used his ut- 
most endeavours to have reconciled him with duke 
Lauderdale ; but that he found impracticable : the 
latter insisting, that our author should abandon his 
best friends, and discover all the secrets he had hi- 
therto been in ; and the other as firmly persisting 
in his adherence to those who had shewn him friend- 
ship, or reposed a confidence in him. 
Is forced to Thus it bccamc necessary, either, by going back 
profe«»or. to Scotlaud, to put himsclf in the power of enemies, 
GiMgow. who were not likely to treat him with any regard 
to justice or his own innocence, or else to resign his 
professor's chair, and settle in England. He chose 
the latter, if it may be called a choice ; and sought 
an establishment in London : in which he met with 
aU the opposition the ministry could give him ; par- 


ticularly in one church (as he himself relates it in 
the history) where the electors were disposed to 684 
have chosen him, had they not been deterred by a 
very severe message in the king's name. Though 
the being thus in a manner turned adrift, could not 
at the time but seem a misfortune, yet he ever spoke 
of it as the happiest event of his life. He was but 
thirty years old, and though the charms of ambition 
had not that influence over him which is usual at 
those years ; yet he thought it a signal blessing, 
that any accident had disentangled him from the 
snares of so corrupt a court, in whose service he had 
been so far engaged, that he could not otherwise 
have been easily delivered from them. 

The situation he was now in mieht surely have^^f"*"* 

, , good bene- 

excused his embracing the first provision that of- fice at Lon- 
fered ; yet he could not be tempted by it to over- 
look the nicest punctilios of justice or honour ; re- 
solved rather to suffer the utmost personal difficul- 
ties, than purchase preferment at the least expense 
of his character. He therefore generously declined 
accepting the living of St. Giles's, Cripplegate, which 
about this time was vacant ^ ; it was in the gift of 
the dean and chapter of St. Paul's, who had ex- 
pressed some inclination to bestow it upon Dr. Fow- 
ler, (afterwards bishop of Gloucester,) but being made 
acquainted with the circumstances of our author, 
and the hardships he had undergone, they sent him 
an offer of the benefice : he thanked them for the 

« This fact Mr. Mackney, a by the reverend Mr. John Craig, 

gentleman now living at Salis- who lived with Dr. Burnet at 

bury, assured me he had from the time when it happened, 

the bishop's own mouth. And Acthor. 
the same was confirmed to me 


favour, but said, that as he had been informed of 
their intention of conferring it upon so worthy a di- 
vine, he did not think himself at liberty to take it. 
After this, in the year 1675, he was recommended 
by the lord Holies to the friendship of Sir Harbottle 
Grimston, master of the rolls, by whom he was ap- 
pointed preacher to the chapel there : and though 
the court sent first a bishop, and then Mr. Secretary 
Williamson, to persuade sir Harbottle to dismiss 
him, as one highly unacceptable to the king, yet he 
Is made persistcd in the nomination he had made. By this 

chaplain at i • . i i • t i 

the Rolls, means, our author obtained a settlement m JLondon, 

and lecturer . i • -i i .• j i • r 

atst. cie. m which he continued above nine years; he was 
""*"*'*• soon after chosen a lecturer at St. Clement's, and 
grew to be one of the most followed preachers in 
town. His sermons had not in them the studied 
phrases, or the rounded periods, which were then 
too much in vogue; but there was a force in his 
reasoning, a warmth in his expression, and a dignity 
in his manner, joined to a gracefulness in his person, 
which commanded attention ^ ; and as the heart 
always spoke in him, so it seldom failed of speaking 
to the hearts of his audience. 
685 As the apprehensions of popery grew daily 
Hbtory of strouger, the most eminent divines of the church of 
mati^'*"^ England signalized themselves in the Romish con- 
troversy : nothing of that kind was more taken no- 
tice of, than the Account our author printed, in the 
year 1676, of a Conference, which himself and Dr. 
Stillingfleet were engaged in with Coleman, and the 
principal of the Romish priests : this made him con- 

^ (I have heard him preach, note before, at p. 596. vol. i. 
and he was the finest figure in and afterwards note at p. 721, 
the pulpit I ever saw. O. (See vol. ii.) 


sidered as one who stood in the very front of the 
opposition to popery. His reputation, upon that 
account, was soon after raised to the highest pitch, 
by that great performance, the History of the Refor- 
mation ; in which, as he took a method wholly new, 
so was it universally applauded. The first volume 
lay near a year after it was finished, for the perusal 
and correction of friends ; so that it was not pub- 
lished till the year 1679, when the affair of the 
popish plot was in agitation. This book procured 
our author an honour, never before or since paid to 
any writer; he had the thanks of both houses of 
parliament, with a desire that he would prosecute 
his undertaking, and complete that valuable work. 
Accordingly, in less than two years after, he printed 
the second volume, which met with the same general 
approbation as the first : and such was his readiness 
in composing, that he wrote the historical part in 
the compass of six weeks, after all his materials 
were laid in order. 

As our author, though he had at this time no pa- His conver- 
rochial cure, refused not his attendance to any sick mot eari of 
person who desired it, he was sent for, amongst 
others, to one, who had been engaged in a criminal 
amour with Wilmot earl of Rochester : the manner 
he treated her in, during her illness, gave that lord 
a great curiosity of being acquainted with him : 
whereupon, for a whole winter, in a conversation 
of at least one evening in a week, he went over all 
those topics with him, upon which scepticks and 
men of loose morals are wont to attack the Christian 
religion. The effect this had, first in convincing 
that earl's judgment, and afterwards in making him 
a sincere penitent, is so fully related in the account 


of it^ published in 1681, that it will be needless to 
add any thing here upon that subject s. 
Reftises the Durinff a ffi'eat part of the time, when the in- 

bishopnc D D j^ » 

of chiches- quiry into the popish plot was on foot, our author 
was frequently sent for by king Charles, and con- 
sulted by him as to the state of the nation : his ma- 
jesty made him an offer of the bishopric of Chichester, 
then vacant, provided he would entirely come into 
his interests. He answered, " that he did not know 
" what might be meant by that expression ; and he 
" was unwilling to suffer any one even to deceive 
" themselves by what he should say. He knew the 
686 " oaths he was to take on such an occasion ; these 
" he would religiously observe ; and desired to be 
" excused from any further engagements, or general 
" promises, which were liable to different construc- 
" tions." But if his free access to the king did not 

8 The editor here subjoins a " glory in repentance, in God's 

letter from that lord, before his " service. Bestow your pray- 

death ; the original of which is " ers upon me, that God would 

in his hands. " spare my life, if it be his good 

., «r J . . « . , ^ " will, to shew a true repent- 

" Woodstock Park, 25 June, 1680. ^. , j ^ r rr 

" ance and amendment or nte 

" My most honoured Dr. „ fo^ th^ tin,e ^^ come. Or 

" Burnet, .. gi^g^ jf y^^ L^^d pleaseth to 

" My spirits and body de- " put an end to my worldly be- 

" cay so equally together, that " ing now, that he would mer- 

" I shall write you a letter as " cifully accept of my death- 

" weak as I am in person. I " bed repentance, and perform 

" begin to value churchmen " that promise he hath been 

" above all men in the world, " pleased to make, that at what 

" and you above all the church- " time soever a sinner doth re- 

" men I know in it. If God " pent, he would receive him. 

** be yet pleased to spare me •• Put up these prayers, most 

" longer in this world, I hope " dear doctor, to Almighty God, 

" in your conversation to be " for 

" exalted to that degree of pie- " Your most obedient and 

" ty, that the world may see " languishing servant, 

•' how much I abhor what I so " Rochester." 

" long loved, and how much I Autuok. 


procure him that preferment, which very few with 
the same opportunities would have missed ; it en- 
gaged him to write his majesty such a letter, as may 
perhaps offend the delicacy of some, yet in justice 
to his memory ought not to be suppressed. 

" May it please your majesty ^, 29 January, i6^|. 

" I have not presumed to trouble your majesty "'* '«"" 

^ •' ^ "^ •' to the king. 

" for some months, not having any thing worthy 
** your time to offer ; and now I choose rather this 
" way, since the infinite duty I owe you puts me 
" under restraints in discourse, which I cannot so 
" easily overcome. What I shall now suggest to 
" your majesty, I do it as in the presence of Al- 
" mighty God, to whom I know I must give an ac- 
" count of all my actions : I therefore beg you will 
" be graciously pleased to accept this most faithful 
" zeal of your poor subject, who has no other design 
" in it, than your good, and the discharge of his 
** own conscience. 

" I must then first assure your majesty, I never 
" discovered any thing like a design of raising re- 
" bellion, among all those with whom I converse ; 
** but I shall add, on the other hand, that most peo- 
" pie grow sullen, and are highly dissatisfied with 
" you, and distrustful of you. Formerly your mi- 
" nisters, or his royal highness, bore the blame of 
" things that were ungrateful ; but now it falls upon 
" yourself, and time, which cures most other dis- 
" tempers, increases this. Your last speech makes 

^ The original of this letter memorandum how it was deli- 
is now in the editor's hand, vered, and when : and how it 
wrote by the bishop, with a was received. Acthob. 



** many think, it will be easy to fetch up petitions 
" from all parts of England : this is now under con- 
" sultation, and is not yet determined ; but I find 
*' so many inclined to promote them, that, as far as 
" I can judge, it will go that way. If your majesty 
" calls a new parliament, it is believed, that those 
" who have promoted the petitions will be generally 
" elected ; for the inferior sort of people are much 
" set upon them, and make their judgment of men 
" from their behaviour in that matter. The soberer 
" sort of those who are ill pleased at your conduct, 
" reckon that either the state of your affairs beyond 
" sea, or of your exchequer at home, will ere long 
*' necessitate your meeting your parliament ; and 
" that then things must be rectified : and therefore 
" they use their utmost endeavours to keep all quiet. 
" If your majesty has a session in April, for support- 
687 " ing your allies, I find it is resolved by many, that 
" the money necessary to maintain your alliances 
" shall be put into the hands of commissioners, to 
" issue it as they shall answer to the two houses : 
" and these will be so chosen, that, as it is likely 
" that the persons will be very unacceptable to you, 
" so they being trusted with the money, will be as 
" a council of state, to control all your councils. 
" And as to your exchequer, I do not find any in- 
" clination to consider your necessity, unless many 
" things be done to put them into another disposi- 
" tion, than I can observe in them. The things that 
" will be demanded, will not be of so easy a di- 
** gestion, as that I can imagine you will ever be 
** brought to them, or indeed that it will be reason- 
" able or honourable for you to grant them. So 


" that, in this disorder of affairs, it is easy to pro- 
" pose difficulties, but not so easy to find out that 
" which may remove them. 

" There is one thing, and indeed the only thing, 
" in which all honest men agree, as that which can 
" easily extricate you out of all your troubles ; it is 
" not the change of a minister or of a council, a 
" new alliance, or a session of parliament, but it is 
" (and suffer me, sir, to speak it with a more than 
" ordinary earnestness) a change in your own heart, 
" and in your course of life. And now, sir, if you 
" do not with indignation throw this paper from 
" you, permit me (with all the humility of a subject 
" prostrate at your feet) to tell you, that all the dis- 
" trust your people have of you, all the necessities 
" you now are under, all the indignation of Heaven 
" that is upon you, and appears in the defeating all 
" your counsels, flow from this, that you have not 
" feared nor served God, but have given yourself up 
" to so many sinful pleasures. Your majesty may 
" perhaps justly think, that many of those that op- 
** pose you have no regard for religion, but the body 
" of your people consider it more than you can ima- 
" gine. I do not desire your majesty to put on a 
" hypocritical shew of religion, as Henry the third 
" of France did, hoping thereby to have weathered 
" the storms of those times. No ! that would be 
" soon seen through, and as it would provoke God 
" more, so it would increase jealousies. No, sir, it 
" must be real, and the evidences of it signal : all 
" those about you who are the occasions of sin, 
** chiefly the women, must be removed, and your 
" court be reformed. Sir, if you will turn you to 
** religion sincerely and seriously, you shall quickly 


" find a serene joy of another nature possess your 
" mind, than what arises from gross pleasures : God 
" would be at peace with you, and direct and bless 
" all your counsels ; all good men would presently 
" turn to you, and ill men would be ashamed, and 
688 " have a thin party. For I speak it knowingly, 
" there is nothing has so alienated the body of 
" your people from you, as what they have heard of 
" your life, which disposes them to give an easy be- 
" lief to all other scandalous reports. 

" Sir, this counsel is now almost as necessary for 
** your affairs as it is for your soul ; and though you 
" have highly offended that God, who has been in- 
" finitely merciful to you, in preserving you at 
" Worcester fight, and during your long exile, and 
" who brought you back so miraculously, yet he is 
" still good and gracious ; and will, upon your sin- 
" cere repentance and change of life, pardon all 
" your sins, and receive you into his favour. Oh ! sir, 
** what if you should die in the midst of all your 
" sins ? At the great tribunal, where you must ap- 
" pear, there will be no regard to the crown you 
" now wear ; but it will aggravate your punishment, 
" that, being in so eminent a station, you have so 
" much dishonoured God. Sir, I hope you be- 
" lieve there is a God, and a life to come, and that 
" sin shall not pass unpunished. If your majesty 
" will reflect upon your having now been twenty 
" years upon the throne, and in all that time how 
** little you have glorified God, how much you have 
" provoked him, and that your ill example has 
" drawn so many after you to sin, that men are not 
" now ashamed of their vices, you cannot but think, 
" that Grod is offended with you : and if you con- 


" sider, how ill your counsels at home, and your 
" wars abroad have succeeded, and how much you 
" have lost the hearts of your people, you may rea- 
" sonably conclude this is of God, who will not turn 
" away his anger from you, till you turn to him 
" with your whole heart. 

" I am no enthusiast, either in opinion or temper; 
" yet I acknowledge, I have been so pressed in my 
" mind to make this address to you, that I could 
" have no ease till I did it : and since you were 
" pleased to direct me to send you, through Mr. 
" Chiffinch's hands, such informations as I thought 
" fit to convey to you, I hope your majesty will not 
" be offended, if I have made this use of that liberty. 
" I am sure I can have no other design in it but 
" your good ; for I know very well, this is not the 
" method to serve any ends of my own. I therefore 
" throw myself at your feet, and once more, in the 
" name of God, whose servant I am, do most hum- 
" bly beseech your majesty, to consider of what I 
" have written, and not to despise it for the mean- 
" ness of the person who has sent it ; but to apply 
" yourself to religion in earnest : and I dare assure 
" you of many blessings both temporal and spiritual 
" in this life, and of eternal glory in the life to 
" come : but if you will go on in your sins, the 689 
" judgments of God will probably pursue you in this 
" life, so that you may be a proverb to after-ages ; 
" and after this life, you will be for ever miserable ; 
" and I, your poor subject that now am, shall be a 
" witness against you in the great day, that I gave 
" you this free and faithful warning. 

" Sir, no person alive knows that I have written 
" to you to this purpose ; and I chose this evening, 


96jS the life of 

** hoping that your exercise to-morrow may put you 
** into a disposition to weigh it more carefully. I 
" hope your majesty will not be offended with this 
" sincere expression of my duty to you ; for I durst 
** not have ventured on it, if I had not thought my- 
*' self bound to it, both by the duty I owe to God, 
** and that which will ever oblige me to be, 

" May it please your majesty, &;c.'* 

This is the letter, of which some mention is made 
in page 507 of the first volume of the History, as 
likewise of the effect it produced : it conveys to the 
reader a much stronger idea of the author's charac- 
ter, than any description can give ; and I presume, 
it vkdll scarce be thought a step which any clergyman 
would have taken, who aimed more at preferment 
than the strict discharge of his duty '. 

The unprejudiced part our author acted, during 
the whole time that the nation was inflamed with 
the discovery of the popish plot ; his candid endea- 
vours to have saved the lives of Staley and the lord 
Stafford, both zealous papists; his temperate con- 
duct in regard to the exclusion of the duke of York, 
and the scheme of a prince regent, proposed by him, 

' The bishop had too much who, if he had not been the 

cunning to publish this letter best natured man, as well as 

himself; it plainly appearing prince, that ever lived, would 

by the first part, that he had have had such insolence an- 

promised to be a spy ; and the swered with a cudgel : but it 

conveyance by trusty Will, seems, by Tom Burnet's ac- 

Chilfinch, who was closet keep- count, and the bishop's own, 

er, and the manager of all sorts that the party he was then en- 

of intrigues, even those with the gaged with thought it proper 

ladies, puts it out of all manner he should keep up his cor- 

of dispute. The rest was plain- respondence with the duke of 

ly wrote to break all further York, the use of which is very 

correspondence with the king, visible. D. 


in lieu of that exclusion ; are all sufficiently related 
in the History : this only may be farther observed, 
that his behaviour in this critical juncture was so im- 
partial as to displease both the court and the coun- 
try party ; which, when animosities run high, will 
always be the fate of those few who follow the dic- 
tates of their own judgment and conscience, without 
entering into the concerted measures of any one set 
of men. A character as valuable as it is rare. 

In 1682, when the administration was wholly f*" S'^™**'- 

hereiice to 

changed in favour of the duke of York, the courtiers fais friend*, 
thought themselves at liberty to rail at our author ; 
as if his writings and sermons against popery had 
been only calculated to facilitate the project of the 
exclusion. Yet so little did the court regard the re- 
flections which were thrown upon him, that it being 
likely the mastership of the Temple would be soon 
vacant, the earls of Halifax and Clarendon obtained 
the king's promise of it for him : upon which he was 690 
again sent for by his majesty, and received with pe- 
culiar marks of favour and kindness. But these 
were soon withdrawn, and he himself waved the 
promise made him, when he found it was expected 
he should break off correspondence with some of his 
best friends. And as, during the debates concerning 
the exclusion, he had lost all his interest with lord 
Shaftesbury and the country party, on account of his 
intimacy with the earl of Halifax, and his endea- 
vours to justify, or at least excuse the earl's con- 
duct in that afTau* ; so now he chose rather to sacri- 
fice all the advantages he might reap from that 
lord's great power at court, than to abandon the so- 
ciety of the earl of Essex, the lord Russel, and sir 
William Jones. As he was at this time much re- 

s 4 


sorted to by persons of all ranks and parties, in order 
to avoid the necessity of returning visits, he built a 
laboratory, and for above a year went through a 
course of chemical experiments ; which, as it served 
to enlarge his philosophical notions, and was in itself 
an useful as well as an innocent amusement, so it 
furnished him with a proper excuse for staying much 
at home. The earl (soon after created marquis) of 
Halifax complains of this retirement, in a letter 
which I shall here insert. 

" Sir ^, October 16, 1682. 

" Though I was tender in advising you to wave any 
" thing you might think advantageous for you, yet 
" since you have thought fit to do it, I am at liberty 
" to approve it : and I only desire you will not make 
" too hasty resolutions concerning yourself, and not 
" be carried so far by the sudden motions of a self- 
" denying generosity, as to shut the door against 
" those advantages which you may expect with jus- 
** tice, and may receive without indecency. Only a 
** little patience is requisite, and in the mean time 
" no greater restraint upon your behaviour and con- 
" versation, than every prudent man, under your 
" character and circumstances, would choose volun- 
" tarily to impose on himself. For what concerns 
" me, or any part I might have in endeavouring to 
" serve you, I had rather you should hear it from any 
" body than from myself; and though you should 
" never hear it from any body, I expect from your 
" justice you should suppose it. Your withdrawing 
" yourself from your old friends, on this corrupted 

^ The original letter is in the editor's hands. Author. 


" side of the town, is that which I can neither ap- 
" prove for my own sake, nor for yours : for, besides 
" many other objections, such a total separation will 
" make you by degrees think less equally, both of 
" men and things, than you have hitherto professed 691 
" to do, in what relates to the public. I have no 
" jealousies of this kind for myself in particular, be- 
" ing resolved, at what distance soever, to deserve 
" your believing me unalterably 

" Your faithful humble servant, 

« Halifax." 

Not long after this, a living worth three hundred Refuses a 
pounds a-year, which was in the gift of the earl of tile'teras 
Essex, becoming void, he offered the presentation to^i^j"°\J,Yjg 
our author, upon condition he would promise still to 
reside in London ; adding, " that in the present ^ 
" posture of affairs, his friends could not permit 
" him to be absent from the town." He thereupon 
told the earl, " that in case he was presented to a 
" cure of souls, he must think himself under such an 
" obligation to residence, as no other considerations 
" could dispense with." And for this reason the be- 
nefice was given to another. 

In the year 1683, when the Rye plot broke out. How he 
and the earl of Essex and lord Russel were taken ing invoiv- 
into custody, all who knew his long and strict friend- pfoi"""'' 
ship with those great men, concluded that he would 
have been involved in the same accusation. But as 
it had been his constant principle, that resistance 
was not lawful on account of single acts of injustice 
or oppression, unless the very basis of the constitu- 
tion was struck at ; so, in order to avoid being drawn 
into secrets he could not approve, he had declared 


to all those he conversed with, that till he should be 
convinced that resistance was warrantable, he should 
think it his duty to disclose all consultations which 
he was made privy to, tending to that end. By this 
declaration, his most intimate friends, when they 
entered into cabals of this nature, were sufficiently 
warned against communicating theu* designs to him. 
And this now proved his security. 

His behaviour at the trial of the lord Russel ; his 
attendance on him in prison, and afterwards upon 
the scaffold at the time of his execution ; the ex- 
amination he underwent before the council, in rela- 
tion to that lord's dying speech, and the boldness 
with which he there undertook to vindicate his me- 
mory ; as also the indignation the court expressed 
against him upon that occasion, are all fully set 
forth in the History. Thither I must likewise refer 
the reader, for an account of the short tour our au- 
thor took to Paris, and of the unusual civilities there 
shewn him by the king of France's express direc- 
tion. His friends at court would indeed have per- 
suaded him to a longer stay there ; they appre- 
692 bended great severities were preparing for him at 
home, which they represented in the strongest light : 
but neither their entreaties nor the menaces of his 
enemies could prevent his returning to London. He 
said, " that as he was conscious of no crime which 
" could be truly laid to his charge, so he would not 
" alarm himself with the continual apprehension of 
" what false witnesses might invent against him : 
" that how fatal soever his return might prove, he 
" could not think himself at liberty to be absent 
" from the duties of his function." This objection 
was indeed soon after removed; for he was that 


very year discharged from his lecture at St. Cle- 1» d'smissed 
ment's, in pursuance of the king's mandate to Dr. lecture, and 
Hascard, rector of that parish : and in December roiu. 
1684, by an extraordinary order from the lord 
keeper North to sir Harbottle Grimston, he was 
forbid preaching any more in the chapel at the 

Thus at the time of king Charles's death he was His travels 
happily disengaged from all those ties, which might ''^ 
hav^e rendered his stay in England any part of his 
duty. Upon king James's accession to the crown 
therefore, he desired his leave to go out of the king- 
dom ; which the marquis of Halifax easily obtained, 
the court regarding him as one whom they had no 
prospect of gaining, and whom it was their interest 
therefore to keep out of the way. He first went to 
Paris, where he lived in great retirement, in order 
to avoid being involved in any of the conspiracies 
which the duke of Monmouth's friends were then 
forming in his favour. When that rebellion was at 
an end, having contracted an acquaintance with 
brigadier Stouppe, a protestant officer then in the 
French service, he was prevailed upon to take a 
journey with him into Italy ; though many of his 
friends thought it a bold venture, considering how 
remarkably he had signalized himself in the con- 
troversy with the Romish church. But as he was 
not himself of a constitution very subject to fear, so 
the advice of the lord Mountague, who was then at 
Paris, encouraged him to embrace this opportunity 
of seeing Rome. 

The relation of these travels is so amply given in 
the Letters our author published in the year 1687, • 
that there will be no occasion to add any thing here 


concerning them ; except as to one particulai', which 
may serve as a proof, both of the great regard paid 
him abroad, and of his own uniform zeal for tole- 
ration. He was much caressed and esteemed by 
the principal men of Geneva ; he saw they insisted 
strongly upon their consent of doctrine^., which they 
requued all those to subscribe who were admitted 
into orders. He therefore employed all the elo- 
693 quence he was master of, and aU the credit he had 
acquired amongst them, to obtain an alteration in 
this practice : he represented to them the folly and 
ill consequence of such subscriptions ; whereby the 
honestest and worthiest men were frequently re- 
duced to the necessity of quitting their native coun- 
try, and seeking a subsistence elsewhere ; whilst 
others of less virtue were induced to submit, and 
comply against their conscience, and even begin 
their ministry with mental equivocations. The 
warmth with which he expressed himself on this 
head was such, and such was the weight of his cha- 
racter, that the clergy at Geneva were afterwards 
released from these subscriptions, and only left sub- 
ject to punishment or censure, in case of writing or 
preaching against the established doctrine. 
It well re- After a tour through the southern parts of France, 
the princ* then under persecution upon the repeal of the edict 
wMof" ^^ Nantes, through Italy, Switzerland, and many 
Orange, places of Germany, our author came to Utrecht in 
the year 1686, with an intention to have settled in 
some quiet retreat within the seven provinces : but 
at his arrival there, he found letters from some of 
the principal ministers of state at the Hague, entreat- 

' This is a formulary commonly known by the name of the 
consensus. Author. 


ing him to fix upon no settlement, till he should 
have seen the prince and princess of Orange. When 
he was first admitted to an audience of them, he 
perceived that his friends in England, especially the 
marquis of Halifax and the lady Russel, had given 
him such a character, as not only insured him a 
most gracious reception, but soon after procured him 
an entire confidence. When he was made acquainted 
with the secret of their counsels, he advised the put- 
ting the fleet of Holland immediately into such order 
as might give courage to their friends in Great Bri- 
tain, in case matters there should come to extremi- 
ties; he prevailed upon both their highnesses to 
write a letter to king James, in favour of the bishop 
of London, who was then under suspension ; he 
ventured to propose to the princess, the explaining 
herself upon that nice but necessary point, of the 
share the prince was to expect in the government, 
in case the British crown should devolve on her ; 
and when it was determined to send over Mr. Dyck- 
velt, as ambassador to England, our author was em- 
ployed to draw his secret instructions, of which the 
rough draught is still extant in his own hand. 

The high favour now shewn him at the Hague King James 
alarmed king James, who was much incensed against his being 
him, for the account he had printed of his travels ; ^.^urt. 
in which he had • so strongly displayed the miseries 
those nations groan under, where popery and arbi- 
trary power prevail, that it seemed to have a sen- 
sible effect on the people of England. The king 
wrote two severe letters against him to the princess 694 
of Orange ; and when the marquis d'Albeville was 
sent envoy to Holland, he had orders to enter upon 
no other matter of treaty, till our author was first 


forbid the court there ; which, at his importunity, 
was done : but he continued to be trusted and em- 
ployed in the same manner as before; Halewyn, 
Fagel, and the rest of the Dutch ministers consult- 
ing him daily. 
Is prose- The report, that he was then on the point of 
Scotian.1 marrying a considerable fortune at the Hague, hav- 
hrnd'for"^^"g reached the English court, in hopes to divert 
hightrea- |.|^jg^ ^ prosccutiou of high trcasou was set on foot 
against him in Scotland. Before notice of this pro- 
secution came to the States, he had been natural- 
ized in order to his marriage : when therefore he 
undertook, in a letter to the earl of Middletoun, to 
answer all the matters laid to his charge, he added, 
that being now naturalized in Holland, his alle- 
giance during his stay there was transferred from 
his majesty to the States. This expression was im- 
mediately laid hold of: so that dropping the former 
prosecution, they now proceeded against him for 
these words f as guilty of high treason ; and a sen- 
tence of outlawry passed upon him. D'Albeville 
thereupon first demanded him to be delivered up; 
and Vhen he saw this demand was like to prove 
ineffectual, he insisted that he should be banished 
the seven provinces, in pursuance of an article in 
the last treaty between the two nations, which re- 
lated to rebels and fugitives, though it could not 
be pretended that he came within either of these 
descriptions. The States, in their answer to the 
The states British cuvoy's memorial, said, " that as Dr. Bur- 

refase to , , . „ 

deliver him " uct, by naturalization, was become a subject of 

"'*' " their own, they could not banish him, unless some 

" crime was legally proved upon him ; if his Britan- 

** nic majesty had any thing to lay to his charge. 


" they would compel him to answer it ; and if his 
" judges jDronounced him guilty, they would punish 
" him according to their laws ; this was all that in 
" reason or justice could be demanded of them." As 
this answer put an end to all farther application to 
the States, so it gave occasion to some unwarrant- 
able designs of seizing his person, and even destroy- 
ing him, if he could not be taken. Of this our au- Designs to 
thor had notice given him from several hands, and [,7^ "^°° 
one in particular, by the following letter from cap- 
tain Baxter, a gentleman of unquestioned honour and 
reputation, whose father was at that time steward 
to the duke of Ormond's estate. 

" Dear Sir m, " Hague, the 14th of March, 1688. gg5 
" Though I have no acquaintance with you, yet 
" the esteem I have for your character, and the be- 
" nefit I have received by your works, obliges me 
** to tell you the proceedings against you in Eng- 
** land. I happened the other day to go into the 
** secretary's office, where I saw an order for three 
" thousand pound, to be paid the person that shall 
" destroy you. I could hardly believe my eyes that 
" I saw the paper, it seemed so strange to me : this 
" I communicated in private to my lord Ossory, who 
" told me it was true, for he had it from prince 
" George. My lord desired me to be private in the 
" thing till I came to Holland; and then, if I pleased, 
" to tell you of it. Sir, I am your friend, and my 
" advice to you is, to take an especial care of your- 
" self, for no doubt but that great sum will meet 

•" This letter is in the edi- to the knowledge of the person 
tor's hands, with the bishop's who wrote it, and of his cha- 
own memorandum how he came racter. Author. 


•* with a mercenary hand. Sir, you shall never want 

** a friend where I am. " 

His mar- Somc months before this, our author had married 

riage to 

Mr». Scott. Mrs. Mary Scott, a Dutch lady, of a large fortune 
and noble extraction. Her ancestor, on the father's 
side, was a younger brother of the family of Buc- 
cleugh, who, upon a quarrel in Scotland, went over 
to Holland ; his son was a brigadier-general at the 
siege of Middleburgh, in the year 1574, and after- 
wards deputy for the province of Zealand, in the 
assembly of the states-general ; his grandson, Apol- 
lonius Scott, who was this lady's giandfather, was 
president of the high court of justice at the Hague, 
and by marriage allied to the noblest houses in Zea- 
land : on the mother's side, who was a De Ruyter, 
she was related to the principal families in Guelder. 
With these advantages of birth, she had those of an 
extremely agreeable person ; she was well skilled in 
all sorts of music ; drew and painted in great per- 
fection ; she spoke Dutch, English, and French 
equally well ; she had a fine understanding, and a 
sweetness of temper that charmed all her acquaint- 
ance ; her knowledge in matters of religion was such, 
as might rather be expected from a student in di- 
vinity, than from a lady. In her, our author, during 
the whole course of her life, found a religious, dis- 
creet, and loving friend, a dutiful wife, a prudent 
mistress of his family, a careful manager of his af- 
fairs, and a tender mother of his children. 

Hji con- The important share our author had in the whole 

duct at the * 

reToiution. couduct of the revolution ; his seasonable counsels in 

696 every step of that great affair ; the early notice he 

gave of it to the court of Hanover, intimating that 


the success of this enterprise must naturally end in 
an entail of the British crown upon that illustrious 
house ; the unreserved confidence reposed in him, 
both by the prince of Orange, and by the malecon- 
tents in England ; the assistance he gave in draw- 
ing that prince's declaration, and the other public 
papers written to justify the undertaking ; his cou- 
rage in bearing a share in the hazard of that expe- 
dition, notwithstanding the peculiar circumstances 
of danger he was in ; the association proposed and 
drawn by him at Exeter ; the good offices he endea- 
voured to do king James, while detained at Fever- 
sham in the hands of a rude multitude ; the care he 
took to protect the papists and Jacobites from the 
insults of the army and populace, when the Dutch 
troops arrived at London ; his faithful adherence to 
the interests of the princess of Orange, in the affair 
of the settlement of the crown : these, as well as the 
other signal services our author rendered his coun- 
try, when the abdication of king James made it re- 
quisite to establish a new government, are too fully 
related in the History to need any farther mention 

Dr. Crew, then bishop of Durham, had acted such Declines 
a part m the high commission m king James s reign^the w- 
that he thought it would be no ill composition, if heouEm? 
could indemnify his person at the expense of his 
spiritual preferment, which he purposed to resign to 
our author, trusting to his generosity for an allow- 
ance of a thousand pounds a year out of the episcopal 
revenue during his life : he sent the lord Mountague 
with this proposal to the prince of Orange : but 
when the message was carried to our author, he ab- 
solutely refused to accept of the see upon those 



terms, whicli he thought might justly be construed 
criminal '". He was indeed so little anxious after his 
own preferment, that when the bishopric of Salis- 
bury became void, as it did soon after king William 
and queen Mary were established on the throne, he 
solicited for it in favour of his old friend Dr. Lloyd, 
then bishop of St. Asaph : the king answered him 
in a cold way, that he had another person in view; 
and the next day he himself was nominated to that 

When the famous bill for declaring the rights and 
liberties of the subject, and settling the succession 
of the crown, was brought into the house of lords, 
as our author had first intimated to the house of 
Hanover the probability of a limitation in their fa- 
697 vour, king William, in preference to all his ministers, 
appointed him to be the person that should propose 
the naming the duchess (afterwards electress) of 
Brunswick next in succession after the princess of 
Denmark and her issue. Though this settlement did 
not then take effect, otherwise than as it seemed 
implied in the exclusion of all papists, and was not 
explicitly established till after the duke of Glouces- 
ter's death in 1701, (when our author had the far- 
ther merit of being chairman of the committee to 
whom the bill was referred,) yet it made that illus- 
trious house from thenceforth consider him as one 
firmly attached to their interests, and with whom 
they might therefore enter into the strictest confi- 
Hi» »erviccs dence. Accordingly, from that time, her late royal 
corrwpoud- highucss the princess Sophia began a correspondence 

•" This is taken from the bi- was secretary of state in king 
shop's MS. notes; and is con- William's reign. Author. 
firmed by a letter from one who 


with him, which lasted to her death, and of which ence with 
above fifty letters are extant, all written in her own of Hanover, 
hand. Two of these I shall here insert: the one 
written in 1689, soon after the proposal of naming 
her in the act of succession had been made; the other 
in 1701, when that nomination took effect. 

" Monsieur •", 
" Comme j'ai toujours eu une estime tres particu- 
" liere, pour le merite de votre reverence, et que j'ai 
" cru la connoitre par ses ecrits, V. R. pourra aise- 
" ment juger par la, combien les marques de votre 
" amitie m'ont ete agreables. Je vous asseure, que 
" je les estime tres particulierement, et que je suis 
" fort reconnoissante de la ferveur, qu'il vous a plu 
" temoigner pour mes interests, ce qui est une aussi 
" grande satisfaction pour ma personne, que si vos 
" bonnes intentions eussent mieux reiissi. Car je ne 
" suis plus d'une age a penser a d'autre royaume, 698 
" que celui des cieux ; et pour mes fils, ils doivent 
" toujours estre dediez au roy et au royaume. Mon- 
" sieur Schutz m'a mande que V. R. etoit persuade, 
" que sa majeste auroit pour agreable, que j'en fis 
" voir un en Angleterre ; et comme mon second fils 
" m'avoit deja mande, qu'il seroit bien aise d'aller, 
" apres la campagne, pour feUciter le roi, sur son 
" avenement a la couronne, et qu'il en demanderoit 
" la permission a I'empereur, dont il est major-ge- 
" neral; j'ose prier V. R. de I'assister de vos conseils, 
" pour bien faire sa cour, lors qu'il fera ce voyage. 
" S'il eut voulu changer de religion, il auroit fort 
" bien reiissi dans ces affaires aupres de I'empereur, 

*> The original letter is in the editor's hands. Author. 
T 2 


" mais il a trop de son oncle, le prince Rupert, pour 
" n'estre pas ferme dans sa religion. II est vray 
" qu'elle porte le nom de Luthere, mais nos eccle- 
♦* siastiques d'Hanovre la disent conforme a la reli- 
♦' gion Anglicane, et auroient voulu me donner le 
" saint sacrement, dans la crayance ou je suis. Mais 
" je n'ai pas voulu donner de scandale a ceux de ma 
" religion, dont je crois que V. R. approuvera. Ce- 
" pendant je dois la feliciter, qu'il a plu a Dieu de 
** vous donner un roi et une reine d'un merite infini: 
"je le prie de vous les conserver, et de donner a 
*'* moi la satisfaction, de temoigner a vous, et a tout 
" ce qui vous est cher, par des services agreables, 
" combien je suis 

" Tres affectionnee a vous servir, 
" Sophie Palatine." 

" My Lord, 
" As I ever had a most particular esteem for your 
" merit, and have fancied myself acquainted with 
" you l>y your writings, you may easily judge by 
" that, how agi'eeable the marks you have given me 
" of your friendship must have been. I assure you, 
" I esteem them in a very particular manner, and 
" am very grateful for the warmth you have been 
" pleased to testify for my interests, which is as 
" great a personal satisfaction to me, as if your good 
" intentions had been more successful. For I am no 
•' longer of an age to think of any other kingdom 
" than that of heaven ; and as for my sons, they 
" ought always to be devoted to the king and king- 
" dom. Mr. Schutz has informed me, that you were 
" of opinion, that his majesty would be pleased if I 
" sent one of them into England ; and as my second 


" son had already acquainted me, that he should be 
" glad to go, after the campaign, to congratulate the 
" king upon his accession to the crown, and that he 
" would ask the emperor's leave for it, being a 
" major-general in his service ; I dare beg you to 
" assist him with your advice, how to make his 
" court well, when he takes that journey. If he 
" would have changed his religion, he might have 
" succeeded well in his affairs at the imperial court, 
*' but he has too much of his uncle, prince Rupert, 
" not to be firm in his religion. It is true, it bears 
" the name of Luther, but our divines at Hanover 
" say, it is conformable to that of the church of 
" England, and would have given me the holy sa- 
" crament in the belief I am in. But I would not 
" give any scandal to those of my religion, which I 
" believe you will approve. However, I ought to 
" congratulate you, upon its having pleased God to 
" give you a king and a queen of infinite merit : I 
" pray him to preserve them to you, and to give me 
" the satisfaction of testifying to you, and every one 
" that is dear to you, by agreeable services, how 
" much I am 

" Most affectionate Xo serve you, 
" Sophia Palatine." 

" Herenhausen, 22 Juin, 1701. 699 
" Vous avez bien de la bonte, monsieur, de pren- 
" dre part a tout ce qui regarde la grandeur de la 
" maison, oii je suis entree : et je dois vous remer- 
" cier en particulier de I'affection, que vous m'avez 
" temoigne, dans I'affaire de la succession, qui exclut 
" en meme temps tous les heritiers catholiques, qui 
" ont toujours cause tant de desordres en Angleterre. 

T 3 


** Je suis par malheur trop vieille, pour pouvoir ja- 
" mais etre utile a la nation et a mes amis, ce qui 
** me feroit pouitant beaucoup aimer la vie. Cepen- 
" dant je.souhaiterois, que ceux qui viendront apres 
" moi, se rendissent dignes de I'honneur, qu'ils au- 
" ront : et que je puisse au moins trouver lieu de 
** vous temoigner, par des services, I'estime que j'ai 
*♦ de votre merite, 

*' Sophie Electrice." 

" Herenhausen, 22 June, 1701. 
" You are very obliging, my lord, to take part in 
" every thing that regards the grandeur of the house 
" into which I am married ; and I ought to thank 
** you in particular, for the affection which you have 
" testified to me in the affair of the succession, 
** which excludes at the same time all catholic heirs, 
** who have always caused so many disorders in 
" England. I am unfortunately too old, ever to be 
** useful to the nation, and to my friends, which if 
" I could be, it would make me much in love with 
" life. However, I shall wish, that those who are to 
" come after me may render themselves worthy of 
" the honour they will have : and that I may at 
" least find some occasion of testifying, by my ser- 
" vices, the esteem I have for your merit. 

** Sophia Electress "." 

® The original is in the edi- cession, might not give satis- 

tor's hands. Avthok. Amongst faction, and rather recommends 

lord Somers's papers was the the making choice of the pre- 

copjr of a letter from the prin- tender, who had done no in- 

cess Sophia to Mr, Stepney, jury, was young, and might 

then minister at Vienna ; in receive what impressions we 

which she expresses her appre- j)leased to give him. H. (See 

bensions, that her own family, note above, at page 271. He 

if they were called to the sue- was thirteen years old in 1701.) 


Our author maintained an unshaken credit with 
king William and queen Mary, during their whole 
reign ; indeed the king's favour was sometimes in- 
teiTupted with short disgusts at the uncourtly li- 
berty he took of speaking his mind, even upon some 
subjects that he perceived were disagreeable ; but 
the real esteem those princes had for him will ap- 
pear beyond contest, from several facts in the His- 
tory, too numerous to be recapitulated here, and 
from some others, which I shall hereafter have occa- 
sion to mention. The use he made of this credit, 
is the principal point a writer of his life must be 
concerned for : it is that alone must settle his real 
character, which I am satisfied has been too com- 
monly mistaken ; and never more egregiously, than 
by those who have represented him as an inveterate 
party man. That he was stedfast to his first prin- His ciiarac- 

• 1 1 • 11 1 • 1 1 • 1 ter as to 

ciples, that m all his conduct relatmg to the pub- party mat- 
lie he was rigidly strict to these, is a truth too^^U 
much to his honour for me to dispute : but it will 
be easy to demonstrate, that his own particular way 
of thinking, as to party matters, had no influence 
over him, either in his friendships, in his charities, 
or in his preferments, where the public was not im- 
mediately concerned. It might be tedious, I am 
sure it would be voluminous, here to insert all the 
evidences in my hands, from whence it appears, 
how frequently his whole interest was exerted in 
favour of men, who, neither from their public nor 
their private conduct, had any reason to expect such 
services from him p. Some instances of this nature 

P The history mentions the tor's hands, shews how ready he 

share the bishop had in sir John was to do acts of personal kind- 

Fenwick's trial ; this letter, of ness to those whose designs he 

which the original is in tlie edi- had the greatest aversion to-: 

T 4 "New- 


I shall have occasion elsewhere to produce; but I 
shall content myself here with one which is very 
remai'kable, and may alone be sufficient to establish 
his reputation on this head. Some of the harshest 
treatment he had met with in the two former reigns 
had passed through the hands of the earl of Ro- 
chester ; no two men ever differed more widely in 
their principles, both in church and state : yet the 
first good offices done that earl, with the king and 
queen, (after all other applications for introduction 
had failed,) their entire reconciliation to him, and 
the first advantages he reaped in consequence of 
that reconciliation, were owing to our author. And 
when the earl of Clarendon was afterwards unhap- 
pily engaged in the conspiracy against the govern- 
ment in I69O; and some hotter whigs were for the 
severest methods, the bishop became a hearty and 
successful advocate in his favour. These matters 
are but cursorily mentioned in the History, but will 
more fully appear from the four following original 
letters; the first written by the countess of Ranelagh, 
the other three by the earl of Rochester himself. 

" My Loud ', 
" Your lordship knows that, by my lord Roches- 

, _ - ^ _ " one he can have most satis- 

" My Lord, ^"^8**^' •^"°- '^^ " faction in, for the good of liis 

" My wife has acquainted me " soul. Since I did not intend 

" with your charitable assist- " any offence to the government 

" ance yesterday, for an order " in asking for him, your fa- 

" for bishop White to come " vour in procuring an order 

" to me, for which I humbly " for him to come to me will 

" thank your lordship ; but " much oblige 

" much to my trouble to day, " Your lordship's 

" she tells me I am refused him. " Most humble servant, 

" I cannot think the king " J. Fenwick." 

" would do so hard a thing to n The original is in the edi- 

" a dying man, as to refuse him tor's hands. Author. 


" ter's desiring me to help him to thank you, for 
" your forwardness to do him favours with their 
" majesties, (out of the sense he had, that he ought 
*' to be more grateful for them, because he had not 
" at all deserved them from your lordship,) he had 
" informed me, that you had done him such fa- 
" vours ; and when, pursuant to his desire, I began 
" to give you humble thanks for him, (who is a per- 
" son in whom I can be very sensibly obliged,) I 
" told your lordship I was pleased in paying this 
" duty, as much upon your account as upon his 
" lordship's, as having attempted to conquer him by 
" weapons fit to be used by one of your profession 
" and character ; and I hoped he might be advan- 
" taged, as well by being gained by you, as by reap- 
" ing good fruits of your mediation with their ma- 70I 
" jesties. And now I present your lordship, in the 
" enclosed, with what appears to me an evidence, 
" that my hopes of his making ingenuous returns 
" for your generous advances towards a friendship 
" with him were not groundless. Since he would 
" sure never have pitched upon you, to manage an 
" application of his, about an interest wherein the 
" visible subsistence of his family is so deeply con- 
" cerned, if he did not firmly believe the reality of 
" your intentions towards him ; though he have no 
" merits of his towards you, or any thing else, but 
" your Christian beginnings towards him, to build 
" that faith upon. Nor can he, in my poor opinion, 
" give you a clearer proof of his being already over- 
" come by you, than in choosing you to be the per- 
" son to whom he would in such an interest be 
" obliged : since he thereby puts himself upon the 
" peril of being faithfully yours, or a very unthank- 


** ful man ; which I do so much assure myself he 
** will not be, that I humbly beg your lordship to 
" put this obligation upon him, to perfect what you 
" have already begim to do for him of a like nature, 
" and to the same royal person, who would not, I 
" think, act unbecoming herself, nor the eminent 
" station God has placed her in, in assisting five in- 
" nocent children, who have the honour to be re- 
" lated to her royal mother, who did still, with great 
" tenderness, consider her own family, when she was 
" most raised above it ; especially when, in assisting 
" them, her majesty will need only to concern her- 
" self, to preserve a property made theirs by the 
" law of England, which, as queen of this kingdom, 
" she is obliged to maintain. 

" I send your lordship my lord Rochester's letter 
** to me, that you may see he has thoughts that jus- 
" tify what I have said here for him, and has ex- 
" pressed them much better than I can do ; so that 
" as an argument to gain your pardon for this con- 
" fused scribble of min6, 1 present you with his good 
** writing. I am, 

" Your lordship's 

" humble and affectionate servant, 

" The 13th of July, 1689." " K. RaNELAGH." 

"My Loed % 

" The good offices your lordship has told me 

" you have endeavoured to do me with the queen, 

" of your own accord and generosity, incline me to 

" be desirous to be obliged to your lordship, for the 

" favour of presenting the enclosed petition to her 

702 " majesty. Your lordship will see, by the reading 

' The original is in the editor's hands. Author. 


" it, the occasion and the subject of it ; and I am 
" sure I need not suggest any thing to your own 
" kind thoughts, to add at the delivery of it, save 
" only this, which I thought not proper to touch 
" in the petition, that I have certain Jy as good a 
" title in law to it, as any man has to any thing he 
" possesses ; as likewise that the pension is appro- 
" priated to be paid out of a part of the revenue, 
" which never was designed by any act of parlia- 
" ment for any public use of the government : which 
" I think has something of weight and reason, to 
" distinguish it from those pensions that are placed 
" on the more public branches of the revenue. 

" I know not, whether the queen can do me any 
" good in this affair, but I will believe her majesty 
" cannot but wish she could ; however, I think, I 
" should have been very wanting to my children, if 
" I had not laid this case most humbly before her 
" majesty : lest at one time or other she herself 
" might say, I had been too negligent not in making 
" applications to her ; which having now done, I 
" leave the rest, with all possible submission, to her 
" own judgment, and to the reflections that some 
" good-natured moments may incline her to make 
" towards my family. I should say a great deal to 
" your lordship, for my own confidence, in address- 
" ing all this to your lordship, some passages of my 
" life having been such as may very properly give 
" it that name : but, I think, whatever you would 
" be content to hear on that subject, will be better 
" expressed by the person who does me the honour 
" to deliver this to your lordship, from, 
*' My lord, 
" Your lordship's most obedient servant, 

« July the 13th, 1689." " Rochester.'* 


«* My Lord % 
" Upon what account soever it is, that your 
" lordship is pleased to let me hear from you, I take 
" it to l)e something of good fortune, whatsoever ill 
** cause there may be in it too. Therefore I hum- 
" bly thank your lordship for the honour of yours of 
" the 18th from Salisbury; which was sent me to 
" this pretty place, where I love to be as much as 
" you do at your palace ; and though I cannot do 
" so much good to others, as your lordship does 
" there to all that are near you, yet I do more to 
" myself than I can do any where else. Quid sen- 
" tire putaSy quid credis, amice, precarif Sit mihi 
" quod nunc est, etiam minus, ut mihi vivam quod 
703 " superest cevi. Forgive this transgressional rap- 
" ture, and receive my thanks, which I pay your 
" lordship again, for your kind letter : for indeed I 
" do take it very kindly, that you were so much 
" concerned, as to give me a kind hint of that un- 
" seasonable discourse you came to be acquainted 
" with when you were last in London : I will make 
" the best use of it I can, to prevent the like for 
" the future, if I have any credit. And in the 
** mean time, I must make use of this opportunity, 
" to calm and soften your resentments towards this 
" friend of mine, as you call him in the beginning 
" of your letter. I will allow you, as a servant to 
** the king and queen, and a subject to their crown, 
" to have as great a detestation of the contrivance 
" as you can wish ; and, upon my word, I can ac- 
** company you in it. But when I consider you, as 
" once you were, a concerned friend of this lord, to 
" have a respect for his family, and particularly for 
" my father, who lost not only all the honours and 

* The original is in the editor's hands. Author. 


' preferments of this world, but even the comforts 

* of it too, for the integrity and uprightness of his 

* heart ; you must forgive me, if I conjure you by 
' all that's sacred in this generation in which we 
' live together, by the character that you bear, and 

* by the religion you profess, that you do not (as 

* much as in you lies) suffer this next heir of my 
' good father's name and honour to go down with 
' sorrow to the grave. I would not flatter myself, 
' that your lordship should be moved with any fond- 
' ness of mine, to endeavour to bring to pass what 
' is not fit for a ^se and a good man to propose ; 

* that would be to make a very ill use of your 
' friendship to me, and I would rather be corrected 

* myself in my own desires, than expose your lord- 

* ship on such an account. But I hope that they, 

* who are the supreme directors of this matter 
** under God, may in their great wisdom and good- 

* ness judge, that it may prove as much to their 

* honour and safety too, to pass over this particular, 
' as if they should pursue the strictest measures of 
' justice in it. Though I am a brother, if I did not, 

* upon the greatest reflection I can make, think I 
' should be of the same opinion if I were none, 
' I would not press this matter upon you. For I 

* cannot but think, that the queen would do, and 

* would be glad to avow it too, a very great thing 
' for the memory of that gentleman so long in his 
' grave. It is upon his account, I am begging of 
' your lordship to do all that's possible to preserve 

* every part and branch and member of his family, 
' from the least transient stain of infamy and re- 
' proach. And if God was prevailed with by Abra- 
' ham, to have saved a whole city for the sake of 


704 " ten righteous men, I hope there may be as cha- 
" ritable an inclination, to spare the debris of our 
" broken family, for the sake of him who was the 
" raiser of it. 

" I ask your lordship's pardon, for being thus im- 
" portunate ; for I have gi'eat need of your help, and 
" I hope I shall have it from you. Losses of many 
*' and good friends I have borne, and submitted with 
" patience to the pleasure of Almighty God : but a 
" calamity of this nature that I now deprecate, has 
" in it something so frightful, and on some accounts 
" so unnatural, that I beg you, for God's sake, from 
" an angry man yourself, grow an advocate for me 
" and for the family on this account. I am ever, 
" My lord, 

" Your lordship's 
" most faithful humble servant, 
" New Park, March 21, iG'p,." " ROCHESTER." 

"My Lord ', 
" I was warm, I confess, in the last letter I gave 
" your lordship the trouble of, and I thank you for 
" reproving the vehemence of my style, in your last 
" of the 28th ; I am grown cooler, and acknowledge 
" my fault ; neither did I commit it with an appre- 
" hension that your lordship was inexorable, or that 
*' it would be so much as needful to desire your as- 
" sistance in that matter. But you may remember, 
" you had used a word to me, when you were here, 
" an attainder; that I acknowledge sounded very 
" harsh to me, and when I had reflected a little 
" more upon it, as likewise that your lordship did 
" not use to speak by chance, and consequently that 
* The original letter is in the Editor's hands. Author. 


" you had good ground for what you said, I own it 
" heated me all over ; which made me express my 
" thoughts to you with more transport than was fit, 
" and I will say no more of them, for fear of run- 
" ning into new excesses. What your lordship pro- 
*' poses for my lord Clarendon to desire, is perfectly 
" agreeable to my mind ; but I know not, whether 
" it be not a little too early, and that such a peti- 
" tion might be presented with a better grace, if he 
" were once out of the Tower upon bail, than it 
" would be while he is under this close confinement. 
" But as your lordship says, the afiair of Mons must 
" for the present put a stop to every man's private 
" thoughts, for that is a matter of such vast import- 
" ance to the public, that it is but very fit, that all 
" particular considerations should give way to it, and 
" wait the determination of that great point ; I can- 
" not but believe the French are masters of it before 
" now, because all the letters that came by the last 705 
" post, that I could hear of, looked upon it as a 
" thing impracticable to relieve it ; but we have had 
" no letters since Saturday. What the French will 
" do next, whether send their men into quarters for 
" two months, or try to follow their blow, is what 
" men are now most anxious about. One of my old 
" friends, with whom of late I have renewed my ac- 
" quaintance, says, upon all these mighty occasions, 
" Prudens futuri tempor'is exitum caliginosa node 
" premit Deus, ridetque si mortalis ultra fas trC' 
" pidat. But I confess to you, I cannot be quite so 
" overcome with philosophy, as not to be concerned 
" beforehand, at what this dark night is to bring 
" forth. One private concern, in the midst of all 
** these public ones, has given me a great deal of 


•* uneasiness, and I doubt not will do so to your 
** lordship, when I tell you how very ill my lady 
" Ranelagh has been these two or three days, with 
" a fever, which has almost quite destroyed her ; I 
" am afi'aid still for her : the last night she had a 
*' little rest ; but she is so weak, and, you know, of 
** late has been so very tender, that I am in great 
** pain for her. I know your lordship will be trou- 
** bled to lose a very good friend and humble servant 
" of your own, as well as a most wonderful good per- 
** son, to all that knew her. For my own part, I 
** know nobody alive, to whom I have so many ob- 
" ligations, which I am sorry to see how little I can 
" return, when there is most need of serving her. 
" Amongst all her favours, one that I shaU never 
" forget was, her desire and endeavours, not only to 
*' renew for me the acquaintance I formerly had 
" with your lordship, but to knit it closer into a 
** friendship ; in which I am always to own your 
" lordship's ready concurrence ; and I hope I shall 
" not fail as faithfully to perform all the part that 
•* belongs to, 

" My lord, 

" Your lordship's 
" most faithful humble servant, 

" April the 2d, 169!." " ROCHESTER." 

Hitherto the reader has viewed our author as 
a divine, only in the private character of a minister 
in his parish, a professor in his chair, or a preacher 
in his lecture : but we must now observe his conduct 
in a higher function. As soon as the session of par- 
liament in 1689 was ended, he went down to his 
diocese ; where he formed such a plan for executing 


the duties of his episcopal office, as he seldom af- 
terwards had occasion to alter. 

His primary visitation could only be regulated by His labour* 
the practice of his predecessors, who contented them- cese'*an J 
selves with formal triennial visitations of their dio- ^P'^*i?^*^ 


cese, in which they used always to confirm ; but when >jqq 
he perceived the hurry, the disorder and noise, that 
attended these public meetings, he thought them 
wholly unfit for solemn acts of devotion : they seemed 
much properer for the exercise of an ordinary's juris- 
diction according to law, than for the performance of 
the more Christian functions of a bishop : these were 
inconsistent with that pomp and shew, which perhaps 
the other required. He had always looked upon con- 
Jirmation as the likeliest means of reviving a spirit 
of Christianity ; if men could be brought to consider 
it, not as a mere ceremony, but as an act whereby a 
man became a Christian from his own choice ; since 
upon attaining to the use of reason, he thereby re- 
newed for himself a vow, which others had only 
made for him at baptism. He wrote a short directo- 
ry, containing proper rules how to prepare the youth 
upon such occasions ; this he printed, and sent co- 
pies of it, some months beforehand, to the minister 
of every parish where he intended to confirm. He 
every summer took a tour for six weeks or two 
months, through some district of his bishopric, daily 
preaching and confirming from church to church, so 
as in the compass of three years (besides his formal 
triennial visitation) to go through all the principal 
livings in his diocese. The clergy near the places 
he passed through generally attended on him ; 
therefore to avoid being burdensome in these cir- 
cuits, he entertained them all at his own charge. 

VOL. VI. u 


He likewise for many years entered into confe- 
rences with them upon the chief heads of divinity ; 
one of which he usually opened at their meeting, in 
a discourse that lasted near two hours ; and then en- 
couraged those present to start such questions or 
difficulties upon it as occurred to them. Four of 
these discourses against infidelity, Socinianism, po- 
pery, and schism, were printed in the year 1694. 
When our author had published his Exposition of 
the Thirty-nine Articles, conferences of this nature 
seemed in some measure needless : he therefore dis- 
continued them, in order to apply himself wholly to 
the work of confirmation. To be more useful in it, 
he disposed his annual progress, during the last ten 
years of his life, in the following manner. He went 
through five or six of the considerable market-towns 
every year : he fixed himself for a whole week in 
each of them ; and though he went out every morn- 
ing to preach and confirm in some parish within 
seven or eight miles of the place, yet at the even- 
ing-prayer, for six days together, he catechised the 
youth of the town in the principal church there, ex- 
pounding to them some portion of the Church-Cate- 
chism every day, till he had gone through the whole : 
and on Sunday he confirmed those who had been 
707 thus examined and instructed, and then inviting 
them all to dine with him, he gave to each a useful 
present of books. As the country flocked in from all 
parts to hear him, he was in hopes this would en- 
courage the clergy to catechise more, and would 
raise an emulation in Christian knowledge among 
the inferior sort of people, who were ignorant to a 

In the intervals of parliament, when the bishop 


was not upon this progi'ess, his usual residence was at 
Salisbury ; there he preached the Thursday's lecture, 
founded at St. Thomas's church, during the whole 
time of his stay ; he likewise preached and confirmed 
every Sunday morning " in some church of that city, 
or of the neighbourhood round about it : and in the 
evening he had a lecture in his own chapel, to which 
great crowds resorted, wherein he explained some 
portion of scripture out of the gospels and epistles in 
the liturgy. He generally came down from London 
some days before Lent, on purpose to prepare the 
youth of the two great schools for confirmation, by 
catechising them every week, during that season, in 
the cathedral church, and instructing them in the 
same manner as he did those in the other towns of 
his diocese. And to render this task of instruction 
more easy to the rest of his clergy, he at length 
published an Explanation of the Church-Catechism 
in the year 1710. 

The bishop's consistorial court being much cried 
out against, as a grievance both to the clergy and 
laity, he endeavoured to reform it, and for some 
years went thither in person ; but though he might 
do some little good by this attendance, it was so lit- 
tle, that he at last gave it over ; for the true foun- 

" He was so punctual in this, and for some days before, had 

that no change of weather so swelled a brook which he 

could ever induce him to dis- was to cross, that his coach 

appoint any congregation where was overturned in the water, 

he was expected : and this assi- and his own life hardly saved by 

duity had well nigh cost him his a miller, who jumped in, and 

life in the year 1698. For hav- drew the bishop out of the wa- 

ing appointed to preach and ter ; for which seasonable ser- 

confirm at the parish church of vice our author paid him a 

Dinton, within twelve miles of yearly gratuity all the rest of his 

Salisbury, on a prefixed Sunday ; life. Author. 
the rains that fell on that day, 

u 2 


dation of complaints was the dilatory course of pro- 
ceedings and the exorbitant fees ; which the bishop 
had no authority to correct : nay, he could not even 
discharge poor suitors, who were oppressed there 
with vexatious prosecutions, any otherwise than by 
paying their fees himself, as he frequently did. 

No part of the episcopal office was more strictly 
attended to by him, than the examination of those 
who came for orders : in this matter the law has left 
the bishop entirely at liberty to admit or refuse. 
He never turned them over to the care of a chaplain 
or archdeacon, farther than to try their skill in the 
learned languages. He examined them himself as 
708 to the proofs of the Christian religion, the authority 
of the scriptures, and the nature of the gospel- 
covenant. If they were deficient in those, he dis- 
missed them at once, with proper directions how to 
be better prepared for a second trial: but if they 
were competently knowing in these essential points, 
he went through the other heads of divinity with less 
strictness. When he was once satisfied with their 
capacity, he next directed his discourse to their con- 
science : he laid before them the baseness of taking 
up a sacred profession merely for the lucre or sub- 
sistence it might afford; he gave them a distinct 
view of all the branches of the pastoral care, (of 
which he published a treatise, for the use of his dio- 
cese, in 1692;) and endeavoured strongly to dis- 
suade them from entering into holy orders, unless 
they were firmly resolved to perform all the duties 
of their function ; more particularly to lead such 
lives, as might not contradict the doctrines they were 
to teach. A day or two before ordination, he sub- 
mitted all those whom he had accepted, to the ex- 


amination of the dean and prebendaries, that so he 
might have their approbation. 

In the admission of presentees, he could not be so 
strict ; the law having in some measure taken the 
judgment of their qualifications out of the ordinary ; 
yet in this he went unusual lengths, of which I shall 
mention one singular instance ^. In the latter part 
of the reign of queen Anne, the lord chancellor pre- 
sented the younger son of a noble family in Oxford- 
shire to a parsonage within his diocese, which was 
in the gift of the crown. Upon trial, our author 
found him so ignorant, that he refused to institute 
him ; the ministry threatened him with a law-suit, 
but finding him resolute, they at length acquiesced 
under the refusal. Thereupon the bishop sent for 
the young gentleman, and told him, " that as his 
" patrons had given up the contest, and he had no 
" design to do him any personal injury, if he could 
" prevail on his friends to keep the benefice vacant, 
" he himself would undertake the charge of qualify- 
" ing him for it.'* Accordingly he took such happy 
pains in his instruction, that some months after, the 
presentee passed examination with applause, and had 
institution given him to the living. 

As the pastoral care, and the admitting none to 
it who were not duly qualified, was always up}>er- 
most in his thoughts, he concluded that he could not 
render a more useful service to religion, to the 
church, and more especially to his own diocese, than 
by forming under his eye a number of divines well 709 
instructed in all the articles of their duty. He re- 
solved therefore, at his own charge, to maintain a 

"^ This I had from Mr. Mack- himself, and to some others now 
ney, as a fact well known to alive. Autjiob. 



small nursery of students in divinity at Salisbury, 
who might follow their studies till he should be able 
to provide for them. They were ten in number, to 
each of whom he allowed a salary of thirty pounds 
a year : they were admitted to him once every day, 
to give an account of their progress in learning, to 
propose to him such difficulties as they met with in 
the course of their reading, and to hear a lecture 
from him upon some speculative or practical point of 
divinity, or on some part of the pastoral function, 
which lasted above an hour : during the bishop's ab- 
sence, the learned Dr. Whitby supplied his place, in 
overlooking and directing their studies. By this 
means, our author educated several young clergy- 
men, who proved an honour to the church ; but as 
this came to be considered as a present provision, 
with sure expectations of a future settlement, he 
was continually importuned, and sometimes imposed 
upon, as to the persons recommended to be of this 
number: and the foundation itself was so maliciously 
exclaimed at, as a designed affront upon the method 
of education at Oxford, that he was prevailed upon, 
after some years, to lay it wholly aside. 

Our author was a warm and constant enemy to 
pluralities of livings; not indeed where the two 
churches lay near each other, and were but poorly 
endowed, for in that case he rather encouraged 
them, as knowing the labourer was worthy of his 
hire. But whensoever non-residence was the con- 
sequence of a plurality, he used his utmost endea- 
vours to prevent it, and in some cases even hazarded 
a suspension rather than give institution. In his 
charges to the clergy, he exclaimed against plurali- 
ties, as a sacrilegious robbery of the revenues of the 


church : a remarkable effect of his zeal upon this 
subject may not be improper to be here related y. In 
his first visitation at Salisbury, he urged the au- 
thority of St. Bernard, who being consulted by one 
of his followers, whether he might not accept of two 
benefices, replied, "And how will you be able to serve 
" them both?" "I intend," answered the priest, "to 
" officiate in one of them by a deputy." " Will your 
" deputy be damned for you too?" cried the saint. 
" Believe me, you may serve your cure by proxy, 
" but you must be damned in person." This expres- 
sion so affected Mr. Kelsey, a pious and worthy cler- 
gyman there present, that he immediately resigned 
the rectory of Bemerton, worth two hundred pounds 710 
a year, which he then held with one of greater 
value. Nor was this Christian act of self-denial 
without its reward: for though their principles in 
church matters were very opposite, the bishop con- 
ceived such an esteem for him from this action, that 
he not only prevailed with the chapter to elect him 
a canon, but likewise made him archdeacon of Sa- 
rum, and gave him one of the best prebends in the 

In the point of residence our author was so strict, 
that he never would permit his own chaplains to at- 
tend upon him after they were once preferred to a 
cure of souls, but obliged them to be constantly re- 
sident at their livings. Indeed he considered him- 
self as under the same obligation, as pastor of the 
whole diocese, and never would be absent from it 
but during his necessary attendance on parliament ; 
from which, as soon as the principal business of the 

y This fact was told rae by Mr. Wastefield, and is well known 
at Salisbury. Author. 

u 4 


nation was despatched, he always obtained leave to 
depart, in order to return to his function. And 
though king William, upon his going over to Ire- 
land or Flanders, always enjoined him to attend 
upon queen Mary, and assist her with his faithful 
counsel on all emergencies ; yet he would not, upon 
such occasions, accept of lodgings at Whitehall, but 
hired a house at Windsor, in order to be within his 
own bishopric, and yet near enough to the court to 
pay his duty twice a week, or oftener, if business re- 
quired it. 
His univer- No principle was more deeply rooted in him than 
Titoien-^^ that of toleration ; it was not conj&ned to any sect 
tion extends Qj. jjatiou, it was as univcrsal as Christianity itself: 
Jurors. he exerted it in favour of a nonjuring meeting- 
house at Salisbury, which he obtained the royal per- 
mission to connive at ; and when the preacher there, 
Dr. Beach, by a seditious and treasonable sermon, 
had incurred the sentence of the law, our author not 
only saved him from punishment, but even procured 
his pardon, without the terms of a public recanta- 
tion, upon which it was first granted: as may be 
collected from the following letters; the one from 
the earl of Nottingham, then secretary of state, the 
other from Dr. Beach himself. 

"My LoRD^ "Whitehall, 29 March, 1692. 

'^' I have acquainted the queen, at the cabinet 

" council, with what your lordship writes in behalf 

" of Dr. Beach; and though her majesty is always in- 

" clined to shew mercy, and especially to such as your 

*' lordship recommends to her favour ; yet since the 

611 " crime, and the scandal of it, has been very public, 

' The original is in the editor's hands. Autuob. 


" her majesty thinks the acknowledgment of it should 
" be so too, and therefore would have him make it 
" in the church. When this is done, your lordship's 
" intercession will easily prevail. I am, with great 
" respect, 

" My Lord, 
" Your lordship's most humble 

" and faithful servant, 
" Nottingham." 

" My Lord % 
" With all due deference of honour, and with all 
" the respectful regard that can be cori'espondent 
" to the no less generous than acceptable message, 
" which I received from your lordship by Dr. 
" Geddes, I humbly tender this to your lordship, 
" hoping it may be favourably received, in lieu of 
" my personal attendance, which shall be readily 
" paid (as it is due) at any time. Dr. Geddes has 
" delivered me the desirable tidings of your lord- 
" ship's free resolution to rescue me from the far- 
" ther prosecution of that unhappy verdict I labour 
" under. It is my desire, being freed from this 
" troublesome storm, to live in peace and quiet, 
" without disturbance of the government in general, 
" and of any person in particular. And I cannot 
" but deeply resent your obliging readiness to re- 
" lieve me, because it is not clogged with any bitter 
" conditions or reserves, that would lessen the fa- 
" vour. What your lordship has resolved, is what I 
" humbly desire, and do not doubt but your lordship 
" will pursue. The sooner the favour can be ac- 

'* The original of this b in the editor's hands. Author. 


" coniplished, and with the less noise before term, 
" the more it will be endeared to, and challenge all 
" gratitude from, 

" My lord, 
** Your much obliged and obedient servant, 

" Wm. Beach." 

Yet when this spirit of moderation, of which the 
nonjurors felt the good effects, was extended to the 
dissenters, our author's enemies represented him as 
betraying the church into their hands; though he 
was really taking the most effectual means to bring 
them over, not indeed by compulsion, but by the 
more Christian methods of charity and persuasion : 
in which he was so successful, that many dissenting 
families in his diocese were by him brought over to 
the communion of our church, in which they still 
continue ; and of two presbyterian preachers, who 
71 2 were well supported when he first came to Salis- 
bury, one was soon after obliged to quit the place, 
and the other but poorly subsisted in it. 
His scheme jjg Dcrceived that the chief strength of the secta- 

for aug- * ^ <-' 

menting ncs lay iu the market towns ; the livings there were 
ings in his most commouly in the gift of the lord chancellor ; 
and as the lord Somers, during his enjoyment of the 
seals, left the nomination to those in the diocese of 
Sarum to the bishop, he endeavoured to place in 
them none but learned, pious, and moderate divines, 
as being the best qualified to prevent the growth of 
schism. But as these benefices were generally small, 
and a poor church will be too often served by as 
poor a clerk, our author determined to obviate this 
difficulty, by bestowing upon these cures the pre- 
bends in his gift, as they became vacant ; and till 

own dio- 


such a vacancy happened, out of his own income he 
allowed the minister of every such church a pension 
of twenty pounds a year ^. When the prebend itself 
was conferred upon him, the bishop insisted on his 
giving a bond to resign it, if ever he quitted the liv- 
ing. Though this matter had been laid before the 
most eminent prelates and divines of our church, as 
well as the most learned among the canonists, who 
highly approved the design ; yet it was so warmly 
opposed by some of the clergy ^y that, in order to 
raise no farther strife in the church, our author was 
prevailed on to relinquish this project, and give up 
all the bonds he had taken. But as he could not, 
without the tenderest concern, Ijehold the destitute 
condition of these poor benefices, most of which 
were attended with the lai'gest cure of souls ; so his 
disappointment in this scheme he had formed for 
his own bishopric only gave occasion to a more uni- 
versal plan, which he projected for the improvement 
of all the small livings in England, and which was 
liable to no exception. This he pressed forward 
with so much success, that it terminated at length 
in an act of parliament, passed in the second year 
of queen Anne,ybr the augmentation of the main' 
tenance oj^ the poor clergy. 

He had first laid this proposal before queen Mary, hu scheme 
who had undertaken to obtain the king's approba- menting aii 
tion and consent ; after her death, the prospect of [^^^Pg^^J^ 
peace in 1696, and the actual conclusion of it in^ngiand. 

^ This appears from his stew- nent canonist bishop Stilling- 
ard'saccounts, and was confirm- fleet, whose letter to the arch- 
ed to me by Mr. Wastefield. bishop of Canterbury, in answer 
Author. to bishop Burnet, concerning 

^ (Amongst those who op- bonds of resignation, is inserted 

posed the design, was that emi- in his works.) 


1697, seemed to furnish a proper opportunity for 
offering the same scheme to king William, which he 
did by the two following memorials. 

713 Memorial concerning the first-fruits and tenths. 
Given in to the king ifi January I696''. 

" The tenths and first-fruits were first laid on by 
" popes, on pretence of supporting the holy war ; in 
" the twenty-sixth year of the reign of king Henry 
" the eighth, these were given to the crown ; and 
** since that time have been granted away in pen- 
" sions, by dormant warrants. They are now in the 
" hands of the duke of St. Alban's, countess of Pli- 
" mouth, countess of Bristol, earl of Bath, earl of 
" Oxford, and a few others. This revenue may 
" justly be called in question, as unlawful and sacri- 
" legions in its nature ; the applying it to a good 
** use is the best way to justify it. 

" The condition of many livings in this kingdom 
" is" most miserable ; many have not twenty pounds, 
** and in some places, three of them put together do 
" not amount to forty pounds a year. A poor cler- 
" gyman may be scandalous, but he must be con- 
" temptible and ignorant. To this, in a great mea- 
" sure, we owe the atheism and impiety, the sects 
" and divisions, that are spread over the nation. 

" It would be a noble demonstration, both of zeal 
" for the honour of God and reh'gion, and affection 
" for the church of England, if the king would ap- 
" propriate this revenue to the raising of the livings 
" in this nation to some just proportion, beginning 

'' The meniorial in the bi- veretl, is in the editor's hands, 
shop's own hand, with a me- Author. 
raorandutn when it was deli- 


at those in corporations, and those within the 
king's gift, but not excluding others, upon condi- / 
tion that the king shall have his turn in present- 
ing, in proportion to the augmentation that shall 
be made by this provision. 

" A corporation might be settled, as was from 
the reign of queen Elizabeth down to that of 
Charles the first, with power to receive the gifts 
of charitable persons, to the same pious end : and 
all bishops, deans, and chapters might be obliged 
to pay towards it a fourth or fifth of every fine 
that they received. 

" This, by the blessing of God, would make the 
concerns of religion and of the church put on an- 
other face; it would much raise his majesty's 
name and character in the present, and in all suc- 
ceeding ages ; by this the king gives away no- 
thing that is in his own possession ; he only gives 
away the power of gi'anting such new pensions as 
may be vacant in his time. And there is little 714 
doubt to be made, (besides a blessing from God, 
which may be expected upon so noble a design,) 
that this would be made up to the crown by 
parliament : and would also give such an impres- 
sion of the king, as would have good effect on 
all his affairs." 

A second memorial concerning the tenths and 
first-fruits. Given in to the king in December 
1697 ^ 
" It is humbly proposed, that his majesty would 

« The memorial in the bi- it, is in the editor's hands, 
shop's own hand, with a me- Author. 
morandum when he delivered 


'* be pleased to consider, how proper it will be at 
" this time to declare his resolution, of applying the 
" first-fruits and tenths to mending the state of the 
" poor livings in England. 

" The peace being now concluded, this will be a 
" noble beginning of his majesty's reign in peace, 
" and a suitable return to God, for his great bless- 
" ings on his royal person and affairs ; it will gain 
" him the hearts of all true friends of the church of 
" England ; and since the boroughs are generally 
" the worst served, their livings being universally 
" very small, this may probably have a great effect 
" on all the king's affairs, perhaps on the succeeding 
" elections of parliament. 

" If his majesty be resolved to do it, it is humbly 
" suggested, that he would declare his resolution in 
" the treasury, and appoint the commissioners to ac- 
" quaint the house of commons with it, who will, no 
" doubt, very quickly make it up to the crown. 
" Upon this, it is proposed, that the king will order 
" a commission for managing this fund, and making 
" it most effectual to the end intended by it. 

" The persons proper for such a commission would 
*•' be, the two archbishops, with two other bishops, 
" the lord chancellor, the lord privy-seal, the two 
" secretaries of state, the first commissioner of the 
" treasury, the chancellor of the exchequer, the two 
** chief justices, the chief baron, and the king's at- 
" tomey-general." 

Though this proposal was highly acceptable to 
the king ; though it was strongly seconded by the 
princess of Denmark, who desired copies to be given 
her of the two foregoing memorials ; yet underhand 


it met with such opposition amongst tlie ministry, 
as for a time obstructed the execution of it. The 
bishop would not however be discouraged in it ; but 
renewed his solicitations upon this head so power- 
fully in the year 1701, that nothing but the death 
of king William could have prevented its then tak-715 
ing effect. He had concerted his measures upon this 
occasion with the earl of Godolphin (who afterwards 
carried this design into execution) and with the 
lord Somers, whose letter upon that subject I shall 
here insert. 

" My Lord ^ "22 Novemb. 1701. 

" I acknowledge the honour of your lordship's 
" letter of the 17th with great thankfulness ; I wish 
" it may lie in my power to contribute to the excel- 
" lent design you propose ; no man will enter into it 
" more willingly, nor shall labour in it more heartily. 
" The point of the first-fruits and tenths is what I 
" have proposed several times, with much earnest- 
" ness, but without success. When I have the hap- 
" piness of seeing your lordship, we shall, I hope» 
" discourse at large upon the whole subject. In the 
" mean time allow me to assure you, that I am, with 
" great and sincere respect, 

" My lord, 
" Your lordship's most obedient 
" humble servant, 

" Somers ^" 

^ The original is in the edit- 371, of the 2d vol. in folio, 

or's hands. Author. It appears also, that Harley, 

B (The bishop himself has earl of Oxford, had a consider- 

given an account of his merito- able share in it, and that he af- 

rious services in the adoption terwards disposed the queen to 

of this measure, at pp. 370, extend the same favour to the 


Having thus given a short account of every prin- 
cipal part of our author's conduct that properly re- 
lates to his episcopal character, of which I thought 
the reader would be best able to judge, if it were 
laid before him in one general view, without any 
strict regard to the series of time ; I shall now re- 
turn to the thread of my narration, by relating the 
other remarkable incidents of his life in the order in 
which they happened. 
The death The year 1694 proved greatly unfortunate to him, 
Ma^rjrand I might havc Said to the whole nation, by the death 
Thon Tiu ^^ archbishop Tillotson, a name too well known to 
louon. need any encomium ; whose funeral sermon our au- 
thor preached, and whose vindication he undertook 
against a writer who had virulently attacked his 
memory. This great loss to the church was soon 
after followed by a greater, that of the excellent 
queen Mary, who had always honoured our author 
with a high degree of favour and confidence. The 
strong impression her uncommon talents and shin- 
ing qualities had made upon him, occasioned that 
essay on her character which he published in the 
year 1695. 
He is one Duriug her life, the affairs and promotions in the 
riciwucli church had wholly passed through her hands ; it was 
to'^m"" ^" article of government for which the king thought 
mend to himsclf Unqualified, yet was unwilling to commit to 
menu. the carc of his ministers : upon her death, therefore, 
716 a commission was granted to the two archbishops, 
to our author, and to three other prelates ; whereby 
they, or any three of them, were appointed to re- 

cburch of Ireland. See the to have suggested the latter 
25th namber of the Examiner, measure to the earl, then prime 
written by Swift, who is said minister.) 


commend to all bishoprics, deaneries, or other vacant 
preferments in the church, signifying the same to 
his majesty by writing under their hands : and dur- 
ing the king's absence beyond sea, they were em- 
powered of their own authority to present to all 
benefices in the gift of the crown, that were under 
the value of an hundred and forty pounds a year. 
A like commission was granted in the year 1700, 
and the bishop of Salisbury continued still to be of 
the number. It would be tedious here to enumerate 
the several marks king William gave him of his 
friendship, during the whole course of his reign ; but 
though he obtained of his majesty employments, pen- 
sions, and gi'atuities for others, even to the value of 
ten thousand pounds to one person now living, yet 
there was not one single instance wherein he soli- 
cited a favour for himself or his family : on the con- 
trary, he declined preferment when it was offered to 

In the year 1698, when it became necessary to is made 
settle the duke of Gloucester's family, the king sent thrSuke'cf 
the earl of Sunderland with a message to the princess ^'''""***'^' 
of Denmark, acquainting her, " that he put the 
" whole management of her son's household into her 
" hands, but that he owed the care of his education 
" to himself and his people, and therefore would 
" name the persons for that purpose." Accordingly, 
the earl of Marlborough being nominated his go- 
vernor, the bishop of Salisbury was appointed his 
preceptor. He was then retired into his diocese, 
having lately lost his wife- by the small pox. He took which he 

1 "in 1 /¥» p ,l1 • • endeavours 

that occasion thereiore to wave the oner oi this im- to decline. 
portant charge ; though he was assured, the princess 
had testified her approbation of tha king's choice. 


He wrote to the earl of Sunderland, to use his in- 
terest, that he might be excused, and in return re- 
ceived from him the following letter. 

" My Lord \ " J"°e 29. 

" I am extremely trouliled for your loss, it being, 
** by all that I have heard, a very great one : but 
" you must not leave serving the public upon any 
" private consideration. I intend to be in town next 
" week, and if I have any credit at aU, you may be 
" assured that you shall be sent for, and shall come 
" thither, unless you will fall out with all your 
" friends, and with the king in the first place. I am, 
" with great truth, 

" My lord, 
" Your most faithful humble servant, 


717 Our author wrote likewise to his friend arch- 
bishop Tennison, desiring him to wait on the king 
in his name, and intreat his majesty to allow him to 
decline this employment : the archbishop replied, and 
offered many arguments to persuade him to accept 
of it ; which only produced a second letter, stronger 
than the former, and to the same purpose : to which 
his grace, by king William's direction, returned the 
following answer. 

" My Lord ' "Lambeth, June 28, 1698. 

" I received your second, in which you seem to 

" insist on the contents of the first ; upon that ac- 

" count, I waited on the king, not being willing to 

^ The original letter is in the ' The original is in the edi- 

editor's hands. Author. tor's hands. Authok. 


** decline doing what you so earnestly pressed. The 
** king expressed himself with great tenderaess upon 
" this subject ; he commanded me to let you under- 
** stand, that he had sent for you before this time, if 
" this misfortune had not happened ; and that he 
** still desires you to come, as soon as with decency 
" you can. He looks upon you as a divine, who in 
" such cases had comforted many, and thinks it will 
" look best, not to suffer such a cross to get such 
" power over you, as to make you decline so public 
" a service. He spoke to this effect, without my 
" urging my private opinion, which is what it was 
** in my first. I heartily pray for you ; I pity you as 
" my own brother, but I cannot bring myself in this 
" to be of your lordship's opinion. It is true, if no 
" steps had been made in this affair, your excuse 
" would the easier have made its way ; but seeing 
" things are so far advanced, it seems not proper to 
" go back. If upon this, that hopeful prince shaU 
" fall into such hands as are unfit, your lordship 
" would then reflect upon your having declined the 
" service, with pain and grief. Pray, next post, let 
" me have some answer our good master the king 
" may be pleased with. I am, 
" My lord, 

" Your affectionate brother, 

** Tho. Cantuar." 

As the rest of the bishop's friends concurred in the 
same strain, earnestly pressing him not to refuse a 
station wherein he might do his country such signal 
service, as in the right education of the duke of 
Gloucester, he thought it might be construed obsti- 
nacy not to submit. He therefore signified his com- 



pliance, in his answer to the archbishop of Canter- 
bury; who thereupon wrote him another letter, 
which I shall here insert. 

718 " My Lord \ " Kensington, July 4, 1698. 

" Late last night the king spoke again about your 
" coming up ; the time you mention (Friday fort- 
" night) he thinks much too long ; he therefore 
" commanded me to send an express to you, in order 
" to your coming up as soon as possibly you can : he 
** having time little enough to settle that matter 
" before his going beyond sea ; which will not now 
" be long ; because the parliament may speedily end, 
" perhaps this day. He considers very graciously 
" the commendableness of your submission in these 
" circumstances, which is indeed worthy of you. 
" Pray hasten as much as you possibly can, and may 
" God bring you safely hither. I am, 

" Your affectionate brother, 

" Tho. Cantuar." 
>fi ¥.S. The parliament rises to-morrow, and the 
" king goes soon to Windsor, where you may 
" wait on his majesty." 

When our author, upon his arrival at Windsor, 
had his first audience of the king, he assured his ma- 
jesty, it was no longer his intention to decline so ho- 
nourable an employment, as the educating a prince 
so nearly related to the crown, since his royal mas- 
ter thought him worthy of that trust ; but as the 
discharge of his duty in this station must confine 
him constantly to court, which was inconsistent with 

^ The original is in the editor's hands. Author. 


his episcopal function, he desired leave to resign his 
bishopric. The king was much surprised at the 
proposal, to which he would by no means consent : 
however, finding our author persisted in it, he was at 
length prevailed on to agree that the duke should 
reside all the summer at Windsor, and that the bi- 
shop should have ten weeks allowed him every year, 
to visit the other parts of his diocese ^ 

The method he pursued in the duke of Glouces- 
ter's education, and the amazing progress made in 
it, during the short time that prince was under his 
care, are mentioned in the History : to which I shall 
only add, that he conducted himself in such a man- 
ner, that the princess of Denmark ever after re- 
tained a peculiar regard for him, of which he re- 
ceived some sensible marks, when she came to the 
throne, even at times when he was engaged in a pub- 
lic opposition to the measures of her ministers. 

The assiduous attendance our author was obliged h» mar- 

,,- 111 II riage with 

to, whilst he was preceptor to the duke, and the ten-Mre.Berke- 
der age of his own children, made it requisite to look *^' 
out for a proper mistress to his family. He fixed 719 
upon Mrs. Berkeley, a lady of uncommon degrees of 
knowledge, piety, and virtue ; as may appear from 
her Method of Devotion, which bore several impres- 
sions in her lifetime ; and was reprinted after her 
death, with an account of her life, by Dr. Goodwyn, 
(the late archbishop of Cashels in Ireland,) which 

' This fact was related to the the pernicious proposal of re- 
editor by Mr. Mackney, who signing his see, is his appro- 
then attended the bishop to priating the whole of his salary 
Windsor, and had it from his as preceptor to charitable pur- 
own mouth. AuTuoR. (What poses. See note above, at p. 
does the bishop more credit than 337, and afterwards p. 723.) 

X 3 


renders it unnecessary here to enlarge upon her cha- 
He writes In the year 1699, our author published his Expo- 
Sin ofThe sition of the Thirty-nine Articles of the Church of 
Articiw""** England. He was first engaged in this undertaking 
by queen Mary, who had so highly approved of his 
Four Discourses to his Clergy, and his treatise of the 
Pastoral Care, that she, as well as archbishop Tillot- 
son, judged no man so proper as himself to render 
this important service to the church. At their en- 
treaty therefore, he undertook this laborious task, 
which he performed in less than the compass of a 
year, though he kept it by him five years for coitcc- 
tion. It was first revised, and in many places altered 
by Dr. Tillotson, whose opinion of this performance 
will best be learnt from one of his own letters, 

** My Lord *" " Lambeth-House, Oct. 23, 1694. 
" I have with great pleasure and satisfaction read 
** over the gi*eat volume you sent me ; and am asto- 
" nished to see so vast a work, begun and finished in 
" so short a time. In the article of the Trinity 
** you have said all that I think can be said upon so 
" obscure and diflficult an argument. The Socinians 
** have just now published an answer to us all ; but 
** I have not had a sight of it. The negative arti- 
** cles against the church of Rome you have very 
" fully explained, and with great learning and judg- 
** ment. Concerning these, you will meet with no 
" opposition amongst ourselves. The greatest dan- 

»" An attested copy of this let- is in the editor's hands, Au- 
ter, in the hand-writing of the thor. 
present archbishop of Dublin, 


" ger was to be apprehended from the points in dif- 
" ference between the Calvinists and Remonstrants, 
" in which you have shewn, not only great skill and 
" moderation, but great prudence in contenting 
" yourself to represent both sides impartially, with- 
" out any positive declaration of your own judgment. 
" The account given of Athanasius's creed seems to 
" me no wise satisfactory ; I wish we were well rid 
" of it. I pray God long to preserve your lordship, 
" to do more such services to the church. I am, 
" My lord, 

" Yours most affectionately, 
" Jo. Cant." 

This work was afterwards perused and approved 720 
by archbishop Tennison, archbishop Sharp, bishop 
Stillingfleet, Patrick, Lloyd, Hall, and Williams : 
the last of these strongly recommended the consi- 
dering them only as articles of peace, in which men 
were bound to acquiesce without contradiction ; not 
as articles of faith, which they were obliged to be- 
lieve". There might perhaps be reason to wish, 
that they had only been imposed as such, but there 
was nothing in our constitution to warrant an expo- 
sitor in giving that sense to them : the book like- ' 
wise passed through the hands of many learned men 
in both universities, and was generally applauded. 
Upon its first appearance in print, it was universally 
well received; those, who had been employed to - 
criticise every work the bishop had published for 
some years, were silent as to this. Indeed when 
the convocation met, and the two houses were 
warmly engaged in disputes relating to their re- 
" See before page i o. O. 



spective privileges, in which our author bore a con- 
siderable share; the lower house, in resentment, 
brought up a general censure of his Exposition, but 
refused to point out the particulars upon which it 
was grounded : though the upper house remon- 
strated, how necessary that was, in order to enable 
them to concur in the censure, which they could not 
pretend to do, till they were informed of the reasons 
for it. 

For five or six years before his death, our au- 
thor grew more abstracted from the world, than the 
situation he had been in during the former parts of 
his life had permitted. To avoid the distraction of 
useless visits, he settled in St. John's court in Clerk- 
enwell, and kept up only an intercourse with his 
most select and intimate acquaintance : their names 
will be an honour to his memory, and therefore I 
beg leave to mention the most considerable amongst 
them. Such were the late dukes of Marlborough, 
Newcastle, and Shrewsbury ; the earls of Godolphin, 
Gowper, and Halifax ; the lord Somers and Pelham ; 
and the present duchess dowager of Marlborough, 
the dukes of Montrose and Roxburgh ; the lord 
Townshend, the lord King, the master of the rolls 
sir Joseph Jekyll, the lord chief justice Eyre, and 
Mr. Baillie of Jerviswood, who, as he was his near 
relation, so he always lived with him in the friend- 
ship and freedom of a brother. 
Hu diii- I have said nothing in relation to the part our au- 
CTning" "thor acted in parliament, in convocation, or in the 
Liodin" several matters of state wherein he was consulted 
and employed ; this is fully and impartially set forth 
in the History itself. Yet I ought to inform the 
reader, that the bishop's necessary attendance on 


the house of lords in the winter season was not a 
means of abating his diligence in the duties of his 721 
calling, though it diverted the exercise of it from 
the proper scene, his diocese. For whilst he stayed 
in town, he failed not of preaching every Sunday 
morning, in some church or other in London ; and 
as he was much followed, he was generally engaged 
for charity sermons, at which he himself was always 
a liberal contributor : in the Sunday evening, he had 
a lecture in his own house, upon some select portion 
of scripture ; to which many persons of distinction 
resorted, though at first it was only intended for 
the benefit of his own family ". 

As he lived to see the turn which the affairs of 
Great Britain, I might say of Europe, took upon 
the death of queen Anne, for whom he always had 
the highest personal veneration, but whom he thought 
unwarily engaged in measures which might have 
proved fatal ; I need not say, with what comfort 
he saw a succession take place, of which he himself 
had been the first mover ; and a family established, 
in wliose interests he had been so steadfast and zea- 
lous, and by whom he had been so much entrusted. 
He published a third volume, as a supplement to his ^^"*e« * 

n n 1 TT- n third ro- 

two former, of the History of the Reformation, at lume as a 


" I had admittance to hear affect me extremely even now, lory^of the 

one of these lectures. It was although it is near forty years Reforma- 

upon the new heavens and the ago since I heard it, I reuiem- tion. 

new earth after the general con- ber it the more, because I never 

flagration. He first read to us heard a preacher equal to him. 

the chapter in St. Peter, where There was an earnestness of 

this is described. Then en- heart, and look, and voice, that 

larged upon it with that force is scarcely to be conceived, as it 

of imagination and solemnity of is not the fashion of the present 

speech and manner, (the sub- times, and by the want of which, 

ject suiting his genius,) as to as much as any thing, religion 

make this remembrance of it to is every day failing with us. O. 


the time of his late majesty's arrival in England, to 
whom it was dedicated. And as if his life had only 
been prolonged to see this great work complete, and 
the protestant interest in a fair prospect of security, 
he died soon after. 

His do- Thus I have endeavoured to give some account of 

mestic cha- i » i i • . 

rmcter. our author s behaviour m all the different stations 
he passed through in public : it may be expected, I 
should say something of him in domestic life. 

His time, His time, the only treasure of which he seemed 

how em- 
ployed, covetous, was employed in one regular and uniform 

manner. His constant health permitted him to be 
an early riser ; he was seldom in bed later than five 
a-clock in the morning during the summer, or than 
six in the winter. Private meditation took up the 
two first hours and the last half hour of the day. 
His first and last appearance to his family was at 
the morning and evening prayers, which were al- 
ways read by himself, though his chaplains were 
present. He drank his tea in company with his 
children, and took that opportunity of instructing 
them in religion ; he went through the Old and New 
Testament with them three times, giving his own 
comment upon some portion of it, for an hour every 
morning. When this was over, he retired to his 
study, where he seldom spent less than six, often 
more than eight hours in a day. The rest of his 
722 time was taken up with business, exercise, and ne- 
cessary rest, or bestowed on friendly visits and cheer- 
ful meals. As he kept an open table, in which there 
was plenty without luxury, so no man was more 
pleased with innocent mirth there, no man encou- 
raged it more, or had a larger fund of entertainment 


to contribute towards it. His equipage, like his 
table, was decent and plain ; and all his expenses 
denoted a temper generous, but not profuse. The 
episcopal palace, when he came to Salisbury, was 
thought one of the worst ; and when he died, was 
one of the best in England. 

The character I have given his wives will scarce An affec- 
make it an addition to his, that he was a most af-band.* "'^ 
fectionate husband. His tender care of the first, 
during a course of sickness that lasted for many 
years, and his fond love to the other two, and the 
deep concern he expressed for their loss, were no 
more than their just due, from one of his humanity, 
gratitude, and discernment p. 

His love to his children, perhaps accompanied His care of 
with too much indulgence, was not exerted in lay- drens edu- 
ing up for them a hoard of wealth out of the reve-*^**'""' 
nues of the church, but in giving them a noble edu- 
cation ; though the charge of it was wholly main- 
tained out of his private fortune. At seven years 
old, he entered his sons into Latin, giving each of 
them a distinct tutor, who had a salary of forty 
pounds a year, which was never lessened on account 
of any prebend the bishop gave him. After five or 
six years had perfected his sons in the learned lan- 
guages, he sent them to the university ; the eldest 
a gentleman commoner to Trinity college in Cam- 
bridge, the other two commoners to Merton college 
in Oxford ; where, besides the college tutor, they 
had a private one, to assist them in their learning, 
and to overlook their behaviour. In the year 1706, 
he sent them abroad for two years to finish their 
studies at Leyden ; from whence two of them took 
P Three wives. S. 


a tour through Germany, Switzerland, and Italy. 
The eldest and youngest, by then* own choice, were 
bred to the law, and the second to divinity ^. 
His firm- In his friendships, our author was warm, open- 
friendships, hearted, and constant : from those I have taken the 
liberty to mention, the reader will perceive that 
they were formed upon the most prudent choice, 
and I cannot find an instance of any one friend he 
ever lost, but by death. It is a common, perhaps a 
just observation, that a hearty friend is apt to be as 
hearty an enemy ; yet this rule did not hold in our 
author. For though his station, his principles, but 
above all, his steadfast adherence to the Hanover suc- 
cession, raised him many enemies ; yet he no sooner 
had it in his power to have taken severe revenges 
723 on them, than he endeavoured, by the kindest good 
offices, to repay aU their injuries, and overcome them, 
by returning good for evil. I have already given 
some instances of this nature here, and many more 
will occur to the reader in the History. 
Hiscondact The bishop was a kind and bountiful master to 

to those in ^ *^ 

employ- his scrvauts, whom he never changed but with re- 
meat under , . />. n iit» 

him. gret, and through necessity: friendly and obliging 
to all in employment under him, and peculiarly 
happy in the choice of them ; especially in that of 
the steward to the bishopric and his courts, William 
Wastefield, esq. (a gentleman of a plentiful fortune 
at the time of his accepting this post,) and in that of 
his domestic steward, Mr. Mackney '. These were 
both men of approved worth and integrity, firmly 
attached to his interests, and were treated by him, 

1 (Tlie youngest son, after- life.) 
wards sir Thomas Burnet, and "■ A Scot, his own countrj'- 

a judge, was the author of this man. S. 


as they well deserved, with friendship and confi- 
dence. To them I must appeal for the truth of 
many facts here related, particularly those concern- 
ing his labours in his diocese ; from them I likewise 
had an account of his extensive charities. 

This was indeed a principal article of his expense, His chari- 
impossible now to fix as to all the particulars ; our '"* 
author being as secret as he was liberal in those 
charities which he distributed with his own hands ; 
yet the greatest part of them could not be hid from 
the persons who were intrusted with the manage- 
ment of his affairs. His gifts for the augmentation 
of small livings, of an hundred pounds at a time ; 
his constant pensions to poor clergymen, to their 
widows, to students for their education at the uni- 
versities, and to industrious families that were strug- 
gling with the world ; the frequent sums given by 
him towards the repairs or building of churches and 
vicarage-houses; his liberal contribution to all public 
collections, to the support of charity-schools, (one of 
which for fifty children, at Salisbury, was wholly 
maintained by him,) and the many apprentices at 
different times put out to trades at his charge, were 
charities that could not be wholly concealed. Nor 
were his alms confined to one nation, sect, or party ; 
want and merit in the object were the only measures 
of his li])erality. Thus when Mr. Martin, (minister 
of Compton Chamberlein,) for refusing to take the 
oaths to the government, soon after the revolution, 
had forfeited his prebend in the church of Sarum, 
the bishop, out of his own income, paid him the 
yearly value of it during his life. His usual allow- 
ance for charity was five hundred pounds a year, 
which he often exceeded; particularly in the two 


years that he was preceptor to the duke of Glouces- 
ter, in which time this article amounted to one and 
724 twenty hundred pounds. In a word, no object of 
Christian compassion ever came within his know- 
ledge without receiving a proportionable relief He 
looked upon himself, with regard to his episcopal re- 
venue, as a mere trustee for the church, bound to 
expend the whole in the maintenance of a decent 
figure suitable to his station, in hospitality, and in 
acts of charity. And he had so faithfully balanced 
this account, that at his death no more of the in- 
come of his bishopric remained to his family *, than 
what was barely sufficient for the payment of his 
His care of But if he was thus liberal of his own purse, he 

the revenue . . , n -i • 

of the see. was uot Icss stnct m preserving the revenues of his 
see for the benefit of his successors, of which this 
remarkable instance may suffice K One of his pre- 
decessors had converted a large estate at Monckton 
Farley, held of the bishop, from a lease of one and 
twenty years, into an estate for three lives, and had 
received a valuable consideration for so doing. Our 
author resolved, if possible, to restore it to the for- 
mer tenure, as being much more advantageous to 
the see : when, therefore, one of the lives fell, he re- 
fused to renew; and when, the other two lives being 
very unhealthy, sir John Talbot offered him a thou- 
sand pounds for the renewal of that one life, and 
the change of the other two, he still persisted in his 
refusal : till at length the tenant, apprehending the 

* This, Mr. Mackney, his many others at the time, and it 
steward, assured me, appeared was confirmed to me since by 
in his accounts. Author. Mr. Wastefield and Mr. Mack- 

* This I had from the mi- ney. Author. 
nister of Monckton Farley, and 


whole estate would have fallen in, agreed to accept 
of a lease for one and twenty years, for which the 
•bishop would take no more than four hundred 
pounds fine to himself; but made it part of his 
agreement, that the tenant should pay ten pounds 
yearly rent to the minister of the parish, as a per- 
petual augmentation to that poor living, besides the 
usual reserved rent to the see. 

In March 17f4, being the seventy-second year of His death, 
his age, our author was taken iU of a violent cold, 
which soon turned to a pleuritic fever : he was at- 
tended in it by his worthy friend and relation Dr. 
Cheyne, who treated him with the utmost care and 
skiU; but finding the distemper grew to a height 
which seemed to baffle all remedies, he called for the 
assistance of sir Hans Sloane and Dr. Mead, who 
quickly found his case was desperate. His character 
was too well known to induce any one to conceal 
from him the danger his life was in : he bore the 
notice of it with that calm resignation to Provi- 
dence which had always supported him under the 
severest trials. As he preserved his senses to the 
last, so he employed the precious remnant of life in 
continual acts of devotion, and in giving the best 725 
advice to his family ; of whom he took leave in a 
manner that shewed the utmost tenderness, accom- 
panied with the firmest constancy of mind. And 
whilst he was so little sensible of the terrors of 
death as to embrace its approach with joy, he could 
not but express a concern for the grief he saw it 
caused ift others. He died on the seventeenth day 
of that month. 

It would be a presumption in me to attempt the 
drawing his character, when it has been done by so 


elegant a hand as that of the late marquis of Hali- 
fax : as this beautiful piece, I believe, has never 
been made public, the reader will pardon my insert- 
ing it here. 

His ciiarac- " Dr. BuHiet " is, like all men who are above the 
marqiL^of " ordiuaiy level, seldom spoke of in a mean ; he must 
Halifax, ft either be railed at or admired : he has a swiftness 
" of imagination that no other man comes up to ; 
" and as our nature hardly allows us to have enough 
" of any thing without having too much, he cannot 
" at all times so hold in his thoughts, but that at 
" some time they may run away with him ; as it is 
" hard for a vessel that is brim-full, when in motion, 
" not to run over ; and therefore the variety of mat- 
" ter that he ever carries about him, may throw 
** out more than an unkind critic would allow of. 
" His first thoughts may sometimes require more di- 
" gestion, not from a defect in his judgment, but 
" from the abundance of his fancy, which furnishes 
" too fast for him. His friends love him too well to 
" see small faults ; or, if they do, think that his 
" greater talents give him a privilege of straying 
" from the strict rules of caution, and exempt him 
" from the ordinary rules of censure. He produces 
" so fast, that what is well in his writings calls for 
" admiration, and what is incorrect deserves an ex- 
" cuse ; he may in some things require grains of al- 
** lowance, which those only can deny him, who are 

" unknown or unjust to him. He is not quicker in 


" The copy from which this writing, which was in the edi- 

is printed, was taken from one tor's hands, but is at present 

given to the bisliop, in the mar- mislaid. Author. 
quis of Halifax's own hand- 


" discerning other men's faults than heTs in forgiv- 
" ing them ; so ready, or rather glad, to acknow- 
" ledge his own, that from blemishes they become 
" ornaments. All the repeated provocations of his 
" indecent adversaries have had no other effect, than 
" the setting his good-nature in so much a better 
" light, since his anger never yet went farther than 
" to pity them. That heat which in most other men 
" raises sharpness and satire, in him glows into 
" warmth for his friends, and compassion for those 
" in want and misery. As dull men have quick eyes 726 
" in discerning the smaller faults of those that na- 
" ture has made superior to them, they do not miss 
" one blot he makes ; and being beholden only to 
** their barrenness for their discretion, they fall upon 
" the errors which arise out of his abundance ; and 
" by a mistake, into which their malice betrays 
" them, they think that by finding a mote in his 
" eye, they hide the beams that are in their own. 
" His quickness makes writing so easy a thing to 
" him, that his spirits are neither wasted nor soured 
" by it : the soil is not forced, every thing grows 
" and brings forth without pangs ; which distin- 
" guishes as much what he does from that which 
" smells of the lamp, as a good palate will discern 
" between fruit which comes from a rich mould, 
" and that which tastes of the uncleanly pains that 
" have been bestowed upon it. He makes many 
" enemies, by setting an ill-natured example of Hv- 
" ing, which they are not inclined to follow. His 
" indifference for preferment, his contempt not only 
" of splendour, but of all unnecessary plenty, his de- 
" grading himself into the lowest and most painfiil 
" duties of his calling, are such unprelatical quali- 




ties, that, let him be never so orthodox in other 
things, in these he must be a dissenter. Virtues 
of such a stamp are so many heresies in the 
opinion of those divines who have softened the 
primitive injunctions, so as to make them suit bet- 
ter with the present frailty of mankind. No won- 
der then, if they are angry, since it is in their own 
defence ; or that from a principle of self-preserva- 
tion they should endeavour to suppress a man, 
whose parts are a shame, and whose life is a scan- 
dal to them \" 

» With great submission to 
the editor, Mr. Thomas Burnett, 
if there ever were any such cha- 
racter of his father in the mar- 
quis of Halifax's own hand- 
writing, it must have been wrote 
by the figure of irony; for it 
is notoriously known, that the 
marquis, after he sat with him 
in the house of lords, made it 
his constant diversion to turn 
him and all he said into ridi- 
cule ; and his son, the last mar- 
quis, told me, in his private 
conversation he always spoke 

of him with the utmost con- 
tempt, as a factious, turbulent, 
busy man, that was most offi- 
ciously meddling with what he 
had nothing to do, and very 
dangerous to put any confidence 
in, having met with many scan- 
dalous breaches of trust whilst 
he had any conversation with 
him. Therefore I believe Tom 
must have been mistaken, and 
that it will appear, if ever he 
finds the original, to be in his 
father's, not the marquis's own 
handwriting. D. 




BOOK VII. (continued.) 
OftJie reign of queen Anne. 

J. HE history continued to the 

peace 548 

Negotiations for a peace 549 

The conferences at Gertruyden- 

burgh 551 

All came to no conclusion 552 

A change of the ministry in 

England ibid. 

Sacheverel's progress into Wales 

The conduct in elections to 

parliament 554 

A sinking of public credit 555 
The affairs in Spain ibid. 

The battle of Almanara ibid. 
King Charles is at Madrid 556 
The battleof Villa Viciosa ibid. 
The disgrace of the duke of 

Medina Celi 557 

Bethune and Aire taken in 

Flanders ibid. 

Affairs in the north ibid. 

The new parliament opened ibid . 

171 1. 

The conduct in Spain censured 
by the lords 558 

The strange way of proceeding 
therein 562 

Some abuses in the navy cen- 
sured by the house of com- 
mons ibid. 

Supplies given for the war 563 

The duke of Marlborough com- 
mands the army in Flanders 

Complaints of the favour shewn 
the Palatines 564 

A bill to repeal the general na- 
turalization act, is rejected 
by the lords 565 

A bill for qualifying members 
passed ibid. 

An act for importing French 
wine ibid. 

An attempt on Harley by Guis- 
card 566 

•"* ( The pages referred to are those of tlie folio edition, which are 
inserted in the margin of the present.) 



A design against king William's 
grants miscarries 567 

Inquiries into the public ac- 
counts ibid. 

The dauphin and the emperor's 
death 568 

War breaking out between the 
Turk and the czar 569 

The convocation met ibid. 

Exceptions to the licence sent 
them 570 

A new licence ibid. 

A representation of the lower 
house ibid. 

^Vhiston revives Arianism 571 

The different opinion of the 
judges as to the power of the 
convocation 572 

Whiston's doctrines condemned 

An act for the South Sea trade 

. .574 

Reflections on the old ministry 

cleared ibid. 

Affairs in Spain ibid. 

King Charles is elected emperor 

The duke of Marlborough pass- 
ed the French lines 576 
He besieged Bouchain^ and took 
it ibid. 
An expedition by sea to Canada 

It miscarries 578 

Affairs in Turkey ibid. 

And in Pomerania 579 

Harley made an earl, and lord 
treasurer ibid. 

Negotiations for a peace with 
France 580 

Preliminaries offered by France 
Count Gallas sent away in dis- 
grace 581 
Earl of Strafford sent ambas- 
sador to Holland ibid. 
Many libels against the allies 

Earl Rivers sent to Hanover, 
but without success 581 

The States are forced to open a 
treaty 582 

Endeavours used by the court 
before they opened the par- 
liament ibid. 

The queen's speech, and reflec- 
tions on it 583 

The earl of Nottingham moved, 
that no peace could be safe, 
unless Spain and the West 
Indies were taken from the 
house of Bourbon ibid. 

His motion agreed to by the 
lords in their address to the 
queen 584 

The queen's answer ibid. 

A bill against occasional con- 
formity ibid. 

Passed without opposition 585 

Duke Hamilton's patent as a 
British peer 586 

Examined, and judged against 
him 587 

The lords' address, that our al- 
lies may be carried along 
with us in the treaty ibid. 

Pretended discoveries of bri- 
bery 588 

The duke of Marlborough aim- 
ed at ibid. 

He is turned out of all his em- 
ployments ibid. 

Twelve new peers made ibid. 

The queen's message to the 
lords to adjourn, is disputed, 
but obeyed 589 

Prince Eugene came to Eng- 
land ibid. 

His character ibid. 

A message from the queen to 
both houses 590 

A bill giving precedence to the 
house of Hanover ibid. 

A debate concerning the Scotch 
peers 59^ 



Walpole's case and censure 

The censure put on the duke of 
Marlborough 592 

Many libels wrote against him 

His innocence appeared evi- 
dently 593 

The Scotch lords put in good 
hopes ibid. 

A toleration of the English li- 
turgy in Scotland 594 

Designs to provoke the presby- 
terians there ibid. 

Patronages are restored 595 

The barrier treaty ibid. 

It was complained of 597 

And condemned by the house 
of commons ibid. 

The States justify themselves 

The self-denying bill is thrown 

out ibid. 

The treaty at Utrecht opened 

The death of the two dauphins 
The character of the dauphin 
An indignation in both houses 
at the French proposals 60 1 
The demands of the allies ibid. 
Preparations for the campaign 
The pretender's sister died ibid. 
Proceedings in the convocation 
The censure on Whiston's book 
not confirmed by the queen 
An inclination in some of the 
clergy towards popery ibid. 
Dodwell's notions 604 

The bishops condemn the re- 
baptizing dissenters 605 
But the lower house would not 
agree with them ibid. 
Great supplies given for the 
war ibid. 

The duke of Ormond ordered 
not to act offensively 606 

A separate peace disowned by 
the lord treasurer ibid. 

The queen, by the bishop of 
Bristol, declares she is free 
from all engagements with 
the States 607 

The queen laid the plan of the 

peace before the parliament 


Addresses of both houses upon 
it ibid. 

The end of the session of par- 
liament 609 

The duke of Ormond proclaims 
a cessation of arms, and left 
prince Eugene's army ibid. 

Quesnoy is taken ibid. 

Landrecy besieged 610 

A great loss at Denain brought 

a reverse on the campaign 


Distractions at the Hague 611 

The renunciations of the suc- 
cession in Spain and France 

Duke Hamilton and lord Mo- 
hun killed in a combat ibid. 

The duke of Shrewsbury is sent 
to France, and duke D'Au- 
mont comes to England 613 

The affairs in the north ibid. 

The emperor prepares for the 
war with France ibid. 

A new barrier treaty with the 
States ibid. 

The earl of Godolphin's death 
and character 614 

The duke of Marlborough went 
to live beyond sea ibid. 

We possess Dunkirk in a pre- 
carious manner 615 

The barrier treaty signed ibid. 

Seven prorogations of parlia- 
ment 616 

Affairs of Sweden ibid. 

The king of Prussia's death ibid. 



The king of Sweden's misfor- 
tunes 617 

The treaties of peace signed, 
and the session of parlia- 
ment opened ibid. 

The substance of the treaties of 
peace and of commerce 618 

Aids given by the commons 

The Scots oppose their being 
charged with the duty on 
malt ibid. 

And move to have the union 
dissolved ibid. 

A bill for rendering the treaty 
of commerce with France ef- 
fectual 622 

A speech prepared by the au- 
thor, when the approbation 
of the peace came to be 
moved in the house of lords 

A demand for mortgaging part 
of the civil list 628 

Reasons against it ibid. 

But it was granted ibid. 

An address of both houses, that 
the pretender be removed 
from Lorrain 629 

The death of some bishops 

The queen's speech at the end 
of the session 630 


My zeal for the church of Eng- 
land 634 

The doctrine ibid. 

The worship ibid. 

And discipline ibid. 

My zeal against separation 635 

And tenderness towards scru- 
pulous consciences ibid. 

My zeal against persecution 

My thoughts concerning the 
clergy 637 

An inward vocation 638 

The function of the clergy ibid. 

My advice to the bishops 642 

An expedient concerning ordi- 
nations 643 

The duties of a bishop 644 

Their abstraction from courts 
and intrigues ibid. 

Concerning patrons 645 

Non-residence and pluralities 

Concerning the body of the 
people 647 

Of the gentry 648 

Of the danger of losing public 
liberty 649 

Errors in education 65 1 

And in marriages 652 

Of trade and industry ibid. 
Of the stage 653 

Of educating the female sex 
Of the nobility ibid. 

Of their education 654 

Of their chaplains 655 

Concerning the two houses of 
parliament 656 

Of elections ibid. 

Of the parties of whig and tory 
The correction of our laws 
Provision for the poor 659 

Of shorter sessions of parlia- 
ment 660 
An address to our princes 661 
An exhortation to all to become 
truly religious 666 




His birth and parentage 672 

His education 673 

He is admitted into the church 

Refuses a presentation to a liv- 
ing ibid. 

His father's death, and his fur- 
ther pursuit of his studies 675 

His first journey to England 

Delays accepting a godd bene 
fice ibid. 

His travels into Holland and 
France 677 

Is settled as minister at Saltoun. 
His conduct there ibid. 

Much consulted by the minis- 
try in Scotland 679 

Is made professor of divinity 
at Glasgow ibid. 

His conduct in that station 

Undertakes to write memoirs 
of the two ddkes of Hamil- 
ton 680 

Refuses a bishopric in Scotland 

His marriage \vith lady Marga- 
ret Kennedy ibid. 

Refuses a bishopric, with the 
promise of the first archbi- 
shopric vacant in Scotland 

His favour at court ibid. 

His breach with duke Lauder- 
dale 683 

He is forced to quit his pro- 
fessorship at Glasgow ibid. 

Refuses a good benefice at 
London 684 

Is made chaplain at the Rolls, 

and lecturer at St. Clements 


Writes the History of the Re- 
formation 685 

His conversion of Wilmot earl 
of Rochester ibid. 

Refuses the bishopric of Chi- 
chester ibid. 

His letter to king Charles II. 

His firm adherence to his friends 

Refuses a living on the terms 
of not residing there 691 

How he avoided being involved 
in plots ibid. 

He is dismissed from his lec- 
ture, and from the Rolls 692 

His travels beyond sea ibid. 

He is well received by the 
prince and princess of O- 
range 693 

King James insists on his being 
forbid that court ibid. 

He is prosecuted in Scotland 
and in England for high trea- 
son 694 

The States refiise to deliver 
him up ibid. 

Designs to seize or murder him 

His marriage to Mrs. Mary 
Scot 695 

His conduct at the revolution 

Declines the offer of the bi- 
shopinc of Durham 696 

Is made bishop of Salisbury 

His services to, and correspond- 
ence with, the house of Ha- 
nover 697 

His character as to party mat- 
ters 699 

His labours in his diocese, 
and in the episcopal function 

His universal principle of tole- 
ration extends to non-jurors 

His scheme for augmenting 
poor livings in his own dio- 
cese 7 1 2 



His scheme for augmenting all 

the poor livings in England 


The death of queen Mary, and 
of archbishop Tillotson 7 1 5 

He is one of the ecclesiastical 
commission to recommend to 
church preferments ibid. 

Is made preceptor to the duke 
of Glocester 716 

Which he endeavours to de- 
cline ibid. 

His marriage with Mrs. Berke- 
ley Page 718 

He writes an Exposition of the 
Thirty-nine Articles of the 
Church of England 719 

His diligence in his calling 
whilst in London 720 

Writes a third volume, as a 
Supplement to the History 
of the Reformation 721 

His domestic character ibid. 

His time how employed ibid. 

An affectionate husband 722 

His care of his children's edu- 
cation ibid. 

His firmness in his ^endships 

His conduct to those in em- 
ployment under him 723 

His charities ibid. 

His care of the revenue of the 



His death 

His character by the late mar- 
quis of Halifax 725 








A chronological and particular Account of the 
Works of the right reverend and learned Dr. 
Gilbert Burnet^ late lord bishop of Salisbury^ 
connected and disposed under proper heads, 
interspersed with some critical and historical 
observations ; and here subjoined. By R. F. 

I. Sermons. 

1. OUBJECTION for conscience sake asserted; at Co- 
vent Garden, 6 Decern. 1674, on Rom. xiii. 5. 4to. 1675. 

2. The royal martyr lamented; at the Savoy, 30 Jan. 
167f 2 Sam. i. 12. 4to. 1675. 

These two sermons were reprinted. 8vo. 1710. 

3. Before the lord mayor and aldermen, at St. Mary-le- 
Bow, 2 Sept. 1680, the fast-day for the fire of London. 
Amos iv. 11, 12. 4to. 1680. 

4. Before the house of commons, at St. Margarets, 
Westminster, 22 December, 1680, the fast-day. Rev. iii. 

2, 3. 4to. 1681. 

5. Before the court of aldermen, at St. Lawrence-Jewry, 
30 Jan. 168?. Zech. viii. 19. 4to. 1681. 

6. An exhortation to peace and union; before the lord 
mayor, aldermen, &c. at St. Lawrence-Jewry, 29 Sept. 
1681, the day of electing the lord mayor. Matth. xii. 25. 
4to. 1681. 

7. At the funeral of Mr. James Houblon, at St. Mary 
Woolnoth, 28 June, 1682. Psalm xxxvii. 37. 4to. 1682. 

8. a At the chapel of the Rolls, 6 Nov. 1684. Psalm xxii. 
21. 4to. 1684. 

"The author hath acquainted his count of this sermon, he had been 
readers in the preface, that, on ac- unjustly censured as a person disaf- 


9. Before the prince of Orange, at St. James's, 23 Dec. 
1688. Psalm cxviii. 23. 4to. 1689. 

10. Before the house of commons, 31 Jan. 168|-, the day 
of thanksgiving for the deliverance of this kingdom from 
popery and arbitrary power, by his highness the prince of 
Orange's means. Psalm cxliv. 15. 4to. 1689- 

11. At the coronation of king William and queen Mary, 
at Westminster Abbey, 11 April, 1689- 2 Sam. xxiii. 3, 4. 
4to. 1689. 

12. Before the house of peers, at Westminster Abbey, 
5 Nov. 1689. Micahvi. 5. 4to. 1689. 

13. An exhortation to peace and unity, at St. Lawrence- 
Jewry, 26 Nov. 1689. Acts vii. 26. 4to. 1689. 

14. Before the king and queen, at Whitehall, on 
Christmas day, 1689. 1 Tim. iii. 16. 4to. 1689. (1690.) 

15. Before the court of aldermen, at St. Mary-le-Bow, 
on the fast-day, 12 March, 16|§. Luke xix. 41, 42. 4to. 

16. Before the queen, at Whitehall, on the fast^day, 
16 July, 1690. Psalm Ixxxv. 8. 4to. 1690. 

17. Before the king and queen, at Whitehall, on the 
day of thanksgiving, 19 Oct. 1690. Psalm cxliv. 10, 11. 
4to. 1690. 

18. At the funeral of the right honourable Anne lady 
dowager Brook, at Breamor, 19 Feb. 169?. Prov. xxxi. 
30,31. 4to. 1691. 

19- Before the king and queen, at Whitehall, on the 
fast-day, 29 April 1691. Psalm xii. 1. 4to. 1691. 

20. Before the king and queen, at Whitehall, on the 
day of thanksgiving, 26 Nov. 1691. Prov. xx. 28. 4to. 

fected to his majesty's government; the kingdom, from just apprehen- 
and it soon appeared, that the court sions of danger from bis enemies, 
was very highly offended at him ; for that he might enjoy a place of safe 
by an order from the right honoura- retreat in foreign countries, where 
ble Francis Nortli, lord Guilford, he continued till tiie happy revolu- 
lord keeper of the great seal, directed tion, 1688. See the Life of the Au- 
to sir Harbottlc Grimston, kut. mas- thor, p. 33. General Dictionary, 
ter of the rolls, in the next month, vol. iii. p. 706. Biographia Britan- 
be was forbid preaching any more at nica, vol. ii. p. 1038. 
the Rolls chapel. Soon after he left 


21. At the funeral of the honourable Robert Boyle, esq. 
at St. Martin's in the Fields, 7 Jan. 169^ Eccles. ii. 26. 
4to. 1692. 

22. Before the queen, at White Hall, the third Sunday 
in Lent, 11 March, 169f. 1 Cor. i. 26. 4to. 1694. 

23. Before the queen, at Whitehall, 29 May, 1694. 
Psalm cv. 5. 4to. 1694. 

24. At the funeral of the most reverend Dr. John Tillot- 
son, late archbishop of Canterbury, at St. Lawrence-Jewry, 
30. Nov. 1694. 2 Tim. iv. 7. 4to. 1694. 

25. Before the king, at St. James's, the first Sunday in 
Lent, 10 Feb. 169f 2 Cor. vi. 1. 4to. 1695. 

26. Before the king, at Whitehall, on Christmas-day, 
1696. Gal. iv. 4. 4to. 1696. (1697.) 

27. Before the king, at Whitehall, the third Sunday in 
Lent, 7 March, 169f Ephes. v. 1. 4to. 1697. 

28. Before the king, at Whitehall, 2 December, 1697, 
the day of thanksgiving for the peace. 2 Chron. ix. 8. 4to. 

29. Of charity to the household of faith ; before the lord 
mayor, aldermen, &c. at St. Bride's, on Easter Monday, 
25 April, 1698. Gal. vi. 10. 4to. 1698. 

30. Charitable reproof; before the societies for reforma- 
tion of manners, at St. Mary-le-Bow, 25 March, 1700. 
Prov. xxvii. 5, 6. 4to. 1700. 

31. At St. James's church, upon reading the brief for 
the persecuted exiles of the principality of Orange, Jan. 
170f. 1 Cor. xii. 26, 27. 4to. 1704. 

32. b Before the society for the propagation of the gospel 
in foreign parts, at St. Mary-le-Bow, 18 Feb. 170f . Mala- 
chii.ll. 4to. 1704. 

33. At Salisbury, (and some other places,) at the triennial 
visitation, Oct. 1704. PhU. ii. 1, 2. 4to. 1704. 

84. At St. James's, 10 March, 170|, the fifth Sunday in 
Lent. Psalm xlix. 20. 4to. 1706. 

•• The sermons, from numb, a, to ten and published in the years 1677 
Bumb. 32 inclusive, are in the Col- — 1704, in three volumes quarto, 
lectiou of tracts and discourses, writ- collected in 1704. 


35. Before the lord mayor, aldermen, &c. at St. Sepul- 
chre^ on Easter Monday, 25 March, 1706. Matth. xxiv. 
12. 4to. 

36. On the day of thanksgiving, 27 June, 1706. Deut. 
iv. 6. 7, 8. 8vo. 

37. Before the queen, and the two houses of parliament, 
at St. Paul's, 31 Dec. 1706, the day of thanksgiving for the 
wonderful successes of that year. Psalm Ixxii. 4. 8vo. 

38. At Salisbury, 29 May, 1710. Matth. xxii. 21. 8vo. 

39 and 40. At Salisbury, 5 Nov. 1710, and 7 Nov. 1710, 
the day of thanksgiving. Psalm cxUv. 15. 8vo. 1710. 

41. Before the lord mayor, aldermen, &c. at St. Bride's, 
on Easter Monday, 2 April, 1711. Psalm cxxii. 6, 7, 8, 9. 
4to. 1711. 

42. Before the lord mayor, aldermen, &c. at St. Bride's, 
on Easter Monday, 29 March, 1714. Daniel iv. 27. 8vo. 

43. At Salisbury, at the triennial visitation, 1714. Acts 
XX. 28. 4to. 

44. Before the king, at St. James's, 31 Oct. 1714. Psalm 
ii. 10, 11. 8vo. (1714.) 

45. Before the king and queen, at Hampton-Court, on 
the first fast-day, 5 June, 1689. ^ 2 Chron. xv. 2. 

46. '^Prepared by queen Mary's order for the day of 
thanksgiving, 27 Oct. 1692, for the victory at sea, near La 
Hogue. Exod. iv. 13. 

47. Before queen Anne, upon her accession to the throne. 

•In the year 1713, the bishop sity of that imjiortant transaction 

published in 8vo. a volume entitled, arc fully justified against the rc- 

" Some sermons preached on seve- proaches and misrepresentations of 

" ral occasions, and an essay to- the nonjurors, and others, who are 

" wards a new boolc of homilies, in disaflfcctcd to the present happy con- 

" seven sermons, prepared at the stitution. 

" desire of archbishop Tillotson, and ^ The reasons why this sermon 

" some other bishops." See numb. was not preached at the time for 

4.5 — 58. Tlie preface to these ser- wliich it was prepared, the reader 

mons coQtaineth a laboured and most may find distinctly represented in 

judicious defence of the revolution ; the Life of Ardibishop Tillotson, by 

in which tlte lawfulness and neccs- the reverend Dr. Birch, p. 305. 


at St. Jaraes''s, 15 March, 1704, the fourth Sunday in Lent. 
Isaiah xlix. 23. 

48. ^ Against popery, at St. Clement"'8, near the end of 
king Charles IId''s reign. Ephes. i. 3. 

49 and 50. Before the lord William Russel, in Newgate, 
20 July, 1683, the day before he suffered. Rev. xiv. 13. 
Psalm xxiii. 4. 

51. Upon death, in the cathedral church at Salisbury, 
on occasion of the death of the reverend Mr. Edward 
Young, dean of Salisbury, who died 7 Aug. 1705. Eccles. 
xii. 7. 

52. Upon the love of God. Matth. xxii. 35, 36, 37, 38. 

53. Upon the love of our neighbour. Matth. xxii. 39, 

64. Against perjury. Levit. xix. 12. 

55. Of the nature of oaths, and against profane swear- 
ing. James v. 12. 

56. Upon keeping holy the sabbath-day. Exod. xx. 8, 
9, 10, 11. 

57. Against adultery and uncleanness. Heb. xiii. 4. 

58. Against drunkenness. Ephes. v. 18. 

II. Discourses and tracts in divinity. 

1. On the importance of substantial piety and vital reli- 
gion ; a preface to a book entitled, *' The life of God in the 
" soul of man ; or, the nature and excellency of the Chris- 
** tian religion ; by Henry Scougal, M. A. sometime pro- 
" fessor of divinity in the university of Aberdeen.'" 8vo. 

2. Instructions for the archdeacons of the diocese of Sa- 
lisbury, to be delivered by them to the clergy in their Eas- 
ter visitations ; together with a letter from their diocesan, 
dated 22 April, 1690. 4to. 1690. 

« Soon after this sermon was tiic of the king's mandate to the re- 
preached, the resentment of the verend Dr. Gregory Hascard, rector 
court against our author was so of that parish. See tlie Life of the 
great, that he was discharged from Author, p. 33. Biographia Britan- 
his lecture at St. Clement's, by vir- nica, vol. ii. p. 1038. 



8. A short directory, containing proper rules how to 
prepare young persons for confirmation. 4to. 1690. 

4. f A discourse concerning the pastoral care. 4to. and 
8vo. 1692. 

5. Four discourses delivered to the clergy of the diocese 
of Salisbury, concerning, I. The truth of the Christian reli- 
gion. II. The divinity and death of Christ. III. The in- 
falhbility and autliority of the church. IV. The obligations 
to continue in the communion of the church ; with a large 
prefatory epistle to the clergy of the smd diocese g. 

6. h A letter to the reverend Dr. John Williams, in de- 
fence of the " discourse concerning the divinity and death 
"ofChrist'^ 4to. 1695. 

7. 'Animadversions upon a late book, written by Mr. 
Hill, falsely called, " A vindication of the primitive fathers 
" agmnst the imputations of Gilbert lord bishop of Sanun.** 
4to. 1695. 

8. ''Reflections upon a pamphlet entitled, " Some dis- 
*' courses upon Dr. Burnet and Dr. Tillotson, occasioned 
" by the late funeral sermon of the former upon the latter.'' 
8vo. 1696. 

f A third edition of this serious 
and excellent discourse was printed 
in Nov. 1712, in 8vo. ; to which 
were added a new preface, repre- 
senting the trae state of the church 
and clergy of England at that junc- 
ture, when the nation was inflamed 
and divided by the artful intrigues 
and clamours of the high-church in- 
cendiaries ; and a tenth chapter con- 
cerning presentations to benefices, 
and simouy. 

« This prefatory address, dated 8 
Dec. 1693, exhibiteth a distinct ac- 
count of the design of each discourse, 
and abundantly coufuteth the objec- 
tions which had been alleged against 
the re\'oIution. 

"> This letter is dated 2 Feb. 1 694-3, 
and designed as a reply to tiie objec- 
tions of an unitarian writer, con- 
tained in " Some considerations on 
« tlie explications of the doctrine of 

" the Trinity." Published 1694, in 
4 to. and is annexed to Dr. Williams's 
vindication of archbishop Tillotson 
and bishop Stillingfleet, against the 
remarks of the said writer. 

' " The vindication of the primi- 
" tive fathers," &c. written by the 
reverend Mr. Samuel Hill, arcbdea' 
con of Wells, and rector of Kilouag- 
ton in the county of Somerset, was 
principally designed against some 
explications of the fathers relating to 
the doctrine of the Trinity, which the 
bishop had remarked upon in his se- 
cond " discourse on the divinity and 
•' death of Christ." 

'' These discourses arc said to be 
written by Dr. George Hickes, a viru- 
lent adversary to the archbishop and 
our bishop, whose " Reflections," as 
Dr. Birch observeth, " contain a 
" strong and clear answer to them." 
Liife of Archbishop Tillotson, p. 345. 


9 ' An exposition of the thirty-nine articles of the church 
of England, folio, 1699. 

The fifth edition of this work was published 1746, in a 
large 8vo. 

10. Remarks on the examination of the second article of 
our church. 4to. 1702. 

11. A charge given at the triennial visitation of tiie 
diocese of Salisbury, in Oct- 1704, prefixed to a sermon 
preached at the same visitation. See Sermons, numb. 33, 
4to. 1704. 

12. An exposition of the church catechism, for the use 
of the diocese of Salisbury. 8vo. 1710. 

13. A charge given at the triennial visitation of the dio- 
cese of Salisbury, 1714; published together with a sermon 
preached at the same visitation. See Sermons, numb. 43. 
4to. 1714. 

III. Tracts against popery. 

1. The mystery of iniquity unveiled ; in a discourse, 
w^herein is held forth the opposition of the doctrine, wor- 
ship, and practices of the Roman church to the nature, 
designs, and characters of the Christian faith *". 12mo, 

2, Rome's glory; or a collection of divers miracles 
wrought by popish saints, collected out of their own au- 

' This learned, judicious, and in- as articles of peace, in which men 

structive performance, the result of were bound to acquiesce without 

great abilities and indefatigable in- contradiction ; not as articles of 

dustry, was drawn up in the year faith, which they were obliged to 

1694, and sent to archbishop Tillot- believe. Life of Bishop Burnet, p. 

son, who revised and altered it in 74. 

several places, and expressed his The reverend Dr. Jonathan Eid- 
astonishment to see so vast a work wards, principal of Jesus College in 
begun and finished in less than a Oxford, having published " An ex- 
year; and declared the great plea- " amination of the exposition of the 
sure and satisfaction with which he " second article," 1702, 4to. the bi- 
read it over. See Dr. Birch's Life shop soon replied to the exceptions 
of Archbishop Tillotson, p. 342. of that writer, in a small tract enti- 

This work was afterwards peniscd tied, " Remarks," &c. 

and approved by archbishops Tenison " A second edition of this tract 

and Sharp, bishops Stillingflcct, Pa- appeared in 1688, in.4to. in which 

trick, Lloyd, Hall, and Williams : the first part of the title, viz. " The 

the last of tliese strongly reconi- " mystery of iniquity unveiled," was 

mended the considering them only omitted. 



thors, with a prefatory discourse, declaring the impos^bi- 
lity and folly of such vain impostures. 8vo. 1673. 

3. An account given by J. Ken, a Jesuit, of the truth of 
religion examined. 8vo. 1674. 

4. A rational method for proving the truth of the Chris- 
tian religion, as it is professed in the church of England, 
in answer to "A rational, compendious way to convince, 
" without dispute, all persons whatsoever dissenting from 
** the true religion, by J. Ken."" 8vo. 1675. 

5. A relation of a conference held about religion at Lon- 
don, 3 April, 1676, by Edward Stillingfleet, D. D. and 
Gilbert Burnet, with some gentlemen of the church of 
Rome, [Mr. Edward Coleman, a Jesuit, secretary to the 
duchess of York, and others.] At the end of the " relation 
" of the conference,"" are added two discourses : I. To shew 
how unreasonable it is to ask for express words of scripture, 
in proving all articles of faith. IL To shew by what means 
the doctrines of the real presence and transubstantiation 
were introduced into the church. 8vo. 1676. 

This piece was reprinted in 4to. 1687. 

6. A vindication of the ordinations of the church of Eng- 
land ; in which it is demonstrated, that all the essentials of 
ordination, according to the practice of the primitive and 
Greek churches, are still retained in our church ; in answer 
to a paper written by one of the church of Rome, to prove 
the nullity of our orders ; and given to a person of quality. 
[Sir Philip Terwhit''s lady, at whose house the conference 
about religion was held, 3 April, 1676.] 8vo. 1677. 

Tlie second edition of the " vindication of the ordina- 
" tions," &c. was published in 4to. 1688. 

7. A letter written upon the discovery of the late plot. 
4to. 1678. 

8. The unreasonableness and impiety of Popery, in a se- 
cond letter written upon the discovery of the late plot. 
4to. 1678. 

9. A decree made at Rome, 2 March, 1679, condemn- 
ing some opinions of the Jesuits and other ca.suists. 4to 


10. The infallibility of the Romish church examined and 
confuted. 4to. 1680. 

11. The poUcy of Rome, as delivered by cardinal Pala- 
vicini, in his history of the council of Trent, with a preface, 
by G. Burnet, D. D. 8vo. 1681. 

12. The letter writ by the last assembly general of t^e 
clergy of France to the protcstants, inviting them to return 
to their communion, together with the methods proposed 
by them for their conviction, translated and examined. 8vo. 

13. A letter containing remarks on the two" papers, 
writ by his late majesty king Charles the second, concern- 
ing religion. This letter was written 1685, but not pub- 
lished till 1688. 4to. 

14. An inquiry into the reasons for abrogating the test 
imposed on all members of parliament, offered by Dr. Sa- 
muel Parker, bishop of Oxford. 4to. 1688. 

15. A second part of the inquiry into the reasons offered 
by Dr. Samuel Parker, bishop of Oxford, for abrogating 
the test: or an answer to his plea for transubstantiation, 
and for acquitting the church of Rome of idolatry. 4to. 

16. A continuation of the second part of the inquiry into 
the reasons offered by Dr. Samuel Parker, bishop of Ox- 
ford, for abrogating the test : relating to the idolatry of the 
church of Rome. 4to. 1688. 

The two last mentioned pieces, viz. numb. 15 and 16, 
were some few months after published in one tract, with this 
title, " A discourse concerning transubstantiation and idola- 
" try, being an answer to the bishop of Oxford's plea re- 
" lating to those two points." 4to. 1688. 

17 and 18. o Reflections on "the relation of the EngHsh 

" These papers were published by " the church of England." 

king James II. soon after the death " lu these reflections, &c. notonly 

of his royal brother. He declared the general grounds of the rcforma- 

that he found them in the closet of tion of the church of England are 

the dccensed king, and written with considered, but the matters of fait 

his own hand; they relate to the relating to that important affair are 

*' unity and authority of the catho- briefly and judiciously set forth and 

" lie church, and the ifformatiou of illustrated. 

Z 2 


«* reformation, and the theses relating to it,*" lately printed 
at Oxford, by Obadiah Walker, master of University col- 
lege, in two parts. 4to. Amsterdam, 1688. London, 

IV. Tracts polemical^ political^ and miscellaneous. 

1. A modest and free conference between a conformist 
and nonconformist, in seven dialogues. 12mo. Glasgow, 

2. A vindication of the authority, constitution, and laws 
of the church and state of Scotland : in four conferences, 
wherein the answer to the dialogues betwixt the conformist 
and the nonconformist is examined. 12rao. Glasgow, 

A new edition of this piece was published 1724. 8vo. 

3. Observations on the first and second of the canons 
commonly ascribed to the holy apostles; wherein an ac- 
count of the primitive constitution and government of 
churches is contained. Drawn from ancient and acknow- 
ledged writings. 12mo. Glasgow, 1673. 

4. P A resolution of two important cases of conscience : 
question the first. Is a woman''s barrenness a just ground 
for divorce or for polygamy .'' Question the second. Is poly- 
gamy in any case lawful under the gospel .'' Both which 
cases the author resolved in the affirmative. 

5. A modest survey of a discourse, entitled, " The naked 
" truth ; or the true state of the primitive church, by an 
" humble moderator,'^ [Dr. Herbert Crofts, bishop of Here- 
ford.] 4to. 1676. 

6. A translation of sir Thomas More's Utopia, with a 
preface concerning translations. 8vo. 1683. 

P These papers are published in created duke of Lauderdale and earl 

the appendix to the memoirs, &c. of of Guilford, our author himself has 

John Macky, Elsq. p. 25, &c. The informed us, in his " Reflections ou 

occasion of his writing these pieces, " Dr. Hickes's Discourses," &c. p. 

about the year 1671, at the reqnest 76, &c. He adds, that in a letter to 

of John Maitland earl of Lauderdale, the earl, he retracted thevhole pa-r 

the king's high commissioner to the per, and answered all the material 

parliament of Scotland, afterwards things in it. 


7. Reasons against the repealing the acts of parliament 
concerning the test : humbly offered to the consideration of 
the members of both houses, at their next meeting, on the 
twenty-eighth of April, 1687. 4to. 1687. 

8. Some reflections on his majesty"'s proclamation of the 
twelfth of Feb. I68y, for a toleration in Scotland : together 
with the said proclamation. 4to. 1687. 

9. A letter containing some reflections on his majesty's 
declaration for liberty of conscience, dated April 4, 1687. 4to. 

10. An answer to Mr. Henry Payne"'s letter concerning 
his majesty "'s declaration of indulgence, writ to the author 
of a letter to a dissenter. 4to. 1687. 

11. An answer to a paper printed with allowance, enti- 
tled a new test of the church of England's loyalty, 4to. 1687. 

12. The earl of Melfort's letter to the presbyterian mi- 
nisters in Scotland, writ in his majesty's name upon their 
address : together with some remarks upon it. 4to. 1687. 

13. Reflections on a pamphlet, entitled, " Parliamentum 
*' pacificum,"" [written by John Northleigh, Mv D.] licensed 
by the earl of Sunderland, and printed in London, in 
March, 1688. 4to. 

14. An apology for the church of England,^ with relation 
to the spirit of persecution for which she is accused. 4to. 

15. Some extracts out of Mr. James Stewart'^s letters 
from 12 July to 19 Nov. 1687, which were communicated 
to Mynheer Fagel, the States"* pensioner of the province of 
Holland: together with some references to Mr. Stewart's 
printed letter. 4to. 1688. 

16. An edict in the Roman law, [de inspiciendo ventre ^ 
custodiendoque partus] concerning the visiting a woman 
with child, and the looking after what may be born of her ; 
with observations from Aristophanes and Cicero, relating to 
the like cases. 4to. 1688. 

17. An inquiry into the measures of submission to the 
supreme authority, and of the grounds upon which it may 
be lawful or necessary for subjects to defend their religion, 
lives, and liberties. 4to. 1688. 

z 3 


18. A review of the reflections on the prince of Orange's 
declaration, printed at Exeter in Nov. 1688. 4to. 

19. The citation of Gilbert Burnet, D. D. to answer in 
Scotland on 27 June, old style, 1687, for high treason ; to- 
gether with his answer, and three letters writ by him upon 
that subject to the right hon. the earl of Middletoun, his 
majesty's secretary of state. 4to. 1688, (Of this article 
there was a translation in French, published previously to 
the EngUsh copy, in 1687. 4to. It is in the British Museum. 
P. B.) 

20. Dr. Burnet's vindication of himself from the calum- 
nies with which he is aspersed in a pamphlet, entitled, 
" Parliamentum pacificum," [written by John Northleigh, 
M. D.] licensed by the earl of Sunderland, and printed in 
Lcmdon, March 1688. 4to. 

21. An inquiry into the present state of affairs: and in 
particular, whether we owe allegiance to the king in these 
circumstances ? And, whether we are bound to treat with 
him, and call him back again, or not ? Published by au- 
thority. 4to. 1688. 

22. Reflections on a paper, entitled, " His majesty's rea- 
•* sons for withdrawing himself from Rochester." Published 
by authority. 4to. 1688. 

23. <1 A pastoral letter, writ by Gilbert lord bishop of 
Sanim, to the clergy of his diocese, concerning the oaths of 
allegiance and supremacy to king William and queen Mary ; 
dated 15 May, 1688. 4to. 

24. A speech in the house of 'lords, December 1708, 
upon the bill, entitled, "An act for preventing occasional 
"conformity." 4to. 1703. 

26. A speech in the house of lords, 16 March 17||, 
upon the first article of the impeachment of Dr. Henry Sa- 
cheverell. 8vo. 1710. 

26. Four letters between Gilbert lord bishop of Salis- 

•i This pastoral letter. Laving, in burned by llie hands of the common 

pages 19, 20, 21, touched upon the executioner, in lfi93. See Bishop 

right of con(|UC8t, gave such offence Kennet's complete Histor}' of Eug- 

to 8ome persons in both houses of laud, vol. iii. p. r>^7. 
puliament, that it was ordered to he 


bury and Mr. Henry Dodwell, on occasion of Mr. Dodwell's 
resolution to leave the nonjurors, and return to the commu- 
nion of the church of England. 8vo. 1713. 

V. History and Historical Tracts. 

1. Memoirs of James and William dukes of Hamilton, 
folio. 1676. 

2. ^The history of the reformation of the church of 
England; in three volumes, folio. The first volume was 
published 1679; the second in 1681; and the third in 

3. * An abridgment of the liistory of the reformation. 
3 vols. 12mo. 1682. 1719. 

■■ Upon the publication of the first 
volume of this most excellent work, 
the author obtained a distiuguishiDg 
mark of honour, never before or 
since paid to any writer : he had the 
tlianks of both houses of parliament, 
with a desire that he would prose- 
cute the undertaking, and complete 
that valuable work. Accordingly, in 
less than two years after, he printed 
the second volume, which met with 
the same general approbation us the 
first ; and such was his readiness in 
composina:, that he wrote the histo- 
rical part in the compass of six 
weeks, after all his materials were 
laid in order. See the Life of the 
Author, p. 22. 

The character given of this useful 
history by some celebrated writers, 
deservcth a place in tins account of 
his works. Dr. William Nicholson, 
bishop of Carlisle, afterwards arch- 
bishop of Cashel in Ireland, in his 
English Historical Library, p. 119, 
obscrveth, that the author " hath 
" given a punctual account of all 
" the affairs of the reformation, 
" from its beginning, in the reigu 
" of Henry VI n. to its final esta- 
" blishment under queen Elizabeth, 
" 1559. That the whole is penned 
" in a masculine style, such as bc- 
" comes an historian, and is the 
" property of this author in all his 
" writings. The collection of rc- 
*' cords which he gives at the end of 
'• each volume, are good vouchers of 
" the truth of what he delivers in 

" the body of the history, and are 
" much more perfect than could rea- 
" sonably be expected, after the 
" pains taken, in queen Mary's 
•' days, tp suppress every thing that 
" carried marks of the reformation 
" upon it." 

Another writer says, that these 
volumes " are pieces as profitable as 
" inimitable ; and for their since- 
" rity, impartiality, and the authen- 
" tic proof of their authority, are 
" justly valued by all the learned 
" men of the reformed nations of 
" Europe, as likewise they are envi- 
" ed (not contemned) by the men of 
" letters, who are enemies to the 
" reformation. In these books his 
" name will shine while names of 
•• mcu remain ; and as long as 
" learning is in the world, or the 
" world stands for men to learn, 
" this champion of the reformation 
" will be read as the most authentic 
" writer, to inform posterity of the 
" manner, method, and nature of 
" tliat gieat transaction in these 
" kingdoms, which overthrew the 
" Romish hierarchy, deposed the ty- 
" ranny of popery in God's church, 
" introducing gradually the truth 
" and purity of doctrine and wor- 
" ship, which is now enjoyed by us 
" all." See Dr. Charles Owen's Fu- 
neral Sermon, preached upon the 
Occasion of the Death of the late 
Bishop of Sarum, pp. 28, 29. 

• In this work, the author tells us, 
he had wholly waved every thing 

z 4 


In support of the facts contained in the history of the re- 
formation, the author published, 

4. Reflections on Mr. Varillas^s history of the revolutions 
that have happened in Europe in matters of religion, and 
more particularly in his ninth book, that relates to England. 
12mo. Amsterdam, 1686. 

5. A defence of the reflections on the ninth book of the 
first volume of Mr. Varillas's history of heresies ; being a 
reply to his answer. 12rao. Amsterdam, 1687. 

6. A continuation of reflections on Mr. Varillas's history 
of heresies; particularly on that which relates to English 
affairs, in his third and fourth tomes. 12mo. Amsterdam, 

7. A relation of the barbarous and bloody massacre of 
about an hundred thousand protestants, begun at Paris, 
and carried on over all France, by the papists, in the year 
1572. Collected out of Mezeray, Thuanus, and other ap- 
proved authors. 4to. 1678. 

8. The last words of Dr. Lewis du Moulin ; or his re- 
trax^tion of all the personal reflections he had made on the 
divines of the church of England. 4to. 1680. 

9. Some passages of the life and death of the right lion. 
John Wilmot earl of Rochester, who died 26 July, 1680, 
written by his lordship's direction on his death-bed. 8vo. 

10. The conversion and persecution of Eve Cohan, now 
called Elizabeth Verboon ; a person of quality of the Jew- 
ish religion. 4to. 1680. 

11. An account of the confessions of lieutenant John 
Stem and George Borosky, executed for the murder of 
Thomas Thynn, esq. 10 March, 168i. folio. 1682. 

that belonged to the rerords, and net, M.A. the bishop's second son; 
Uie proof of whnt he relates, or to a clerfryman of great worth and dis- 
thc confutation of the falsehoods tingiii»>hed emiueuce, for his uncom- 
that run through the histo- mon sagacity and solid judgment; 
rians; all whith may be found in whose answer to Mr. William Law's 
the history at large. second letter to the bishop of Ban- 
To the edition, in two volumes, gor is allowed to be among the best 
I2mo. published 1719, tiiere was pieces in that controversy. See Mr. 
added another volume of that size, Hearne's Account of tlie Bangoriaa 
containing an abridgment of the Controversy, p. 22, 
third volume, folio, by Gilbert Bur- 


12. News from France: in a letter, giving a relation of 
the present state of the difference between the French king 
and the court of Rome; to which is added, the pope's 
brief to the assembly of the clergy, and the protestation 
made by them in Latin, together with an English transla- 
tion of them. 4to. 1682. 

13. The history of the rights of princes in the disposing 
of ecclesiastical benefices and church lands ; relating chiefly 
to the pretensions of the crown of France to the regale, 
and late contests with the court of Rome. To which is 
added, a collection of letters written upon that occasion : 
and of some other remarkable papers put in an appendix. 
8vo. 1682. 

14. An answer to the *' Animadversions on the history 
" of the rights of princes,"" &c. 4to. 1682. 

15. The life and death of sir Matthew Hale, knt. some- 
time lord chief justice of the king''s bench. 8vo. 1682. 

There was a second edition of this tract published in 
12mo. 1682. To which were annexed, " additional notes 
" on the life and death of sir Matthew Hale," written by 
Richard Baxter, at the request of Edward Stephens, esq. 
the publisher of his contemplations, and his familiar friend. 

16. The life of Dr. William Bedel, bishop of Kilmore in 
Ireland ; together with the copies of certain letters which 
passed between Spain and England, in matters of religion, 
concerning the general motives to the Roman obedience, 
between Mr. James Wadsworth, a late pensioner of the 
holy inquisition in Sevll, and the said William Bedel, then 
minister of the gospel in Suffolk. 8vo. 1685. 

17. Three letters in defence of some passages in the his- 
lory of the reformation, in answer to the reflections of the 
reverend Mr. Simon Lowth, vicar of Cosmus Blene, in his 
book of the subject of church power. 4to. 1685. 

18. * A letter written to Dr. Burnet, giving some account 

' The letter relating to CRrdiaal this worthy gentleman the following 

Pole hath been ascribed to sir VVil- narrative may be acceptable to the 

liam Coventrj-, knt. youngest son to reader. He was appointed secretary 

Thomas Coventry lord Coventry, to the duke of York soon after tJie 

lord keeper of the great seal in the restoration, and also secrctarj* to the 

reign of king Charles the first. Of admiralty, and elected burgesa for 


of cardinal Pole's secret powers; from which it appears 
that it was never intended to confirm the alienation that 
was made of the abbey lands. To which are added, two 
breves, that cardinal Pole brought over, and some other of 
his letters, that were never before printed. 4to. 1685. 

19- " Travels through France, Italy, Germany, and Swit- 
zerland ; describing their religion, learning, government, 
customs, natural Iiistory, trade, &c. written in letters to the 
honourable Robert Boyle, esq. To which is added, an 
appendix, containing remarks on Switzerland and Italy, by 
a person of quality. 12iuo. 1687- 

20. A relation of the death of the primitive persecutors. 
Translated from the Latin of Lactantius. With a large 
preface concerning persecution, in which the principles, 
the spirit and practice of it are freely censured and con- 
demned. Svo. Amsterdam, 1687. 

The second edition was pubhshed in London. 8vo. 

21. A letter to Mr. Thevenot, containing a censure of 
Mr. le Grand's history of king Henry the eighth's divorce. 
To which is added, a censure of Mr. de Meaux's [John 
Benigne Bossuet, late bishop of Condom] history of the 
variations of the protestant churches; together with some 
further reflections on Mr. le Grand. 4to. 1689. 

22. A letter to Dr. William Lloyd, lord bishop of Co- 
ventry and Litchfield, concerning a book lately published. 

Great Yarmouth, in Norfolk, in the Peerage of England, vol. ii. part 2. 

parliament which met in Nfay 16G1. Svo. 1735. 

He was crcatfd doctor of the civil " There have been several editions 

law at Oxford 1663; sworn of the of this curious and entertaining nar- 

privjr council, and received the ho- rative, the last of which was printed 

nour of knighthood, 26 June, 1665 ; 1750, 12mo. It vastly surpasseth 

made one of the Gommissioners of every thing in its kind extant, in the 

the treasury, 24 May, 1667. See style, sentiments, matter, and mc- 

Wood's Athens OxoD. vol. ii. p. 601, thod. The fine spirit which shinetli 

edit. 1692. through it is admirable. It is likely. 

He wa.<i, as bishop Burnet relates, that he exerted himself in an extra- 

•• a man of great notions and emi- ordinary manner in the composition, 

*' ncnt virtues, the best speaker in having cho.'^en a person of so emi- 

♦' the house of commons, and capa- nent a character for his patron. His 

•* ble of bearing the chief ministry, obsen'ations upon the corruptions 

" as it was once thought he was very and impostures of popery must af- 

" near it, and deserved it more than ford peculiar pleasure to every gc- 

" all the rest did." See Collins's nuine and consistent protestant. 


called " A specimen of some errors and defects in the liis- 
" tory of the reformation of the church of England," by 
Anthony Harmer^. 4to. 1693. 

23. An essay on the memory of queen Mary, 8vo. 
London, 1695. 12mo. Edinburgh, 1695. 

24. Reflections on a book, entitled, "I'he rights, powers, 
" and privileges of an English convocation stated and vin- 
" dicated,'' by Francis Atterbury, M. A. afterwards bishop 
of Rochester and dean of Westminster. 4to. 1700. 

25. y The history of his own time, in two volumes, folio. 
The first published 1723, the second in 1734 ^. To which 
was added, the life of the author, by his son, Thomas Bur- 
net, esq. since one of the justices of the court, of common 
pleas; who also pubHshed a defence of this history, in 
reply to the objections of the right hon. George Gran- 
ville lord Lansdown, contained in a pamphlet, entitled, 
" A letter to the author of the reflections historical and po- 
" Utical." 

The bishop left finished and prepared for the press, a 
book entitled, " Essays and meditations on morality and 
" religion ;" with directions in his last will that it should 

» The name of Anthony HariDcr " laws to that of blind passion and 

was a fictitious and delusive name, " tiubrldled will and pleasure." See 

assumed in order to conceal the true Hibernicus's Letters, vol.i. numb. 23. 

author, who was Mr. Henry W bar- * The conclusion of this history, 

ton, chaplain to archbishop San- which is addressed to men of all or- 

croft. ders and degrees, hath been pub- 

y The author of a paper in Hiber- lisbcd in small 12mo. that it may 

nicus's letters, &c. written by sevc- circulate into the hands of numbers 

ral eminent hands in Dublin, stj'les of persons whom the history itself 

,this "an incomparable history, which might never reach. It is, as the bi- 

•' for its noble impartiality and sin- shop himself obsserveth, " a sort of 

" cerity never was equalled but by " testament or dying speech, which," 

" Polybius and Philip de Comines : saith he, " 1 leave behind me to be 

" a history which hath received the " read and considered when I can 

" best testimony of its worth from the *' speak no more." The alarming 

" mouth of its enemies, by giving important truths contained in it are 

" equal offence to the bigotted and in- expressed in such a propriety and 

'* terested of all parties, sects, and energy of style, and so solemnly 

•' denominations amongst us. A his- laid home to the consciences of men, 

*' tory, which doth honour to the that they are admirably calculated 

** language it is writ in, and will for and adapted to awaken in the ris- 

** ever make the name of Burnet iug generation, a strong and lively 

" sacred and venerable to all, who sense of religion, virtue, and public 

•' prefer an empire of reason and spirit. 


be printed, but I cannot find that this order was ever exe- 

ISth March, 1753. R. F. 

(Dr. Bliss has been so obliging as to add to the foregoing 
list of the works of bishop Burnet the three following tracts. 

A letter from the bishop of Salisbury to the clergy of his 
diocese. To be read at the triennial visitation in April and 
May, 1708. 4to. one sheet. It is in the British Museum, 
as well as the following tract. 

A letter to a lord, upon his happy conversion from popery 
to the protestant religion. By G. Burnet, D. D. Printed 
in the year 1688. Four pages in 4to. 

Thoughts on education, by the late bishop Burnet. Now 
first printed from an original manuscript. London. 8vo. 



In St. James's church, Clerkenwell, is a fair marble montiment, 
erected to the memory of bishop Burnet. The pediment, which is 
circular, is supported by pilasters of the composite order, on the ex- 
tremities of which are urns, and in the centre are the arms of the 
see of Salisbury and Burnet, impaled in a shield ; on the frieze are 
cut in relievo several books and rolls; amongst which is one enti- 
tledf Hist. Reform, and on the tablet underneath is this 


H. S. E. 

Episcopus Sarisburiensis 

Et Dobilissimi Ordinis ti Periscelide Cancellarius, 

Natus EorNBiiRGi, 18 die Septcmbris, Anno Domini MDCXLIIf. 

Parentihus Roberto Burnet, Domino de Cremont, 

Ex antiquissima donto de Leves, et Raciiele Johnston, 

Sorore Domini de VVaristoln, 

Aberduniae Literis instructus, Sai.toni curae animarnm invigilavit, 

Inde Jureuis adbiic Sacro-Sanctae Tbeologiae Professor in 

Academia Glasgoensi electus est. 

Fostquam in Angi.iam transiit rem sacram per aliquot 

Annosin templo Rotulorum Londini administrarit, donee 

nimis acriter (ut iis qui krerum turn potiebantur visum est) 

[ 349 ] 

Ecclesiae Romanae lualas artes insectatus, ab officio submotus est. 

E patria temporum iniquitate profugus, Europam peragravit. 

Et deinceps cum principe AuRiACO reversus, primus omnium 

a Rege Gulielmo et Regina Maria Praesul designatus, 

et in summum tandem fiduciae testimonium ah eodem 

Principe Duci Glocestriensi Praeceptor dictus est. 

Tyrannidi et SaperstitioDi semper infensum scripta eruditissima 

demonstrant, ncc non Libertatis Patriae veraeque Religionis 

Btrenuum semperque indefessum Propugnatorem. Quarum 

utriusque couservandae spcm unam jam k longo tempore in 

lUustrissima Domo Brunsvicensi coUoc&rat. Postquam 

autem Dei Providentia singulari Regem Georgium 

Sceptro Britanno potitum conspexerat; brevi jam 

Annorura et felicitatis satur ^ vivis excessit. 

Duxit Uzorem Dominam Maroaritam Kennedy Comitis 

Cassiliae filiara, dein Mariam Scot Hagae Comitis, quae ei 

Septem liberos peperit, quorum adhuc in vivis sunt 

GuLiELMUs, Gilbertus, Maria, Elizabetha et Thomas. 

Postremo Uxorem duxit viduam Elizabethan Berkeley, 

ex qua duos liberos suscepit, fato praematuro non multo post extinctos. 

Amplissimam pecuniam in pauperibus alendis, et in sumptibus sed 

ad utilitatem publicam spectantibus, vivus contiuuo erogarit, moriens 

duo millia Aureorum Aberdoniae Saltonoque ad Juventutem pauperiorem 

instituendam Testamento legarit. 

Obiit 17 Die Martii, Anno Domini MDCCXIV-XV. iEtatis LXXII. 


SINCE the foregoing papers were sent to the press, the 
reverend Mr. Sampson Letsome hath published an useful 
performance, entitled, " The Preacher^s Assistant, in two 
" parts." 

In reviewing -the account of bishop Burnet's sermons, 
contained in " this work," it appeareth, that Mr. Letsome 
hath ascribed to him two funeral sermons: 1. On Ephes. 
V. 16. 4to. 1678. 2. On 2 Tim. i. 6. 4to. 1689. But I 
apprehend there is some mistake in this ascription. It is 
certain, that neither of these sermons is included in the col- 
lection of sermons and discourses, wi-itten and printed in 
the years 1677 — 1704, published by the bishop's direction 
in 1704, in three volumes 4to.. And I am the more con- 
firmed in this sentiment, by observing, that Mr. Letsome 
hath not referred to any library, as containing the said ser- 
mons, nor produced any other authentic evidence in sup- 
port of his ascribing them to the bishop. 

The like mistake may be observed in another work of 
the same nature with Mr. Letsome's, entitled, " An Index 
" to the sermons published since the restoration, in two 
"parts; the first printed in 1734, the second in 1738; 
" since reprinted together in one volume, with considerable 
" additions and improvements, 1751." 

N. B. In drawing up the preceding account of the nu- 
merous writings of the late eminent and worthy prelate, the 
greatest diligence and application have been exerted, in or- 
der to procure such authentic intelligence as might render 
it complete and accurate. But amidst a great variety of 
small tracts written and printed separately, at very different 
times, and at a period very distant from the present, it is 
not improbable, but that some of those lesser pieces may 
have escaped the observation of the compiler. The disco- 
very and correction of any errors or defects of this kind, 
communicated to Mr, Millar in the Strand, will be grate- 
fully acknowledged as a particular favour. 

26 March, 1753. 


(In the New Biographia Britannica, vol. iii. p. 34 — 88. 
where a very sensible critique has been added by Dr. Kip- 
pis on Burnetts principal works, and particularly on this 
History pf his Own Time, it is observed, p. 37, that " the 
** bishop was the author of a few publications not specified 
*' in Flexman's Catalogue. One or two pieces were written 
" by him concerning the treaty of Ryswick, and another on 
" the conferences at Gertrudenberg. He wrote likewise a 
" preface to Mrs. Cockburn's Two Letters concerning a 
" Guide in Controversies, (Life of Mrs. Cockburn, p. xxx. 
" Works, vol. i. p. 3, 4.) In the Annual Register for 1760 
** we find, ' An humble Representation to those who are 
" to sit on the throne,' said to be left by our prelate to 
** be printed after his death. (Annual Register, vol. iii. p. 
" 181.) It is certain, that a book which he had finished 
" and prepared for the press, intitled * Essays and Medi- 
*' tations on Morality and Religion,' was directed by him 
** in his last will, to be published, but it doth not appear 
" that this order was ever put into execution, (see Flexman's 
*' Catalogue, at the end.) Mr. Whiston mentions a Vindi- 
" cation which bishop Burnet wrote of himself from the re- 
** flections which doctor Stillingfleet cast upon him, for re- 
" quiring bonds of resignation from those whom he made 
" prebendaries of Sarum, in case they left that diocese. 
" The publication of this paper, of which Mr. Whiston 
*' speaks very highly, was suppressed at the time of its 
" being written, out of respect to bishop Stillingfleet; nor 
" did Mr. Thomas Burnet, after his father's decease, 
" choose to give it to the world. (Whiston's Life, p. 36, 
" 37.)" 

In the year 1815 was published at London, in 8vo. a 
book entitled, A Memorial offered to the princess Sophia, 
electoress and duchess dowager of Hanover, containing a 
delineation of the constitution and policy of England, ac- 
cording to tJie original in the royal library at Hanover, by 
Gilbert Burnet, bishop of Salisbury. To ivhich arc added, 
letters from Burnet and Leibnitz. But it appears from 
page 83 of the memorial itself, compared with the signature 



G. S. that the real author was George Smyth, esq. of North 
Nibley in Glocestershire. That it is erroneously ascribed to 
bishop Burnet, may be collected also from other passages of 
this memorial.) 






In the following Index the references are made to the pages of the folio 
edition, which are retained in the margin of the present : the first 
volume in the folio extends to the endofvol.^ of the Svo. the second 
commencing with vol. 4. 

Abdicate, debate on the 

word, i. 815, 816. 
Abercorn, earl of, i. 37. 
Aberdeen, earl of, i. 523, 525. 

breaks with Queensbury, 581. 

loses the chancellor's place, 

Aberdeen, synod of, addresses in 

favour of episcopacy, i. 1 20. 
Abingdon, earl of, goes to the 

prince of Orange, i. 790. ii. 


Abjuration of king James, debate 
on, ii. 43,44. 

Act of uniformity, i. 183, 184, 
185, 191. 

fining in Scotland, i. 214. 

Admiralty, their conduct cen- 
sured, ii. 114, 115, 125, 195, 

3585 359. 360. 404- See Sea- 

Aghrem, battle of, ii. 79. 

Ailesbury, earl of, sent to king 
James in 1695, "• ^4^- '" ^ 
plot of invasion, 173. 


Ailesbury, town of, the right of 
electing members is tried at 
common law, ii. 366, 367. dis- 
puted in the queen's bench if 
triable, 367. judged not, and 
writ of error brought in the 
house of lords, ibid, they re- 
verse the judgment, 367, 368, 
369. other actions brought on 
the same cause, 407. the com- 
mons imprison the plaintiffs, 
408. prisoners brought up by 
habeas corpus to queen's bench, 
and remanded, ibid, writ of 
error thereupon, ibid, com- 
mons address the queen not 

, to grant it, 409. lords' coun- 
ter-address, 409, 410. 

Ailoffe, i. 63 2, 633 . executed, 634. 

Aird, i. 293. 

Albano chosen pope Clement XI. 
ii. 251, 252. See Pope. 

Albano, his nephew, ii, 533. 

Albemarle, duke of, sent against 
the duke of Monmouth, i. 641. 



Albemarle, earl of, in favour with 
king William, ii. 224, 241, 
302, 303, 306, 316. his loss 
at Denain, 610, 611. 

Albert, duke, i. 12. 

Albeville, marquis de, his charac- 
ter, i. 707. king James's envoy 
to the States, 709, 710, 720. 
his memorial about Bantam, 
728. he discovers king James's 
designs too soon, 734, 768. 
ii. 694. 

Alcantara taken, ii. 444. 

Aldrich, Dr. i. 674. 

Alexander VIII. pope, his death, 
ii. 72. 

Almanara, battle of, ii. 555. 

Almanza, battle of, ii. 475. 

Almirante of Castile, ii. 351, 


Altieri, cardinal, i. 394. 

Ambrun, siege of, ii. 100. 

Amsterdam, errors of, i. 330, 33 1 . 
love for the duke of Marlbo- 
rough, ii.416. 

Ancram, earl of, i. 19, 357, 360. 

Anglesey, earl of, manages the 
English interest in Ireland, i. 
176, 225, 429, votes against 
lord Staflford, 492, 571. op- 
poses Monmouth's attainder, 

Anjon, duke of, offered to Spain, 
ii. 1 23. declared king of Spain 
in 1700, 251, 252, 257. own- 
ed by the States, 257. and by 
king William, 268. See Philip 
king of Spain. 

Annandale, earl of, in a plot, ii. 

62. discovers it to queen Mary, 

63, 359. opposes the union, 
460. is zealous for the pro- 
testant succession, 426, 519. 

Anne, queen, (see Denmark,) 
proclaimed, ii.309. her speech 
to the council, 309, 310. and 
to parliament, 310. pursues 
king William's alliances, ibid. 
311. her jjiioistry, 312, 313, 

3 14. the princess Sophia pray- 
ed for, 312, 315. proclaims 
war with France, ibid, false 
reports of designs to set her 
aside, 315, 317. takes the 
Scotch coronation oath, 319, 
320. her arms successful, 333. 
creates five new peers, 344, 
345. her reception of king 
Charles of Spain, 354. a plot 
against her discovered, [357,] 
[358.] she revives the order of 
the Thistle, [359.] jealousies 
ofher ministry, 362. she grants 
the first-fruits and tenths to 
the poor clergy, 369, 370, 371. 
Maclean's discoveries of the 
plot, 371,372, 375, 376. she 
passes the Scotch act for a dif- 
ferent successor than that of 
England, 399. her reasons, 
ibid, comes to hear the de- 
bates in the house of lords, 
405, changes the Scotch mi- 
nistry, 426. public credit high, 
438. assists Savoy, 445. ap- 
points conmiissioners to treat 
of an union with Scotland, 
470. her private favour to 
Harley,487. some promotions 
in the church, 487, 488, 492, 
493. turns Harley out unwill- 
ingly, 496. calls the pretend- 
ed prince of Wales the pre- 
tender, 503. her tender care 
of prince George, 515. she 
takes in more whigs, 516. 
appoints plenipotentiaries to 
treat of peace, 528, 530, 
531. books wrote against her 
title, 538. secretly favours Dr. 
Saclieverell, 543, 545. her 
speech at the end of that ses- 
sion, 546. negociations for 
peace, 549, 550, 551. changes 
her ministry, 552, 553. dis- 
solves the parliament, 553. 
her speech, 557, 558, 559, 
560, 561, 562. sends earl 



Rivers to Hanover, 581. her 
speech, 583. creates duke Ha- 
milton duke of Brandon, 586. 
turns out the duke of Marl- 
borough, 588. makes twehe 
new peers, 589. her message 
to the lords to adjourn, dis- 
puted, but obeyed, ibid, her 
message about the jieace, 590. 
orders the duke of Marlbo- 
rough to be sued for money 
received by her warrant, 593. 
does not confirm the convoca- 
tion's censure of Whiston, 603. 
orders the duke of Ormond 
not to act offensively, 606. 
lays the plan of peace before 
both houses, 608, 609. Dun- 
kirk put into her hands to be 
demolished, 609, 610. is pos- 
sessed in a precarious man- 
ner, 615. she ratifies the trea- 
ties of peace and commerce, 
618. her answer to the com- 
mons' address, 623. a debt of 
five hundred thousand pounds 
on the civil list paid off, 628. 
her speech, 630. reflections up- 
on it, 631. her manners, 66t. 

Annesley, Mr. i. 85. made earl of 
Anglesey, 97. See Anglesey, 
earl of. 

Anspach, princess of, ii. 480. 

Antrim, earl of, i. 37, 40, 41. 

Appeal, debate on the word, i. 


Arco, general, ii. 382. 

Argile, earl of, i. 26. his charac- 
ter, 28, his cruelty, 39. heads 
the Whiggamore insurrection, 
43, 53. refuses king Charles 
the first's offers, 57. submits 
to Monk, 58. one of the Scotch 
commissioners, 61. charged as 
accessary to the king's mur- 
der, 106. sent to the Tower, 
122, 123. tries to escajjc, 124. 
his execution, and speech there, 


Argile, earl of, his son, (see lord 
Lorn,) against violent pro- 
ceedings, i. 211. raises fifteen 
hundred men, 234, 245, 299, 
362, 419. the duke of York 
tries to gain him, 5 12. his an- 
swer, 513. offers to explain 
the test act, 516, 519. is im- 
prisoned, 520. condemned, 
521. but escapes, 522. cabals 
with Monmouth, 539, 540, 
541, 584. and invades Scot- 
land, 619, 629, 631. is de- 
feated, taken, and executed, 

Argile, earl of, sent to tender the 
crown of Scotland in 1689, 
ii. 24, 62. made a duke, 290. 

Argile, duke of, his son, commis- 
sioner of parliament, ii. [359,] 
404, 426. his instructions de- 
bated, 426, 446, 563. is sent 
to command in Spain, 574. 

Argiles seize Kenlire from the 
Macdonalds, i. 37. 

Arianism, revival of, attempted 
by Whiston, ii. 571. 

Arlington, earl of, i.99, 248, 265, 
266. suspected of having receiv- 
ed a bribe from France, 303. 
knight of the garter, 307, 324, 
325. in the interests of France, 
327.334.337* 346- advises the 
king to yield to the house of 
commons, 349. his manage- 
ment of the king on this af- 
fair, 350. loses the duke of 
York, 352, 362. attacked by 
the commons, 365. his de- 
fence, 366. lord chamberlain, 
366, 367, 368. sent to Hol- 
land to the prince of Orange, 

377. 378. 379. 593; 

Armada, Spanish, curious anec- 
dote as to its delay, i. 3 13. 

Armagh, primate of, i. 654. 

Arminius, i. 3 16. 

Armstrong, sir Thomas, with the 
duke of Monmouth, i. 537, 
A a 2 



547. seized at Leyden, sent 
over, and executed, 577, 578, 

579. 599- 
Anny, Scotch, defeated by Crom- 
well, i. 54. attempts to raise a 
new army in Scotland, 55. a 
body of Highlanders stand for 
the king, 58. their chief of- 
ficers, 58, 59, 60. send over 
messages to the king, ibid, 
are dispersed, 61. the English 
army how managed at the re- 
storation, 86. disbanded, 161. 
army on free quarters in the 
west of Scotland, 418. the 
army at Hounslow-heath, 703. 
king James's army desert to 
the prince of Orange, 790. 
parties engage in Dorsetshire 
and at Reading, 798. 

Army, standing, odious to Eng- 
lish ears, ii. 85, 206. rea- 
sons for and against one, ibid, 
reduced to seven thousand 
men, and how modelled, 221, 

Arnot, Rachel, i. 18. 

Arragon, kingdom of, declares 
for king Charles III. ii. 449. 
reduced by the duke of Or- 
leans, 475, 555, 556. 

Arran, lord, i. 481, 507, 631, 

Articles, bishop Burnet's Exposi- 
tion, ii. 227, 284. 

Arundel, lord, i. 395, 430, 492. 

Asgill, ii. 24S. 

Ashby, i. 467. ii. 93, 94. 

Ashley Cowper, i. 85. SeeShaftes- 
bur)', earl of. 

Ash ton, seized with lord Pres- 
ton, ii. 69. executed, 70. his 
paper to the sheriff, ibid. 

Assiento, meaning of, ii. 608. 

Astrology, instance of its sup- 
posed truth, i. 318. 

Athlone, the siege of, ii. 79. 

Athlone, earl of, (see Ginkle,) ii. 
220, 239, 300, 323. his con- 

duct in Flanders extolled, 324, 

Athol, marquis of, i. 245, 299, 
338, 340, 376, 400. sends 

- Highlanders in the west to. 
live on free quarter, 418, 419, 
420, 433, 439. 

Athol, marquisof,ii. [358,] [359-] 
made a duke, 372, 398. op- 
poses the union, 460. 

Atterbury, Dr. i. 674. ii. 249, 
280, 281, 569, 573, 602, 603. 
is made bishop of Rochester, 
629, 630. 

Aubigny, lord, in the secret of 
king Charles II. 's religion, i. 
74, 136. marries him to queen 
Catherine, 174. seconds the 
motion for a general toleration, 
193, 197, 615. 

Augustus, king of Poland, ii, 196, 
197, 199. (see elector of Sax- 
ony.) his conduct in Poland, 
222. his alliances against Swe- 
den, 230. his designs on Po- 
land, 231. the war there, 243, 
244, 256, 322, 329. he is de- 
posed, 357, 358. Stanislaus 
chosen and crowned in his 
room, 394, 424. he defeats a 
body of Swedes, ibid, resigns 
the throne, 473. the war con- 
tinues, 514. he resumes the 
crown on the king of Sweden's 
defeat, 534. 

Aumont, duke de, ambassador 
from France, ii. 613. 

Austria, Charles archduke of, ii. 
232. a treaty with Portugal in 
his favour. See Charles III. 
king of Spain. 

Auverquerque, general, his emi- 
nent service in Flanders, ii. 
78, 303. 38i» 382. 

Azuph taken by the Muscovites, 
ii. 178. 

Bacon, sir Francis, an erroneous 
maxim of his relative to Scot- 
land, i. 280, 382. 



Baden, Lewis prince of, beats 
the Turks, ii. 82, 83. comes to 
England, 125, 128. besieges 
Landau, 323. and takes it, 
327. repulses Villars at Stol- 
hoffen, 348, 349, 350, 382. 
takes Landau a second time, 
385,386. disappoints the duke 
of Marlborough after measures 
concerted, 414. his death, 472. 

Baillie cited before the council 
in Scotland and fined, i. 400, 
433. confers with Monmouth's 
party at London, 540. seized 
and examined before the king, 
548. imprisoned and cruelly 
used, 550, 569. further pro- 
ceedings against him, 585, 
586. his execution, 587. 

Baillie, Mr. of Jerviswood, ii. 

Balmerinoch, lord, i. 8. his trial, 
22, 23, 24, condemned, but 
pardoned, 25. 

Bamfield, colonel, i. 618. 

Banautine, bishop, i. 26. 

Bank of England, when erected, 
ii. 1 24. its good'consequences, 
1 25. opposed, 144. enlarged in 
1709, 524. against a change 
of ministry in 17 10, 552, 553. 

Bank, land, ii. 170, 171. failed 
totally 175, 176. 

Bantry bay, sea-fight there, ii. 

Bara, ii. 495. 

Barbarigo, cardinal, aspires to 
the popedom, ii. 73. 

Barbesieux, son to Louvois, ii. 

Barcelona besieged by theFrench, 

ii. 128. siege raised by the 
English fleet, ibid, taken by 
the French, 194. taken by 
king Charles in 1705, 422. 
besieged by the French, 444. 
king Charles defends it in per- 
son, 447. the English fleet 
raises the siege, ibid. 

Bareith, marquis of, ii. 99, 473. 

Bargeny, lord, i. 515. 

Barillon, i. 408, 410, 604, 660, 
707, 768. 

Barlow, bishop, replies to bishop 
Gunning, i. 436. 

Barnevelt, i. 13, 15, 315. exe- 
cuted, 316. 

Barrier treaty, ii. 595. 

Bates, Dr. i. 226, 259. 

Bates, a friend of lord Carmar- 
then's, negociates a bribe with 
the East India company, ii. 

Bath, earl of, i. 607. his prac- 
tices on Cornish elections, 
625. offers to join the prince 
of Orange, 788. makes Ply- 
mouth declare for him, 793. 
a holder of first-fruits, ii. 713. 

Bavaria, elector of, i. 13. Spanish 
Flanders put into his hand, 
ii. 85. his son proposed as 
successor to the Spanish mo- 
narchy, 223, 263. he is gained 
by France, 289, 323, 327. 
distresses the empire, 327, 

347. 348, 349' 356, 381. Ws 
troops routed at Schellemberg, 
382, 383. he is beaten at 
Hocksted, 384, 385. loses all 
his territories, 385. his con- 
duct in Flanders, 413, 414. 
his share at the battle of Ra- 
mellies, 450, 453. commands 
on the Rhine, 509. his at- 
tempt on Brussels, 510. is re- 
stored to his dominions, 616. 

Baxter, captain, ii. 694. 

Baxter, Mr. manager at the Sa- 
voy conference, i. 180. he re- 
fuses the bishopric of Here- 
ford, 185. at a treaty for com- 
prehension, 259. returns the 
pension sent him from the 
court, 308. 

Bayly, a minister, i. 34. 

Beach, William, letter from, ii. 

Aft 3 



Beachy in Sussex, a sea-6ght 
near it, ii. 52, 53. 

Beaufort, duke of, i. 484. 591. 
ii. 612. 

Beaumont, colonel, refuses Irish 
recruits, i. 767. 

Beddingfield, i. 425. 

Bedford, earl of, i. 312. 

Bedlow, his evidence in the 
popish plot, i. 431, 432, 435, 
436, 443, 446, 448, 449, 450, 
464, 465, 467, 468, 488. 

Belcarras, earl of, i. 58, 59, 60. 

Belhaven, lord, i. 20. 

Belisarius, parallel between his 
case and the duke of Marl- 
borough, ii. 588. 

Bellarmine, cardinal, i. 8, ii.673. 

Bellasis, lord, i. 430, 432. 

Bellasis, lady, her contract with 
the duke of York, i. 353, 751. 

Bellefonds, niareschal, i. 303. his 
character, 564. 

Bennet, secretary of state, i. 99, 
193, 198, 225. See Arling- 
ton, earl of. 

Benthink, envoy from the States 
to Brandenburgh, i. 757. his 
secrecy in the expedition to 
England, 781, 799, 818. made 
earl of Portland, ii. 5. 

Berkeley, Mrs., bishop Burnet's 
wife, ii. 719, 

Berkley, Charles, made earl of 
Falmouth, i. 99. his character, 

Berkley, lord lieutenant of Ire- 
land, i. 267, 348, 618. 

Berkley, lord, ii. 553. 

Berkley, sir George, ii. 165. has 
king James's commission to 
attack the prince of Orange in 
his winter quarters, 165, 167. 
escapes, 168. 

Berkshire, earl of, i. 148. 

Berry, duke of, ii. 600. 

Berry, i. 445. executed, 446, 447. 

Berwick, duke of, his character, 
i. 749. ii. 165, 166, 373, 376, 

390, 444., 445. 448, 475. 531- 
Bethel, sheritf, i.480. 
Beveridge, Dr. ii. 318. is made 

bishop of St. Asaph, 406, 464. 
Beuning, Van, i. 479. 
Bezons, niareschal, ii. 531, 533* 

534- . 

Bierly, ii. 366. 

Binks, Dr. his 30th of Jan. ser- 
mon, ii. 316. 

Binnius' collection of councils, 
ii. 675. 

Birch, colonel, his character, i. 
388, 442. 

Bishops, English, their conduct 
at the revolution, ii. 6, 7. 
they engage in a correspond- 
ence with St. Germains, 69, 
71. their sees are filled up, 75. 
the character of the new bi- 
shops, 76, 118, 126. divided 
as to the point of the duke of 
Norfolk's divorce, 127, 281, 
282, 283, 284, 285. 

Bishops, Scotch, their errors, i. 
ID, 26. men sought out to be 
bishops, 132, 133, 134. are 
consecrated, 139. come to 
Scotland,i42. are introduced to 
the parliament, 143. prejudices 
against them, 158, 217. their 
severity to prisoners, 236, 237. 
are against a comprehension, 
273. are offended at the act 
of supremacy, 284, 285. their 
conduct at the revolution, ii. 
23. is the cause of abolishing 
episcopacy, ibid. 

Bishops, their right of voting in 
capital cases discussed, i. 460. 
advice to, by the author, ii. 
642, 643, 644, 645, 646. 

Blackelow, i. 194. 

Blackball, Dr. bishop of Exeter, 

Blair, i. 34. 

Blair, of Virginia, ii. 1 19. 

Blake, admiral, his spirited and 
judicious conduct, i. 80. 


3 59 

Blake, a draper, i. 571. 
Blakewood, his trial, i. 525. 
Blandford, bishop, attends the 

duchess of York in her last 

sickness, i. 310. 
Blareignies, battle of, ii. 532, 


Blenheim, or Hocksted, battle of, 
ii. 385, 386. 

Blenheim house, suits concern- 
ing it, ii. 615. 

Bohemia, affairs there, i. 13. 
Frederick elector palatine ac- 
cepts the crown of, ibid. 

Bolingbroke, viscount, sent to 
France, ii. 611, 622. 

Bolton, duke of, ii. 34. attacks 
the marquis of Halifax in par- 
liament, ibid, his death and 
character, 225. 

Bon taken by the prince of O- 
range, i. 367. 

Booth, sir George, i. 66. 

Boots, a torture used in Scot- 
land, i. 237. 

Borel, his answer to king Charles 
II. i. 81, 324, 325. 

Borghese, prince, i. 662. 

Boromeo, cardmal, ii. 73. 

Boscawen, i. 443. 

Bossuet, bishop of Condom, ii. 

Bothwell-bridge rebellion, i. 473. 
Bouchain besieged, ii. 576. 
Bojicher, in a plot, ii. 373, 374, 

375» 376. 

Boucour, Mr. i, 757. 

Bouflers, mareschal, ii. 77, 150. 
his defence of Namur, 150, 
152,153. his negociation with 
lord Portland concerning king 
James, 200, 201. commands 
in Flanders, 323, 324. his 
conduct in 1703 censured, 348, 
349,506. his defence of Lisle, 
5 10, 5 1 1, his retreat after the 
battle of Mons, 533. 

Bourdalou, father, his character, 
i. 566. 

Box, refuses to be sheriff, i. 529. 

Boyle, earl of Cork, i. 313. his 
account how the Spanish ar- 
mada was delayed, ibid. 

Boyle, Mr. Robert, of the royal 
society, i. 193. ii. 676. 

Boyle, Mr. secretary of state, ii. 
496. is dismissed, 553. 

Boyne, the battle of, ii. 51. 

Bowles, sir John, ii. 271. 

Braddon, fined for talking of lord 
Essex's murder, i. 570. 

Bradshaw, the regicide, i. 46. 

Braidalbin, earl of, sends seven- 
teen hundred Highlanders into 
the west of Scotland to live on 
free quarter, i. 418. his con- 
duct in the affair of Glencoe, 
ii. 88. 157. 

Brandenburgh, elector of, i. 15, 
332, 342, 367. his death and 
character, 746, 747, 748. 

Brandenburgh, elector of, takes 
Keiserwaert and Bonne, ii. 28. 
joins the Dutch in Flanders, 
52, 198, 230, 243. is king of 
Prussia ; see Prussia. 

Brandon, lord, i. 646, 647. 

Brayer, father, i. 566. 

Brereton, lord, chairman of the 
committee at Brook-house, i. 

Brett, Dr. ii. 603. 

Bridges, Mr. his accounts, ii. 567. 

Bridgman, lord keeper, i. 226, 
253. for a comprehension, 
259. and union with Scotland, 
280. refuses to seal a declara- 
tion for toleration, and is dis- 
missed, 307. 

Brihuega, the loss there, ii. 556. 

Bristol, countess of, a holder of 
first-fruits, ii. 713. 

Bristol, earl of, his character, i. 
100. consults with the papists 
for a general toleration, 193, 
194, 195. a prediction of his, 
196. he attacks the earl of Cla- 
rendon, 194, 494, 615, 793. 
A a4 



Broderick, sir Allen, i. 74, 194. 

Bromley, Mr. stands for speaker, 
and loses it, ii. 428, 429, 488. 
is chosen speaker 101710,558. 

Brounker, lord, of the royal so- 
ciety, i. 192. 

Brounker, i. 219. 

Brown, Mr. (brother to lord 
Montacute,) i. 752. 

Brown, lady, i. 394. 

Bruce, earl of Kincardin. See 

Bnice, his secret management 
for king James I. i. 8, 9. 

Bruce, bishop of Dunkeld, turn- 
ed out for speaking against 
the repeal of the penal laws, i. 

Bruce, a puritan, i. iS. 

Bruce, sir Alexander, ii. 3 2 1 . 

Brunswick, ii. 244, 321. See 

Brussels bombarded, ii. 152. 

Buchanan quoted by Cromwell, 
in favour of king Charles the 
first's death, i. 42. 

Buckingham, duke of, i. 17, 19, 
20, 48. fawned on by archbi- 
shop Laud, 50. ' 

Buckingham, second duke of, 
in favour with king Charles H. 
52. his character, ibid. 100. en- 
deavours to injure lord Claren- 
don in the king's opinion, 248. 
promotes Wilkins to the see of 
Chester, 253. presses the king 
to own a marriage with Mon- 
mouth's mother, 260. pro- 
poses to steal away the queen, 
262. brings Davies and Gwynn 
to the king, 263. his friends, 
265. moves for dissolving the 
parliament, 279. is for an 
union with Scotland, 280. and 
an alliance with France, 300, 
303. 3^3i 327- hinders Os- 
sory's design on Helvoetsluys, 
334. sends over a French mis- 
tress to the king, 337. 345, 

346. offers to take out of both 
houses those that opposed the 
king's declaration, 349. con- 
certs with lord Clifford on a 
successor to the latter, 350, 
360. is attacked by the com- 
mons, 365. loses the king's 
favour, ibid, opposes the test 
act, 384, 388. questions the 
legality of prorogations, 401. 
sent to the Tower, 402, 431, 


Buckingham, (Sheffield,) duke of, 
(see Normanby,) ii. 314. is 
made privy seal to queen 
Anne, ibid. 315, 429, 491* 
and lord steward of the house- 
hold, 553, 561. 

Bull, Dr. made bishop of St. Da- 
vid's, ii. 406. 

Bullion, duke of, i. 13. 

Burgundy, duke of, ii. 176. mar- 
ries the duke of Savoy's daugh- 
ter, 253. heads the French 
army in Flanders, 323, 324. 
takes Brisack, 350. conimands 
in Flanders in 1708, 503, 509. 
quarrels with the duke of Ven- 
dome, 530. is dauphin by his 
father's death, 568. See Dau- 

Burlington, lord, i. 254. 

Burnet made archbishojj of Glas- 
gow, i, 206. his character, 
207. sent to the king, 211. 
severe to prisoners, 236, 237. 
proposes a special council at 
Glasgow, 240, 243, 247, 278. 
against the indulgence, 283. 
resigns his archbishopric, 286. 
is restored to it, 374. his 
death, 590. 

Burnet, (father of the author,) 
declines some overtures, made 
him by Cromwell, in a plear 
sant way, i. 80. his character, 
ii. 672. his death, 674. 

Burnet, Gilbert, (the author,) 
reasons of his undertaking a 



history of his own times, i. 5. 
his character and opinion of 
the EIkuv BaffiKiKfj, 5 1, his in- 
timate acquaintance with the 
affairs of Scotland during the 
first twelve years of Charles II. 
induces him to divide his his- 
tory into two periods, 92. mar- 
ries lady Margaret Kennedy, 
108. refuses promotion in the 
church at the age of nineteen, 
155. of an inquisitive turn, 
200. recommended to lord 
Mollis, 207. Scotch bishops 
jealous of him, 208. draws up 
a memorial against them, 217. 
lays some grievances of the 
clergy before the bishops, ibid, 
is out of favour with lord Lau- 
derdale, 245. his letter to lord 
Tweedale, advising some of the 
moderate presbyterians to be 
placed in the vacant churches, 
280. which is acted on, 281. 
chosen divinity professor at 
Glasgow, 287. hated and re- 
viled by the episcopal party, 
288. is at ^ conference with 
the presbyterians, 295, 296, 
297. in great favour with the 
earl of Lauderdale, 298. writes 
memoirs of the two dukes of 
Hamilton, ibid, reconciles the 
dukes of Hamilton and Lau- 
derdale, 299. refuses to give 
up sir Rob. Murray, ibid, pro- 
poses a further indulgence, 
300. refuses a bishopric, ibid, 
refuses it with the promise of 
the first vacant archbishopric, 
339. obtains a further indulg- 
ence, 341. his remonstrances 
to duke Lauderdale, 355. 
pleases the duke of Bucking- 
ham, 356. has many marks of 
the king's favour, ibid, attacks 
the duke of York about his re- 
ligion, 357. introduces Dr. 
Stillingfleet to him, 358, 359, 

360. the duke's private dis- 
course, 361. Lauderdale per- 
secutes him, 362. he is dis- 
graced at court, 37 ^ 372, 373- 
examined by the house of com- 
mons touching duke Lauder- 
dale, 379. is made chaplain at 
the Rolls, 380. his conference 
with Coleman, 395. under- 
takes to write the History of 
the Reformation, 395, 396. 
what passed between himself, 
Tonge, and Oates, 427, 428, 
429. his opinion of the wit- 
nesses, 433, 434. his private 
interviews with the king. 434, 
43 7 J 438* 439- his thoughts 
on the exclusion, 459. in fa- 
vour with the house of com- 
mons, 483. his expedient of a 
prince regent, 496. he lives 
retired, 499. attacked in poems 
and sermons, 500. his letter 
to the king about his course of 
life, 507. his reception after- 
wards, 508. his opinion of the 
test, 5 1 9. his good offices to 
the earl of Argile, 520, 522. 
examined in council concern- 
ing lord Russel's speech, 562. 
goes over to France, 564. his 
character of some eminent men 
there, 564, 565, 566, 567. 
deposes against lord Howard's 
credit, 571. turned out of all 
his preferments, 596. goes out 
of England, 628. resides at 
Paris, 655. his account of the 
persecution in France, 655, 
<^^56, 657, 658, 659, 660. well 
received at Rome, 661. cardi- 
nal Howard's freedom with 
him, 662. the cruelty he saw 
in Orange, 663. his observa- 
tion on the reformed churches, 
686, 687, 688. is invited to 
the prince and j)rincess of O- 
range, 688. discovers a con- 
spiracy against the prince, 689. 

36 3 


his character of the prince and 
princess, ibid. 690. much em- 
ployed and trusted by them, 

691. puts the princess on de- 
claring what share the prince 
may expect in the government, 

692. forbid their court in ap- 
pearance at king James's in- 
stance, 708. is more trusted, 
ibid, draws Dyckvelt's private 
instructions when sent ambas- 
sador to England, 708, 709, 
725. is prosecuted in Scot- 
land for high treason, 726. 
haturalized at the Hague, ibid. 
Albeville demand^ him to be 
delivered up or banished, 728. 
the States' answer, 7 29. other 
designs on his life, 730. ac- 
quaints the house of Hanover 
with the prince of Orange's 
design, and intimates the pro- 
bability of an entail on that 
family, 757. goes with the 
prince of Orange as his chap- 
lain, 776. what passed be- 
tween the prince and him at 
landing, 779. his advice to 
the princess of Orange, 782. 
draws up an association at 
Exeter, 793. his conference 
with the marquis of Halifax 
concerning king James, 794, 
799. protects the Papists and 
Jacobites at London from in- 
sults, 802. opposes Benthink 
in behalf of the princess of 
Orange, 818. declares her sen- 
timents, 821. is made bishop 
of Salisbury, ii. 8. opposes the 
imposing the oaths on the 
clergy, 8, 9. for the toleration, 
10, for leaving the compre- 
hension to the convocation, 
ibid, by king William's order 
moves the naming the duchess 
of Hanover in the succession, 
15. enters into a correspon- 
dence with her, 16. endea- 

vours to preserve episcopacy 
in Scotland, 23, 26. lord Mel- 
vil excludes him from med- 
dling in Scotch affairs, ibid, 
his share in the scheme for a 
comprehension, 30, 31, king 
William's free discourse to 
him about the civil list, 35. 
Montgomery's plot discovered 
to him, 37. his reply to king 
William when the civil list 
was granted only for a term of 
years, 43. dissuades the duke 
of Shrewsbury from resigning, 
45. king William's discourse 
to him before he went to Ire- 
land, 46. he is reflected upon 
by both parties, 118. is for 
erecting the Bank of England, 
124. his friendship with arch- 
bishop Tillotson, 135. attends 
queen Mary in her last sick- 
ness, 137, 138. speaks for the 
bill of attainder against sir 
John Fen wick, 193. does him 
private services, ibid, is made 
preceptor to the duke of Glou- 
cester against his will, 210, 
211. his character of the czar 
of Muscovy, and conversation 
with him, 221. he publishes 
an Exposition of the Thirty- 
nine Articles, 226, 227. a mo- 
tion to remove him from the 
duke of Gloucester rejected in 
the house of commons by a 
great majority, 237. his con- 
duct in that prince's educa- 
tion, 245, 246. the lower 
house of convocation censure 
his Exposition, 284, 285. but 
refuse to point out their ob- 
jections, 285. he attends king 
William in his last sickness, 
302, 303. his character of that 
prince, 304. he opposes a 
clause in the bill for prince 
George of Denmark, 339. his 
zeal against the occasional 



bill, 338, 364. his scheme for 
augmenting the poor livings 
in England takes effect, 370, 
371. he argxies for the union, 
464. his reflections on it, 467, 
468. he proposes that forfeit- 
ures in treason shall not af- 
fect the posterity, 522. argues 
against Sacheverel, 543, 544. 
speaks freely to the queen, 
547. reasons for continuing 
his History beyond its first 
intended period, 548, 549. 
his justification of the old mi- 
nistry, 574. he speaks freely 
to the qxieen against the peace, 
582, 583. his sentiments as to 
censuring AVTiiston's tenets in 
convocation, 603. a speech pre- 
pared by him in case the mi- 
nistry had moved for an ap- 
probation of the peace, 623, 
624, 625, 626, 627, 628. 

Burnet, sir Alexander, ii. 674. 

Burnet, Robert, ii. 674. 

Burnet, Thomas, brother of the 
author, ii. 674. 

Burnet, Thomas, (judge Burnet,) 
his life of Gilbert Burnet, ii. 
672, to 726. 

Burton, i. 259, 506. ii. 14. 

Buys, plenipotentiar)' at Gertruy- 
denberg, ii. 551, 607. 

Byng, sir George, sent after Four- 
bin to Scotland, ii, 499, 500. 
prevents the pretender's land- 
ing there, chases the French 
fleet, and takes their vice-ad- 
miral, 500, 501. 

Cabal, i. 308. 

Calais, a proposal to recover it 
for England, i. 72. 

Cadiz, the expedition thither, ii. 

330. 33I-. 

Calamy, Benj. i. 462. 

Calamy, Edmund, refuses a bi- 
shopric, i. 185. 

Calemburgh, admiral, saves the 
Dutch fleet near Beacby by a 

stratagem, ii. 53. 

Calonitz, cardinal, ii. 350. 

Callieres, ii. 1 79. 

Camaret, a design upon it mis- 
carries, ii. 129, 130. 

Cambray, archbishop of, ii. 815, 
216, 225, 226. 

Cambridge, duke of, proposal for 
his precedence, ii. 587. 

Cameron, i. 511. 

Campbell, sir Hugh, tried, i. 580. 

Campbell, i. 548. father and son 
imprisoned, 636, 637. 

Canada, an expedition thither un- 
successful, ii. 577, 578. 

Cant, i. 34. 

Capel, sir Henry, i. 478. votes for 
the exclusion, 48 1 . Capel, lord, 
sent one of the lords justices to 
Ireland, ii. 119, is made lord 
lieutenant, 159. his dispute 
with Porter the lord chancellor 
there, ibid. i6o. 

Caprara, ii. 84. 

CarafFa, ii. 84. 

Cardenas, Don Alonso de, endea- 
vours to engage Cromwell in 
the Spanish interest, i. 72. 

Cargill, executed, i. 5 1 1 , 5 1 2. ob- 
stinacy of his followers, ibid. 

Carlisle, earl of, i. 65, 80, 261, 
372, 493. ii. 192, 316. 

Carlton, sir Dudley, his advice to 
king James I. to beware of 
priests, i. 12. 

Carmarthen, marquis of, (see 
Danby,) i. 453. made presi- 
dent of the council, ii. 4. sets 
the whigs upon attacking the 
marquis of Halifax, ibid. 39, 
41, 45, 56. is himself attack- 
ed, 68, 69. discovers a nego- 
ciation with king James, 69. 
is attacked for a ])resent said 
to have been made him by the 
East India company, 145,146. 
impeached for it, ibid, he is 



made duke of Leeds, 155. See 

Carmarthen, marquis of, his son, 
commands a squadron, ii. 155. 

Carolina, project of a plantation 
there, i. 526. 

Caron, a priest, i. 194. 

Carstairs, his letters taken, i. 340, 
375. a persecutor of conven- 
ticles, 399, 400, his practices 
against Lauderdale and Staley, 
433, 439. dies in horror, ibid, 
put to the torture, 584, 636. 

Cartwright made bishop of Ches- 
ter, i. 695, 700, 739. 

Caryl, a divine with Richard 
Cromwell, i. 82. 

Caryl, sent to Rome, i. 623. 

Casal, surrendered to be demo- 
lished, ii. 154. 

Cassiles, earl of, i. 22. sent to 
the Hague to treat with king 
Charles H. 52. desires to ex- 
plain the oath of supremacy, 

144. quits his employments, 

145. moves in parliament a- 
gainst the king's marrying a 
papist, 174, 227. ii. 681. 

Cassiles, earl of, his son, against 
the act to punish conventicles, 
i. 292. 

Castile, Almirante of, ii. 419. 

Castlemaiu, lady, opposes lord 
Clarendon, i. 248. 

Castlemain, earl of. See Palmer. 

Catalonia, a rising there, ii. 419. 

Catharine, queen of Charles 11. 
i. 260. ii. 392. 

Catinat, mareschal, ii. 1 1 1, 112, 
286, 323. 

" Causes of God's wrath upon the 
Nation," a tract by Guthry, 
for which he is executed, i. 

Cavendish, lord, i. 351, 388. his 
character, 389. desists from 
going to council, 478. offers 
to manage lord Russel's es- 
cape, 560. See Devonshire. 

Cecil, secretary, his private cor- 
respondence with king James, 
i. 8. 

Cellier, Mrs. gets Dangerfield out 
of prison, i. 475. 

Century, the 18th, how opened, 
ii. 253, 254, 255, 256, 257. 

Cevennes, the insurrection there, 
ii. 329. 356. 357. is quieted 
at last, 392, 393. 

Chaise, father la, i, 369. his cha- 
racter, 567, 709. 

Chamberlain, Dr. i. 752. 

Chamier, ii. 673. 

Chamilliard, ii. 494, 509. he is 
dismissed, 530. 

Chancery appeals to the house 
of lords, occasion a dispute be- 
tween the two houses of par- 
liament, i. 385. 

Chan ley sent to the duke of Sa- 
voy, ii. 355- 

Charenton, i. 345. 

Charity schools, thdr rise here, 
ii. 216,317. 

Charles of Grats, a patron of the 
Jesuits, i. 12. 

Charles Lewis, elector palatine, 
his motives of choosing a reli- 
gion., i. 14. 

Charles V. emperor, subdues the 
Smalcaldick leagiie, i. 310, 

Charles VI. (see Charles III. 
king of Spain) chosen empe- 
ror, and crowned at Frank-- 
fort, ii. 576,582. sends prince 
Eugene to England, 589. re- 
solves to carrj' on the war with 
France, 611, 613, 615, 616. 
will not come into the treaty 
of Utrecht, 618, 619. 

Charles II, king of Spain, ii. 123. 
hearty against France, ibid, is 
attacked in Catalonia, and re- 
lieved by the English fleet, 
128, 129. his sickness, 178, 
206, 210, 223. a treaty for 
the partition of his succession, 
223, his death, and pretended 



will, 251. the duke of Anjou 
declared his successor, ibid. 
Charles III. king of Spain, owned 
by England, ii. 35 2, 353. comes 
over hither, 353. 354. goes to 
Lisbon, 354, thence to Cata- 
lonia, 419. is for besieging 
Barcelona, 420. his letters to 
queen Anne and lord Godol- 
phin, 422. Valentia and Cata- 
lonia declare for him, 443. 
stays at Barcelona when be- 
sieged by the French, 444, 

447. delays going to Madrid, 

448. Arragon declares for him, 

449. and Carthagena, 450. 
takes Alicant, ibid, earl Rivers 
sent with forces to him, 453. 
his affairs take an unhappy 
turn, 473, 478, 479. seven 
thousand imperialists sent him 
from Italy, 479. he marries 
the princess of VVolfembuttle, 
480. complains of the earl of 
Peterborough, 492. the con- 
duct in Spain censured, 493. 
supplies sent from Italy to 
Spain by sir John Leak, 504. 
the campaign in 1709, 531. 
the battle of Almanara, 555. 
he goes to Madrid, 556. the 
battle of Villa Viciosa, ibid, he 
is neglected by his allies, and 
his affairs go amiss, 556, 557. 
he succeeds to the Austrian 

. dominions, 568. quiets the 
troubles in Hungary, ibid, 
leaves his queen in Spain, and 
goes to Italy, 575. thence into 
Germany 576. is chosen em- 
peror, 575. See Charles VI. 

Charles I. of England, at first a 
friend to puritans, i. 19. dis- 
likes his father's familiar be- 
haviour, 20. crowned in Scot- 
land, 2 1. erects a new bishop- 
ric at Edinburgh, 22. his af- 
fairs in Scotland decline in 

consequence of lord Balmeri- 
nock's trial, 25. feebleness of 
the government,26. complaints 
of popery, 27. ill state of the 
king's affairs, 30. good advice 
given, but not followed, 38, 
39. his slowness ruins the 
treaty in the isle of AVight, 
44. the secret of the design 
of erecting the Netherlands 
into a republic ill kept by 
him, 48. who were chiefly 
concerned in his death, 46. 
his behaviour at the last, 47. 
his death turned the nation, 
49. his EIkuv Baa-tXiKv], 50. an 
unfavourable character of him 
by our author, 298. statue 
erected at Charing-cross, 373. 
an indecent parallel between 
him and our Saviour, in a ser- 
mon by Dr. Binks, ii. 316. 
Charles II. his son, proclaimed 
king by the Scots, i. 5 1 . they 
send commissioners to him at 
the Hague, 53. he goes to 
Scotland, and is ill used, 54. 
56. his declaration condemn- 
ing himself and his father, 
56. attempts to escape, but 
prevented, 57. is crowned, and 
takes the covenant, ibid, comes 
into England, and is pursued 
by Cromwell, 58. a body in 
the Highlands stand firm, 59, 

60. their little army routed, 

61. the king and his brother 
dismissed from France, 73. he 
changed his religion there, 73, 
74. goes to the congress at 
the Pyrenees, 85. matters in 
England tending to his resto- 
ration, he goes to Breda, 86. 
he is called home without 
terms, 88, 89. the nation runs 
into vice, 92. the king's cha- 
racter, 93. the state of his 
court, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 
100. owes his bad morals to 



the duke of Buckingham, i oo. 
the chief of the Scots, loi, 
102, 103, 104. a general par- 
don in Scotland advised, 105. 
and to demolish Cromwell's 
forts, 107. and for settling the 
church, IC7, 108. the king 
confirms presbytery, 109. a 
council for Scotch affairs at 
Whitehall, no. the committee 
of estates meet, 112. a parlia- 
ment called, 113. the king dis- 
approves of the rescissory act, 
1 19. is indifferent as to restor- 
ing episcopacy, 131. angry at 
the incapacitating act, 151. 
gives himself up to pleasure, 

164. maintains the indemnity, 

165. his marriage, 166. sells 
Dunkirk, 173. the ceremony 
of his marriage, 174. Ireland, 
settled, 175. his declaration 
for toleration, 1 94. endeavours 
to skreen the earl of Claren- 
don, 196. discontinues the ec- 
clesiastical commission in Scot- 
land, 213. augments the forces 
there, 214. resolves on the 
Dutch war, 218. the victory 
over them not followed, 219. 
the EngHsh fleet saved by 
prince Rupert, 229. his acti- 
vity and care at the fire of 
London, 232. a rebellion in 
the west of Scotland, 233, 
234, 235. is defeated, and the 
prisoners severely used, 235, 
236, 237, 238. the Scotch 
council changed, and modera- 
tion shewn, 239. the Scotch 
army disbanded, 243. the king 
tries to regain the affections of 
his people, 248. rides through 
the city while the Dutch were 
in the river, 250. is compared 
by some to Nero, ibid, grows 
wear)' of his wife and of lord 
Clarendon, 251. seems to fa- 
vour a comprehension, 253. 

enters into the triple alliance, 
254. offended at many of the 
bishops, 258. will not own a 
marriage with the duke of 
Monmouth's mother, 260. sets 
on lord Roos's divorce, 262. 
rejects a proposal to send the 
queen away by surprise, ibid, 
goes to the house of lords, 
271. and solicits votes, 272. 
orders an indulgence in Scot- 
land, 281. dislikes the act 
against conventicles, 292. ob- 
jects to bloody laws, ibid, 
shuts up the exchequer, 306. 
suspends the penal laws by his 
declaration, 307. an attempt 
on the Dutch Smyrna fleet, 
ibid, complains to Sheldon of 
the sermons against popery, 
308. creates his mistress duch- 
ess of Portsmouth, 337, 338. 
jealousies of him, 344. divi- 
sions at court, 346. and in 
council, 348, 349. cancels his 
own declaration suspending 
the penal laws, 351. sends 
plenipotentiaries to Cologne, 
353, 354. calls a parliament 
in Scotland, 362. mediates a 
peace between France and 
Holland, 367. he prorogues 
the parliament in England, 
368. and in Scotland, 369. 
deals roughly with the Scotch 
lawyers in appeals, 370. mar- 
ries his niece lady Mary to the 
prince of Orange, 410. his 
easiness in signing papers, 
417. refuses to see the Scotch 
lords who come up with com- 
plaints of Lauderdale, 419. 
suffers the duke of Monmouth 
to intercede for them, 420. his 
going to Newmarket when the 
popish plot broke out is cen- 
sured, 427. refuses his assent 
to the militia act, 437. his 
sense of the plot, 437, 438. 



his messnge to the coninions 
against Movintague, 440. the 
parliament prorogued, 442. a 
reward offered for further dis- 
coveries of the plot, 449. a 
new parliament called, 451. 
he refuses Seymour for speaker, 
452. disowns his marriage with 
the duke of Monmouth's mo- 
ther, ibid, changes his council, 
454' 455- debates in council 
about dissolving the parlia- 
ment, 468. sends Monmouth 
to suppress the rebellion in 
Scotland, 472. when ill, sends 
for the duke of York, 474, 
476. jealousies of him, 476, 
478. sends the duke of York 
to Scotland, 480. asks a sup- 
ply for Tangier, 483. a great 
reader of Davila, 486, sum- 
mons a parliament at Oxford, 
495. likes the scheme of a 
prince regent in lieu of the 
exclusion, 496. by his decla- 
tion complains of the three 
last parliaments, 499, 500. 
a pleasant saying of his, 507, 
charters of corporations sur- 
rendered, 527. changes in the 
ministry, and divisions, 531. 
the Rye-House plot, 545. a 
proclamation thereupon, 546. 
his concern for the duke of 
Monmouth, 549. sends to the 
common council of London 
to deliver up their charter, 
568. calling a parliament pro- 
posed, but rejected, 568, 569. 
he pardons the duke of Mon- 
mouth, 573. forbids him the 
court, 575. a passage between 
him and the prince of Orange, 
ibid, his advice to judge Jef- 
feries, 580. he determines that 
h\isbands in Scotland shall 
be fined for their wives going 
to conventicles, 582. abandons 
Tangier, 593. a strange prac- 

tice in a trial of blood, 600. 
and in the marriage of the earl 
of Clancarty's son, 600, 601. 
employs ])aplsts in Ireland, 
and tries to model the army 
there, 601, 602. suspicions of 
his declaring himself a papist, 
603. a new scheme of govern-' 
ment concerted at lady Ports- 
mouth's, 604. the king's fond- 
ness to her, 605. his sickness, 
606. takes the sacrament in 
the popish way, 607. his death, 
609, a remarkable story relat- 
ing to it, 610. his character, 
611. an attempt to resume his 
grants, ii. 220, 567. his man- 
ners and address, 661. 

Charlton, i. 625. 

Charnock is sent over to king 
James, ii. 148, engages in the 
assassination plot, 165, 171. 
is executed, and acquits king 
James of it, ibid. 172. 

Charter of London, arguments 
in the King's Bench concern- 
ing its forfeiture, i. 533. the 
judgment given, 535. 

Charteris, Mr. his character, i. 
215, 216, 248, 285, 293. re- 
fuses a bishopric, 300, 519. 
attends on the earl of Argile 
at his execution, 633. ii. 675. 

Chatham, Dutch fleet sail up to, 
i. 242, 250. 

Cheyne, Dr. ii. 724. 

Chiaus, a, sent by the sultan to 
Vienna, ii. 393. 

Chichely sends for our author to 
the house of commons, i. 483. 

Chiffinch, i. 507. 

Child, sir Josiah, his death and 
character, ii. 225. 

Chimney-money discharged in 
England at the revolution, ii. 
13. is established in Scotland 
soon after, 64. 

" Christianity not Mysterioits," 
by Toland, ii. 283. 



Christina, queen of Sweden, i. 
8 1, her character of popes, 
707. ii. 199. 

Clmdleigh, i. 577, 623. 

Church, high and low, two party 
terms, ii. 347. 

Church, The, a party watch- 
word, ii. 425, 542. 

Church of England, remarks on, 
ii. 634. 

Churchill, lord, sent ambassador 
to France, i. 623. his charac- 
ter, 765. goes to the prince 
of Orange at Axminster, 791. 
See Marlborough, earl of. 

Churchill, lady, her character, i. 
765. accompanies the princess 
of Denmark to Northampton, 
792. See Marlborough, count- 
ess of. 

Cibo, cardinal, i. 704. 

Civil list granted but for a year, 
ii. 12, 38. for five years, 42. 
for life, 208. a debt upon it 
paid by a mortgage of part of 
the revenue, 628. 

Claget, Dr. i, 462, 674. 

Clancarty, countess of, recom- 
mends her son's education to 
Dr. Fell, i. 601. he is taken 
from thence, ibid. 

Clare, earl of, deposes in favour 
of Sidney, i. 571. 

Clarendon, earl of, his history 
faithful, i. 33, 60. for reject- 
ing lord Antrim's petition, 40. 
his character, 94. disgusts the 
cavaliers, 98, 99. persuades 
the king to observe the in- 
demnity, T05. is for keeping 
garrisons in the Scotch forts, 
107. proposes a Scotch coun- 
cil at Whitehall, 110. pre- 
vents an attack on duke Lau- 
derdale, 12 1. zealous for re- 
storing episcopacy in Scotland, 
131, J 48, 151. against the in- 

' capacitating act, 152. tries to 
support Middletoun, ibid, his 

moderation, 159. his good ad- 
vice in disbanding the old ar- 
my, 161. and in maintaining 
the indemnity, 165, 166. re- 
fuses a present of ten thousand 
pounds, 167, 173. visits none 
of the king's mistresses, 175. 
makes good judges, ibid, ad- 
vises the declaration as to ec- 
clesiastical affairs, 178, 185, 
186, 192. tries to divide the 
papists, 194, 195. accused by 
lord Bristol, 1 96. not consult- 
ed as to the Dutch war, 200. 
disgraced, 248, 249, 252. his 
integrity, 254. impeached by 
the commons, ibid, his con- 
duct upon it, 255. goes be- 
yond sea at the king's desire, 
256. banished by act of par- 
liament, ibid. 350, 477, 507, 
619. said to write all the 
king's speeches, 362. 

Clarendon, earl of, his son, i. 
159. his character, 257. the 
commons' address against him 
as favouring papists, 484, 507. 
made lieutenant of Ireland, 
654, 681. recalled, 682. re- 
flects on king James, and joins 
the prince of Orange, 794. 
sent to treat with the lords 
sent by king James, 795, 800. 
reconciles himself to the Jaco- 
bites, 807. for a prince regent, 
810. he opposes the govern- 
ment, ii. 29. corresponds with 
king James, 69. is pardoned, 
but confined to his house in 
the country, 71, 700. 

Clarendon, countess of, i. 231, 

552. 750. 753- 

Clarges, his character, i. 84, 98. 

Claypole married Cromwell's 
daughter, i. 83. 

Clayton, i. 498, 504. 

Clement, prince, chosen coad- 
jutor to Cologne, i. 760, 770, 
772. 773- 



Clement XI. chosen pope, ii. 

Clerg}', English, king Charles II. 
reproves their conduct, i. 258. 
a great heat against them, 
461. their controversy with 
the church of Rome, 673. by 
whom managed, 674. invite 
the prince of Orange to de- 
fend them, 701. welcome him 
here, 802. an ill humour 
spreads amongst them at the 
revolution, ii. 11. they take 
the oaths with too many re- 
servations, 28. instrumental to 
corrupt the people, 29. act 
contrary to their oaths, joi. 
oppose archbishop Tillotson, 
117, 118. divisions among 
them, 215, 247, 249. irre- 
concileable to dissenters, ibid, 
raise a cry of the church in 
danger, 317, 364, 370, 379, 
380, 435. their ill humour in- 
creases, 526. they espouse Sa- 
cheyerel, 540, 543, 554. many 
incline to popery, 603, 604. 

Clergy, Scotch, pleased with 
Dalziel's cruelty in the west, 
i. 238. their behaviour blamed, 
247. are ill used by the pres- 
byterians, 248. move for a na- 
tional synod, 370. insulted by 
the presbyterians at the revo- 
lution, 805. are in the inter- 
ests of king James II. 23. 
which occasions the abolish- 
ing episcopacy in Scotland, 
ibid. 157. 

Cleveland, duchess of, i. 94, 263, 
264, 422. 

Clifford, i. 223. his character 
225, 251, 265. made lord 
treasurer, 307. one of the ca- 
bal, 308, 345. his zeal for po- 
pery, 308, 346. in the house 
of lords and cabinet council, 
348, 349. is disgraced, 350, 
355, 614. ii. 684. 


Cochran, sir John, i. 548, 629, 

Cohorn, a great engineer, ii. 153, 

323. 348- 
Coin, its ill state, ii. 140. con- 
sultations to prevent clipping, 
147. lord Somers's expedient, 
ibid, the coin rectified, 161. 
cost the nation two millions, 

Colchester, lord, joins the prince 
of Orange, i. 790. 

Coleman sent to draw lady Bel- 
lasis to popery, i. 353. his 
character, i. 368, 392. in- 
trigues, 393, 394. conference 
with Dr. Burnet and others, 
395. accused by Oates, 426. 
his letters confirm the popish 
plot, 427, 430. his trial, 436. 
and execution, 437. ii. 684. 

Colledge, his trial and condem- 
nation, i. 504, 505. 

Cologne, elector of, puts his 
country into the hands of the 
French, i. 321, 323, 367. his 
death and character, 758. the 
state of Cologne at his death, 
759, 761, 770, 772. his suc- 
cessor's conduct, ii. 123, 289, 

Colt, sir William, ii. 95. 

Colvil, i. 157. 

Comet appears just before the 
Dutch war, i. 218. 

Committee of council sent round 
the west of Scotland, i. 288. 

Comprehension attempted at the 
restoration without success, i. 
182. attempted in vain at the 
revolution, ii. 30, 31, 32. 
happy it did not succeed, 33, 

Compton, Dr. made bishop of 
London, his character, i. 392. 
attends king Charles in his 
last sickness^ 606. is against 
repealing the test, 665. re- 
fuses to suspend Dr. Sharp, 



675. brought before the ec- 
clesiastical commission, 676. 
suspended by them, 677. meets 
at the lord Shrewsbury's, 712. 
for the prince of Orange, 764. 
conveys the princess of Den- 
mark to Northampton, 792. 
gives in a list of tories for the 
lieutenancy of London, ii. 40, 
285. his death, 630. 

Con, i. 440. 

Cond^, prince of, offers to turn 
protestant, i. 72. makes the 
Spaniards court Cromwell,ibid. 
322. his character of the 
French king and ministry, 
333> 334. 376. admires the 
prince of Orange, 377, 391, 
404, 405. his character, 565. 

Condom, bishop of, i. 656. 

" Conduct of the Allies," a noted 
pamphlet, ii. 581. 

Conference at the Savoy, i. 

Conformity, occasional, debate 
on, ii. 401. bill against, 584, 

585- . 

Coniers, i. 424, 426. 

Conspirators met at West's cham- 
bers, i. 542. rendezvous on 
Tumham Green, ii. 167. some 
escape, the rest are seized, 

Conti, prince of, i. 405. ii. 196. 
a candidate for the crown of 
Poland, 196, J 97. his descent 
there, 198. 

Conventicles, an act passed to 
punish them, i. 292. 

Convention of estates turned into 
a parliament, i. 88, 165. ii. 

Convocation alter the common 

prayer, i. 184, 186. give the 
king four subsidies, 197. re- 
ject the scheme for a compre- 
hension, ii. 33. prorogued for 
ten years, ibid. 214, 249. meet 
in 1700. 280, 281, 282. their 

proceedings, ibid. Disputes 
between the two houses, 282, 
283. the lower house censure 
books, 283, 284, 285. dissolved 
by king William's death, 317, 
345. the two houses renew their 
disputes, 345, 346. the mi- 
nistry interpose in vain, 346. 
the lower house vote episco- 
pacy of divine right, 346, 347. 
meet in 1704. 380. and in 
1705. 412,413. further dis- 
putes between the two houses, 
441. the queen's letter to 
them, 442. are prorogued, 443. 
insist that they cannot be pro- 
rogued, sitting the parliament, 
470,471,472. the prolocu- 
tor's contumacy and submis- 
sion, ibid . are prorogued, 525. 
meet in 17 10. 569. their li- 
cence excepted against, 570. 
a new licence, ibid, the repre- 
sentation of the lower house, 
570,571. another of the up- 
per house, 571. the opinion of 
the judges as to their jurisdic- 
•tion, 572. the upper house 
censure Whiston's doctrine, 
572, 573. the lower house 
concur, 573, carried to the 
queen, ibid, their proceedings 
in 1712. 602, 603. their cen- 
sure on Whiston not confirmed 
by the queen, 573, 603. the 
bishops condemn the rebap- 
tizing dissenters, 605. the 
lower house do not concur in 
this, ibid. 

Conway, lord, i. 532. 

Cook, the regicide, i. 46. 

Cook, a presbyterian minister, i. 

Cook's (Coke's) opinion of treason 

in lord Russel's case, i. 554. 
Cook sent to the tower, i. 667. 
Cook, sir Thomas, governor of 

the India company, ii. 145. 

examined as to 170,000/. said 



to be given for secret service, 
145, 146. sent to the tower, 

Cook, sir William, i. 11. 

Cook tried for being in the plot 
of invasion in 1696, ii. 174, 
1 75. condemned and banished, 


Cooper, Ant. Astley, i. 85, 163. 
See Shaftsbury, earl of. 

Cojjenhagen besieged, ii. 243, 
244. a plague there, 579. 

Cornbury, i. 252. his regiment 
joins the prince of Orange, 

Cornish, chosen sheriff, his cha- 
racter, i. 480, 497. executed, 

. 651. 

Coronation of queen Anne, ii. 

Corruption, how universal, ii. 

Cosens, bishop, i. 262. 

Cotton, sir John, i. 396, 397. ii. 

Cotton, sir Robert, his library 
given to the public, ii, 441. 

Covenanters, their leaders' cha- 
racters, i. 28. Disputes among 
them, 61, 62, 63, 64. 

Coventry, Mr. H. i. 242. 

Coventry, sir John, reflects on 
the king's amours, i. 269. has 
his nose slit, 270. those who 
did it banished, ibid. 

Coventrj', sir William, the duke 
of York's secretary, i. 1 70. his 
character, 265. made secretary 
of state, 306, 364, 372, 388, 

. 398, 406. against a land army, 

41 1, an odd expression of his, 

412. another explained, 442. 
ii. 682. 

Court of Charles IL its immo- 
rality, i. 262, 267. 
Court of session in Scotland, i. 

Courtin, ambassador from France, 


Cowper, Mr. made lord keeper, 
ii. 426. refuses the usual new 
year's gifts, 439. is made a 
peer and lord chancellor, 472. 
resigns the seals, 553, 560, 

Craig, Dr. i. 1 7. 

Cranborn executed for the as- 
sassination plot, ii. 1 74. 

Cranmer, ecclesiastical laws by, 
ii. 126. 

Crawford, earl of, i. 39. his cha- 
racter, 102, 1 10. opposes the 
rescissory act, 118, 126. de- 
clares against episcopacy, 128, 
132, 147, 150. at the head of 
the presbyterians, ii. 29. 

Credit, public, destroyed by shut- 
ting the exchequer, i. 348. 
very great, ii. 438. sinks upon 
the change of the ministry, 


Crewe, bishop of Durham, his 
character, i. 392, 675, 676. ii. 

Crofts, bishop, made dean of the 
chapel, i. 258. 

Croissy, ambassador from France, 
i. 349. recalled, 366. 

Cromarty, earl of, ii. 397, 547. 
See Tarbet 

Cromwell, Oliver, argues with the 
Scotch for the king's death, i. 
42. enters Scotland, 54. dis- 
sembles when charged with 
putting force upon the parlia- 
ment, 45, 46. in suspense as 
to the king's ' death, ibid, 
marches into Scotland, 54. de- 
feats the Scots at Dunbar, 
ibid. Edinburgh capitulates, 
55. he displaces the governor 
of Aberdeen, 58. builds three 
forts in Scotland, 61. Depu- 
ties sent to him from the ge- 
neral assembly, 64. his max- 
ims, 65. his arts in gaining 
parties, 67, 68. debates for 
making him king, 69, 70. he 
B b 2 



refuses the crown, ibid, seizes 
money from the Spaniards, 7 1 . 
obtains the best intelligence of 
what passed abroad, and in 
Charles's court, i. 71,72. in- 
quires into the state of the 
protestants in France, 72. 
espouses the French interest in 
opposition to Spain, 73. his 
designs in the West Indies, 74. 
his zeal for the protestants 
abroad, 76, 77. some curious 
passages in his life, 78, 79. his 
public spirit, 80. the whole 
world stood in awe of him, 81. 
his death, 82,97, 98. said to 
have intrigued with miss Mur- 
ray, afterwards lady Dysert, 
Cromwell, Richard, his son, de- 
clared protector, i. 82. resigns, 


Crook, judge, i. 359, 381. 

Cudworth, Dr. his character, i. 
187,462. ii. 676. 

Culpepjier, lord, i. 798, 819. 

Cumberland, Dr. made bishop of 
Peterborough, ii. 76. 

Cunningham, sir John, i. 238, 

Cutts, lord, i. 549. ii. 169, 325. 

Cyprian, St. much studied by our 
author, ii. 678. 

Czar. See Muscovj-. 

Dada, nuntio to king James, 1.705. 

Daill^, of Charenton, ii.677. 

Dalrimple, sir James, president 
of the session in Scotland, i. 
369, 5 1 6. much trusted by 
king William, ii. 24. made lord 
Stair, 26. 

Dalrimple, sir John, his son, a 
coitimissioner to tender the 
crown to king William and 
queen Marj*, ii. 24. made con- 
junct secretary of state with 
lord Melvil, 74. is dismissed, 
90,157,458. See Stair. 

Dalziel, general, i. 214, 234. de- 

feats the rebels at Pentland 
Hill, 235. his cruelties in the 
west of Scotland, 238, 246. 

Danby, earl of, i. 352. patron of 
the church party, 373,378, 
383, 386. is attacked in the 
house of commons, 382, 398. 
his discourse with monsieur 
Courtin, 391, 392, 393, 402, 
403. tries to bring the king 
off from the French interest, 
407. proposes the lady Mary's 
marriage with the prince of 
Orange, 408, 409, 410, 411. 
supports Lauderdale, 420. gets 
the king to ask an additional 
revenue of three hundred thou- 
sand pounds for life, 421. is 
universally hated, 422, 424, 
438. his letters to Montague 
concerning a pension to king 
Charles from France, 440. im- 
peached, 441. the lords will 
not commit him, ibid. 442, 
448. treats with the country 
party for a new parliament, 
443. quits the treasury, 451. 
prevails on the king to send 
away the duke of York, 452. 
is prosecuted by the commons 
notwithstanding the king's 
pardon, 45 3 . a bill of attainder 
against him, 454, 455. is sent 
to the tower, 460, 469, 502. 
is bailed with the popish lords, 
591, 640. joins for inviting 
over the prince of Orange, 
712,764, 766,777,791,818, 
819, 820. made marquis of 
Carmarthen, ii. 4. See Carmar- 
then and Leeds. 

Dangerfield, his meal-tub plot, 
'\. 475, 476. convict of peijury 
and whipped, 637. his death, 

Danish affairs, MSS. relating to, 
in the Cotton library, i. 397. 

Dantzick, a plague there, ii. 534. 

Darby, earl of, li. 553. 



Darien, the Scots settle there, ii. 
216. pursue it at a vast ex- 
pense, 217. driven away by 
the Spaniards, 233, 234. voted 
in parliament a national affair, 
235* great disorders on it, 
ibid, it is a great inducement 
to the union, 467, 468. 

Dartmouth, lord, i. 544. sent to 
demolish Tangier, 593, 762. 
commands the fleet against 
the prince of Orange, 766. is 
forced into Plymouth, 789. 

Dartmouth, lord, ii. 314. made 
secretary of state, 552. 

D'Avaux, i. 734, 766. ii. 1 79,269. 

Davies, Mrs. i. 263. 

Davison, a puritan, i. 18. 

Dauphin of France, commands 
in Flanders in 1694. ii. 127, 
233. for accepting the king of 
Spain's will, 252. for owning 
the pretender king of England, 
293. his death, 568. 

Dauphin, his son, ii. 600. his 
death and character, ibid. See 

Dauphiny, campaigns there, ii. 

Dawes, sir William, made bishop 
of Chester, ii. 487. 

Deagle, attorney general, ii. 56. 


De Guiche, count, his intrigues, 
i. 302. 

De Groot, i. 305. 

De la Chaise, P. i. 426, 436, 567, 

De la Mere, lord, i. 629. tried 
and acquitted, 668. raises a 
regiment for the prince of O- 
range, 791, 801. made earl of 
Warrington, ii. 4. see War- 

De la Val, in the admiralty, ii. 
94, 104. 

De Luynes, a favourite of the 
king of France, prevails on 
him to be neutral in the af- 

fairs of Bohemia, i. 13. 

Denbigh, earl of, i. 30. 

Denmark, king of, i. 222,304. 
his death, ii. 230. 

Denmark, king of, his son, his al- 
liance against Sweden, ii. 230. 
makes peace by king William's 
mediation, 243, 244. his troops 
join the confederates at Ra- 
mellies, 450. goes to Italy, 
536. attacks the Swedes, and 
is defeated in Schonen, ibid, 
besieges Stralsund and Wismar 
without success, 579. the 
Danes are beat by Steinhock, 

Denmark, George prince of, he 
marries the princess Anne, i. 
562, 749, 766. joins the prince 
of Orange, 791. a settlement 
on him of one hundred thou- 
sand pounds a year if he sur- 
vive the queen, ii. 338,339. 
he is made lord high admiral 
with a council, and generalis- 
simo of all the forces, 313, 
3 1 4, 354. he sends a fleet into 
the Mediterranean, 358, 359. 
jealous of having too little 
power, 487. answers the com- 
plaints of the admiralty, 490. 
his death and character, 515, 

Denmark, Anne, princess of, 
sent to Bath, i. 750, 766. re- 
tires to Northampton at the 
revolution, 792, 819, 821. her 
revenue settled by parliament, 
ii. 91. creates a misunder- 
standing with king and queen, 
ibid, made up at the death of 
queen Mary, 149. her son's 
education, 210,211. her be- 
haviour at his death, 246. she 
succeeds to the crown, 309. 
message to her relative to her 
son's education, 716. See 
Queen Anne. 

De Ruyter, i. 87, 221. surprises 
our fleet at Solbay, i. 323, 334. 
B b 3 



Desborough, i. 70. 
D'Estrades, i. 331. 
D'Estrees, cardinal, i. 661. 
D'Estrees, mareschal, ii. 93. 
Des Vardes, his disgrace, i. 302, 


De Tonge, i. 424. 

De Torcy, M. ii. 527. 

Devonshire, countess of, i. 30. 

Devonshire, earl of, (see Caven- 
dish,) i. 389, 664. is at lord 
Shrewsbury's, 764. joins in 
inviting the prince of Orange, 
764,766,791. madelordstew- 
ard of the household, ii. 5, 15. 
is a duke, 175, 316,377,488. 
is turned out, 553. moves for 
a bill of precedence for the 
duke of Cambridge, 587, 590, 

D'Ewes, sir Simonds, ii. 662. 

De Wit, John, his character, i. 
219, 220, 226. Amsterdam 
weary of him, 221. worsts the 
English at sea, 229. his er- 
rors, 319, 324. his tragical 
death, 325,374. 

De Wit, Cornelius, tortured, i. 

Dickson, i. 34. 
Digby, sir Everard, his letters on 

the gunpowder plot, i. 11. 
Digby, sirKenelm, i. 11. 
Dilks sent to reinforce Lake, ii. 


Dissenters, courted by king James 
i. 701. their debates and re- 
solutions, 702. Divisions a- 
mong them, ii. 215, 247. 

Divorce, the bishops divided 
about it, ii. 126, 127. 

Dodd, one of Sacheverel's coun- 
sel, ii. 540. 

Dodwell, broaches strange no- 
tions, ii. 604, 640. 

Dolben, judge, removed, i.535. 

Dolben, bishop of Rochester, i. 
396. archbishop of York, i. 
590, 676. 

Dorchester, countess of, i. 682, 
748, 749. 

Dorset, earl of, his character, i. 
264,303. made lord chamber- 
lain, ii. 5. gives Prior an edu- 
cation, 580. 

Dorset, lady, i. 792. 

Doughty, Dr. i. 819. 

Dowglas, earl of Angus, i. 18, 19. 

Dowglas, lady Margaret, i. 19. 

Dowglas of Lochlevin, i. 34. 

Dowglas, a minister, i. 34. 

Dowglas, marquis of, i. 5 26. 

Downing, ambassador to Hol- 
land, i, 199. 

Drumlanerick, lord, joins the 
prince of Orange, i. 791. 

Drummond, general, i. 42. in- 
vites king Charles H. to Scot- 
land, 60, 214, 240, 288. is im- 
prisoned, 375. 

Dryden, a character of his plays, 
i. 269. 

Dublin declares for king William, 
ii. 52. 

Duflfus, lord, i. 148. 

Dugdale, his evidence in the po- 
pish plot, i. 444, 447, 450, 
465, 488, 491, 504, 505, 509. 

Du Mont, engaged to assassinate 
kingW^illiam, ii.95. 

Dumoulin, i. 374, 379. 

Dunbar, defeat of the Scotch 
there, i. 54. 

Dunbarton, earl of, i. 434. 

Duncomb, i. 265. made one of 
the lord justices of Ireland, ii. 

Dundee, earl of, heads the epi- 
scopal party in Scotland, i. 805. 
goes to Scotland to raise rebel- 
lion, ii. 22, 23. raises the high- 
lands, 26. routs the king's 
forces, 27. is killed in the ac- 
tion, ibid. 

Dundonald, earl of, i. 634. 

Dunfermling, earl of, i. 8, 27. 

Dunfreis, earl of, i. 21, 24, 213. 

Dunkirk, cardinal Mazarine pro- 



poses to Cromwell to take it, 
i. 72. 

Dunkirk, sold to the French, i. 
172. delivered to the English 
to be demolished, ii. 609, 610, 

Dunmore, discovers Balmeri- 
noch's petition, i. 23. 

Duppa, Brian, i. 177. 

Dutch, the, worsted at sea by 
the duke of York, i. 218. en- 
gage the English with advan- 
tage, 229. burn the ships at 
Chatham, 241, 242. their 
Smyrna fleet attempted, 307. 
surprise the English in Solbay, 
323. reduced to great extre- 
mities, 324, 325, 334, 335. are 
hated by the English, ii. 85, 
163,219. love king William, 
85, 219. their good conduct 
in their quarters, 86. they own 
the duke of Anjou king of 
Spain, 257. demand assistance 
from England and obtain it, 
263, 268. love the duke of 
Marlborough, 309, 416. pro- 
hibit trade with France, 335, 
349'53o>53i- Divisions a- 
mongst them, 349, 55 1. con- 
sent to the congress at Utrecht, 
582. their tirst barrier treaty, 
595,596. condemned by par- 
liament, 597,598. reflected on 
in the commons' address, 598. 
their memorial thereupon, ibid, 
the queen disengages herself 
from the alliances with them, 
607, 608. their memorial 
printed, 611. their plan of 
peace, 611,614. they sign the 
treaty at Utrecht, 615, 616, 
617. their second barrier trea- 
ty, 613,614,615. 

D'Uxelles, marquis, minister at 
Gertruydenburgh, ii. 551. 

Dyckvelt, ambassador to Eng- 
land, i. 324, 325. his charac- 
ter, 328, 337, 648, 691. sent 

again with instructions to ma- 
nage all sorts of people in 
England, 708, 710, 711, 712, 
781. ii. 693. 

Dysert, countess of, 1. 245, 246, 
279, 289, 299, 306. 

Earl, bishop of Salisbury, i. 225. 

Earl, general, ii. 507, 508. 

Earthquake in England in 1692. 
ii. 100. 

East India company, their secret 
presents, ii. 145. a new com- 
pany erected, 209, 210, 220. 
the two companies join, 296. 

*• Ecclesiastical Polity" by Hook- 
er, ii. 675. 

Eckeren, battle of, ii. 348, 349. 

Edward III. procures the punish- 
ment of some commoners 
through the house of lords, 
i. 498. 

EiKuv Baa-tXiKii, written by king 
Charles I. i- 50. 

Elections decided in favour of 
the tories, ii. 334. 

Elizabeth, queen, plots of the 
house of Guise against her, 
which eventually destroy the 
queen of Scots, i. 7> i7> 315* 

Elliot, taken with lord Preston, 
ii, 69, 70. 

Elliot, Mrs. i. 435. 

Elphinston,i. 8. See Balmerinoch. 

Ely, bishop of, i. 798. his letters 
to St. Germain's, ii. 69. 

England, aftairs in, i. 159. re- 
marks on the church of, ii. 634. 
clergy, 637. character of the 
gentry, 648. its dangerous si- 
tuation at three periods, 649. 
education there, 651, 654. 
elections in, 656. laws of, the 
necessity of their correction, 

Episcopacy, prejudices against it, 

i. 158. abolished in Scotland, 

ii. 23,64. voted by the lower 

house of convocation to be of 

B b 4 



divine right, 346, 347. an act 
securing it at the union, 463 
is tolerated in Scotland, 594. 

Equivalent, to Scotland, ii. 458. 
how bestowed, 465. 

Ernley, sir John, i. 498. 

Essex, earl of, i. 40,41, 250, 272, 
345. his character, 396. am- 
bassador in Denmark, 396, 
397. made lieutenant of Ire- 
land, 397, 398, 43 1, 445, 450. 
at the head of the treasury, 
454. proposes limitations on 
the duke of York, 455. is 
against the exclusion, 456. and 
the bishops' rightofvoting,46o, 
468, 469, 474. quits the trea- 
sury, 476. for the exclusion, 
482, 486, 493, 502, 508, 509, 
537. 54O' 55 ^- sent to the 
tower, 552. his death there, 
553. the suspicious about it, 
569. ii. 690,691. 

Essex, countess of, i. 50, 552. 

Esterhasi, cardinal, ii. 350. 

Evens or Evers, i. 444, 465. 

Everard, i. 497. 

Eugene, prince of Savoy, his rise, 
ii, 203. beats the Turks near 
Belgrade, 204. commands in 
Italy, 264, his conduct suc- 
cessful, 285, 286. his attempt 
on Cremona, 287, 327. beats 
the French at Luzara, 328, 
329, 348. president of the 
council of war at Vienna, 350, 
351. joins the duke of Marl- 
borough in Bavaria, 383, 384. 
his share in the battle of Blen- 
heim, 384, 385, 387. beats the 
duke of Vendome in Italy, 41 8, 
438, 445. his march to relieve 
Turin, 454, 455. beats the 
French and raises the siege, 
455' 45^- '''^ share in the vic- 
tory at Oudenarde, 505. takes 
Lisle, 506, 510, 511,517. his 
share in the battle of Mons, 
532, 533. secures the peace 

of the empire in 171 1. 575, 
576. comes to England, 589. 
his character, 590, 593. com- 
mands in Flanders, 602, 606. 
takes Quesnoy, 609. besieges 
Landrecy, but forced to raise 
the siege by a loss at Denain, 

Exchequer, shut up in 167 1. i. 

Exclusion, arguments for and 
against, i. 457. 

Eyre, Dr. chaplain to bishop 
Ken, ii. 7. 

Eyre, solicitor general, his opi- 
nion as to prosecuting Dr. Sa- 
cheverel, ii. 538. is a manager 
at the trial, 540. chief justice, 

Fagel, pensioner, his character, i. 
327,374,482,689,691. his 
letter to Steward, 73 1, 778. his 
friendship with Dalrimple, ii. 
24, 694. 

Fagel, general, ii. 418. 

Fairborn, ii. 330. 

Fairfax, sir Thomas, i. 29, 46, 

Fairfax, Dr. i, 84. 

Fairfoul, bishop of Glasgow, i. 
133, 141. dies, 206. 

Falconbridge, earl of, i. 83, 

Falkland, lord, i. 177. 
Falmouth, earl of, i. 99. killed in 

action, 219. 
Farmer, refused to be chosen 

president of Magdalen college, 

i. 699. 
Fatio, i. 689. 

F^aur of the Sorbonne, i. 566. 
Fell, bishop of Oxford, i. 601, 

694,695. ii.676. 
Fenelon, ii. 215. 
Fenwick the Jesuit tried, i. 443, 

Fenwick, sir John, his account 

of an assassination designed in 

1695, ii. 14*8. is in a plot 



of invasion, 173. taken, 175. 
his pretended discoveries, 175, 
182,183. prevails on Good- 
man to go beyond sea, ibid, is 
attainted by bill, 184, 190. 
practices as to his discoveries, 
190,191,192. his execution, 


Ferdinand, elected king of Bo- 
hemia, i. 12. deposed, i. 13. 

Ferguson, i. 537. at West's cham- 
bers, 542, 543, 576. cabals in 
Holland with the duke of Mon- 
mouth, 630, 631, 641, 642. in 
a plot against king William, ii. 
36, 63. and against queen 
Anne, 372, 373,376, 377. 

Ferrier, confessor to the king of 
France, i. 369, 394. 

Feversham, earl of, i. 607. com- 
mands against Monmouth,643, 
650. sent with a message from 
him to the prince of Orange, 
799, 800. 

Feuiliade, duke de, besieges Tu- 
rin, ii. 454. 455, 456. 

Filmer's " Patriarchal Scheme," 
i. 571. ii.538. 

Finch, Dr. warden of All Souls, 
sent to the prince of Orange, 

_i. 793- 

Finch, i. 225. his character, 365, 
383. ii. 297. See Nottingham, 
earl of. 

Finch, Heneage, afterwards earl 
of Aylsford, i. 555- ii. 169, 
298. made a peer, 344. 

Fire of London, i. 229, 230, 23 1, 

Firebrace, ii. 146. 

Firmin, Thomas, ii. 211,212, 

Fisher, captain, discovers the as- 
sassination plot, ii. 165. 

Fitton, chancellor of Ireland, i. 

Fitzharris, i. 497, 498. his trial, 
501, 502,503,504. 

Fitz-James made duke of Ber- 

wick, i. 749. 
Flanders ; see Netherlands. 
Fleetwood, i. 70, 83. 
Flerus, battle of, saves England, 

ii. 52. 
Fletcher, attorney general, i. 104, 


Fletcher, Andrew, i. 630, 631, 

Fletcher, sir Robert, ii. 676, 677. 

Florence, great duke of, owns 
king William, ii. 129,323,394. 

Foley, Mr. opposes the court, ii. 
109. chosen speaker, 144. 
chosen a second time, 160. for 
a land bank, 171. 

Forbes, bishop of Edinburgh, i. 

fountain, for making Cromwell 
king, i. 68. 

Fouquet, monsieur, i. 167. 

Fourbin, cardinal, i. 563. 

Fourbin, admiral, sent to Scot- 
land, ii. 499, 500, 502. 

Fowler, Dr. i. 462. made bishop 
of Gloucester, ii. 76, 684. 

Frampton, bishop of Gloucester, 
deprived, ii. 6, 76. 

Francis, father, refused his de- 
grees at Cambridge, i. 697, 

Frazier, sent from St. Germains 
to Scotland, ii. [357,] [358.] 
his discovery to the duke of 
Queensbury. [358,] [359,] 


Frederick, elector palatine, mar- 
ries king James I's daughter, 
i. 1 2. chosen king of Bohemia, 
13. is defeated, and flies to 
Holland, 13, 14. 

Frederick II. declares for the Hel- 
vetian confession, i. 14, 15. 

Freeman, Mr. a leading tory, ii. 

French, the, their king's preten- 
sions to Flanders, i. 253. his 
success in Holland, 321, 322, 
323. loves flatterj',332, 333. 



takes Maestricht and Valen- 
ciennes, 354, 403. and Bou- 
chain, 404. declines a battle, 
405. is angry at the prince of 
Orange's marriage, 410, 411. 
takes Ghent and Ypres, 412. 
seizes on Luxemburgh, 564. 
his disputes with the pope, 595, 
759. warns king James of the 
prince of Orange's designs, 
766. offers him troops, 767. 
and threatens the States in 
case of an invasion, 768. pro- 
hibits Dutch manufactures, 
769. his manifesto of war 
against the emperor, 770, 771, 
772. and against the pope, 
772, 773. England proclaims 
war against him, ii. 12. the 
joy in France upon report that 
king William was killed at the 
Boyne, 50. the French gain 
the battle of Flerus, 52. beat 
the confederates at sea, 53, 
alarm the English coast, 54. 
gain the battle of Steenkirk 
and Namur, 96, 97, 100. gain 
the battle of Landen, n 2. 
take Charleroi, 1 13. take some 
of the English and Dutch 
Smyrna fleet, 115, 1 16. offer 
the duke of Anjou to Spain, 
123, 131. they try to get a 
peace, 1 13, 132. break their 
cartel, but forced to observe it, 
151, 153, 164, 165, 166, 167, 
168. new attempts by them 
for a peace, 179, 180, 194, 199, 
200, 201. they conclude a 
treaty at Ryswick, 201, 202. 
they treat for a partition of 
the Spanish n)onarchy, 223, 
224,231,232,233. break their 
treaty upon the king of Spain's 
death, 251, 252, 253. corrupt 
a party in parliament, 257, 258. 
negociate with the States, 259, 
260, 270. own the pretender 
king of England, 293, 294. 

join the elector of Bavaria, 
348, 349. beat the Germans, 
and take Augsburg and Lan- 
dau, 351. discover the duke 
of Savoy's designs, 355. seize 
on his troops in their service, 
ibid, are beat at Blenheim, 
385. their credit low, 412, 
468, 503. their preparation 
in 1706, 446,447. forced to 
raise the siege of Barcelona, 
448. beat at Ramellies, 450. 
lose many towns, 451, 453. 
evacuate Italy, 468. try for 
peace, 474. their success at 
Stolhoffen,476. sink many ca- 
pital ships at Toulon, 478. 
their descent in Scotland un- 
successful, 499, 500, 501, 502, 
503. surprise Ghent and Bru- 
ges, 504. beat at Oudenarde, 
505. and at Leffinghen, 507, 
508. lose Lisle, 5 1 o, 5 1 1 . ne- 
gociate for peace, 526, 527. 
their king will not ratify the 
preliminaries agreed on, 5 29, 
530. further negociations, 549, 
550,551. send ministers to 
Gertruydemberg,55 1,552. no- 
thing concluded, 552, 556. 
their preliminaries in 171 1, 
580. their proposals at U- 
trecht, 599. they beat the earl 
of Albemarle at Denain, 610, 
611. take Marchiennes and 
QuesnoyandDoway,6ii. their 
princes of the blood renounce 
all right to the crown of Spain, 
and king Philip to the crown 
of France, 612,613. they de- 
liver up Dunkirk to be demo- 
lished, 609, 615. their treaty 
with England and the States, 
617,618. their treaty of com- 
merce with England, 619, 620. 
they send the pretender away 
to Lorrain, 618. 
Friend, sir John, in the plot of 
invasion, ii. 172. absolved at 



Tyburn, 174. 

" Friendly Debate," too violent 
against the presbyterians, i. 

Frost, sent by Saville with a 
forgery to Scotland, i, 28. 

Frost, a hard one, ii. 511. 

Furstemberg, prince of, dean of 
Cologne, seized, i. 354. made 
cardinal, 758. pretends to be 
coadjutor of Cologne, 759, 760, 
761. the French king espouses 
him, 770, 771. 

Gage, informs Cromwell about 
the West Indies, i. 74. 

Gallas, count, the emperor's am- 
bassador, ii. 580. 

Galway, earl of, i. 405, 423. (see 
Rouvigny) sent to Savoy, ii. 
176,177. general in Portugal, 
389. loses his arm at Badajos, 
423. takes Alcantara, 444. 
marches into Spain, 445. takes 
Ciudad Roderigo, 448. loses 
the battle of Almanza, 475, 
478,479,481. returns to Por- 
tugal, 487, 492. his conduct 
censured by the house of lords, 

Garrard, sir Samuel, ii. 538, 

Garroway, i. 351. 
Gassendi, i. 59. 
Gauden, bishop, author of EIkuv 

Baa-iXiKi], i. 51, 183. 

Gaultier, abbot, ii. 580. 

Gaunt, Mrs. her execution, i. 

Geddes, Dr. ii. 710. 
Gee, i, 674. 
Genoa bombarded, i. 592. their 

submission to France, 594. ii. 

George, prince. See Denmark. 
Germany, campaigns there, ii. 

28, 98, III, 128, 152, 154, 

■323. 327.348,383.384.385. 
386, 414, 418, 451, 476, 481, 

509. 531. 557^575- 

Gertruydemberg, conferences 
there, ii. 551,552, 607. 

Ghent taken by the French, i. 

Ghigi, cardinal, i. 207. 

Gibraltar, taken by Sir George 
Rook, ii. 388, 389. besieged 
by the French, 391, 392. the 
siege raised by Leak, 413. 

Gibson, colonel, deputy governor 
of Exeter, i. 793. 

Gillispys, ministers of Edinburgh, 


Gilmore, i. 116. is president of 
the session, 1 24. 

Ginkle, general, ii. 66, 73. takes 
Athlone, 79. gains the battle 
of Aghrem, and reduces Ire- 
land, 79, 80, 81. made earl of 
Athlone, 82. See Athlone. 

Girald, a priest, i. 445, 446. 

Glasgow, dean of, sent to king 
William from the episcopal 
party in Scotland, ii. 23. 

Glencairn, earl of, i, ■58, 59, 60, 
92, 104. made chancellor of 
Scotland, 110, 112, 113, 12 j, 
155. opposes Sharp's violence, 
205. dies, 208. 

Glencoe, massacre there, ii. 88. 
inquired into by the parlia- 
ment, 156, 157, 162. 

Gloucester, duke of, his charac- 
ter, i. 170. 

Gloucester frigate wrecked, i. 


Gloucester, duke of, put in a 
method of education, ii. 210, 
211. his death and character, 
245,246. 716,717. 

Glyn, for making Cromwell king, 

Godden, i. 445, 446, 447. 

Godfrey, sir Edmondbury, his 
character, i. 428. is murdered, 
and his body found, 428, 429, 
439. his murderers discovered, 

Godolphin, sir William, 1. 430. 



Godolphin, Mr. in the treasury, 
i. 454. his character, 478. for 
the exclusion^ 481. secretary 
of state, 592. is in the scheme 
laid at the duchess of Ports- 
mouth's, 604. one of the 
queen's household, 621. sent 
by king James to the prince 
of Orange, 794. again in the 
treasury, ii. 4, 182. made lord 
treasurer by queen Anne, 313, 

353i 370. 399' 400. 402- de- 
clares for the whigs, 426, 487, 
516, 519. raises the public 
credit, 438. his zeal for the 
union, 468. prevails to have 
Mr. Harley dismissed, 495, 
546. is himself turned out, 
552, 560. and attacked by the 
new ministry, 567, 568, 573, 
574. his death, 614, 715, 

Gomarus, i. 316. 

Goodenough, i.' 542, 544, 576, 

651. - 
Goodman, evidence as to the 

plot of invasion, ii. 174, 183. 
Goodwin, John, a fifth monarchy 

man, i. 67, 163. 
Goodwin, Thomas, an expression 

of his in prayer, i. 82. 
Goodwin, archbishop of Cashel, 

ii. 719. 
Gordon, of Buckey, i. 19, 25. 
Gordon, duke of, i. 239. governor 

of Edinburgh castle, i. 804. 

maintains it for king James, 

ii. 22. 
Govan, a Jesuit, his trial, 4^44, 

Gould, judge, ii. 367. 
Gowan executed, i. 127. 
Gower, Lucan, (Levison) ii. 

314. made a peer, 344. 
Cowry's conspiracy, a reason for 

it, omitted by all the histo- 
rians, i. 18, 19. 
Grafton, duke of, joins the prince 

of Orange, i> 79 1 • killed at the 

siege of Cork, ii. 60. 

Graham, i. 506. ii. 14, 69, 71. 

Grandval undertakes to kill king 
William, ii. 95. is executed, 
and confesses it, 96. 

Grant, a papist, obstructs the 
water of the new river at the 
fire of London, i. 231. 

Granvill, Mr. ii. 314. made a 
peer, 344. 

Graydon, see Greydon. 

Green, i. 445, 446. 

Greenvill made earl of Bath, i. 
98. See Bath. 

Gregg, his correspondence with 
France, ii. 494. is condemned 
and executed, 495, 496, 497. 

Grey, lady Jane, the struggle for 
her, the means of introducing 
popery, i.S4i- . 

Grey, lord, his trick in passing 
the habeas corpus act, i.485. 
meets Monmouth at Shep- 
herd's, 537. escapes out of 
the tower, 549. meets Mon- 
mouth in Holland, 630, 631. 
his ill conduct, 642. is par- 
doned, 646, 685. 

Greydon, admiral, commands a 
squadron in the West Indies, 
ii. 359. attempts PI acentiaun- 
successfiilly, 359, 365. 

Griffin, lord, taken, ii. 501. 

Grimstone, sir Harbottle, presses 
the treaty in the Isle of Wight, 
i. 44. charges Cromwell with 
force on the parliament, 45, 
85. is chosen speaker, 159. 
made master of the rolls, 
ibid. 380. his character, 381. 
his wife's, 382, 386, 596. his 
death, 597. ii. 684, 692. 

Grindal, archbishop, reflected on 
by Sacheverel, ii. 539. 

Grotius, i. 305,316. intimate 
with Burnet's father, ii. 672. 

Grove, a conspirator, i. 432, 443. 

Grove, Dr. made bishop of Chi- 
chester, ii. 76. 


Gueldermalsen, ii. 326. 

Guernsey, lord, prominent in the 
debates, ii. 438. See Finch, 

Guice, count de, i. 302. 

Guilford, lord, ii. 27 1 . See North. 

Guise, house of, try to embroil 
England, i. 6. plot against 
queen Elizabeth i. 7. 

Guise, duke of, killed, i. 7, 313. 

Guiscard, his attempt on Mr. 
Harley, ii. 566. wounded in 
council, ibid. dies of his 
wounds, 567. 

Gunning, bishop, a manager at 
the Savoy conference, i. 18 1, 
speaks in favour of the church 
of Rome, 436. dies, 590. 

Gunpowder plot, i. 1 1 . 

Gustavus Adolphus, i. 314. 

Guthry's remonstrance to king 
Charles, i. 112, 113, 126. his 
speech and execution, 126, 

Guthry, an incendiary minister, 
i. 233,237. 

Gwinn, Mrs. i. 263, 338, 609. 

Habeas corpus act carried by a 
trick, i. 485. the ministry in- 
demnified for breaking it in 
time of danger, ii. 66, 103. 

Hackston, his execution, i. 5 1 1. 

Hadintoim, earl of, a promoter 
of the union, ii. 460. 

The Hague, a congress of princes 
there, ii. 71, 72. Negociations 
there for peace, 526, 527, 529, 

Haies, a banker, his trial, i. 599. 

Hale, sir Matthew, moves for 
limitations on restoring the 
king, i. 88, 175. for a compre- 
hension, 259. his opinion as 
to treason in lord Russel's 
case, 554. 

Hale, sir Edward, his trial on 
the test act, i. 554, 669. fol- 
lows king James beyond sea, 

Halewyn, i. 48, 315, 324. his 
character, 328, 330, 337, 375, 
69T, 708. ii. 694. 

Halifax, Mary, ii. 720. 

Hall, made bishop of Oxford, i. 

Hall, Dr. made bishop of Bris- 
tol, ii. 76, 720. 

Hallifax, marquis of, his charac- 
ter, i. 267. opposes the test, 
384. dismissed from council, 
398,401,402,424. a leading 
man with the peers, 431,434. 
is again in council, 454. a- 
gainst the exclusion, but for 
limitations, 455, 459, 469, 
476, 481, 482. Commons ad- 
dress against him, 484. his 
expedient, 486. is for lord 
Stafford, 492, 496. his saying 
about addresses, 501, 507, 519, 
520, 521. opposes lord Ro- 
chester, 531. his services for- 
got, 532, 562, 569. brings 
Monmouth into favour, 573, 
574. 575- ^is jest on Ro- 
chester, 592, 602. his jest on 
a Siam missionary', 603, 604. 
complains of razures in the 
treasury books, 605, 621. 
moves in council to examine 
who have taken the test, 652, 
653. dismissed, 654. argues 
for the test, 655. meets at 
lord Shrewsbury's, 712, 764. 
sent by king James to the 
prince of Orange, 794, 800, 
801,807,817, 818, 819,820. 
made privy seal, ii. 4. is at- 
tacked in the house of lords, 
and quits the court, 34. heads 
the opposition, 104. his death, 
149, 150, 689, 690, 691, 720. 
Hallifax, lord, (see Montague,) 
ii. 255, 261. impeached by the 
commons, 265, 266, 267, 274. 
his answer, 274. acquitted by 
the lords, 280, 316. his pro- 
ject for a public library, 370, 



440, 441 . argues for the union, 

Halloway's conspiracy, i. 542. 
and execution, 576. 

Halloway, judge, i. 743. 

Halton, lord, i. 299, 413, 415. 

. charged with perjury, 5 14, 523. 

Hamburgh, sedition there quelled, 
ii. 484. 

Hamden, his character, i. 443, 
539,541. sent to the tower, 
552. his trial, 576, 578, 629, 
646. advises a clause in king 
William's speech, ii. 6, 17. 

Hamilton, Memoirs of the Dukes 
of, sir Robert Moray's opinion 
of that book, i. 27, 298, 354. 
the king likes it, 356, 395. ii. 

Hamilton, bishop of Galloway, i. 

133. 134- 

Hamilton, duke of, i. 29. bis secret 
powers, 36. William, duke of, 
in favourwith Charles II. 5 2,53. 

Hamilton, duke of, his character, 
i. 103. opposes the rescissory 
act, 118. against restoring e- 
piscopacy, r32, 154. president 
of the convention, 239, 245, 
286, 288, 298, 299, 358, 362, 

363.364.369. 371.372,375. 
400. complains of the High- 
landers quartered in the west, 
419, 439, 469, 512. for the 
succession in the duke of 
York, 513, 618, 680. with 
others of the Scotch nobility 
addresses the prince of Orange, 
805. is president of the con- 
vention in 1689, ii. 21, 23. is 
commissioner of parliament, 
24, 25, 26. refuses it in 1690, 
61. is commissioner in 1693, 
120, 121. his death and cha- 
racter, 149, 682. 
Hamilton, duke of, his son, ii. 
320, 321, 376, 398, 459, 
460. opposes the duke of 
Queensbury, 519. made duke 

of Brandon, 586. refused to 
be admitted by the house of 
lords, 587. appointed ambas- 
sador to France, 611, 612. 
killed by lord Mohun in a 
duel, ibid. 

Hamilton, duchess of, i. 276. 
confers with Hutchinson, 295, 
785. opposes the union of 
Scotland with England, ii. 
459. 679. 

Hamilton heads the rebels at 
Bothwell-bridge, i. 471. 

Hamilton, general, sent to treat 
with Tyrconnel, i. 808. king 
William's humanity to him at 
the Boyne, ii. 60. 

Hamilton made bishop of Dun- 
keld, i. 681. 

Hamilton, lady Susan, i. 52. 

Hamilton, sir Thomas, i. 471. 

Hammond, Henry, his character, 

Hanmer, sir Thomas, 11. 488. 

Hanover, duke of, i. 757. quits 
the French interest, ii. 83. 
made an elector, 84, 230. 

Hanover, (duchess of,) electress 
of, proposed to be named in 
the succession, ii. 15, 16. is 
named, 245, 270, 271. a fur- 
ther security for their succes- 
sion, 340. designs to invite 
her over, 407. debated in par- 
liament, 429, 430. a regency 
in case of absence, 431, 433, 
434. her succession guaran- 
teed, 595, 596, 597, 598, 
613, 614, 697, 698. 

Hanover, elector of, her son, has 
the garter sent him, ii. 271. 
surprises the dukes of Wolf- 
enbuttle and SaxeGotha, 321, 
322. commands the army on 
the Rhine, 481, 509, 523, 
531, 532. his minister's me- 
morial against the treaty with 
France, 581, 582. 
Hanover, electoral prince of. 



marries the princess of An- 
spach, ii. 480. has precedence 
in the house of lords by act 
of parliament, 587, 590. 
Hanover, house of, a bill brought 
in giving precedence to it, ii. 

59o> 59^- 
Harbord, Mr. ii. 99. 

Harbord, sir Charles, his charac- 
ter, i. 386. 
Harcourt, mareschal de, ii. 531. 
Harcourt, i. 444. his trial, 464, 

Harcourt, sir Simon, ii. 314. 
draws the act of union very 
artfully, 465. adheres to Mr. 
Harley, 488. lays down with 
him, 496. council for Sache- • 
verel, 540. made attorney ge- 
neral, 553. and lord keeper, 

Hardy, captain, ii. 332. 

Hare, Dr. ii. 600. 

Harlay, president of the parlia- 
ment of Paris, 1. 565. ii. 200. 

Harley, Mr. opposes the court, 
ii. 109, 171. is chosen speaker, 
255, 256, 270, 290. is chosen 
again, 333, 381. is made se- 
cretary of state, 381, 466, 
467. sets up independent of 
lord Godolphin, 486, 487, 
488, 489, 491, 493, 494. 
laj's down his employment, 
496. his spies ill chosen, 497. 
contrives a change of mini- 
stry, 546, 547, 552, 553. pro- 
motes inquiries into abuses, 
562, 563. is stabbed by Guis- 
card, 566, 567. is made earl 
of Oxford and Mortimer, 569, 
579. See Oxford. 
Haro, Don Lewis de, i. 85. ii. 

Harrington, i. 67. for choosing 

parliaments by ballot, 83. 
Harris sent by king James to as- 
sist in the assassination, ii. 

Harrison the regicide executed, 

i. 162. 
Harvey, his answer to the king, 

i. 383- 
Hascard, Dr. i. 596. ii. 692. 
Haversham, lord, his saying at a 

conference, ii. 278. it raises 

great contests, 279, 285, 429, 

438, 491. 
Hawkins, i. 504. 
Hay, i. 23. 
Hedges, sir Charles, 1. 700. 

ii. 298. secretary of state, 

Heidegger of Zurich, i. 712. 

Heinsius, pensioner, ii. 530, 531, 

Helvoetsluy's, attempt on pre- 
vented by the duke of Buck- 
ingham, i. 334. 

Hemmings, apothecary, his story 
of the prince of Wales's death, 

'• 753- 
Henchman, bishop, preaches a- 
gainst poperj', i. 308. his death, 


Henderson, Alexander, a chief 
minister of Edinburgh, i. 34. 

Henly, Mr. his story of king 
Charles's death, i. 610. 

Henrietta Maria, queen of Charles 
I. of an intriguing disposition, 
i. 31, 251. her dislike of Mon- 
trose, 52. 

Henriette, duchess of Orleans, i, 
172. See Orleans. 

Henry Frederick, prince of O- 
range, i. 317. 

Henry VIII. i. 457. 

Henry, prince, rather feared than 
loved by his father, i. 10. be- 
lieved to be poisoned, 11. his 
aversion to popery, ibid. 

Henshaw negociates with Den- 
mark, i. 304. 

Herbert, sir Edward, chief jus- 
tice, i. 669. goes the western 
circuit, 672. made an eccle- 
siastical commissioner, 675. a 



judge in the seven bishops' 
trial, 743. 

Herbert, admiral, against repeal- 
ing the test, i. 671. goes over 
to Holland, 762. is lieutenant- 
general of the Dutch fleet, 
made earl of Torrington, ii. 5, 
20, 21. See Torrington. 

Hervall, de, his account of the 
duke of Savoy, ii. 355. 

Hervey, Mr. made a baron, ii. 


Hesse, landgrave of, i. 757. ii. 
99, no. Ill, 230, 387. 

Hesse, a prince of, ii. 194, 243, 
351. governor of Gibraltar, 
389. goes with king Charles 
to Catalonia, 419. killed in 
attacking Fort Montjuy, 422. 

Hesse, a prince of, defeated by 
count Medavi, ii. 456. 4 

Hewes, i. 510. 

Heylin, Peter, i. 50. his History 
of the Reformation referred to 
by the duke of York, 357. 

Hickes, Dr. i. 416. ii. 603. 

Hickes, a dissenter, i. 650. 

Hide, chancellor, i. 60, 74. oc- 
casions the recall of the king 
without conditions, 88, 89, 92, 
454. See Clarendon. 

Hide, lord, i. 478, 517. 53 1- 

High church, the distinction be- 
tween it and low church when 
begun, ii. 249, 250, 347. 

Hill, i. 445, 446. 

Hill, general, his expedition to 
Canada, ii. 577. 

Hispaniola, descent upon, i. 

Hoadley, Mr. his character and 
writings, ii. 538. 

Hobbes, poisons the mind of 
Charles H. i. 100. his Levia- 
than, 187. 

Holland, sir John, ii. 371. 

Holland, disorders there, i. 13. 
See Dutch. 

Holies, lord, his advice how to 
save lord Strafford, i. 32. and 
end the civil war, 38, 40, 44. 
his character, 97, 159. his 
conduct in France, 207, 272, 
381. opposes the test, 384, 
401, 434. against the bi- 
shops' votes in treason, 460, 
463. ii. 677, 684. 

Hollman, i. 394. »; 

Holmes, attacks the Dutch Smyr- 
na fleet, i. 307. 

Holmes, corresponds with Argile, 
i. 584. 

Holstein, duke of, ii. 230, 243, 

Holt,, sir John, made chief jus- 
tice of the king's bench, ii. 
5, 39. "offered the seals, 242. 
his behaviiour in the affair of 
Ailesbury, 367, 408, 472. his 
death and 'character, 543. 

Home's trial, i. 524, 525. 

Hone's execution, i. 559. 

Hony^Tian, bishop,^ i. 120. 

Hooker s " Ecclesiastical Polity" 
recommended, ii. 675. 

Hooper, i)r. i. 674, chosen pro- 
locutor (rf convocation, ii. 282. 
is made a bishop, and opposes 
thie union, 464. speaks in fa- 
vour of Sacheverel, ii. 544. 

Hope, sir Thomas, i. 23. 

Horn, count, ii. 98. 

Horneck, Dr. ii. 3 1 8. 

Host, (the,) ridiculed in Spain 
by English seamen, i. 80. 

Hough, Dr. chose president of 
Magdalen college, i. 699. turn- 
ed out by the ecclesiastical 
commission, 700. is made bi- 
shop of Oxford, ii. 76. 

Howard of Escrick, lord, i. 29. 

Howard, lord, i. 374, 375, 430. 
accused by Fitzharris, 503. 
brings Monmouth and Sidney 
acquainted, 539, 543, 546, 
549, 550. his confession and 
examination, 551. evidence a- 



gainst lord Russel, 553, 554, 
555- against Sidney, 571, 573, 
574. and Hamden, 576. 
Howard, cardinal, i. 394, 661, 

703. 705. 733- 
Howe, John, Mr. ii. 314, 334, 

335' 338, 342. 

Howel, i. 230. 

Hubert, confesses setting fire to 
London, i. 230. 

Hubert, Thomas, his Life of 
Frederick II, i. 14. 

Huddleston, gives king Charles 
II. the sacrament, i. 607, 

Hume, sir Patrick, corresponds 
with Argile, i. 629. 

Humieres, i. 563, 564. 

Hungary, wars there with the 
Turks, ii. 82, 99. 131, 156, 
178, 204. a peace, 204. the 
Hungarians revolt, 289, 350, 
393. an accommodation treat- 
ed without success, 394. cam- 
paigns there, 424, 445, 472, 
514, 536. all matters accom- 
modated, 568. 

Huntington, earl of, ii. 271. his 
braverj, 325. 

Huntley, marquis of, kills the 
earl of Murray, i. 1 9. believes 
in astrology, 38. marries a sis- 
ter of lord Argile, 130. 

Hussay, sir Thomas, ii. 99. 

Hutchinson, i. 276, 281. refiises 
Leightoun's terms for a com- 
prehension, 290, 291, 295, 
296, 297. 

Hutchinson, a Jesuit, i. 425. 

Hutton, Dr. physician to king 
William, gives two remarkable 
instances of his equality of 
temper, ii. 59, 60. 

Huy taken by king William, ii. 
128. taken again, 414. retaken 
by Marlborough, 415. 

Hyde, chancellor, see Clarendon, 
earl of, and Hide. 

James I. king, his minority, i. 6. 
will not enter into any treaty 


of marriage till the death of 
the duke of Guise, 7. suspect- 
ed by the English court of 
being inclined to popery, ibid, 
inclines secretly to France, ib. 
the kifk disgusted at his fickle- 
ness in religion, 8. his hatred 
to the kirk, 9. his misconduct, 
ibid, sets up episcopacy in 
Scotland, i o. afraid of the Je- 
suits, II, 12. writes and talks 
against, but acts for, popery, 
12. will not acknowledge the 
elector palatine king of Bohe- 
mia, 13. parts with the Dutch 
cautionary towns, 15. dimi- 
nishes the power of the crown, 
16. becomes weary of the duke 
of Buckingham, and is desir- 
ous of recalling the earl of 
Somerset, 17. his death and 
character, ibid, his conduct on 
his mother's death, 3 1 2. his 
prayer in favour of the pro- 
testant religion, 359. 
James II. king, (see York,) does 
not believe Charles I. the au- 
thor of EtKuv BactXtKij, i. 51. 
begins his reign with great 
advantage, 617. his education, 
618. learned war under Tu- 
renne, 619. is proclaimed with 
great shouts, 620. addressed 
by Oxford and London, ibid, 
customs and excise levied with- 
out law, 621, 622. goes open- 
ly to mass, 623. his course of 
life, 624. summons a parlia- 
ment, 625. his coronation, 
628. his success against Mon- 
mouth and Argile, 647. cru- 
elties of soldiers and of Jef- 
feries in the west, 648. the 
nation turned by them, 651. 
disputes about the test, 652. 
the king's declaration against 
the test act, 654. the com- 
mons address for observing 
the act, 666. some members 



closeted, others disgraced for 
their voting, 667. the judges 
consulted as to the king's dis- 
pensing power, 669. the test 
neglected, 672. an ecclesiasti- 
cal con)mission, 675. he sends 
the earl of Murray to hold a 
parliament in Scotland, <679. 
the parliament will not take 
oft' the test there, 680. and is 
dissolved, 681. the king makes 
Mrs. Sidley countess of Dor- 
chester, 682, 683, 684, 685. 
attempts to bring papists into 
the two universities, 696, 697, 
698, 699. the president and 
fellows of Magdalen college 
turned out, 700, 701. the king 
courts the dissenters, 700, 
702. his army encamps on 
Hounslow-heath, 703. sends 
an ambassador to Rome, 704, 
705. and Albeville envoy to 
Holland, 708, 709, the king's 
designs disclosed by the Je- 
suits at Liege, 711. by his 
proclamation in Scotland he 
claims absolute power, 712, 
713. his declaration for tole- 
ration in England, 714. ad- 
dresses of the dissenters, 715. 
the parliament dissolved, 716. 
the pope's nuncio received, 
ibid, the king's progress, 717. 
changes the magistrates over 
England, 718. questions put 
about elections, 7 1 9. his letter 
to the princess of Orange 
about religion, 720, 721, 722. 
her answer, 722, 723, 724. 
Steward in favour, 731. F. 
Petre a privy counsellor, 733. 
the king demands his regi- 
ments in the States' service, 
734. a new declaration for to- 
leration, 736. the clergy re- 
fuse to read it, 738. the bi- 
shops petition against it, 739, 
740, are sent to the Tower, 

741. are tried in Westminster- 
hall, 742, 743. great joy at 
their acquittal, 744. the clergy 
cited, 745. the queen gives 
out she is with child, 748. an 
account of the birth of that 
child, 749, 750, 751, 752, 
753. 754- a fleet set out, 755. 
the court alarmed, 756, 766. 
lord Dartmouth commands the 
fleet, ibid. Irish recruits re- 
fused by the officers of the 
army, 767. the French troops 
refused, 768. the earl of Sun- 
derland prevents the seizing 
suspected persons, 783, 784. 
proofs of the birth of the pre- 
tended prince of Wales, 785, 
786. the fleet is forced back 
into Portsmouth, 789. the 
king comes to Salisbury, 790. 
many forsake him, 791. the 
princess of Denmark does, 

792. he returns to London, 

793. sends for the lords there, 
and by their advice sends to 
treat with the prince of O- 
range, 794. strange counsel of 
the priests, 795. the king goes 
away in disguise, 796. taken 
and brought to Feversham, 
797. advices given as to his 
person, 798. brought to WTiite- 
hall, 799. sent under a Dutch 
guard to Rochester, 801. his 
queen presses him to come to 
France, 804. he flies thither, 
ibid, a party forming for him 
in England, ii. 13. his great 
seal found in the Thames, 16. 
his conduct at the French 
court ruins his aflairs^ 1 7. goes 
to Ireland, ibid, cabals in Scot- 
land in his favour, 18. forced 
to raise the siege of London- 
derry and Inniskillin, 18, 19. 
some whigs in his interest, 
36, 37. his conduct in Ire- 
land, 47, 48, 50. his beha- 



viour at the Boyne, 5 1 . leaves 
Ireland, 51, 52. slighted in 
France, 57. his partisans in 
Scotland dispersed, 61. plots 
there in his favour discovered, 
62, 63. he intends a descent 
on England, 92. in a plot 
against king William, 95. the 
abjuration of him not carried, 
103. Middletoun's proposition 
to him, 122. his declaration, 
ibid. Charnock and the earl of 
Ailesbury sent to him, 148. 
he grants a commission to at- 
tack king William's person, 
165, 166. is ready to invade 
England, 166, 167, 168. 
Berkeley, who had his com- 
mission, escapes, 167, 168, 
203, 2 1 7. his death and cha- 
racter, 291, 292, 293, 661. 

Jane, Dr. i. 684. 

Jansenius, i. 13 7. 

JefFeries, sir George, i. 484, 536, 
556. made chief justice, 567. 
his conduct at Sidney's trial, 

570. 571. STi> 573. 578, 
579' 580, 591, 598, 599. his 
cruelty in the west, 648. made 
a baron, ibid, and lord chan- 
cellor, 665, 675, 698, 702, 
730, 784. sent to the Tower, 
797. ii. 14, 42, 271, 589. 

Jekyll, sir Joseph, ii. 371, 720. 
a manager in Sacheverel's 
trial, 540. 

Jenkins, sir Lionel, plenipoten- 
tiary at Cologne, i. 354. and 
at Nimeguen, 422, 440. made 
secretary of state, 481. his 
character, 482. his violence as 
to the city of London, 528, 
529.53o»53i»544- dismissed, 

Jennison, his evidence in the 
popish plot, j. 448. 

Jermyn, earl of .St. Alban's, I. 

Jersey, earl of, ii. 241, 242, 260, 

261, 262, 316, 381. employed 
in treating with France, 580. 
his death, ibid. 

Jesuits, feared by king James I. 
i. 19. trial of the five, temp. 
Charles II. 464. 

Jews, their skill in obtaining 
news, i. 7 1 . 

Indulgence granted to the Scotch 
presbyterians, i. 281. 

Ingoldsby takes general Lambert 
prisoner, i. 85. 

Inniskillin, siege of, ii. 19. 

Innocent XI. pope, i. 661. 

Innocent XII. ii. 73. dies, 251. 

John, Don, obliges his ambassa- 
dors to send good news, i. 75, 

Johnstoim, a wealthy merchant, 
husband of Rachel Amot, i. 

Johnstoune, i. 764, 766. ii. 87, 
93, 157, 162, 396, 400, 673. 

Johnstoune, sir Patrick, ii. 462. 

Jones, i. 396, 455, 481, 568. ^^ 

Jones, bishop of St. Asaph, ii. 

Jones, sir William, i. 396, 433, 
443, 492, 493, 496, 498, 500, 
508. his death, 532. ii. 690. 

Jones, an Irishman, undertakes 
to kill king William, ii. 56. 

Joseph, king of the Romans, 
takes Landau, ii. 327, 386. 
succeeds Leopold his father 
as emperor, 417. his separate 
treaty for evacuating Italy, 47 2 . 
is the cause of disappointing 
the design upon Toulon, 474, 
476, 478. Naples reduced to 
his obedience, 480, 481. his 
death, 568. 

Ireland, the war there, after the 
revolution, ii. 18, 19, 47, 48, 
49, 50, 51, 52. wasted by the 
Rapparees and soldiers, 61, 66. 
reduced by Ginkle, 78, 79, 80, 
81. a parliament there, 86. 
another in 1695, 159. trustees 
c c 2 



of the forfeited estates there, 
290, 291, 297. whig and tory 
prevail tliere, [360.] the pa- 
pists' estates split by act of 
parliament, 361, 362. the pro- 
testants divided, [360,] 427. 
and the clergy there, 5 26. 
Ireland, his trial, i. 443, 448, 


Ireton, the author of king Charles 
the first's death, i, 46, 49. 

Irish massacre, i. 41. 

Ironside, Dr. made bishop of 
Hereford, ii. 76. 

Isabella, archduchess, i. 13, 48. 

Italy, campaigns there, ii, 84, 
100, 111,154, 176,348, 350, 
418, 445. evacuated by the 
French, 472. 

Judges, a bill to make their sa- 
laries for life, ii. 86. 

Jurieu, M. i. 690. 

Justices, lords, during king Wil- 
liam's absence, ii. 150. 

Juxon, i. 47. made archbishop 
of Canterbury, i. 176. 

Keck made a commissioner of 
the great seal, ii. 3. 

Keeling draws the act of unifor- 
mity, i. 184. 

Keeling, his depositions, i. 544, 

Keiserwaert, siege of, ii. 28,323, 

Keith, George, leaves the qua- 

kers, ii. 248, 249. 
Keith in a plot, ii. 371, 372, 

373. 376. 377- 

Kelly, a priest, i. 445. 

Kelsey, (Mr.) of Bemerton re- 
signs his living, ii. 709. 

Ken, bishop, his character, i. 
591. attends king Charles on 
his death-bed, 607, 608. and 
the duke of Monmouth at his 
execution, 645. persuades the 
clergy to take the oaths, ii. 6, 
7. but does not take them 
himself, ibid. 

Kennedy, lady Margaret, i. 108. 

Kennet, Dr. answers Atterbury, 
ii. 281. 

Kent, earl of, made lord cham- 
berlain, ii. 381. made a duke, 
546. has the garter, 612. 

Keppel, made earl of Albemarle, 
ii. 224. 

Ker, i. 251. 

Keys, in the assassination plot, 
ii. 171, 172. 

Kid, sent against pirates in the 
East Indies, ii. 236. turns pi- 
rate, 237. taken and hanged, 
265, 266, 272, 273. 

Killigrew, in the admiralty, ii. 
104. stands on the duchess of 
Marlborough's interest for St. 
Alban's, 429. 

Killock, colonel, i. 37. 

Kincardin, earl of, his charac- 
ter, i. 103. against episcopacy, 
132, 204. and Sharp's vio- 
lence, 211, 245, 247, 275, 
288, 290, 376. turned out of 
the council, 400, 414, 439, 

King, a physician, called in to 

Charles II. i. 606. 
King, Dr. archbishop of Dublin, 

."• 538. 
King, in the assassination plot, 

ii. 171, 172. 
King, sir John, i. 396. 
King, sir Peter, a manager in 

Sacheverel's trial, ii. 540. lord, 

Kings, duties of, ii. 662 — 666. 
Kirby, a chemist, i. 425. 
Kirk*, i. 55, 647, 684, 730, 765. 

ii. 19. 
Kirkton, a conventicle preacher, 

i. 399, 400. 
Knightly, views the ground for 

attacking king William, ii. 

165, 166. condemned and 

pardoned, 174. 
Lake. See Leake. 



Lake, bishop of Chichester, ab- 
sents from parliament, ii. 6. 
is deprived, 76. 

Lambert, general, i. 67, 84. 
taken prisoner, 85. accused 
by Oates, 431. 

Landau, taken by the Germans, 
ii. 327. retaken by the French, 
351. taken by the imperialists 
again, 385, 386, 387. 

Landen, battle of, ii. 1 1 2. 

Langham, sir James, i. 267. 

Langhorne, i. 230, 427, 430, 
431. his trial and death, 465, 

Langston, colonel, i. 790. 

Lanier, ii. 58. 

La Rue discovers the assassina- 
tion plot, ii. 165. 

Latitudinarians, i. 186, t88. 

Latin language, the author thinks 
it not absolutely necessary in 
education, ii. 65 i. 

Lavardin, count, enters Rome in 
a hostile manner, i. 759. 

Laud, archbishop, i. 26. desires 
bishop Warner to destroy his 
papers, 32. his character, 49. 
treats bishop Williams with 
injustice, 50. his diary, ibid, 
ii. 370, 645. 

Lauderdale, duchess of, i. 339. 
insensible to the oppressions 
in Scotland, 356, 362, 363. 

Lauderdale, earl of, i. 24, 25, 
30, 36, 38, 47, 52, 53. his 
character, loi. persuades an 
indemnity, 105. and destroy- 
ing Cromwell's forts, 107. for 
presbytery, 108. made secre- 
tary of state, 1 1 o. against a 
Scotch council at Whitehall, 
III, 119, 128, 131, 132, 142, 
147. is in the incapacitating 
list, 150, 159. accuses Mid- 
dletoim, 200, 201. a friend of 
Waristoun's, 203, 205. gives 
way to Sharp, 206, 211, 212, 
a 13, 217, 239, 241, 243, 244, 

245, 247, 261, 265, 271, 276, 
278, 279, 280, 283. his speech 
to parliament, 284. writes an 
objectionable letter to the king, 
on the militia act, 286. passes 
the act of supremacy, 286, 
288, 289, 290, 291. screens 
papists, 292, 299, 300, 304. 
marries lady Dysert, 306. is 
made a duke, and has the gar- 
ter, 307. his insolence, 338. 
angry at the presbyterians, 
340, 341, 342. proposes to 
bring an army out of Scotland, 
349' 355' 357- jealous of our 
author, 362. a party against 
him, 363. puts off the session, 

364. an address to remove him. 

365. is reconciled to Argile, 
369. made earl of Guilford, 
382. prevents our author's ac- 
cess to the Cotton library, 396, 
398, 399, 406, 412, 413, 414, 
415, 416. his violent admini- 
stration, 417, 418, 419, 420, 
42 1, 433, 434, 439. the charge 
against him, 469. heard in 
council, 470, 471, 472. draws 
the indemnity after the rebel- 
lion at Bolhwell-bridge, 473, 
477. votes against lord Staf- 
ford. 492, 510, 513, 520. his 
death, 523. ii. 681,682, 683. 

Lausun commands the French 
troops sent to Ireland, ii. 17. 
his ill conduct there, 57, 61. 

Leake, or Lake, sir John, ii. 391. 
raises the siege of Gibraltar, 
413, 444. and of Barcelona, 
447, 504. 

Learmoth, major, surprises Tur- 
ner, i. 233. 

Lee, colonel, gives Burnet the 
original of magna charta, i. 

Lee, sir Thomas, 1. 35 1. his cha- 
racter, 389. 

Lee, i. 559. 
c c 3 



Leeds, duke of, ii. 155. acquit- 
ted of his impeachment, 280. 
See Osborn, Thomas. 

Leefdale disappoints an intended 
assassination of king William, 
ii. 95. 

Le Fevre, Dr. i. 609. 

Leg, or Legge, charged with 
neglect when the Gloucester 
was wrecked, i. 523. made 
lord Dartmouth, 544. 

Leganes, marquis of, ii. 419. 

Leicester, earl of, i. 76, 312, 

Leigbton, bishop, his character, 

i-.i34. 135. 136, 137. 138, 139- 
his moderation, 140, 142, 145, 

208, 213. proposes a compre- 
hension, 248, 273, 275, 276, 
281, 284. offered the see of 
Glasgow, 288. made archbi- 
shop of Glasgow, 289. his 
scheme of accommodation with 
the presbyterians, ibid, his con- 
ference with them, 290, 291. 
.angry at the act against con- 
venticles, 293. his further con- 
ferences with the presbyterians, 
295, 296, 297, 300, 339. re- 
signs his archbishopric, 342, 
374. his death, 588, 589. ii. 
Leighton, sir Elisha, or Ellis, i. 

136, 300. 348; 356, 360. 

Lenox, duke of, i. 6, 20. 

Leopold, the emperor, loses Bel- 
grade, ii. 65. beats the Turks, 
82, 83. a great victory over 
them near Belgrade, 203. 
makes the peace of Carlowiiz, 
204. secretly consents to the 
partition treaty, 232, 233, 260, 
261. begins the war with 
France in Italy, 264, 285, 
286, 287, 288. refuses to own 
the pretender, 293, 294. is in 
great distress, 348, 349, 350, 
381, 382. the duke of Marl- 
borough saves the empire, 38 1, 

382. the emperor continues 
the war in Hungary, 393. his 
death and character, 416, 41 7. 

Le Shee, (la Chaise,) father, i. 426. 

Lesley, general, i. 54. 

Lesley, author of the " Rehear- 
" sal," ii. 538. 

L'Estrange, sir Roger, i. 461. 

" Leviathan," by Hobbes, i. 187. 

Levingston defeats the High- 
landers, ii. 61. his share in 
the massacre at Glencoe, 89, 

Lewis of Baden, prince, visits 
England, ii. 125. 

Lexington, lord, sent ambassa- 
dor to Spain, ii. 61 1, 612. 

Leybourn, a bishop, sent from 
Rome, i. 733. 

Library, scheme for a public, ii. 

Lichtenstein, prince of, a favour- 
ite to king Charles of Spain, 
ii. 423, 443, 449. 

Liege, the factions there, ii. 128. 

Lilibulero, song so called, i. 792. 

Limerick, siege of, raised, ii. 58, 
59. capitulates, 80. 

Lindsay sent from king James 
to Scotland, ii. 17, 18, 373. 

Linlithgow, earl of, i. 47 1 . - 

Lisle, lord, i. 76, 649. his lady's 
character and execution, ibid. 

Littleton, sir Thomas, i. 231, 
232, 251, 265. his character, 
454, 496,498. 

Liturgy in Scotland, how pre- 
pared, i. 26. 

Lloyd, bishop of Norwich, ab- 
sents from parliament, ii. 6. 
is deprived, 76, 183, 720. 

Lloyd, Dr. his character, i. 190. 
his account of the fire of Lon- 
don, 231, 424, 429, 430, 434, 
446, 447, 489, 696, 753, 754, 
824. bishop of Worcester, his 
predictions from Revelations, 
ii. 204. 676, 698. 



Lob advises sending the bishops 
to the Tower, i. 740. 

Lockhart, sir George, stands it 
against the king's order, i. 
370. council for Mitchell, 414. 
against Lauderdale, 469, 512. 
pleads for lord Argyle, 521, 

Lockhart, sir James, i. 154. 

Lockhart, sir William, i. 353. 

Lockhart, Cromwell's ambassa- 
dor in France, i. 77, 85, 86, 
227. brought to court by Lau- 
derdale, 304. sent to France 
by king Charles II. 305, 389, 

39O' 394- 

London, city of, burnt, 229, &c. 
rebuilt, 260. 

London, the lieutenancy, in tory 
hands, ii. 40, 554. 

Londonderry, siege of, raised, ii. 
18, 19. 

Lonsdale, viscount, ii 261. 

Lorge, marshal, i. 623. 

Lorn, lord, i. 57, 58, 106. so- 
licits in behalf of his father, 
123. the king inclined to re- 
store him, 130. his letter in- 
tercepted, 148, 149, 15 1, made 
earl of Argile, 205. See Ar- 

Lorrain, cardinal, i. 31 1. 
Lothian, earl of, i. 19, 51, 52. 
Lothian, marquis of, ii. 519. 
Love's motion against popery, i. 

Louvois, i. 322, 404, 412. dra- 
goons the protestants, i. 658, 
668, 689, 766. is secretly an 
enemy to king James, ii. 17, 

Lowdun, earl of, i. 27, 30, 44, 

Lower, Dr. i. ^05, 506, 609. 
Lowick is in the assassination 

plot, ii. 1 74. 
Lucas, lord, seizes the Tower, 

and declares for the prince of 

Orange, i. 797. 

Ludlow, general, i. 46. 
Lumley, lord, i. 644, 763, 766, 

Lunenburgh, duke of, i. 757. ii. 

Lunt, ii. 141. some tried on his 

evidence, 142. 
Luxemburgh, duke of, marches 

into Holland, i. 333, 335, 406. 

gains the battle of Flerus, ii. 

52, 96. of Steenkirk, 97, 98. 

and of Landen, 112. his death, 


Maccail dies in the torture, i. 

Maccarty, colonel, i. 601, 602. 
Maccland, i. 52, 127. 
Macclean, sir John, his account 

of a plot, ii. 371, 372, 373, 

374. 375. 376. 377..378. 

Macclesfield, earl of, i. 780. ii. 

Maccloud, betrayer of Montrose, 
i. 127. 

Macdonalds declare for Charles 
II. i. 58. 

Macdonalds come from Ireland 
to recover Kentire from the 
Argvles, i. 37, 39. of Glencoe, 
ii. 88, 89. 

Mackuy commands in Scotland, 
ii. 27. his services in Ireland, 
79, 82. killed at Steenkirk, 97, 

Mackenzie, i. 414, 469. 

Mackenzie, sir George, (see Cro- 
marty, earl of,) i. 147. 

Mackland of Assin betrays Mont- 
rose, i. 52. 

Mackney, Mr. domestic steward 
to bishop Burnet, ii. 723. 

Macom, i. 679. 

Macquair, i. 1 17. 

Maestricht taken, i. 354. 

Magdalen college, Oxford, at- 
tempt upon by king James, i. 
699, 784. 

Magna charta, an original in the 
author's hands, i. 32, 812. 
c 04 



MuDtenon, madarae de, i. 664. 
709. ii. 95, 110, 215, 216, 
252,456. 530. 

Malplaqiiet, battle of, ii. 533. 

Manchester, earl of, i. 85. made 
lord chamberlain, 98. is for 
moderation, 192. persuades 
the queen to be more circum- 
spect, 263. 

Manchester, earl of, ambassador 
in France, ii. 251. leaves that 
court, 293, 294. 

Mansel, colonel, i. 475. 

Mansel, sir Thomas, ii. 38 1, 496. 

Mansfield, count, ii. 328, 350, 

MantOD, Dr. i. 259, 308. 

Mantua, duke of, ii. 263, 286, 

Manvvaring, Dr. ii. 544. 

Marchmont, earl of, promotes the 
union, ii. 460. 

Marian's arguments used by 
Cromwell, i. 42. 

Marlborough, earl of, (v. Church- 
ill,) takes Cork and Kinsale, 
ii. 60. is discontented, 85. is 
dismissed, 90, 92. sent to the 
Tower on a forged accusation, 
102, 104, 182. governor to 
the duke of Gloucester, 210, 
261, 262. sent to Holland on 
queen Anne's accession, 310, 
311, 312. made captain ge- 
neral 313, 314, 316, 324. 
takes Venlo, Ruremond, Ste- 
venswaert, and Liege, 325. 
escapes from a French party, 
326. beloved in Holland, ibid, 
made a duke, 327. has thanks 
from both houses of parlia- 
ment, ibid, loses his only son, 
347. takes Bonne, Huy, Lim- 
bourg, Guelder* and all the 
Coudras, 348, 349. his secrecy 
iu conducting his designs, 381, 
382. routs the Bavarians at 
Schellemberg, 382, 383. joins 
prince Eugene, 383. the vic- 
tory at Blenheim, 384, 385. 

is made a prince of the em- 
pire, ibid. 386. his negocia- 
tions at several courts, 387, 
400. disappointed by the prince 
of Baden, 413, 414. breaks 
through the French lines, 415. 
calms the divisions in Holland, 

416. goes to several courts, 

417, 436. his victory at Ra- 
mellies, 450. reduces all Flan- 
ders and Brabant, 45 1 . takes 
Ostend, Menin, Dendermond, 
and Aeth, 45 1, 452, 476, 484, 
485. removes Mr. Harley, 495, 
496, 503. his victory at Ou- 
denarde, 505. six thousand of 
his men beat twenty thousand 
French, 506, 507, 508. forces 
the French lines, 509. Lisle 
taken, 510. and Ghent and 
Bruges, 511, 517. he is pleni- 
potentiary for treating with 
France, 527, 528, 532. takes 
Tournay, 532. bis victory at 
Blareignies, 532, 533. takes 
Mons, ibid. 546, 548. takes 
Doway and Fort Escarp, ibid, 
rejects king Philip's offers, 
550. takes Bethune, Aire, and 
St. Venant, 557, 560. has not 
the usual thanks of parliament, 

563, 564. carries the queen a 
surrender of his lady's places, 

564. 565. 575- P'isses the 
French lines, 576. and takes 
Bouchain, ibid, retires from 
council, 582, 583. turned out 
of all his employments, 588. 
his present fronj the Jew voted 
illegal, 592. and the two and 
a half per cent, from the fo- 
reign troops, ibid, libels a- 
gainst him, 592, 593. prince 
Eugene's saying as to one of 
these, ibid, suits against him, 
614, 615. his innocence appa- 
rent, 592, 593, 614, 615. on 
lord Godolphin's death he goes 
abroad, 615, 715, 720. 



Marlborough, countess of, and af- 
terwards duchess, (see Church- 
ill,) is forbid the court, ii. 91. 
is reflected on for favouring 
the vvhigs, 429, her authority 
quoted, 430. her interest at 
court declines, 487. is again 
in favour, 496. she leaves the 
court, 546, 547. and sends a 
surrender of her places, 564, 
565, 614, 615, 720. 

Marsin, mareschal, ii. 381, 384, 

' 385. 452. 456. 
Martin, Henry, i. 67, 162. 
Martin, Mr. of ComptOD, ii. 


Mary, queen, wife of king James 
II. went to Bath, i. 749. the 
mysterious management of her 
supposed childbirth, 750, 751, 
752, 753. went to France, 
795. engaged king James to 
follow her, 804- her corre- 
spondence in England, ii. 69, 
70. her bold repartee to the 
king of France, 203. is at- 

^ tainted by bill, 297. 

Mary II. qiieen, joint sovereign 
with king William III. (see 
Orange,) ii. 2. made so of 
Scotland, 22, 24. the admini- 
stration in her during the 
king's absence, 43. her ten- 
derness for king James, 47, 
55, 56. her government, 48, 
49. her counsel, 49. her be- 
haviour in time of danger, 51. 
a misunderstanding with the 
princess of Denmark, 91. her 
care of the morals of the people, 
101 .her management of church 
affairs, 117, 1 18, 1 19. her good 
conduct, 133, 134. her illness, 

136. her death and character, 

137, 138. a reconciling mes- 
sage passed between her and 
her sister, 149, 663, 664, 

Mary, queen of Scots, a supposed 

illegitimate grandson of hers, 
i. 34. the cause of her death, 

Masquerades at court, i. 262. 

Massam, (Mr.) made a peer, ii. 


Massam, Mrs. made privy purse, 
ii. 564. 

Massey, dean of Christ Church, 
i. 696. 

Matthias, resigns the crown of 
Bohemia, i. 1 2. 

Maurice, elector of Saxony, i. 

Maurice, prince of Orange, op- 
poses the Arminians, i. 13. 
breaks articles with a town, 
96. differences between him 
and Barnevelt, 315, 316. dies, 


Maurier, i. 312. 

Maximilian against persecution, 
i. 12. 

Maxwell, an incendiary, i. 233. 

Maxwell, bishop, i. 26. 

May, Mr. i. 262, 470, 604. 

Maynard, sergeant, i. 68, 441, 
639. his repartee to king Wil- 
liam, 803. made one of the 
commissioners of the great 
seal, ii. 3. 

Mayne, duke de, ii. 151. 

Mazarin, cardinal, i. 72, 73, 76, 
85, 166, 167. 

Mead, Dr. ii. 724. 

Meal-tub plot, i. 475. 

Meaux, bishop of, i. 656. ii. 315, 

Medavi, count, ii. 450. 

Medina, duke of, ii. 288. sent 
prisoner to Segovia, 557. 

Melfort, earl of, i. 636, 637, 
653. 783- ii- 27,373. 

Melvil, lord, i. 629. secretary of 
state for Scotland, ii. 24. zeal- 
ous for presbyter)', 25, 29, 36. 
holds a parliimient as commis- 
sioner, 61. gives up the supre- 
macy and the rights of patron- 



age, 62. advises an indemnity, 
63. has Dalrymple joined to 
him in the secretary's post, 
74. is removed, 87. 

Merci, count, ii. 531, 532. 

Meres named for speaker of the 
house of commons, i. 452. 

Mesnager brings preliminaries 
from France, ii. 580. 

Methuen, lord, i. 19, 

Methuen, Mr. his negociations 
in Portugal, ii. 289, 290,323, 
332. concludes a treaty there, 
35'. 352, 353. 387. 388. 

Mew, bishop of Winchester, i. 


Middlesex, earl of, ii. 277. 

Middleton, i. 60. 

Middleton, earl of, i. 104, 105, 
107, 109. commissioner and 
general in Scotland, no, 113. 
his splendour, 1 1 4. passes the 
rescissory act, 1 1 9, inveterate 
against Argile, 124. and Gu- 
thry, 126, 127, 128. disputes 
with the earl of Crawford. 1 29. 
for episcopacy, 131, 142, 143. 
for fines in the indemnity, 147. 
passes the incapacitating act, 

150. i5». 153. 154. 155- ac- 
cused by Lauderdale, 200. and 
turned out, 201, 202. 

Middleton, earl of, his son, se- 
cretary of state for Scotland, 
i. 592. his advice to Paterson, 
680, 683, 726, 801. goes over 
to king James with a wise pro- 
jwsal, ii. 122, 294, 373. 

Militia, an act placing it under 
the control of the Scotch 
council, i. 285. a bill to take it 
out of the crown, ii. 14, 206. 

Millington, Dr. i. 609, 750, 751. 

Milton, his famous poem, i. 163. 

Minas, marquis das, ii, 481. 

Ministers of Edinburgh, their 
characters, i. 34. 

Ministers of the crown, the au- 
thor's opinion that their pa- 

pers and letters should become 
public property, i. 286. mode 
of forming young men for of- 
fice, ii. 663. 

Minorca taken by the British 
fleet, ii. 512. 

Mirandola, princess of, ii. 287. 

Mitchell, his trial for the attempt 
on Sharp, i. 413, 415, 416. 
dies universally pitied, 417. 

Modena, duchess of, i. 749, 

Modena, duke of, ii. 287, 350. 

Mohun, lord, killed in a duel 
with duke Hamilton, ii. 612. 

Moliere commended, ii. 653. 

Mombas, general, i. 324. 

Monk, general, left to reduce 
Scotland, i. 58. desired to de- 
clare for the parliament, 84. 
breaks open the gates of Lon- 
don, 86. declares for the se- 
cluded members, ibid, moves 
to restore the king without 
terms, 89. a protester in fa- 
vour of a commonwealth, but 
changes sides, 92. made duke 
of Albemarle, and has the gar- 
ter, 98. he sends Argile's let- 
ters to Scotland, 125, 166, 
173, 200. is admiral against 
the Dutch, 228. 

Monkton, Mr. a bold saying of 
his, ii. 258. 

Monmouth, duchess of, disputes 
about the guardianship of her- 
self and sister, i. 102. 

Monmouth, duke of, i, 261, 270, 
354, 412, 438, 452, 454, 469, 
470. sent to suppress the re- 
bellion at Bothwell-bridge, 
472. his clemency, 473. sent 
beyond sea, 474. returns and 
is disgraced, 477. pushes on 
the exclusion, 487. meets lord 
Russel at Shepherd's, 537, 
538* 539- treats with the 
Scotch, 539, 540, 547. escapes, 
549' 551. 5 59-. is pardoned, 
573. and again disgraced, 



575' 577- ineets the king 
at lady Portsmouth's, 604. 
dismissed from Holland, 624, 
625, 626, 628, 629. forced to 
an unripe invasion, 630, 63 1 . 
lands at Lime, 640, attainted 
by parliament, 641. defeated 
and taken, 644. executed, 645 . 
dies calmly, 646. 

Monmouth, earl of, (see Mor- 
daunt,) made first commis- 
sioner of the treasury, ii. 4, 
15, 36. turned out, 41, 277. 

Mons taken by the French, ii. 
73. taken by the English, 533. 

Montague, admiral, comes in to 
king Charles, i. 87. made earl 
of Sandwich, and has the garter, 
98, 218, 219, 221. blows up 
his own ship at Solbay, 323. 

Montague, lord, ambassador at 
Paris, i. 337, 391, 410, 411, 
422, 439, 440, 442, 455, 48 F, 
487, 563. is an earl, 655. ii. 

Montague, Mr. chancellor of the 
. exchequer, ii. 108, 218. made 
lord Halifax, 255. See Hali- 

Montague, sir James, attorney- 
general, ii. 553. 

Monlausier, duke of, i. 565. 

Monterey, i. 405. 

Montespan, madame, sent to a 
nunnery, i. 379. 

Montgomery, colonel, i. 57. 

Montgomery, lord, in a plot of 
invasion, ii. 173. 

Montgomery, sir James, his ser- 
vices to king William, ii. 23. 
sent with the tender of the 
crown of Scotland, 24. dis- 
gusted, 25. enters into a plot, 
35, 36. notice of which is 
given by his brother, 37. dis- 
covers it, but will not name 
his accomplices, 63. 

Montjuy, fort, taken, ii. 422,447. 

Montrevel, mareschal, his cruelty 

in the Cevennes, ii. 356, 357. 
Montrose, duke of, ii. 720. 
Montrose, earl of, i. 30. his 

brave undertaking, 36, 37, 38. 

is routed and his papers taken, 

39. his offers to the king, 52. 

his constancy at his execution, 

53. 57- 
Montrose, marquis of, his son, i. 

Montrose, marquis of, his son, 
for the union, ii. 469. made a 
duke, ibid, opposes the duke 
of Queensbury, 519. 

Moor, sir John, lord mayor," ap- 
points North sheriff, i. 528, 

529. 530- 

Moor, Arthur, ii. 622. 

Moray, sir Robert, i. 27. 

Mordaunt, lord, i. 665, 762, 780. 
See Monmouth. 

More, Dr. Henry, i. 186. his 
character, 187, 462. his works 
recommended, ii. 675, 676. 

More, Dr. i. 462. bishop of Nor- 
wich, ii. 76. argues for the 
union, 464. bishop of Ely, 488. 

Morel, of Berne, his account of 
a plot against king William, ii. 

Morgan marches to the High- 
lands, i. 60. 

Morgan, father, i. 725. 

Morland, under secretary to Thur- 
loe, i. 66, 77. 

Morley, i. 88, 170. made bishop 
of Worcester, 177. and of 
Winchester, 184, 258. his ac- 
count of the duchess of York's 
religion, 309, 358, 373, 374. 
his death and character, 590. 

Morrice, secretary, his character, 
i. 99, 202. 

Morns, of Charenton, ii. 677. 

Moulin, du, i. 374, 378. 

Mountjoy, lord, i. 805, 809. 

Mulgrave, earl of, i. 683. ii. 104, 
105. See Normanby. 

Munster, bishop of, i. 367. 



Murray, earl of, i. 19, 25, 679. 

Murray, of Philipshaugh, i. 586. 

Murray, sir Robert, his character, 
i. 59. pretended plot alleged a- 
gainst him, 60, 132, 150, 159. 
president of the royal society, 
192, 239. 241, 242, 245. his 
opinion of the Scotch clergy, 
247, 258, 261, 280, 283, 286, 
292, 298, 299. dies, 355, 363, 
391. ii. 676, 677, 679. 

Murray, William, i. 59, 60, 244. 

Muscovy, czar of, dangerous to 
the Turks, ii. 178. his travels, 
. 197, 198. comes to England : 
his character, 221. plots in 
Muscovy call him home, 222. 
his wars with Sweden, 231, 
256, 329. 395' 473- defeats 
them at Pultowa, 534. makes 
peace with the Turks, 536. 
takes all Livonia, 557. war 
breaks out between him and 
the Turks, 556, 569. he is in 
great straits, 578, 579. reduces 
Finland, 617. 

Musgrave, sir Christopher, i.638. 
ii. 108, 109, 348, 371, 410. 
his death, 411. 

Nairn, Mr. his character, i. 215, 
216, 285, 293. refuses a bi- 
shopric, 300. advises the au- 
thor as to his method of 
preaching, ii. 675, 677. 

Namur, taken by the French, ii. 
97. retaken by king William, 

151. '52, 153- 

Naples, kingdom of, ii. 476. re- 
duced, 480. 

Nassau, a prince of, ii. 323, 351. 

Needham, Dr. i. 609. 

Neltharp, i. 650. 

Netherlands, Spanish, in a scheme 
for a republic, i. 48. put into 
the elector of Bavaria's hand, 
ii. 84, 85. the campaigns 
there, before the peace of Rys- 
wick, 28, 52, 54, 77, no, 
J27, 150, 175, 193. in the 

hands of France on the king 
of Spain's death, 257. cam- 
paigns there, before the treaty 
of Utrecht, 324, 325, 347, 

348, 349» 382, 415. 450,476, 
484, 485, 505, 506, 507, 508, 
509, 510, 511, 532, 569. 

Neufchatel, its succession ad- 
judged to the king of Prussia, 
ii. 482. 

Nevill, Henry, i. 67. his plan for 
choosing parliaments by bal- 
lot, 83. 

Newburgh, earl of, i. 148. 

Newcastle, duke of, privy seal, 
ii. 577. his caution in passing 
public accounts, 567. his death, 
580, 720. 

Nicholas, secretary, his charac- 
ter, i. 99. 

Nicholson, sir Thomas, i. 56. 

Nisbitt, sir John, i. 279, 414. 

Nithesdale, earl of, i. 20, 21. 

Noailles, duke de, ii. 557, 600. 

Nonconformists, silenced by a se- 
vere bill in parliament, i. 224. 

Norfolk, duke of, i. 429, 445. 
his repartee to king James, 
684. the affair of his divorce, 
ii. 126, 127. 

Norfolk, duchess of, ii. 126, 127, 

Normanby, marquis of, (see Mul- 
grave,) ii. 271. heads the lo- 
ries, 314. made lord privy 
seal, ibid, made duke of Buck- 
ingham, ibid. See Bucking- 

Norris, lord, i. 485. 

North, chief justice, i. 488, 505. 
made lord Guilford, 532, 592, 
596. his character, 665. 

North, lord, opposes the address 
for the pretender's removal, ii. 
629, 692. 

North, sheritf of London, i. 528, 

Northampton, marquis of, ii. 



Nortliey, sir Edward, ii. 284, 572, 

Northumberland, earl of, i. 40, 
41, 169. his character, 570, 

Nottingham, earl of, i. 365, 420, 
452, 460. high steward at 
lord Stafford's trial, 490, 492, 
496, 498. 

Nottingham, earl of, his son, at- 
tacks lord Guilford, i. 665, 
669. meets at lord Shrews- 
bury's, 7 1 2, 764. sent by king 
James to treat with the prince 
of Orange, 794, 803. for a 
prince regent, 8 1 o, 8 1 1 . made 
secretary of state, ii. 3, 1 1, 15, 
33, 41. against declaring the 
acts of the convention valid, 
but for enacting them, 42, 55. 
brings in many tories, 86, 90. 
disputes with admiral Russel, 
94, 95, loi, 104, 116. is dis- 
missed, 123, 125, 129, 130, 
143, 169, 297, 301. made se- 
cretary of state by queen Anne, 
376, 377. resigns his employ- 
ment, 381, 429, 438, opposes 
the union, 464. is against 
Spain and the West Indies 
remaining in the house of 
Bourbon, 583, 584. carries 
the Occasional Bill, 584, 585. 
for addressing the queen to 
treat in concert with her al- 
lies, 587, 588. opposes an in- 
quiry' into kingWilliam's grants, 
605, 606. 

Nuncio from the pope, solemnly 
received by king James, i. 716. 

Dates, Titus, his first discovery 
of the popish plot, i. 424, 425. 
at the council, 426, 427, 428. 
his new discovery to the house 
of commons, 430. implicates 
the queen, 435, 436, 437, 438, 
448, 450, 464, 465, 467, 468, 
488, 490, 510, 549. imprison- 

ed, 591. convict of perjnry, 
and cruelly whipped, 637. 

Oaths, debates concerning them, 
ii. 8, 9, 43, 44, 103. 

Obrian. i. 269. 

Observator, by L'Estrange, i. 

Odescalchi, Livio, i. 661. ii. 

Ogilby, of Boyne, his commis- 
sion to queen Anne, ii. 547. 

Onslow, sir Richard, speaker of 
the house of commons, ii. 516. 

Opdam, i. 218. ii. 348, 349. 

Orange, Henry -Frederick, prince 
of, communicates a secret to 
England, i. 48, 49. his wise 
government, dies, 317. 

Orange, Maurice, ])rince of, em- 
broils Holland with the Ar- 
minian controversy, i. 13. his 
quarrel with Barnevelt, 315. 
dies, 317. 

Orange, William I., prince of, 
frees the seven provinces from 
Spain, and forms their repub- 
lic, i. 314. 

Orange, William-Henry, prince 
of, his birth, i. 318. made ge- 
neral, 320. his character of 
de Wit, 321. comes to Eng- 
land, 273. made stadtholder, 
326. his answer to the duke 
of Buckingham, 327, 329. ani- 
mates the States to a war, 
33 ^ .333' 342, 366. made 
hereditary stadtholder, 367, 
375. his conduct at the battle 
of Senefl', 376, 377. offers the 
French battle, 404, 405. comes 
to England, and marries lady 
Marj-, 408, 410. against the 
peace at Nimeguen, 422. beats 
Luxemburgh, 423. projects an 
alliance, 479, 482. a proposal 
to make him protector, or re- 
gent, 496. his conferences with 
king Charles, 575. 594. dis- 
misses the duke of Monmouth, 



624. keeps fair with king 
James, 627, 686. invites Dr. 
Burnet to the Hague, 688, 
689, 690, 691, 692, 693. ad- 
dressed by the church and 
clergy to interpose, 701. his 
answer to D'Albeville's pro- 
positions, 7 1 o. his friends meet 
at the earl of Shrewsbury's to 
concert measures, 7 1 2. Fagel's 
answers to Steward's letters, 
733. 734> 735- ^'8 answer, to 
Russel, 7^,6. congratulates on 
the birth of the pretended 
prince of Wales, 754. com- 
municates his intended expe- 
dition to the elector of Bran- 
denburgh, 757. Cologne af- 
fords a pretence for arming, 
758, 759, 760, 761. the States 
fit out a fleet, 761. what Eng- 
lish engaged, 762, 763, 764, 
765, 766. affairs in Germany 
favour the design, 771, 772. 
the Dutch fleet at sea, 774. 
the > prince's declaration, 775. 

n(>, 777' n'^^ 779. 780. it is 
amended, 781, 782. the fleet 
forced back, 783, 786. they 
return to sea, 787. land at 
Torbay, 788. the prince's be- 
haviour, 7 89. proceeds to Ex- 
eter, 790. many desert to him, 
ibid. 791. an association, 792. 
he is invited to Oxford, 793. 
his answer to the lords sent by 
king James, 795. the privy 
council invite him to London, 
797. learns that king James 
was fled, 798. at Windsor, 
that he was returned to White- 
hall, 799. sends him a mes- 
sage to remove, 801. conies 
to London, 801, 802. calls a 
convention of estates, 803. 
the Scotch declare for him, 
804, 805. Tyrcohnel amuses 
him, 806, 807, 808. the con- 
vention meets, 809, their de- 

bates, 810, 811, 812, 813, 

814. about the word abdicate, 

815. a motion for examining 
the birth of the pretended 
prince of Wales, 8 1 6. rejected, 
817. other motions, 818. the 
prince's behaviour all this 
while, 820. it is carried to put 
the prince and princess jointly 
on the throne, 821. protests 
in the house of lords, 822. the' 
oaths altered, 823. the no- 
tion of a king de facto, and a 
king de jure, 824. ii. 693. See 
William III. 

Orange, William II., prince of, 
i. 317. his death, 318. 

Orange, princess of, her letters 
to king James, i. 720, 721, 
722,723,724. arrives in Eng- 
land, 825. See Queen Mary II. 

Orford, earl of, (see Russel,) ii. 
195, 218, 233, 237, 265. is 
imjjeached by the commons, 

265, 266, 267, 272. his an- 
swer, 273, 276. acquitted by 
the lords, 280, 343. his ac- 
counts justified, 365, 489, 491, 
is at the head of the admiralty, 
537. withdraws, 553. 

Origen, i. 164. 

Orkney, earl of, ii. [359,] 384, 

Orleans, duchess of, comes to 
England, i. 288, 301, 302, 

303. 770. 771- . 
Orleans, duke of, i. 394, 406. ii. 


Orleans, duke of, his son, com- 
mands in Italy, ii. 452, 455, 
456. commands in Spain, re- 
duces Arragon and Valentia, 
475. takes Lerida, 479. and 
Tortosa, 504. his scheme to 
set aside king Philip, 600, 

Ormond, duke of, i. 40, 41. his 
character, 95, 131, 175, 196, 

266, 334, 364, 398, 427, 654, 



Ormond, duke of, his son, ii. 
3°3» 3 '3- his expedition to 
Cadiz and Vigo, 330, 331, 
332, 333. made lieutenant of 
Ireland, 341, [360,] 361, 362. 
again made lieutenant of Ire- 
land, 553. and captain-gene- 
ral, 593. has the same ap- 
pointments that were voted 
criminal in the duke of Marl- 
borough, 602. concerts the 
campaign, 606, 609, 610. pro- 
claims a cessation, and leaves 
the confederates, 609, 610. 
possesses Ghent and Bruges, 

Orrery, earl of, i. 65, 69, 71, 
1 76, 266. 

Osborn, sir Tho. i. 231, 251, 
265. made lord treasurer, 350. 
See Danby, earl of. 

Ossory, lord, i. 334, 377, 378. 
ii. 695. 

Ostervald, ii. 483. 

Ottoboni, pope Alexander VIII. 
his death, ii. 72. 

Overall, bishop, his book, ii. 

Overbury, sir Thomas, i. 16. 

Overton, general, i. 80. 

Owen, Dr. i. 82. 

Oxford, the court removes thi- 
ther on account of the plague, 
i. 224. 

Oxford, earl of, i. 795. a holder 
of first-fruits, ii. 713. 

Oxford and Mortimer, earl of, 
(seeHarley,) ii. 569, 587, 601. 
disowns a separate peace, 606. 
has the garter, 612. 

Oxford, university of, in repute 
for learning,!. 192. promises to 
obey James II. without limi- 
tations, 620 invites the prince 
of Orange, 793. signs the asso- 
ciation, 798. ii. 379, 380. 

Paget, lord, ambassador at Con- 
stantinople, ii. 99. 

Painevine quits his post, i. 336. 

his execution, 337. 

Palatine, elector, marries the 
daughter of James I. i. 1 2. ac- 
cepts the crown of Bohemia, 
13. ii. 201, 202, 323, 394. 

Palatines, ten thousand come to 
England, ii. 539, 540. the in- 
viting them over voted a crime, 

- 564. 565- 

Palmer, earl of Castlemain, i. 94. 
sent to Bome, 703. 

Palmer, mistress to Charles II. 
afterwards countess of Castle- 
main, i. 165. 

Papists, some of their books cen- 
sured, i. 188. gently treated 
at the revolution, ii. 12. divi- 
sions among them, 215, 228. 
an act giving away their estates, 
228, 229. another act against 
them dropped, 440. 

" Paradise Lost," character of, i. 

Parker, Dr. i. 260. made bishop 
of Oxford, 695, 696. is made 
president of Magdalen college, 
700. his death, 740. 

Parker, sir Thomas, distinguishes 
himself at Sacheverel's trial, ii. 
540. made chief justice in 
Holt's room, 543. 

Parker, in a design to assassinate 
king William, ii. 96, 172. 

Parliament, English, their treaty 
with Charles I. i. 44. dispute 
with the army, 83. rumj), so 
called, 86. the secluded mem- 
bers return, ibid, a conven- 
tion called, 88. recall the king, 
89. the indemnity, 165. the 
act of uniformity, 184, 197. 
two million and a half granted 
to the Dutch war, 218. meet 
at Oxford, 224. the act called 
the Five Mile Act, 226. the 
act for rebuilding London, 260. 
the committee at Brook-house, 
267. some members corrupt- 
ed, 268, 369. the Coventry 



act, 270. a new test act, 346, 
347. the king's declaration for 
toleration debated in the house 
of lords, 348. the comnaons 
oppose the duke of York's 
marriage, 360. prorogued, 361 . 
attack the ministers in succes- 
sion, 365. resolve to force a 
peace with Holland, 366. ex- 
amine Dr. Burnet, 379, 380. 
attack Dan by, 382. debates 
about the test, 383. and be- 
tween the two houses, 385. a 
new session, 386. characters 
of some leading men, 387, 388, 
389. a long interval of parlia- 
ment, 389. a dissolution pro- 
jected, 393. a prorogation dis- 
puted, 40 1 . the movers of that 
sent to the Tower, 402. a 
large sum for building ships, 
403. they press a war with 
France, 406. a new session, 
411, 412. the commons ad- 
dress against the ministers, 
421. a test against popery, 
435' 436. a militia bill, 437. 
Danby imj)eached of high trea- 
son, 44 T. the lords will not 
commit him, 442. the parlia- 
ment dissolved, 443. a new 
parliament, 45 1 . prosecutes 
Danby notwithstanding the 
king's pardon, 453, 454. de- 
bates concerning the exclusion, 

455. 456, 457. 458, 459. 460. 
the parliament dissolved, 460. 
the question of bishops' voting 
in trials for treason, 462, 463. 
a new parliament, 480. the 
bill of exclusion passed by the 
commons, rejected by the lords, 
481,482,484. votes of asso- 
ciation to revenge the king's 
death, 485. limitations on the 
duke of York rejected, 486. 
the lord Stafford's trial, 488, 
489, 490, 491. he is con- 
demned, 492. and executed, 

494. motions in favour of 
nonconformists, ibid. 495. a 
new parliament at Oxford, 

495, 498. go upon the exclu- 
sion, and dissolved, 499, 568. 
king James H. his parliament, 
625, 626, 638. grant the civil 
list for life, 638. a bill to 
make words treason, 639. act 
of attainder of the duke of 
Monmouth, 641. a new ses- 
sion, 663, 664. the commons 
address for observing the test, 

666. the parliament prorogued, 

667. and dissolved, 716. a 
convention called, 803, 809. 
debates there, 809 — 820. de- 
clare the prince and princess 
of Orange king and queen, and 
pass a claim of rights, 820, 
821. offer them the crown, 
825. the convention turned 
into a parliament, ii. 5, 6. an 
act for taking the oaths, 8, 9. 
act for toleration, 10. supplies 
given against France, 12. civil 
list for a year, ibid, chimney- 
money is discharged, ibid, six 
hundred thousand pounds giv- 
en to the States, 14. an in- 
demnity dropped, 15. the bill 
of rights, ibid. 16. one hundred 
thousand pounds given to duke 
Schomberg, 19. supplies for 
reducing Ireland, 38. civil list 
again for a year, ibid, a cor- 
poration act passed both houses, 
refused the royal assent, 39, 

40. a new parliament, 40. an 
act declaring and making the 
acts of the convention valid, 

41. members corrupted, 42. 
civil list for five years, ibid, 
supplies on remote funds, 43. 
debates about an abjuration of 
king James dropped by the 
king's desire, ibid. 45. a new 
session, 65. grant four mil- 
lionsj ibid, name commission- 



ers of public accounts, 65, 66. 
act of attainder of the rebels 
in Ireland, 67. an act vesting 
lord high admiral's power in 
commissioners of admiralty, 
67, 68. the princess of Den- 
mark's revenue made fifty thou- 
sand pounds a year, 91. the 
jTiinistry indemnified for break- 
ing the habeas corpus act, 66, 
103. abjuration of king James 
rejected, 103. supplies on re- 
mote funds, 104. a committee 
of both houses during the re- 
cess proposed, 105. a self-de- 
nying bill passed the house 
of commons, rejected by the 
lords, 105, 106. the triennial 
act passed both houses, refused 
the royal assent, 106, 107. a 
new session grant the supplies, 
1 24. examine the conduct of 
the admiralty, 125. a new ses- 
sion, 133. grant five millions, 
and pass the act for triennial 
parliaments, ibid, both houses 
address on queen Mary's death, 
139. and attend her funeral, 
ibid, a bill for trials of trea- 
sons passed the commons lost 
in the house of lords, 141, 
142, 143. attempts against the 
bank, 144. Trevor expelled, 
ibid, inquiries into bribes given 
by the East India company, 
145. an act against sir Thomas 
Cook and others, ibid. 146. 
a new parliament, 160. the act 
for trials of treasons, 160, 161 . 
rectify the coin by recoining 
all in milled money, 161. act 
for regulating elections, ibid. 
162. complain of the Scotch 
act for an India trade, 162. 
a motion to appoint a council 
of trade in parliament, 163. 
the assassination and invasion 
plot laid before both houses, 
169. their association signed 


all over England, 170. a land- 
bank erected, but failed, ibid. 
171. a new session, 180. 
provide for ten million defi- 
ciencies, and grant five million 
for the year, 180, 181. a bill 
of attainder against sir John 
Fenwick, 183, 184, 185, 186, 
187, 188, 189, 190. practices 
as to his discoveries examined, 
191, 192, 193. a new session, 
206. reduce the army to ten 
thousand men, 207. grant tlie 
civil list for life, 208. establish 
a new East India company, 
ibid. 218. a new parliament, 
2 1 8. reduce the army to seven 
thousand men, all natives, 219. 
inquire into grants of forfeited 
estates in Ireland, 220. ap- 
point commissioners to in- 
quire, 22 1, a severe act against 
papists, 228, 229. lord So- 
mers attacked in the house of 
commons, 236, 239. acquitted 
by a great majority, 237, 239. 
a motion to remove Dr. Bur- 
net from the duke of Glou- 
cester lost by a great majo- 
rity, 237. report of the com- 
missioners of inquiry into the 
grants in Ireland, 237, 238. 
the grants are set aside, and 
trustees appointed for selling 
the estates and determining 
claims, 238, 239, 240. de- 
bates concerning the bishop 
of St. Dand's, 250, 251. a 
new parliament, 253. a French 
party there, 257, 258. the 
commons' address, 258. par- 
tiality in judging elections, 
258, 259. provide for thirty 
thousand seamen, ibid, de- 
bates in the house of lords 
about the partition treaty, 259, 
260, 261. the lords' address, 
262. a second address, 263. 
the conmions' addresses, 262, 




263. vote ten thousand men 
and twenty men of war to as- 
sist the Dutch, ibid, debates 
in the house of commons about 
the partition treaty, 264, 265. 
they impeach some lords con- 
cerned in it, 265, 266. con- 
trary addresses of the two 
houses, 267, 268. the act of 
succession passed, 270, 271. 
an act limiting the privilege of 
parliament, 271, 272. pro- 
ceedings in the impeachments, 
272, 273, 274. the Kentish 
petition, 275. the petitioners 
imprisoned, 276. disputes be- 
tween the two houses about 
the impeachments, 276, 277, 
278. the commons not ap- 
pearing, the impeached lords 
are acquitted, 279, 280. a new 
parliament, 295. for a war, 
296. attaint the pretended 
prince of Wales, 296, 297. an 
act for abjuring him, 297, 
298, 299, 301,303. addresses 
of both houses to queen Anne, 
310, 3 1 J. commissioners for 
public accounts, 31 1,312. the 
union proposed, 315. the re- 
port of designs to set aside 
the queen voted false, 315, 
316. a new parliament, 333, 
334. partiality in judging e- 
iections, 334, 335. supplies 
for the war, 335. a bill against 
occasional conformity passed 
by the commons, 336, 337. 
lost by an alteration of the 
fines in the house of lords, 
337, 338. an act settling one 
hundred thousand pounds a 
year on prince George, 338, 
339. a further act to establish 
the succession, 340. Rx>ok's 
conductexamined and justified, 
341. inquiry into lord Ra- 
nelagh's accounts, 342. the 
commons' address charging 

frauds, 342, 343. answered by 
the lords, 343, 344. a new 
session, 362. the occasional 
bill passed the commons, re- 
jected by the lords, 363. sup- 
plies for the war, 364. lord 
Orford's accounts are justified 
by the lords, 365. commis- 
sioners of public accounts not 
continued, ibid. 366. the af- 
fair of Ailesbury creates a dis- 
pute between the two houses, 
367, 368, 369. an act for 
augmentation of poor livings, 
371. the lords examine into 
Maclean's plot, 373, 374, 375, 
376, 377, 378. the commons' 
address, 374. the lords' coun- 
ter address, ibid. 378. their 
opinion concerning the plot, 
378. an act for raising recruits, 
ibid, the lords' address about 
justices of peace, 379. a new 
session ; supplies for the war, 

401. the tack of the occa- 
sional bill to a money-bill lost, 

402. an act declaring the Scots 
aliens, 403, 404. the occa- 
sional bill thrown out by the 
lords, 405. the commons im- 
prison the Ailesbury men, 408. 
they are remanded by the 
queen's bench on their habeas 
corpus, ibid, sue a writ of er- 
ror in the house of lords, ibid, 
commons address the queen 
not to grant it, ibid. 409. 
counter address of the lords, 
409, 410. several bills not 
passed, 41 1, 412. a new par- 
liament, 428. great partiality 
in judging elections, 429. de- 
bates about bringing over the 
next successor, ibid. 430. a 
bill for a regency, 430, 432, 

433, 434. some officers ex- 
cluded the house of commons, 

434. both houses address con- 
cerning the danger of the 



church, 434, 435, 436. repeal 
the act declaring the Scots 
aliens, 437. act for amend- 
ment of the law, 439. a new 
session, agree to the articles 
of union with Scotland, 463, 
464. the act of union, 465, 
467. supplies for the war, 
469. the parliament revived 
by proclamation, ibid. 489. 
the lords inquire into the con- 
duct of the admiralty, 490. 
their address upon it, 491. 
they inquire into the conduct 
in Spain, 492. an act to en- 
courage captors of prizes, 493, 
494. the lords inquire into the 
correspondence with France, 
496. their address, 497. the 
privy council in Scothmd taken 
away, 498. the parliament sup- 
port the queen upon the Scotch 
invasion, 502. a new parlia- 
ment, 516. great partiality in 
judging elections, 5 1 7. a Scotch 
peer made a British peer can- 
not vote for the sixteen, 518. 
an act making treasons and 
the trial of them the same in 
Scotland as here, 519, 520, 
521, 522, 523. an act of 
grace, 524. the bank fund en- 
larged, ibid. 525. a new ses- 
sion, supplies for the war, 
537. Dr. Sacheverel impeach- 
ed, 539.. 540. 541. 542, 543- 
debates in the house of lords, 
543. 544. 545-. fo"nd guilty, 
but gently punished, 545. the 
parliament dissolved, 553, 554. 
a new parliament, 557. sup- 
plies for the war, 558. the 
lords inquire into the conduct 
in Spain, 558, 559, 560. cen- 
sure the old ministry for it, 
560, 561, 562. the commons 
expel a member for frauds, 
562, 563. vote the persons 
who invited over the palatines 

public enemies, 564, 565, their 
repeal of the naturalization 
act rejected by the lords, 565. 
an act for qualif\-ing members, 
ibid, another for importing 
French wine, 566. a design 
against king William's grants 
miscarries, 567. the commons 
vote thirty-five millions to be 
unaccounted for, ibid, an act 
for fifty new churches, 568. 
and for a South-sea company, 
569, 573. the commons ad- 
dress, 574. a new session, 583. 
the lords address against leav- 
ing Spain and the West Indies 
to the house of Bourbon, ibid. 
584. the commons address, 
584. the occasional bill passed 
without opposition, ibid. 585. 
duke Hamilton's patent as 
duke of Brandon determined 
to give him no seat in the 
house of lords, 586, 587. an 
act of precedence to all the 
house of Hanover, 587, 590. 
the lords address to treat in 
concert with our allies, 587, 

588. twelve new peers, 588, 

589. addresses on the peace, 

590. an expedient to quiet the 
Scots, 591. Mr. Walpole's case 
and censure, ibid. 592. the 
duke of Marlborough attacked, 
and some hard votes against 
him, ibid, episcopacy tolerated 
in Scotland, the presbyterians 
to take the abjuration there, 
594,595. an act restoring pa- 
tronages there, 595. the com- 
mons vote the advisers of the 
barrier treaty public enemies, 
597> 598- and that England 
had been overcharged nine 
millions in the war, 598. they 
punish the printer of the States' 
Memorial, ibid, the self-deny- 
ing bill lost in the house of 
lords, ibid. 606. an inquiry 

D d 2 



into the conferences at Ger- 
tniydemberg dropped, 607. 
protests of the lords expunged, 
ibid. 608, 609. seven proroga- 
tions,6i6. a new session, 617. 
addresses on the peace, 618. 
supplies, the malt tax is ex- 
tended to Scotland, 621. a 
motion to dissolve the union, 
ibid, a bill to render the treaty 
of commerce with France ef- 
fectual, 622. thrown out by 
a small majorit}', 623. an act 
for mortgaging part of the civil 
list to pay a debt on it of five 
hundred thousand pounds,628. 
both houses address to remove 
the pretender from Lorrain, 
629. the necessity of fewer 
and shorter sessions, 660. an- 
nual meetings of parliament a 
great evil, ibid. 
Parliament, Scotch, declare the 
prerogative in 1633, i. 21, 22. 
pass an indemnity, 55. meet 
after the restoration, 114, 115. 
grant forty thousand pounds 
additional revenue for life to 
king Charles, 116. the act re- 
scinding all acts of parliament 
since 1633, 117, 119. an act 
for keeping the twenty-ninth 
of May, 120, 121. a new ses- 
sion, episcopacy restored, 143. 
the oath of supremacy, 144, 
145, 146. the covenant ab- 
jured, ibid, the unheard-of se- 
verity against lord Lorn, 149. 
a committee for setting fines, 
ibid, the incapacitating act, 
150. rights of patronage re- 
stored, 152. presbyterian mi- 
nisters turned out, ibid. 153, 
154, 155. , a character of them, 
156, 157. and of the new 
ones, 158. a new session. 
Warristoun executed, 203. an 
act against conventicles, 204. 
and regulating a national sy- 

nod, 204. customs left to the 
king, 205. an act offering an 
army to march where the king 
should command, ibid, the 
parliament dissolved, ibid, a 
new one, 284. an act for the 
supremacy, another for the mi- 
litia, 285. severe acts against 
conventicles, 292. a new ses- 
sion, 338. another session, 
362. complaints of Lauder- 
dale, 363, 364. the parliament 
prorogued, 369. a convention 
of estates give money, 421, 
469. the duke of York goes to 
Scotland, 477, 512. an act 
against popery, 513. some ac- 
cusations of perjury suppress- 
ed, 514. a new test, 515, 516. 
the protestant religion how 
defined, 517. the parliament 
dissolved, ibid, many turned 
out for refusing the test, 518, 
5 19. a new parliament in king 
James the second's reign, 634. 
grant all that is asked, 636. 
they will not take off the penal 
laws, 680. are dissolved, 68 1. 
a convention meet after the 
revolution, ii. 2 1. duke Hamil- 
ton chosen president, they pass 
a sentence of forfeiture on king 
James, 22. declare king Wil- 
liam and queen Mary king and 
queen of Scotland, ibid, in 
their claim of rights insert the 
abolishing episcopacy, 23. a 
petition of grievances to be 
tendered with the crown, ibid. 
24. the convention turned in- 
to a parliament, 25. some high 
demands, they fire prorogued, 
26. an act taking away the 
supremacy and the right of pa- 
tronage, 61. presbytery esta- 
blished, chimney-money grant- 
ed, an oath renouncing king 
James, 64. a reconciling ses- 
sion held by duke Hamilton, 



1 20. they empower the king 
to protect the episcopal clergj', 

121, 157. the examination of 
Nevil Payne dropped, ibid, the 
marquis of Tweedale commis- 
sioner, 156. they examine into 
the affiiir of Glencoe, 157. an 
act for a new company trading 
to the East and West Indies, 
158. the project of Darien, 
ibid, it is voted a national 
concern, 235. the duke of 
Queensbury commissioner, 
234. many angry votes about 
Darien, 234, 235, 319, 320, 
321. a new parliament in 
J 703> 360. the duke of Queens- 
bury commissioner, ibid, made 
treason to attempt an altera- 
tion in the church govern- 
ment, ibid. [357.] debates a- 
bout the succession, [357,] 
[359.] an act for a commerce 
with France, [357,] [360.] 
they give no supply, [359.] 
the settlement in 1641 offered 
them to enact the succession, 
396. the marquis of Tweedale 
commissioner, ibid, refuse the 
succession till after an imion 
with England, 397. their suc- 

' cessor to be different, 398. 
the act for that purpose tacked 
to a money-bill, 398, 399. 
passetl by the queen, 399, 400. 
the duke of Argile commis- 
sioner, 404, 426. an act for a 
treaty of union, 427. the ar- 
ticles debated in parliament, 
459, 460, 46 1 . and agreed to, 
462, 463, 464. 

Parma, duke of, ii. 287. 

Parma, prince of, i. 31 x. 

Parry made a justice, i. 570. 

Parties, folly of keeping them up, 
ii. 662. 

Palerson, bishop, i. 290, 293, 
516, 518, 680. archbishop of 
Glasgow, 681. ii. 62. 

Paterson, projector of the expe- 
dition to Darien, ii. 158, 163. 

" Patriarchs, " by Filmer, i, 571. 

Patrick, bishop, his character, i. 
189, 462, 674, 684. he is 
made bishop of Ely, ii. 76. his 
death, 488, 676, 720. 

Pats, of Rotterdam, i. 330. 

Paul's (St.) church rebuilt, i. 373. 

Payne, Nevil, agent for king 
James, ii. 35. is engaged in a 
plot, 36. resists a double tor- 
ture in Scotland, 63. his ex- 
amination in parliament is 
dropped, 121. 

Pearson, bishop, his death and 
character, i. 694. ii. 676. 

Peiriski and sir Robert Murray, 
parallel between, i. 59. 

Pelham, lord, ii. 720. 

Pemberton made chief justice, i. 

501. 535. 556, 568. 

Pembroke, earl of, i. 798. his 
character, ii. 199. first pleni- 
potentiary at Ryswick, 202, 
261,' 262. made lord high ad- 
miral, 313, 356. lord lieute- 
nant of Ireland, and president 
of the council, 516. again 
made lord high admiral, ibid, 
resigns that post, but refuses 
a pension, 537. 

Pen, admiral, i. 219. 

Pen, the quaker, i.649, 65 1, 693, 
694,702,731,736. ii. 69, 71. 

Pendergrass, his discovery of the 
assassination plot, ii. 165, 166, 
167, 169. 

Pepys, secretary, i. 390, 614. 

Percy, lord, i. 100. 

Perkins, sir William, knows of 
the ass;issi nation plot, ii. 165. 

172. is in that of an invasion, 

173. absolved at Tyburn, 174, 

Perth, countess of, turns Roman 

catholic, i. 678. 
Perth, lord, i. 419, 420, 522. 

made chancellor of Scotland, 
D d 3 



583. cruel in torturing, 585, 
586, 587, 636. turns papist, 
653. has a chapel for mass, 
678. is imprisoned, 804. 

Peterborough, lord, i. 353* 477» 

Peterborough? earl of, (see Mon- 
mouth and Mordaunt,) com- 
mands in Spain, ii. 419, 420, 
42 1, 422, 423, 443, 447, 449, 
492. sent ambassador to Vi- 
enna, 558. his conduct in 
Spain approved by the house 
of lords, 559, 560, 561, 562. 

Peters, Hugh, i. 162. 

Petre, said to have been made a 
lieutenant general, i. 430. 

Petre, father, i. 672, 682, 694, 
704. a privy counsellor, 733, 

735. 740. 741- 

Pettecum, ii. 549, 550. 

Petty, sir William, publishes the 
bills of mortality under the 
name of Grant, i. 231. 

Philip II. king of Spain, cruelty 
of, i. 311. 

Philip V. king of Spain, (see An- 
jou,) settled on that throne, ii. 
251, 252, marries the duke of 
Savoy's daughter, 269. goes 
over to Italy, 287, 290, 294, 

328. his campaign there, 328, 

329. his campaign against 
Portugal, 389, 390. he quits 
Madrid, 448. returns thither, 
449. reduces Valentia and Ar- 
ragon,475. ^^^ ^^^ acknow- 
ledged by the Cortes, 529. the 
French troops leave him, 549. 
he protests against the treaty 
at the Hague, 550. loses the 
battle of Almanara, 555, 556. 
renounces his right of succes- 
sion to the crown of France, 

Philosophical meetings in Ox- 
ford, i. 192. 

Phipps, sir Constantine, council 
fur Sacheverel, ii. 540. 

Pickering, i. 432, 443, 468. 
Piedmont, campaigns there, ii. 
100,111, 154, 392,418,445, 


Pierce,Mrs. her deposition, i, 785. 

Pierpoint, Mr. prevails on parlia- 
ment to take away the ward- 
ships from the crown, i. 16. 
44, 267. 

Piers, Alice, parallel between her 
and the duchess of Marlbo- 
rough, by the lories, ii. 429. 

Pignatelli, pope Innocent XII. 
II. 73, 176. 

Pilkington severely 6ned, i. 535, 

.536. . 
Pique, his character, i. 566. 
Plague of London, i. 2 1 8. spreads 

over the country, 224. 
Player, chamberlain of London, 

Plot, assassination, ii. 55, 56, 95, 
96, 148, 165, 166, 167, 168, 
169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 

Plot, gunpowder, denied by the 

papists, i. 1 1. 
Plot, Montgomery's, ii. 35, 36, 

Plot, the popish, i.424, 425, 426, 
427,428,429,430, 431,432, 

433. 434. 435j 436, 437> 438. 

reflections on it, 45 1. 
Plot, protestant, i. 504. 
Plunket, an Irish bishop, tried 

and executed, i. 502. 
Plymouth, garrison declare for 

the prince of Orange, i. 793. 
Plymouth, earl of, ii. 271. 
Pocock, Edward, ii. 676. 
Pointy, French admiral, ii. 413. 
Poland. See Augustus, Sobieski, 

Pohgnac, Abbd, ii. 551. 
Pollexfen, i. 460. Counsel for 

the city charter, 532, 533. 
Polyglot Bible, by Walton, i. 192. 
Pompone, i. 306, 332, 390. 
Pontchartrain, ii. 252. 



Pool, Mat. i. 308. 

Poor of England, ii. 659. 

Pope Innocent, his character, i. 

705, his disputes with France, 

706. succeeded by Alexander 
VIII. an enemy to France, ii. 
72. succeeded by Innocent 
XII. 73, 176. and he by Cle- 
ment XI. 251. who is in the 
French interest, 252, 263, 269, 
286, 294, 323, 395. threatens 
the emperor and arms, 512. is 
forced to submit, 514, and own 
king Charles of Spain, 533. 

Popery, increase of in the time 
of Charles I. 26, 27. 

Popoli, duke de, ii. 420. 

Porter, captain, in the assassina- 
tion plot, ii. 165, 166, 169. 
many tried and convicted on 
his evidence, 171, 172, 173, 
174. he discovers practices on 
him, 183. 

Porter, sir Charles, chancellor of 
Ireland, i. 654. ii. 159, 160. 

Portland, earl of, (see Benthink,) 
i. 575. made groom of the 
stole, ii. 5, 35, 36. the assas- 
sination plot discovered to 
him, 165, 192. his private ne- 
gotiation with Boufflers, 200, 
201. Ambassador in France, 
224. resigns his place of 
groom of the stole, 225, 226, 
235. negotiates the partition 
treaties, 225, 260, 261, 264. is 
impeached, but not prosecuted, 
265, 274, 280, 301, 303, 306. 

Portocarrero, cardinal, ii. 252. 

Portsmouth, duchess of, i. 337, 
379,392,410,436,456. for the 
exclusion, 48 1 . why, 486, 487, 
503.53^556,564.592. anew 
scheme concerted at her lodg- 
ings, 604, 605. attends the 
king in his last illness, 607. 
her account of his death, 61 a. 

Portugal, John V. king of, firm 
to his father's treaties, ii. 476. 

marries the emperor's sister, 
479, 480. great riches from 
America, 524, 620. campaigns 
on his frontier, 504, 531, 556. 
agrees to the treaty at Utrecht, 

Portugal, Peter king of, enters 
into the French alliance, ii. 
289, 290. is neutral in the war, 
323. enters into the grand al- 
liance, his treaty with Eng- 
land, 352, 353. campaigns on 
his frontier, 389, 390, 423, 
444, 445. his death, 476. 

Powel, judge, i. 424. his opinion 
in the trial of the seven bi- 
shops, i. 743. and in the affair 
of Ailesbury, ii. 367. 

Powel, Mr. i. 478. 

Powis, lord, i. 430, 447. 

Powis, countess of, i. 475, 750. 

Powis made solicitor general and 
attorney general, i. 669, 742. 
ii. 367. 

Powle, i. 389,424,474. 

Powlet, earl of, ii. 552,553, 612. 

Prance discovers Godfrey's mur- 
der, i. 445, 446, 447. 

Prayer, form of, devised for Scot- 
land, i. 10. 

Preachers in conventicles punish- 
able with death, i. 292. 

Preaching, mode of, in 1661. 
i. 191. 

Presbyterian (Scotch) preachers, 
their character, i. 34, 35. au- 
thor recommends that some 
of the more moderate shall be 
placed in vacant churches, 281. 

Presbyterians, English, against 
king Charles's murder, i. 47. 
an union with them proposed 
at the restoration, 178. thank 
the king (Charles II.) for the 
toleration, 308. a comprehen- 
sion proposed at the revolution, 
ii. 30,31,32. does not succeed, 
33,34. divisions among them, 
D d 4 



Presbyterians, Scotch, discon- 
teuted, i. 116,119,121,144. 
refuse the oath of supremacy, 
146. silenced, 153. their cha- 
racter, 156. their discipline, 
157. an accommodation with 
them treated, 273, 274, 275, 
278. rejected by them, 293. 
Conferences thereon, 294, 295, 
296, 297. the fury of the Car- 
gillites and Cameronians, 511, 
512. the presbyterians insolent 
to the episcopal clergy, 8 04, 805. 
their fiiry at the revolution, ii. 
29, 30, 64. alienated from 
king William, 87. reconciled 
to him, 121. are provoked a- 
gain, 122. methods taken in 
1712. to incense them, 594, 


Presbytery new modelled in Scot- 
land, i. 33. their leaders, 34, 
35. their general assembly op- 
pose the parliament, 42, 43. 
they raise the Whiggamore 
insurrection, 43. divisions a- 
niong them, 55, 61, 62, 63. 
presbyteries prohibited, 141. 
presbytery established in Scot- 
land, ii. 22, 23, 24, 64, 360, 
[357.] made unalterable at 
the union, 461. 

Preston, Dr. i. 19. 

Preston, lord, i. 30J, 638. made 
secretary of state, 783. seized 
going over to France, ii. 69. 
tried, condemned, and par- 
doned, 70, 71. 

Pretender, the, owned by France, 
ii. 293. by the pope. Savoy 
and Spain, 294. is attainted, 
296. an oath abjuring him, 
297,298,301. a plot in Scot- 
land for him, 376, 377, 37-8. 
his expedition from Dunkirk 
thither, 500, 501, 502. his 
campaign in Flanders, 503, 
called first the pretender in 
the queen's speech, ibid, his 

sister's death and character, 
602. he removes to Bar le 
due, 629. Addresses to remove 
him thence, ibid. 

Priests, the best spies, i. 3 1 1 . 

Primi, abbot, i. 301. 

Primrose, Archibald, his charac- 
ter, i. 20, 27, 104, 105, 109. 
clerk register, 110, 113. draws 
the prerogative acts, 116. and 
the rescissory act, 118, 122, 
288, 413, 414', 415, 416, 417. 

Princess royal, her death, i. 171. 

Princess Anne. See Denmark. 

Prince George. See Denmark. 

Prior, Matthew, ii. 580. 

Privilege of peers, act relative to, 
ii. 271. 

Protestant religion, its first crisis, 
i. 310. second crisis, 311. 
third crisis, 311, 312, 313. 
fourth crisis, 314. fifth crisis, 

Prussia, king of, (sec Branden- 
burgh,) ii. 322,324. judged 
prince of Neufchatel, 482. 
France owns his regal title, 
528. his death and character, 
616, 617. 

Puritans, their character, man- 
ners, and conduct, i. 17, 18. 
bill against them, temp. Eliz. 
. i. 494. attempt to repeal it, 


Pyrenees, treaty of thie, how ob- 
served by France, ii. 529. 

Quakers' behaviour on prosecu- 
tions, i. 270, 271, 702. divi- 
sions among them, ii. 248, 249. 

Queen Anne. See Anne. 

Queen Catherine. See Catherine. 

Queen Christina. See Christina. 

Queen Elizabeth. See Elizabeth. 

Queen Mary. See Mary. 

Queen Mary II. See Mary II. 

Queen mother of England, Hen- 
. rietta Maria, her dislike to 
Montrose, i. 52. 

Queen motherof France, i .3 1 , 25 1 . 



Queen of Poland's intrigues, i. 
594. ii. 196. 

Queen of Scots. See Marj* queen 
of Scots. 

Queensbury, earl of, i. 523, 581, 
582. made a marquis and 
duke, 634. his scheme, 635, 
636. gets the better of the 
earl of Perth, 651. is disgraced 
and in danger, 653, 678, 679, 
680. his death and character, 
ii. 149. 

Queensbury, duke of, his son, ii. 
234. has the garter, 290, 320, 
360. he discovers a plot, 

[357.] [358.] [359.] [360,] 
372. is dismissed, but screened 
by an artifice, 395, 400. again 
employed, 426, 446. fearful of 
the union, 462. made duke of 
Dover, 5 17, 518, 586. is se- 
cretary of state, 519. 

Quota, settled between England 
and Holland, ii. 73. 

Raby, lord, created earl of Straf- 
ford, ii. 581. 

Racine, commended, ii. 653. 

Radnor, earl of, i. 266, 477, 592. 

Ragotzi, prince, ii. 350, 393, 

Raleigh, sir Walter, i. 16, 17. 

Ramellies, battle of, ii. 450. 

Uanelagh, countess of, letter 
from her to the author, ii. 700. 

Ranelagh, earl of, i. 266, 398. ii. 

Rapparees plunder Ireland, ii. 

Ratcliff, i. 430. 

Ratcliff, Dr. his treatment of 
queen Mary blamed, ii. 136. 

Ravvlinson, made commissioner 
of the great seal, ii, 3. 

Reading, tries to discredit the 
evidences of the popish plot, i. 

449. 45°- 
Rebellion, in the west of Scot- 
land, i. 234. .ind at Bothwell 
bridge, 47 1. 

Records of Scotland lost by sea, 
i. no. 

Reformation of manners, socie- 
ties for it, ii. 317, 318. 

Regency bill, debate on, ii. 43 1. 

Regicides, i. 162, 

" Rehearsal Transprosed," i. 260. 

Reinolds, made bishop of Nor- 
wich, i. 185. 

Reinschild, ii. 425. 

Renaldi of Este made a cardinal, 
i. 704. 

Restoration of Charles II. in- 
toxicates the people with joy, 

i. 93- 

Retz, cardinal, i. 74, 194. 

Rheims, archbishop of, his cha- 
racter, i. 564. his opinion of 
king Charles II. 603, 605. 

Rich, sheriff, i. 529,557. 

Richelieu, cardinal, i. 48, 59. ii. 

Richmond, duchess of, i. 431. 
See Steward. 

Richmond, duke of, i. 148, 151, 


Ritondella taken by the duke of 
Ormond, ii. 332. 

Rivers, earl of, sent to Spain, ii. 
453' 56o- ambassador to Ha- 
nover, 581. made master of the 
ordnance, 593. 

Roberts, lord, a leader of the 
presbyterian party, i. 85. his 
character, 98, 460. See Rad- 
nor, earl of. 

Roberts, Mrs. one of king 
Charles's mistresses, i. 263, 


Robinson, Dr. envoy in Sweden, 
ii. 535. his character of that 
king, ibid, made bishop of 
Bristol, privy seal, and pleni- 
potentiary to Utrecht, 580. de- 
clares the queen disengaged 
from her alliances, 607, 608. 
made bishop of London, 630. 

Rochelle, the siege of, i. 48. 

Rochester, earl of, i. 254. bis 



character, 258. in the treasury, 
454. 478, 484. 507- charged 
with bribery, 53 1, 532. is pre- 
sident of the council, 592. 
and lieutenant of Ireland, 601. 
made lord treasurer, 621,622, 
626. and one of the ecclesi- 
astical commission, 677. his 
conference about religion, 684. 
loses the white statf, 685. for 
a prince regent, 810. recon- 
ciled to the king and queen by 
Dr. Burnet's means, ii. 71, 
116,117. opposes the court, 
1 25, 140, 170, 254. made lieu- 
tenant of Ireland, 255. loses 
ground with the king, 280, 
290. goes over to Ireland, his 
conduct there, 291, 299. con- 
tinued in that post by queen 
Anne,3i3, 315,317,321. re- 
signs it, 340, 341, [360,] 364. 
proposes bringing over the 
princess Sophia, 407, 429. op- 
poses the regency bill, 432, 
438. and the union, 464, 491, 
526. is made president of the 
council, 553. letters from, 701, 

Rochester, Wilmot, earl of. See 

Rodolph, emperor, i. 12. 

Rohan, duke de, i. 47, 48. 

Rook, sir George, his success at 
la Hogue, ii. 93, 94. convoys 
the Smyrna fleet, and escapes 
with some of them, 114, 115, 
1 16. commands a squadron at 
Cadiz, 164. commands another 
sent to the Baltic, 243. com- 
mands a squadron to Cadiz, 
330,331. takes and destroys 
the galleons at Vigo, 332,333. 
his conduct approved by par- 
liament, 341, 358, 387. takes 
Gibraltar, 388, 389. 6ghts the 
count de Tho.ulouse, 390, 391, 

Rookwood, executed for the as- 

sassination plot, ii. 174. 

Roos, lord, his divorce, i. 262. 
ii. 126. 

Rosewell, his trial, i. 597, 598. 

Ross, Dr. i. 283. archbishop of 
Glasgow, 590, 680. 

Rothes, earl of, opposes the pre- 
rogative act, i. 21, 22, 24, 28. 
is gained by king Charles, 30. 
his character, 102. president 
of the council in Scotland, 
110, 119. dissolves the synod 
at Fife, 120, 122. is king's 
commissioner, 203, 205, 209. 
his conduct, 210, 234. severe 
to the prisoners, 236. made 
lord chancellor, 242, 246, 262, 

Rothes, earl of, instrumental to 
the union, ii. 460. 

Roucy, marquis de, i. 74. 

Rouille, president, sent to nego- 
tiate at the Hague, ii. 527. 

Rouvigny, ambassador from 
France, i. 366, 367, 391, 405, 

Rouvigny, his son, made earl of 
Gal way, ii, 82, See Gal way. 

Rowse, his execution, i. 559. 

Roxburgh, earl of, for the union, 
ii. 460. made a duke, 469. 
opposes the duke of Queens- 
bur\', 5r9, 720. 

Royal society, i. 192. ii. 440, 

Rumbold, i, 543, 545, 576, 632. 

Rumney, earl of, (see Sidney,) 
made secretary of state, ii. 5. 
is sent lord lieutenant to Ire- 
land, n8, 119. is recalled, 
ibid. 236, 

Rumsey, i. 537.542.543.545. 


Rupert, prince, saves the English 

fleet, i, 229, 352, 435, 450. 

opposed by the captains, ii. 

Russel, lady, ii. 693. 



Russe), lord, his character, i. 388, 
478. moves the exclusion, 48 1, 
493, 508. meets the duke of 
Monmouth at Shephard's, 537, 
540, 542. imprisoned, 547. his 
behaviour, 550. examined by 
a committee of council, 550, 
551. his trial, 553. and con- 
demnation, 556. his prepara- 
tion for death, 557. his exe- 
cution and dying speech, 560, 
561,646. ii. 690,691. 

Russel, admiral, meets at lord 
Shrewsbury's, i. 712, goes to 
the Hague, 746. his character, 
763, 766, 780, 781, 788. ii. 
52. commands the fleet, 73, 
78, 92. obtains a great victory 
at la Hogue, 93, 94. accused 
by lord Nottingham, and turned 
out, 103, 104. again at the 
head of the fleet, 123. sent 
into the Mediterranean, 129. 
winters at Cadiz, ibid, returns 
to the Mediterranean, 154, 
164. disappoints the invasion 
in J 696, 167, 168, 182. is 
made earl of Orford, 195, 343. 
See Orford. 

Russel, Mr. lord Russel's bro- 
ther, i. 790. 

Russell, Mr. marries Cromwell's 
daughter, i. 83. 

Rutherford, i. 34. 

Rutland, earl of. See Roos, 

Ryswick, treaty of, ii. 199, 200, 
201, 202, 203. 

Sacheverel, Dr. Henry, his two 
famous sermons, ii- 537. 538, 
539. he is impeached for 
them, and grows popular upon 
it, 540. tried in Westminster 
hall, ibid, his defence, 541, 
542. his trial occasions riots, 
542. he is condenmed by the 
lords, but gently punished, 
545. his progress into Wales, 
553. the queen uses an ex- 

pression of his in her speech, 

St. Alban's, duke of, a holder of 
first-fruits, ii. 7 13. 

Saint Amour, his character, i. 

St. Germain, i. 394. 

St. John, i. 68. ii. 575. 

St. John, ii. 488. secretary of 
war, lays down with Harley, 
, 496. made secretary of state, 
553.575- »*•«' viscount Bo- 
lingbroke, 61 1. See Boling- 

St. Mary's plundered by the 
English, ii. 331. 

St. Ruth, mareschal, commands 
for king James in Ireland, ii. 
78. is killed at the battle of 
Aghrem, 79. 

Salisbury, earl of, i. 401, 402. 
See Cecil. 

Salmasius, i. 163. 

Sancroft, Dr. i. 184. made arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, 392, 
408. moves that the king's 
declaration should be read 
publicly by the clergy, 500, 
524. attends king Charles II. 
on his death-bed, 607. is one 
of the ecclesiastical commis- 
sion, 675, 696. joins in the 
petition of the seven bishops, 
733, 738. met with the privy 
counsellors that invited the 
prince of Orange, 797, 802. 
absents from the convention, 
810. and from parliament, ii. 
6. his conduct in respect to 
the consecration of our author, 
8. his death and character, 

Sanders, i. 532. chief justice, 
535. his judgment of the city 
charter, ibid. 591. 

Sanders's book answered by Bur- 
net, i. 396. 

Sands, i. 269. 

Sandwich, earl of, 1. 98, 223. 



Sardinia taken by the English 
fleet, ii. 512. 

Sarsfield cuts off a convoy to 
king William, ii. 58. a memor- 
able saying of his in honour of 
the king, 81. 

Saville, George, i. 267. See Ha- 
lifax, marquis of. 

Saville, lord, his forgery, i. 27. 
discovered, 29. made earl of 
Sussex, ibid. 

Savoy, duke of, in the alliance 
against France, ii. 64, 100. in 
a secret treaty with France, 
128, 154, 176. reasons that 
induced him, 177, 355. joins 
to drive the Germans out of 
Italy, 177, 201. a scheme for 
giving him the Spanish suc- 
cession, 224. marries a daugh- 
ter to the duke of Burgundy, 
177, 178. another to Philip 
king of Spain, 287, 294, 328. 
comes into the alliance against 
France, 354, 355, 356. his 
danger and distress, 356, 357, 
385, 389. loses almost all his 
country, 392, 418. the queen 
assists him, 445. he, with 
prince Eugene raises the siege 
of Turin, 455. besieges Tou- 
lon, 477. raises the siege, 
478. recovers all Savoy, 504. 
takes Exiles and Fenestrella, 
5'3. 531. 560, 575. agrees to 
the treaty of Utrecht, 61 8. 

Savoy conference, i. 179, 180, 

Savoy, duke of, persecutes the 
Vaudois, i. 76. 

Sawyer, attorney general, i. 532, 

Saxe Gotba, duke of, ii. 289, 

Saxony, duke of, i. 13. defeated 

by Charles V. 310. 
Saxony, elector of, ii. 98. chose 

king of Poland, 196, 197. See 


Scarborough, Dr. i. 750, 751. 

Schomberg, count, advice of his 
in writing history, i. 49. his 
discourse with king Charles II. 
i. 172, 173. sent to command 
the English, 345. weary of 
that post, 352. made a mare- 
schal of France, 404, 405, 542, 
564, 565. quits the French 
and Portuguese service, 774. 
is in that of Prussia, 777, 786, 
788. made a duke in England 
with a present of loo.oooi. 
from parliament, ii. 19. goes 
to Ireland, 20. is killed in the 
battle of the Boyne, 50, 51, 


Schomberg, duke, his son, com- 
mands in Savoy, ii. 84. and in 
Portugal, 390. 

Schutz, Mr. ii. 698. 

Scio, island of, taken by the Ve- 
netians, but abandoned, ii. 


Scot, Dr. i. 462. 

Scotland, reformation in, i. 6. 
state of parties there during 
the minority of James I. ibid, 
episcopacy established there by 
James I. 9. its state under 
Cromwell, 61. citadels de- 
stroyed, 107. episcopacy re- 
stored by Charles II. 131. ci- 
vil government, 210. a rebel- 
lion designed there, 340. great 
discontent there, 354. a rising 
in favour of king James, ii. 22, 
25, 27. another defeated by 
Levingston, 61. changes in 
the ministry there, 74, 120. 
the project of Darien, 162, 
179,217. miscarrying, raises 
great discontents, 234, 235. a 
plot there in favour of the pre- 
tended prince of Wales, [357.] 
[358,] 37i> 372, 373- tl>e 
union how treated there, 446, 

447. 457. 458, 459: 462- the 
citsloms there mismanaged. 



466. a privy council kept up, 
470, 486, 497. taken away by 
parliament, 498. an invasion 
from France miscarries, 499, 
500, 501, 502. the Scotch 
members are divided, 519. 
treason and trials of it made 
the same there as in England, 
520, 521, 522. the Scotch 
peers retire from the house of 
lords, 593. but are prevailed 
with to return, 594. move to 
dissolve the union, 621, 622. 

Scots, the, enter England, i. 28. 
treat with king Charles 11. 5 1. 
settle at Darien, and pursue it 
at a vast expense, ii. 216, 217. 
driven from it by the Span- 
iards, 233, 234. 

Scott, Mrs. Mary, married to the 
author, ii. 695. 

Scougal, bishop of Aberdeen, his 
character, i. 217. 

Scroggs, chief justice, i. 448, 
468. impeached, 484. turned 
out, 501. 

Seafield, earl of, ii. [359,] 460. 

Seal, great, of England, thrown 
in the Thames by king James 
' n. and discovered by a fisher- 
man, ii. 16. 

Seaton, earl of Dunfermling, i. 
8, 27. 

Sea, squadrons at, ii. 20, 28, 49, 

52. 53. 54. 78,93. 114. "5. 
116, 129, 130, 131, 154, 155, 

178, 195^330. 331.332,333. 
353. 354. 358, 359> 388, 390, 

423. 447. 450. 476, 477. 478, 


Sedley, sir Charles, i. 264, 265. 

Sedley, or Sidley, Mrs. i. 624, 
628. created countess of Dor- 
chester, 682. See Dorchester. 

Seekers, i. 1 64. 

Seimour, sir Edward, i. 251. his 
character, 382. the king re- him for speaker, 452. is 

impeached, 484, 496, 639. 
joins the prince of Orange, 
and proposes an association, 

792. is governor of Exeter, 

793. comes into the ministry, 
ii. 86. opposes the court, 108, 
140, 145, 169, 170, 259,343. 
made comptroller by queen 
Anne, 314, 343,381. is dis- 
missed, 381. 

Seimour, is made a peer, ii. 344. 

Seignelay, ii. 17, 95. 

Selden, John, his " Mare Clau- 
" sum," i. 305. 

Semple, i. 233. 

Seneff, battle of, i. 376. 

Serjeant, i. 1 94, 466. 

Sermons, the author's opinion of 
what are the most beneficial, 
ii. 647, 648. 

Shaftsbury, earl of, his character, 
i. 96, 159, 263, 265, 303. ad- 
vises the shutting up the ex- 
chequer, 306. made lord chan- 
cellor, 307. his speech against 
the Dutch, 346. opposes the 
king's declaration, 348. advises 
the king to yield to the house 
of commons, 349. loses the 
king's favour, 352. the seals 
taken from him, 361, 362, 363, 
364, 365. for resistance, 384. 
takes credit for raising a dis- 
pute between the two houses 
of parliament, 385, 388, 393, 
401. sent to the Tower, 402. 
discharged upon submission, 

431.434.437.454.455- '"»f'e 
president of the council, 456. 
against the bishops' votes in 
cases of treason, 460, 466. for 
the exclusion, 469, 477, 482. 
accused by lord Stafford, 494, 
499, 502. sent to the tower, 
506. acquitted by the grand 
jurj', 508, 510. leaves Eng- 
land, 530, 537, 541, 542, 543, 

Shaq), sent as agent by the re- 



sohitioners, i, 64. betrays their 
interest, 92, 109, 1 16, 117,1 19, 
120,131. made archbishop of 
St. Andrews, 133. nominates 
all the bishops except Leigh- 
toun, 133, 134, 138, 139. by 
proclamation hinders the meet- 
ing of presbyteries, 141, 154. 
his behaviour to Lauderdale, 
201, 204. his violence, 206, 

208, 209, 210. accuses Lau- 
derdale, and retracts, 212,214. 
for excommunicating Burnet, 
217. severe to the prisoners, 
234, 235, 236. turned out 
from being president of the 
convention, 239. returns to 
council, 242, 243, 246, 247. an 
attempt to murder him, 277, 
278, 284, 290, 291, 297, 300, 
339..374» 399- ^e discovers 
who it was, 413. is afterwards 
murdered, 470, 471. 

Sharp, Dr. John, i. 462. preaches 
against popery, 674, 675, 677. 
made archbishop of York, ii. 
76, 720. 

Sheldon, Dr. Gilbert, opposes 
Gawden's promotion, i. 51, 
132,138. archbishop of Can- 
terbury, 177. at the Savoy con- 
ference, 1 79, 1 84. the strict- 
ness of the act of uniformity 
imputed to him, 185, 192, 200, 

209. for the five mile act, 
225, 243. approves an inquiry 
into the conduct of the Scotch 
clergj', 247, 252, 308, 358, 
374. his death, 392. 

Sheldon, father, proffers his ser- 
vices to our author, i. 360. 

Shelton, i. 624, 640. 

Shening, general, ii. 98, 99. 

Shepherd, i. 553, 578. 

Sheredon, i. 485. 

Sheriffs of London, disputes ' 
about their election, i. 479, 

Sherlock, Dr. i. 462, 674. leaves 

the Jacobites, and made dean 
of St. Paul's, ii. 71, 212, 213. 

Short, Dr. poisoned for talking 
of king Charles's death, i. 

Shovel made commissioner of 
the admiralty, ii. 104. is sent 
to the Mediterranean, 358, 
365. 387. 39°. 453- besieges 
Toulon by sea, 476. cast away 
upon the rocks of Scilly, 


Shrewsbury, earl of, meetings at 
his house in favour of the 
prince of Orange, i. 712. his 
character, 762. goes over to 
Holland, 766, 780, 792, 795, 
801,820. is made secretary 
of state, ii. 3, 15,39,41. re- 
signs, 45, 104. again made se- 
cretary, 123, 136, 182. prac- 
tices against him, 190, 191, 
192. made lord chamberlain 
to queen Anne, 546. sent am- 
bassador to France, 613, 

Sibbald, sir Robert, i. 679. 

Sicily, an earthquake there, ii. 


Sidley. See Sedley. 

Sidney, Algemoon, i. 67, 81, 226. 
answers king Charles H's de- 
claration, 500, 504. his cha- 
racter, 538, 539, 548, 550. 
trial, 569, 570, 571, 572. exe- 
cution, 573. 

Sidney, Mr. i. 479. in high fa- 
vour with the prince of Orange, 
756. his character, 763, 764, 
776, 780. secretary of state, 
lieutenant of Ireland, and 
master of the ordnance, ii. 5, 
118. made lord Sidney, and 
afterwards earl of Rumney, 
ibid. See Rumney. 

Sidserfe, bishop of Galloway, i. 
26. translated to Orkney, i. 

Simon, P. i. 539. 



Simpson, a spy, ii. 35,36. in a 

plot, 37, 38.' 
Skelton, envoy at the Hague, i. 

623, 640. and at Paris, 707. 

is sent to the Tower, 768. 
Sloane, sir Hans, ii. 724. 
Smalcaldick league subdued by 

Charles V'. i. 310. 
Sniirna fleet attacked by the 

French, ii. 1 14, 1 15, 1 16. 
Smith, sir Jeremy, seizes Spanish 

money in a Dutch ship, i. 71, 

241. , 
Smith, a priest, i. 449, 490, 504. 
Smith, Aaron, sent up from Scot- 
land, i. 540, 551. 
Smith, a spy, his letters, ii. 190, 

191, 192. 
Smith, Mr. his character, is 

chosen speaker, ii. 428. 
Smith's discourses recommended, 

ii. 675. 
Sobieski, king of Poland, raises 

the siege of Vienna, i. 594. 

beats the Turks, ii. 132. his 

death, 196. 
Sobieski, his eldest son, seized 

bv a party at Breslaw, ii. 357, 

Socinianism, its great progress, 

ii. 21 1, 212, 213, 214. 

Soissons, Madam de, i. 302, 303. 

Solmes, count, i. 801. ii. 97, 

Somelsdych, Miss, marries Bruce 
earl of Kincardin, i. 109. 

Somers,Mr. answers K. Charles's 
declaration, i. 500, 509. soli- 
citor general, ii. 42. made at- 
torney general, and soon after 
lord keeper, 107. his expe- 
dient against clipping, 147. 
his account of Chamock, 171. 
his administration applauded, 
218. attacked in the house of 
commons on Kid's affair, and 
cleared by a great maiority, 
236, 237, 239. is dismissed, 
and his character, 241, 242. 

designs against him, 260, 261, 
264, 265. is heard at the bar 
of the house of commons, 266, 
267. is impeached, 267, 273, 
276. and acquitted by the 
house of lords, 279, 280, 370, 
378, 438. his act for the 
amendment of the law, 439. 
a principal manager in the 
union, 458, 464, 491. made 
president of the coimcil, 5 1 6, 
517. is dismissed, 553, 712. 
letter from, 715, 720. 

Somerset, earl of, i. 11, 16, 17. 

Somerset, duke of, i. 5 1 . 

Somerset, duke of, i. 7 1 6. ii. 316, 

354. 377. 488, 495. 554- 

Somerset, duchess of, groom of 
the stole, ii. 564. 

Sophia, princess, ii. 315. See 

South, Dr. writes against Sher- 
lock, ii. 213. 

Southampton, earl of, his account 
of EIkuv Baa-iXiKV}, i. 51. angry 
with lord Clarendon at calling 
home the king without condi- 
tions, 89. his character, 95. 
against a standing army, 161. 
visits not the king's mistresses, 
177. moderate in church mat- 
ters, 178, 224, 225. his death, 

Southesk, earl of, jealous of the 
duke of York, i. 227, 228. 

South sea company erected, ii. 


Southwell, sir Robert, his au- 
thority quoted, i. 166. ii. 56. 

Souvray, son in law to Louvois, 
ii. 17. 

Spanheim, baron, his character, 
i. 567. his account of the 
French councils on the king 
of Spain's death, ii. 252. 

Spanish armada, how diverted 
for a year, i. 3 13. 

Spanish Netherlands. See Ne- 



Spain. SeeCharlesII. CharlesIII. 

Philip V. 
Spence put to the torture, i. 584. 
Spies, mercenary, their character, 


Spotswood, archbishop, his history 
censured, i. 8, 23. his life said 
to be of no great decency, i. 
26, 28. 

Spragge, admiral, i. 307. 

Sprat, bishop of Rochester, i. 
1 93. preaches before the house 
of commons, 483, 675, 745. 
ii. 285. his death, 629. 

Squadrone, the, carry the union 
in Scotland, ii. 460, 465. 

Stafford, lord, i. 445, 449. his 
trial, 488. condemned, 492. he 
sends for Dr. Burnet, 492, 
493. his execution, 494, 510. 
ii. 689. 

Stage, profligacy of, ii. 653. 

Stair, earl of, ii. 36. a great ma- 
nager for thfe union, 458, 460, 


Stair, viscount, i. 369, 419. 

Staley, the popish banker, ii. 689. 
his trial, i. 433, 439. 

Stanhope, envoy in Holland, ii. 

Stanhope, general, his son, at 
the siege of Barcelona, ii. 42 1 , 
422. procures relief to Spain, 
443,493. a manager at Dr. 
Sacheverel's trial, 537. gains 
the battle of Almanara, 555. 
taken at Brihuega, 556, 559, 
600, 629. 

Stanislaus chosen in the room of 
Augustus king of Poland, and 
crowned, ii. 394, 424, Au- 
gustus resigns in his favour, 
473. but obliges him to quit 
the kingdom, 534. 

Staremberg, count, his march in 
Italy, ii. 356. joins the duke 
of Savoy, ibid, commands in 
Spain, 493, 533, 534. defeats 
king Philip, 555, 556. delays 

relieving Stanhope, ibid. 574. 
routs the duke of Vendome, 

, 575- 
Starling, lord mayor of London, 

i. 270. 
States general. See Dutch. 
Steam, archbishop of York, i. 

Steenbock, a Swedish general, ii. 

Steenkirk, battle of, ii. 97. 
Sterrj', a preacher, his indecent 

prayer for Richard Cromwell, 

i. 83. 
Steward, Dr. his notion about 

the sacrament, i. 169, 720. 
Steward, Francis, marries the 

queen dowager of Scotland, i. 

Steward, Mrs. afterwards duchess 

of Richmond, i. 202, 25 t. 
Steward, sir James, i. 237. ii. 

520- ^ / 

Steward, created earl of Traquair, 
i. 23. See Traquair. 

Steward, sent by king James I. 
to queen Elizabeth, i. 312. 

Steward, a lawj'cr, his letters to 
Fagel, i. 731, 732,733. 

Stillingfleet, Dr. his character, i. 
189, 259,308,358,395,428, 
463, 674, 684, 685, 764. 
queen Mary inclined to make 
him archbishop, ii. 136, 676, 
682, 720. 

Stouppe, brigadier, i.65, 72, 74, 
75. 76, 11 > 335. 660, 661,685. 
ii. 692. 

Strafford, earl of, i. 27, 29. given 
up by the king, 31, 32. his 
death raised his character, 49. 
ii. 187. 

Strafford, earl of, sent ambassa- 
dor to Holland, ii. 581, 582, 
607, 611. has the garter, 612, 

Stralsund, the siege of, ii. 579. 

Strathallan, Drummond, lord, i. 



Stuart, sir James. See Stew- 

Sunderland, earl of, plenipoten- 
tiary at Cologne, i. 354, am- 
bassador in France, 422. se- 
cretary of state, 454. at first 
opposes the exclusion, 456, 
474, 478. in confidence with 
the prince of Orange, 479. de- 
clares for the exclusion, 481. 
and against a prince regent, 
496. is again secretary of 
state, 531, 560, 601, 604, 
621. made president of the 
council, 654, 672, 71 T. ad- 
vises moderate measures, 755. 
turns papist, 756. advises the 
rejecting a French army, 767. 
is turned out, 783, in high 
credit with king William, ii. 
108, 123, 160. for a council 
of trade named by parliament, 
163. and for a land-bank, 
171. for a large standing 
force, 207. retires from busi- 
ness, 208, 370. 

Sunderland, earl of, his son, for 
the union, ii. 438, 464. made 
secretary of state, 496, 517. 
is dismissed, 552, 559, 565. 
letter from, 716. 

Sunderland, countess of, i. 751, 


Sweden, Christina queen of. See 

Sweden, king of, beloved by 
Cromwell, and commended by 
Algernoon Sydney, i, 81. his 
death, ii. 199, 200. 

Sweden, king of, his son, media- 
tor at Ryswick, ii. 200. his 
coronation, ibid. 223. a for- 
midable alliance against him, 
230, 231. the English fleet 
protects him, and forces Den- 
mark to a peace, 243, 244. he 
overcomes the kings of Den- 
mark and Poland, and the 
czar, in one campaign, 256, 

• VOL. VI. 

257. his war in Poland, 287, 
289, 322. beats king Augus- 
tus, and takes Cracow, 329, 
358. procures Stanislaus to be 
chosen king of Poland, 394. 
drives Augustus into Saxony, 
394, 395. his successes in Po- 
land, 425. marches Hnto Saxo- 
ny, 457. forces Augustus to 
resign his crown, 473. his 
character, 474. makes the em- 
peror restore the churches in 
Silesia, 483, 484. is defeated 
at Pultowa, and flies to Turkey, 
534. his character by bishop 
Robinson, 535. his troops beat 
the Danes, 536. a plague in 
Sweden, 557. he procures a 
war between the Turk and 
czar, 569. tries to break the 
peace made between them, 
579, 6x3. defends himself at 
Bender against Turkish troops 
617. is at last forced to sur- 
render, ibid. 

Swinton, i. 106, 127. 

Swiss cantons, ii. 482. 

Sydserfe, see Sidserfe. 

Syndercomb's plot to assassinate 
Cromwell, i. 78. 

TafF, an evidence in trials of trea- 
son, ii. 141, 142. 

Talbot, Dr. bishop of Oxford, is 
for the union, ii. 464. speaks 
against Sacheverel, 544. 

Talbot, sir Gilbert, envoy in Den- 
mark, i. 222. 

Talbot, sir John, ii. 724. 

Talbot, Richard, i. 176, 226, 
227. opposes the duke of Or- 
mond, 266, 502. is made earl of 
Tirconnell, 654. See Tircon- 

Talbot, titular archbishop of Dub- 
lin, i. 502. 

Talmash, sir Lionel, i. 244. 

Talmash, general, ii. 79, 82. 
killed at Camaret, 129, 130. 

Tallard, mareschal, ii. 324, 351, 
E e 



384. taken at Blenheim, 384, 


Tangier, i. 173. abandoned, 593. 

Tarbet, lord, Middleton's fa- 
vourite, i. 148, 150, 151, 152. 
is made earl of Cromarty, ii. 
[359.] See Cromarty. 

Tarras, earl of, imprisoned, i. 

585. 586. ^ 

Tasborough, i. 450, 451. 

Taylor, Jeremy, archbishop Sharp 
makes a speech copied from 
his writings, i. 284. 

Tekeli, count, i. 563. 

Temple, sir William, i. 254. am- 
bassador to Holland, 377. his 
character, 378, 408. plenipo- 
tentiary at Nimeguen, 422, 
807. proposes treating with 
Tirconnell, 808, 809. 

Tennison, Dr. his character, i. 
190, 462, 614, 645, 674. 
made archbishop of Canter- 
bury, ii. 136, 137, 138. letter 
from, 717, 720. 

Terras, earl of, i. 585. 

Terwhit, sir Philip, i. 395. 

Tess4 mareschal, i. 663. ii. 392, 
413, 447, 448, 472. 

Test, debates on, i. 383. 

Thomas, bishop of Worcester, ii. 
6. deprived, 76. 

Throgmorton and his lady turn 
papists, i. 394. 

Thuanus followed by the author 
in his History, ii. 671. 

Thurlo, secretary, i. 66, 78, 79. 

Tiberius, parallel between him 
and king Charles H. i. 613. 

Tiddiman, i. 222. beat by the 
Dutch at Berghen, 223. 

Tillotson, Dr. i. 79, 82. his cha- 
racter, 189, 191, 230, 259, 
561, 572, 674, 684, 764. sent 
by king William to the earl of 
Shrewsbury, ii. 45. made arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, 75, 76, 
117, 118. his death and cha- 

racter, 134, 135, 212, 676. 

dies, 715. a letter from, 

Tirconnell, earl of, i. 68 1 . made 

lieutenant of Ireland, 682, 800, 

805, 806, 807. ii. 17, 55, 61, 

80. See Talbot, Richard. 
Tirol, the boors there repel the 

duke of Vendome, ii. 349, 

Titus, colonel, i. 1 1, 44, 350. 
Toland, ii. 283. 
Tonge, Dr. his account of the 

popish plot, i. 424, 425, 428, 

437. his death, 510. 
Torcy, marquis de, ii. 251, 527, 

528, 549>S5o. 551- 

Torrington, earl of, (see Her- 
bert,) is first commissioner of 
the admiralty, ii. 5. fights the 
French at Bantry-bay, 20, 49. 
and near Beachy, 53, sent to 
the Tower, ibid, tried by a 
court martial, and acquitted, 

Tory, when that party was first 
distinguished by this name, i. 
499. the tories taken in by 
king William, ii. 40, 242, 254. 
and by queen Anne, 3 13, 3 14, 
552, 657. 

Toulon, design on it, ii. 472. 
miscarries, 476, 478, 559, 

Toulouse, count de, engages 
Rook, ii. 390, 391. 

Tourville, a French admiral, ii. 

Townshend, lord, ii. 438, 464. 
plenipotentiary at the Hague, 
his character, 528. recalled, 
58 J » 595* censured by the 
house of commons for the 
barrier treaty, 597, 598, 600, 
607, 720. 

Trant, sir Patrick, ii. 52. 

Traquair, earl of, i. 23, 25, 26, 
27, 28. 

Treaty of barrier with the Dutch, 



the first, ii. 595, 596, the se- 
cond, 613, 614, 615, 616. 

Treaty of commerce with France, 
ii. 619, 620, 621, 622, 623. 

■ of comprehension, i. 259, 

273. ii. 30, 31, 32, 33, 

of the Isle of Wight, i. 

•^ of union with Scotland, ii. 

446, 457, 458, 467, 468. 
■^— of partition, the first, ii. 

223. the second, 224, 231, 

232, 233, 245, 259, 260, 261, 

262, 263, 264, 265, 268. 
■ ' at Carlowitz, ii. 204. 

at Cologne, i. 353, 354. 

at Nimeguen, i. 422. 

at Ryswick, ii. 199, 200, 

201, 202. 
at Utrecht, ii. 582, 599, 

601, 602, 615, 616, 617. 
Treby argues for the city charter, 

i. 498, 504, 532,533. 
Trelawny, bishop of Bristol, i. 

739, 765. of Winchester, ii. 

Trelawny, general, i. 764, 765. 
Trenchard, i. 547, 548, 551. se- 
cretary of state, ii. 108. 
Treville, count de, i. 303, 566. 
Trevor, sir John, master of the 

rolls, first commissioner of the 

great seal, and speaker, ii. 42, 

71. is expelled the house of 

commons, 144. 
Trevor, chief justice, ii. 367. 

made a peer, 589. 
Trial of Ashton, ii. 69. 
— — of Berry, Green, and Hill, 

i. 446, 447. 
— — of Charnock, ii. 171. 

of Friend, ii. 172. 

of Hone, i. 524. 

of the Jesuits, i. 443, 464. 

of Keys, ii. 1 71, 172. 

of King, ii. 171, 172. 

in Lancashire, ii. 141, 142, 


Trial of Perkins, ii. 1 72, 173, 174. 

of lord Preston, ii. 70, 7 i. 

Triennial parliaments, bill for, 
passes, but is rejected by king 
William, ii. 107. assented to, 


Trinity, controversy respecting 
the, ii. 212, 213, 214. 

Trimnell, Dr. made bishop of 
Norwich, ii. 488. speaks a- 
gainst Sacheverel, 544. 

Trumball, sir William, i. 769, 
ii. 100, 191. 

Turbervil deposes against lord 
Stafford, i. 488, 491, 492. dis- 
covers a plot at Oxford, 504. 
his death, 509. 

Turenne, mareschal, i. 168,322, 
332, 354. 403- l"s character 
of the duke of York, 619. 

Turin, siege of, ii. 453. raised, 

455. 456. 

Turks, their wars, ii. 65, 131, 
132, 156, 178, 233, 204, 
make peace with the emperor, 
204, 205, 329, 350. and with 
the czar, 536, 569, 578, 579. 

Turner the Jesuit, i. 464. 

Turner, sir James, i. 211, 233, 

Turner, made bishop of Ely, i. 
590, 627, 628. attends the 
duke of Monmouth at execu- 
tion, 645. absents himself from 
parliament, ii. 6. corresponds 
with St. Germains, 69, 70. is 
deprived, 76. 

Turner, sir William, i. 267. 

Turnham Green, a lane near, de- 
signed for the assassination of 
king William, ii. 167. 

Tweedale, earl of, his character, 
i. 102, 115. against Guthr)''s 
execution, 127. imprisoned, 
129, 208,211, 241, 244, 245. 
made an English privy coun- 
sellor, 246, 247, 248, 276, 
279, 280, 285, 288, 289, 290, 
362,369, 477, 513. made a 
E e 3 



marquis and chancellor, ii. 87. 
and king's commissioner, 156. 
is dismissed, 162. madequeen's 
commissioner, 396, 404. pro- 
motes the union, 460. 

Tyrawley, lord, ii. 559. 

Valentia declares for king Charles 
II. ii. 443. reduced, 475. 

Valiere, mademoiselle, her in- 
trigue, i. 301, 302. 

Valiere, duchess of, i. 565. 

Valiere, a spy, ii. 495, 496, 497. 

Vanbeuning, his character, i. 330. 

Vanderdussen, plenipotentiary at 

Gertruydemberg, ii. 551. 
Vandike the painter, i. 19, 
Van Ghent, Dutch admiral, sent 

to the Frith, i. 241. 
Van Hulst, i. 781. 
Vane, sir Henry, i. 44, 62. his 

character and execution, 163, 

Vardes, marquis de, i. 302. 
Vauban, a great engineer, ii. 153. 
Vaudemont, prince of, covers the 

siege of Namur, ii. 150, 151, 

152, 286. 
Vaudois, persecution of them, i. 

Vaughan, chief justice, i. 225. 
Vaughan, Mr. son of the chief 

justice, i. 389, 
Velasco, ii. 421. 
Vendome, duke de, ii. 194, 287, 


392, 418, 445, 452, 476, 485, 

509/ 556. 574- 575- 
Venetians, the, own king Wil- 
liam, i. 129, their wars with 
the Turks, 131, 176. neutraP 
in the French war, 263, 286, 

Venner, his fury, i. 160. 
Vernon, secretary of state, ii. 

261, 264, 265. 
Veterani, general, killed by the 

Turks, ii. 155. 
VieDna, besieged by the Turks, 

i. 563. the siege raised, 594. 
Vigo, the expedition there, ii. 

Villa Hermosa, i. 406. 
Villa Viciosa, battle of, ii. 556. 
Villars, mareschal, ii. 327, 348, 

349' 392, 414. 45 1. 476, 481, 


6 1 o, 6 1 1 . 
Villeroy, duke de, i. 623. 
Villeroy, mareschal, ii. 151,152, 

153, 286, 287, 349, 384, 386, 

Virginia, a college founded there, 

ii. 1 19, 120. 
Ulm, ii. 327, 385. 
Uniformity, act of, rigorously 

enforced, i. 191. 
Union of the three kingdoms in 

parliament, i. 61. 
Union of England and Scotland, 

ii. 446, 457, 458. 
Utrecht, treaty of, ii. 599. 
Uxelles, marquis de, plenipoten- 
tiary atGertruydemberg, ii. 55 1 . 
Wade, i. 630. 
Wake, Dr. i. 674. made bishop 

of Lincoln, his character, ii. 

407. speaks against Sacheve- 

rel, 544. 
Wakeman, i. 430. his trial, 467, 

Walcot, i. 543, 545. his trial and 

execution, 558. 
Waldeck, prince of, his charac- 
ter, i, 328. ii. 28. loses the 

battle of Flerus, 52, 54. saves 

Brussels, 77. 
Walgrave, i. 750, 753. 
Walker, Obadiah, i. 674. 
Wallace, colonel, i. 233. 
Waller, i. 388, 583. 
Wallis, Dr. ii. 676. 
Walpole, ii.588,591,592. 
Walsh, his character, i. 194, 195, 

Walsingham, his instructions to 

Wigmore, i. 7. gets intelli- 
gence of the Spanish armada's 



design, 311. his opinion about 
spies, ibid. 
Ward, bishop, president of the 
royal society, i. 193, 225, 

695- . 
Ward, sir Patience, i. 536. 
Wards of the crown, i. 16. 
Waristoun, his character, i. 28, 

54, 55, 106, 127, 198. his 

execution, 203, 237. 
Waristoun, lord, ii. 673. 
Warner, bishop, magna charta in 

his hands, i. 32. 
Warrington, earl of, chancellor 

of the exchequer, ii. 4, 15, 


Warwick, sir Philip, i. 96. 
■Wastefield, William, ii. 723. 
Watson, bishop of St. David's, 

deprived for simony, ii. 226, 

227, 250, 406. 
W^ebb, general, his success at 

Wynandale, ii. 507, 508. 
Weir, of Blakewood, his trial, i. 

Welsh, an incendiary minister, i. 

Wentworth, ladv, i. 630, 645, 

West, i. 542, 543, 545, 546, 

551. 559.57^576. 
Weston, judge, i. 485. 
Weymouth, viscount, i. 798. ii. 


Wharton, Henry, i. 50. 

Wharton, lord, i. 29, 401, 790. 
ii. 262, 316, 409, 431, 464. 
lieutenant of Ireland, 5 16. 
dismissed, 553, 629. 

Wharton, sir Miles, refuses a 
peerage, ii. 589. 

Whatley, justice, i. 340. 

Whichcot, Dr. i. 186, 187. ii. 

Whiggamore inroad, i. 43, 44. 

Whigs, origin of the name, i. 43. 
when the party wis first dis- 
tinguished by this appellation, 
499. turned out, ii. 41, 45. 

taken in, 107. lose their cre- 
dit, 209, 334 turned out, 241, 
254. taken in, 426, 516. turn- 
ed out, 552. 553. their prin- 
ciples, 657. 

Wliipping-boy, i. 59, 244. 

Whiston, Mr. ii. 571, 572, 573, 

Whitby, Dr. i. 674. ii. 7, 709. 

White, bishop of Peterborough, 
absents from parliament, ii. 6. 
deprived, 76. attends sir John 
Fen wick, 193. 

White, marquis d'Albeville, see 

Whitebread, his trial, i. 443, 

444. 450. 464. 465- 

Whitford, bishop, i. 26. 

Whitford, his son, i. 679. 

Whitlock, sir Bulstrode, i. 38. 

Wicquefort, i.374, 375. 

Widdrington, lord, i. 398. 

Wigmore, sir Richard, sent by 
secretary Walsingham to gain 
the confidence of king James I. 
i. 7. 

Wild, judge, i. 450. 

Wildman, i. 67, 546, 625, 78b, 
781, 786, 817. ii. 17. 

Wilkins, Dr. i. 64, 79. his cha- 
racter, 187, 191. bishop of 
Chester, 253, 259, 262, 272. 
ii. 676. 

Wilkinson, i. 506. 

William III. joint sovereign with 
queen Mary, (see Orange,) ii. 
2. his favour to Benthink and 
Sidney, 5. his first ministry, 5, 
6. his speech, 7, 12. grows 
jealous of the whlgs, 13, 14. 
proposes naming the duchess 
of Hanover in the succession, 
15. joint sovereign of Scot- 
land, 22, 24. his ministry 
there, 24. the whigs jealous 
of him, 35. refuses his assent 
to the corporation act, 40. 
takes in tories, 41, 45. the 
administration in the queen 
E e 3 



in his absence, 43, 47. his 
discourse to Dr. Burnet, 46, 
47, 56. wounded by a can- 
non-ball, 50. gains the battle 
of the Boyne. 51, 55. a de- 
sign to assassinate him, 55, 
56, 57, 58. besieges Limerick, 
and forced to raise the siege, 
59. his equal temper, 59, 60. 
goes to a congress of princes 
at the Hague, 71, 72. changes 
his ministry in Scotland, 74. 
fills the vacant sees, 75, 76, 
77. Ireland reduced, 81. he 
supports Savoy, 72, 84. fond 
of the Dutch, 85. careless in 
signing papers, 89. his breach 
with the princess of Denmark, 
90, 91. loses Namur, and the 
battle of Steenkirk, 96, 97, 
loi. refuses his assent to the 
triennial bill, 107. takes in 
whigs, 107, 108, 123. grows 
unpopular, 109, 1 10, 1 1 1. loses 
the battle of Landen, 1 1 2, 1 1 3. 
leaves church affairs to the 
queen, 117. founds the Wil- 
liam and Mary college in Vir- 
ginia, 1 19, 120, 127. sends a 
fleet to protect Spain, 128, 
1 29. another to bombard the 
French coast, 131. his grief 
for queen Mary's death, 138. 
a design to assassinate him, 
148. reconciled to the princess 
of Denmark, 149. appoints 
lords justices, 149, 150. takes 
Namur, 152, 153, 155. a con- 
spiracy to assassinate him and 
invade England, 164, 165. the 
conspirators seized, 167, 168. 
the invasion broke, ibid. 176, 
193, 194. sends a squadron to 
the West Indies, 195. con- 
cludes a peace at Ryswick, 
199, 200, 201, 202, 205, 206. 
keeps three thousand men more 
than were provided for by par- 
liament, 210. silences disputes 

about the Trinity, 214. is op- 
posed with bitterness, 219, 
220, 221. the army reduced 
to seven thousand, how mo- 
delled, 22 1 . his partition treaty, 
223, 224, 231, 232, 233. loses 
the people's aifections, 240, 
247. takes in tories, 241, 242, 
254. makes a peace between 
Denmark and Sweden, 243, 
244. his conduct on the king 
of Spain's death, 253, 254, 
25 5> 256. is very myste- 
rious, 259, 260, 268. owns 
the duke of Anjou, king of 
Spain, 269. is reserved to his 
ministers, 280, 285. recalls 
his ambassador in France, 294. 
his noble and wise speech, 
295. his fall from a horse, 
301. his sickness, 301, 302. 
his death, 302, 303. passes the 
abjuration act in the last hours 
of his life, 303. his character, 
304, 305, 306. attempts a- 
gainst his grants, 567, 605, 
606. his manners, 661. 

Williams, lord keeper, i. 50. 

Williams, bishop, i. 462, 674. ii. 

Williams, sir William, i. 592, 742. 

Williamson, sir Joseph, plenipo- 
tentiary at Cologne, i. 354, 
374. ii. 684. 

Williamson seized going over to 
king James, ii. 37. 

Wilmot, earl of Rochester, i. 
196, 264, 265. ii. 685. 

Willis, Dr. i. 174, 228. 

Willis, sir Richard, gives Crom- 
well intelligence, i. 66. 

Wincam, sir George, i. 5 1 . 

Windebank, Dr. i. 753. 

Windsor, money from Ireland to 
build the palace there, pro- 
mised by lord Ranelagh to the 
king, i. 398. 

Winnington, i. 440, 453, 454, 



Wirtemberg, duke of, ii. 450. 

Wishart, bishop of Edinburgh, i. 
143, 236. 

Wismar, siege of, raised, ii. 579. 

Witherly, Dr. i. 751. 

Withins expelled the house of 
commons, i. 484, 535, 572. 

Wolfenbuttle, duke of, ii. 243, 
289, 321, 322. his daughter 
marries king Charles of Spain, 

"Worcester, marquis of, i. 484. 

Worthington, Dr. i. 186. his cha- 
racter, 188. 

Wratislaw, count, ii. 382. 

Wright, chief justice, i. 743. ii. 

Wright, sir Nathan, lord keeper, 
ii. 242, 379. dismissed, 425. 

Wyche, sir Cyril, one of the lords 
justices in Ireland, ii. 1 19. 

Wyld, judge, i. 450. 

Wynne, ii. 18. 

York, duke of, i. 73, 74. marries 
Clarendon's daughter, 168. 
why he turned papist, 169. 
commands the fleet, 218. his 
amours, 227, 228, 261, 269, 

304. 323. 334. 335. 35p-.%s 
down all his commissions, 

352. addresses lady Bellasis, 

353. marries the princess of 

Modena, 353. the commons 
vote against that marriage, 

361, 379. 393' 408, 425- Sfnt 
beyond sea, 452. his exclusion 
endeavoured, 456. he is sent 
for home, 474. goes to Scot- 
land, 477. with leave to come 
to England, 479. his behaviour 
in Scotland, 510, 512, 514, 
521. comes to court, 523,5 24. 
he governs all affairs, English 
and Scotch, 582, 583. attends 
the king in his last illness, and 
introduces Uuddleston to his 
apartment, 606, 607, 608. ii. 
682, 689. See James II. 

York, Hide duchess of, i. 170. 
dies, 309. 

York, Modena duchess of, ar- 
rival, and description of her, i. 
368. See queen Mary. 

Zabor, count, sent to the kin^ 
of Sweden, ii. 483. 

Zeiher, ii. 394. 

Zell, duke of, ii. 71, 218, 230, 

" Zion's Plea against the Pre- 
" lates," by Leighton, i. 134. 

Zouch, general to the emperor, 

Zulestein, i. 273, 754, 755, 


E e 4 




OXFORD, 1823. 

It is to be observed, that the references, in the following Index to the 
Notes on bishop Burnefs History, are made to the pages as num- 
bered in the six octavo volumes, and not, as in the Index to the 
Text, to the pages of the original folio, retained in the margin. 

Henry legge, i. 588. ii. 

William Legge, first earl of Dart- 
mouth, i. 5, 7, II, 14, 15, 
18, 22,33,35,46, 56,63,67, 
74,80,88,98, 121, 132, 137, 
139, 142, 150, 160, 165, 167, 
170, 188, 263, 266, 279, 282, 
286, 291, 292, 299, 327, 338, 

343. 384. 394. 396, 40^ 431. 
436, 438, 441, 445, 447, 458, 
461, 465, 466, 469, 485, 497, 

524.575. 585. 588. ii. 4. 12. 
15, 17, 25, 26, 30, 44, 69, 70, 
76, 80, 83, 89, 96, 118, 140, 
165, 169, 194, 199, 215, 220, 
231, 234, 240, 248, 254, 263, 
293, 296, 304, 305, 309, 313, 

3»6, 331.341.358, 370. 385. 
401, 428, 429, 435, 463, 465. 
iii. 6, 8, 24, 25, 31, 46, 48,,102, 114, 118, 
125, 130, 131, 132, 136, 142, 
147, 151, 156, 160, 162, 165, 
178, 183, 184, 206, 218, 228, 
233, 249, 250, 254, 262, 266, 
267, 268, 270, 286, 301, 313, 

372, 374. 376, 379» 382* 383. 

385. iv. I, 2, 8, II, 22, 25, 
34. 53. 71. 77. 83, 100, 125, 
126, 149, 156, 159, 163, 164, 
176, 189, 197, 205, 213, 216, 
222, 228, 235, 238, 242, 261, 
278, 284,320,324,326,331, 

335. 341. 343. 369. 376, 393. 
396, 401, 407, 409, 425, 428, 
432, 449, 450, 476, 479, 485, 
547. 552. V. I, 2, 8, II, 13, 
18,49, 63,99, Joo, no, 118, 
140,-147, 179, 220, 227, 228, 

230, 236, 276, 328, 333, 341, 
404, 414, 429, 432, 436, 439, 
440,443. vi. 7, 8, 9, 10, 17, 

30, 31.32,37,39.45.50,54, 
61, 66, 67, 68, 70, 75, 78, 82, 
87, 90, 112, 133, 135, 136, 
139, 151, 161, 165, 168, 216, 

231, 262, 322. 

Charles Godwyn, B. D, fellow of 
Balliol college, Oxford, iv.379. 

PhilipYorke, second earl of Hard- 
wicke, ii. 463. iv. 6, 106, 137, 
147, 158, 162, 180, 188, 191, 
203, 243, 270,302,318,321, 

323. 324. 340, 34', 343. 354. 
362, 366, 367, 369, 370, 388. 


395. 397> 399. 4^5. 4^7. 4i9. 45^, 466, 468, 471, 480, 485, 

429, 43 T, 432, 433, 434. 441, 489, 491, 494, 502, 507, 508, 

450, 451, 453, 469, 474, 475, 528, 531, 537, 538, 539, 547, 

476, 479. 486, 487. 498, 520. 551- V. 2, 3, 6, 12, 40, 44, 

522, 529, 531, 533, 549. V. 47, 53, 55, 59, 64, 66, 95, 

3, 60,63, 124, 133, 140, 150, loi, 104, 107, 114, 116, 118, 

158, 181, 185, 186, 229, 262, 137, 140, 158, 162, 191, 219, 

276,287,334,346,350,352, 229,233,235,243,246,266, 

355. 37 ^ 389. 405. 408, 412, 273, 274, 278, 280, 288, 295, 

420,422,423. vi. 7, 13, 41, 3io>3ii.3i3. 325. 326, 329, 

58,61,63,64, 85, 119, 123, 332,341.345.348,356,360, 

127, 136, 278. 367, 375, 379, 394, 396, 397, 

Arthur Onslow, speaker of the 399,402,423,427,432,438, 

house of commons, i. 14, 19, 439, 442. vi. it, 14, 25, 29, 

•35, 26,48, 50, 53, 79, 114, 32,36,,73.77. 

115, 120, 126, 135, 140, 161, 78,79. 80,81, 82, 83,89,91, 

163, 164, 170, 172, 237, 272, 93, 104, 109, 112, 114, 133, 

277, 278, 280, 287, 295, 296, 136, 139, 141, 149, 150, 15J, 

302, 305, 312, 315, 316, 317, 162, 163, 214, 215, 219, 254, 

318,324,340,350,378,394, 313. 

419, 441, 445, 451,461, 464, Addit. Notes, i. 32, 38, 70, 134, 

470, 492, 516, 524, 531, 536, 163, 213, 228, 237, 243, 277, 

544. 561. ii. 12, 32, 42, 49, 286, 291, 293, 303, 309, 314, 

61, 65, 71, 80, 82, 83, 87, 316,321,325,328,344,345, 

106, 109, 122, 123, 161, 165, 373, 375, 377, 386, 396, 399, 

173. 195. 196. 199. 246, 250, 402, 429, 431, 433, 436, 438, 

259,263, 271, 273, 276, 282, 446,451,453,454, 470,516, 

329. 332, 333. 342, 367, 370. 522-, 523, 524, 532, 534, 535, 

379. 380, 389, 391, 396, 402, 543, 561, 562. ii. 4, 8, 21, 

431,432,434,435,439,443, 38,47,49, 84,90, 106, 131, 

444.451.463.465.467- i»-,173,179, 

2, 9, 16, 18, 20, 23, 24, 36, 203, 213, 215, 220, 227, 236, 

37. 41. 43> 53. 54. 57. 61, 67, 240, 242, 246, 255, 257, 258, 

68, 73, 80, 83, 86, 89, 91, 259, 266, 267, 269,274, 287, 

100, 135, 142, 155, 222, 223, 292, 295, 299, 311,315,316, 

25 1, 265, 266, 3 16, 330, 333, 325, 328, 329, 332, 337, 338, 

336, 341. 342, 348. 354. 364, 342, 344. 370. 372, 378, 379. 

37^ 373. 376, 378, 383- >v. 383, 385, 393, 399, 400, 401, 

5, 7, II, 13, 15, 17, 19, 20, 403,404,410,427,428,429, 

67. 73. 74. 86, 93, 104, 131, 433, 452, 453, 455, 456, 457, 

142,150,133,157,165,166, 458,463,465,469,472. iii. 

171, 185, 187, 188, 189, 190, 6, 9, 12, 16, 21, 25, 31, 36, 

191, 207, 216, 221, 234, 239, 37, 38,40,42,49,50,52,56, 

247, 250, 253, 261, 263, 277, 59, 62, 77, 84, 87, 88, 89, 95, 

279,282,285,302,306,310, 96, 99, 102, 103, III, 117, 

322, 327, 330, 334, 335, 337, 130, 134, 135, 137, 139, 140, 

338, 339. 340. 342, 355. 365, 147. h8, 149. ''5°, 15s, 158, 

370.381,388,389,391, 399, 163, 170, 178, 185, 186,202, 

402,403,407,411, 425,430, 208, 210, 212, 216, 217, 219, 

431.433.442,443.450.452. 220, 225, 228, 230, 235,236, 


238, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243, Jonathan Swift, dean of St. Pa- 

244, 245, 246, 247, 249, 253, trick's, Ireland, i. 6, 7, 10, 

254, 260, 267, 268, 269, 270, 16, 18, 31, 34, 39, 40, 43, 47, 

274, 276, 282, 289, 295, 298, 50. 5^ 52. 53. 59. 68, 71, 73, 

302, 303, 306, 307, 31 1, 314, 79, 80, 84, 85, 88, 92, 105, 
3iS»3i7»32i,323. 325. 327. 109, no, 113, 148, 156, 157, 
328,329,330,331, 333,334, 159, 171, 200,201,202, 203, 
335. 336,339. 340, 349. 352, 205, 214, 217, 230, 238, 262, 
353» 355» 358, 359. 367, 368, 267, 272, 276, 277, 278, 279, 
372,376,377.379- iv. 1,10, 280,307,309,315,317,320, 
II, 13, 18,25,34,35,36,37, 321,326,328,330,333,337, 
41, 42, 46, 48, 63, 67, 68, 69, 349, 350, 363, 370, 383, 409, 
72, 76, 79, 83, 86, 87, 92, 411,414,420,421,425,429, 
105, 1 13, 1 14, 117, 120, 121, 436, 438, 444, 446, 447, 449, 
123, 130, 132, 143, 145, 149, 450,451,457,459,460,462, 
154, 155. 156, 160, 161, 168, 475, 482, 494, 497, 499, 516, 
178, 179, 180, 184, 187, 198, 521,524,527, 528,529,531, 
199, 214, 216, 221, 222, 227, 532, 552, 556, 557, 558, 559,,242,247, 566,569,573,584,591. ii. 
252, 257, 273, 274, 275, 277, 3, 33, 47, 50, 53, 61, 65, 68, 
279, 282, 285, 288, 291, 292, 73, 78, 81, 89, 90, 96, lOI, 
293,300, 302,304,311,324, 102, no, 113, 114, 116, 120, 
330, 335, 336, 341. 342, 343, ^25, 126, 127, 131, 146, 162, 
345, 357. 360, 361, 365, 369, 174, 176, 192, 200, 203, 205, 
371. 372, 375. 388, 391, 392, 208, 2TI, 228, 234, 248, 258, 
393, 403.41 1. 417. 420, 424, 270, 290, 302, 307,3^5. 319, 
429, 430, 441, 442, 443, 450, 321, 322, 324, 329, 338, 350, 
45 1. 456, 458, 459. 463. 464, 358, 359. 364, 368, 379, 389, 
480, 481, 483, 4S6, 488, 489, 390, 397, 398, 407, 41 1, 416, 
523, 527, 528, 531, 532, 534, 419, 421, 423, 424, 425, 426, 
535. 538, 539. 540, 542, 550, 427. 428, 436, 438, 445, 452, 
551, 552. V. I, 5, 81, 104, 463,468,473. hi. 12, 17,37, 
108, 114, 1 18, 119, 122, 137, 52, 6t, 67, 91, 93, 97, 102, 
154, 158, 162, 185, 227, 228, III, 112, 122, 128, 130, 131, 
244, 279, 287, 293, 298, 303, 132, 137, 139, 145, 151, 152, 
310,318,319,327,329,331, 153, 155, 157, 167, 177, 194, 
338, 348, 355, 367, 380, 381, 195, 197, 200, 202, 229, 233, 
389, 412, 416, 418, 420, 422, 238, 240, 243, 245, 261, 262, 
423, 424, 427, 430, 43 1, 432, 264, 265, 267, 269, 273, 275, 
436, 439, 441. vi. 10, 14, 26, 282, 289, 298, 300, 303, 304, 
28, 33. 37. 38, 47. 48, 49. 60, 307, 3 14, 317, 3 1 8, 319, 325, 
64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 72, 76, 327, 329, 330, 332, 333, 335, 
79, 83, 88, 89, 92, 93, 95, 96, 338, 339, 341, 345, 347, 348, 
97, 100, 112, 114, 117, 126, 355,356,358.361,362,363, 
127, 130, 134, 136, 137, 141, 365, 366, 367, 368, 370, 374, 
142,147,151,152,153,165, 377.378,383- V. 399, 401. 
167, 169, 182, 190, 191, 196, vi. 65, 67, 68, 71, 88, 92, 
219, 225, 233, 254, 278, 299, 124, 126, 130, 133, 230, 233, 

303, 309, 3 «6, 348, 351. 315. 3'6. 


Abbeys, surrender of, ii. 


Abdication, lord Pembroke's sen- 
sible remark on, iii. 364. de- 
bate on, 376, 377. 

Abingdon, earl of, iii. 336. 

Abjuration of king James, de- 
bated in the house of lords, in 
king William's presence, iv. 

"Account of Scotland's Gnev- 

" ances," a pamphlet, ii. 49. 

Aghrem, battle of, iv. 137. 

Ailesbury, see. Aylesbury. 

Ailoffe stabs himself, iii- 31. 

Albano, cardinal, afterwards pope, 
iv. 126. 

Albemarle, Keppel earl of, iv. 
428, 429, 434. vi. 127. 

Albemarle, George duke of, spite- 
fully alluded to by Burnet, i. 
343. See Monk, George. 

Aldworth, Dr. iii. 145, 148. 

Alford, his account of Mon- 
mouth's landing, iii. 42. 

Alexander VIII. pope, his death 
and conduct, iv. 125. 

Amsterdam, the town opposes 
an offer from the French am- 
bassador, i. 575. 

Anglesea, Arthur earl of, v. 330. 
obnoxious to the whigs, vi. 8. 

Anjou, duke of, improbability of 
dis|K)ssessing him, vi. 17. 

Annandale, marquis of, v. 382. 

Anne, princess of Denmark, iii. 
1 18. her remarks on thequeen's 
being pregnant, 236, 238, 240, 
244, 307. leaves her father. 

318. her unfeeling conduct 
in his distress, 339. removed 
from the Cockpit in an insult- 
ing manner, iv. 159, 197. an 
attempt to mortify her, 205. 
her character, 261. grief at 
the death of the duke of 
Gloucester, 441. attempts to 
prevent her succession, 540. 

' queen of England, i. 293. 

her conduct to her husband, iii. 
46. her pious restitution of 
first-fruits, 185. offends Dr. 
Radcliffe, iv. 239. receives the 
news of her accession from 
bishop Burnet, v. i. her 
sweetness of voice, 2. persons 
of whom she wished to form 
her first administration, 3. 
threatens those guilty of sell- 
ing places, 63. medal struck in 
commemoration of her boun- 
ty to the poor clergy, 122. 
flattered by the tories and 
Jacobites, 133. averse to the 
electoress of Hanover coming 
over, 186. the duchess of Marl- 
borough's ascendency over her, 
327. appoints Dawes and 
Blackball bishops without ad^ 
vice, 329. the duchess of Marl- 
borough's character of, and in- 
solence to, her, 440. her good 
breeding, 443. rudely treated 
by lord Sunderland, vi. 7. said 
to hate the pretender, 68. 
makes twelve new peers, 87. 
lord Dartmouth's disapproba- 
tion of this, ibid, manner in 



which she hears of lord Go- 
dolphin's death, 133, 134. 

Annual meetings of parliament, 
V. 278, 279. 

Anspach, princess of, afterwards 
queen Caroline, her character 
and person, v, 3 1 3, 3 1 4. 

Aprice, father, ii. 457. 

Arbuthnot, author of John Bull, 
vi. 79. 

Argyle, marquis of, his conduct 
towards Charles II. i.98. Swift 
gives him an ill name, 214. 

Argyle, earl of, takes the test, ii. 
309. imprisoned, ibid, his trial, 
311,313. said to have received 
money from lord Russel, 372. 

Argyle, John duke of, v. 181, 
his severe ren)ark to general 
Webb, 367. vi. 30. his cha- 
racter, 54, 55. 

Arlington, earl of, a whig and a 
Roman catholic, i. 170. in 
Charles the second's secrets, 
ii. 42. 

Armstrong, sir Thomas, ii. 223, 
372, 380. an account of his 
execution differing from Bur- 
net's, 410. 

Arnold, a brewer, one of the 
jury at the trial of the bishops, 
dissents, iii. 225. 

Arundel of Wardour, lord, iii. 
217, 218. 

Ashburnham, lord, protests in the 
case of sir J. Fen wick, iv. 68. 

Ashton, iv. 121. 

Aston, lord, ii. 179. 

Athol, duke of, has an interview 
with lord Dartmouth upon 
duke Hamilton's case, vi. 83. 

Atterbury, bishop, his ca^e, ii. 
423. said to have written Sa- 
cheverel's defence, v. 430, 43 1. 
his character, vi. 165. 

Aylesbury, Bruce earl of, his ac- 
count of king Charles the se- 
cond's last moments, ii. 456. 
extract of ^ letter from him 

on Magdalen coU^e affair, 

iii. 140. his opinion of lord 

Sunderland, 249. 
Aylesbury, electors of, their case, 

v. 191. 
Aylesford, earl of, i. 384. 
Ayres.captain, imprisoned, ii.3 15. 
Bagshaw, captain, iii. 144. 
Bais, or Buys, Mr. vi. 9, 67. 
Balcarras, lord, an omission in 

his "Account," &c. iv. 37, 48, 

Bandinel, Bulkeley, librarian of 

the Bodleian, communicates 

information for the present 

work, ii. 8, 246. 
Bank, land, iv. 311. 
Barclay, sir George, iv. 291. his 

account of an attempt against 

the prince of Orange, 292. 
Barillon, M. ii. 383, 457. at- 
tempts divisions among the 

peers, iii. 274. 
Barlow, bishop, iii. 137. 
Barnevelt, reported to have been 

a Calvinist, i. 25. 
Barrier treaty, v. 405. 
Barry, Mrs. the actress, teaches 

queen Anne to modulate her 

voice, V. 2. 
Bath, earl of, present at Charles 

the second's death, ii. 457. 
Bavaria, electoral prince of, dies, 

and not without suspicions, 

iv. 401. 
Bayley, Dr. fellow of Magdalen 

college, iii. 140. 
Baxter, captain, iii. 202. 
Beaumont, lieutenant-colonel, iii. 

Bedford, Hilkiah, v. 432. 
Bedford, duke of, protests, iv.68. 
Bedloe's death, ii. 357. 
Bellasis, lady, her deposition, iii. 

Bennet, Henry earl of Arlington. 

See Arlington. 
Bentinck, ambassador from the 

prince of Orange, urges Mon- 



mouth's execution, iii. 25. iv. 

549. see Portland, earl of. 
Berkeley, Mrs. iii. 3 1 8. 
Berkeley, lord, of better parts 

than principles, i. 464. vi. 82. 
Berkeley of Stratton, lord, iv. 


Bernard, Charles, his opinion on 
the formation of king William 
III. i. 384. 

Berry, the porter of Somerset 
house, doubts as to his inno- 
cence, ii. 258. 

Berry, sir John, ii. 3 15. 

Berwick, duke of, aware of the 
weakness of his father's adher- 
ents, iv. 293. V. 371. 

Beverege, bishop, i. 329. iv. 132. 
V. 185. 

Bill for the preservation of king 
James II. iii. 40,41. 

Birch, colonel, his retorts upon 
speaker Seymour, Mr. Coven- 
try, and king Charles the se- 
cond, ii. 80. 

Bishops, the parliament incited 
to destroy them, i. 228. their 

' right of voting in capital cases, 
ii. 214. on a level with the 
nobility, 215. married, 429. 
absent themselves from parlia- 
ment, iv. 10. the legislature 
has not power to degrade 
them from their orders, 19. 
though persecuted by king 
James, adhered to him, 130. 

the seven, their case, ii. 

43 1, acquitted by the jury, but 
not unanimously, iii. 225. 

of Scotland, proposal to, 

from Will. III. iv.4i. 
Blackball, bishop, v. 329. 
Blackmore, sir R. iv. 302. 
Blenheim, sum spent in building, 

^' ?• 
Blessington, lord, ii. 472. 

Bohemia,^ Frederick king of, his 
pretensions to that crown fee- 
bly supported, and why, i. 22. 

Bolingbroke, lord, a fine senti- 
ment of his resj)ecting the 
duke of Marlborough, iii. 267. 
v. 352. vi. 119, scheme for a 
new ministry, 137, 151. See 
St, John. 

Bolton, Charles Powlett, duke 
of, anecdote of, i. 35. an in- 
sinuation against him, 533. 
ii. 4. iv, 63. protests, 68, 156. 
his extraordinary habits, 403, 

Borel, ambassador from Holland, 
i. 139. 

Bonrepos, iii. 276, 

Boscawen, made warden of the 
stannaries by lord Godolphin^'s 
influence, vi. 9. 

Boswell, the late James, of Bra- 
sennose college, and the Inner 
Temple, ii. 299. 

Boufflers, Marshal, iv. 354, 409. 

Boyle, Robert, slightingly spoken 
of by Swift, i. 333. his cha- 
racter, v. 345, 346. 
' Bradalbain, lord, iv. 154. 

Braddon, ii. 393. 

Bradford, bishop, stumbles at the 
coronation of George II. iii. 

Bradford, earl of, iii, 249. 

Bramhall, bishop, ii. 220. 

Braybroke, lord, has some ori- 
ginal papers relating to the 
Magdalen college affair, iii. 

Bridges, Mr. afterwards lord and 
duke of Chandos, his charac- 
ter, vi. 42. 

Bridgman, Mr. ii. 1 7. 

Bridgman, sir Orlando, resigns, 


Brill given up to the States, i. 26. 

Bristol, earl of, his skill in as- 
trology, i. 338. 

British Museum, v. 246. 

Bromley, William, his bill against 
occasional conformity, v. 49, 



Brounker or Brunckard, Mr. i. 


Bruce, ambassador from James 
I. his character of his master, 

Bruce, earl of Aylesbury. iSee 

Brudenel, lord, turns protestant, 
iii. 262. 

Buchanan, George, manner in 
which he educated James the 
first, i. 1 2. 

Bucier, the surgeon, called to 
Mr. Harley, vi. 39. 

Buckingham, George Villiers, 
duke of, his character by But- 
ler, i. 172. his imprudence in 
talking of political matters, ii. 
4. how prevented by lord 
Shaftsbury, ibid, specimens of 
his wit, 106. his bribes, 173. 
assisted in the rehearsal, 248. 

Buckinghamshire, John Shef- 
field, duke of, ii. 401, 461, 
469. his opinion of queen 
Anne's declaration against the 
sale of places, v. 63, 389. vi. 

74- , . 

Bull, bishop, iv. 132. tardily 

preferred, v. 185. 

Bulstrode, sir William, his me- 
moirs quoted, ii. 404. 

Burnet, archbishop of Glasgow, 
i. 497. 

Burnet, bishop, his character by 
lord Dartmouth, i. 5, 70. 
agrees in opinion with Crom- 
well, 73. unjust towards the 
tories, 74. vain, 137. unjust 
towards Charles II. 139. un- 
able to keep a secret, 263. his 
solution of two cases of con- 
science on divorce and poly- 
gamy, 454. sjieaks on prohi- 
biting French salt, and is 
played on by lord Halifax, 
465. reflected on by lord 
Dartmouth, 497. gives an un- 
just character of sir William 

Temple, ii. 61. the house of 
commons do not act upon his 
evidence against Lauderdale, 
65. reveals a state secret, 69. 
an instance of his presump- 
tion, 331. reason of his good 
reception in France, 385. 
Swift accuses him of hastening 
Leighton's death, 420. disap- 
pointed of the see of Winches- 
ter, 429. his style of preaching, 
439. his character of Charles 
II. condemned, 465. profession 
of his fidelity as an historian, 
iii, 125. set by the prince of 
Orange to prevail on the prin- 
cess to yield all authority to 
him, 131. design against him, 
202. a statement of his con- 
futed, 230. corrected, 235. 
incautious in his account of 
the queen's delivery, and the 
warming-pan story, 245. his 
vanity, and want of fidelity as 
an historian, 254. jumbles 
facts together, and so misleads, 
331. seemed to regret that 
James II. was detained, 333. 
a pamphlet of his burnt, 382. 
publishes things knowing them 
false, iv. i. a mistake of his 
pointed out, 37. unjust to- 
wards lord Torrington, 87. 
inaccurate in military affeirs, 
137. his History curtailed and 
altered, 156, 158. unjust to- 
wards queenMary, 159. thought 
to have planned the regula- 
tions for observing- the Lord's 
day, 176. supposed inaccu- 
racy, 199. his rebuke of Tal- 
mash much laughed at, 229. 
opposes the bill of trials in 
cases of treason, 284. refuses 
to carry an address to the 
king, 341, 345. accused by 
king William of intrusion, 
376. his charities, 4 24. misre- 
presentations by, 532, carries 

43 a 


the news of king William's 
death to queen Anne very of- 
- hciously, v. i. accused of im- 
pertinence, 443. 

Bvu-net, Thomas, son of the au- 
thor, afterwards judge Burnet, 
ii. 287. supposed to have sub- 
mitted his father's History to 
the duchess of Marlborough, 
iv. 156. thought to have cur- 
tailed the MS. 158. vi. 316, 

Bury, made judge by a bribe, v. 

Busby, Dr. educated Prior, vi.65. 

Butler, sir Nicholas, iii. 249. 

Butler, Samuel, his character of 
the duke of Buckingham, i. 1 72. 

Butson, Christopher, bishop of 
Clonfert, his poem quoted, ii. 

399- . 
Byhg, sir George, his memoirs, 

V- 158, 353- See Torrington, 
Cadogan, lieutenant general, the 
merit of Webb's victory falsely 
given to him, v. 367. lord, vi. 


Caesar, Mr. sent to the tower, 
iii. 8. 

Camaret, design on, iv. 22^7, 228. 

Cambridge university elect San- 
croft chancellor, iii. 355. 

Camden, earl, vi. 80. 

Campbell, John, see Argyle, duke 

Canada, expedition to, vi. 61. 

Capel, lord, his character, iv. 

278. two opposing accounts 
of his popularity in Ireland, 

279. raises disputes there be- 
tween Roman catholics and 
protestants, v. 100. 

Carbery, earl of, acts with hosti- 
lity towards lord Clarendon, i. 

Cardonnel, Mr. duke of Marlbo- 
rough's secretary, v. 367. 

Carlingford, earl of, iii. 165. 

Carlisle, earl of, comes into 
power, iv. 531. 

Carmarthen, Thomas Osborne, 
marquis of, iv. 86. his arrogant 
defence, 257. See Danby, earl 
of, and Leeds, duke of. 

Caroline, queen, her remark on 
the duchess of Marlborough, 
V. 327. her own character, 
313,314. her character of the 
king of Prussia, vi. 141, 

Carstares, Mr, much in king 
William's confidence, iv. 523. 

Carte's " Life of the duke of 
" Ormond," i. 296. his works 
commended, 302. 

Cartwright, bishop, his death, 
iii. 137. conduct, 148. 

Castlemain, lord, disliked at 
Rome, iii. 162. 

Castlemain, lady, i. 160. after- 
wards duchess of Cleveland, 

Catharine of Portugal, queen of 
Charles H. her person de- 
scribed, i. 299. said to have 
miscarried, 453. 

Cavalier, his story and character, 
V. 162. 

Cave, Dr. i. 329. iv. 132. 

Cecil, Robert, reports James the 
first's character, i. 14. 

Chamberlayne, Dr. Hugh, his 
account of the queen's deli- 
very, iii. 242. 

Chandler's debates corrected, ii. 

Chandos, Brydges duke of, iii. 
301. vi. 42. 

Charles L partial to the Scots, i. 
32. cheerful when brought to 
Newmarket, 80. Swift's opin- 
ion relative to EIkuv BaaiXiKrj, 
86. passages from bishop 
Burnet relative to him, contra- 
dictory of others in this work, 
5 16, 5 1 7. promotes the autho- 
rity of the church, iii. 184. 

Charles II. had not a high opin- 



ion of his father, i. 88, 139, 
305. 316. not careless of the 
prince of Orange's interest, 
344. his speech to the duchess 
of Richmond, 436. his in- 
quiry of archbishop Sheldon. 
438. his declaration for liberty 
of conscience, no traces of a 
protest against it by the lords, 
ii. 8. receives an anonymous 
letter of complaint from Scot- 
land, 49. agrees to accept 
money from France, 84. un- 
justly accused by Burnet of 
going to the parliament in an 
indecent manner, 274. sells 
Luxembourg, 383. fortellsthat 
James II. will leave his crown 
and country, 404. his death, 
455.456, 457.458- '"8 cou- 
rage vindicated, 465. his phy- 
siognomy deceitful, 469. pa- 
pers found in his strong box 
discussed, 472. his character 
falsely drawn by Burnet, 465, 
473. much lamented, iii. 6. 
his reign an inactive one, iv. 
94. his expenditure, 372. cor- 
rupted those about him, 528. 

Charles, king of Spain, v. 313. 

Charnock sides with James II. in 
the affair of Magdalen college, 
iii. 145, 148, 149. iv. 292. 

Chesterfield, countess of, admired 
by the duke of York, i. 396. 

Chesterfield, earl of, i. 160. 

Chiffens, or Chiffinch, Will. ii. 
460. vi. 262. 

Child, sir J. his book on trade 
commended, iv. 403. 

Chillingworth, William, iv. 285. 
vi, 1 14. 

Chrysostom's epistle to Csesarius, 
iii. 99. 

Chudleigh offends the prince of 
Orange, iii. 12, 25. 

Church, the, its meddling with 
politics unadvisable, iii. 212. 
necessity of an established 

church, iv. 20. 

Church of England, its constitu- 
tion, iv. 17. its members not 
subject to excommunication by 
the legislature, 1 8. its provision, 
V. 118. inexpediency of divid- 
ing the property of deans and 
chapters, 119. dispute and de- 
bate on the church's being in 
danger, 236. 

Churchill, George, placed at the 
head of the admiralty, v. 333, 

Churchill, Henrietta, vi. 31. 

Churchill, John, i. 458. his life 
saved by the duke of York, ii. 
316. lord, iii. 268, 269. See 
Marlborough, duke of. 

Churchill, Mrs. (afterwards duch- 
ess of Marlborough) supplants 
Mrs. Comwallis in princess 
Anne's favour, i. 458. ii. 89. 
iii. 339. See Marlborough, 
duchess of. 

Cibber, CoUey, iii. 6. 

Clancarty, earl of, iii. 136. 

Clarendon, Edward Hyde, earl 
of, differs from bishop Burnet, 
i. 68, 135. disliked by general 
Monk, 1 50. his caution as chan- 
cellor, 161, 163. said to enrich 
himself by unfair means, 167. 
his conduct commended, 286, 
295,296,303,340. owns his 
folly in building his house, 43 t, 
441. ridiculed before the king, 
445. acts imprudently in jus- 
tifying his master, 53 1. ii. 305, 
309. one cause of his ruin„iv. 

Clarendon, countess of, 1.401. 
iii. 245. 

Clarendon, Henry Hyde, earl of, 
his exclamation at the defec- 
tion of his son, iii. 315. treats 
with the lords sent by James 
II. 323. his advice about re- 
moving king James, 336. iv. 




Clarke, James S. Life of King 
James II. edited by him, 
quoted, ii. 21. 

Clarke, Samuel, queen Caroline 
procures a promise that he 
should be archbishop of Can- 
terbury, V. 314. 

Clarke, sir Thomas, i. 161. 

Clement VIII. pope, iii. 156. 

Clements, author of a political 
pamphlet, vi. 12. 

Clergy in Charles the second's 
reign, their piety and libera- 
lity, i. 321. privilege of the 
clergy's voting for members of 
parliament, 340. when first 
taxed by parliament, iv. 508. 

Clerke, Dr. president of Magda- 
len, iii. 144. 

Cleveland, duchess of, i. 377. 
her hatred to lord Clarendon, 
445. the king becomes tired 
of her, 458, her letter to king 
Charles against Mountague, 
ii. 141. her conduct towards 
the queen, 165. 

Clifford, lord treasurer, i. 532. 

Cobham, lord, blames the duke 
of Marlborough, vi. 58. 

Cockburn, John, answers Bur- 
net, i. 375. 

Cogan's tracts, iii. 170, 210. 

Coin, debased, iv. 247, 282, 310. 

Coke, convicted on the maiming 
act, i. 470. 

Coke, Mr. of Derbyshire, iii. 87. 

Coke, lord chief justice, i. 18. 

Colchester, lord, iv. 156. 

Colt, sir William Dutton, iv. 532. 

Compton, sir Francis, a story of 
his, i. 63. 

Compton, bishop, ii. 89, 246. 
iii. 150. votes for a regency, 
377. commends bishop Rose, 
iv. 41. excites the risibility of 
the house, 78, 341. orders a 
computation of the dissenters, 
V. 137. 

" Conduct of the Allies, its truth 

asserted, vi. 68. 

Conformity, history of the bill 
against occasional, v. 49. oc- 
casional conformity when al- 
lowable, 107. 

Conscience, liberty of, no protest 
appears on the Journals against 
the king's declaration, ii. 8. 

Convocation, right of, saved by 
act of parliament, iv. 508. 

Conway, lord, vi. 88. 

Cooper, Anthony Ashley, see 

Cornbury, lord, iii. 315. 

Cornwallis, Mrs. introduces the 
duchess of Marlborough, ii. 89. 

Cornwallis, lord, iv. 433. 

Corporations, bill on, iv. 66, 67. 

Corse, Vita Joh. Forbesii, i. 38. 

Cosin, bishop, i. 321. iv. 222. 

Cotton, sir John, defended, ii. 96. 

Cotton, sir John Hynde, iii. 336. 

Coventrj', Henry, i. 419, 461, 
531. ii. 123. 

Coventry, sir William, various 
characters of him, i. 461. cha- 
lenges lord Weymouth, ibid, 
dies a Roman catholic, 470. 

Cowper, William, afterwards 
chancellor, defends lord So- 
mers, iv. 480. which leads to 
bad consequences, ibid, made 
lord keeper, great expectations 
from him, v. 220. lord chan- 
cellor, vi. 7, II, 12, 31, 76. 

Cox, captain, i. 378, 379».38o- 

Coxe, archdeacon, cited, iii. 269. 
iv. 216. V. 383, 412. 

Craggs, secretary, vi. 74. 

Crane, iv. 37. 

Craven, earl of, i. 293. 

Cresset, Mr. vi. 169. 

Crewe, bishop, iii. 137. mean 
character of, 377. iv. 320. 

^Cromwell, Henry, i. 140. 

Cromwell, Mary, afterwards lady 
Falconbridge, i. 142. 

Cromwell, Oliver, i. 73, 79. Til- 
lotson's opinion of him, 115, 



132, 139,425. iv. 228. V. 274. 

Cromwell, Richard, ii.342. v. 274. 

Cumberland, bishop, hears of his 
promotion in a singular way, 
iv. 131. 

Customs levied by James II. iii.9. 

Cutler, sir Thomas, iii. 62. 

Cunningham, (Alex.) his history 
differs from the present, i. 2 1 3. 
severe in his remarks on Bur- 
net, iv. 553. 

Dada, cardinal, his good sense, 
iii. 158. Duntio to king James, 
iv. 250. 

Dalmahoy, Mr. i. 350. 

Dalrymple, sir John, his character 
of lord keeper North, iii. 84. 

Dalrymple, master of Stair, iv. 
153. dismissed, 155. lord 
Stair, 553- 

Danby, Thomas Osborne, lord, 
ii. 173. his trial, 266. pre- 
vents a plan against lord Not- 
tingham, iii. 266, 372. iv. 6. 
sells his house in the Cockpit 
to Charles II. 159, 468. See 
Carmarthen, marquis of, and 
. Leeds, duke of. 

Dangerfield, the informer, ii. 236, 
431. wounded, iii. 36, 

Danvers, John, accusation against, 
iii. 53, 250. 

Danvers, Mrs. her account of an 
interview between queen Anne 
and the duchess of Marlbo- 
rough, V. 440. vi. 32. 

Dartmouth, George lord, i. 588. 
intercedes for lord Russel, ii. 

Dartmouth, William Legge, earl 
of, his character of bishop 
Burnet, i. 5. declines seeing 
his MS. of the present work, 
6. accuses him of party par- 
tiality, 74. his opinion of bi- 
shop Burnet's political friends, 
121. insinuates that he was 
vain, 137. makes an experi- 
ineut of his secrecy, 263. letter 

by him, relative to the charge 
against his father, ii. 316. re- 
bukes Burnet, 332. his opinion 
of Sidney on government, 341. 
takes Monmouth to the Tower, 
iii. 5 1 . answers the duke D' Au- 
mount, 178. changes his opi- 
nion of Burnet's intended ve- 
racity, iv. I. his question to 
bishop Burnet about two si- 
moniacal bishops,407. prevents 
a dissolution of parliament, 
428. reasons of his opposi- 
tion to king William, v. 10. his 
speech to queen Anne at her 
accession, ibid, declines going 
to Hanover, 1 2. his opinions 
relative to church property, 
119. offered, but declines, an 
embassy to Venice, 140. a 
proposal to remove him, 349. 
appointed secretary of state, 
vi. 8. receives letters com- 
plimentary from the States, 
9. bearer of a message from 
the duke of Marlborough to 
the queen, 70, 71. dissuades 
her from creating twelve peers 
at once, 87. his letter to the 
princess Sophia, 169. 

D'Avaux, the French ambassa- 
dor, iv. 36. 

Davenant, sir William, saves Mil- 
ton's life, i. 277. 

D'Aumount, duke, iii. 178. 

Dawes, sir Will. v. 329, 330, 399. 

Dawson, Mrs. iii. 240, 306. 

Deans and chapters of no more 
use than abbots and monks ; 
an opinion hazarded by lord 
Dartmouth, v. 118. contro- 
verted, 1 19. 

Declaration of king James II. 
iii. 217, 218. 

De Croise, madame, lier pro- 
phecy respecting the duke of 
Marlborough, iii. 268. 

Denmark, George prince of, see 
George prince of Denmark. 
F f 2 



Denmark, Anne princess of, see 

Derby, countess of, made groom 

of the stole, iii. 385. 
D'Este, Caesar, iii. 156. 
Devonshire, earl of, iv. 86. duke 

of, votes for sir John Fenwck, 

343^ 344. 393- 

Devonshire, second duke of, loses 
his place, vi. 10. 

De Witt, an accusation against, 
i. 384. 

Dissenters comply with James 
II. iii. 153. attempt to gratify 
them, 206. bill against them, 
V. 49. number of, 137. 

Divine right, origin of the doc- 
trine, iii. 382. 

Divorce, opinion of the fathers 
on, iv. 221. 

Dixwell, sir Basil, iii. 328. 

Dodwell's interview with bishop 
Pearson, iii. 134. 

Dolben, archbishop, ii. 97. 

Dorset, Charles Sackville earl of, 
i. 279. the supposed author 
of Lilibulero, iii. 3 19. iv. 86, 
344. gives up the place of 
lord chamberlain, 369. v. 381, 

Dover, lord, i. 292. 

Downing, sir George, i. 343. 

D'Oyley, Dr. his eulogiiim on 
archbishop Sancroft, ii. 90. 
refutes an assertion of Burnet's, 
iv. 331, 341, 355. 

Dudley, sir Robert, created duke 
of Northumberland, v. 438. 

Dugdale's bad character, ii. 1 79. 

Duncombe, sir Charles, i. 533. 

Duncombe, Mr. iv. 277. 

Dundee, lord, his death, iv. 48. 
papers of importance found on 
him, ibid. 

Dunkirk, sale of, i. 296. 

Duskberry, i. 380. 

Dutch, suspicions of their design 
against England, iii. 261. 

Dutch fleet, engagement with, i. 

378, 379. 380. 

Dutch guards, improperly retain- 
ed by king William, iv. 391. 

Dyke, sir Thomas, ii. 240. 

Edwin, sir Humphrey, carries 
the city sword to a meeting- 
house, V. 49. 

Eglington, earl of, anecdot* of 
him, i. 266. 

E/;cwy Ba<7*AiK^, opinions concern- 
ing who was the author, i. S6, 

Elections for the first parliament 
of James II. iii. 16. cases of 
controverted elections, &c. v. 
116, 191, 192, 193. alteration 
in parliamentary representation 
attempted, 274. 

Elizabeth, queen, her plan for 
appeasing James I. on the 
death of queen Mary, i. 543. 
her conduct in 1588 defended 
on the plea of necessity, iii. 

379. her striking the earl of 
Essex excused, iv. 165. cha- 
racter of her administration, 

V. 442. 

Ellis, the popish bishop, ii. 240. 

Emperor, his offers not to be de- 
pended upon, vi. 90. 

England, crown of, disposed of 
only in virtue of the rights of 
the people, iii. 383. king Wil- 
liam's opinion of the consti- 
tution, iv. 240. 

English, apt to decry each other, 
iv. 213. 

English, the surgeon, i. 384. 

Episcopacy abolished in Scotland 
by king William, iii. 345. 

Erskine, Mr. v. 353. 

Essex, countess of, i. 1 8. 

Essex, earl of, ii. 342. his death, 
364, 380. inquired into, 394. 

v. I. 

Eugene, prince, his character of 
the duke of Marlborough, iii. 
267. vi. 96. his victory over 
the Turks, iv. 365. various ac- 



counts of his journey to Eng- 
land, vi. 89. 
Europe, distracted state of, iv. 


Exclusion bill, account of the di- 
vision on, ii. 246. 

•* Faction Displayed," a poem by 
Shippen, iv. 407. 

Fuirbone, admiral, proposes to 
attack Cadiz, v. 60. 

Fairfax, Dr. iii. 145, 148. 

Fairfax, general, i. 80. 

Falconbridge, countess of, i. 142. 

Faiconbridge, earl, privy coun- 
sellor to various kings of Eng- 
land, i. 142. 

Farmer, Mr. recommended to 
Magdalen college by James 
II. iii. 144, 148. 

" Faults on both sides," a pam- 
phlet, vi. 12. 

Fell, bishop, i. 321. a friend to 
English liberties, iii. 135. 

Fenwick, sir John, iv. 320, 321. 
condemned, 322, 323. had 
little reason to depend on king 
William's mercy, and why, 
324, 326. his reasons against 
making a full discovery, 335. 
loses his life by trick and in- 
trigue, ibid, petitions, 34 1, ex- 
ecuted, 342, 343, 393. coun- 
sel against him, v. 219. 

Ferguson changes sides, v. 124. 

Ferdinand, king of Spain, takes 
possession of Navarre, ii. 26. 

Feversham, earl of, iii. 327. sent 
to protect king James, 334. 
imprisoned, but soon set at 
liberty, 335. 

Fielding, ii. 263. 

Fielding, Mrs. vi. 39. 

Filmer, sir Robert, on govern- 
ment, iv. 282. V. 424. 

Finch, Heneage, his report of a 
conference with the lords, ii. 
106. made earl of Aylesford, 
397. iv. 476,537, 538. 

Fine, not to extend to the ruin 

of 8 criminal, ii. 338. 
Fire of London, i. 433. 
Fisher, the Jesuit, ii. 427. 
Finlater, earl of, vi. 134. 
Fitzharding, lady, iii. 318. iv. 

156. V. 440. 
Fitzharris unworthy of credit, U. 

Fletcher, of Salton, his charac- 
ter, iii. 24, 25. 
Flushing, the delivery of, more 

honest than wise, i. 26. 
Foley, Paul, speaker of the house 

of commons, iv. 191. 
Forbes, William, i. 38. 
Forfeitures, tract on, by Charles 

Yorke, v. 394. act relative to, 

396, 397- 

Fortescue-Knottesford, Mr. iii. 

Fox, Charles James, vindicates 
the duchess of Orleans, i. 523. 
his opinion of Charles the se- 
cond's death, ii. 463, 469. 
of the English constitution, 
iv. 443. v. 279. 

Fox, sir Stephen, i. 441. 

France, intrigues to sow dissen- 
sion between the king and 
parliament, ii. 433. league a- 
gainst France, approved of by 
the pope, iii. 283. design upon 
discovered, iv. 156. makes o- 
vertures for peace, v. 303. en- 
deavours to procure a peace 
by bribing the duke of Marl- 
borough, V. 371. affairs of, in 
a disastrous state, 408. 

Francis, thrusts out Danger- 
field's eye, iii. 36. 

Frazer, lord Lovat, v. 95. 

Frazier, v. 133. 

Freeman, a Hanover tory, v. 330. 

French, well beaten, iv. 162. 

Frybey, Dutch envoy, threatens 
Godolphin, vi. 134. 

Funess, sir Henry, iv. 310. 

Gallas, count, dismissed, and 
why, vi. 66. 
Ff 3 



Garth's " Dispensary," to whom 
dedicated, ii. 463. 

Garway, his speeches in parlia- 
ment, ii. 83. 

Gauden, bishop, not the author 
of Emcwv BowiXwcij, i. 88. 

Genoa, custom relating to the 
doge of, ii. 435. 

George prince of Denmark, brave 
but indolent, iii. 46, Charles 
the second's opinion of him, 
ibid, his character, ibid, lord 
high admiral, v. 333, 381. 

George II. king of England, ac- 
cident at his coronation, iii. 

Gertrudenburgh, conduct of the 
allies there disapproved, and 
by whom, vi. 7. 

Gibraltar, capture of, v. 154, 

Gibson, bishop, iv. 509. 

Giffard, Bonaventure, iii. 219. 

GiiFard, lady, writes a life of her 
brother, sir William Temple, 
iii. 348. 

Gloucester, duke of, his allow- 
ance a niggardly one, iv, 372. 

Godolphin, Sidney lord, suspect- 
ed of popery, ii. 240. his cha- 
racter, ibid. 254. in the queen's 
confidence, iii. 8. obliges prin- 
cess Anne, 1 1 8. employs Pen, 
132. accompanies the queen 
to St. James's, 239. advises 
James II. to withdraw, 327. 
disliked for his adherence to 
that prince, iv. 7, 205, 324, 
487. goes out, 531, 532. re- 
fuses the treasury, but yields, 
v. 8. wishes lord Dartmouth 
to go to Hanover, 12. votes 
one way, and makes his de- 
pendents vote another, 108, 
140. loses his influence, and 
gives himself up to the whigs, 
179. disapproves of the ap- 
pointment of lord keeper Cow- 
per, 220. tries to outwit the 

whigs, 230, 236, 293. his 
command over the duchess of 
Marlborough, 326, 328. junto 
against him, 341, 349, 352, 
353. his letters to St.Germain's 
get into the hands of lord 
Wharton, 382, 389, 429. vi. 
7, 8, 9. turned out, 13, 28. 
obtains the best intelligence, 
112. his death, and conduct, 

133- . 

Godolphin, Dr. (brother to the 
treasurer,) unjustly neglected, 
V. 328. 

Godolphin, sir William, (brother 
to the treasurer,) vi. 133. 

Goodenough, iii. 61. • 

Goodman, iv. 344. 

Government, what preserves it, 
iv. 15. 

Government, or supreme power, 
in whom vested, iv. 538. 

Gower, lord, vi, 88. 

Grafton, duke of, introduces the 
pope's nuntio, iii. 178, 317. 

Grafton, second duke of, ob- 
tains grants through lord Go- 
dolphin, vi. 9. 

Graham, James, see Montrose, 
marquis of. 

Grandval, some account of, iv. 

Grand ville, lord, i. 150. 

Grant, captain John, i. 402. 

Grants to private persons, iv. 


Granville, Mr, v, 3, lord, vi. 88. 

Gregg, gains sight of secret pa- 
pers improperly, v. 346. exe- 
cuted, 348. 

Gregory, proposed as speaker, ii. 


Grey, Anchistel, ii. 109. 

Grey, lord, ii. 380. the cause of 
Monmouth's declaring himself 
king, iii. 5 1, pardoned, and on 
what conditions, iv. 492. uses 
his brother ill, ibid. 

Grey, Ralph, iv. 492. 



Grirostone, sir Harb. confides 
in Burnet, who dbclosed the 
coniniunication, ii. 69. 

Gualtier, abb^, vi. 66. 

Guernsey, lord, vi, 88. 

Giiiche, count de, a reputed fa- 
vourite of the duchess of Or- 
leans, i. 524. 

Guildford, election at, 1. 350. 

Guilford, earl of, a mistake re- 
specting the date of his title, 

Guiscard, his attempt on the life 

of Harley, vi. 39. 
Guy, secretary of the treasury, 

»v. 253. 
Gwin, Francis, ii. 358. 
Hale, sir Edward, his case, iii. 

95. 149- 

Hale, Matthew, afterwards chief 
justice, makes a motion on 
Charles the second's declara- 
tion concerning ecclesiastical 
affairs, i. 305. 

Halifax, Charles Montague, earl 
of, iv. 283. impeached, 481. 
apprehensive of evils from Eng- 
land and Hanover being un- 
der one sovereign, 490. at- 
tacks lord Godolphin, v. 179. 
brings a bad style into the 
house of lords, 228, 341. vi. 
II, 76, 78. 

Halifax, George Saville, marquis 
of, design against him, i. 35. 
a witty speech of his on bishop 
Burnet, 465. another to his 
lady, 466. ii. 305. considered 
by the duke of York as his 
enemy, 331,453, iii. 327. his 
excuse and reason for keeping 
up an army, 349. disputes 
with lord Danby, 372, 374. 
dissatisfied, and complains to 
his friends, iv, 6. disliked by 
queen Mary, and why, 235. 
turned bishop Burnet into ri- 
dicule, vi. 322. the character of 
the bishop said by Thomas 

Burnet to be by lord Halifax ; 
if so, written in irony, ibid. 

Hall, bishop of Oxford, iii. 137. 

Hamilton, colonel, vi. 130. 

Hamilton, Mr. his remarkable 
account, v. 381. vi, 130. 

Hamilton, James duke of, the 
supposed reason of his ascen- 
dancy with queen Henrietta 
Maria, i. 63. 

Hamilton, William, duke of, his 
death, i. 350. his widow mar- 
ries Mr. Dalmahoy, ibid. 

Hamilton, duke, iv. 69. 

Hamilton, Mr, taken prisoner, iv. 
T04. kingWilliam's reply to, ib, 

Hamilton, fourth duke of, pa- 
tent creating him duke of 
Brandon, vi. 80. very angry, 
and insists upon lord Dart- 
mouth's dismissal, 82, 83, 97. 

Hammond, Henry, ii, 220, 

Hampden, John, his confession, 
ii. 344> 380. iv. 13. 

Hambden, Mr. iii. 21. 

Hanmer, sir Tho. v. 330. vi. 154. 

Hanover, a proposal that that 
country and England should 
not be ruled by one person, iv. 
490, Hanover tories, who, v. 
330. hereditary right of the 
house of Hanover the same as 
queen Anne's, 436. 

Hara, sir Charles, iv. 167. lord 
Tyrawly, v. 40. 

Harcourt, sir Simon, afterwards 
lord Harcourt, iii. 92. iv. 411. 
his sj^eech on Sacheverel's tri- 
al, 538. V. 10, wanted shame, 
48. his character, 427. vigor- 
ously defends Sacheverel, ibid, 
vi. 151, 152, 165. 

Hardwicke, lord, iv. 489, 490. 

Hare, bishop of Chichester, vi. 

Harley, sir Edward, ii. 69. 

Harley, Robert, iv. 434, 443, 
487. takes the lead in the 
house of commons, 388. gives 



the casting vote, as speaker, 
against the purchases of con- 
fiscated estates, 542. v. 140, 
332. negligent in his office, 
346. cleared by Gregg, 348, 
356. makes an offer to the 
whigs which is rejected, vi. 1 1. 
he then goes to the tories, 1 2. 
beaten on the leather tax, 29, 
33> 36, 37. attempt on his 
life by Guiscard, 39, 42. good 
character of him by lord Dart- 
mouth, 45. his management 
in the treasury, 64. earl of 
Oxford, has the nickname of 
Sir Roger given him, 79, 87, 
119, 134,136,137. promotes 
the bounty to the poor clergy, 
303. See Oxford, earl of. 

Harman, sir John, examination 
of, touching the engagement 
with the Dutch, i, 378, 379, 

Harris's " Life of Charles II." 
i. 280. 

Hartington, marquis of, iv. 389. 

Haversham, lord, his offensive 
words against the house of 
commons, iv. 503. 

Hawkins, Dr. did not tamper 
with Fitzharris, ii. 283. 

Hedges, sir Charles, made se- 
cretary of state, iii. 147, goes 
out of office, iv. 531. 

Heinsius, Pensionary, iv. 442. 
his excellent character, 549. 

Hemings, iii. 245. 

Henly, Mr. characters of, ii. 463, 

Henry VII. king of England, 
his case, iii. 1 30. 

Henrj> prince, (son of James I.) 
lord Coke's suspicion as to 
his death, i. t8, 22. 

Henry IV. of France, reported 
speech of on religion, ii. 169. 
his statue removed from be- 
fore St. John Lateran, iii. 160. 
iv. 520. 

Herbert, admiral, a severe but 
just reply to him by king 
James II. as to conscience, iii. 
95. disliked, 286. 

Herbert, sir Edward, created earl 
of Portland, iii. 92. leaves his 
estate and library to lords 
Lincoln and Harcourt, ibid, 
vindicates the king's dispens- 
ing power, 95. ' but distin- 
guishes in favour of Magdalen 
college, 149, 150. 

Herbert, lord, protests, iv. 68. 

Hereditary right, v. 432, 436. 

Hervey, lord, vi. 86. 

Heylin, (Peter,) his "History of 
the Presbyterians"quoted, i.3 2. 

Heywood, sergeant, his Vindica- 
tion of Fox's History of James 
IL commended, i. 2 1 3. ii. 464. 

Higgons, Bevil, his Remarks on 
bishop Burnet quoted, i. 134, 
377» 386, 399' 402, 561. ii. 
131. ^79' 258, 274,283,410, 
429, 456, 465. iii. i6, 36, 
325. his View of English His- 
tory quoted, 220, 247, 339. 
he refiises to join in any at- 
tempt on king William's per- 
son, iv. 342. 

Higgens, Mrs. vi. 135. 

Higgons, Thomas, iv. 342. 

Hill, Richard, his character, iv. 
310, 311,376. vi. 70,71. his 
scheme for marrying the pre- 
tender's sister to one of the 
Hanover family, 112. 

History of England (Kennett's) 
quoted, i. 14. 

Hoadley, bishop, motion to pro- 
mote him, ii. 463. iv. 282. 

Holland, design for drowning, 

Holland, lord, a note by him on 
Mr. Fox's History, ii. 463. v. 
1 14. 

Holmes, major, iv. 292. 

Holt, sir John, made recorder, 
iv. 67. judge, 335, 370. chief 



■ Justice, his resolute answer to 
lord Somers, 432. supposes 
that the judges' commissions 
expire with the demise of the 
crown, V. 12. his opinion a- 
gainst societies associated to 
enforce the laws, 18. an opi- 
nion of his controverted, 114, 

Holte, sir Charles, iii. 183. 

Hook, brigadier, a confession of 
his, iii. 53. 

Hooke, colonel, his Memoirs, v. 


Hooper, bishop, i. 329. iv. 132. 

Hough, Dr. elected president of 
Magdalen college, iii. 145, 148, 

How, John, V. 47. the vote in 
his case of election, 48. a mo- 
tion of his in the commons, 
49. called Jack How, v. 439. 

Howard, cardinal, beloved at 
Rome, iii. 162. 

Howard, lord, ii. 380. corrobo- 
rated by the duke of Mon- 
mouth, 40 1 . 

Howard, lady Frances, marries 
sir G. Downing, i. 343. 

Hubert, falsely accused of set- 
ting fire to London, i. 399. 

Huddleston, father, gives the sa- 
crament to Charles H. ii. 459. 

Hussey, sir William, his instruc- 
tions when ambassador to the 
Porte, iv. 143. 

Hyde, Anne, duchess of York, 
her marriage the cause of 
much uneasiness, i. 291. her 
partiality to Mr. Sidney, i. 394. 
See York, duchess of. 

Hyde, lord, urges James when 
duke of York to appear at 
church, ii. 305, 309. See Ro- 
chester, earl of. 

Jacobites ill used by the author^ 
iv. 409. 

James I. king of England, a 
mean expression of his, i. 1 1 . 

owed his pedantic education 
to Buchanan, 12. his charac- 
ter by Bruce, 14. a saying of 
his relative to his two king- 
doms, 15. said by lord Dart- 
mouth to be against law, be- 
cause law was against him, iv. 

James H. king of England, (see 
York, James duke of,) his 
cheerfulness during his mis- 
fortunes, i. 80. did not think 
highly of his father, 88. Charles 
the second's remarkable pre- 
diction relating to him, ii. 
404. his account of his bro- 
ther's death, 458, his charac- 
ter by speaker Onslow, iii. 2. 
receives money from France, 
12. bill for his preservation, 
40. dislikes Jefferies's severity, 
62. his sharp reply to admiral 
Herbert,95. betrayed by White, 
163. hurtful to the Roman 
catholics, 165. a saying of the 
French king's relative to him, 
301, 303. want of courage his 
ruin, 316. leaves the kingdom, 
325, 327. detained at Fever- 
sham, 328, 333. rudely treated, 
334. doubts as to what was 
to be done with him, 336. 
taken down the river in vio- 
lent weather, 339. said to 
have sold Ireland to France, 
iv. II. his attachment to and 
pride in the English, 36. an 
offer of toleration by him, 48. 
ridiculous to pray for him as 
ordered by the liturgy, 53. his 
person in danger, 83. his in- 
terview with the king of France 
after his return from Ireland, 
100. coldly received, ib. ruined 
by the inefficiency of his mi- 
nisters, 106. design against 
king William falsely ascribed 
to Lewis XIV. and to him 168, 
197. declaration by, carefully 



dispersed, 214. defended from 
the charge of being privy to 
any attempt on king William, 
291. his commission to make 
war upon that prince, 291, 
304. his expenditure, 372. his 
character by Ralph, 527. re- 
commends his queen and son 
to the king of France, ibid, 
his character by speaker On- 
slow, 528. 

Jansen, sir Theodore, iv. 310. 

Jefferies, judge, ii. 250. character 
of, 389. his argument at Sid- 
ney's trial, 397. becomes more 
mild, and when, 431. iii. 9. 
his cruelty, 56, 61. opposes 
lord keeper North, 84. be- 
haves with decency at lord 
Delemere's trial, 91. endea- 
vours to escape, but is recog- 
nised by the fierceness of his 
countenance, 330. 

Jek-yll, sir Joseph, his opinion of 
judge Jefferies, ii. 389. gives 
an account of bishop Burnet's 
sermon, 439. iii. 62. v. 12, 
422. vi. 12. 

Jenkins, sir Leoline, writes to 
the duke of York in favour of 
the city charter, ii. 329, 401. 

Jenner, baron, his MS. account 
of the visitation of Magdalen 
college, iii. 140, 148, 149. 

Jennings, captain, afterwards sir 
John, V. 158. 

Jermyn, Harry, scandal abouthim, 
i. 63. earl of St.Alban's, 293. 

Jermryn, Harry, the younger, cre- 
ated lord Dover, i. 292. 

Jersey, Edward, Villiers, earl of, 
i. 485. succeeds the duke of 
Shrewsbury, iv. 3 1 8, 409, 428, 
429, 431, 434- brings a mes- 
sage to lord Dartmouth from 
king William, 476, 506. a 
man of more integrity and 
better judgment than Burnet, 
V. 140. vi. 64. 

Jesuits, their ingratitude and 
hostility to cardinal Howard, 
iii. 162. 

Innocent XII. pope, his charac- 
ter, iv. 126. 

Johnston, secretary, accuses Bur- 
net of often altering the charac- 
ters in his book, i. 7. iv. 154. 

Johnson, Samuel, his Julian, iii. 

Johnson, (Dr. Samuel,) his opi- 
nion of Baxter's works, i. 
309. his opinion of Leslie^ v. 


Jones, bishop, his simoniacal 
act, how committed, iv. 407. 
his case and character, 450. 

Jones, sir William, immediate 
cause of his death, ii. 332. his 
timid character, ibid. 

Ireton, general, v. 274. 

Ireland, dependent on the crown 
of England, v. 101. 

Irish grants, proceedings in par- 
liament upon, iv. 428, 429. 

Islay, earl of, his character, vi. 55. 

" Julian the Apostate," iii. 321. 

Judges, act passed that they 
should retain their situations 
during life, iv. 149. their voting, 
502. their commissions do not 
expire upon the demise of the 
crown, v. 12. 

Juxon, bishop, i. 163. 

Ken, bishop, relieves the pri- 
soners at Wells, iii. 62. his 
character and conduct, iv. 11, 

Kendal, captain, his reply to 
lord Middleton, iii. 86. 

Kennet, White, who opposed At- 
terbury's book on convocations, 
afterwards a bishop, iv. 507. 

Kent, earl of, gets the white 
staff, and by what means, v. 
140. vi. 13. 

Keppel, afterwards earl of Al- 
bemarle, iv, 402, 549. See Al- 
bemarle, earl of. 



Kidd, the pirate, connived at^ iv. 

Kidder, Richard, bishop of Bath 

and Weils, i. 329. ii. 344. his 

death, v. 8i. 
Kiliigrew, admiral, iv. 87. 
liilligrew, Henry, ridicules lord 

Clarendon, i. 445. 
Kincardine, lord, sends bishop 

Paterson to Lauderdale, ii. 

King, archbishop of Dublin, v. 


King, can do no wrong, one 
meaning of this maxim of 
state, V. 329. 

Kings, their interest to support 
the law, iii. 228. 

Kirk, colonel, caressed by king 
William, iii. 55. 

Kirk, Mrs. vi. 39. 

Knox, John, iv. 176. 

Labadie, the mystic, i. 399. 

Lambert, general, dies a Roman 
catholic, i. 170, 278. 

Lamplugh, bishop, ii. 246. arch- 
bishop of York, assists at the 
coronation of William HI. iii. 

Laud, archbishop, i. 314. his 
work against Fisher com- 
mended, ii. 427. his charac- 
ter defended, vi. 190. 

Lauderdale, duke, ii. 21, 97. his 
baseness, 299, 300. 

Lauderdale, duchess of, angry 
with the duke of York, i. 588. 
supposed to be adverse to a 
parliament in Scotland, ii. 21. 

Lausun, iv. 106. 

Lechmere, lord, iv. 188. vi. 163. 

Lee, sir Thomas, accepts a bribe 
for seconding a motion, ii. 83. 

Leeds, Thomas Osborne, duke 
of, arranges the match be- 
tween the prince of Orange 
and the princess Mary, ii. 118. 
iii. 374. iv. 2, 8. votes for sir 
John Fenwick, 343, 344. at- 

tempts to force a dissolution 
of parliament, 428. v. 227. his 
tart reply to lord Wharton, 
236. See Danby, lord, and 
Osborn, Thomas. 

Legge, colonel William, i. 98, 
299, 458. his account of the 
duke of Monmouth, iii. 51. 

Legge, William, earl of Dart- 
mouth. See Dartmouth. 

Leicester, Robert Dudley, earl 
of, v. 438. 

Leigh, Mr. of Adlestrop, ii. 456. 

Leightoun, Dr. father to the 
archbishop, his hatred to bi- 
shops, i. 228. 

Leighton, or Leightoun, arch- 
bishop, his death hastened 
by his journey to London, ii. 

Leopold, emperor, ii. 30. 

Leslie, Charles, answers bishop 
King, v. 423. 

Levison, sir John, iv. 432, 492. 

Lewis, Erasmus, ii. 316. 

Lewis XIV. king of France, de- 
fended, iv. 168. writes to queen 
Anne on the death of the pre- 
tender's sister, vi. 42. 

"Life of God in the Soul of 
" Man," by Scougal, i. 373. 

Lilibulero, song, author of, iii. 


Lincoln, earl of, iii. 92. 

Lisle, bishop of Norwich, iii. 

Lisle, iii. 59. 

Lisle, Mrs. unjustly used, iii. 59. 

Littleton, sir Thomas, treasurer 
of the navy, good regulations 
of his, V. 64. 

Liturgy, a reasonable objection 
to, and the only one, iv. 53. 

Lloyd, bishop, his curious inter- 
view with queen Anne, i. 327, 
401. refuses the sacrament to 
Berry, ii. 258. his conduct 
questioned, 259. assists an 
anonymous writer in a pam- 



phlet on the birth of the pre- 
tender,iii. 245, 246, 307. active 
for the pnnce of Orange, 355. 

' iv. 322. 

Lob, Mr. iii. 249. 

Locke, John, said to assist Ar- 
g)'le, iii. 23. iv. 18, answers 
Lowndes on coin, 282. con- 
futes Filmer, v. 424. 

Lockhart, minister in France for 
Cromwell and Charles IL i. 

London, fire of, i. 433. custom 
of the lord mayor's drinking to 
the sheriflF elect, ii. 325. char- 
ter of the city, 329, 337. 

Londonderry, siege of, iv. 34. 

Long, sir Robert, i. 464. 

Lonsdale, lord. Memoir by, 
quoted, iii. 40, 88, 178. 

Lorrain, restoration of, iv. 360. 

Lovat, Frazer, lord, v. 95. 

" Love of our Country," prize 
poem by bishop Butson, quot- 
ed, ii. 399. 

Louisa, princess, daughter of 
James II. i. 396. vi. 42. 

Louvois, justly punished, iv. 165. 
advises the quartering of 
troops on the protestants, iii. 

Lowick, colonel, iv. 292. 
Lowndes, Mr. his Treatise on 

Coinage, iv. 282, 310. 
Lowther, sir John, iv. 86. 
Lumley, lord, turns protestant, 

iii. 262. Swift's opinion of, 

Lutterell, colonel, decision in 

his favour rescinded, vi. 93. 
Luxemburgh seized by France, 


Macclesfield, Gerard, earl of, 
said to have proposed the 
murder of James II. iii. 52. 
his opinion of the abjuration, 
and reply to the earl of Marl- 
borough, iv. 77, 78. 

Machiavel, v. 117. 

Mackenzie; sir George, confutes 
the warming-pan story, iii. 

Maclean, sir John, v. 133. 

Magdalen college, iii, 139, 140. 
full account of their contest 
with king James, 144, 145,147, 
148, 149, 150,303. 

Magna charta, lord Dartmouth's 
observation on the copy in 
bishop Burnet's possession, i. 
56. iii. 218. 

Maiming act, i. 470. 

Maitland, the historian of Lon- 
don, his accuracy, v. 137. 

Maintenon, Madame, iv. 354, 


Manchester, Charles Montague, 
earl of, made secretary of 
state, iv. 531. sent ambassador 
to Venice, v. 140. 

Mangey, Dr. iii. 100. 

Mann, Mr. vi. 85, 93. 

Manwaring, Arthur, iii. 268. 

Mar, earl of, i. 1 1. v. 353. 

Marchmont, lord, v. 276,^87. 

Marlborough, John Churchill, 
earl, afterwards duke of, i. 
458. prince Eugene's charac- 
ter of, iii. 267. iv. 77, 86. his 
disgrace, 147. reveals a secret 
_ to his lady, 156. tampers with 
the exiled court, 158. de- 
tained, 178, 324. fears of his 
power in case of princess 
Anne's succession, 540. a con- 
versation with lord Dartmouth, 
ibid. 549. king William sends 
him to command the troops 
engaged for the States, in or- 
der to insure a vigorous pro- 
secution of the war in the 
reign of his successor, v. 7. 
accused of avarice, 8. the im- 
mense sums spent in build- 
ing Blenheim, 9. accused of 
selling places, 63. his affectation 
of state and consequence ridi- 
culed, 147. abused and threat- 



ened by the tones, 150. his 
march to the Danube defend- 
ed, ibid. 230. exposed to dan- 
ger at the battle of Ramellies, 
262. visits the king of Sweden, 
310, 329, 332. said to com- 
mand at sea as well as by 
land, 333. lord Dartmouth 
says he was rode hard by the 
whigs, 341. offends the queen, 
344. is offered money by 
France to procure a peace,37 r, 
382, 383. baron Aymouth in 
Scotland, 387. his uncontrol- 
lable power, ibid, attempts to 
be made captain general for 
life, 404, 405, 412, 440. vi. 8, 
13. cringes to the queen, 30. 
complains of his wife's con- 
duct, ibid, instance of his 
meanness, 31. curious minia- 
ture of him, ibid. Guiscard in- 
sinuates that the attempt was 
intended for him, 39- is blam- 
ed by lord Cobham, 58, 61. 
sends a humble message to 
the queen by lord Dartmouth, 
70. 71' 73. 74. 87. highly 
esteemed by prince Eugene, 

95. gratuities given to him, 

96, 104, 109, 127. accused 
of having received the money 
for the arrears at Blenheim, 
136. goes abroad, 137. his 
opinion of Burnet, 140. See 
Churchill, John. 

Marlborough, Sarah, duchess of, 
(see Churchill,) her Memoirs, 
iii. 268, 269, 270. her account 
of the princess of Orange con- 
tradicted, 385. supposed to 
have suppressed, or altered, 
parts of this History, iv. 156, 
159, 242. makes Hervey a 
baron, v. 66. her violence of 
temper, 3 26. her character by 
speaker Onslow and lord Wal- 
pole, 327. out of favour, but 
conceals it, 440. her last con- 

ference with queen Anne, ibid, 
her insolence towards the 
queen, ibid, manner of sur- 
rendering the gold key, vi. 30. 
some of her assertions contro- 
verted, 31. her abusive and 
passionate manner, ibid. 32. 
her letter to prince Eugene, 
95' ^34* goes to Holland, 

Marten, Henry, vi. 225. 

Marvel, Andrew, i. 451. 

Mary of Modena, queen of James 
n. a phrase used by her, iii. 
96. witty, but indiscreet, 114. 
excused, and why, ibid, ac- 
count of her pregnancy and 
delivery, 236, 238, 239, 240, 
241, 242, 243, 244, 245, 246. 
quits the kingdom, 325. 

Mary, daughter of James II. 
princess of Orange, and after- 
wards queen of England, her 
beauty, ii. 194. her remark on 
bishop Ken's conduct, iv. 11. 
her attachment to her father, 
235. her death, 242. not well 
treated by her husband, ibid, 
her wishes relative to some 
appointment not attended to, 
and the reason which was given 
for it at the time, v. 329. her 
singular conduct at coming to 
Whitehall, vi. 9. 

Mary, queen of Scots, suggestion 
in her favour, i. 544. 

Masham, Mrs. her character and 
rise, vi. 33, 134. 

Massey, dean, sets up a Roman 
catholic chapel, iii. 139. 

Maurice, prince, i. 25. iv. 197. 

May, Richard, his report of de- 
bates in parliament, ii. 109. 

Maynard, Dr. iii. 145. 

Maynard, sergeant. Swift's opi- 
nion of, ii. 174. 

Meadows, sir Philip, i. 80. 

Melvil, sir James, i. 31. 

Methuen, Paul, iv. 388. 



Meuschen, Heer, gives a false 
account oF Chamberlayne's 
evideDce, iii. 242. 

Mew, bishop, iii. 303. iv. 320. 

Middleton, earl of, reproaches 
certain members for voting 
against the king, iii. 86. 

Milton, John, iv. 234. 

Mindelheim, princess of, vi. 9. 

Ministers, their responsibility as- 
serted, iv. 468. king William's 
ministers inefficient, iv. 520. 

Mitchell, ii. 131, 299. 

Modena, duchess of, time of her 
death, iii. 235. 

Modena, Mary of. See Mary. 

Monk, general, dblikes lord Cla- 
rendon, i. 150. his base con- 
duct in respect to the marquis 
of Argyle, denied by Campbell 
and Rose, but proved by ser- 
geant Heywood and others, 
213. See Albemarle. 

Monmouth, duke of, ii. 231, 
380. confesses, 401. his letter 
after surrender, 403. iii. 25. 
lands, 42. his interview with 
James II. 48. interview with 
his wife, 50, 51. anecdote in 
favour of him, 5 2, 84. 

Monmouth, duchess of, contra- 
dicts Burnet, ii. 358. her cor- 
roboration of the queen's de- 
livery, iii. 242. 

Monmouth, earl of, his charac- 
ter, iv. 63, 7 1, 86, 338, 339. 
a bad man, 340. Pope's hero, 
341. See Peterborough. 

Montague,ChaiJes,afterwards earl 
of Halifax, iii. 377. iv. 189. re- 
flects on lord Sunderland, 2 1 6. 
loses some credit, 388. Ralph's 
opinion of, ibid. 395, 442. 

Montague, Christopher, made 
auditor of the exchequer, iv. 

Montague, Dr. of Tnnity college, 

Cambridge, i. 188. 

Montague, Edward, reason of 

his dismissal, ii. 140. 
Montague, Ralph, afterwards 
duke of, i. 522, 523. MS. letters 
of his, 524. his mode of ob- 
taining the embassy to France, 
585. cheated of his bribe, ii. 
173. 383* 385. iii. 68. desires 
a dukedom, and his plea for 
the request, 377. protests in 
the case of sir John Fen wick, 
iv. 68. duke of, his son, v. 

Montague, Sydney Wortley, iii. 


Montgomery, sir James, iv. 63. 

Montrose, James Graham, mar- 
quis of, bishop Burnet's ac- 
count of him unfavourable, 
and why, i. d']. 243. ii. 311. 

Moore, Arthur, vi. 137. his rise 
and character, 151, 152. 

Moore, bishop, v. 287. 

Mordaunt, viscount, made earl of 
Monmouth, and why, iv. 71. 

Morley, bishop, i. 321. his mes- 
sage to king James II. ii. 428. 
his generosity, ibid. 

Morley, sir Charles, ii. 428. 

Moss, Dr. V. 43 1 . 

Mulgrave, John Sheffield, earl of, 
his account of the engagement 
with De Ruyter, i, 561. ob- 
tains the garter, and how, ii. 
15. sharp speech concerning 
the prince of Orange,! i8.iv.68. 

Murray, earl of, i. 32. 

Muscovy, czar of, singular acci- 
dent during the king's visit to 
him, iv. 396. 

Musgrave, sir Charles, iv. 432. 

Musgrave, sir Christopher, a say- 
ing of his, ii. 76. iv. 1 89. re- 
ceives money from king Wil- 
ham, 190. V. 10. 

Naval affairs, engagement be- 
tween the French and En- 
glish and Dutch, iv. 92, 93. 
English admirals accused of 
neglect, 203. 



Navarre, kingdom of, ii. 26. 

Nelson, Robert, v. 185. 

Nelthrop, iii. 59. 

Nepotism, the bull against, drawn 
up by pope Clement XL (Al- 
bano) in his predecessor's 
time, V. 414. 

Neve, Mr. i.379. 

Neufchatel, form of Common 
Prayer, v. 319. 

Neville, Henry, " Plato Redivi- 
vus," v. 329. 

Newbourgh, duke of, description 
of his daughter's person by 
lord Peterborough, ii. 30. 

New River company, i. 402. 

Newton, sir Isaac, iv. 283. v. 3 14. 

Newcastle, duke of, iv. 540. 

Nimeguen, peace of, disgraceful 
to England, and favourable to 
France, ii. 143. 

Norfolk, duchess of, her case of 
divorce, iv. 222. 

Norfolk, duke of, in danger, ii. 
153. encourages his son tO' 
turn protestant, iii. 262, 

Norris, lord, attacks lord Sun- 
derland in the house of com- 
mons, iv. 369. 

North, lord keeper, ii. 432. a 
proposal of his relative to le- 
vying the customs and excise, 
not acted upon, iii. 9. a good 
character of him, iii. 84. his 
loyalty to James II. ibid, nick- 
named Slyboots, ibid. 

North's " Life of lord keeper 
North" quoted and commend- 
ed, iii. 84. 

North's "Examen of the His- 
" tory of England" quoted, i. 
533- ii- 153. 168, 257. 

Northampton, earl of, removed 
from the lord lieutenancy of 
Warwickshire, iii. 183. 

Northumberland, earl of, letter 
to lord Leicester, i. 53. his 
son was the last Percy, vi. 3 1 . 

Nottingham, Finch earl of, duke 

Wharton wrote a character of 
him, ii. 38. Daniel, earl of, 
his son, makes Hedges secre- 
tary to keep out Vernon, iii. 
147. a proposal to destroy 
him, 266. his declaration, 383. 
severely handled, iv. 25, 86, 
156. a lord of the admiralty, 
but gave dissatisfaction by 
reason of his ignorance of sea 
affairs, 164, 180, 188, 235, 
468. V. 49, 179. out of favour 
with queen Anne, 227. who 
refuses to make him secretary 
of state, vi. 8. he remonstrates 
against yielding the British 
flag, 28, 37. joins the whigs, 
73. his character, ibid. 75. 
gives a casting vote, 76, 78, 83. 

Oates, Titus, i. 434. ii. 153. 
quarrels with Tongue, 292. 
iv. 178. 

Occasional Conformity bill, its 
rise, V. 49. passes, but is re- 
pealed, vi. 78, 79. 

Obrian, lord, ii. 316. 

Oldmixon's History of the Stuarts 
mentioned, i. 48. 

Onslow, sir Richard, afterwards 
lord, iii. 86. iv. 389. v. 229. 
his character and nickname, 
384. vi. 14. 

Onslow, speaker, his character of 
sir William Temple, ii. 61. 
conversation with sir Robert 
Walpole on severing Hano- 
ver from the crown of Eng- 
land, iv. 490. his opinion of 
the power of the house of 
commons, v. 114. tries to 
lessen the fees of office in that 
house, 243. forwards the de- 
sign of the British Museum, 
246. refuses an additional 
salary from the queen, 314. 

Orange, princess of, accused of 
being too gay on her arrival at 
Whitehall, iii. 385. See Mary, 



Orange, William, prince of, i. 
344. a severe saying about 
him, ii. 118. thought unlikely 
to have a family, 194. threatens 
Charles the second's envoy, 
iii. 12. said to encourage the 
duke of Monmouth in order 
to ruin him, 25, 84. looks for- 
ward to being king of Eng- 
land, 128. not a good hus- 
band, 130. fancies he is be- 
trayed, 314. See William III. 
king of England. 

Orford, Edward Russel, earl of, 
iv. 442. impeached, 481. in- 
stance of his peculation in 
taking the king of Spain's pre- 
sents intended for the fleet, v. 
no, 341. attempt to bring him 
back to the admiralty, 420. 

Orford, Horace Walpole, earl of, 
his Memoirs, v. 114. 

Orford, Robert Walpole, earl of, 
vi. 137. 

Orkney, lady, iii. 130. iv. 425, 


Orleans, Henrietta, duchess of, 
i. 293. her character vindi- 
cated, 522. 

Ormond, James Butler, duke of, 
communicates a design against 
the author, iii. 202. iv. 393. 
V. 60, 100. vi. 39, 96. his re- 
straining orders, 119, 126, 

Osborn, Thomas, (afterwards 
duke of Leeds,) his character 
as a speaker, ii. 12. iv. 6. 
See Danby, Carmarthen, and 

Ottoboni, his death and beha- 
viour, iv. 125. 

Oxford, Robert Harley earl of, 
answered rudely by bishop 
Lloyd, i. 327. only ironically 
condemned by Swift, 558. a 
saying of his, ii. 195. iii. 323. 

. . vi. 9. See Harley, Robert. 

Oxford, university of, iii. 135. 

suffers for its steadiness to the 
church, 139. reception of Sa- 
cheverel there, vi. 10. 

Packington, sir John, iv. 239. v. 3. 

Parker, chief justice, iv. 411. 
reason of his promotion, v. 

Parker, bishop, iii. 137. 

Parliament, motion in, ii. 76. sep- 
tennial, 78. that of James II. 
composed ofmen of fortune and 
rank, iii. 1 6. division on the dis- 
pensing power, 86. bill recog- 
nising the king and queen, 
(1690) debate and protest on, 
iv. 72. abjuration bill, remarks 
on, 77. divisions on, 79. grants 
a large sum to the king, 113. 
passes an act of indemnity foi 
illegal imprisonments, 114. 
numbers on the bill to exclude 
members from places, 184. 
act concerning trials for trea- 
son, 247. treating act, 285. 
> Grenville act to regulate elec- 
tion committees, 285, 286. 
bill in sir John Fenwick's 
case, and protest against it, 3 43 , 
344. act against Roman Catho- 
lics reprehended, 411. confu- 
sion at the debates on the 
Irish grants, 428. the benefits 
arising from parliaments, 443. 
annual meeting of, desirable, 
ibid, debate on the partition 
treaty, 476. proceedings on 
the succession, 486. privilege 
of, 49 1 . that against legal pro- 
secutions taken away, 492. 
petition to, containing a resolve 
to maintain " the parliamentary 
" government," 539. speaker 
Harley gives a casting vote, 
542. bribery act, v. 53. lords' 
proceedings according to law, 
63. the representation in, 
should be more equal, 274, 
275. always able to keep mi- 
nisters in awe, 278. party 



raised against Harley, vi. 37. 
debate on a peace, 75, 76. bill 
against occasional conformity, 
78. union with Scotland pro- 
posed to be dissolved, 150. 
debate on the treaty of com- 
merce, 154. Bishop Burnet's 
speech on the peace, 17 13. 

Party zeal decried, iv. ^07. 

Paterson, archbishop of Glasgow, 
i. 454. sent to duke Lauder- 
dale on Mitchell's business, ii. 

" Patriarcha" by Filmer, v. 424. 

Patrick, bishop, i. 451. ii. 344. 

Paulett, earl, has difficulty in 
procuring copies of his ances- 
tors' pictures from lord Claren- 
don, i. 168. vi. 37. 

Peace eagerly desired by the na- 
tion in 17 12. vi. 123. 

Peachel, Dr. starves himself, iii. 

Pearse, Mr. i. 380. 

Pearson, bishop, i. 321, 328. ii. 
246, 247. failure of his intel- 
lects, iii. 134. 

Pelhani, Mr. iv. 487. vi. 64. 

Pelham, Thomas lord, iv. 190. 
votes for sir John Fenwick, 

Pembroke, earl of, iii. 364. iv. 86, 
344. his character, 354, 361, 
393. made lord high admiral, 
531. V. 381. 

Penn, William, king James the 
second's opinion of, iii. 132. 
letter to Dr. Bayley of Mag- 
dalen college, 140. vi. 8. 

Penn, admiral, i. 377. 

Perkins, sir William, iv. 292. 

Peter, St. infallibility not con- 
fined to him by Acts xv. iii. 186. 

Peter, czar of Muscovy, ridicu- 
lous scene between king Wil- 
liam and him, iv. 396. placed 
in a gutter to see the king go 
to the house of lords, ibid. 


Burnet's judgment of him 
wrong, 397. 

Peterborough, earl of, i. 35. his 
description of a lady intended 
for the king, ii. 30. said to 
contradict Burnet, iii. 295. 
made earl of Monmouth, iv. 
71. his conduct in the duchess 
of Norfolk's divorce, 222,338. 
V. 3 3 8. See Monmouth, earl of. 

Peters, father, i. 279. 

Peterson, Lawrence, i. 399. 

Petition of the archbishop and 
bishops to James IL published 
immediately after its delivery, 
iii. 220. 

Petre, family of, iii. 96. 

Petre, father, intrigues with lord 
Sunderland, iii. 96. of the 
privy council, 210. but con- 
trary to lord Arundel's opinion, 
218, 249. 

Philip, king of Spain, excluded 
from power in England, iii. 
130. his marriage with Mar}', 

Pignatelli, pope Innocent XIL 

his character, iv. \ 26. 
Pignerol, not restored as asserted 

by Burnet, iv. 360. 
Piper, count, v. 310. 
Plantations, necessity of the go- 
vernor having absolute power, 

Plots, Swift's opinion of their 

commencement, ii. 350. 
PoUexfen, his opinion on the 

prince of Orange's taking the 

government, iii. 341. 
Polygamy, i. 454. 
Pope, Alexander, an allusion in 

one of his poems explained, 

iv. 190, 191,341. 
Popery, Burnet preaches against, 

ii. 439. 
Popish controversy, iii. 99. 
Porter, sir Charles opposes lord 

Capel, iv. 278, 279. falsely 

accused by Burnet, v. 100. his 



evidence against Fenwick 
doubted, iv. 344. 

Portland, Bentinck earl of, his 
opinion of the English, and 
king William's reply, iv. 213. 
Madame Maintenon refuses to 
see him, 354. his conference 
with Bouflers, 357. lord Sun- 
derland's remark on him, 402, 
409,417,425,442,469. im- 
peached, 476. vi. 64. See Her- 
bert, sir Edward. 

Portsmouth, duchess of, i. 586. 
her manner respectful to the 
queen, ii. 165. disliked by the 
duke of York, 254, 255. me- 
ditates sending the duke to 
Scotland, 452. not present at 
the death of Charles the se- 
cond, 455, 459. suspects that 
that prince was poisoned, 464. 

Powle, Henry, his speeches, ii. 

Powlett, or Paulett, duke of Bol- 
ton, See Bolton. 

Powys, lady, iii. 242. 

Powys, sir Thomas, character of, 
iii. 91. counsel in duke Ha- 
milton's case, vi. 80. 

Pratt, sergeant, counsel for duke 
Hamilton, vi. 80. 

Prayer common, resolution not to 
debate on amending it, i. 317. 

Precedents, lordDartmouth thinks 
that they are not to be fol- 
lowed unless in matters of ce- 
remony, iv. 331. 

Prerogative, meaning of the 
word, ii. 96. 

Preston, lord, extract of a letter 
of his, ii. 385. accuses Sey- 
mour, iv. 149. 

Presbyterians, theiV caution, iii. 

Pretender, the, legitimacy of, iii. 
235—247. 303' 306, 307, 367, 
369. iv. 527, 528. V. 104. 

Pride, colonel, his threat to 
Cromwell, i. 120. 

Prideaux, dean, commends Lloyd, 
bishop of Norwich, iv. 322. 

Princes, their speeches the echoes 
of their servants' voices, v. 

Prior, Matthew, iv. 487. vi. 64, 

Privilege of parliament, iv. 491. 

Protest against the bill of attain- 
der in the case of sir John 
Fenwick, iv. 343, 344. 

Protestant religion, free inquiry 
allowed by it productive of 
civil liberty, iii. 2. 

Prussia, king of, made so by 
king William's means, iii. 233. 
a smart reply to, ibid. 

Pudsey, Dr. iii. 145. 

Pulton, father, his character of 
Tenison, iv. 238. 

Queensburjf, duke of, his thirst 
for getting money, v. 99, 276, 
287. his inefficiency, 388. 
makes the secretary's place a 
sinecure, ibid, a pleasant re- 
mark of the duke of Bucking- 
ham's after his death, 389. vi. 
80. his title to an English 
peerage, 83. 

Radcliife, or Ratcliffe, Dr. his 
character, iv. 239. 

Ralph, an error in his History 
pointed out, iii. 88, 304. con- 
futes an assertion of the au- 
thor's, 230. accuses him of in- 
accuracy, i v. 199. quoted in this 
fourth volume sixty times. 

" Rebellion," the word used, 
when and where, i. 316. 

Redding, Mr. and Mrs. iv. 123. 

Regency bill commended, v. 229. 
passed, 235. 

Regent, speaker Onslow's opin- 
ion on one, ii. 270. 

Religion in England, iv. 20. 

Representation in parliament 
should be more equal, v. 275. 

Resistance, allowable, iii. 353. 

Revenue, proposals to give it to 


45 » 

James II. and William III. for 
a limited period, iii. i6. 

Revolution, its supporters %vould 
have been reckoned guilty of 
treason had it not succeeded, 
ii. 379. that of 1688 how jus- 
tified, V. 427. 

Richard II. his deposition, iii. 359. 

Richmond, duchess of; i. 436. 

Rivers, earl, v, 266. 

Robinson, bishop, v. 416. 

Rochester, Laurence Hyde, earl 
of, his character, i. 447. dis- 
puted with lord Halifax, ii. 
453. attempt to pervert him 
fails, iii. 117. declines assist- 
ing princess Anne, 118. says 
that king William made the 
crown little better than a 
night-cap, iv. 25. visits the 
princess, notwitkstanding the 
prohibition, 159, brought into 
favour, and why, 205. a zeal- 
ous churchman, ibid, protests 
in the case of Fenwick, 341. 
a high toi^-, but no Jacobite, 
485. speaks assuminglyto the 
king, 506. princess Sophia 
supposed him anxious for her 
succession, v. 233. occasions 
the debate relative to the 
church being in danger, 236. 
made president of the council 
in room of lord Somers, vi. 10. 

Rochford, lord, iv. 425. 

Romanney, servant to lord Es- 
sex, ii. 394. 

Rome, church of, acknowledged 
to hold the fundamentals of 
the Christian religion, iii. 77. 

Roman catholics, act against, re- 
prehended, iv. 41 1. 

Romans, modern, undeserving of 
the name according to Vol-, 
taire, iii. 155. 

Romney, Sidney lord, made se- 
cretary, and why, i. 394. iv. 8. 
the duke of Leeds's obsen'a- 
tion on it, ibid. 425. 

Rook, admiral, sir George, iv. 
163,498. V. 44. his |)erson 
and character, 59, 60, no, 

Roos, lord, his case, iv. 222. 

Rose, bishop of Edinburgh, his 
answer to king William, iv.41. 

Rose, right honourable George, 
extract from his Observations 
on Mr. Fox's history, ii. 464. 
accuses Burnet of mistaking a 
fact, but is confuted by ser- 
geant Heywood, iii. 37. 

Roswell pardoned^ ii. 443. 

Rouvigny, ii. 84. 

Roxburgh, duke of, v. 344, 352. 

Roxburgh, earl of, ii. 316. 

Rumney, ii. 401. See Romney. 

Rupert, prince, iv, 197. 

Russel, admiral, has an audience 
with the prince of Orange, iii. 
230, 270, 286. gains a vic- 
tory over the French, iv. 86, 
162, 180, 270, 324. See Or- 
ford, earl of. 

Russel, lord, ii. 195, 342. Charles 
the second's dread of him, 370, 
372. his good intentions, 379. 
in the plot of 1683. iii. 53. 

Russel, lady, writes to the king, 
ii. 380. 

Russel, lord John, relates a cir- 
cumstance relative to the earl 
of Essex's death, ii. 394. ex- 
tract from his Life of lord 
Russel, 325. corrects Burnet, 

Rutherford, the Scotch preacher, 
Swift's character of, i. 59. 

Sacharissa, iii, 251, 

Sacheverel, Henrj', ii. 463. iv. 
538. his prosecution, v. 422. 
Folpone, the obnoxious word 
in the sermon, 429. his speech 
attributed to Atterbury, 430. 
enthusiasm created by his ap- 
pearance, vi. 10. impious pas- 
sages brought forward in his 
defence, 48. an attempt to 
og 2 



promote him resisted by the 
queen, 165. 

Sacheverel, William, character 
of, ii. 83. 

Sackville, Charles, earl of Dor- 
set. See DorseL 

Sacrament, impropriety of its 
being taken for temporal emo- 
luments, V. 107. 

Sailors, English, their bravery, 
iv. 36. 

Salmon's " Examination of Bur- 
net," i. 277, 352, 429, 438, 
453. 470. 516, 535. ii. 132, 
295. m. 41,59. 

Sancroft, archbishop, commend- 
ed, ii. 90. the author's account 
of him confuted, iii. 100, loi. 
desires to be excused from at- 
tendance in the ecclesiastical 
commission, 103, 142. vindi- 
cated, 212. forbidden the court, 
2 1 6. assertions concerning him 
refuted, 331, 341. his answer 
to the clergy on the prince of 
Orange's arrival in London, 
354. elected chancellor of 
Cambridge, 355. declines the 
oaths to king William, iv. 130. 
defended, 237. 

Sanderson, bishop, i. 321. his 
caution respecting the engage- 
ment, iv, II. 

Savile, sir Henrj', ii.342. 

Savile, George, see Halifax, mar- 
quis of. 

Saville, lord, his contest with 
lord Strafford, i. 46. changes 
sides in politics, ibid. 

Savoy, duke of, observation on 
prince George of Denmark, iii. 
46, said to have been bribed, 
V. 310. 

Sawyer, sir Robert, more able 
than Burnet represents him, ii. 

Scarborough, sir Charles, strug- 
gle between him and the duke 
of York's dog, ii. 316. 

Scarborough, Richard, earl of, iv. 

Schomberg, count, expects the 
garter, ii. 15. iii. 323. his pen- 
sion, iv. 34. 

Scot, Dr. iii. 61. 

Scotland, commerce of injured, 
V. 325. the union proposed to 
be dissolved, vi. 150. 

Scotch, a severe reflection on 
them by king William, i. 486. 
hardly used, iv. 419. 

Scotch earl, curious anecdote of 
one who was desirous of a 
place, V. 349. 

Scotch judges to be named in 
parliament, iv. 46. 

Scotchmen, not deficient in va- 
nity, i. 137. 

Scotch peers, their voting for 
sixteen representatives, more 
than an equivalent to their old 
mode of sitting in parliament, 
v. 276. their inducement to 
come into the union, 352. 

Scougal, bishop, i. 373, 375. 

Scrope, Mr. v. 348. 

Serjeant, father, ii. 220. 

Seymour, sir Edward, speaker, 
pleasant anecdote of, ii. 70, 80. 
speaks concerning the elec- 
tions, iii. 38, accused, and af- 
terwards made commissioner 
of the treasury, iv. 149, 189. 
rejected a bribe because not 
large enough, 190. thanked 
by the commons, 464. threat- 
ens the duke of Marlborough, 
v. 150. his prophane speech 
in the house of commons, 192. 

Seymour, Mrs. said to have ad- 
mitted Hamilton into the 
queen's apartment, i. 63. 

Shaftsbury, Anthony Ashley Coo- 
per, earl of, anecdote of, i. 
164. a maxim of his, 165. 
suspects James the second's 
marriage, 288, 532. ii. 4. cha- 
racter of him and his minis- 



nisterial colleagues, 4. deuies 
some objectionable passages 
in his own speech, 32. his 
opinion 6f tlie peace of Ni- 
meguen, 143. his opinion of 
parhament, 168, IQ9. his con- 
duct at the Oxford parlia- 
ment, 274. his party, 304, 

Shakespear, much read by arch- 
bishop Sharp, iii. 100. speaker 
Onslow's opinion of his works, 

Sharp, archbishop of St. An- 
drew's, i. 110, 157, 237, 370. 
moved for a reprieve for Mit- 
chell, ii. 131. his murder, 227. 

Sharp, archbishop of York, ad- 
vises young divines to read 
Shakespear and the Scrip- 
tures, iii. 100. 

Sheers, sir Henry, writes an epi- 
taph for lord Falconbridge, i. 

Sheffield, John, see Buckingham- 
shire, duke of, and Mulgrave, 
earl of. 

Sheldon, archbishop, Echard's 
character of, i. 303, 321, 340, 
421. refuses the sacrament to 
Charles II. i. 438. iv. 508. 

Sheriffs of London, election of, 
ii. 325, 328. 

Sherlock, Dr. iv. 379. 

Ship-money, case of, iii. 379. 

Shippen, Will. iv. 407. v. 330. 

Short, Dr. ii. 461. thought to be 
poisoned. Ibid. 

Shovel, sir Cloudsley, iv. 87. v. 

Shrewsbury, Charles Talbot earl 
and duke of, iii. 262. a pro- 
posal of his, 266. reasons 
of his return to power, iv. 
216. retires from office, 302, 
318,366. checks Vernon, 389. 
goes abroad, 442. marries, v. 
438. his character, and some 
account of his wife, ibid. 439. 

. VI. 7. 9. 37- 

Sidley, lady Catharine, insane, 
iii. 114. 

Sidney, Algernoon, stands for 
Guildford, i. 350. ii. 276. 
sir W. Tenij)le's opinion of 
him, 341. opposes a war with 
France, 342, 380. hardly used, 

. 396- 

Sidney, Henry, i. 394. Swift's 
character of, iii. 264. lord, iv. 
8. See Roniney, earl of. 

Sidney papers quoted, i. 53. 

Skinner's Ecclesiastical History 
of Scotland quoted, iii. 111. 
iv. 41. 

Smalridge, bishop, v. 43 1 . 

Smith, speaker, iv. 370, 395. 
chancellor of the exchequer, 
vi. 9. 

Smith, Dr. Thomas, iii. 144, 
145, 148, 149. twice deprived 
of his fellowship, 219, 303. 

Smyth, George, of North Nib- 
ley, Gloucestershire, the real 
author of " A Memorial offer- 
" ed to the Princess Sophia," 
falsely ascribed to bishop Bur- 
net, vi. 352. 

Smythe, Mr. marries Waller's 
Sacharissa, iii. 251. 

Smythe, sir Sydney Stafford, iii. 


Societies for reforming manners, 
&c. V. 18. 

" Some new Proofs that the 
" Pretender is truly James the 
" Third," a pamphlet, iii. 245. 

Somers, John lord, iii. 62. his cha- 
racter,iv. 187, 188, 279. extract 
from a letter of his, 391. dis- 
pleases king William, 429, 431. 
the injustice of his decree in 
the bankers' case, 432, 434, 
443, 474, 476. his conduct in 
the house of commons upon 
his impeachment, 479. Ralph's 
account of the same, 480. pre- 
pares the king's speech, al- 




though out of office, 520, 53 1. 
makes the king's speech in 
1701.533. draws up a case of 
the right of elections, v. 1 j 6. 
and of the Aylesbury affair, 
191. and the bill for a re- 
gency, 229. consulted by all 
the great Scotch peers, 276, 
287, 293,341,350,381,389. 
prevents the duke of Marlbo- 
rough's ambitious scheme of 
becoming captain-general for 
life, 404, 405. against Sache- 
verel's prosecution, 422. is for 
the continuance of the war 
with France, vi. 7, 8. his con- 
duct upon his dismissal from 
the presidency of the council, 
10, II, 150. 

Somerset, Robert Car, earl of, i. 

Somerset, duchess of, her cha- 
racter, vi. 3 1 . beloved by queen 
Anne, 32. 

Somerset, duke of, i. 88. refuses 
to introduce the pope's nun- 
tio, iii. 178. receives the 
princess Anne at Sion, iv. 159. 
votes in favour of sir John 
Fenwick, 343, 344, 393. his 
interview with lord Sunder- 
land, 370. V. 140. Parker 
" made chief justice, because the 
duke supposed he could go- 
vern him, 432. vi. 7. his cha- 
racter, 13. 

Sophia, })rincess, her conversa- 
tion at Hanover with lord 
Dartmouth, iv. 197, 485. her 
letter to Stepney, 489. not 
pleased with lord Winchelsea 
being sent to Hanover, v. 13, 
233, her letter to lord Dart- 
mouth, vi, 169. writes to Mr. 
Stepney, 278. a memorial of- 
fered to her, published in 
1 815, falsely ascribed to Bur- 
net, 351. 

South, Dr. i. 338. iv. 381. 

Southampton, earl of, i. 88, 

Southwell, sir Robert, i. 296. 

Southwold bay, fight off, i. 562. 

Spain, king of, his death and 
will, iv. 450, 451. 

Spanish ambassador's house burnt 
down, iii. 339. 

Speke, Hugh, iii. 321. 

Spotiswood, archbishop, i. 32. 
quoted, 543. 

Sprat, bishop, lord Dartmouth's 
character of him, ii. 248. his 
account of the conspiracy, 403. 
iii. 137. trembles at reading 
the declaration for toleration, 
2 1 8. his literary character, vi. 

Stafford, lord, i. 19. duke of 
York's opinion of his con- 
demnation, ii. 263. a victim, 

Stair, Dalrj'mple lord, iv. 153, 
553. V. 276, 287. 

Stamford, lord, iv. 68. 

Stanhope, Mr. iv. 466. after- 
wards earl Stanhope, instru- 
mental in taking Minorca, v. 
375. received kindly by the 
queen after his imprisonment 
in Spain, vi. 17. thinks it im- 
possible to dispossess the duke 
of Anjou, ibid. 

Stanhope, Dr. George, v. 298, 


Stawell, lord, ii. 332. 

Stearn, or Sterne, archbishop, 
his family, and liberality, ii. 
427. not popishly inclined, 

Stepney, Mr. iv. 489. 

Stillingfleet, bishop, answer to 
his Irenicum, i. 325. replies 
to Burnet, vi. 239. some re- 
flections of his on Burnet an- 
swered by the bishop, but the 
publication suppressed, 351. 

St. John, Henry viscount, ii.444, 
445. vi. 29, 37, 39. assists 
Swift in a pan)phlet, 67. 



St. John, sir Walter, ii. 444. 

St. Ruth, iv. 137. 

Strafford, Wentworth viscount, be- 
comes favourable to the court, 
i. 46. iv. 330. 

Strasburgh, valuable to France, 
iv. 361. 

Stuart family not suited to go- 
vern England, iii. 18. 

Stuart, princess Louisa, vi. 112. 

Suffolk justices turned out, iv. 


Sumner, Robert, i. 381. 

Sunday, regulations for observ- 
ing it made, but soon dropped, 
iv. 176. 

Sunderland, Robert Spencer, earl 
of, his advice to the duchess 
of Portsmouth, i. 586. his si- 
lence, ii. 17,429,463. affronts 
lord keeper North, iii. 84, 96. 
his plan to remove lord Ro- 
chester, 117, 145, 148, 149. 
made lord lieutenant of War- 
wickshire, 183. of the secret 
council to James II. 210. his 
treacherous conduct, 249. turns 
papist, and his reason why, 
250. makes a good minister 
to king William, 251, 261. iv. 
5. his reply to Mr. Montague, 
216. recommends Mr. Ver- 
non, 366, 369. resigns, 370. 
severe remark of, 402, 429, 
434. correspondence between 
him and king William, 550. 

Sunderland, Charles Spencer, earl 
of, V. 341,383,389. accused of 
treating queen Anne rudely, 
vi. 7, 8, 37. 

Supremacy of the king, iv. 17. 

Sussex, countess of, her supposed 
father, i. 160. 

Swift, Jonathan, dean of St. Pa- 
trick's, condemns the author's 
style, i. 7. denies Charles I. 
to be the author of EIkuv Ba- 
<r«XjKij, 86. accuses Parker of 
drinking king James's health on 

his knees, v. 43 a. his character 
by speaker Onslow, vi. 32. his 
pamphlet entitled " Conduct 
" of the Allies," and its pro- 
digious popularity, vi. 67, 73. 

Sydney, lord, iv. 68. 

Syndercomb, his enmity to the 
king renders Burnet's account 
of his plot against Cromwell 
improbable, i. 134. 

Synods in England, their discon- 
tinuance, and the reason for it, 
ii. 47. 

Taaf, count, (the earl of Car- 
lingford,) iii. 165. 

Taaf, a priest, iv. 250. 

Talbot, bishop, v. 287. 

Talbot, Charles. See Shrews- 

Talbot, Richard. SeeTyrconnel, 
earl of. 

Talmash, governor of Camaret, 
his conduct defended, iv. 227. 
supposed to be Oliver Crom- 
well's son, 228. 

Tangier, ii. 434. 

Tankerville, earl of, (see Grey, 
lord,) iv. 492. 

Taylor, Samuel, vi. 93. 

Temple, sir William, i. 524, 
585. differs from the author, 
ii. 122, his honesty, 199. his 
Memoirs commended, ibid, his 
remark upon Sidney on go- 
vernment, 341. iii. 348. iv. 


Temple, son of sir William, de- 
stroys himself, iii. 352. 

Tenison, archbishop, i. 329. 
his character, iv. 238, 336, 
343, 345. partial in the case 
of the bishop of St. David's, 
450. curious conversation be- 
tween him and lord Dart- 
mouth relative to Whiston, vi. 

Thistle, order of, revived, iii. 344. 

ThoMjpson, of Magdalen college, 

sides with James II. in the 



affair of that house, iii. 145, 

Tillotson, archbishop, his opi- 
nion of Cromwell, i. 115. ii. 
220. his opinion on passive 
obedience, 378. 

Titus, colonel. Swift's opinion 
of, i. 18. 

Tongue, ii. 292. 

Torcy, M. i v. 451, 453. 

Tories, king William's opinion 
of them, iv. 5. in 1701 very 
averse to going to war, 

Torrington, Arthur, earl of, iii. 
93. ordered to seize king James, 
iv. 83. defended, 87, 92, 93. 
acquitted, 117. 

Torrington, George Byng, lord, 
MS. Memoirs, iv. 92, 93. 

Toulon, siege of, v. 3 10. 

Townshend, lord, his papers on 
the barrier treaty, v. 405. par- 
tial to the Dutch, vi. 104. re- 
flects on the duke of Marl- 
borough, ibid. 

Treasury business, carried on 
with great exactness by lord 
Oxford, vi. 63, 64. 

Trelawney, bishop, iii. 150, 217. 
votes for a regency, iii. 377. 
defended, v. 328. 

Trenchard, ii. 402. 

Trenchard, sergeant, iv. 188. 

Trevannion, captain, present at 
Charles ll's death, ii. 457. 

Trevor, sir John, speaker, iv. 74. 

Trevor, sir Thomas, attorney ge- 
neral, his character, iv. 334. 
chief justice, V. 12. 

Trumbull, secretary, resigns, iv. 

Turner, bishop of Ely, iv. 123. 

Tyrawly, Hara, lord, iv. 167. his 
character, v. 40. 

Tyrconnel, Richard Talbot, earl 
of, iii. 348, 349. character of, 
iv. 106. 

Van Boorsel, envoy from the 

States, vi. 8. 

Vandyke, i. 168. 

Vane, Christopher, made a privy 
counsellor, iii. 206. 

Vane, sir Henry, i. 277, 278, 
279, 280. iii. 200, 206. 

Vaughan, lord, iv. 68. 

Vernon, opposed by lord Not- 
tingham, iii. 147. secretary, 

j^/ 335. 336, 337. 338, 366. 
his letters censured, 389, 442, 
463, 474, 476. V. 3. 

Vienna, court of, no reliance to 
be placed on, vi. 90. 

Villiers, Edward. See Jersey, 
earl of. 

Villiers, George. See Bucking- 
ham, duke of. 

Villiers, Mrs. occasions some un- 
happiness between the prince 
and princess of Orange, iii. 
130. See lady Orkney. 

Union of Scotland with Eng- 
land, V. 288. a reason why 
the nobility agreed to it, 352. 

Universities, English, said to be 
degenerating, iii. 135. 

Voltaire, iii. 155. his opinion 
of religions in England, iv. 

Vote, the nation probably saved 
by a single vote, iii. 86. 

Wager, sir Charles, iv. 167. his 
character, v. 379. 

Wake, archbishop, bis edition of 
Chrj'sostom's Ep. to Caesariiis, 
iii. 99, 100. a MS. life of the 
archbishop by himself, 354. 
replies to Atterbury's book on 
the Convocation, iv. 507. 

Walker, Dr. governor of Lon- 
dondern,', no mention made of 
him by Burnet, iii. 347. saves 
that city, iv. 34. 

Walpole, Horace. See Orford, 
earl of. 

"Walpole, sir Robert, prevents 
the publication of the duchess 
of Marlborough's Memoirs, iii. 



268. singular conversation be- 
tween him and speaker On- 
slow, iv. 490. V. 334. vi. 41, 
64. accused, 85. vindicated, 92. 
his expulsion, 93, 154. See 
Orford, earl of. 

Walpole, lord, (of Woolterton,) 
his Answer to Bolingbroke 
quoted, V. 311,327. 

War, Mr. ii. 17. 

Warburton, bishop, v. 117. 

Ward, chief baron, ii. 332. 

Waristoun, i. 217. 

Warming-pan story refuted, iii. 

Warner, bishop, i. 321, 

Warwick, sir Philip, differs from 
bishop Burnet, i. 135, his 
"Memoirs" commended, 163, 


Watson, bishop of St. David's, 
accused of simony, iv. 407. 
bishop Burnet's partiality in 
this case, ibid, lord Dart- 
mouth's severe observation on 
him, 450. 

Watson, bishop of Llandaff, his 
letter to the archbishop of 
Canterbury, v. 119. 

Webb, general, his vanity, and 
the rebuke it received by the 
duke of Argyle, v. 367. 

Wells, Mr. iv. 22. 

Welwood, Dr. corroborates the 
acclamations with which king 
James II. was crowned, iii. 6. 

Wenman, sir F. a saying of his 
relative to archbishop Sheldon, 
i. 421. 

Wentworth, Isabella, lady, cor- 
roborates the truth of the 
queen's delivery, iii. 245, 306, 
368, 369. 

Wentworth, lord. See Strafford. 

West, James, i. 280. 

Weymouth, lord, his character by 
lord Dartmouth, &c. iii. 331. 

Wharton, duke, ii. 38. 

Wharton, Henry, iii. 99. 

Wharton, lord, iii. 314 
Wharton, sir Michael, i. 286. iii. 


Wharton, Mr.Thoraas, afterwards 
marquis of, joins the prince of 
Orange, iii. 314. iv, 25. his 
remark on the abjuration oath, 
77, 318. declines going on an 
embassy to Spain, 400. his 
political character, v. 1 16, 1 17, 
179, 191. called " honest 
" Tom" by his party, 228. 
introduces a bad parliamen- 
tary style into the house of 
lords, and is sharply answered 
by the duke of Leeds, ibid, 
his want of veracity, 236, 341, 
381, 382, 422. declines coa- 
lition with Harley, vi. 11. re- 
fuses to put the privy seal to 
a warrant, 42, his speech upon 
the peace of Utrecht, 75, 88. 

Wharton's Memoirs, by a whig 
author, v. 108. 

Whigs, king William's opinion 
of them, iv. 5. a negotiation 
to bring them in, 531. re- 
flected on, v. 5. act consist- 
ently in respect to the design 
of bringing over the electoress 
of Hanover, 1 86. 

Whiston, queen Anne directs 
that his book should be cen- 
sured, vi. 50. his defence of 
Arianism properly condemned, 
1 14. notices bishop Burnet's 
vindication of himself against 
Stillingfleet, 451. 

White, marquis of Albeville, be- 
trays king James II. iii. 163. 

White, bishop, supposed to draw 
up Fenwick's speech, iv. 342. 

Wilkes, Mr. his case of expul- 
sion, vi. 93. 

William III. king of England, 
peculiarity in, i. 384. a re- 
mark of his on the Scotch, 
486. his vices, according to 
Burnet, too notorious to be 



passed over, iii. 125. bred a 
Calvinist, 289, according to 
Swift, perjured, 298. his an- 
swer to Burnet, 311. speaker 
Onslow's high opinion of his 
abilities, 373. the English 
fearful lest his martial tem- 
per should prove destruc- 
ti\-e to the kingdom, iv. 2. 
his opinion of whigs and lo- 
ries, 5. unjustly reflected on 
for taking the tories into 
power, 6. corresponds with 
the pope, under engagements 
to that prelate and the em- 
peror to protect the Roman 
catholics, 22. declares the 
crown shall not be the worse 
for his wearing it, 25. takes 
the capital of duke Schom- 
berg's gratuity, 34. makes ex- 
cejitions to a clause in the co- 
ronation oath, 42. wishes that 
he had never been king of 
England, 69. likes to do an ill- 
natured thing, 71. authorizes 
the seizure of king James, 83. 
his reply to Mr. Hamilton, 
104. king James defended 
from having authorized his as- 
sassination, 168. his opinion 
of the English, 213. conduct 
towards the princess Anne, 
261. his policy not natural, 
but forced, 279. designs a- 
gainst him, 291, 292, 293, 
342. said to have proposed 
the son of king James II. to 
succeed him, 357, his par- 
tiality to lord Sunderland, 
369. makes a paltry allow- 
ance to the duke of Glouces- 
ter, 372. his expenditure, ibid, 
complains of Burnet, 376. 
blamed for retaining the Dutch 
guards, 391. his iraplacabihty 
in prosecuting sir John Fen- 
wick made him feared and 
haled, 393. the effect it had 

on the house of lords, ibid, 
visits the czar, 396. favours 
the Roman catholics, 409. 
listens to a scheme for bring- 
ing over the pretender, ibid, 
profusion of his grants, 425. 
censured, 471. his wishes on 
the succession, and inability 
to do otherwise than nominate 
the princess Sophia, 485. his 
abilities in managing foreign 
alliances, 520. some curious 
particulars relating to him, 
547. accused of cruelty, 548. 
his abilities as a commander, 
549. mode of transacting bu- 
siness, ibid. 550. his temper, 
551. Burnet's character of him 
supposed to have been cur- 
tailed, 552. his unconcern for 
posterity, ibid, instance of his 
greatness of mind, v. 7. dis- 
likes lord Wharton, 117. held 
his crown by election, 436. a 
reason of his aversion to the 
princess Anne, 437. his poli- 
tical conduct defended, vi. 219. 
See Orange, prince of. 

Williams, speaker, heavily fined, 
ii. 431. thought likely to have 
the seals, iv. 74. 

Williamson, sir J. iv. 354. 

Winchelsea, earl of, gives good 
advice to king James II. iii. 
328. sent to Hanover, and not 
acceptable there, v. 13. 

Winchester, marquis of, his grand- 
mother, ii. 429. 

Winchester, Charles the second's 
partiality to that place, ii. 

Winnington, sir F. ii. 259. 

Wishart, bishop, his book on 
Montrose, i. 243. 

Wood, Anthony, no friend to 
bishop Fell, iii. 135, 139. 

Woolly, bishop, i. 449. 

Wotton, sir Henry, his advice 
to Milton, iv. 234. 



Wright, Michael, publishes an 
account of lord Castlemain's 
embassy, iii. 155. 

Wright, chief justice, iii. 148. 

Wright, lord keeper, accused of 
corruption, v. 219. 

Wroth, Mrs. iv. 11. 

Wyche, sir Cyril, iv. 277. 

Wyndham, sir William, ?i. 137, 

Wynn, sir W. W. in opposition 
to government, iii. 222. 

York, duke of, (afterwards James 
II.) signs a protest against a 
bill, as injurious to the church 
of England, i. 3 1 2, 3 1 8. takes 
an active part in an election 
for Guildford, 350. his orders 
at the engagement with the 
Dutch, 378, 379, 380. his 
engagement with De Ruyter, 
561. letter from, 588. his 
firmness to the Roman catho- 
lic religion, ii. 24. opposes his 
daughter's marriage with the 
prince of Orange, 1 1 8. a say- 
ing of his on religion, 169. 

letter from him, 194. dis- 
pleased with calling a new 
parliament, 223. extract from 
one of his letters, on the in- 
dulgence to the fanatics, 231. 
another on the duke of Mon- 
mouth, 234. his abuse of 
power after his accession to 
the throne, 247. extract from 
his letters, 263, 293, 296. 
other extracts from his letters, 
304,305,309,313. resolute 
in the profession of his re< 
ligious opinions, 304. refuses 
to go to church, 305. accused of 
severity toward the earl of Ar- 
gyle, 313. in imminent dan- 
ger, 315, 316. dislikes lord 
Halifax, 331, 401. See James 
II. (king.) 

Yorke, Charles, fire at his cham- 
bers, iv. 489. his tract on 
Forfeitures, v. 394. 

Zell, duke of, gets the garter, iv. 

Zulestein marries Mrs. Wroth, 
iv. II. 



VOL. t. 

«79. aote, col. 1. \.S. for of read hy. 
462. note, S. omitted after the note. 
468. text, 1. 5. reference to tlie note omitted. 
539. note, col. 2. 1. i.for vol. ii, read vol. i. 
.591. note, 1. X.for Scotish read Scottish. 


90. text, 1. 8. number of the folio edition otnitted in the margin. 

164. text, 1. 6. from the bottom, number of the folio edition omitted in the margin. 
203. The note included within a parenthesis to be omitted. 

277. text, I. 1. marginal date 1671. ought to be 1681. 

299. note, col. 2. l.S./or Middle Temple read Inner Temple. 

401. note, col. 2. l^ult.ybr Rumney rcarf Rumsey. 

445. note, col. 2. f. S./or O. read D. 

457. note, col. 1. 1. 5. /or vol. i. read vol. ii. 

471. text, 1. 29. /or Pepy's read Pepys's. 


S5. text, 1. 12. in the m&rgia, /or 63. read 681. 
42. note, col. 2. 1. i./or Heyward read Heywood. 
142. note, col. 1. 1. I. /or Rachel read Peachel. 

165. note, col. 1. 1. S./or Toaf read Taaf. 
167. note, ybr were read are. 

245. note, col. 1. 1.9. a/ter carried add from thence. 

321. note, col. 2. 1. 13. a/ter declaration, add to have prevented its being pub- 
lished, or. , 


19. a/ier note marked i add O. 
180, note, col. 2. l.ult./or p. 82. rfarf p. 91. 
191. note, col. 2. 1. 1. ybr partriot rearf patriot. 
216. note, col. 1. 1.5. dele which was. 

239. note, col. 1. 1. 2. from the bottom, /or The case read (perhaps) in the case. 

240. note, col. 1. 1. 2. /or p. 42. read p. 22. 

835. note, col. 1. 1. 21./w prevent read prevent it. 
489. note, col. 2. 1. 15. /or all them rearf all of them. 
553. note, col. 1 . 1. 2. /or then read there. 

VOL. V. 

78. text, 1. 18. in the margin, /or 532. read 332. 
352. note, eol. 2. 1. ult. /or pre- read pretender. 
405. note, col. 1. 1. 7. /or no read (perhaps) an. 


26. text, 1. 3. from the bottom, in the margin, /or 265. read 562. 

37. note, col. 2. 1. ult. dele (An abbd s^culier.) 
154. note, col. 2. 1. 9. /or Harmer read Hanmer. 
190. col. 1. 1. 14. /or coostitued read constituted. 


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