Presented to the
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO
LIBRARY
by the
ONTARIO LEGISLATIVE
LIBRARY
1980
BLACKWOOD'S
Anting
MAGAZINE.
VOL. CVII.
JANUARY— JUNE, 1870.
WILLIAM BLACKWOOD & SONS, EDINBURGH;
AND
37 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON.
1870.
V| 01
BLACKWOOD'S
EDINBUBGH MAGAZINE.
No. DCLI.
JANUARY 1870.
VOL. CVII.
EARL'S DENE.— PART in.
BOOK I. — ANGELIQUE.
CHAPTER I.
IT was a soft and fine June even-
ing in the year 181-, so wonderfully
soft and fine, indeed, that it was
the very type of what an evening
ought to be in that best of months.
And yet, strange to say, although
the inside of the coach that passed
through Denethorp every day was
full, there were no more than three
of its passengers who preferred
to closeness and confinement the
sweetness and fragrance of the
open air. Of these " outsides,"
onci had come the whole distance
from London, another had joined
the coach some three or four stages
off. and the third had mounted to
his seat in the after part while
the horses were being changed at
Redchester. The latter was absorb-
ed in conversation with the guard
about the affairs of the road, the
occupant of the box-seat was sound
asleep, while the passenger who sat
immediately behind was wrapped
in a meditation that rendered him
as blind to what lay to left and
right as if his eyes also had been
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLT.
closed. Presently, however, the
sleeper slowly opened his, gave a
good long stretching yawn, and
then, having satisfied himself as to
the point of the journey at which
he and his fellow-passengers had
arrived, turned round to take a
survey of his temporary compan-
ions, in the course of which his eyes
at once encountered those of his
rear-rank man. The faces of both
brightened into recognition as they
exclaimed simultaneously, —
"Lester!"
" Warden ! why, where do you
fall from?"
Both were young men of nearly
the same age, which was apparent-
ly about two-and-twenty, more or
less ; but, in every other respect,
they were different enough.
The occupant of the box-seat — he
who had been addressed as Lester
— would at once, and under any
circumstances, have been set down
as an uncommonly good-looking
fellow, not only by women, but by
men also. Nor was he good-looking
Earl's Dene.— Part HI.
[Jan,
only in the sense of having regular
features, a healthy complexion, a
good figure, and an exceedingly
pleasant expression, but in the far
more important sense of being firm-
ly and strongly niade, without any
undue preponderance of one pair of
limbs or of one set of muscles over
another ; in the sense of looking as
though he could hold his own in
all manly exercises that became a
gentleman. Although he had been
sleeping in an extremely cramped
and uncomfortable position, yet,
when he roused himself, he was
wide awake at once ; and the ring
of his voice as he spoke seemed to
show that he had fallen asleep not
from weariness, but from the want
of something better to do.
The other, whom he had called
Warden, was also sufficiently good-
looking, but after a far less healthy
and less animal style. His feat-
ures were far less regular, and his
complexion far more pale ; his lips
were thinner and firmer, and his
eyes more deeply set ; and while
the forehead of Lester was without
a fold, his brow, less open, bore
the presage of that kind of frown
that is caused by the constant ex-
ercise of the brain. In point of
figure, though there was about him
no apparent want of bodily strength,
those who have an eye for such
matters would have said that
whatever power he possessed was
nervous rather than muscular ; and
he by no means shared with his
acquaintance the signs of being
practised in outdoor pursuits. In
spite of their nearness to each other
in point of age, there was much of
the same sort of difference between
them that is supposed to distinguish
the townsman from the country-
man, and the man who neglects the
body for the sake of the mind, from
him who neglects the mind for the
sake of the body. And yet it is
almost unfair to both of them to
say this ; for Lester, in spite of the
regularity of his features, looked
anything but empty or stupid — his
eyes were too lively and his lips too
ready to smile for that ; and War-
den certainly did not look as though
he had neglected exercise so much
as to be without sufficient firmness
of muscle for the ordinary needs of
a man's life. Still, one was as
plainly the young squire as the
other was the student ; and their
voices, too, had this difference,,
that while Lester's was pleasant
and essentially that of a gentleman,,
it was loud and unrestrained ; and
that Warden's, while it was clearer,
better cultivated, and more subdu-
ed, was rather reserved in its tone,
and was, besides, not free from a
perceptible tinge of provincialism
in its accent, though not more than
just enough to make one suspect
that the social position of the man
himself was probably higher than
that of his father and mother.
All these physical details were
amply perceptible, for the evening
was so warm that neither of the
young men cared to encumber him-
self with more wrappings than were
absolutely necessary. Indeed, by
a moderately quick eye they might
have been noted during the short
pause that elapsed before Warden
answered, —
"It is odd I did not recognise
you when I got up. I joined the
coach at Thurleigh. You are bound
to Earl's Dene, I suppose ]"
" Yes, I'm bound for the old
place. Rather a bore, though, isn't
it, just at this time of year of all
others?"
" You come from town, then ?"
" I should think so. Where else
should a man be just now ? I hope
my aunt — I always call Miss Clare
my aunt, you know — hasn't called
me down for nothing. She's rather
apt to, sometimes. I can't think
what she could want to say to me
that she couldn't write just as well.
Where are you from 1 Cambridge ?
How long have you been down 1"
" Only a day or two. I came
nearly straight."
"And now I suppose you will
make some stay in Denethorp ?
Well, you must come over, and
1870.]
EarVs Dene.— Part III.
we'll have a day or two by the
Grrayl together, or something. By
the way, I have to congratulate you,
haven't 1 1 "
" Oh, about my fellowship 1
Thanks." He did not, however,
give the thanks that he expressed
so curtly the advantage of much
warmth of manner. Perhaps he
fancied that the congratulation had
been offered a little too patronis-
ingly ; and certainly it had been
spoken far too carelessly to suit the
ears of one who had achieved a
great and tangible success. It was
natural for him to forget that, while
to himself his brilliantly-won fel-
lowship, the reward of three long
years of hard and self-denying study,
meant competence and honour for
the present, and a sound and strong
foundation on which to build the
fabric of the future — to the heir of
Earl's Dene it could seem nothing
more than just a two or three hun-
dred a-year that might be worth a
man's taking if it came in his way,
but was certainly not worth making
fuss about.
" And don't you congratulate me
too ? " Lester asked in his turn.
There were plenty of things,
Warden thought, on which his
companion might reasonably be
congratulated. But he said, —
" I would with pleasure, if I
knew what upon. Not matri-
mony ? " he added, with a smile.
" Ah, you think I've been caught
in town 1 Not I. I was up to
them, I flatter myself. No — I
mean on their not having ploughed
me, of course. We haven't met
since then, have we ? You know
the odds were ten to one against
the name Lester being in the list
at all, and anything you please
against my more than scraping
through. But I suppose you wrang-
lers and prizemen don't speculate
on the chances of the 'poll.' Well,
those weren't a bad three years of
ours, were they 1 And yet some-
how I was devilish glad when they
were over. One did get enough at
last of doing the same sort of things
over and over again." What would
he have said, by the way, had his
days been spent like the days of
Warden ? He might then, indeed,
have had reason for his complaint
— and yet very likely in that case
he would not have made it. " And
yet I was sorry too," he went on.
" Holloa ! here we are at Graylford.
Just let me feel the ribbons, Tom.
I'll just run you down to the last
corner before the bridge. Madam
wouldn't like me to drive up to the
gates, I suppose." The coachman
resigned his throne with a confi-
dence that he certainly would not
have shown had he not known his
man. "That's it, Tom — and now
for a bit of a spirt."
While, guided by the skilful hand
of Hugh Lester, the four horses
launched out into a fast canter
along the smooth and level high-
road, Warden, for a few instants,
resigned himself to the full enjoy-
ment of that most delightful of all
forms of rapid motion of which the
now more than half-forgotten plea-
sures have been too often and too
well described to need farther de-
scription here. Neither by temper-
ament nor by habit, however, was
he capable, for any length of time
together, of holding fast the delight
of merging self-consciousness and
the sense of personal existence in
simple physical en j oyment. Besides,
he was tired with his journey, for
he had been travelling many hours
before he joined the coach j and
when he had chanced to fall asleep,
his slumber had not been so dream-
less and so refreshing as that of
Lester. He had, too, been rather
overworking his brain of late, under
the strain of recent competition, so
that his nerves were not in the best
imaginable order. The result was
that, as each spring of the horses
brought him nearer and nearer to
his home at Denethorp, his mind
indulged more and more in those
groundless fancies and presenti-
ments that are so familiar to all
who return home after a long
absence, especially in cases where
Earl's Dene.— Part III.
[Jan.
correspondence has been unf requent
and fragmentary ; groundless fan-
cies and ridiculous presentiments of
evil -which he who indulges them
will not own, even to himself, but
which are none the less real and
none the less disagreeable for all
their groundlessness and all their
absurdity. There is a kind of half-
formed idea lurking in the breasts
of even the least vain among us,
that somehow, in our absence, the
things and the people that we care
about are more likely to go wrong
than right ; and the excitement of
seeing our home and our friends
once more is very often due less to
our affection for them than to a
causeless fear of finding, say, our
house burnt to the ground, our
children laid up with scarlet fever,
our servants absconded with the
plate, a heap of letters waiting for
an answer, and, according to our
sex, our wife eloped, or our husband
smoking in the drawing-room. It
is true that Warden had no chil-
dren, no plate, and no correspond-
ence ; but, in such a case, fancy
can find plenty of food on which
to feed without any assistance from
facts. And then, too, he could
not help being vexed with himself
that he, a high wrangler, a prize-
man, and Chancellor's medalist of
his year, and now a Fellow of his
College — that he, who had become
a sort of lion in his own set, and
had thereby come to feel as though
he had already done something and
become somebody in the world—
that he, who was all this and had
done all this, and who was expected
by all his friends, as well as by
himself, to be and to do a very great
deal more in a few years' time —
should have, somehow or other,
been forced to feel now that he had
not been able to meet, on at least
terms of equality, a man like Lester,
upon whom, with all the vanity
of his age, he thought himself en-
titled to look down as from an
infinite height of intellectual supe-
riority. He was naturally imbued
with the common and intelligible
but profoundly dangerous and often
fatal error, that mental superiority
is worth more than a single straw
in the ordinary social intercourse
between man and man ; an error to
which, whatever the case may be
now, clever and successful univer-
sity men used at all events to be
peculiarly liable, and from which,
unless they afterwards mixed freely
and largely with various classes of
society, they were very often unable
to shake themselves free. Warden
was now, in fact, receiving his first
lesson in this matter. At every
step of the road that took him
farther from Cambridge and nearer
to Denethorp, his superiority to
Lester seemed to fade away more
and more rapidly, while the only
distinction between them that would
be recognised in the county became
distinct in proportion. He could
not help being aware that he was
becoming once more degraded to
the position that belonged to him
in his native town as the son of
an obscure and struggling country
doctor, while Lester, in a like man-
ner, was rising to his full rank as
heir of Earl's Dene. The utterly
different kind of life necessarily
led by the two while both were at
Cambridge, and their different so-
cial station even there, had not al-
lowed their slight acquaintance to
develop into anything more than
slight acquaintance ; so that no ha-
bits of familiar intercourse had
tended to bridge over this old gap
between them, which seemed to
Warden's eyes to be wider than ever,
now that he was of an age and in a
position to perceive more clearly its
breadth and its nature. Indeed to a
certain extent this feeling of his was
altogether new. In the old times
he had always, like the rest of the
world of Denethorp, been ready
enough to pay all due deference to
the young squire, whose occasional
kindly notice he had been proud to
receive ; but that was while he was
as yet nothing but the struggling
student, with his way in life yet to
begin. Now, on the contrary, he
1870.]
EarVs Dene.— Part III.
could not persuade himself that it
was becoming on the part of the
successful student, with a future of
infinite possibilities opening before
him, to accept with the same kind
of deference the patronage of his
intellectual inferior; and so he felt
inclined to be angry with himself
for not being able to assert his
equality, and for having, from force
of old habit, relapsed against his
will into his old way of regarding
the local supremacy of the Clares
and all that belonged to them.
In spite, however, of this vague
disquietude of spirit, still the
smooth rapidity of the pace, his fa-
tigue, the aimless wandering of his
thoughts, and the warm stillness of
the air, had nearly succeeded in
sending him to sleep in reality when
the bugle of the guard sounded, as
was the invariable practice when
the mail arrived within sight of
the long and magnificent avenue of
beech-trees that led up through the
park from the highroad. Lester
rapidly gave up the reins to their
rightful holder, and once more sank
to the level of a mere passenger.
"That was a pretty fair run,
wasn't it, Warden *? " he asked, as
he began to collect his coats, sticks,
and other miscellaneous small ar-
ticles preparatory to leaving the
coach. "Well, old fellow, as I
suppose we are to be neighbours
for some days, at any rate — how
long do you stay at Denethorp 1 "
" I don't know quite what my
movements are for the present, but
I don't suppose I shall be off again
in a very great hurry."
"How do you think of spending
the Long ? I beg its pardon : one
must say the autumn, now we
have both done with longs and
shorts ? "
" But I have not done with longs
and shorts. I shall be up again
next term, I expect. I have got a
pupil or two, you know ; and I
have some idea of getting some
men to read with in the Long."
" By Jove ! then I have a first-
rate notion. Bring your men down
here, if they're decent fellows — it's
quiet enough. Only mind you get
a decent team, and I'll do what I
can for them, you know. You shall
coach them in Homer and Euclid
and all that, and I'll see after their
other lines and angles. You can't
say I'm a bad coach, after that
spirt. Tom, here, shall give me a
testimonial. But here we are. I'm
always glad to look up the beeches
again, though it is a bore to come
down just now. Good-bye, War-
den— we'll see how the trout lie
before many hours are over. So
look me up."
"You're very good — I shall be
delighted. Good-bye."
By this time the coach had
stopped at the great iron gates that
were flanked by the lodge, and that
bore above them the arms of the
Clares, with their motto, " Non
solum nomine clarus." The old
woman who acted as portress had
run out on hearing the first blast of
the bugle, and now stood with a
broad smile of welcome on her face
to receive the young squire. In a
few seconds more, the horses, freed
from the very respectable weight of
Lester and his trappings, were again
on their way.
Almost as soon as he was left to
himself, Warden forgot the shy
constraint that the other's presence
had caused ; and his mind, re-
lieved from the incubus of Earl's
Dene and its belongings, soon be-
gan to busy itself about more real
and personal matters, while his
eyes were occupied with recognis-
ing each particular point of the
road which he had not travelled
for so long ; but, as will be remem-
bered, the remainder of the journey
was extremely short in respect of
both time and distance. Indeed
the tower of Denethorp Church
was plainly visible, and when the
wind was in the right quarter, its
peal of bells was often audible, from
the lodge-gate ; and so, in a very lit-
tle while, he in his turn was de-
scending from his seat at the door
of the King's Head, and looking at
G
Earl's Dene.— Part III.
[Jan.
Ms own not very heavy amount of
luggage. Then, leaving his port-
manteau to be sent after him from
the inn, the new Fellow of St Mar-
garet's walked across the market-
place and down one of the principal
streets until he came to a brick
house standing in a small garden at
the edge of the town, the door of
which bore a tarnished brass plate
inscribed with the name of Mr
Warden, surgeon.
CHAPTER II.
To return, however, to him who
was certainly the more important
personage of the two in the eyes of
the world, if not in those of his
travelling companion.
The traveller whose destination
happened to be Earl's Dene would,
in those days — and, for that matter,
in these days also — pass through
the iron gates already mentioned,
and then proceed three quarters of
a mile, more or less, along the
magnificent avenue, having on his
left hand an enclosure called the
Lodge Park, which was well stock-
ed with deer, that have not, even
now, had to yield their old do-
main to a more useful if less
picturesque generation of sheep,
until he arrived at the lawn and
circular carriage-drive in front of
the house itself. This was a plain
square building of dark-red brick,
pierced with many windows sym-
metrically arranged in even rows,
and altogether of a far more mod-
ern appearance than the park and
grounds would have led one to ex-
pect. The fact is that, while the
park is of great antiquity, the
house is not older than the hideous
reign of George the Second, and
bears conspicuously upon its face
the date of the memorable year of
1746. It had been built as a sub-
stitute for some ruinous ecclesias-
tical buildings that had cumbered
the ground ever since the dissolu-
tion of the monasteries. For Earl's
Dene had of old been called Ab-
bot's Dene, and had been a sort of
offshoot of the great Abbey of Red-
chester, in the same county, until
King Henry made a grant of it
to the then Earl of Wendale. Of
course, like most of the monastic
estates that underwent this fate, its
ownership was long looked upon
as of necessity associated with the
punishment appointed for the sin
of sacrilege ; and there was a pro-
phetic jingle about it, of which the
usual form ran thus : —
" Abbot's, King's, and Earl's Dane,
Never thrice the same again ; "
which is, indeed, rather obscure,
but means, according to traditional
interpretation, that no family should
ever be able to hold it farther than
from father to son — that is to say,
for more than two generations. As
is usual in such cases, for reasons
sufficiently familiar to students of
popular superstition, the prophecy
was always singularly fulfilled to
the letter; but inasmuch as the
saying was supposed to be of the
nature of a curse, and to prognos-
ticate evil, it had been anything
but fulfilled to the spirit. The
possessors of Earl's Dene invari-
ably prospered. From the great
Earl of Wendale, the original gran-
tee, it passed in due course, when
the title became extinct for want
of issue male, to his granddaughter,
who made a rich and advantageous
marriage. From her it again came
to a granddaughter ; and her grand-
son changed his name in order to
inherit another great estate in an-
other part of England. One more
lapse into the female line brought
it into the possession of the grand-
mother, and then of the father, of
Madam Clare. Before her grand-
mother's time the place had been
uninhabited and neglected, its own-
ers having always possessed other
seats in better repair elsewhere ;
but Miss Langton, not being in this
1870.]
Earl's Dem.— Part III.
position, came to live there soon
after her marriage ; and it was by
her and her husband, Colonel Clare,
that the present plain but comfort-
able and convenient house was
built. It was by them also that,
to the eternal sorrow of antiqua-
ries, the monastic ruins were en-
tirely removed, so that there is
scarce left of them so much as a
trace to mark the ground on which
\ hey once stood.
While Warden was traversing
4 he short distance that lay between
Sari's Dene and Denethorp, Lester
vstrolled quietly along the avenue
towards the house, wondering what
-could possibly be the meaning of
this sudden and unwelcome sum-
mons from Miss Clare — his aunt,
-is he always called her, although
.^he was really his cousin. In no
long time, in spite of his leisurely
pace, he had crossed the lawn,
passed through the hall, and reach-
ed the drawing-room, where Madam
Clare, to give her her popular title,
was seated in a large arm-chair
reading, or sleeping, or both, or
neither.
Nothing is so difficult, or rather
so impossible, as to say of a man
or woman that he or she is abso-
lutely young or old. Youth and
age are essentially relative terms.
Twenty years are not seldom in
reality more than eighty — eighty
less than twenty. To resort, how-
ever, to the device of calling a per-
son middle-aged is as meaningless
a makeshift as to use the term
mezzo-soprano to describe a voice.
It does not in the least say what the
person is — it only means that it is
impossible to say what he is. Now,
about ^ half-way between fifty and
sixty is not a great age; and yet
Miss Clare certainly looked, and
therefore was, old; for a really
young woman, whatever the num-
ber of her years may be, never
looks old. She was tall, and of a
commanding although not upright
figure, which was large, but not
full ; her features, still handsome,
were prominent and strongly mark-
ed, and wore when, as they were
now, in repose, an expression made
up of sadness and severity. Her
dark eyes had grown dull, and her
hair grey. Her complexion was
fair, but — what is seldom the case
with fair complexions — inclined to
be sallow. Her dress was plain, but
of costly work and material, the
prevailing colour of it being that
of lavender. As she rose from
her chair to greet her self-styled
nephew, and held out to him her
white and delicate hand — that only
part of a woman that is superior to
the effects of time and sorrow — she
gave the threefold impression of
being a woman who had lived, who
had thought, and who was rather
to be feared. But this was by no
means the only part of her expres-
sion, and certainly not the most
pleasant part of it. When she
spoke, her face wonderfully lighted
up, and its signs of sorrow and
severity were lost in a kind and
almost gentle smile, which went far
to prove her to be young, after all,
and that the contrast between her
and Lester was to be measured by a
standard, not of age, but of power.
"I am glad to see you, Hugh,"
she said, in a voice that was grave
and pleasant, but rather of the
kind that women acquire together
with their Italian caligraphy, and
which is too conventional, too
lady-like, in fact, to express much
character.
" I hope there is nothing wrong,
aunt, that you called me down ?"
" Oh no ; but well talk of that
presently. I suppose you're hun-
gry?"
" I certainly shan't be sorry to
get something to eat. You are
better, I hope?"
" As well as I can expect to be
now. I have been out several times
lately. But now, go and have your
dinner. I had mine early, as usual.
I have no doubt you will find it all
ready for you. You will find me
here when you have done. By the
way, I have a visitor staying with
me."
8
EarVs Dene.— Part III.
[Jan.
" Indeed ! Any one I know 1"
" Well, you do and you don't."
"That sounds mysterious, aunt.
Is it male or female ?"
" For shame, Hugh. It is Miss
Kaymond, of New Court."
"What! Alice] By Jove! I
wonder what she's turned out. She
ought to be nice, from what I re-
member when I was a boy."
Miss Clare smiled. " That is so
very long ago, is it not ? But you
shall see and judge for yourself
when you have had your dinner.
I like her very much, but of course
that is no reason that you will.
Old ladies and young gentlemen
don't always agree about those
things. Now go and get your
dinner."
" How is it she's here 1 I thought
she was out of England."
" So she was, till very lately.
But she has come back, and, of
course, wanted to look at her own
place — her old home, poor girl ; so
I asked her to stay with me. But
now, do go and get your dinner.
Miss Kaymond will not run away ;
and, besides, I have something to
say to you before I introduce you
to your old acquaintance."
But Hugh, hungry as he was,
instead of just washing his hands
and sitting down at once to the
good things provided for him, went
to his own room and made a regular
evening toilette. He might, he
thought, appear before the visitor
to the best advantage while he was
about it.
At last, however, having amply
satisfied his hunger and thirst, he
returned to the drawing-room. But
Miss Clare was still by herself ; so
he sat down near her, and disposed
himself to listen dutifully to what
she had to say.
" You know there's to be a gene-
ral election, Hugh1?"
"I should think so. Nobody
is talking of anything else."
"Well, there's to be an opposition
in Denethorp."
"In Denethorp! Surely not?"
Well might Hugh Lester stare at
the idea of an opposition to Madam
Clare in her own town.
" It is only too true," she said.
"But it can't be serious? — it
can't succeed?"
"Hugh, the fact is that things
are not what they used to be. One
can't help seeing it, even here."
" But who would venture — — "
"It is these mill people. Just
look at this, and guess where I
found it."
She handed him a tract, at which
he looked with a puzzled air.
" What is all this, aunt ? Is this
the ' twopenny trash ' that people
talk of?"
" You see what it is. But you
would never think I found it, not
in the hands of a mechanic, but
actually in one of my own cottages.
You see how this rank poison is
spreading. There is a cry of turn-
ing out the ' Tory nominee,' as they
call our member; and they have-
set up what they call a Hampden
Club under our very eyes."
"But these men are not the
voters."
" And in other ways the town i»
changed. The mills have become
a power in the place ; and it is
that that is at the bottom of it
all."
" But who have they got to«
stand? There's no one in the
county "
" Oh, a man from London — somei
friend of Sir Francis Burdett and'
Lord Cochrane, no doubt. But he-
has money, and that's what they
want."
" Do you know who it is ?"
" His name is Prescot, they say."
"The devil it is! — I beg your
pardon, aunt."
" Do you know anything of him,,
then?"
"I should think so. He's a
great man with all that lot — as.
well known as any one in town.
He's a banker, and as rich as a
Jew. He's an awful rascal, I fancy,
but tremendously good-looking;
and he can talk, too, they say. By
Jove ! every woman in the place-
1670.]
Earl's Dene.— Part III.
will turn Whig as soon as lie's been
an hour in it, if all's true I hear.
Poor old Tom won't have a chance."
Now "poor old Tom" was a
certain Captain Johnston, a harm-
less old gentleman, who had repre-
sented the Clares in Parliament for
the last thirty years — who was, in
fact, the objectionable " Tory nomi-
nee."
" That is just what I think too.
I feel that Captain Johnston will
b 3 no use to stand a serious contest.
And so what I wanted to say to
you is, that you must come forward
yourself."
"My dear aunt!"
" You are of age, you know."
" Why, Prescot would thrash me
worse than Johnston."
" Not at all. You are a Clare,
you know, in all but the name, and
master of Earl's Dene."
This was not bad reasoning. The
electors of Denethorp might object
to be any longer represented by a
" warming-pan," as the phrase is ;
but the heir of Earl's Dene was
their representative by nature.
Hugh felt the force of the argu-
ment at once. He certainly did
not enter into Miss Clare's views
as to his candidature with much
enthusiasm ; for he feared, and not
without reason, according to com-
mon experience, that being in the
House would probably be more
troublesome than pleasant, and he
was not ambitious. But still he
did not for a moment dream of
combating them. Wnatever h*8
private inclinations might be, sup-
posing that he was capable of con-
sidering the matter as presenting
an alternative, he would feel him-
self bound, as a gentleman, to do
whatever might be expected of him
as the future head of a great county
family, and as one of the Clares of
Earl's Dene. "Noblesse oblige"
Every great house has its tradi-
tions, which are respected and ac-
cepted by its own county, and must
be respected and accepted by itself :
which, when broken through by
some degenerate member of it, crush
the apostate with their fragments.
The heir of Earl's Dene was far too
sensible — if such a word can be
used to express what was in reality
the result of instinct — not to ob-
serve to the full the traditional
policy of his family in every essen-
tial particular. It would have
seemed to him to be treason to act
otherwise. And so he submitted
to become the candidate for Dene-
thorp with the best grace in the
world, and without farther protest
— with the same readiness to do
what he could to win, and with the
same zeal for his side that he was
in the habit of bringing to bear
upon more congenial contests.
" And now you see," said Miss
Clare, " why I sent for you so sud-
denly. No time must be lost. Cap-
tain Johnston's address is out al-
ready, to say he does not mean ta
stand, and your own is prepared.
You must ride over to Denethorp-
to-morrow and talk to White."
"What does White think of
things 1 "
"Well, he always speaks candidly
to me, and he is not sanguine. But
I am. We must not be beat,
Hugh."
" And we won't, aunt — not if I
can help it."
" That's right, Hugh. Pluck— I
like the word — must win ; and no
Clare, or Lester either, has ever
wanted that." She sighed, how-
ever, as she made her boast.
" I fear it will be pluck against
pluck, though, and money against
money."
" Then blood will tell."
"But, from what you say, London
is making itself felt in the place ;
and there, blood doesn't seem to tell
much."
" My dear boy, Earl's Dene will
always be as good as London in
Denethorp, which is in shirer
and not in Middlesex."
" Well, I will see White to-mor-
row, by all means. And don't fear
that I won't do all I know."
" Not fearing that, I fear no-
thing."
10
Earl's Dene.— Part III.
[Jan.
" I wish I could speak like Pres-
cot, though."
" Much best not. The best ora-
tor is, after all, the man who says
nothing but what is in him ; and
that can always be said in a very
few words. You will speak well
enough ; and, indeed, I think that
a gentleman should not speak too
well. Speeches are the weapons
of demagogues, which a gentleman
should scorn. No — I should no
more like to see you the match of
a man like Mr Prescot, than I
should like to think you could use
your fists like a prize-fighter. To-
morrow you shall tell me all the
London news. Now I will intro-
duce you to Miss Raymond. She
has been taking a turn on the ter-
race while I was talking to you.
No — don't move ; I would rather
call her myself."
CHAPTER III.
Hugh rose from his seat, and
passed his fingers through his hair.
Miss Raymond entered the draw-
ing-room through the glass door
that opened upon the terrace ; and
her old playmate saw at once that
his presentiment had turned out
to be right, and that she had turned
out something very nice indeed.
But descriptions of people, though
they are to a certain extent unavoid-
able, are always tedious, and never
quite satisfactory. No one ever
learned to know a person from the
best description. And yet, on the
other hand, without some amount
of personal description, character
would be unintelligible altogether.
Fortunately, however, Miss Ray-
mond belonged to a large and easily
described type. She was young —
just of age, according to Miss Clare
— and with her tall but well-devel-
oped and graceful figure, bright, but
not too clear complexion, grey hazel
eyes, brown hair, and regular, but
not too regular, features ; and, best
of all, with her bright and open ex-
pression and ready smile, — was in
appearance all that a young English
girl ought to be, and still is some-
times. It need only be added that
one who was not an amateur of this
style of beauty might, with some
reason, have asked for a little more
warmth and richness, in expression
as well as in colouring. But this is
a matter wholly of individual taste.
After all, if freshness and purity
suggest coldness, it only follows
that a certain amount of coldness is
not to be despised. It is absurd to
quarrel with England, because it
has not at the same time both green
fields and a southern sun.
" I hope your solitary stroll has
not tired you," said Miss Clare.
" Let me introduce my nephew to
you — Hugh, you know."
" I hope Miss Raymond will not
need an introduction," said the lat-
ter, politely. " I can assure you,
Miss Raymond, that I have not for-
gotten our old acquaintance, which
is, after all, not so excessively old."
" Nor have I — and I am delight-
ed to renew it." She had a very
sweet voice, with an honest ring
about it, as though she used it only
to say the whole of what she meant,
and never a word less or more.
" And I hope it will not be inter-
rupted for so long again. You have
been a great traveller, I hear?"
" Enough at all events to be glad
to be home again."
" Which, after all, is the great
use of travel, is it not 1 " said Miss
Clare.
And so the three dropped into
a pleasant ordinary sort of chat,
in which, however, Miss Clare did
little but listen. Her nephew — he
may as well be called what he was
called by everybody — and her guest
found plenty to say to one another,
for neither was of a silent nature ;
and Hugh passed altogether a very
much more lively evening than he
had expected, for, with his out-of-
1870.]
Earl's Dene.— Part III.
11
door nature, lie could not help
finding his aunt's quiet and usually
solitary evenings a little wearisome.
If he had to give up the rest of the
London season, as now seemed pro-
bable, the presence of the young
lady, he thought, would render his
canvass much less dull, especially
as she had declared herself to be
passionately fond of riding. She
was now, he learned, living in
London with a distant relation
who had been one of her guardians
during her minority ; but that she
hf ted town — so she said, at least —
aid fully intended that New Court,
of which she was mistress in her
own right, should for the future
see a great deal of her. Altogether
their tastes seemed to match in a
most remarkable manner, except
with regard to the pleasures of
town. Even had he not seen that
si e" was something much better, he
would have given her a high place
in his good opinion, as " a girl with
no nonsense about her."
Was Miss Clare a match-maker 1
It was not her way to do anything
unusual without some definite pur-
pose, and the presence of a guest
at Earl's Dene was something very
unusual. But Hugh was not given
to speculation ; and it can only be
said that, if she had any plan in
her head about him and Alice
Raymond, and if she succeeded in
carrying it out, it woidd be all the
better for Hugh. Wives like the
n istress of New Court are not
found every day — no, nor often
twice in a lifetime, seeing that she
was young, pretty, amiable, lively,
accomplished, of good birth, rich,
with no relations, and completely
mistress of herself and of her purse.
But this by the way.
At last the evening drew to a
close, and the two ladies retired,
leaving Hugh to stroll about and
enjoy his cigar in the pleasant night
air j for, since he had been in Lon-
don, he had fallen into a habit of
crowning the day in a manner wrhich
was by no means universal in times
^ hen a pipe was almost the brand
of a sot, and a cigar of a rake.
It is probable that Madam Clare
was ignorant of this habit of his,
for she had never mentioned it
to him, and it is very certain
that she would have objected to
so foreign an innovation most
strongly.
In spite of his long conversation
with his aunt upon the subject, his
head was by no means overflowing
with politics as he enjoyed this
gift of a Peninsular friend of his.
He was in that pleasant frame of
mind that is caused by the influence
of a good dinner, a pleasant even-
ing, bodily fatigue, and the ex-
change of the noise of town for
country quietness. Earl's Dene
was simply the quietest place in
the whole world — just fit, in fact,
to be the dwelling-place of the very
old and the very young; and
though its heir was not of an age
to appreciate perfect repose for
long together, still there is no time
of life at which a sudden plunge
into a bath of silence is not refresh-
ing, and, for a few hours, the most
delightful thing in the world. And
so he found it, while, in that most
pleasant of all mental conditions
which is called thinking of nothing,
he looked from the terrace over the
broad green park, over the spire of
the little church of Graylford, over
the silver Grayl itself, now in the
moonlight more silver than ever,
and over the tall woods, which had
but just exchanged the green of
spring for that of summer, to the
low, faintly purple hills that
marked the border of the Wold
country.
While thus engaged, one of Miss
Clare's keepers came up to him.
" Glad to see you down here
again, sir," he said, touching his
cap.
" I'm always glad to be down
here, Roberts," he answered, with
the inconsistency of honesty. " And
how are things doing ?"
"Oh, sir, pretty fairish. Not
much doing though, sir."
" No, I suppose not. I expect
12
Earl's Dene.— Part III.
[Jan.
you've all of you been lazy enough
since I was here last. "
" Well sir, there's mostly things
to be done. But you see, Mr Hugh,
June isn't September."
"And you wish it was, no
doubt?"
" No, sir. I takes things as they
be, and they mostly comes pretty
right, take 'em all in all."
" I don't know about that, Ro-
berts. I should like to think when
I go to bed to-night that one was
going to have a fling at the birds in
the morning."
" Well, sir, maybe you're right.
But I don't know — maybe Sep-
tember wouldn't come so pleasant
if June didn't come once a-year or
so. And how do you find madam,
sir?"
"Well, she doesn't seem com-
plaining."
" I be glad of that, Mr Hugh.
But you see your being here cheers
her up a bit like. I be feared she
do find it but dull when you're up
and gone. All on us do that, sir."
" Then I must stay as long as I
can, for your sakes."
"I hope you will, sir. But if
you ben't too busy, just now, Mr
Hugh "
" I don't look so, do I ? "
" Well, sir, there be something I
wanted to mention."
" What is it ? "
" Why you see, sir, madam be
main special about things, and
don't like folk coming all nohow
into the place, special just now,
among the does, you know, sir : and
I have to look after 'em. And she
be right, too, sir, what with all
them hands out of the town, and
such "
"Well?"
"Well, sir, most all mornings,
ever since they be got fine, when
I be down past the Lodge Park,
where the does be, I see a young
lady — leastwise a young 'oman, sir,
though I don't say as she ben't a
young lady "
" Eeally ? This is interesting."
" Yes, sir, it be. Well, Mr Hugh,
this young lady — for I be nigh sure
she be a lady — gets over the rails of
the Lodge Park, sir, right amid the
does "
" She can't be very careful of her
clothes, then, unless the fence has
been mended."
" Nor of the does, sir. Well, of
course that frights the things a bit,
not knowing of her as they knows
me "
"Well?"
"Well, sir, that be all."
" It doesn't seem to me to be so
very alarming. Why don't you
speak to her, or to Miss Clare ? I
suppose she's not a mill-hand, as
you call her a young lady ? "
"I'd ha' spoke to her pretty
sharp, if she'd been that. And you
see, sir, as how madam be rather
put about, just now, what with the
doctors and the 'lection lawyers :
and then she don't like to be vexed
with things; she'd say as 'twere
my work to look after the does "
" And after the young ladies ? "
" Yes, sir. And I didn't like to
speak to the young lady without
just asking a word — she might be
a town lady, sir ; and, as 'lection
time be nigh "
Hugh laughed. "I see," he said :
"go on."
" It might get set about, sir, as
how one of madam's men had un-
behaved to a Denethorp lady, and
then madam might blow me up for
it. And so I thought as I'd best
wait till you was come down, sir ;
for, says I, if anybody knows what
to do in a case, it be just Mr Hugh."
"I don't know about that, Ro-
berts. Young ladies are sometimes
hard cases to tackle. But you have
done quite rightly. What does she
do in the Lodge Park ? Walk there ?
I should have thought she could
have found a better place for a
morning walk than there, especially
as she has to scramble over the
rails. Is she young, did you say ? "
" She be youngish ; but I don't
think she have got a sweetheart —
I'd ha' soon spoke up to him"
" I've no doubt you would."
1870.]
Earl's Dene.— Part III.
13
" And what she does, sir, I can't
say, as I can't make out, like.'7
41 What time does she go ?"
" Early, sir — about seven, most
days ; some days before."
''Well, Roberts, you have done
quite right in waiting to see me.
I'd best speak myself to my aunt
— or, better still, to the young lady
herself — why not ? I'll get up to-
morrow on purpose. Where does
she get over?"
" Just by the big beech, sir."
" I know. You'll just keep out
of the way "
" All right, Mr Hugh."
" And, if she comes, I'll manage
matters."
" Take care if she be a Denethorp
lady, sir."
" All right. I shall certainly take
care not to offend the most influen-
tial half of my future constituents.
By Jove ! I'll remember that : it'll
make a capital tag to a speech.
Prescot himself couldn't have put
it better."
" And the does, Mr Hugh 1"
" Shall be driven no more."
" Thank you, sir. And I hope I
did right, sir ?"
" Quite. You have shown your-
self to be a man of both gallantry
and discretion."
" Yes, sir. Is there anything I
can do ? "
" No, I don't think there is. By
the way, I think of trying for a
trout or two to-morrow, after I've
been over in the town. Perhaps
young Mr Warden might come over.
How's the brook?"
" First-rate, sir."
" Then come to me before break-
fast to-morrow, and we'll talk about
it. — Well," continued Hugh to him-
self, "if I'm to take Roberts' s place
in watching the does to-morrow
morning, and have to be at the big
beech by seven — by Jove ! It
sounds like a rendezvous. I must
turn in forthwith."
But he did not turn in forthwith ;
for he lighted another cigar, and
did not leave the terrace for a good
hour longer. If Miss Raymond
could have read his thoughts just
then, she would have felt flattered :
nor would he have been the reverse
of flattered could he have read
hers.
CHAPTEE IV.
Nevertheless, however much he
may have thought about Miss Ray-
mond, and dreamed of her after-
wards— supposing so admirable a
sleeper to have dreamed about any-
thing at all — he was not a little
jimused and interested by his pro-
spective adventure, slight as it was;
:md he rose in excellent time for
arriving at the great beech by seven
o'clock.
Before getting up, however, he
took care to learn what sort of
weather it was, with a strong hope
that it would prove to be raining
cats and dogs, or at least that it
would be such as to furnish him
with an excuse for putting off the
matter to another day ; for early
rising was not one of his habits,
particularly after a journey. How-
ever, he was doomed to disappoint-
ment. The sun was shining bright-
ly, and the air was both fresh and
warm. So he turned out heroically,
and found himself all the better
for having made the exertion.
But, setting aside the difficulties
of getting out of bed, there are
many other things that seem easy
enough the night before, but wear
a very different aspect next morn-
ing, when they have actually to be
done. Last night the matter seem-
ed trivial and easy enough ; but,
in cold blood, and before breakfast,
too, to have to tell a young lady
that she is trespassing, and to warn
her off, was not an agreeable errand
for one who had begun to pique
himself upon his politeness to wo-
men. Hugh hoped, in that corner
14
Earl's Dene— Part III.
[Jan.
of his heart where, in spite of his
easy manners, he still hoarded a
plentiful stock of shyness, that the
young lady might prove to be
neither a lady nor young. That
she might turn out to be pretty he
neither hoped nor feared. He did
not hope it, because Denethorp
was by no means rich in pretty
girls at that period of its history ;
and his shyness was certainly not
so great as to make him afraid of
looking at a pretty face. He ran
over in his mind the whole list of
people in which the mysterious
trespasser could possibly be includ-
ed. Not the parson's wife, or any
of his daughters — they were not
likely to be walking all the way to
Earl's Dene — a distance of full four
miles — to gather dew in solitude.
Nor for that matter were the wives
or daughters of any one in Dene-
thorp with whom he was in the
least acquainted. So he was driven
to conclude that it must be some
tradesman's daughter who had
caught some of the prevailing taste
of the day for sentimental eccentri-
city, or else had formed exaggerated
ideas as to the value of the morn-
ing air as a cosmetic. The notion
that she might meet a lover there
he dismissed from his mind at once ;
for however women may be con-
stituted in such matters, reason and
experience alike told him that to
suppose for a moment that any
man could possibly be so much in
love as to get up at six o'clock
morning after morning to carry on
a courtship in the long damp grass
of the Lodge Park,with the certainty
of catching cold, and the strong
chance of being punished as a tres-
passer, was to suppose a gross ab-
surdity. So, at least, he thought
in his youthful cynicism. A better
reason for his conclusion was, that
Roberts, whose eyes were pretty
sharp, had been of the same opinion.
In order, therefore, to satisfy his
curiosity before proceeding to ac-
tion, he took up a position from
which, without being himself seen,
he had a clear view of the great
beech, whose arms, spreading well
over the paling of the Lodge Park,
afforded a favourite shelter for the
persecuted does.
He had not long to wait. Scarcely
had he lighted a cigar, when, sure
enough, he saw approaching along
the line of trees that led from the
main avenue to the beech in which
they ended, a figure which was as
plainly young as it was that of a
lady. He had a full view of her
very soon, and plenty of time to
observe her as she came towards
the tree.
What he saw was nothing very
much, after all. It was only a
small, slight figure, dressed in dark
stuff, the colour of which matched
a complexion into which the morn-
ing air and exercise had brought a
little more freshness than was ap-
parently habitual to it ; a face re-
markable for little but a thoughtful
but pleasant smile ; and brown hair
fathered away under a shabby hat.
he carried something in her hand
that looked like a book.
Hugh waited until she reached
the tree, and, raising herself light-
ly and gracefully upon a swelling
of the round bole near the root,
had shown an evident intention of
placing the paling between herself
and the turf of the avenue. Then,
thinking it high time to enter upon
the scene before she had succeeded
in placing herself in the awkward
position of being caught in the very
act of climbing over — awkward not
only morally, but physically — and
politely denying himself the chance
of thus seeing the turn of her ankle —
he left his place of half -concealment,
and, advancing towards her in such
a manner as not to take her by sur-
prise, he raised his hat, threw away
his cigar, and said, stupidly enough
— for, having made up his mind as
he came along as to what he ought
to say, he of course did not say
it,—
" I am exceedingly sorry — but —
Miss Clare is very particular about
the deer not being driven ; and so
— just now "
1870.]
Earls Dene.— Part III.
15
The culprit, thus caught red-
haiided, as it were, turned round
suddenly ; and, finding herself ad-
dressed by one who was so evi-
dently a gentleman as Hugh Lester,
and who was so evidently desirous,
if he only knew how, of treating
her politely, blushed slightly, as
she; answered — forgetting, however,
to step down again upon the turf
—in an accent that was neither
of Denethorp nor of any place in
Er gland, —
"Am I doing wrong, sir?"
The " sir '; grated upon his ears
a little ; it was not as " good style "
as the rest of her manner and ap-
pe \rance. But the voice in which
the objectionable word had been
uttered was altogether superior to
style.
" Oh, not at all ; but, as I said,
my aunt — Miss Clare, that is — is
very particular about not allowing
any one in the Lodge Park ; and
though I have no doubt she would
mike an exception in your case,
still, you understand — at least, I
hope you see — that — I am very
sorry to have interrupted your
walk." Lame and impotent con-
clusion !
T/ie Lady, naively. — " I am very
scrry too ; but if Miss Clare does
not permit it, of course I must not
go there. Of course I did not
know I was doing wrong."
Lester. — "Nor were you — that
is — but, after all, the Lodge Park
is not the pleasantest part of the
place, and there can be no objec-
tion to your going everywhere else
as much and as often as you please.
And so I have not confined your
walk so very much. I hope you
will not let me think I have offend-
ed you by avoiding Earl's Dene,
or I should be sorry indeed."
The Lady, rather stiffly.—" Thank
you. You are very kind, and I am
certainly not offended."
Lester, seeing that he had made
a blunder in the form of his last
speech. — "I am glad of that. I
was afraid you might think you had
not been treated very courteously."
The Lady, descending from her
perch, and, after a short pause,
during which she had been con-
sidering.— " Pray do not mention
it. It is I who ought to apologise.
But as I have been here a good
many mornings now, of course I
thought there was no harm."
Another pause. Then, — •
The Lady, with a sudden frank-
ness, and as though her mind was
quite made up. — " I should only
have come once or twice more."
Lester. — "Might I ask if you have
any special purpose, then, for wish-
ing to come here 1 If so, no doubt
Miss Clare would give you permis-
sion willingly."
The Lady.—11 Yes ; and I should
certainly like to be able to come
once or twice again." Lester wait-
ed for her to explain. " In fact it
was the deer that tempted me."
Lester, mystified.—" The deer V}
The Lady.— "Yes -} to study
them."
Lester. — " Ah, I see. You are an
artist, then?"
The Lady. — " I am a learner."
Lester. — " Then I beg your pardon
more than ever. I know Miss Clare
would be only too happy to let you
sketch her deer."
The Lady, evidently not intend-
ing to let her chance slip. — "I
should be so glad ! But she might
not like it ; and "
Lester. — " Oh, she would be sure
to make no objection. On the
contrary, she would feel flattered.
But I cannot give you leave myself.
I must speak to her first "
The Lady.—" Of course. But I
hope you will not put yourself to
any trouble on my account "
Lester. — " It would be no trouble
at all. How could it be 1 Let me
see — I will speak to Miss Clare to-
day ; but how can I let you know
her answer 1 But it would be sure
to be all right ; and you could
come here to-morrow, if you like,
very safely."
The Lady.—" I should not like
to, without knowing."
Lester, struck by a good thought.
16
EarTs Dene.— Part III.
[Jan.
— " Then she or I could write you
a note. You would get it to-day,
if you live at Denethorp, as I sup-
pose you do ; so, if you would tell
me your address
Tlie Lady, gratefully. — " You are
most kind indeed, sir, and I should
be ashamed to trouble you or Miss
Clare so much as that ; and, as it
is, I am ashamed of seeming so
persistent about what you must,
I'm sure, think a mere caprice."
Lester. — " What trouble could it
possibly be 1 If you will tell me
your address, I shall remember it."
The Lady. — " Then, as you are
so kind — Miss Lefort, 23 Market
Street."
Lester. — " Thanks. You shall
hear to-day, or to-morrow at farth-
est. Meanwhile I will take it up-
on myself to ask you to finish your
sketch this morning."
The Lady.— "Thanks indeed;
but I could not think of such a
thing."
Lester. — " But why not 1 Sure-
ly "
The Lady, resolutely. — " I would
rather not now, indeed. I would
much rather wait till I can come
with Miss Clare's permission."
Lester. — " I am afraid you are
angry with me ? "
The Lady, very coldly.— " Not at
all— why should I be 1 "
Lester. — "For having interrupted
your studies for a whole morning.
And the least I can do "
The Lady, with a smile. — "I
daresay you have not done my
studies very much harm."
Lester. — " But I cannot allow you
to have had your long walk for no-
thing. I must really ask you to re-
main this morning, if only to set my
conscience at ease."
> The Lady.—11 But I do not con-
sider that I have had my walk for
nothing, by any means. To meet
with kindness surely cannot be
called nothing. But, indeed, I
would very much rather put off my
sketch till another time."
Lester, seeing that she did not in-
tend to be persuaded. — "Then, since
you will not do me this kindness, I
will see that it shall be finished as
soon as possible. But I am sorry —
I wish I could persuade you to re-
main."
The Lady. — "You are most kind
indeed. It is I that ought to be
sorry."
Lester, not liking to press her
farther. — " You have no occasion to
be, I assure you. By the way, Miss
Lefort, if I might ask you, are you
living in Denethorp ? If you are
visiting, I may very likely know
something of your friends."
Tlie Lady. — "We have been
many years in Denethorp. My
father is a teacher of French."
Lester.— " Oh, I think I have
heard of him. I hope that he finds
the place suit him, and that he has
no want of pupils 1 "
Tlie Lady.—" Oh, he does well
enough. But now I must wish
you good morning, and thank you
once more."
She made him a grave bow, which
Lester answered by raising his hat,
and was gone. He wished that he
had been able to persuade her to
remain, and failing in this, would
have willingly invented an excuse
for seeing her as far as the great
gates : but as that, to judge from
her manner, was wholly out of the
question, he lighted another cigar,
and, with a good appetite for break-
fast, strolled quietly back to the
house.
On reaching the garden he met
Miss Raymond.
" Why, what an early riser you
are ! " she said.
" Not in general, I am afraid."
"So I hear you are going into
Parliament?"
" My aunt has told you ? Yes,
if I win."
" Of course you will win."
" Perhaps I shall, if you canvass
for me. Prescot, they say, turns
the heads of all the women ; but if
you appear in the field, I shall have
one on my side worth a host."
" But suppose Mr Prescot turned
mine with the others ?"
1870.]
EarVs Dene.— Part III.
17
'•Then I should at once retire
from the contest. The election
would be virtually decided. Will
iny aunt be down to breakfast V
" She is down."
"Already] Is it so late? By
Jove, so it is ! " '
" Do you call this late — yon, a
Londoner 1"
" I meant I did not know I had
been out so long. I have been
having a rendezvous with a young
lady, you must know."
" With a young lady V
"It is quite true, I assure you.
I arranged it last night before I
went to bed."
''You certainly make good use
of your time. But what do you
mean 1 "
"' I have spoken the exact truth."
" Nonsense. Come into break-
fast— that will be more amiable
than asking riddles. Miss Clare
has been down this half-hour."
" I will come then, since you
lead. And you shall hear my con-
fession."
At the breakfast-table he gave
a lively account of his adventure,
much to Miss Raymond's amuse-
ment ; but, when he mentioned the
name Lefort, —
"Why, surely," she said, "it
can't be Angelique ? "
" And who is Angelique ?"
" Oh, my friend — my travelling
companion. She is staying with
her friends, while I am staying
with mine. Oh, I daresay it is her
cousin — she has one. By the way,
Miss Clare, I ought to call on the
Leforts. They were old proteges
of my dear mother. Could I, do
you think1?"
" Oh, certainly, if you wish it." .
"That will be capital," said
Hugh. " I am going to drive over
to Denethorp after breakfast to see
White. If you like to trust your-
self with me, you can see your
friends while I am doing my talk.
White will keep me some time, I
daresay."
" Oh, that would be delight-
ful ! I should so like the drive,
but "
But Miss Clare made no objec-
tion, and so the arrangement was
made.
CHAPTER v.
Leaving Hugh Lester to the en-
joyment of his well-earned break-
fast, Miss Lefort, when he parted
from her, walked quickly but
quietly along the avenue towards
the lodge, naturally rather flurried
by her unexpected interruption,
and yet rather pleased at it too ;
something in the same way as a
child may feel pleased by the ex-
citement of having been caught in
a piece of mischief, scolded, and
forgiven. She had liked the man-
ner of her new acquaintance, and
felt even flattered by his evident
cure to be polite to her under dif-
ficulties. In short, she had been
anything but offended by her morn-
ing's adventure. In this mood she
traversed the long three miles of
dusty highroad leading to the town,
and then, passing the few villas
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLI.
and ornamental cottages, the exact
reverse of ornamental, that showed
Denethorp to be what builders call
an improving place, and a narrow
old-fashioned street or two, in which
still remained not a few houses with
the projecting storeys and pointed
roofs of centuries ago, stopped be-
fore a bootmaker's shop that bore
the number 23. The shutters were
not yet taken down, nor was the
shop-door open ; but, at the side
entrance, a shabby, red-armed ser-
vant-girl was producing a miniature
and muddy flood by scrubbing and
mopping the rough pavement in
front of it. Stepping as well as
she could over the barricade of
mops and pails, Miss Lefort made
her way up a dark and dusky stair-
case, smelling of close windows, to
the second floor.
18
Earl's Dene.— Part III.
[Jan.
The room which Miss Lefort
entered was in the front of the
house, and looked out upon the
narrow Market Street; that is to say,
upon a double row of second and
third rate shops, principally pat-
ronised by the small farmers of
the neighbourhood who drove into
town on Thursday — Denethorp
market-day — and looked down up-
on by the wives and daughters of
the mill -owners, lawyers, doctors,
and parsons, who composed the
aristocracy and plutocracy of the
place, and who, for the most part,
did their shopping at Redchester.
It was therefore for six days out of
the seven rather excessively quiet,
not to say dull ; and, on the seventh,
very much too noisy. This parti-
cular room in No. 23 was not of a
character in itself to mitigate the
effect of the external dulness that
reigned from Friday to Wednesday ;
and as its windows commanded the
whole length of the street, it had
the full benefit of the one day of
bustle. It was small, and poorly
furnished in what may be called
for the occasion, after the same
manner as that in which one speaks
of the style Pompadour or Louis
XIV., or de la Renaissance, the
style criniere, or horse-hair style
— a style too well known and too
unvarying even in its minutest de-
tails to require special description.
There are few so fortunate as never
to have met with it once ; and who-
ever has seen one specimen knows
as much about it as if he had seen
a hundred. The occupants of the
room, however, had more individu-
ality than the chairs on which they
had to sit — a remark that cannot be
made of all occupants of all rooms,
even when the latter are not fur-
nished in the horse-hair mode.
The group which they formed
consisted of two young children —
a boy and a girl of about nine and
seven years old respectively, who
were romping noisily upon the
hearth-rug in a manner that would
have horrified all believers in the
virtue of clean clothes; a man of
about fifty-five at the least, or of
seventy at the most, short, thin,
narrow-chested, pale, stooping, bald,
with meagre sharp features, a yellow
complexion, and long and lean but
delicate hands, shabbily dressed and
unmistakably a foreigner, who was
drinking coffee at the table ; and a
girl, or rather young woman, who
was engaged in reading a letter at
the window.
She was like Miss Lefort, and
yet not like her at the same time ;
that is to say, there was a vague
and general resemblance between
the two in an altogether indefin-
able way, and a wide dissimilar-
ity between them in all matters of
detail.
Now there are three ways of
describing the appearance of a
beautiful woman. One is to treat
her passport fashion — Height, five
feet so many inches ; age, five-and-
twenty, more or less ; figure, slight
and undulating; complexion, brown
and pale ; hair, dark brown ; eyes,
the same — large, soft, and tender ;
nose, straight ; and so on. This, of
course, is an accurate way ; but it
has the defect of never producing
anything better than a common
form applicable to many hun-
dreds. It is easy enough to make
a catalogue of good points ; but it
is not by a mere series of good
points that any idea of beauty is
expressed to the mind. Another
way is to adopt the laudatory style,
and to say, as might justly be said
in this case, that she was of exactly
the right height for her style of
figure, and of exactly the right
style of figure for her height, and
that she carried both with grace;
that her autumnal complexion com-
bined the merits of the brunette and
of the blonde; and that, beautiful as
she was in all respects, her greatest
wealth of beauty was in her eyes.
Yet another way is the poetical,
or metaphorical; but then that is
always open to the objection that
to say what a thing is like is very
different indeed from saying what
it really is. Such an image, for in-
1870.]
EarVs Dene.— Part III.
10
stance, as that of a harvest moon
shining against all rule in a night
of May upon a garden of pale hy-
acinths, which had indeed bowed
their heads but had forgotten to
close their bells when the sun went
down, would be absolutely out of
place in the sober prose of common
life, however useful it might have
proved to any lover of this girl's
who happened to have a knack of
rhyming.
These are about the only three
ways; and, perhaps, if any one
should take the trouble to combine
what has been said under the head
of each method, he might succeed
in producing an imaginary portrait
not wildly unlike the original.
But it is an unfortunate and la-
mentable fact that, while it is dif-
ficult, if not impossible, to praise
intelligibly, to find fault and point
out defects intelligibly is the easiest
thing in the world. While it re-
quires something approaching to
genius to make a complimentary
speech about any man that does
not sound like sarcasm or drivel,
it does not require that a man
should be a Demosthenes to de-
liver, without going beyond the
truth, a telling philippic against
even the best and wisest. To de-
scend, then, from general to parti-
cular cases, beautiful as this woman
undoubtedly was, it is far easier to
point out her faults of appearance
than to describe her merits.
There was first, then, a want of
tl iat harmony about her by which
many women who are plain of
feature are rendered almost if not
quite beautiful. The moon of
September in a night of spring,
the flower remaining open after
s inset, are images that may sug-
gest beauty, but certainly do not
suggest harmony or repose. Then
h er < admirably-shaped mouth was
of the smallest : a doubtful merit
as regards beauty of feature, and
always a positive fault as regards
beauty of expression. Then, too,
t he grace of her carriage was plain-
ly a little studied ; unnecessarily
so, for it was graceful enough by
nature, and probably less languid
than she made it seem. Again,
her forehead lacked both height
and breadth without being more
than commonly well formed. Her
delicate hand, moreover, wanted
the plumpness that a young hand
ought to have, thus telling either
of ill health, present or to come, or
else of excess of nervous excitabil-
ity. But, after all, these were all
but spots on the sun. She seemed
to be a few years younger than Miss
Lefort in point of figure ; but in
point of expression, which is a far
better test, she looked decidedly
the elder.
When Miss Lefort entered the
room, all looked up suddenly as
though she had not been expected ;
and the two children ran up to her
and seized her hands and dress.
In striking contrast to her who has
been last described, her figure was
without languor, and her complex-
ion had been freshened by the
morning air, so that, if she was far
less beautiful, she was certainly not
less pleasant to look upon.
Monsieur Lefort. — " Good morn-
ing, Marie. You are back soon."
Marie. — " Good morning, father.
Ah, Angelique, you should have
been with me this morning."
Angelique, folding her letter, and
a little languidly. — " And why this
morning in particular 1 "
They all spoke in French; but
her voice was of a kind to render
almost too musical that most un-
musical of languages. But even
her voice, too, had a fault — it want-
ed fulness.
Marie. — " Because you have lost
an adventure. You see what comes
of being an early bird."
Angelique, exerting herself. —
"But I don't like worms, dear
Marie ; I prefer coffee. I hope,
though, that yours was a nice fat
one
Marie.~(( Hm! that depends."
Ernest and Fleurette.—" Tell us,
Marie ! And have you made any
more pictures ? "
20
Earl' 8 Dene.— Part III.
[Jan,
Marie, giving them her sketch-
book.— "There — see what I have
done."
Ernest.—" Why, it is all empty."
Marie. — " That is an end of the
story, then. But I see, Angelique,
that you have had your worm as
well, and without the trouble of
going out to look for it. What is
it? A letter] Why, that is an
event ! What is it ? Who is it
from?"
Ang&ique. — "From Felix. He
is in England."
Marie. — " Fe"lix in England 1
You are joking, surely."
Angelique, looking through her
eyelashes. — " Is it, then, so strange
that he should come to Eng-
land^
Marie, going up to and embrac-
ing her. — " Not the least ; not at
all ! How I should like to see
him ! But I am sure he cannot be
good enough. If he is not the
handsomest and cleverest man in
the world, I assure you that I have
made up my mind to hate him.
Are you not afraid ? "
Angelique, looking at the chil-
dren.— " Hush, dear Marie."
Marie. — " But does he tell you
nothing? You always are saying,
you know, that I only care about
facts. Is he well ? "
Ernest and Fleurette. — " But the
story, Marie ! "
Angelique. — "He is quite well;
and there are no facts, indeed."
Marie.—" Oh, well, I will have
patience, especially as I am hungry,
for- my worm was not very satisfy-
ing— not half so interesting as
yours, after all."
Ernest and JFleurette, vociferous-
ly.—" The story ! "
Marie. — "My dear children, I
am dying with hunger. Get me
the butter, Ernest, and you the
bread, Fleurette, or I shall have
to eat my story instead, and then
there will be none of it left for you.
Fancy Felix being in England!
Can you not tell me anything out
of the letter, just to relish the tar-
tines ? there's a dear girl ! "
Angelique. — " There is nothing
that will not keep."
Marie. — " Then I must put an
extra lump of sugar in my coffee,
to make up. Have you any news,
father ? "
M. Lefort.—"None that is good."
Marie. — " I hope there is nothing
wrong 1 "
M. Lefort. — " No. I only mean
that every day that passes without
a letter makes things seem more
doubtful. Of course I know that
they must have their hands full —
but what then 1 Ah ! I remember
forty years ago —
Marie. — " But no news is good
news, they say. As for myself, I
don't expect to hear till all is set-
tled. Why should any one trouble
to write before 1 "
M. Lefort. — "Well, a man who-
has waited thirty years can afford!
to wait thirty-one, I suppose. And
so we must be patient, — that's all.
Marie.—" And hope."
M. Lefort. — "Ah ! you are young.
I did so once. But now you will
have to hope for us both, if you
speak of hope."
Marie. — " But, seriously, dear
father, why should we not all hope ?
Even if the worst comes to the
worst, and nothing can be done for
us, what have we really to fear 1
Are we not happy as we are?
Should we be happier for a change ?
We should be no richer than now,
and you would have to work just
as hard. Should we even be as
rich as we shall be in England?
Angelique must be a great singer
one day; and am I too stupid to
teach notes and scales ? "
M. Lefortj smiling in spite of
himself.—" Conceited girl ! "
Marie. — "I thought you would
agree with me. Oh, I believe in
myself immensely, and am not a
bit afraid for any of us. That was
very good coffee indeed. Who
made it ? "
Fleurette.— "I did.".
Marie. — " Then I believe in you
most of all, and I will tell you the
story."
1870.]
Earl's Dene.— Part III.
21
firnest.—" And me ? "
Marie. — " You may listen. Well,
once upon a time there lived a prin-
ces.*—"
Ernest. — " Who was beautiful, of
course."
Marie.— " No, not at all. But
sho was very fond of beautiful
things and beautiful creatures —
perhaps for that very reason — and
so one day she set out to look for
thorn all over the world. First of
all. she looked in her own looking-
glass, but that wouldn't do."
Meurette.-— " Why not 1' }
Marie. — " Because hers was a
tlass that always told the truth.
o then -"
Ernest. — "What was her name?-'
Marie. — •" She had none. Then
.she looked out at window, but she
saw nothing but people who were
nearly as ugly as herself. At last,
however, she heard of a country
a very long way off indeed — four
miles at least — where there lived a
queen; and as she heard that it
was full of beautiful things, she set
out at once to find it."
Fleurette.—" All by herself ? "
Marie.—11 All by herself. That
is the only way to find out beauti-
ful things."
Fleurette. — " And wasn't she
afraid?"
Marie. — •" I'm not sure she wasn't
a little, just at first. Well, she left
the palace where the king her fa-
ther, and the prince her brother,
and the princess her sister, and the
princess her cousin all lived to-
gether, and walked on and on and
on along a dusty road, until she
didn't feel quite sure about her
way. At last she didn't know
which way to turn; but she saw
that one looked prettier than an-
other, and so she took it. Well,
the road got prettier and prettier
• every step she took until she came
to a white cottage built of stone
.and covered with leaves, with an
old witch sitting at the door nurs-
ing a black cat."
Fleurette.— " And then, wasn't
sae frightened ? "
Marie. — " Anyhow she was bold
enough to ask the old witch, ' Is
this the queen's country ? ' And
the witch pointed with her crutch
to a gate, and said, ' If you go
through there, and then turn to the
right, and keep straight on, you'll
come to the avenue' — just as
though she was not a witch at all,
bat only a common old woman."
Ernest. — "Perhaps that's what
she was."
Marie. — " You know nothing
about it. Then the princess said
' Thank you,' and walked along the
avenue till she looked over some
palings and saw the most beautiful
creatures."
Fleurette. — " What were they
like? Birds?"
Marie. — " No ; they had four
legs, and large black eyes, and
some were dappled, and some white,
and some black, and some grey.
And the princess said, ' Oh, if I
could only find out what makes
these creatures so beautiful ! ' "
Ernest. — " She ought to have
caught them."
Marie. — " She wandered about,
and went every day to look at the crea-
tures. Then she thought she would
make some pictures of them, and at
last, just as she was beginning to
find out their true secret "
Fleurette.— "Vfh&tr'
Marie. — " She suddenly heard a
voice exclaim, * Who is that in my
park-paling?' "
Ernest.— "Who was it? The
queen ?"
Marie. — "No, it was a prince,
the heir to the throne. He looked
very fierce indeed, and had a cigar
in his mouth."
Ernest. — " But princes in stories
never used to smoke cigars."
Marie. — " No ; but they do now.
Then the princess got very fright-
ened, and fell on her knees and
begged for mercy."
Fleurette. — " And did he kill
her?"
Marie. — " No ; he took pity on
the princess ; but said that the
queen, his aunt, would certainly
Earl's Dene.— Part III.
[Jaiu
liave her put to death. But lie said
he would ask the queen to forgive
her if she would promise not to
frighten the beautiful creatures
again, as it seems she had done.
So you see she had been rightly
punished by being frightened her-
self."
Fleurette. — " And did the queen
pardon her?"
The red-armed Servant, after tap-
ping at the door. — " A note for you.
miss."
Marie, eagerly. — "Forme? From
whom?"
The Servant, with an air of awe.
— " Brought by a young man, miss,
a groom up at Earl's Dene. He
said as there was no answer."
M. Lefort.—" From Earl's Dene !"
Marie, after passing through a
slight cloud of disappointment. —
" There, Angelique ! I have let-
ters as well as you ! The queen
sent her this letter : —
" ' DEAR PRINCESS/ — No, it was
the prince sent it. — 'Dear Princess,
— Her Majesty has much pleasure
in giving you permission to use the
Lodge Park at any time you please,
and also hopes to have the further
pleasure of seeing the result. I pro-
mised her to add that she" would
rather you did not enter the Lodge
Park at the great beech, as it disturbs
the deer, but through the gate on
the other side. They will tell you.
the way to it at the lodge.
' Hoping you will consider this
some amends for the rudeness of
which, I fear, you must have
thought me guilty this morning, —
' I am, yours most truly,
'HUGH LESTER.
'As Mr Lefort lives in Dene-
thorp, I trust you will not think
that Miss Clare's permission applies
to yourself only. The keepers will
have orders accordingly/ "
M. Lefort, having looked at the
note. — " This is very polite indeed..
Why, Marie, this looks very like a
real adventure."
Marie. — " And a pleasant one, is
it not?"
Angelique. — "What sort of per-
son is this Mr Lester 1 "
Ernest, slily. — "And will the-
prince marry the princess ?"
Fleurette. — " And shall we all go-
and see the beautiful creatures ?"
Marie. — " I don't know anything,
more about it."
1870.]
The Farming and Peasantry of the Continent.
23
THE FARMING AND PEASANTRY OF THE CONTINENT.
THIS is an Address which highly
merits the attention of practical
farmers and political economists.
It treats of subjects which possess
the strongest interest for both ; it
contains the results of the observa-
tions which Mr Howard made dur-
ing many visits to the Continent ;
an«l it speaks of questions which
have raised great controversies in
the scientific and farming worlds.
Wo do not propose, on the present
occasion, to range over the whole
extent of ground covered by this
Address ; we intend rather to con-
fine our notice to a few points of
great importance, on which Mr
Howard speaks in very decided
language, and with an authority
justly due to large experience, high
intelligence, and careful personal
inquiry on the spot. Political
economists in England have been
too much in the habit of pronounc-
ing dogmatically on certain ques-
tions, in which accurate determina-
tion of facts ought to have preced-
ed assertion. Very loose and im-
perfect evidence has been relied
on for far-reaching propositions,
which have been previously adopted
from the bias of passion or political
feeling. No trustworthy solution
of these questions can ever be ob-
tained until careful analysis of the
results furnished by experience shall
have furnished a sure foundation
for judgment. Hence the process
adopted by Mr Howard has pecu-
liar value in the decision of such
matters. He is a thorough farmer
h imself , prof oun dly acquainted with
the best and most productive me-
thods of agriculture, familiar with
every variety of agricultural imple-
ment, and, as his Address shows,
manifestly competent, by know-
lodge and reflection, to understand
and judge the moral and social as
well as economical elements of these
problems.
First of all presents itself the
exceedingly interesting and impor-
tant question of the condition of
the agricultural labourer on the Con-
tinent. In this country his state
has been made the subject of the
fiercest invective. England has
been held up to the scorn of the
world for her treatment of the
workers whose toil extracts from
her fields the food of her popula-
tion. No invective has been thought
too severe for a description of their
condition. The agricultural la-
bourer has been painted as one
of the most degraded of human
beings, and then his degradation
has been pointed at as the offspring
of a cruel conspiracy directed against
his happiness by pride of class and
avarice. The finger of warning is
daily lifted to extort the recon-
struction of his social condition
by the threat of revolution. Po-
liticians and philanthropists com-
bine in this holy crusade for the
relief of oppressed humanity. The
days of Jack Cade, it would
seem, have really come back to
this strong, rich, and prosperous
England of the nineteenth century.
The wealthier the upper strata of
society become, the heavier, we are
told, and more intolerable, is the
pressure with which they weigh on
the classes whose labour creates their
prosperity ; the deeper the misery
of those who, in the place of grati-
tude, are repaid with oppression.
To be a Dorsetshire landlord or
farmer is a state of life to which
a man might well be ashamed to
belong. For the honour of our
country, one's heart palpitates with
anxiety to learn what is the con-
dition of the same class in foreign
lands — whether England stands
'The Farming and Peasantry of the Continent.' An Address delivered to the
Farmers' Club, Monday, November 1, by James Howard, M.P.
24
The Farming and Peasantry of the Continent.
[Jan.
alone in her infamy, or whether
the poverty, which excites so much
generous commiseration here, may
not meet with its miserable repre-
sentative on other soils and under
other social and political arrange-
ments. It is painful enough to
feel sympathy for sufferings which
one believes to be, if not incurable,
at any rate susceptible of only slow
and difficult amelioration ; but to
believe that the wretchedness which
wounds one's eyes has been cured
elsewhere, and that wiser institu-
tions and juster political combi-
nations have raised the peasant
to a position of comfort and self-
respect — that, indeed, is a trial
hard to bear. No right-minded
man — and there are right-minded
and generous men in England by
tens of thousands — will willingly
acquiesce in the continuance of so
shaming a contrast. It is essential
that the real truth of the matter
should be known. Is it true that
the English labourer is plunged in
misery and degradation, from which
men of the same class in foreign
countries are free 1 and if a remedy
has been discovered elsewhere, may
it not be applied with equal suc-
cess here? On this very grave
matter Mr Howard furnishes us
with information of immense value.
He is an eyewitness, one who has
taken infinite pains to reach the
truth of the facts, and who is emi-
nently qualified to take their mea-
sure. Let us listen to what he
says. The first evidence he ad-
duces comes from the Sologne, about
150 miles south of Paris. The region
is poor, though much has been re-
cently done to improve its agri-
culture. Here " wages are Is. 8d.
a- day in summer, and Is. 3d. in
winter; no extras in harvest, but
some piecework. Low as these
wages are, they are said to have
doubled within a few years/' 10s.
a-week in summer, and 7s. 6d.
in winter, without any increase
in harvest-time, are certainly not
brilliant wages for any part of
England; even the Dorsetshire
standard must be considered as
up to this level, whilst the aver-
age of English counties presents
a decidedly more satisfactory re-
muneration for the labourer. Yet
even this moderate scale, we are
told, is decidedly higher than what
would have been found a few years
ago, so that up to that period it is
certain that wages in the Sologne
were very seriously below the Eng-
lish level. But how many hours
a - day do these labourers work 1
Mr Howard's next instance will
instruct us on this vital point ; and
it is so very interesting on many
accounts, that we venture to give it
at full length :—
" In my letter to the Duke of Rich-
mond I referred to the large farm of M.
Call, which is situated at La Briche,
near Tours, 200 miles south-west of
Paris. " (We may remark that Touraine
is one of the richest districts of France.
Those who have travelled through it
will remember the splendour of its vege-
tation. M. Gail is proprietor of one of
the largest engineering establishments
in France, a great builder of locomo-
tives.) "In the early part of August
1867, I accompanied him to his farm of
La Briche. It consists of about 3800
acres, which he has reclaimed from
waste land, bog, and wood. Being a
thorough utilitarian, not a tree or fence
of any kind has been left ; the whole
is laid out in large fields, some nearly
a mile across, which have been drained,
and good hard roads made through the
whole property. One good central
homestead and eight minor ones have
been erected. . . . The central
homestead, the most wonderful place of
the kind I have ever seen, is worth mak-
ing the journey to see. The corn-barn
will contain 1250 acres of unthrashed
corn. ... It has sheds for 600
bullocks, a covered fold for 3000 sheep,
a huge granary for thrashed grain,
tramways to every part, a large beet-
root distillery, at which the roots are
made into sugar or spirit, according to
the prospects of the market. . . .
The condition of the labourer in this
part of France, as in most others, is a
very hard one. At each of the eight
homesteads I have referred to is a
married couple, who supply food to the
labourers employed in their division,
the greater part of whom are unmarried.
The team-men sleep with the cattle,
1870.]
The Farming and Peasantry of the Continent.
25
two in a bed, or rather in a box, on a
sack of straw, a rude floor being put up
at one end of the sheds. Up to that
period I had never seen men so nearly
reduced to a state of slavery. I arrived
at the farm about daylight, and found
all the hands at work. The hours in
summer, I learned, were from 4 A.M.
to 8 P.M. — and, mark you, till noon
on Sundays. The wages, without any
perquisites, for these long hours, were
Is. 8d. a-day. A good crop of wheat
was being cut, the men using fagging-
hooks; 5s. was the price paid for cut-
tii g and binding an imperial acre, and
ths wages paid by M. Gail are higher
thin the current wages of the neigh-
bourhood. ... At the time of my
visit I thought the condition of the
farm-labourer of La Briche might be
exceptional ; but I find, upon inquiry,
thiit it is not at all an unfavourable spe-
cimen of the condition of the French
peasantry, and that a franc a-day has
not been an unusual scale of pay."
This is a startling picture, truly,
of the condition of the agricultural
labourer in Touraine, one of the
most favoured regions of France.
The magnitude of M. Gail's oper-
ations furnishes the most trust-
worthy assurance that labour is
in unusually high demand in this
neighbourhood, and commands pro-
portionate remuneration. He farms
highly — that is, he expends large
capital on appliances and labour.
The tillage is superior, and is
assisted by large manufacturing
operations. How different must be
the field for employment at La
Briche, to what it must show itself
in a district of peasant-proprie-
tors, where no distillery or sugar-
manufactory raises its head, where
the capital of a rich man is not
vigorously applied to the susten-
t;ition of labour! Yet to lie two
in a bed of straw, intermingled
•with the cattle, is the normal state
of men who earn the wages of an
energetic,' intelligent, and high-
f arming capitalist. What would be
the cry of Canon Girdlestone if
such a spectacle were to present
itself in Dorsetshire ? What limit
T/ould compress the invectives of the
] .liberal press of the whole country 1
Even the spirit of French journal-
ists is profoundly stirred by an ex-
hibition so painful. The praises
of the French system, so loudly
sung by our economists, might
have led us to expect in France a
self-complacent comparison of the
French peasant with the English ;
yet the newspaper press of Ven-
dome exclaims "that the fact of
the depopulation of the agricultural
districts is the gravest thing we
have to register at present. It is
nothing less than life or death for
the whole country. Wages have
been kept down, and, with a view
to this object, marrying has been
discouraged by proprietors and
farmers." Here are the very pro-
cesses which have brought down
such vituperation on English land-
lords. English squires may re-
fuse to build cottages, to keep the
population down, but they are no
worse than their French neigh-
bours ; and so far the peculiar in-
famy which it has been the effort of
many to affix on English country
gentlemen has no justification in
fact.
If we cross the frontier of France
and accompany Mr Howard into
Prussia, we shall meet with the
same sights. Prussia, too, has been
the favourite theme for the eulogy
of English economists ; yet what
does Mr Howard tell us that he
found near Cologne ? " The men,
as in France and other parts of the
Continent, sleep in the stable with
their bullocks and horses. The
wages to farm - labourers are paid
all in money, and are from Is. 2d.
to Is. 6d. per day in summer, and
Is. to Is. 3d. in winter;" and this
after a rise of 25 to 30 per cent
within the last twenty-five years,
and amidst agricultural operations
on a splendid scale of expenditure.
On another Prussian farm, where
beet is largely grown, and ad-
ditional quantities bought for the
distillery, the wages throughout
the year are 14d. a-day ; in the
summer months the working hours
are from 5.30 A.M. to 8 P.M. The
women get lOd. a-day ; and in this
26
The Farming and Peasantry of the Continent.
[Jan.
district of Germany, be it carefully
observed, " there are a great num-
ber of small holdings." In Prus-
sian Silesia life uses the wretched
labourer still more cruelly. In
winter he has 4d. a-day, the spring
raises him to an additional penny,
and he attains his climax in sum-
mer, when 7|d. to lOd. constitutes
his share of the rewards of the
harvest.
As we extend our tour over most
regions of the Continent, the same
sights, the same statements, meet
our eyes and ears. " In Austria ;J
(that part visited by Mr Howard)
" no class of tenant-proprietors ex-
ists ; all are proprietors, except in a
few districts and rare instances."
These are the famous bauers, or
peasant - proprietors of German
Austria — men who till farms of
which they are owners, but men of
substance, often possessing a dozen
horses, who have entertained im-
perial princes, and whose peasant
dress has given them distinction in
the counsels of the Reichsrath at
Vienna. How fares the labourer
under their administration 1 —
"The labourers I find to be badly off,
wages being about 9d. to lOd. per day.
At one village I went to, I had an op-
portunity of seeing how they were lodg-
ed. One large barn-like building, with
only a ground-floor, I found divided into
two rooms. In one, 40 feet long, 20
feet wide, and 10 feet high, I found six
beds and four families ; in the other,
somewhat smaller, were five beds and
three families. There was one common
cooking-stove to the whole, and, to add
to the wretchedness of the place, it was
infested with rats. A more deplorable
scene it had never been my lot to wit-
ness."
But then, can any good thing
come out of Nazareth ? This ever
slow, dull, retrograde Au stria — wh at
could be expected from such a
quarter? Well, then, let us turn
to Belgium, the far-famed land of
small tillage, the ideal of peasant-
proprietorship, the delight of poli-
tical economists, and the shamer of
aristocratic England — what tale
does Belgium tell ] " In Hainault
the average wages are Is. Id. a-day
without food, the maximum being
Is. 8d. and the minimum 8|d. per
day ; wages, nevertheless, are said
to have advanced 25 to 30 per cent
since 1846. These figures were
given me by the Inspector-General
of A griculture." Before 1846, there-
fore, some 6|d. per day was the
remuneration of some Belgian
agricultural labourers, and the
eulogy of Flemish farming had
been written at that time. We
heard much of the thrift and the
happiness of the peasants who own-
ed land, but Mr Mill and his
economical friends told us little
of the labouring population. The
juxtaposition of so much bliss with
so much misery was striking, cer-
tainly ; it would have been well if
we had been instructed as to its
causes and its remedy. The com-
bination, side by side, of great
wretchedness with great wealth, is
at this hour held up as the peculiar
disgrace of society as it is constitut-
ed in England ; yet the same spec-
tacle occurs in Belgium with equal
vividness, and presumably with
equal infamy. Near Ostend " the
labourer seemed dejected and in a
bad condition. ' Poor things ! ' ex-
claimed a Belgian landlady, * they
have not much comfort in this
life.' "
The preceding extracts abun-
dantly show, we conceive, the
great value of Mr Howard's ob-
servations. They bear with crush-
ing force on the widespread delu-
sion that England has to blush in
the presence of foreign countries
for the treatment she inflicts on
her agricultural labourers. They
dispel this strange and most dis-
paraging fiction. They establish,
what is confirmed by other tes-
timony derived from many quar-
ters, that on a general average the
English agricultural labourer re-
ceives higher remuneration than
exists in any other part of Europe,
Holland perhaps excepted ; and
we are not very sure about the ex-
ception. The English peasant ob-
1870.]
The Farming and Peasantry of the Continent.
27
tains higher wages in money ; even
the; largest of the sums mentioned
by Mr Howard — is. 8d. a-day — is
equalled in many cases in the low-
est agricultural counties, or nearly ;
whilst there are important additions
mr.de at mowing and harvest-time,
which swell the amount received.
The rest — that is, the overwhelming
majority of English counties — fur-
nish a much higher figure. And
money will buy more, we believe,
in England, taking all the articles
consumed by a labourer's family,
thin in most — nay, we may say all
— parts of the Continent. Clothing
is cheaper, and so, in many cases,
is bread; and equally cheaper in
m.my English counties is the im-
portant article of fuel. And then
the relative comfort of the labourers
must be compared. The tidings of
men living with bullocks and horses
would raise something like a frenzy
in England. Where are the words
to be found that would satisfy
the invective, the just invective, of
every humane person 1 Their anger
would then stand on a foundation of
fact, which is often wanting in the
declamations of the friends of the
agricultural poor. And, over and
above all, there is the poor-law.
We hear nothing of a poor-law
abroad. It is too true that work-
houses in not a few localities are
not such as one can wish ; but it
Cfinnot be denied that, as a whole,
v 3ry substantial provision is made in
England for the support of agricul-
tural labourers who have no means
ot subsistence. It is certain that an
enormous charge is paid by the own-
ers and occupiers of land for this
great object ; and it is equally certain
that the sense of security against
actual starvation is brought home
to those whose labour cultivates
the soil. What have the foreign
labourers that can be put on a level
v.ith the workhouse — varied, as it
so frequently is, by outdoor al-
lowances 1 What guarantee have
those miserable agglomerations of
human beings in long sheds on
the ground, that they shall not
perish of hunger 1 What hold on
the purse or the food of the peasant-
proprietors of Belgium have the
workmen at 85 d. a-day against the
infirmities and the pains of old
age 1 This is no trifling weight to
be placed in the scale of England,
when those who take pleasure in
decrying her institutions set up
the excellence of foreign prac-
tice. That the farming classes,
whether tenants or proprietors,
make heavy contributions to this
substantial increase of agricultural
wages is incontestable ; why is it
so regularly and so obstinately left
out of the account 1 Why is every
item of good which can be assigned
to the credit of foreign manage-
ment of land so scrupulously re-
corded, and little but the evil
computed on the side of England ?
There is an animus in the matter,
a wish to paint the picture in pre-
selected colours, a desire to impose
a conclusion which was derived
from passion, and not from a careful
examination of facts. On no other
hypothesis can so st'range a pheno-
menon be explained. Writers have
painted under the stimulus of de-
mocratic feeling. Was not Eng-
land a country of great estates, ten-
anted by non-proprietary farmers ;
and was not therefore its spirit aris-
tocratic, and at variance with the
great sentiment of equality ] What
better, then, than to fling discredit
on her farmers, to hold up before
the imagination the glowing ideal
of small proprietors covering the
land with a happiness which it
would require the pen of a Rous-
seau to portray 1 But then there
was the labouring class, the class
most peculiarly deserving of the
sympathy of philosophers, the great
mass of the population engaged on
the land, and whose wellbeing was
the test of all true democratic
theory. What was to be said of
their condition in foreign parts ?
On this essential topic a discreet
but profound silence was observed.
Nothing but dark and dismal col-
ours could be obtained, if ever the
28
The Farming and Peasantry of the Continent.
[Jan.
object was alluded to. But, at any
rate, common justice might have
been respected. A similar veil
might have been thrown over the
life of the English peasant. Men,
however, who are bigoted by pas-
sion, seldom think of justice. The
miseries of the English labourer
were placed in the very van of the
battle. His poverty, his want of
interest in the prosperity of his
work, his scanty wages, his lack of
the sense of independence, were
arrayed in line to cover the coun-
try which ill used him with the
burning blush of shame. We
heard much of the ignoble English
cottage, of the cruelty of landlords
who would raise no additional
shelter for swelling numbers, of the
tyranny of tenant-farmers, of the
degradation of the workhouse ; but
no one spoke of the French teamsman
spending his nights in companion-
ship with his horses, of the black
bread that fed him, or of population
vanishing from impediments to
marriage and from emigration. Yet,
on the very basis laid down by the
philosophers, the condition of these
people was the test of truth or
error. Even the suggestions made
by science were neglected. The
assumption — so natural to make —
that the vast manufacturing in-
dustry of England, coupled with
the known excellence of her farm-
ing, had done something for the
tillers of her fields, was neither
made nor examined. It has been
left to us to lay stress on the har-
mony of Mr Howard's statements
with what science would have
taught us to expect. It was pro-
bable that England's agricultural
poor would derive large advantage
from her manufacturing energy and
the markets it supplied ; and Mr
Howard's conclusions can plead the
authority of reasonable presump-
tion. The superiority of English
to foreign wages, which comes forth
so markedly from Mr Howard's
inquiry on the spot, is exactly
what a general knowledge of the
economical condition of the several
countries would have led us to look
for, and, consequently, can claim
that confidence in its reality which
the agreement of statement with
scientific probability naturally war-
rants.
But we must not be understood,
when claiming this superiority as a
fact, to be expressing satisfaction
with the state of our agricultural
labourers. That is a very different
matter. Our peasants may be, and
are, better off than the generality
of European labourers ; but their
condition, regarded in itself, pre-
sents much to mourn over, and
much also to be improved. To
dwell on the wretchedness which is
too often visible in our own system,
without noticing the still greater
miseries of our neighbours, in the
interest of a foregone conclusion, is
one thing ; to recognise and expose
sufferings which exist, in the hope
of obtaining alleviation, is another.
The condition of peasant-life must,
from the law of human existence,
leave much room for regret, and
rouse strong desires for improve-
ment. And progress here, as every-
where else, can be gained only by
first appreciating what is evil, and
then making the effort for its
diminution. We sympathise, there-
fore, heartily with those who
strive with so much zeal to call
attention to the position of the
English peasant, and suggest means
for its improvement. Mr Howard's
description of what the same class
has to endure abroad, if it excites
our relative thankfulness in look-
ing at England, in no way lessens
our sense of what humanity and
public policy demand in behalf of
our own countrymen. At the same
time, it ought not to be forgotten
that the agricultural labourer pos-
sesses in one very important respect
a decided advantage over the arti-
san of the town. The manufacturing
people of England are exposed to
an incessant danger, which at times
overwhelms them with calamity.
If England manufactures goods for
all the world, if her wares are sold
1870.]
The Farming and Peasantry of the Continent.
in every market, she must share in
the fortunes of all her buyers. A
shopkeeper who supplies dresses
for a London season, may incur
disastrous loss by the sudden pro-
clamation of a Court mourning. A
nation which sells to many buyers
miy find a portion of its population
plunged into distress by events
which injure the power of her cus-
tomers to buy. A civil war, as in
America or in China, a bad har-
vest in a foreign land, or any other
of the countless vicissitudes of
human life, may impoverish the
resources of those who are ordinary
purchasers in the English markets :
and then the painful, and, alas !
too familiar scenes of unemployed
workmen harass and perplex pub-
lic feeling. We know but too well
what miseries want of employment
has created in Lancashire and the
east of London ; and these cala-
mities spring from causes wholly
beyond English control. With the
exception of the great Irish famine,
occasioned by the exceptional mis-
fortune of the disease of the pota-
to, no distress for many years has
been experienced in the agricul-
tural districts which can be put in
comparison with the sufferings of
the towns. This is an element of
great value in the lot of the culti-
vators of the land : if their earnings
are not as good as those obtained
by the artisans, they have a set-off
of some importance in their ex-
emption from a destitution which
springs up with a suddenness as
overpowering as it is incapable of
being averted.
What measures should be adopt-
ed for bettering the condition of the
agricultural labourer, it is not easy
to specify with precision. Their
case admits of the simultaneous
( o-operation of many combined ef-
forts, rather than of the intervention
of a great single force. Individual
action can achieve larger results
here than legislation. Local aid
can facilitate emigration from agri-
cultural districts to those which
possess a stronger demand for
labour. Information can be sup-
plied, and the transition be made
easier in many ways. Still more,
much may be expected from
the progressive enlightenment of
the farmer and landlord classes.
The days are nearly over when a
f armergrudged every shilling which
was spent on labour ; but there
are few who as yet employ labour
to the extent to which it may
be made remunerative. Much
more may be done with im-
mense profit to the farmer ; many
an act of superior tillage would
enrich abundantly the workman
and his employer. No doubt the
improved position achieved of late
years for the peasants is due to
the influence of this cause ; but
if all the farmers of England are
taken into account, it cannot be
questioned that an enormous field
for productive labour lies open to
the agricultural world. The more
the farmer understands his own
interest, the more intelligent and
scientific he becomes, the more will
he employ labour, and the greater
will be his own benefit and the
benefit of every class in the com-
munity. Here again landlords,
may render very effectual aid by
building more and better cottages,.
and by substantial allotments of
land in connection with them. Mr
Nevile has shown how two excel-
lent cottages can be built for £170,
which will bring in interest of 5
per cent to the landlord, besides
full agricultural rent for half an
acre of land attached to each.
Great stress is laid by many on
education. We have not a word
to say against the promotion of so-
excellent an object ; still, it may
be questioned, what are the pre-
cise results which we ought to-
expect from it1? Whatever awak-
ens the faculties and enlightens
the mind must be a clear and
most important gain amidst the
general chances of life ; and as-
suredly, if no other good could be
realised than the imparting the
ability to read and write, so as to-
The Farming and Peasantry of the Continent.
[Jan.
famish leisure hours with an occu-
pation at once amusing and elevat-
ing, this is a national gain of great
value. Modern society can easily
provide machinery for the supply
of books and journals. But there
remains the inquiry, What can edu-
cation do for the agricultural labour-
er in procuring for him better
wages ? We confess that for the
attainment of this end special in-
struction seems to us far more
promising of good than general
education. We should wish to see
the labourer trained to carry out
every operation on the farm. The
farmer is for him the best of school-
masters. A labourer who has
learned all the various processes
of tillage, who knows how to
plough, manage horses, work any
Mnd of implement, hoe, drain, and
mow, is in an excellent position
for availing himself of opportuni-
ties of rising to a higher position ;
and the farmer will be no loser by
having all his servants efficient for
all purposes. An intelligent work-
man returns more for his wages
than an ignorant one ; and many a
loss will be avoided when the re-
gular man in charge of any parti-
cular service falls ill or dies. More-
over, a village filled with skilful
and well-trained men will rear up
lads to the same skill, and they
will be far abler than they are
now to emigrate, if they wish it, to
agricultural colonies. Canada, New
Zealand, Australia, and the like,
would find prosperity for countless
labourers, if only they were fit
to occupy and cultivate land on
their arrival in the colony. But
the landlords must also do their
part in this great national func-
tion. If the labourers are trained
practically, a field must be pro-
Tided for their efforts. The system
which so many advocate — Lord
Leicester for instance — of large
farms exclusively, would defeat the
end we aim at, by withholding from
the peasant the means of applying
the instruction he had received.
Small holdings must not be ex-
pelled from the land, or else the
agricultural population must pine.
But the peasant, however skilful,
has no capital ; how is it possible
to intrust him with a farm ? what
means can he have to work it 1
But is there not the analogy of the
artisan ? A succession of steps lies
before him, up which he constantly
mounts to the highest manufactur-
ing and trading summits, and yet
he equally starts with no capital.
Men who entered Manchester in
the lowest grade of workmen, have,
in countless numbers, filled all the
positions of the commercial hier-
archy, and ended by owning some
of the largest mills in the whole
world. No doubt the posts which
a rising workman can occupy in
manufacturing industry are mul-
titudinous compared with those
available for the agricultural la-
bourer } still the latter does often
possess opportunities for advance-
ment, and if the duty of providing
these were heartily recognised by
landlords and farmers, they might
be largely multiplied. The Flemish
peasant thrives because he can sell
his garden produce to a neighbour-
ing town ; the same thing might
happen in England, and we actually
have witnessed it ourselves. We
know of small men, tenants holding
land at the distance of some eight
miles from a town, cultivating plots
(cottier-like) exceeding an acre, and
covering them with onions, carrots,
and beet, so thick as scarcely to
leave space to plant a foot. Rent
is paid at full rates with the utmost
regularity and ease, for tradesmen
come from long distances to buy
the crops on the ground at very
remunerative prices, and carry them
away themselves in their own carts.
The tenant's need of capital is not
large, but he accumulates savings
as time rolls on ; and if the mania
for gigantic farms has not seized
upon the whole country, the single
acre is exchanged for a wider ten-
ancy, and the rise in the world has
commenced. . The labourer has been
market-gardener, and passes into the
1870.]
The Farming and Peasantry of the Continent.
31
state of small farmer ; his career,
if not so diversified, bears at least
so: ue resemblance to that of the
advancing artisan. It is obvious,
however, that in the agricultural
regions the will and ideas of the
landlord play an infinitely larger
part than in the manufacturing
world. In trade, the variety of
positions filled by workmen is end-
less, and they depend very little on
the pleasure of the mill- owner or
the great manufacturer. The size
of holdings lies, on the other
hand, within the discretion of
the land-owner, and is not neces-
sarily unchangeable. It thus be-
comes a matter of the most serious
importance for our agricultural
population in England, What are
the notions which fill the minds
of the land-owning class 1 Their
education in the upper sphere of
intelligence which they occupy is
as vital an element in the prospec-
tive welfare of their labourers as
the instruction of the labourers
themselves. A man like Lord Lei-
cester, who sees no excellence but
in large farms — and one like Lord
Carnarvon, who is convinced of the
merits of a mixed system, in which
farms of various sizes are grouped
together — are separated from each
other in their action as landlords by
tlte widest interval. Whilst the ten-
dency of the one must be to extin-
guish ultimately small holdings, the
practice of the other is to reject an
exclusive agglomeration, and to re-
serve, avowedly and upon principle,
intermediate holdings on his estates.
It is clear that the course which is to
prevail at last will be determined by
tl ie advantages which each system of-
fers as a method of culture. If large
f:,rms are in the long-run more pro-
fitable instruments of tillage, they
•will displace other systems ; if, on
the contrary, each has its own
superiorities, though they may be
balanced by peculiar disadvantages,
then the mixed system may main-
tain its ground, to the manifest
benefit of the intelligent and pro-
mising labourer. Kindly feelings
may retard the universal domina-
tion of the former method, but no
permanent reliance can be placed
on philanthropy in such matters.
The occupations of mankind cannot
be governed by sentiment, though
the feeling which each is calcu-
lated to engender is a most real
and important item in the general
estimate. A contented and pros-
perous body of labourers possesses
a large money value for landlords.
But it will be the final balance of
advantage which will determine the
agricultural position of the nation.
This consideration leads us up to
the second point which we wish to
notice in Mr Howard's Address.
This Address is a discussion of for-
eign farming still more than of the
state of the agricultural labourer. It
reviews the condition and the re-
sults of that far-famed petite culture,
that cultivation of the soil by peas-
ant-proprietors, which has been
so loudly extolled by Mr Mill and
other political economists. Its ex-
cellence has been pronounced to be
so incontestable that it has been
made the basis of a plan for the
settlement of the Land question in
Ireland. Introduce small pro-
prietors into Ireland, say Mr
Mill, and in substance Mr Bright,
and the country is regenerated ;
peasant-proprietorship works won-
ders. Mr Mill acknowledges that
the advantage of small properties
in land is one of the most disputed
questions in the range of political
economy. He, however, feels no
doubt ; he appeals to the judg-
ment of Continental authorities.
They are better acquainted with
the system than we are, and their
opinion must be correct. We are
blinded by the sight of our large
farms and broad homesteads ; we
have even forgotten the traditions
of Old England; the yeomanry,
once the glory of England, have
almost disappeared. They have
been wiser on the Continent : the
French, the Swiss, the Belgians,
and many others, have demonstrat-
ed that, after all, the old methods
32
The Farming and Peasantry of t/te Continent.
[Jan.
were the most energetic and the
most productive. They have vin-
dicated peasant - proprietorship as
the most scientific process even
in these modern times. It works
wonders and sheds blessings wher-
ever its beneficent power is allowed
to operate. "The magic of pro-
perty" as Mr Mill is never tired of
quoting from Arthur Young, "turns
the wilderness into a garden." It
reclaims wastes by its constructive
labour ; no limits are set to the in-
dustry of the proprietor, for is not
the gain all his own ? Does he
not toil from the dawn of day to
the setting sun? and is not that
toil given cheerfully, because it is
devoted to the beloved object which
is felt to be the labourer's property 1
Then it accumulates capital in the
very class which is most hopeless
and most degraded in large-farm-
ing England. It may be true that
it presents few signs of expensive
farming to the eye ; it shows no
steam-ploughs, no clod-crushers, or
huge thrashing-machines ; but la-
bour freely given more than com-
pensates for the want of ingenious
implements. It is true, again, that
the Flemish farmers and labourers
seldom eat meat except on Sundays
and in harvest; buttermilk and
potatoes, with brown bread, is their
daily food. But the reply is easy
and triumphant. This is economi-
cal living upon system ; it is a re-
solute and successful determination
to acquire capital. Their hearts
are set on buying land, and no
sacrifice is too costly to gratify the
darling passion. First of all and
greatest of virtues, peasant- pro-
prietorship solves the problem of
population, the most perplexing
which the economical philosopher
has to encounter. It prevents
marriage, or renders it relatively
unfruitful. It keeps down the
numbers of the people, and thus
affords the means for every one
being well off and comfortable.
Hence no country is so beautiful
to traverse as a land of peasant-
proprietors. The teeming fields on
every side bear witness to the care
and the culture, the productiveness
of the farming, and the universal
happiness of the inhabitants. What,
then, has intelligent England to do
but to retrace her steps, to return to
her forgotten past, to battle against
her unnatural relation of landlord
and tenant, and to convert her
people into thrifty, energetic, and
prosperous owners of her soil ]
Such are some of the praises
which have been passionately sung
of peasant-proprietors, and which
are repeated with increased vigour
by many excellent and philanthro-
pical men. Above all, at the pre-
sent hour, is the system whose suc-
cess abroad is so strongly vaunted,
urged upon statesmen as the pana-
cea for the woes of Ireland. Now,
to investigate on the spot the me-
rits of foreign farming, and to test
by personal inspection the value of
these eulogies, was one of the chief
objects of Mr Howard's travels on
the Continent. His report bears,
as we see, on some of the most crit-
ical questions of our time; and, if
accurate, is plainly of the utmost
value. As to its accuracy, none who
have not enjoyed equal opportu-
nities of observation can speak
with positive certainty ; but certain
qualities transparently shine in this
Address, which cannot fail to in-
spire confidence. Mr Howard enu-
merates a number of localities —
he gives names in connection with
minute and specific statements —
he quotes persons of eminence and
ability; in a word, he furnishes very-
strong guarantees of trustworthi-
ness. What is the evidence, then,
which we obtain from Mr Howard1?
The first impression is unfavour-
able to the foreigner. An English
farmer might naturally infer from
what Jie saw between Calais and
Paris that the whole country was
going to the bad; but Mr How-
ard reassures him. Improvement
is not extinct ; it is slow, but
still in 'motion, as is proved by
several large establishments which
Mr Howard visited in this region.
1670.]
The Farming and Peasantry of tJie Continent.
03
But we need not dwell on M.
Decrombecque with his farm of
1200 acres, nor on our old ac-
quaintance, M. Gail, with his gi-
gantic establishment. Their suc-
cess does not bear on the point we
arc discussing, although it shows
that in the favoured land of peasant-
proprietors great farms may spring
up and reach enormous proportions.
The remark of M. Leconteux is
more to the purpose — " That the
peasantry and small proprietors
arc possessed by the demon of pro-
perty in land." " They buy land,"
says Mr Howard, "and have no
capital to work it with." Yet these
small farmers preponderate in the
greater part of France. Thousands
of one, two, and three acre farms are
held by peasants, who fill up their
time by working for the large far-
mers. As ten acres are the mini-
mum estimated necessary for the
maintenance of a farmer and his
family, it is clear that these small
men are not in the beatitude de-
scribed by Mr Mill. They are
mainly labourers with a freehold
garden and paddock — a very valu-
able addition to their welfare, if con-
sidered as supplementary resources
to simple wages, but certainly not
the foundation of a general system
of agriculture. To live they must
obtain employment, and this im-
plies the coexistence of occupiers
of land possessed of ranges far
exceeding their own. Such farms
are not a restoration of small farm-
ing; nor does the yoking together
of a horse, a bull, and an ass suggest
very efficient agriculture. How-
ever, they exhibit the merit claimed
for them by Mr Mill. "These—
the very small farmers — work from
sunrise to sunset, doing double the
work for themselves they would for
an employer, and they live far
harder than English peasants. They
are sober, live very hard, scrape to-
gether every penny they can lay
hands upon, with a view to be-
coming one of the hard-working,
hard-living farmers I have de-
scribed." The produce is very in-
VOL. CVH. — NO. DCLI.
ferior in quantity, though France
is favoured with a finer climate
and a better soil than what ob-
tain in England. It is certain
that under such management the
land produces far less beyond what
the cultivators of the soil them-
selves consume, than under the
ordinary English tenure. The lit-
tle farmer has no greater enjoy-
ments, if so many, as the English
labourer, and he provides much
less for the sustenance of the whole
French people. In what, then, does
the gain of this mode of life con-
sist ? The French peasant-proprie-
tor has harder work, inferior fare for
the most part, and produces less for
the community, than the average
English labourer. If that is a
desirable form of existence, in what
does its superiority reside 1 If there
is superiority — though we should
rather term it compensation for
material inferiority — it is found in
the satisfaction of ownership, in
the sense of being in some degree
independent, and in the hope and
prospect of saving enough to buy
more land. We do not wish for a
moment to undervalue such a feel-
ing ; yet we see by what heavy
material sacrifices it is purchased,
and what little practical good it
brings to the man and to his family.
To toil from four in the morning
till eight in the evening, to live on
the most scanty fare, to be desti-
tute of the comforts of civilisation,
solely to have some prospect of
acquiring an increase of property in
land, is a state of existence scarcely
to be envied. And by the side of
such owners of property, and such a
manner of spending life, be it care-
fully remembered, are the labour-
ers, the workmen for hire, whom
we have described above. The
whole group combined presents a
picture of a life which can scarcely
be considered as realising the ideal
which has been painted in such
vivid colours.
But let us now pass on to Belgi-
um, the paradise of a certain school
of political economists. Mr Howard
34
The Farming and Peasantry of the Continent.
[Jan.
entered it with eager expectation.
He had heard of its fame, of the
glowing descriptions which Mr
Mill and his friends had given of
its agriculture. He was plunged
at once into disappointment. The
signs of industry and care in cul-
tivation were apparent on every
side ; but the means of developing
the resources of the land were
wanting. Capital was absent,
though found in prosperous appli-
cation on the large beetroot farms,
the counterparts of English til-
lage, and doubtless deserving on
that account of scientific repro-
bation. Except on these large
farms, the yield of Belgian agricul-
ture falls decidedly below the Eng-
lish level. Howes^er, a new claim
has been lately raised on its behalf,
which goes far to turn the scale.
Mr Hoskyns, M.P., has recently
stated in the 'Times/ that "the
number of beasts fed, and meat
produced per acre, is far greater in
Belgium than in England." We
confess that we were startled by
the remark, it was so novel, so
subversive of all our previous con-
ceptions. We longed for an expla-
nation of a fact so surprising, and
yet announced with such positive-
ness. It is furnished by Mr How-
ard, and we shall be excused for
quoting it : " It is true that Bel-
gium has 1,257,269 head of cattle,
which is larger in proportion than
the stock of English cattle. But
to come to the conclusion from
such a fact that the Belgian meat-
supply is greater than ours is a
fallacy, as I will show. In the
first place, the draught power in
oxen in this country is infinitesi-
mal ; in Belgium it forms a large
proportion. In England, as soon
as a bullock is big enough he is
slaughtered, whilst in Belgium he
is kept on for years for draught
purposes. Again, note the startling
fact, that whilst Belgium has but
some half-million of sheep we have
over 35 millions, to say nothing of
the superior size and weight of our
animals. I feel convinced that, were
we in possession of full and reliable
statistics, it would be conclusively
proved that England produces far
more meat per acre than any coun-
try in the world, with perhaps the
exception of the rich-growing land
of Holland. With the best infor-
mation, then, at my command, and
altogether waiving the question as
to the number of oxen and cows
kept in Belgium for draught pur-
poses, I make the total quantity of
meat raised per acre to be only 98
pounds in Belgium against 148
pounds in England and Wales.
Except upon the large farms, very
little stock is to be seen." These
figures bring out a very clear supe-
riority on the English side. It
will be still more decided if the
element, the cattle kept for draught,
which is here omitted, is taken into
account, especially when it is re-
membered that only one-half of
Belgium, if indeed so much, is
occupied by peasant-proprietorship.
The pretension that small peasant
landowners rear such a quantity of
cattle as not only supplies abundant
meat to the mart, but also attests
efficiency and productiveness of
agriculture, obtains no confirmation
from the appeal to facts.
What Mr Howard proclaims is
corroborated by the testimony of
other witnesses of equal competence
and skill. Mr Bead predicted in
the House of Commons the refu-
tation which personal observation
enabled Mr Howard to bring on
Mr Wren Hoskyns's assertion. Dr
Voelcker speaks in the same strain.
Fifteen years ago he made an agri-
cultural tour in Belgium, and re-
cently again he has made another
in company with Mr Jenkins, the
Secretary of the Royal Agricultural
Society. He has discovered but
little progress in Belgium during
these fifteen years. Some improve-
ment might be discerned in pigs
and horned cattle, but no increase
in the growth of corn had been
effected. Dr Voelcker then adds
a sentence which we commend to
the attention of Mr Mill. "One
1870.]
The Farming and Peasantry of the Continent.
35
of the greatest compliments that
he had ever seen paid to British
agriculture, was the astonishment
expressed by some of the more
intelligent men with whom we
came in contact, that two persons
should have come over from Eng-
land to see what they were doing
there. They could not understand
it ; and several of them said, ' All
thai we have learnt of good agri-
culture we have picked up either
directly by going to England, or
by reading English agricultural
publications.' "
There are other considerations of
great weight, which must be taken
into account in passing a judgment
on la petite culture — the system
of ^mall proprietorships. Pre-emi-
nent amongst these are the two
tendencies to subdivide and to
incur debt. When small properties
occupy a whole county, they leave
but a scanty demand for labour.
We have seen how low is the rate
of wages found in the neighbour-
hoc >d of small peasants abroad.
If large manufactures are not at
hand to carry off the excess of the
population, the father of the family
has no other resource but to sub-
divide his land amongst his chil-
dren. Thus the holding is gradual-
ly reduced in size, till it reaches the
limit when the farm can just afford
subsistence. Mr Howard has told
us of numerous cases where the
cottier is compelled to supplement,
by working for hire, the inadequate
living he can extract from his land.
Belgium, France, Ireland, and other
countries, furnish striking instances
of this tendency. It is calculated
to check, no doubt, the growth of
tho population, and this is claimed
by Mr Mill as a merit. But does
Mr Mill mean to tell us that a host
of cottier proprietors, living on the
scantiest minimum of subsistence,
renring only two children to replace
th<) parents, and developing no in-
crease of production, is a healthier,
sounder, more desirable condition
of life tfian that of pure agricul-
tural labourers, raising ever-expand-
ing supplies of food, and, in spite
of many drawbacks, earning satis-
factory wages 1 For our own part,
we do not hesitate to express our
preference for the cottier system.
There is less suffering in the pre-
sent, and far greater hope in the
future.
Equally mischievous is the irre-
pressible tendency to debt. The
weight of superincumbent mort-
gages is the load which depresses
French agriculture, which exacts
from it periodical cries of distress,
and extorts from the French Gov-
ernment successive commissions
of inquiry. The one ambition of
the French peasant is to buy more
land. Mr Howard mentions such
sums as .£192 given for an acre
of ground. The peasant will live
for years on the barest and hard-
est fare which will support life, and
then draw from the ground hoards
of coin for the acquisition of more
acres. So keen is this passion, that
he will mortgage deeply what he
has to obtain more ; and at this
moment a very large portion of
French land belongs to mortgagees
who dwell in towns. One of the
worst features of such a practice is
the stinting agriculture of the capi-
tal necessary for its development.
What the peasant longs for is to
own more land, and not to increase
his wealth and happiness by a more
intelligent and superior cultiva-
tion of what he already possesses.
Can it be a matter of wonder that
Dr Voelcker, Mr Howard, and other
observers, perceive so little pro-
gress in the lands of small proprie-
tors 1 On the other hand, Eng-
lish farming is achieving new tri-
umphs. The yield of wheat per
acre is steadily rising all over Eng-
land. Processes are adopted which
combine economy with efficiency.
The farmer produces more, and is
richer; and it is certain that the
more successful the farming, the
better, as a rule, is the condition of
the labourer. The French peasant-
landlord, in endless cases, is para-
lysed by debt. He owns more land,
36
The Farming and Peasantry of the Continent.
[Jan.
but his savings have been exhausted
in the purchase-money, and he has
little capital for cultivating his new
acquisitions with efficiency. Thus
he is loaded with debt, and is poor
amidst landed riches. On the other
hand, the relation of the farmer
to agriculture is radically bad and
unsound. The means for progress
are wanting ; the yield of the land
remains below the power of produc-
ing conferred upon it by nature.
The country suffers, and so does the
cultivator ; both are placed in an
unnatural position. The wealth of
the country stands below its true
level ; there is less for all. Food
is dearer than it ought to be, to the
injury of every class. If there is a
sound and incontestable principle
which governs the practice of agri-
culture, it is that the capital avail-
able for tillage should be propor-
tionate to the capabilities of the
land. This is the ideal. Every
system is sound which makes con-
stant approaches to this ideal ;
every system is bad, and calls for
reform, which forgets this ideal, or
leads away from its realisation.
The absence of a poor-law greatly
aggravates the evil; for it strength-
ens the desire to acquire more land
as the safeguard against destitution.
A poor cottier with a couple of
acres, with no other resource than
to eke out the insufficient mainten-
ance he obtains from them by the
wretched wages we have described,
cannot help longing for the acqui-
sition of more acres by the help of
mortgage. The set of the tide of
the agricultural mind throughout
the nation is directed to additional
purchases, in which the capital
requisite for efficient cultivation is
of small account. An unprogressive
agriculture is the inevitable result ;
and it is very plain to us that, were
it not for the growth of large farms,
fostered by the cultivation of the
beetroot, and its manufacture on
the farm into sugar, the tardy ad-
vance of French and Flemish farm-
ing would move at a still feebler
rate.
A remedy may possibly be found
for some of these evils in co-opera-
tion. The application of this prin-
ciple has already commenced in
central France, with the view of
meeting the increasing deficiency of
agricultural labourers. The effici-
ency of co-operation resides in the
means it furnishes of employing
superior implements of culture. By
its help the small farmer may have
access to a better plough, a steam
thrashing-machine, and similar ap-
pliances. The man who cannot
keep a horse may obtain, through
co-operation, the services of his
richer neighbour's team. Drainage,
too, becomes of easier execution.
The concert of a number of co-pro-
prietors, owning a drainage-basin in
common, may be obtained when
they are working its fields together,
while it might be unobtainable
without co-operation. We cheer-
fully admit that such a method of
joint action would give a new
aspect to many of the present
features of la petite culture. Some
of its most characteristic disadvan-
tages would disappear, others would
be practically mitigated. But if such
a system of agriculture could be
successfully established, it would be
in substance a combination of large
farming with small. The main
impediments to its establishment,
we conceive, would be moral. A
large number of proprietors, in-
vested with individual rights which
they could enforce at will, seems to
us, we confess, an institution little
suited for a large country. It con-
tains a special difficulty, from which
co-operation in a trade is exempt.
If a partner in a co-operative store
or mill chooses to withdraw, his
place can be supplied as efficiently
by another. The association is in
no danger of dissolution because
any particular person refuses to join
it. It is otherwise with agricul-
tural co-operation. The refusal of
a single land-owner might prevent
altogether the execution of a great
work of drainage. Then agricul-
ture is composed of a succession
1870.]
The Farming and Peasantry of the Continent.
37
of operations whose completion
extends over three or four years :
under what conditions can the
withdrawal of a proprietor take
place ? Such withdrawals there
must be — they are inherent in the
freo exercise of the right of pro-
perty ; they would often become
imperative from the death of a
prc prietor. Under what covenants
must the land come so as to over-
come the difficulty 1 We cannot
easily picture to ourselves what
they ought to be upon a system
which would deserve to be called
national, or even general. We
do not see, therefore, speaking of
broad regions, that co-operation can
be carried much farther than work-
ing a common district by all the
labourers in it combined, and the
uso by the smaller men of the large
implements possessed by those of
greater means ; and then some
of the distinctive excellences of
peasant-proprietorship will be lost.
Those who are tilling the lands of
their neighbours will measure their
hours of toil in the same manner as
hired labourers ; and substantially
the chief elements of such a method,
when successfully at work, will be
those of large farming.
We have used the expression
" the distinctive excellences ;' of
small farming, and we desire to
recognise them most clearly. The
owner of a small plot of land does
work with a care, a perseverance,
and an ungrudging bestowal of his
time and labour, which cannot be
found in an agriculture whose
operations are carried out on a
great scale. But here we come
upon a principle which has not been
duly estimated by political econo-
mists. The merits of small farming
have been exclusively attributed to
the element of ownership. It is
because the land is his own, it is
said, that the peasant - proprietor
works so hard and so unceasingly.
The fact of the excellence displayed
we admit \ the theory of the secret in
which its virtue dwells we hold to
"be erroneous. The proof of our
assertion is, in our opinion, easy
and decisive. Small cultivators,
who are not owners of the soil on
which their labour is expended, ex-
hibit the same characteristics. Their
labour is as untiring, their care and
watchfulness as active, the absence
of all calculation of the length of
the day's work as marked, and the
results at the last as fruitful. In
Scotland and elsewhere, tenants
have reclaimed waste lands with
an energy as powerful as any shown
by peasant-proprietors. They have
had leases long enough to secure to
them such fruits of their industry
as shall repay the efforts they have
made ; still they are tenants, and
not proprietors. The length of the
lease, it may be said — a lease, of
course, founded on a trifling rent —
has placed them for the time in the
position of peasant - proprietors.
This is true ; yet the distinction is
very important. It proves, on the
one side, that the concession of the
land in full or imperfect proprietor-
ship is one of the most effective
instruments available for the reduc-
tion of wastes into cultivated fields;
but it equally shows, on the other,
that a suitable lease will perform
this work as successfully as owner-
ship, and that the compulsory
substitution of proprietorship for
tenancy is not necessary for secur-
ing these particular benefits.
But the evidence is not confined
to the reclamation of wastes. There
is a yet more decisive field in which
the quality of small tenancies may
be tested. There are many hold-
ings still existing in England, in
which the man of 40 acres has to
compete with him who has 400,
or even 1000. And what does ex-
perience tell here ? That the small
tenant is crushed to the earth ;
that he is struck down in the
competition with the skill and
science of the great farmer ; and
that he and his brethren are in
process of extinction ? Very far
from it. The yeomen, the small
proprietors, the statesmen of West-
moreland and Cumberland, are dis-
38
The Farming and Peasantry of the Continent.
[Jan.
appearing, beyond doubt. They do
not hold their own in this modern
England of our day. But the cause
is not their inability to cultivate
their land with profit : they suc-
cumb to the temptation of selling.
They are unable to resist the glit-
tering shine of high prices. Rich
men can afford, and have the will
to offer them, prices for their acres
which are out of all proportion to
the profits of their own agriculture.
Their small estates are bought up
by rich land-owners, who add field
to field, and trust to their posterity
receiving compensation for the pre-
sent sacrifice. In still larger num-
bers they pass into building-plots,
whose beauty commands the open
purses of eager purchasers. The
extinction of the yeomen has but
a slight connection with the condi-
tion of agriculture in England; it
does not demonstrate the impossi-
bility of small farms being culti-
vated with success, even under the
pressure of the severe competition
of large ones. Evidence may be
found in all directions to make
good this assertion. Small tenan-
cies do thrive in abundance; they not
only pay their way, but they work
often on equal terms with their great
neighbours. We are ourselves ac-
quainted with such minor holdings
of some 40 or 50 acres. We have
seen on them crops as flourishing
as on the most famed farms of the
kingdom — cattle and sheep as
abundant, and rent as high and as
punctually paid. We know of a
very high agricultural authority
who has declared that it is not
these small tenants, but those who
are intermediate between them and
the great farmers, who exhibit the
least satisfactory results. Land-
lords within our knowledge, men
who have dealt with their property
on strict principles of business,
sustain these small holdings as
sound agricultural arrangements ;
and what leads to their success 1
These small tenants cannot possess
large teams of horses, for they have
no constant employment for them
which shall defray their cost ; they
do not own great agricultural im-
plements, much less have they
capital or skill for important exper-
iments and improvements. How,
then, do they hold their own 1 By
the very virtues which Mr Mill has
celebrated so enthusiastically in
peasant-proprietors : by the con-
spicuous devotion of their own
time and labour ; by their presence
in the field by the side of the
labourers they employ ; by working
long days when rain threatens the
hay crop ; by the turning of the
master's eye to every detail of the
petty holding. These are the qua-
lities which enable them to culti-
vate with as large a production, and
with inferior cost to the great farm-
ers. It is true that no one can
contemplate the practicability of
converting all England into such
farms. Their success implies the
neighbourhood of bigger men, and
of their resources. They need to
borrow horses for ploughing at
times ; they must have recourse to
the thrashing and winnowing ma-
chines of their neighbours ; and if
cultivation by steam advances, they
will require the occasional help of
implements which are not their
own. When these resources exist,
we say fearlessly that small farms
prosper, both for landlord and ten-
ant. The secret of their wellbeing
lies in the moderate size of the
holding, which admits of its being
superintended by the farmer in
person, and of being in no small
degree worked by his own hands.
And thus these small tenancies
bring out a scientific result of
great value. They correct and
change a great chapter in political
economy. They efface a one-sided
and passionate explanation of a
fact by substituting the true for
an imaginary cause. They proclaim
that it is not necessary for the man
who cultivates a small farm to be
its owner in order to produce the
results which excite admiration.
They point out the identity of posi-
tion between the small proprietor
isro.]
The Farming and Peasantry of the Continent.
39
and the small tenant. They prove
that it is the small size of the area
tilled which generates success, by
enabling the personal qualities of
the cultivator to bear directly on
every process of the agriculture.
And in England they have this dis-
tinguishing merit, that whilst the
small statesman is unable to resist
the allurements of a strong pur-
chaser of his land, the small tenant
may thrive, and continue as long
as agriculture shall last.
Another merit of these small
tenancies possesses extreme impor-
tance in our eyes. They supply
th 3 vacuum between the labourer
and the richer agriculturists. They
shed the ray of hope upon his toil ;
they cheer him with the prospect
of advancement; and they concil-
iate his affection for the walk in
life which Providence has marked
out for him. The social value
of such intermediate steps cannot
be well exaggerated. It is true
that the difficulty of providing
adequate capital for cultivation is
considerable, but it is not insuper-
able. That difficulty must effec-
tually prevent small tenancies from
being the main instrument of agri-
culture ; but no one who is ac-
quainted with the rural districts of
England can doubt that instances
abound where small men, even
labourers, possess a sagacity in
discerning and a thrift in saving
which lay the foundations of a
real rise in life. The kindness
of a landlord may contribute
very effective aid at times. But
we cannot and do not rest on such
sentiments as a trustworthy ele-
ment of a business relation. It is
a vast matter that these narrow
holdings offer to many a rescue from
hopeless and stationary poverty;
and the effects generated in the
minds of the most intelligent
and the most aspiring cannot
fail to spread themselves over the
whole mass. The condition of a
healthy profession, embracing large
masses of mankind, is the penetra-
tion of life and progress to its lowest
members ; and this invaluable bless-
ing, we are persuaded, a judicious
admixture of small with large ten-
ancies can supply.
40
John.— Part III.
[Jan.
JOHN. — PAKT III.
CHAPTER VIII.
"Miss CREDITON," said John Mit-
ford, drawing a long breath, " you
don't know what a very serious ques-
tion that is ; it has been my burden
for half my life. I have never
spoken of it to any one, and you
have taken me a little by surprise.
Td like to tell you all about it, but
you — would not care to hear."
"Indeed I should," said Kate,
eagerly. " Oh, I do so hope you
have not quite made up your mind.
It would be such a sacrifice. Fan-
shawe Regis is very nice — but to be
buried here all your life, and never
to take part in anything, nor to
have any way of rising in the
world, or improving your position !
If I were a man, I would rather be
anything than a clergyman. It is
like making a ghost of yourself at
the beginning of your life."
" A ghost of myself ? " said
John.
" Yes — of course it just comes to
that ; other men will go on and
on while you remain behind," cried
Kate. " I could not bear it. That
Fred Huntley, for example — he is
reading for the bar, I believe, and
he is clever, and he will be Lord
Chancellor, or something, while you
are only Rector of Fanshawe Regis.
That is what I could not bear."
John shook his head, softly
bending over her more and more,
with a gesture which was half
pity. "That is not my feeling,"
he said. "I don't think you
would care for that either if you
looked into it more. Huntley has
more brains than I have ; he will
always rise higher if he takes the
trouble — but I don't care for that.
The thing is — but, Miss Crediton,
it would bore you to listen to such
a long story ; suppose we go in
to my mother — she knows nothing
about my vain thoughts, thank
heaven ! "
" Oh no, no," said Kate, cling-
ing still closer to his arm ; "tell me
everything — I shall not be bored.
That is, if you will — if you don't
mind trusting me."
** Trusting you ! " It was curi-
ous how much more impressive his
voice was, coming out of the dark-
ness. His awkwardness, his dif-
fidence, everything that made him
look commonplace in the daylight,
had disappeared. Kate felt a little
thrill, half of excitement, half of
pride. Yes, he would trust her,
though nobody else (he said) in all
the world. It was not John that
thus moved her; it was the sense
of being the one selected and
chosen-one out of a hundred — one
out of the world — which is the
sweetest flattery which can be ad-
dressed to man or woman. She
looked up to him, though he could
not see her, raising that face which
John already felt was the sweetest
in the world. And he bent over
her, and her little hand trembled
on his arm, and the darkness
wrapped them round and round,
so that they could not see each
other's faces — the very moment
and the very circumstances which
make it sweet to confide and to be
confided in. It was not yet ten
days since he had seen her first,
and she had not as yet shown the
least trace of a character likely to
understand his, and yet he was
ready to trust her with the deepest
secrets of his heart.
" It is not that," said John. " I
am sure you are not the one to bid
a man forsake his duty that he
might rise in the world. If I were
as sure about everything I ought to
believe as — as my father is, I should
go into the Church joyfully to-
morrow."
" Should you ?" said Kate, feel-
ing chilled in spite of herself.
1870.]
John.— Part III.
41
'• I should ; and you would ap-
prove me for doing so, I know," he
said, earnestly. " But don't think
me worse than I am, Miss Crediton.
I am not a sceptic nor an infidel,
that you should draw away from
me. Yes, you did, ever so little
— but if it had only been a hair-
breadth, I should have1 felt it. It
is not so much that I doubt — but
I can't feel sure of things. My
father is sure of everything; that is
the superiority of the older genera-
tions. They knew what they be-
lieved, and so they were ready to
go to the stake for it "
:' Or send other people to the
stake," said Kate. The conver-
sation was getting so dreadfully
serious that she turned it where
she could to the side of laughter ;
but it was not possible in this case.
" Yes, I know/' he said, softly,
altogether ignoring her lighter tone ;
"the one thing implies the other.
I acknowledge it does ; we are such
confused creatures. But as for me,
I could neither die for my belief
nor make any one else die. I don't
feel sure. I say to myself, how do
you know he is wrong and you are
right 1 How do I know 1 But you
see my father knows; and most of
the old people in the village are
just as certain as he. Is it because
we are young, I wonder?" said
John.
"Oh, don't speak like that—
pi-ay don't. Why should it be be-
cause we are young?"
" That I can't tell," said John, in
the darkness. " It might be out of
opposition, perhaps, because they
are so sure — so sure — cruelly sure,
I often think. But when a man
his to teach others, I suppose that
is how he ought to be ; and my
vary soul shrinks, Miss Credi-
ton "
JYesI"
" You will not say anything to
my mother? She has brought me
up for it, and set her heart on it,
and I would not fail her for the
world."
"But, Mr John,". said Kate, "I
don't understand ; if you are not a
— I mean, if you don't believe — the
Bible — should you be a clergyman
for any other reason ? Indeed I
don't understand."
"No," he said, vehemently; " you
are right and I am wrong. I ought
not, I know. But then I am not
sure that I don't believe. I think
I do. I believe man must be
taught to serve God. I believe
that He comforts them in their
distress. You are too true, too
straightforward, too innocent to
know. I believe and I don't be-
lieve. But the thing is, how can I
teach, how can I pronounce with
authority, not being sure 1 — that is
what stops me."
Kate stopped too, being perplex-
ed. " I don't like the thought of
your being a clergyman," she said,
with what would have been, could
he have seen it, a pleading look up
into his face.
And then a long sigh came from
John's breast. She heard that, but
she did not know that he shook
his head as well ; and in her igno-
rance she went on.
" You would be so much better
doing anything else. Of course, if
you had had a very strong disposi-
tion for it — but when you have not.
And you would do so very much
better for yourself. If you were to
give it up "
" Give it up !" cried John ; "the
only work that is worth doing on
earth ! "
" But, good heavens ! Mr Mit-
ford, what do you mean, for I don't
understand you 1 If it is the only
work worth doing on earth, why
do you persuade people you don't
mean to do it ? I don't under-
stand."
" Where is there any other work
worth doing ?" said John. " I don't
want to be a soldier, which might
mean something. Could I be a
doctor, pretending to know how to
cure people of their illnesses — or a
lawyer, taking any side he is paid
for ] No, that is the only work
worth doing : to devote one's whole
42
John.— Part III.
[Jan.
life to the service of men — to save
them, mend them, bring them
from the devil to God. Where is
there any such work 1 And yet I
pause here on the threshold, all
for a defect of nature. I know you
are despising me in your heart."
"No, no," said Kate, quite be-
wildered. She did not despise him ;
on the contrary, it just gleamed
across her mind that here was some-
thing she had no comprehension of
— something she had never met
with before. " Mr John, it is you
who will think me very stupid.
But I don't understand you," she
said, with a certain humility. The
answer he made was involuntary.
He had no right to do it on such
short acquaintance — a mere stran-
ger, you might say. He pressed to
his side with unconscious tender-
ness the hand that rested on his
arm.
" You don't understand such
pitiful weakness," he said. "You
would see what was right and do
it, without lingering and hesitating.
I know you would. Don't be an-
gry with me. "VVe two are nearer
each other than anybody else can
be — are not we 1 We were very
near for one moment, like one life ;
and we might have died so — to-
gether. That should make us very
close — very close — friends."
" Oh, Mr John."
" Don't cry. I should not have
reminded you," he said, with sud-
den compunction. "I am so self-
ish ; but you said you felt as if — I
belonged to you. So I do — to be
your servant — your — anything you
please. And that is why I tell you
all this weakness of mine, because it
was just a chance that we did not
die in a moment — together. Oh,
hush, hush ! I said it to rouse
myself, and because it was so
sweet. I forgot it must be terrible
to you."
"I— I understand," said Kate,
with a sob. " It makes us like —
brother and sister. But I never
can do anything like that for you.
I can only help you with— a little
sympathy ; but you shall always
have that — as if you were— my bro-
ther. Oh, never doubt it. I am
glad you have told me — I shall
know you better now."
"And here I have gone and
made her cry like a selfish beast,"
said John. " Just one more walk
round — and lean heavier on me, and
I will not say another word to vex
you — not one."
"I am not vexed," said Kate,
with a soft little smile among her
tears, which somehow diffused it-
self into the darkness, one could
not tell how. He felt it warm him
and brighten him, though he could
not see it ; and thus they made
one silent round, pausing for a
moment where the lilies stood up
in that tall pillar, glimmering
through the night and breathing
out sweetness. John, whose heart
was full of all unspeakable things,
came to a moment's pause before
them, though he was faithful to his
promise, and did not speak. Some
angel seemed to be by, saying Ave,
as in that scene which the old
painters always adorn with the
stately flower of Mary. John be-
lieved all the poets had said of
women at that moment, in the
sweetness of the summer dark.
Hail, woman, full of grace ! The
whole air was full of angelic salu-
tation. But it was he, the man,
who had the privilege of support-
ing her, of protecting her, of saving
her in danger. Thus the young
man raved, with his heart full.
And Kate in the silence, leaning
on his arm, dried her tears, and
trembled with a strange mixture
of courage and perplexity and emo-
tion. And then she wondered what
Mrs Mitford would say.
Mrs Mitford said nothing when
the two came in by the open win-
dow, with eyes dazzled by the
sudden entrance into the light.
Kate's eyes were more dazzling
thatf the lamp, if anybody had
looked at them. The tears were
dry, but they had left a humid
radiance behind, and the fresh
1870.]
John.— Part 111.
43
night air had ruffled the gold in her
hair, and heightened the colour on
her cheeks, which betrayed the
commotion within. Mrs Mitford
made no special remark, except that
she feared the tea was cold, and
that she had just been about to
ring to have it taken away. " You
must have tired her wandering so
lor.g about the garden. You should
not be thoughtless, John," said his
mother ; " and it is almost time for
prayers."
" It was my fault," said Kate ;
" it was so pleasant out of doors,
and quiet, and sweet. I am sorry
we; have kept you waiting. I did
not know it was so late."
" Oh, my dear, I do not mind,"
said Mrs Mitford, smothering a
half-sigh ; for, to be sure, she had
been alone all the time while
they were wandering among the
lilies; and she was not used to
it_yet. " But Dr Mitford is very
particular about the hour for pray-
ers, and you must make haste, like
a good child, with your tea. I
never like to put him out."
" Oh, not for the world ! " cried
Kate ; and she swallowed the cold
tea very hurriedly, and went for Dr
Mitford's books, and arranged them
on the table with her own hands ;
and then she came softly behind
John's mother, and gave her a kiss,
as light as if a rose-leaf had blown
against her cheek. She did not
olfer any explanation of this sud-
den caress, but seated herself close
by Mrs Mitford, and clasped her
h mds in her lap like a young lady
in a picture of family devotion ;
and then Dr Mitford's boots were
heard to creak along the long pas-
sage which led from his study, and
the bell was rung for prayers.
This conversation gave Kate a
great deal to think about when she
went up-stairs. John's appeal to
her had gone honestly to her heart.
She was touched by it in quite a
different way from what she would
have been had he been making
love. " Yes, indeed, we do belong
to each other — he saved my life,"
she said to herself ; " we ought
always to be like — brother — and
sister/' When she said it, she felt
in her heart of hearts that this did
not quite state the case ; but let it
be, to save trouble. And then she
tried to reflect upon the confes-
sion he had made to her. But that
was more difficult. Kate was far
better acquainted with ordinary
life than John. She would have be-
haved like an accomplished woman
of the world in an emergency which
would have turned him at once into
a heavy student or awkward coun-
try lad ; but in other matters she
was a baby beside him. She had
never thought at all on the sub-
jects which had occupied his mind
for years. And she was thunder-
struck by his hesitation. Could it
be that people out of books really
thought and felt so 1 Could it be 1
She was so perplexed that she
could not draw herself out of the
maze. She reflected with all her
might upon what she ought to do
and say to him ; but could not by
any means master his difficulty.
He must either decide to be a
clergyman or not to be a clergy-
man— that was the distinct issue ;
and if he could, by any sort of pres-
sure put upon him, be made to give
up the notion, that would be so
much the better. Going into the
Church because he had been
brought up to it, and because his
friends desired it, was a motive
perfectly comprehensible to Kate.
But then had not she, whatever
might come of it, stolen into his
confidence closer than any of his
friends 1 and it was his own life he
had to decide upon; and, in the
course of nature, he must after a
while detach himself from his fa-
ther and mother, and live accord-
ing to his own judgment, not by
theirs. If she could move him
(being, as he said, so close to him)
to choose a manner of life which
would be far better for him than
the Church, would not that be
exercising her influence in the most
satisfactory way 1 As for the deeper
44
John.— Part III.
[Jan.
question, it puzzled her so much,
that after one or two efforts she
gave it up. The progress of ad-
vanced opinions has been suffici-
ently great to render it impossible
even for a fashionable young lady
not to be aware of the existence of
"doubts;" but what did he mean
by turning round upon her in that
incomprehensible way, and talking
of " the only work worth doing,"
just after he had taken refuge in
that sanctuary of uncertainty which
every man, if he likes, has a right
to shelter himself in1? To have
doubts was comprehensible, too j
but to have doubts and yet to
think a clergyman's work the only
work worth doing ! Kate's only
refuge was to allow to herself that
he was a strange, a very strange
fellow ; was he a little — cracked 1
— was he trying to bewilder her 1
" Anyhow, he is nice/' Kate said
to herself ; and that covered a mul-
titude of sins.
Meanwhile John, poor fellow,
went put after they had all gone
up-stairs, and had a long walk by
himself in the night, to tone him-
self down a little from the exalta-
tion of the moment in which he had
told her that he and she had almost
died together. There was the strang-
est subtle sweetness to himself in
the thought. To have actually died
with her, and for her, seemed to
him, in his foolishness, as if it
would have been so sweet. And
then he felt that he had opened his
heart to her, and that she knew all
his thoughts. He had told them to
her in all their inconsistency, in all
their confusion, and she had under-
stood. So he thought. He went
out in the fervour of his youth
through the darkling paths, and
brushed along the hedges, all crisp
with dew, and said to himself that
henceforth one creature at least in
the world knew what he meant.
His feelings were such as have not
been rare in England for half a
century back. He had been trained,
as it were, in the bosom of the
Church, and natural filial reverence,
and use and wont, had blinded him
to the very commonplace character
of its labours as fulfilled by his fa-
ther. His father was — his father ;
a privileged being, whose actions
had not yet come within the range
of things to be discussed. And the
young man's mind was full of the
vague enthusiasm and exaltation
which belong to his age. Ideally,
was not the work of a Christian
priest the only work in the world ?
A life devoted to the help and
salvation of one's fellow- creatures
for here and for hereafter — no en-
terprise could be so noble, none so
important. And must he relinquish
that, because he felt it difficult to
pronounce with authority, " without
doubt he shall perish everlasting-
ly"1? Must he give up the only
purely disinterested labour which
man can perform for man — the art
of winning souls, of ameliorating
the earth, of cleansing its hidden
corners, and brightening its melan-
choly face ? No, he could not give
it up ; and yet, on the other hand,
how could he utter certain words,
how make certain confessions, how
take up that for his faith which
was not his faith 1 John's heart
had been wrung in many a melan-
choly hour of musing with this
struggle, which was so very diffe-
rent from Kate's conception of his
difficulties. But now there stole
into the conflict a certain sweetness
— it was, that he was understood.
Some one stood by him now, si-
lently backing him, silently follow-
ing him up, — perhaps with a shy
hand on his arm ; perhaps — who
could tell? — with a shy hand in his,
ere long. It did not give him any
help in resolving his grand problem,
but it was astonishing how it sweet-
ened it. He walked on and on, not
knowing how far he went, with a
strange sense that life was changed —
that he was another man. It seemed
as if new light must come to him
after this sudden enhancement of
life and vigour. Was it true that
there were two now to struggle in-
stead of one ] John was not far
1870.]
John.— Part III.
45
enough gone to put such a question
definitely in words to himself, but
it lingered about the avenues of his
mind, and sweet whispers of re-
sponse seemed to breathe over him.
Two, and not one ! and he was un-
derstood, and his difficulties appre-
ciated ; and surely now the guiding
light at last must come.
His mother heard him come in,
as she lay awake thinking of him,
and wondered why he should go
out so late, and whether he had
sh ut the door, and thanked heaven
his father was fast asleep, and did
not hear him ; for Dr Mitford
would have become alarmed had
he heard of such nocturnal walks — •
first, for John's morals, lest he should
have found some unlawful attrac-
tion in the village ; and, second,
for the plate, if the house was known
to be deprived of one of its defend-
ers. His anxious mother, though
she had thought of little else since
his birth except John's ways and
thoughts, had yet no inkling of
anything deeper that might be in
his mind. That he might love Kate,
and that Kate might play with him
an a cat plays with a mouse — en-
courage him for her own amuse-
ment while she stayed at Fanshawe
Begis, and throw him off as soon as
she left — that was Mrs Mitford's
only fear respecting him. It was so
painful that it kept her from sleep-
ing. She could not bear to think
of any one so wounding, so mis-
appreciating, her boy. If she but
knew him as I know him, she would
go down on her knees and thank
God for such a man's love, she
said to herself in the darkness, dry-
ing her soft eyes. But how was his
mother — a witness whose impar-
tiality nobody would believe in —
to persuade the girl of this 1 And
Mrs Mitford was a true woman, and
ranked a "disappointment "at a very
high rate among the afflictions of
men. And it was very, very griev-
ous to her to think of this little
coquette trifling with her son, and
giving the poor boy a heartbreak.
She was nearly tempted half-a-dozen
times to get up and throw her dress-
ing-gown about her, and make her
way through the slumbering house,
and through the ghostly moonlight
which fell broadly in from the
staircase-window upon the corridor,
to Kate's room, to rouse her out of
her sleep, and shake her, and say,
" Oh you careless, foolish, naughty
little Kate ! You will never get
the chance of such another, if you
break my boy's heart." It would
have been very, very foolish of her
had she done so ; and yet that was
the impulse in her mind. But it
never occurred to Mrs Mitford that
when he took that long, silent,
dreary walk, he might be thinking
of something else of even more
importance than Kate's acceptance
or refusal. She had watched him
all his life, day by day and hour
by hour, and yet she had never
realised such a possibility. So she
lay thinking of him, and wondering
when he would come back, and
heard afar off the first faint touch
of his foot on the path, and felt
her heart beat with satisfaction,
and hoped he would lock the
door; but never dreamed that his
long wandering out in the dark
could have any motive or object
except the first love which filled
his heart with restlessness, and all
a young man's passionate fears and
hopes. Thank heaven! his father
slept always as sound as a top, and
could not hear.
Poor Mrs Mitford ! how bitter it
would have been to her could she
have realised that Kate was lying
awake also, and heard him come
in, and knew what he was think-
ing of better than his mother did !
" Poor boy ! " Kate murmured to
herself, between asleep and awake,
as she heard his step ; " I must
speak to him seriously to-morrow."
There was a certain self-importance
in the thought ; for it is pleasant
to be the depositary of such con-
fidences, and to know you have
been chosen out of all the world
to have the secret of a life confided
to you. The difference was that
46
John.— Part III.
[Jan.
Kate, after this little speech to her-
self, fell very fast asleep, and re-
membered very little of it when
she woke in the morning. But
Mrs Mitford's mind was so full
that she could neither give up the
subject nor go to sleep. As for the
Doctor, good man, he heard nothing
and thought of nothing, and had
never awakened to the fact that
John was likely to bring any dis-
turbance whatever into his life.
Why should anything happen to
him more than to other people1?
Dr Mitford would have said; and
even the love-story would not have
excited him. Thus the son of the
house stole in, in the darkness,
with his candle in his hand, through
the shut-up silent dwelling, pass-
ing softly by his mother's door not
to wake her, with the fresh air
still blowing in his face, and the
whirl of feeling within, uncalmed
even by fatigue and the exertion
he had been making. And the two
women waked and listened, open-
ing their eyes in the dark that they
might hear the better — a very, very
usual domestic scene ; but the men
who are thus watched and listened
for are seldom such innocent men
as John.
CHAPTER IX.
Some time passed after this event-
ful evening before Kate had any
opportunity of making the assault
upon John's principles which she
proposed to herself. There were
some days of tranquil peaceful
country life, spent in doing no-
thing particular — in little walks
taken under the mother's eye — in
an expedition to St Biddulph's, the
whole little party together, in which,
though Dr Mitford took the office
of cicerone for Kate's benefit, there
was more of John than of his father.
This kind of intercourse which
threw them continually together,
yet never left them alone to under-
go the temptation of saying too
much, promoted the intimacy of
the two young people in the most
wonderful way. They were each
other's natural companions, each
other's most lively sympathisers.
The father and the mother stood
on a different altitude, were looked
up to, respected perhaps, perhaps
softly smiled at in the expression
of their antiquated opinions ; but
the young man and the young
woman were on the same level, and
understood each other. As for poor
John, he gave himself up absolutely
to the spell. He had never been
so long in the society of any young
woman before : his imagination had
not been frittered away by any pre-
ludes of fancy. He fell in love all at
once, with all his heart and strength
and mind. It was his first great
emotion, and it took him not at
the callow age, but when his mind
(he thought) was matured, and his
being had reached its full strength.
He was in reality four-and-twenty,
but he had felt fifty in the grav-
ity of his thoughts ; and, with all
the force of his serious nature, he
plunged into the extraordinary new
life which opened like a garden of
Paradise before him. It was all a
blaze of light and splendour to his
eyes. The world he had thought a
sombre place enough before, full of
painful demands upon his patience,
his powers of self-renunciation, and
capacity of self-control. But now
all at once it had changed to Eden.
And Kate, of whom he knew so
little, was the cause.
And she, too, was falling under
this natural fascination. She was
very much interested in him, she
said to herself. It was so sad to
see such a man, so full of talent
and capability, immolate himself
like this. Kate felt as if she would
have done a great deal to save him.
She represented to herself that, if
he had felt a special vocation for
the Church, she would have passed
1870.]
John.— Part 111.
47
on her way and said nothing, as
became a recent acquaintance ; but
when he was not happy ! Was it
not her duty, in gratitude to her
preserver, to interfere according to
her ability, and deliver him from
temptation 1 Yes ! she concluded
it was her duty with a certain en-
thusiasm ; arid even, if that was
necessary, that she would be willing
to do something to save him. She
would make an exertion in his be-
halj', if there was anything she could
do. She did not, even to herself,
explain what wras the anything she
could do to influence John one way
or .'mother. Such details it is per-
haps better to leave in darkness.
But she felt herself ready to exert
herself in her turn — to make an
effort — what, indeed, if it were a
sacrifice? — to preserve him as he
had preserved her.
It was only on what was to be
the day before her departure that
Kate found the necessary oppor-
tunity. About a mile from Fan-
shawe Regis was a river which had
been John's joy all his life ; and
on Kate's last day, he was to be
permitted the delight of introducing
her to its pleasures. Mrs Mitford
was to have accompanied them, but
she had slackened much in her
ferocity of chaperonage, and had
grown used to Kate, and not so
much alarmed on her account. And
it was a special day at the schools,
and her work was more than usual.
" My dear, if you wish it, of course
I will go with you," she said to her
young guest; "and you must not
think me unkind to hesitate — but
yon are used to him now, and you
will be quite safe with John. You
don't mind going with John ?"
•'Oh, I don't mind it at all,"
said Kate, with a little blush, which
would have excited John's mother
wonderfully two days before. But
custom is a great power, and she
had got used to Kate. So Mrs
Mitford went to her parish work,
and the two young people went out
on their expedition. They had
nearly a mile to walk across fields,
and then through the grateful shade
of a little wood. It was a pretty
road, and from the moment at
which they entered the wood, the
common world disappeared from
about the pair. They walked like
a pair in romance, often silent,
sometimes with a touch of soft
embarrassment, in that silent world,
full of the flutter of leaves and
the flitting of birds, and the notes
of, here and there, an inquir-
ing thrush or dramatic black-
bird. Boughs would crackle and
swing suddenly about them, as if
some fairy had suddenly swung
herself within the leafy cover. Un-
seen creatures — rabbits or squirrels
— would dart away under the brush-
wood. Arrows of sunshine came
down upon the brown underground.
The leaves waved green above and
black in shadow, strewing the check-
ered path. They walked in an
atmosphere of their own, in dream-
land, fairyland, by the shores of
old romance ; the young man bend-
ing his head in that attitude of
worship, which is the attitude of
protection too, towards the lower,
slighter, weaker creature, who rais-
ed her eyes to his with soft supre-
macy. It was hers to command
and his to obey. She had no more
doubt of the loyalty of her vassal
than he had of her sweet supe-
riority to every other created thing.
And thus they went through the
wood to the river, — two undevelop-
ed lives approaching the critical
point of their existence, and going
up to it in a dream of happiness,
without shadow or fear.
The river ran through the wood
for about a mile ; but as it is a law
of English nature that no stream
shall have the charm of woodland
on both sides at once, the northern
bank was a bit of meadowland,
round which ran, at some distance,
a belt of trees. Kate recovered a
little from the spell of silence as
she took into her hands the cords of
the rudder, and looked on at her
companion's struggle against the
current. " It must be hard work,"
48
John.— Part III.
[Jan.
she said. "How is it you are so
fond of taking trouble, you men ?
They say it ruins your health row-
ing in all those boat-races and things
— all for the pleasure of beating the
other colleges or the other univer-
sity ; and you kill yourselves for
that ! I should like to do it for some-
thing better worth, if it were me."
" But if you don't get the habit
of the struggle, you will want train-
ing when you try for what is better
worth," said John. " How one
talks! I say you, as if by any
chance you could want to struggle
for anything. Pardon the profanity
— I did not mean that."
" Why shouldn't I want to
struggle 1 " said Kate, opening her
eyes very wide. " I do, sometimes
— that is, I don't like to be beaten ;
nobody does, I suppose. But hard
work must be a great bore. I sit
and look at my maid sometimes,
and think, after all, how much
superior she is to me. There she
sits, stitching, stitching the whole
day through, and it does not seem
to do her any harm — whereas it
would kill one of us. And then I
orderthis superiorbeing about — me,
the most useless wretch ! and she
gets up from her work to do a hun-
dred things for me which I could
quite well do for myself. Life is
very odd," said the young moralist,
pulling the wrong string, and send-
ing the boat high and dry upon a
most visible bank of weeds and
gravel. " Oh, Mr John, I am sure
I beg your pardon ! What have I
done ? "
"Nothing of the least import-
ance," said John ; and while Kate
sat dismayed and wondering, he
had plunged into the sparkling
shallow stream, and pushed the
fairy vessel off into its necessary
depth of water. " Only pardon me
for jumping in in this wild way and
sprinkling your dress," he said, as
he took his seat and his oars again.
Kate was silent for the moment.
She gazed at him with her pretty
eyes, and her lips apart, wondering
at the water-god; from which it
will be clear to the reader that Kate
Crediton was unused to river navi-
gation, and the ways of boating
men.
" But you will catch your death
of cold, and what will your mother
say?" said Kate; and this danger
filled her with such vivid feminine
apprehensions, that it was some
time before she could be consoled.
And then the talk ran on about a
multitude of things — about nothing
in particular — while the one inter-
locutor steered wildly into all the
difficulties possible, and the other
toiled steadily against the current.
It was a rapid, vehement little river,
more like a Scotch or Welsh stream
than a placid English one ; and
sometimes there were snags to be
avoided, and sometimes shallows to
be run upon, so that the voyage
was not without excitement, with
such a pilot at the helm.
But when John turned his little
vessel, and it began to float down
stream, the dreamy silence of the
woodland walk began to steal over
the two once more. " Ah ! now the
work is over," Kate said, with a
little sigh ; " yes, it is very nice to
float — but then one feels as if one's
own will had nothing to do with it.
I begin to understand why the
other is the best."
" I suppose they are both best,"
said John — which was not a very
profound observation; and yet he
sighed too. "And then it is so
much easier in everything to go
with the stream, and to do what
you are expected to do."
"But is it right?" said Kate,
with solemnity. " Ah ! now I
know what you are thinking about.
I have so wanted to speak to you
ever since that night. Don't you
think that doing what you are ex-
pected to do would be wrong? I
have thought so much about
" Have you 1 " said John; and a
delicious tear came to the foolish
fellow's eye. " It was too good of
you to think of me at all."
" Of course I could not help
1870.]
John.— Part I IT.
49
thinking of you," said Kate, " after
what you said. Perhaps you will
not think my advice of much value ;
but I don't think — I don't really
think you ought to do it. I feel
that it would be wrong."
'• There is no one in the world
whose advice would be so much to
me." cried foolish John. " My
sight is clouded by — by self-inte-
rest, and habit, and a thousand
things. I have never opened my
heart to any one but you — and how
I presumed to trouble you with it
I can't tell," he went on, gazing at
her with fond eyes, which Kate
found it difficult to meet.
<; Oh, that is natural enough.
Don't you remember what you
said 1" she answered, softly; "what
you did for me — and that moment
when you said we might have died ;
— we should be like — brother and
sisi er — all our lives."
''Not that," said John, with a
little start ; " but Yes, I hold
by my claim. I wish I had done
something to deserve it, though.
If I had known it was you "
" How could you possibly know
it was me when you did not know
there was such a person as me in
the world?" said Kate. "Don't
talk such nonsense, please."
" Yes; was it possible that there
was once a time when I did not
know there was you in the world ?
What a cold world it must have
been ! — how sombre and miser-
able!" cried the enthusiast. "I
can't realise it now."
" Oh, please, what nonsense you
do talk, to be sure ! " cried Kate ;
and then she gave her pretty head
a little shake to dissipate the blush
and the faint mist of some emotion
that had been stealing over her
eyt s, and took up the interrupted
strain. " Now that you do know
there is a me, you must pay atten-
tion to me. I have thought over it
a great deal. You must not do it
— indeed you must not. A man
who is not quite certain, how can
he teach others 1 It would be like
me steering — now there ! Oh, I am
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLI.
sure, I beg your pardon. Who was
to know that nasty bank would
turn up again ? "
" Never mind," said John, when
he had repeated the same little
performance which had signalised
their upward course ; " that is no-
thing— except that it interrupted
what you were saying. Tell me
again what you have thought."
" But you never mean to be guid-
ed by me all the same," said Kate,
incautiously, though she must have
foreseen, if she had taken a moment
to think, that such a remark would
carry her subject too far.
" Ah ! how can you say so — how
can you think so 1 " cried John,
crossing his oars across the boat,
and leaning over them, with his
eyes fixed upon her, " when you
must know I am guided by your
every look. Don't be angry with
me. It is so hard to look at you
and not say all that is in my heart.
If you would let me think that I
might — identify myself altogether
— I mean, do only what pleased you
— I mean, think of you as caring
a little "
" I care a great deal," said Kate,
with sudden temerity, taking the
words out of his mouth, " or why
should I take the trouble to say so
much about it 1 I consider that
we are — brother and sister ; and
that gives me a sort of right to
speak. Stay till I have done, Mr
John. Don't you think you could
be of more use in the world, if you
were in the world and not out of
it 1 Now think ! Looking at it in
your way, no doubt, it is very fine
to be a clergyman ; but you can
only talk to people and persuade
them, you know, and don't have it
in your power to do very much for
them. Now look at a rich man
like papa. He does not give his
mind to that, you know. I am
very sorry, but neither he nor I
have had anybody to put it in our
heads what we ought to do — but
still he does some good in his way.
If you were as rich as he is, how
much you could do ! You would
D
50
John.— Part III.
[Jan.
be a good angel to the poor people.
You could set right half of those
dreadful things that Mrs Mitford
tells us of, even in the village. You
could give the lads work, and keep
them steady. You could build
them proper cottages, and have
them taught what they ought to
know. Don't shake your head. I
know you would be the people's
good angel, if you were as rich as
papa."
Poor John's countenance had
changed many times daring this
address. His intent gaze fell from
her, and returned and fell again.
A shade came over his face — he
shook his head, not in contradic-
tion of what she said so much as
in despondency ; and when he
spoke, his voice had taken a chill,
as it were, and lost all the musical
thrill of imagination and passion
that was in it. "Miss Crediton," he
said, mournfully, " you remind me
of what I had forgotten — the great
gulf that is between you and me.
I had forgotten it, like an ass. I
had been thinking of you not as a
rich man's daughter, but as
And I, a poor aimless fool, not able
to make up my mind as to how I
am to provide for my own life.
Forgive me — you have brought me
to myself."
" Now I should like to know
what that has to do with it/' cried
Kate, with a little air of exaspera-
tion— exasperation more apparent
than real. " I tell you I want you
to be rich like papa, and you answer
me that I remind you I am a rich
man's daughter ! Well, what of
that 1 I want you to be a rich man
too. I can't help whose daughter
I am. I did not choose my own
papa — though I like him better than
any other all the same. But I want
you to be rich too, you understand ;
for many reasons."
" For what reasons ? " said John,
lighting up again. She had drooped
her head a little when she said these
last words. A bright blush had
flushed all over her. Could it be
that she meant John was
not vain, and yet the inference was so
natural ; he sat gazing at her for one
long minute in a suggestive tremu-
lous silence, and then he went fal-
tering, blundering on. " I would
be anything for your sake — that
you know. I would be content to
labour for you from morning to
night. I would be a ploughman
for your sake. To be a rich man is
not so easy ; but if you were to tell
me to do it — for you — I would
work my fingers to the bone ; I
would die, but I should do it —
for you. Am I to be rich for
you ] "
" Oh, fancy ! here we are already,"
cried Kate, in a little tremor, feel-
ing that she had gone too far, and
he had gone too far, and thinking
with a little panic, half of horror,
half of pleasure, of the walk that
remained to be taken through the
enchanted wood. "How fast the
stream has carried us down ! and yet
I don't suppose it can have been
very fast either, for the shadows are
lengthening. We must make haste
and get home."
"But you have not answered me,"
he said, still leaning across his oars
with a look which she could not
face.
" Oh, never mind just now," she
cried ; " let us land, please, and not
drift farther down. You are pay-
ing no attention to where the boat
is going. There ! I knew an acci-
dent would happen," cried Kate,
with half -mischievous triumph,
running the boat into the bank.
She thought nothing now of his feet
getting wet, as he stepped into the
water again to bring it to the side
that she might land. She even
sprang out and ran on, telling him
to follow her, while he had to wait
to secure the boat, and warn the
people at the forester's cottage that
he had left it. Kate ran on into
the wood, up the broad road grad-
ually narrowing among the trees,
where still the sunshine penetrated
like arrows of gold, and the leaves
danced double, leaf and shadow,
and the birds carried on their cease-
1870.]
John.— Part III.
51
less inter-lading, and the living crea-
tures stirred. She ran on mis-
chievously, with a little laugh at
her companion left behind. But
that mood did not long balance the
influence of the place. Her steps
slackened — her heart began to beat.
All at once she twined her arms
about a birch to support herself,
and, leaning her head against it,
cried a little in her confusion and
excitement. " Oh, what have I
dene ? what shall I say to him 1"
Kate said to herself. Was she in
love with John that she had brought
him to this declaration of his senti-
ments? She did not know — she
did not think she was — and yet she
had done it with her eyes open.
And in a few minutes he would be
by her side insisting on an answer.
" And what shall I say to him ? "
within herself cried Kate.
But when John came up breath-
less, she was going along the road
very demurely, without any signs
of emotion, and glanced at him
with the same look of friendly
sovereignty, though her heart was
quailing within her. He joined her,
breathless with haste and excite-
ment, and for a moment neither
spoke. Then it was Kate who, in
dt operation, resumed the talk.
" You must tell me what you
think another time," she said, with
an air of royal calm. " Perhaps
what I have said has not been very
w ise ; but I meant it for good. I
meant, you know, that the man of
action can do most. I meant
Bat, please, let us get on quickly,
for I am so afraid we shall be too
late for dinner. Your father does
not like to wait. And you can tell
me what you think another time."
" What I think has very little to
do with it,3' said John. " It should
bo what you think — what you or-
d;dn. For you I will do anything
• — everything. Good heavens, what
a nuisance !" cried the young man.
At this exclamation Kate looked
up, and saw, — was it Isaac's substi-
tute— the ram caught in the
thicket ? — Fred Huntley riding
quietly towards them, coming
down under the trees, like another
somebody in romance. " It is Mr
Huntley," said Kate, with a mental
thanksgiving which she dared not
have put into words. " It is like
an old ballad. Here is the knight
on the white horse appearing under
the trees just when he is wanted — •
that is, just when you were begin-
ning to tire of my society ; and here
am I, the errant damosel. What a
nice picture it would make if Fred
were only handsome, which he is
not ! But all the same, his horse
is white."
" And I suppose I am the magi-
cian who is to be discomfited and
put to flight," said John, with a
grim attempt at a smile.
And here Kate's best qualities
made her cruel. " You are —
whatever you please," she said,
turning upon him with the brightest
sudden smile. She could not bear,
poor fellow, that his feelings should
be hurt, when she felt herself so
relieved and easy in mind; and John,
out of his despondency, went up to
dazzling heights of confidence and
hope. Fred, riding up, saw the
smile, and said to himself, "What !
gone so far already ? " with a curious
sensation of pique. And yet he
had no occasion to be piqued. He
had never set up any pretensions
to Kate's favour. He had foreseen
how it would be when he last saw
them together. It was something
too ridiculous to feel as if he cared.
Of course he did not care. But
still there was a little pique in his
rapid reflection as he came up to
them. And they were all three a
little embarrassed, which, on the
whole, seemed uncalled for, con-
sidering the perfectly innocent and
ordinary circumstances, which the
boating-party immediately began
with volubility to explain.
" We have been on the river,"
said Kate. " Mr Mitford so kindly
offered to take me before I went
away. And we hoped to have Mrs
Mitford with us ; but at the last
moment she could not come."
52
John.— Part III.
[Jan.
I daresay not, indeed, Fred
Huntley said in his heart ; but he
only looked politely indifferent,
and made a little bow.
" Perhaps it was better she did
not, for the boat is very small,"
said John, carrying on the explana-
tion. Was it an apology they were
making for themselves 1 And so
all at once, notwithstanding Kate's
romance about the knight on the
white horse, all the enchantment
disappeared from the fairy wood.
Birds and rabbits and squirrels, crea-
tures of natural history, pursued
their common occupations about,
without any fairy suggestions. It
was only the afternoon sun that
slanted among the trees, showing
it was growing late, and not showers
of golden arrows. The wood be-
came as commonplace as a railroad,
and Kate Crediton related to Fred
Huntley how she was going home,
and what was to happen, and how
she hoped to meet his sisters at the
Camelford ball.
Thus the crisis which John
thought was to decide everything
for him passed off in bathos and
commonplace. He walked on beside
the other two, who did all the talk-
ing, eating his heart. Had she been
playing with him, making a joke of
his sudden passion 1 But then she
would give him a glance from time
to time which spoke otherwise.
" There is still an evening and a
morning," John said to himself ;
and he stood like a churl at the
Eectory gate, and suffered Huntley
to ride on without the slightest
hint of a possibility that he should
stay to dinner. Such inhospitable
behaviour was not common at Fan-
sha we Regis. But there are mo-
ments in which politeness, kindness,
neighbourly charities, must all give
way before a more potent feeling,
and John Mitford had arrived at
one of these. And his heart was
beating, his head throbbing, all his
pulses going at the highest speed
and out of tune— or, at least, that
was his sensation. Kate disap-
peared while he stood at the gate,
shutting it carefully upon Fred,
and heaven knows what fright-
ful interval might be before him
ere he could resume the inter-
rupted conversation, and demand
the answer to which surely he had
a right ! John's mind was in such
a whirl of confusion that he could
not realise what he was about to do.
If he could have thought it over
calmly, and asked himself what
right he had to woo a rich man's
daughter, or even to dream of bring-
ing her to his level, probably poor
John would not only have stopped
short, but he might have had reso-
lution enough to turn back and
leave his father's door, and put him-
self out of the reach of temptation
till she was safe in her own father's
keeping. He had strength enough
and resolution enough to have made
such a sacrifice, had there been any
time to think ; but sudden passion
had swept him up like a whirlwind,
and conquered all his faculties.
He wanted to have an answer; an
answer — nothing more. He wanted
to know what she meant — why it
was that she was so eager with
him to bring his doubtfulness to
a conclusion — why he was to do
at once what he so hesitated and
wondered if he should do. If he
did, what would follow ? There
was a singing in his ears, and a
buzzing in his brain. He could
not think, nor pause to consider
which was right. There was but
one thing to do — to get his answer
from her ; to know what she meant.
And then the Deluge or Paradise —
one thing or the other — would come
after that; but were it Paradise,
or were it the Flood, John's an-
chors were pulled up, and the port
was gone from him. All his old
prospects and hopes and intentions
had vanished. He could no more
go back to the position in which he
had stood when he first opened his
heart to Kate than he could fly.
His hesitation existed no longer ;
all that phase was over for him.
Fanshawe Regis, and his parents'
hopes, and the old placid existence
1870.]
John.— Part III.
53
to which he had been trained, all
melted away into thin air. He
was standing on the threshold of
a new world, with an unknown
wind blowing in his face, and an
unknown career before him. If it
might be that she was about to put
her little hand in his, and go with
him across the wilderness ! But,
anyhow, it was a wilderness that
had to be traversed ; not those
quiet waters and green pastures
wiiich had been destined for him
at home.
" How late you are, John ! " his
mother said, meeting him on the
stair. She was coming down dressed
for dinner, with just a little cloud
over the brightness of her eyes.
"You must have stayed a long time
on the river. Was that Kate that
hi is just gone up-stairs ? "
" Miss Crediton went on before
me. I had to stop and speak to
Huntley at the gate."
" You should have asked him to
stay dinner," said Mrs Mitford.
" My dear, I am sure you have a
headache. You should not have
rowed so far, under that blazing
sun. But make haste now. Your
papa cannot bear to be kept wait-
ing. I will tell Jervis to give you
five minutes. And, oh, make haste,
my dear boy."
" Of course I shall make haste,"
said John, striding past — as if ten
minutes more or less could matter
tc anybody under the sun !
" It is for your papa, John," said
Mrs Mitford, half apologetic, half
reproachful; and she went down to
the drawing-room and surrepti-
tiously moved the fingers of the
clock to gain a little time for her
boy. " Jervis, you need not be in
such a hurry — there are still ten
minutes," she said, arresting the man
of all work who was called the butler
at Fanshawe, as he put his hand on
the dinner-bell to ring it ; and she
was having a little discussion with
him over their respective watches,
when the Doctor approached in his
fresh tie. " The drawing-room clock
is never wrong," said the deceitful
woman. And no doubt that was
why the trout was spoiled and the
soup so cold. For Kate did not
hurry with her toilette, whatever
John might do ; and being a little
agitated and excited, her hair took
one of those perverse fits peculiar
to ladies' hair, and would not per-
mit itself to be put up properly.
Kate, too, was in a wonderful com-
motion of mind, as well as her lover.
She was tingling all over with her
adventure, and the hairbreadth es-
cape she had made. But had she
escaped 1 There was a long even-
ing still before her, and it was pre-
mature to believe that the danger
was over. When Kate went down-
stairs, she had more than one reason
for being so very uncomfortable.
Dr Mitford was waiting for his
dinner, and John was waiting for
his answer ; she could not tell what
might happen to her before the
evening was over, and she could
scarcely speak with composure be-
cause of the frightened irregular
beating of her heart.
CHAPTER X.
Dinner falling in a time of
excitement like that which I have
just described, with its suggestions
of perfect calm and regularity, the
u.ibroken routine of life, has a very
curious effect upon agitated minds.
John Mitford felt as if some catas-
trophe must have happened to him
as he sat alone at his side of the
tiible, and looked across at Kate,
who was a little troubled too, and
reflected how long a time he must
sit there eating and drinking, or
pretending to eat and drink ;
obliged to keep at that distance
from her — to address common con-
versation to her — to describe the
boating, and the wood, and all that
had happened, as if it had been the
most ordinary expedition in the
54
John.— Part III.
[Jan.
world. Kate was very kind to him
in this respect, though perhaps he
was too far gone to think it kind.
She took upon herself the frais of
the conversation. She told Mrs
Mitford quite fluently all about the
boat and her bad steering, and all
the accidents that had happened,
and how John had jumped into
the water. " I feel you will never
forgive me if he has caught cold,"
Kate said, glibly, with even a mis-
chievous look in her eye ; " but I
must tell. And I do hope you
changed your stockings," she said,
leaning across the table to him
with a smile. It was a mocking
smile, full of mischief, and yet there
was in it a certain softened look.
It was then that poor John felt as
if some explosion must take place,
as he sat and restrained himself,
and tried to look like a man in-
terested in his dinner. Nobody else
took any notice of his agitation,
and probably even his mother did
not perceive it ; but Jervis the
butler did, as he stood by his side,
and helped Mr John to potatoes.
He could not dissimulate the shak-
ing of his hand.
" My dear, I should never blame
you" said Mrs Mitford, with a lit-
tle tremor in her voice ; " he is
always so very rash. Of course
you changed, John 1 "
" Oh, of course," he said, with a
laugh, which sounded cynical and
Byronic to his audience. And then
he made a violent effort to master
himself. " Miss Crediton thought
the river was rather pretty," he
added, with a hard-drawn breath
of agitation, which sounded to his
mother like the first appearance of
the threatened cold.
"Jervis," she said, mildly, "will
you be good enough to fetch me
the camphor from my cupboard,
and two lumps of sugar '? My dear
boy, it is not nasty ; it is only as a
precaution. It will not interfere
with your dinner, and it is sure to
stop a cold."
John gave his mother a look
under which she trembled. It said
as plain as possible, you are making
me ridiculous, and it was pointed
by a glance at Kate, who certainly
was smiling. Mrs Mitford was
quick enough to understand, and
she was cowed by her son's gravity.
" Perhaps, on second thought," she
said, faltering, " you need not mind,
Jervis. It will do when Mr John
goes to bed."
" The only use of camphor is
at the moment when you take a
cold," said Dr Mitford ; " identify
that moment, and take your dose,
and you are all safe. But I have
always found that the great diffi-
culty was to identify the moment.
Did you point out to Miss Crediton
the curious effect the current has
had upon the rocks? I am not geo-
logical myself, but still it is very
interesting. The constant friction
of the water has laid bare a most
remarkable stratification. Ah ! I
see he did not point it out, from
your look."
" Indeed I don't think Mr John
showed me anything that was in-
structive," said Kate, with a demure
glance at him. At present she was
having it all her own way.
p"Ah! youth, youth," said Dr
Mitford, shaking his head. " He
was much more likely to tell you
about his boating exploits, I fear.
If you really wish to understand
the history and structure of the
district, you must take me with you,
Miss Crediton. Young men are
so foolish as to think these things
slow."
" But then I am going away
to-morrow," said Kate, with a little
pathetic inflection of her voice.
" And perhaps Mrs Mitford will
never ask me to come back again.
And I shall have to give up the
hope of knowing the district. But
anybody that steers so badly asj I
do," — Kate continued, with humi-
lity, " it is not to be wondered at if
the gentleman who is rowing them
should think they were too igno-
rant to learn."
1870.]
John.— Part IIL
55
" Then the gentleman who was
rowing you was a stupid fellow,"
said the Doctor. " I never had a
more intelligent listener in my life ;
but, my dear young lady, you must
come back when the Society is
lisre. Their meeting is at Camel-
ford, and they must make an excur-
sion to the Camp."
" And you will come and stay
with us, Dr Mitford," said Kate,
coaxingly ; " now, promise. It will
ba something to look forward to.
You shall have the room next the
library, that papa always keeps for
his learned friends, he says. And
if Mrs Mitford would be good, and
lot the parish take care of itself,
and come too "
" Oh hush ! my dear ; we must
not look forward so far/' said Mrs
Mitford, with a little cloud upon her
face. She had found out by this
time that John was in trouble, and
she had no heart to enter into any
discussion till she knew what it
was. And then she opened out
suddenly into a long account of
the Fanshawe family, apropos de
lien. Mrs Fanshawe had been
calling that afternoon, and they had
heard from their granddaughter,
Cicely, who was abroad for her
health — for all that family was un-
fortunately very delicate. And
poor Cicely would have to spend
t he winter at Nice, the doctor said.
Kate bent her head over her plate,
;md ate her grapes (the very first
of the season, which Mr Crediton's
gardener had forced for his young
nistress, and sent to Fanshawe Regis
to aid her cure), and listened with-
out paying much attention to the
story of Cicely Fanshawe' s troubles.
Nobody else took any further part
in the conversation after Mrs Mit-
ford had commenced that mono-
logue, except indeed the Doctor,
who now and then would ask a
question. As for the two young
people, they sat on either side of
the table, and tried to look as if
nothing had happened. And Kate,
for one, succeeded very well in this
laudable effort — so well that poor
John, in his excitement and agita-
tion, sank to the depths of despair
as he twisted one of the great vine-
leaves in his fingers, and watched
her furtively through all the wind-
ings of his mother's story. He said
to himself, it is nothing to her. Her
mind is quite unmoved by any-
thing that has happened. She could
not have understood him, John
felt — she could not have believed
him. She must have thought he
was saying words which he did
not mean. Perhaps that was the
way among the frivolous beings to
whom she was accustomed ; but it
was not the way with John. While
the mother was giving that account
of the young Fanshawes, and the
father interposing his questions
about Cicely's health, their son
was working himself up into a
fever of determination. He eyed
Kate at the other side of the table,
with a certain rage of resolution
mingling with his love. She should
not escape him like this. She
should answer him one way or
another. He could bear anything
or everything from her except this
silence ; but that he would not
bear. She should tell him face to
face. He might have lost the very
essence and joy of life, but still
he should know downright that he
had lost it. This passion was grow-
ing in him while the quiet slum-
berous time crept on, and all was
told about Cicely Fanshawe. Poor
Cicely! just Kate's age, and sent
to Nice to die ; but that thought
never occurred to the vehement
young lover, nor did it occur to
Kate, as she sat and ate her grapes,
and gave little glances across the
table, and divined that he was ris-
ing to a white heat, " I must run
off to my own room, and say it is
to do my packing," Kate said to
herself, with a little quake in her
heart; and yet she would rather
have liked — behind a curtain or
door, out of harm's way — to have
heard him say what he had to say.
56
John.— Part III.
[Jan.
Mrs Mitford was later than usual
of leaving the table, arid she took
Kate by the arm, being determin-
ed apparently to contrarier every-
body on this special evening, and
made her sit down on the sofa by
her in the drawing-room. "My
dear, I must have you to myself for
a little while to-night," she said,
drawing the girl's hands into her
own. And then she sat and talked.
It seemed to Kate that she talked
of everything in heaven and earth ;
but the old singing had come back
to the listener's ears, and she could
not pay attention. " Now he is
coming," she said to herself ; " now
I shall be obliged to sit still all the
evening ; now I shall never be able
to escape from him.'J By-and-by,
however, Kate began to feel piqued
that John should show so little
eagerness to follow her. "Yes,
indeed, dear Mrs Mitford, you may
be sure I shall always remember
your kindness," she said, aloud.
But in her heart she was saying in
the same breath, " Oh, very well ;
if he does not care I am sure I do
not care. I am only too glad to be
let off so easy ; " which was true, and
yet quite the reverse of true.
But then Kate did not see the
watcher outside the window in the
darkness, who saw all that was
going on, and bided his time, though
he trembled with impatience and
excitement. Not knowing he was
there, she came to have a very dis-
dainful feeling about him as the
moments passed on. To ask such
a question as that, and never to in-
sist on an answer ! Well, he might
be very nice ; but what should she
do with a man that took so little
pains to secure his object Or was
it his object at all ? He might be
cleverer than she had taken him
for ; he might be but playing with
her, as she had intended to play
with him. Indignant with these
thoughts, she rose up when Mrs
Mitford's last words came to a con-
clusion, and detached herself, not
without a slight coldness, from that
kind embrace. " I must go and see
to my things, please/' she said,
raising her head like a young queen.
" But, my dear, there is Parsons/'
said Mrs Mitford. "Oh, but I
must see after everything myself/'
replied Kate, and went away, not
in haste, as making her escape, but
with a certain stateliness of despite.
She walked out of the room quite
leisurely, feeling it beneath her dig-
nity to fly from an adversary that
showed no signs of pursuing ; and
even turned round at the door to
say something with a boldness
which looked almost like bravado.
He will come now, no doubt, and
find me gone, and I hope he will
enjoy the tete-h-tete with his mother,
she mused, with a certain ferocity ;
and so went carelessly out, with
all the haughtiness of pique, and
walked almost into John Mitford's
arms !
He seized her hand before she
knew what had happened, and drew
it through his arm, first throwing
a shawl round her, which he had
picked up somewhere, and which,
suddenly curling round her like a
lasso, was Kate's first indication of
what had befallen her. " I have
been watching you till I am half
wild," he whispered in her ear.
" Oh come with me to the garden,
and say three words to me. I have
no other chance for to-night."
" Oh, please, let me go. I must
see to rny packing — indeed I must,"
cried Kate, so startled and moved
by the suddenness of the attack,
and by his evident excitement, that
she could scarcely keep from tears.
" Not now," said John, in her
ear — " not now. I must have my
answer. You cannot be so cruel as
to go now. Only half an hour —
only ten minutes — Kate ! "
"Hush! oh hush!" she cried,
feeling herself conquered ; and ere
she knew, the night air was blowing
in her face, and the dark sky, with
its faint little summer stars, was
shining over her, and John Mitford,
holding her close, with her hand on
1870.]
John.-— Part III.
57
his arm, was bending over her, a
dark shadow. She could not read
in his face all the passion that pos-
sessed him, but she felt it, and it
made her tremble, woman of the
WDrld as she was.
"Kate/' he said, "I cannot go
searching for words now. I think
I will go mad if you don't speak to
me. Tell me what I am to hope for.
Give me my answer. I cannot
bear any more."
His voice was hoarse ; he held
her hand fast on his arm, not caress-
in g, but compelling. He was driven
out of all patience ; and for the
first time in her life Kate's spirit
was cowed, and her wit failed to
the command of the situation.
"Let me go!" she said; "oh, do
let me go ! you frighten me, Mr
John."
" Don't call me Mr John. I am
your slave, if you like ; I will be
anything you please. You said
just now we belonged to each
other; so we do. No, I can't be
generous ; it is not the moment to
bo generous. I have a claim upon
you — don't call me Mr John."
" Then what shall I call you ? "
Kate said, with a little hysterical
giggle. And all at once, at that
most inappropriate moment, there
flashed across her mind the first
name she had recognised his iden-
tity by. My John — was that the
al ternative 1 She shrank a little and
trembled, and did not know whether
she should laugh or cry. Should
she call him that just as an experi-
ment, to see how he would take it 1
— or what else could she do to
escape from him out of this dark
place, all full of dew, and odours,
and silence, into the light and the
safety of her own room 1 And yet
all this time she made no attempt
to withdraw her hand from his arm.
She wanted something to lean on
at, such a crisis, and he was very
handy for leaning on — tall, and
strong, and sturdy, and affording
a very adequate support. "Oh, do
h t me go ! ;> she burst out all at
once. " It was only for your own
good I spoke to you ; I did not
mean — this. Why should you do
things for me ? I don't want — to
make any change. I should like
to have you always just as we have
been — friends. Don't say any more
just yet — listen. I like you very
very much for a friend. You said
yourself we were like brother and
sister. Oh, why should you vex
me and bother me, and want to be
anything different ? " said Kate, in
her confusion, suddenly beginningto
cry without any warning. But next
moment, without knowing how it
was, she became aware that she was
crying very comfortably on John's
shoulder. Her crying was more
than he could bear. He took her
into his arms to console her with-
out any arriere pensee. " Oh, my
darling, I am not worth it," he
said, stooping over her. " Is it
for me — that would never let the
wind blow on you? Kate ! I will
not trouble you any more." And
with that, before he was aware, in
his compunction and sympathy, his
lips somehow found themselves
close to her cheek. It was all to
keep her from crying — to show how
sorry he was for having grieved her.
His heart yearned over the soft
tender creature. What did it mat-
ter what he suffered, who was only
a man ? But that Kate should cry !
— and that it should be his fault !
He felt in his simplicity that he
was giving her up for ever, and his
big heart almost broke, as he bent
down trembling, and encountered
that soft warm velvet cheek.
How it happened I cannot tell.
He did not mean it, and she did
not mean it. But certainly Kate
committed herself hopelessly by
crying there quite comfortably on
his shoulder, and suffering herself
to be kissed without so much as a
protest. He was so frightened by
his own temerity, and so surprised
at it, that even had she vindicated
her dignity after the first moment,
and burst indignant from his arms,
58
John.— Part III.
[Jan.
John would have begged her par-
don with abject misery, and there
would have been an end of him,
But somehow Kate was bewildered,
and let that moment pass ; and
after the surprise and shock which
his own unprecedented audacity
wrought in him, John grew bolder,
as was natural. She was not angry ;
she endured it without protest.
Was it possible that in her trouble
she was unconscious of it] And
involuntarily John came to see that
boldness was now his only policy,
and that it must not be possible for
her to ignore the facts of the case.
That was all simple enough. But as
for Kate, I am utterly unable to
explain her conduct. Even when
she came to herself, all she did was
to put up her hands to her face,
and to murmur piteously, humbly,
" Don't ! oh, please, don't ! " And
why shouldn't he, when that was
all the resistance she made 1
After this, the young man being
partly delirious, as might have
been expected, it was Kate who
had to come to the front of affairs
and take the lead. " Do, please, be
rational now," she said, shaking
herself free all in a moment. " And
give me your arm, you foolish
John, and let us take a turn round
the garden. Oh, what would your
mother say if she knew how ridicu-
lous you have been making your-
self 1 Tell me quietly what it is
you want now," she added, in her
most coaxing tone, looking up into
his face.
Upon which the bewildered fel-
low poured forth a flood of ascrip-
tions of praise and paeans of victory,
and compared Kate, who knew she
was no angel, to all the deities and
excellences ever known to man.
She listened to it all patiently, and
then shook her head with gentle
half-maternal tolerance.
"Well," she said, "let us take
all that for granted, you know. Of
course I am everything that is nice.
If you did not think so you would
be a savage; but, John, please
don't be foolish. Tell me properly.
I have gone and given in to you
when I did not mean to. And now,
what do you want 1 "
" I want you," he said ; " have
you any doubt about that ] And,
except for your sake, I don't care
for anything else in the world."
" Oh, but I care for a great many
things," said Kate. " And, John,"
she went on, joining both her hands
on his arm, and leaning her head
lightly against it in her caressing
way, " first of all, you have accept-
ed my conditions, you know, and
taken my advice ? "
" Yes, my darling," said John ;
and then somehow his eye was
caught by the lights in the windows
so close at hand, the one in the
library, the other in the drawing-
room, where sat his parents, who
had the fullest confidence in him ;
and he gave a slight start and sigh,
in spite of himself.
" Perhaps you repent your
bargain already," said impetuous
Kate, being instantly conscious of
both start and sigh, and of the
feeling which had produced them.
" Ah ! how can you speak to me
so," he said, " when you know if it
was life I had to pay for it I would
do it joyfully] No ; even if I had
never seen you I could not have
done what they wanted me. That
is the truth. And now I have you,
my sweetest "
" Hush," she said, softly, " we
have not come to that yet. There
is a great deal, such a great deal,
to think about ; and there is pa-
pa "
" And I have so little to offer,"
said John ; " it is only now I feel
how little. Ah ! how five minutes
change everything ! It never came
into my mind that I had nothing
to offer you — I was so full of your-
self. But now ! — you who should
have kingdoms laid at your feet —
what right had a penniless fellow
like me "
" If you regret you can always
go back," said Kate, promptly ;
1870.]
John.— Part 111.
59
1 ' though, you know, it is a kind
of insinuation against me, as if I
had consented far too easy. And,
to tell the truth, I never did con-
sent."
Here poor John clutched at her
hand, which seemed to be sliding
from his arm, and held it fast
without a word.
*' No, I never did consent," said
Kfite. " It was exactly like the
savages that knock a poor girl down
and then carry her off. You never
asked me even — you took me. Well,
but then the thing to be drawn
from that, is not any nonsense about
gr.dng up. If you will promise to
be good, and do everything I tell
you, and let me manage with
papa "
" But it is my business to let
him know," said John. " No, my
darling — not even for you. I could
not skulk, nor do anything under-
hand. I must tell him, and I must
tell them "
" Then you will have your way,
and we shall come to grief," said
Kite; " as if I did not know papa
best. And then — I am not half nor
quarter so good as you ; but in
some things I am cleverer than you,
John."
" In everything, dear," he said,
with one of those ecstatic smiles
peculiar to his state of folly, though
in the darkness Kate did not get
the benefit of it. "I never have,
never will compare myself to my
darling. It is all your goodness
letting me — all your sweetness and
humility and "
"Please don't," said Kate, "please
stop — please don't talk such non-
sense. Oh, I hope I shall never
behave so badly that you will be
forced to find me out. But now
about papa. It must be me to tell
him ; you may come in afterwards,
if you like. I know what I shall
do. I will drive the phaeton to the
station to meet him. I will be the
one to tell him first. John, I know
what I am talking of, and I must
have my own way."
" Are you out there, John, in the
dark] and who have you got with
you1?" said Mrs Mitford's voice sud-
denly in their ears. It made them
jump apart as if it had been the
voice of a ghost. And Kate, pant-
ing, blazing with blushes in the
darkness, feeling as if she never
could face those soft eyes again, re-
coiled back into the lilies, and felt
the great white paradise of dew and
sweetness take her in, and busk her
round with a garland of odour.
Oh, what was she to do 1 Could
Jie do anything 1 would he be equal
to the emergency 1 Thus it will
be seen that, though she was very
fond of him, she had not yet the
most perfect confidence in the reli-
ability of her John.
" Yes, mother, I am here," said
John, with a mellow fulness in his
voice which Kate could not under-
stand, so different was it from his
usual tone, " and I have Kate with
me — my Kate — your Kate ; or, at
least, there she is among the lilies.
She ought to be in your arms first,
after mine."
" After yours ! " His mother
gave a little scream. And Kate held
up her head among the flowers,
blushing, yet satisfied. It was
shocking of him to tell ; but yet it
settled the question. She stood
irresolute for a moment, breathing
quick with excitement, and then
she made a little run into Mrs Mit-
ford's arms. " He has made me be
engaged to him whether I will or
not," she said, half crying on her
friend's shoulder. "He has made
me. Won't you love me too 1 "
"OKate!" was all the mother
could say. <; O my boy ! what
have you done 1 — what have you
done 1 John, her father is ten
times as ricli as we are. He will
say we have 'abused his trust. Oh !
what shall I do ?"
" Abused his trust indeed !" said
Kate. " John, you are not to say a
word; she does not understand.
Why, it was I who did it all ! I
gave him no peace. I kept talk-
60
John.— Part III.
[Jan.
ing to him of things I had no
business with ; and he is only a
man — indeed he is only a boy.
Mamma, won't you kiss me, please 1 "
said Kate, all at once sinking into
the meekest of tones ; upon which
Mrs Mitford, quite overcome, and
wanting to kiss her son first, and
with a hundred questions in her
mind to pour out upon him, yet
submitted, and put her arm round
the stranger who was clinging to
her and kissed Kate — but not with
her heart. She had kissed her
a great deal more tenderly only
yesterday, just to say good-night ;
and then the three stood silent in
the darkness, and the scene took
another shape, and John's beatitude
was past. The moment the mother
joined them another world came
in. The enchanted world, which
held only two figures, opened up
and disappeared like a scene at a
theatre ; and lo ! there appeared all
round a mass of other people to
whom John's passion was a matter
of indifference or a thing to be dis-
approved. Suddenly the young
pair felt themselves standing not
only before John's anxious mother,
but before Mr Crediton, gloomy
and wretched ; before Dr Mitford,
angry and mortified ; before the
whole neighbourhood, who would
judge them without much con-
sideration of mercy. John's re-
flections at this moment were
harder to support than those of
Kate, for he had the sense of
giving up for her sake the vocation
he had been trained to, and the
awful necessity of declaring his
resolution to his father and mother
before him. Whereas the worst
that could be said of Kate was
that she was a little flirt, and had
turned John Mitford's head — and
she had heard as much before.
But, notwithstanding, they were
both strangely sobered all in a
moment as they stood there, fallen
out of their fairy sphere, by Mrs
Mitford's side.
" My dears, I must hear all about
this after," she said, with a kind
of tremulous solemnity, " but in
the mean time you must come in
to tea. Whatever we do, we must
not be late for prayers."
1870.]
Lord Mayo and the Umballa Durlar.
61
LORD MAYO AND THE UMBALLA DURBAR.
WE think it will be admitted
that the time has now arrived
when a pointed conclusion may be
drawn as to the purport and object
of the frontier policy adopted in
March 18G9 by Lord Mayo at Um-
balla. A brief examination of the
subject will show what has been
the; result of that policy on the ex-
ternal relations of Great Britain
whh her Asiatic neighbours ; what
on the internal condition of the
most powerful of those neighbours.
In both aspects the subject is deep-
ly interesting. In the first, because
in the solution arrived at by Lord
Muyo we may trace the germs of
tho true principles of Anglo-Indian
foreign policy; in the second, be-
cause the spectacle of a semi-bar-
barous prince endeavouring to en-
gnift on a feudal nobility and a
rude people some of the adminis-
trative principles which he learned
to admire during his short progress
th.-ough a portion of British India,
cannot fail to arrest the attention
and rivet the sympathy of the
thoughtful minds of all civilised
communities. It is a picture
unique of its kind — an experiment
the importance of which to the
people of Central Asia can scarcely
IDC exaggerated.
The question of an interview
with the ruler of Afghanistan,
Amir Shir Ali, had been mooted,
towards the close of 1868, by the
illustrious predecessor of Lord
Mayo. For five years, almost from
ths death of Dost Mahomed in
June 1863, Afghanistan had been
a prey to civil war. From all in-
terference in the events of the civil
war Sir John Lawrence had rigidly
abstained. He had withheld even
all expressions of sympathy with
either party, being desirous that
the question of rulership should be
d( cided by the Afghans themselves.
But when, after many changes of
fortune, the legitimate successor of
Dost Mahomed, Amir Shir Ali, on
the llth September 1868, entered
Caubul in triumph — one of his ri-
vals having died, the other being
a helpless fugitive, without money
and without resources — Sir John
Lawrence deemed that the happy
moment to which he had so long
looked forward had at length ar-
rived, and that he might venture
to renew with Shir Ali the cordial
alliance which British India had,
during the later years of his life,
maintained with his father. He
accordingly listened eagerly to the
friendly overtures which Shir Ali
lost no time in making to the Brit-
ish representative at Caubul, Atta
Mahomed Khan ; and he even ex-
pressed his entire readiness to meet
Shir Ali at Peshawur, to arrange
with him, at a personal interview,
the relations which should in fu-
ture subsist between the ruler of
Afghanistan and the Viceroy of the
Queen.
Apparently Sir John Lawrence
was not impelled to this course by
any dread of the proceedings of
Russia in the neighbourhood of
Samarkhand and Bokhara. He
had always expressed an opinion
that if Russia should advance to-
wards the possessions of the Eng-
lish in India — a contingency which
he doubted — the English would
only weaken themselves if they
moved beyond their present fron-
tier. On that frontier should they,
in his opinion, await the foe. Nor
had he a very exalted opinion of
the power of Afghanistan to offer
any effectual resistance to a Rus-
sian army. He was equally scep-
tical of our power to bind Afghan-
istan irrevocably to our interests.
Our best policy, in his opinion,
consisted in maintaining towards
her a friendly attitude, in endeav-
ouring to win her confidence by
showing her how entirely her in-
terests necessitated an alliance with
Lord Mayo and tJie Umballa Durbar.
[Jan.
ourselves, and especially by demon-
strating that under no pretext and
under no temptation would British
India advance one single yard be-
yond her own frontier in the direc-
tion of Afghanistan with the idea
of making any territorial acquisi-
tion.
It was with a view to the latter
object that Sir John Lawrence had
always abstained from interference
with Afghan politics during the civil
war. He had thus, he conceived,
proved to the Afghan people that
our friendship was not affected by
their misfortunes, and that we were
the disinterested allies of their na-
tion. But now that the war had
ended in the predominance of Shir
Ali, he was of opinion that we
might fairly advance from our
seclusion, and, though still abstain-
ing from any offensive alliance
with that prince, give a somewhat
more positive character to our
friendship. With this in view he
consented to meet Shir Ali at
Peshawur.
The interview, however, did not
take place. Before the letter of
Sir John Lawrence reached the
Amir, that prince had received in-
telligence that a considerable Tur-
coman army, under the command
of his nephew, Abdul Ruhman,
was marching upon Caubul. This
army constituted the last hope of
his rivals. Were this to be beaten
or dispersed, there would remain no
one to dispute his authority. It
was strong in numbers and in or-
ganisation, and was commanded by
a man who possessed the highest
character as a leader. To neglect
to oppose that army — to leave any-
thing undone to vanquish it — in
order to meet the Viceroy on
British ground, would, the Amir
thought, be tantamount to political
suicide. He wrote, therefore, to
state that, before he could fix a
time and place for an interview, it
was first indispensable that he
should put down his enemies. He
did not doubt his success, but he
felt that to attain it he must put
into action all the resources at his
disposal.
He did succeed. In the month
of December 1868 the army of
Abdul Ruhman was completely
routed, and Shir Ali became the
unchallenged ruler of Afghanistan.
But before intelligence of this event
reached Calcutta, Sir John Law-
rence had made over his high office
to the Earl of Mayo.
This event occurred on the 12th
January 1869. Probably, of all
the appointments in the gift of the
Crown, and to which a British
statesman desirous of serving his
country is liable to be called, there
is not one more onerous, not one
requiring a greater grasp of mind,
not one that calls more immediately
into action the higher faculties of a
man, than the Governor-General-
ship of India. The statesman who
may be nominated First Minister
of the Crown has invariably served
a long apprenticeship to that high
office. He comes to it almost
always from the leadership of the
Opposition, familiar, therefore, with
all the moves of the political chess-
board, fresh from the battle-field on
which he is called to assume com-
mand. But, in India, the in-coming
Viceroy is brought suddenly upon
a scene in which all is new to him.
The various races of the Indian
peninsula, their differing customs
and religions, their mutual enmities,
their relations to the conquering
nation, present social problems
hardly to be understood except
upon the spot. There are men in
Europe who talk glibly of the
people of Hindostan, and who are
yet little aware that between the
hardy and martial Sikh of the fron-
tier and the weak and effeminate
native of Bengal proper, there is a
difference far wider than between
any races of Europe — a difference
approaching more nearly that be-
tween the Bengalee and the Euro-
pean. These differences apply, in
a greater or less degree, to all the
races of Hindostan. The thorough
appreciation of the relations of the
1870.]
Lord Mayo and tfic Uinballa Durbar,
63
panmount power with those quasi-
independent princes who occupy
the position of feudatories, as well
as with the really independent
princes who lie on our frontier, is
a still more difficult and not less
important task. When, moreover,
it is recollected that the new Vice-
roy is brought suddenly in contact
with an administration with the
personnel of which he is utterly
unacquainted — that he has, unas-
sisted, to read their characters, to
find out their capacities, and, with-
out being himself under the influ-
ence of any, to adapt from each the
peculiar knowledge he may possess,
— it will, we think, be admitted that
the position is one which might
test the capacity of the ablest, to
which only a man strong in his
own strength could be equal.
There are, nevertheless, very
groat advantages resulting from the
appointment of an English noble-
man, untried in Indian affairs as
he may be, to the office of Viceroy.
Ho arrives in the country unfet-
tered and unprejudiced; he is ig-
norant, and happily ignorant, of
the jealousies, the intrigues, the
service influences, of Anglo-Indian
society; he belongs to no particular
school of Indian politics ; he brings
to bear upon the administration of
affairs the fresh mind of an English
statesman. In any differences of
opinion among his colleagues he is
able to assume the position, not of
partisan, but of arbiter. Experi-
ence has shown that this alone is a
gr3at advantage. We may safely
conclude, then, that though the
di'Bculties to be encountered by an
E iglish statesman coming to India
m ly be greater than those attaching
to any other office in the gift of the
Ci own, they are not altogether in-
surmountable, provided only the
Viceroy be endowed with capacity
and tact; and that, those difficul-
ties once surmounted, he occupies
a position to which no man trained
only in India, however brilliant his
abilities, could hope to attain.
One of the first subjects to which
the attention of Lord Mayo was
drawn after his arrival at Calcutta
was the state of our relations with
Afghanistan. Within a week or
two of that event he received offi-
cial intimation of the removal of
the obstacle which had prevented
the meeting of the Amir with his
predecessor. He learned, in fact,
the defeat of the Turcoman army,
and the complete triumph of Shir
Ali. A few days later, intelligence
was forwarded to him by the Lieu-
tenant-Go vernor of the Punjaubthat
the Amir, now stronger than he
had ever been, was more than ever
anxious to renew with the Govern-
ment of India those friendly per-
sonal relations which, since the
death of his father, had remained
interrupted ; and that he had ex-
pressed a strong desire to meet the
new Viceroy in British territory.
There were, at this time, two
courses open to Lord Mayo. Should
he continue the policy of complete
abstention which had characterised
all but the last three months of the
preceding five years, the policy of
holding aloof even from courteous
intercourse with the rightful sov-
ereign, lest such intercourse should
be interpreted to signify a recogni-
tion of his claims and an intention
to support them ? or should he re-
cur to that other policy to which
his predecessor had reverted dur-
ing the last three months of his
rule, the frank and generous policy
which had guided our relations
with the Amir Dost Mahomed dur-
ing the last nine years of his life —
the policy of giving to the ruler of
the country a friendly support, not
only by recognising his rights, but
by the occasional grant of such
timely aid in the hour of his ne-
cessities as might enable him to
beat down rebellion within, and
to resist hostilities from without ?
There would be no occasion to
specify the nature of the aid to be
thus afforded. Its grant might be
regulated rather by mutual under-
standing than by treaty ; whilst
the nature of it — whether it were
64
Lord Mayo and the Umballa Durbar.
[Jan.
to consist of presents of muskets
or gifts of money, might depend
upon the actual wants of the Amir.
The aim to be arrived at may be
described as the policy of making
the Amir strong relatively to his
immediate neighbours, and of show-
ing him that he owed the strength
so acquired to the disinterested
friendship of the power on his
eastern frontier.
It was a fortunate circumstance
that Lord Mayo had come out
committed to no policy. Not only
was he unfettered by the action of
his predecessor, but the turn of
events by which the fortunes of
Shir Ali triumphed about the time
that he assumed the reins of gov-
ernment, would, under any cir-
cumstances, have given free scope
to his action. Viewing the ques-
tion, therefore, with an unprej udiced
mind, he could not but see how
important it was for British India
that the most powerful neighbour
on her frontier should look to her
for friendship and support. More
especially did this seem to him to
be advisable at a period when the
outposts of the Russian army had
reached the banks of the Oxus,
and when that power seemed about
to take up, on the northern borders
of the territories of the Amir, a
position nearly analogous to that
held by us on the eastern. It
cannot be doubted that he felt,
with all this, as much averse as his
predecessor to any movement which
should assume the form of actual
interference, either by force of
arms or by diplomacy. He wished
neither to extend our frontier by
the occupation of Khoorm, nor to
send English officers to drill the
troops of the Amir, nor to despatch
a British envoy to CaubuL In all
these respects he held entirely to
his predecessor's views. But he
was decidedly of opinion that true
policy counselled him to respond
to the friendly overtures of the
Amir, to abandon the system of
indifference, to show him that we
were prepared to grant him such
friendly aid, as short of armed in-
terference, a neighbour in distress
might demand of a neighbour in
affluence — to recur, in short, to the
policy of Lords Dalhousie and
Canning towards his father.
But, whilst arriving at this sound
conclusion, it is evident that Lord
Mayo was determined to abstain
from the display, on the part of his
Government, of too great eagerness
in responding to the overtures of
Shir Ali. He was of opinion, more-
over, that the meeting, should it take
place, ought to be held at a point
well within our own frontier. He
thought, and in this he showed a
rare sagacity, which has been pre-
eminently fruitful of results, that
the opportunity should not be ne-
glected of displaying to the Amir
some of the wonders of Western
civilisation ; of showing him our
admirably-equipped mountain bat-
teries ; the splendid organisation of
our troops ; of pointing out to him
our railways and electric telegraphs.
But, above all, the occasion was not
to be neglected of affording to an
Eastern prince, reigning over feudal
vassals, an opportunity 'of judging
of the contentment of our people;
their material prosperity; their sat-
isfaction with our rule ; the peace-
able working of our revenue system.
For such purposes no opportunity
could be afforded at the frontier
station of Peshawur. Even were
Lahore to be appointed as the place
of meeting, it might be objected that
the Viceroy had consented to travel
out of his way to meet the Amir.
Lord Mayo evidently thought that
in dealing with a people so jealous
of etiquette, and so particular re-
garding ceremonial as are all East-
ern races, it was most important
that it should be impossible to draw
such an inference. An easy mode
of preventing this, and at the same
time of affording to the Amir
the opportunity above referred to,
presented itself to his mind. He
had intended to proceed in the
month of March to the sanatorium
of Simla. To reach that place it
1870.]
Lord Mayo and the Umballa Durbar.
65
was necessary to pass through the
military cantonment of Umballa.
At that cantonment, then, Lord
Mayo proposed to meet the Amir.
He would reach it in the natural
course of his journey to the head-
quarters of his Government. The
Amir, on the other hand, would
have to traverse the Punjaub— would
thus have an opportunity of noting
all that was novel to him in our
system — and would actually travel
by railway, with a brief intermis-
sion, from Lahore to Umballa.
There were other reasons which
appeared to the Viceroy to render
tie selection of Umballa incontes-
tably superior to that of any other
station nearer the frontier. Short
as had been his sojourn in India,
Lord Mayo had yet found time to
dovote himself to the study of the
relations existing between the para-
mount power and the dependent
feudatories. It can be readily be-
lieved that the study of this subject
must have awakened no little sur-
prise at the state of disaffection
which had been produced on the
minds of the ill disposed amongst
those feudatories by the bugbear of
Eussian invasion. He found that,
in some cases, these men had actu-
ally persuaded themselves to believe
that we were afraid of the Afghans
a^ a nation, that we dreaded lest
they should be induced to act as the
advanced guard of a Russian in-
vider. The arrival on our frontier
o f the Amir of Caubul — his progress
through our northern provinces as
a guest, suppliant for our friend-
ship and support, to meet the Vice-
roy on his way to the summer head-
quarters of his Government — must
inevitably tend, it seemed to Lord
Mayo, to convince those chieftains
o f the absurdity of the ideas they
tad been led to entertain. A
similar effect, resulting from the
choice of Umballa as the place of
meeting, would likewise be pro-
duced on those wild border tribes,
v ho, ever since the annexation of
the Punjaub, had, with a few inter-
vals of cessation, acted the part of
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCUU
robbers and plunderers, keeping our
troops incessantly on the move.
These borderers had heretofore re-
garded the ruler of Caubul as the
Hetman of all their tribes, of whose
connivance at, or at least sympathy
with, their raids they might ever
feel secure. To see that same ruler
proceed voluntarily to a station in
the heart of the British territories,
to solicit the protection of the
Viceroy of India, would certainly
awaken in their minds sensations
as novel as they would be striking.
For these reasons Umballa was
chosen. Before adverting to the
events which made the meeting at
that station so memorable, we may
state that the result, with respect
to each and all of the reasons we
have assigned, fully justified Lord
Mayo's prescience. The Amir was
impressed by the observations
made by him in his journey
through the Punjaub, to an extent
which no one was prepared for,
and which has subsequently made
itself felt all over Afghanistan ;
the disaffected tributaries under
our own sway were beyond mea-
sure amazed and disturbed at the
power shown by the British Gov-
ernment to bring the ruler of
Caubul so far from his own fron-
tier ; whilst upon the border tribes,
with whom incursions into their
neighbours' lands had so long been
a law of their existence, the effect
was reported to have been wonder-
fully soothing.
It is clear, then, that in its pre-
liminary action Lord Mayo's policy
was based upon solid foundations.
He wished to show to Central Asia
and the world, the still latent power
of the British in the East. He de-
termined, therefore, not to go out
of his own way; not to give the
smallest colour to the million ru-
mours afloat, current in every ba-
zaar in India, that the Government
was afraid of the advance of Russia,
and wished on that account to seek
the favour of, and to subsidise, the
Amir of Caubul. He was anxious
that a clear and a satisfactory proof
66
Lord Mayo and the Umballa Durbar.
[Jan.
should be given to the world, that
the request for a meeting came from
the Amir, and that he, the Viceroy,
granted that interview solely as a
favour to that prince. To place
the terms upon which his guest
was to be received beyond the
shadow of a doubt, Lord Mayo
issued instructions that the hon-
ours of an independent sovereign
should be accorded to him. Whilst
thus the Amir would be deprived
of the excuse of pressing demands
upon our Government as a tribut-
ary of the British, he and his chief-
tains would be alike convinced that
it was one unalterable principle of
British policy to see Afghanistan
free and independent, saved from
the horrors of further civil war, and
enabled by the advice, support,
and countenance of the British, to
form a strong, just, and efficient
government.
In accordance with the views we
have endeavoured to trace out, the
Amir was informed that the Viceroy
would arrive at Umballa en route to
Simla on the 27th March, and that
it would afford his Excellency very
great pleasure to avail himself of
that opportunity of meeting the
Amir to discuss with him the mea-
sures best adapted to cement
friendly feelings between the two
countries ; that from the date of
his reaching British territory to
that of his return to the frontier,
the Amir would be the guest of the
British ; and that throughout his
journey all honours would be paid
him by the chief civil officers of the
districts and provinces through
which he would pass.
Eagerly seizing the opportunity
for which he had been longing ever
since the death of his father had
made him legitimate ruler of Af-
ghanistan, the Amir left Caubul
on the 16th February 1869, arid
reached Pesbawur on the 3d
March. Here he was received by
a salute of twenty-one guns, and
was escorted into the station by
the principal civil and military
authorities. Lieutenant- Colonel C.
Chamberlain and Dr Bellew were
attached to his Highness, and ar-
rangements were made for furnish-
ing him and his suite liberally with
supplies.
Travelling via Rawul Pindee,
the Amir reached Lahore on the
14th March. Here he was enter-
tained and received in public dur-
bar by the Lieutenant -Governor.
Advantage was also taken of the
opportunity to show him the troops,
the guns, the railway, and the tele-
graphs ; whilst he literally tired
out many of those who were pre-
sented to him by the pertinent
questions he put to them regarding
the civil administration. He left
Lahore on the 20th, and travelled
via Jullender and Loodhiaria — the
greater part of the way by rail —
to Umballa, where he arrived on
the evening of the 24th.
The meeting at Umballa between
the Viceroy and the Amir was char-
acterised by two phases, the cere-
monial and the political. Utterly
distinct as these were in themselves,
there existed, nevertheless, a link
between them. In all Asiatic pro-
ceedings " the sauce to meat is
ceremony." Upon conformity to
the strict etiquette of a ceremonial
depends often the success or failure
of a negotiation. The value of the
presents, the number of paces the
host may advance to receive his
guest, the language of the first
formal conversation, affect, to a far
greater extent than is the case in
Europe, the success of the political
discussions. Hence it is that cere-
monial occupies so large a space in
the interviews between great per-
sonages in India ; hence, too, the
necessity which devolves upon us
of giving a detailed though brief
account of the main incidents of
the outer phase of the negotiations
between Lord Mayo and the Amir
of Caubul.
It is scarcely too much to affirm
that as a mere spectacle, as a cere-
monious display, the Durbar held
at Umballa was inferior to none of
its predecessors. It is difficult for
1870.]
Lord Mayo and the Umballa Durbar.
67
an English reader to realise the
picturesque effect produced by the
multitude of tents pitched in regu-
lar order on that unbroken plain,
the blue ranges of the Himalayas
rising to a visible height of some
seven thousand feet in the back-
ground. In addition to the large
reception-tents, those for the recep-
tion of the Earl and Countess of
Mayo and their suite, for the mem-
bers of the Viceroy's Council, for
the Lieutenant-Governors of the
Punjaub and the North-west Pro-
vinces, for the Commander - in -
Chief, for distinguished visitors,
and for other high functionaries,
there were the regimental camps
for nearly six thousand men, of
whom three-fifths were Europeans.
The plain itself, unbroken and
of vast extent, is perhaps better
adapted for the accommodation of
a multitude than any other in the
North-west Provinces. Even after
all the tents have been pitched,
there is space for the manoeuvring
of troops practically illimitable ;
whilst, by reason of the flatness of
the surface, the ground is admir-
ably adapted for those movements
of cavalry and artillery which add
so much to the successful display
of a field-day. We have alluded to
the effect produced by the Hima-
layan scenery in the background.
This would strike the most casual
observer. But to appreciate it to
its fullest extent, the spectator
mast have been accustomed to the
long succession of level land char-
acterising the plains of Hindostan,
unbroken save here and there by
mad-built villages, belts of trees,
arid patches of uncultivated jungle.
From those glorious heights seemed
to blow the revivifying breezes
waich made the temperature, albeit
at the end of March, refreshing and
peasant. The sight of them sug-
gested likewise other thoughts. It
was not unknown to the Amir that
those lofty ranges sheltered large
b( dies of our European soldiers
during the months when the intense
heat of the plains was more or less
fatal to the constitutions of the
northern race ; nor that from those
very heights our troops had sallied
forth on three memorable occasions
to encounter and to vanquish the
enemies of British supremacy in
India — in 1845, to beat back the
invasion of the Sikhs— in 1848. to
complete the subjugation of that
nation — and in 1857, to suppress
the rebellion of the native soldiery
we had pampered. He could not
be unaware that thence, on provo-
cation by whomsoever given, they
would be ever ready to march
again.
At five o'clock on the evening of
the 24th March the train convey-
ing the Amir reached Umballa.
The photographic likenesses taken
of Shir Ali have not probably been
so extensively circulated in England
as to render a description of his
appearance unnecessary. He is a
man of about five feet eight inches
in height, broad shouldered, wide
chested, and strong limbed to an
extraordinary degree. His face has
the Jewish expression common to
the Afghan race, though by no
means to such an extent as to pre-
vent him being considered decid-
edly handsome. His eyes are dark,
piercing, and cruel. The expres-
sion betokens great composure, a
consciousness of strengh, and a
most determined resolution. He
gives the spectator the idea of a
man who would rather die than
surrender his rights, who would
stop short at nothing to assert
them. And this undoubtedly is
the case. Yet, strange contradic-
tion ! this is the man whom the
death of his eldest son threw into
a despair bordering upon madness
— a despair such as rendered him
even indifferent to the assertion of
his right of sovereignty ! He wore
a Persian sheepskin hat, a brown
over-all coat, and a pair of gold-
striped trousers of English pat-
tern. His manners were easy and
collected. He was accompanied
by his youngest son, Abdoolla
Khan, a bright-looking boy of eight
68
Lord Mayo and the Umballa Durbar.
[Jan.
years, and by several of his most
devoted councillors, members of
his own personal party. From all
these the Amir was easily distin-
guishable by his regal bearing.
The Amir was received at the
station by the Commander- in- Chief
of the army in India, and was con-
ducted by that high functionary to
a house which had been selected
as his residence whilst at Umballa.
On the following morning a grand
parade was held in his honour.
The Amir drove to the parade-
ground in a carriage-and-four, ac-
companied by Colonel Chamberlain
and the Commissioner of Pesha-
wur, and took up his post at the
saluting - flag by the side of the
Commander-in-Chief. Thence he
watched the troops as they passed
round in review. He was greatly
struck by their appearance, espe-
cially by the horse-artillery, the
composition of which appeared to
him perfect. One troop, especially,
horsed entirely by chestnuts, called
forth his commendation. He eyed
them with the keen glance of a
tried soldier, and it was impossible
to doubt that the admiration he
freely expressed came really from
his heart. But what perhaps called
forth his most genuine admiration
was the fact that all the orders,
issuing from one man, supreme on
the ground, were instantly obeyed
by the troops ; that, in a word, the
instantaneous movement of all
arms gave a ready testimony to the
absolute will of the commander.
This impressed him the more, be-
cause in his own country the feudal
system of military service still pre-
vailed. The Amir was there the
admitted chief of a number of
khans or lords, each bound to bring
into the field a certain number of
followers. Those followers, how-
ever, were the followers of the
khans, not of the Amir. They
would take orders only from their
feudal chief, the head of their clan.
Hence the impossibility of rapid
and combined movements in an
Afghan army. When, therefore,
the Amir beheld the English force
moving as though every soldier of
it were animated by the same idea,
and that one and all combined to
carry out the movement indicated
by the commander on the ground,
he could not conceal his admiration,
exclaiming, " We have much to
learn and to unlearn in Caubul
before we can accomplish anything
like that." Judging from some of
the earlier measures taken by him
after his return to his capital, we
may safely affirm that he at that
moment inwardly registered a vow
to reform his own army on the
model of that then exercising be-
fore him.
Meanwhile Lord Mayo had left
Calcutta by special train. Accom-
plishing the journey of nearly twelve
hundred miles in forty-three hours,
he reached Umballa, accompanied
by the Countess of Mayo, and at-
tended by his staff, on the morn-
ing of the 27th March. The
grandest preparations had been
made for his reception. The Lieu-
tenant-Governor of the Punjaub,
the Commander-in-Chief of the
army, the members of Council, and
other high officers of State, attended
on the platform as he alighted from
the railway carriage. From the
station to the Viceregal camp the
road was lined with troops, com-
posed partly of British regiments,
partly of native corps, partly of the
contingents of our native feuda-
tories in their picturesque and
gaudy costumes. Mounting his
horse, and followed by a brilliant
staff, the Viceroy passed through a
lane composed of the magnificent
Highlanders, the stalwart Sikhs,
the hardy Goorkhas of our own
army, to encounter the swarthy
troopers of Puttiala and Jheend,
all intent on doing him honour.
The weather was glorious ; the sky
clear ; the atmosphere, refreshed by
recent rain, even exhilarating. The
arrangements were perfect. Not a
single contretemps occurred to mar
the dispositions of those to whom
they had been intrusted. Slowly
1870.]
Lord Mayo and the Umballa Durbar.
69
the procession wended its way, its
advance heralded by the firing of
salute^, until the Viceregal tents
were reached. Lord Mayo then
alighted to prepare for the cere-
monial which was to follow in the
afternoon.
At five o'clock the Durbar was
held. The highest functionaries
under the Viceroy were deputed to
meet the Amir as he alighted from
his carriage, and to conduct him,
under a royal salute, to the door of
the tent. Shir Ali was accompa-
nied by his little son, and attend-
ed by his principal chiefs. As he
approached, Lord Mayo advanced
a few steps from the entrance of
the tent, where he had been stand-
ing, shook him cordially by the
hand, and led him to the dais.
On reaching the thrones placed for
the two great personages, Lord
Mayo turned to Shir Ali, bade him,
in the name of the Queen, a hearty
welcome, and expressed the grati-
fication he felt at being able to
receive him as the guest of her
Majesty. He trusted, he added,
that the visit might be the com-
mencement of many years of am-
ity between her Majesty and his
Highness, and of mutual confidence
and goodwill between the two na-
tions. The Amir having made a
suitable reply, they sat down, and
the offering of the presents took
place. Of these there were fifty-
one trays for the Amir himself,
twenty-one for his little son, and
twenty-one for each of his three
principal councillors. The pre-
sents for the Amir consisted of
guns, rifles, shields, clocks, watches,
gold snuff-boxes, gold and silver
caps, flagons, and salvers. That
the Amir highly appreciated them,
especially the rifles, was evident
from his heightened colour, and
the increased sparkle of his eye, as
he gazed at them. The dignified
and courteous manner of Lord Mayo
had set the Amir entirely at his
ease ; and as he glanced round the
magnificent tent at the soldiers and
statesmen assembled to do him
honour, he could not help showing
the triumph he undoubtedly felt
at the realisation of the great wish
of his heart, since his accession
five years previously to the throne
— his cordial recognition by the
British.
Meanwhile, by means of an in-
terpreter, a conversation of a for-
mal nature was carried on between
the Viceroy and the Amir. On its
conclusion, Lord Mayo rose, and
taking in his hand a jewel-hilted
sword of great value which lay
beside him, presented it grace-
fully to the Amir, accompany-
ing the present by the expression
of a hope that whenever employed
against the enemies of his coun-
try, the sword might be useful
to him. The immediate and im-
promptu reply of Shir Ali was con-
ceived in the same cordial spirit,
and conveyed in terms not less
suited to the occasion. " I hope,
indeed," he replied, " to wield this
sword with effect, not only against
my own enemies, but against the
enemies of the British Govern-
ment." With a few more cere-
monies, the business of the Durbar
came to a conclusion. The Amir
and his followers were reconducted
to their carriages with the same
etiquette which had characterised
their arrival, and the great meet-
ing was over.
The Amir could not conceal his
gratification at his reception. Pleas-
ed as he undoubtedly was with the
presents, he had been still more
delighted with the manner of the
Viceroy. It had been so exactly
what it should be, that this rude
chieftain, whose life had been spent
mainly in the stormy conflict of real
war, or in weaving plans of violence
and intrigue, was completely won by
it — it had penetrated to his very
heart. On his way home he could
talk of little else. Even after his
return to his own house, when,
having disrobed himself of his
state garments, he sat down to in-
dulge in his customary beverage of
green tea, and to discuss, as was
70
Lord Mayo and the Umballa Durbar.
[Jan.
his wont at such a time, the affairs
of the day with his officers, he could
not avoid reverting to this subject,
repeating over and over again how
much he liked Lord Mayo, and
adding, " He is such a nice fellow,
and then he is so big." Not less
significant was the remark he made
about Lord Mayo's little son, a boy
six years old. " He has eyes," he
said, " out of which the man shines ;
he comes of a family of men."
On the Monday morning follow-
ing, Lord Mayo returned the visit
of the Amir. The Viceroy, on
alighting, was received by the Amir,
who had advanced beyond the en-
trance of his tent to meet him, and
conducted to the dais. The con-
versation commenced as soon as the
great personages were seated. The
Amir praised our army, stating
that he could never see enough of
our troops. The Viceroy assured
his Highness, in reply, of the plea-
sure it would give her Majesty to
hear so favourable an opinion of
her soldiers from so tried and so
successful a warrior. The usual
wishes for perpetual alliance be-
tween the two countries were like-
wise freely expressed. But this
conversation, like that of the pre-
ceding Saturday, was purely formal.
On its conclusion, the Amir, un-
buckling his own sword, an heir-
loom in his family regularly trans-
mitted to the representative of the
Barukzze family, presented it with
a few complimentary words to Lord
Mayo, and reconducted him to his
carriage. The formal part of the
ceremonial had thus on both sides
been performed.
We do not propose to enter into
a minute or detailed account of the
manner in which the Amir occu-
pied the lighter hours of his stay at
Umballa. It will suffice if we state
that he attended races, where he
selected as his favourite the horse
which actually proved the winner
of the race of the day; he came to
see a steeplechase, at which, con-
trary to his expressed opinion, and
greatly to his surprise, all the horses
but one succeeded in taking all the
jumps. At an evening party — the
first he had ever visited, and all
the details of which were new to
him — he displayed the refined cour-
tesy of an English gentleman, lis-
tening with great good -humour
and apparent interest to an Italian
air and a Border lay, an'd entering
into conversation with all who were
presented to him. But he was most
gratified with the reviews, which
came off in regular succession. To
one of these, intended to represent
a sham fight, he came mounted on
an elephant. Wherever the thick
of the battle appeared, there was his
elephant to be seen. He thought
it glorious, magnificent, second only
to the real thing. On another occa-
sion he came to inspect the artillery
practice, at the result of which, at
a distance of sixteen hundred yards,
he could not conceal his surprise
and admiration. " Splendid ! splen-
did! " was the exclamation that con-
stantly issued from his lips. On
the conclusion of the practice he
expressed his admiration to the
officer commanding the troop. Ob-
serving his arm in a sling, he in-
quired how the accident had hap-
pened. When informed it was from
a fall whilst hog-hunting, he was
greatly surprised. " How is it pos-
sible," he exclaimed, " that such a
man should take pleasure in slaying
the unclean animal ] Surely he has
amusement enough in these guns ! "
He likewise inspected, and greatly
admired, the mountain battery of
guns on the old pattern, which had
been presented to him. On the 3d
April he departed on his return-trip
to Caubul, immensely gratified by
the reception accorded to him,
deeply impressed by much that he
had witnessed — firmly resolved, to
use his own expression, to make his
chieftains unlearn much they were
in the habit of practising, in order
that they might learn instead the
lessons which his Umballa experi-
ences had pointed out to him as in-
dispensably necessary for the stabil-
ity of his rule.
1870.]
Lord Mayo and the Umballa Durbar.
71
But whilst affairs on the surface
•were thus happily managed, ques-
tions of great importance were be-
ing discussed by the two principals
in private. To understand, so far
as their true history has been ascer-
tained, the nature of these ques-
tions, we propose to revert to the
moment when the first opportunity
was afforded to the Amir of dis-
closing his secret wishes to the re-
presentatives of the British power.
We say, so far as their true his-
tory has been ascertained; for up
to the present moment neither Lord
Mayo nor the Secretary of State
has thought proper to publish the
details of the secret conferences.
But the want of reticence displayed
by the Amir himself, alike at Um-
balla and on his return-journey to
Peshawur, has k>ng since deprived
those details of the secret character
they were supposed to bear. And
although their true history has been
but partially revealed to the Indian
press, there can be no indiscretion
now in withdrawing the veil which
has concealed the more important
of them from the British public.
It would appear that the Amir
left Caubul full of hope as to the
aid he might receive from the Brit-
ish Government. The reception
he met with at Peshawur and La-
hore, considered by him to be in a
great degree due to the prestige of
Ids victories, so worked upon his
naturally grasping character, that,
before he reached Umballa, the
hopes he had entertained at Cau-
liul had swollen to certainties, and
lie had prepared himself to prefer
demands of a most extraordinary
nature.
Such demands, there can be no
manner of doubt, he did actually
]>ut forward. But it was evident,
in fact he scarcely attempted to
conceal from those with whom he
afterwards conversed, that the pre-
ferment of them was intermingled
Avlth a suspicion as to our real in-
tentions. Such a suspicion had
been infused into his mind by the
refusal of the Anglo-Indian Gov-
ernment to aid him even by sym-
pathy during his contest with his
brothers ; and it had been more
recently pressed upon him by the
party in Caubul by which his jour-
ney to Umballa had been opposed.
Nor, in spite of the reception ac-
corded to him, could he refrain
from giving utterance to the idea
which rankled in his mind, that the
Anglo-Indian policy of recognising
only the de facto ruler, even of a
portion of his country, during the
great struggle for power, had been
deliberately framed for the purpose
of weakening Afghanistan, by en-
couraging the claims of rival pre-
tenders, and thereby prolonging
anarchy and civil war. It was with
him evidently a firm conviction,
that if the British Government had
given him their strong moral sup-
port, had presented him with the
few muskets he asked for, when,
after his father's death, he ascended
the throne ; if, subsequently, that
same Government had abstained
from recognising the right of his
brothers to make war upon him ; if
it had extended to him then the
support it offered him at the close
of 1868, then never would there
have been civil war in his country,
never would the opportunity have
been afforded to our Government of
recognising his rivals as rulers. He
repeatedly expressed his conviction
that it was the hasty and inoppor-
tune recognition of those rivals,
the announcement to Afghanistan
and the world that the British
Government would recognise only
the de facto ruler, whoever he
might be, which had kept the
country in civil war, and raised the
hopes of every disaffected chieftain
throughout the land.
These thoughts Shir Ali could
not conceal. They constituted in
his mind a festering grievance,
which, even in the midst of all his
honours, would sometimes instil
doubts as to our sincerity. It is
important to remember this. Whe-
ther his opinions were well founded
or baseless, true or false, is scarcely
72
Lord Mayo and the Umballa Durbar.
[Jan.
the question. It cannot be denied
that they represented the impres-
sions which the past policy of the
Anglo-Indian Government had pro-
duced on the most liberal minds
among the Afghan people. Viewed
in this aspect, they were naturally
calculated to produce a deep im-
pression on all who listened to
them. Shir Ali made no secret of
his dissatisfaction with our past
policy ; and it was probably the
knowledge that he was dissatisfied
which gave a colour to the exag-
gerated reports, prevalent at the
time, as to the concessions and
subsidies which had been assigned
to him.
Under the difficult circumstances
thus presented for its considera-
tion, the conduct of the Govern-
ment of Lord Mayo was distin-
guished by. great tact. Unswerv-
ingly loyal to the policy of his
predecessor, jealous to refrain from
binding his Government to any
engagement for the future, Lord
Mayo yet succeeded in dissipat-
ing all the suspicions of the
Amir, in satisfying him alike as
to our disinterestedness and as to
our latent power. In such a work
Lord Mayo's best ally was himself.
Against his friendly manifestations
the dark spirit which had accom-
panied the Amir to Umballa strug-
gled in vain. t He became, after a
few interviews*, perfectly satisfied
as to the loyal intentions of our
Government. That satisfaction
once established, the overgrown
superstructure of exaggerated de-
mands fell at once to the ground.
He was glad then to take what
Sir John Lawrence would have
given in 1868, what Lord Mayo
was ready to give in 1869. He
left Umballa, then, perfectly easy
in his own mind ; he left it,
what perhaps even his father had
never been, a trusting ally of the
British. And it is certain that
Lord Mayo effected this desirable
object without for one moment re-
laxing his determination to yield
no demands which might compro-
mise the policy upon which he and
his Council had resolved.
The Amir had never concealed
his desire to obtain from Lord
Mayo such concessions as an
offensive and defensive treaty, an
annual subsidy, a promise of active
interference on our part against
his enemies. But the utmost he
did obtain from Lord Mayo was a
full assurance of cordial recognition
on the part of the British Govern-
ment, and of its support in his en-
deavour to establish a strong, just,
and merciful government in Af-
ghanistan, as well as of a complete
discountenancing of any efforts on
the part of his rivals to plunge the
country again into civil war. Yet
so great had been the personal in-
fluence upon his mind of Lord
Mayo, so vivid the impressions pro-
duced by all he had seen of British
India, that the Amir gratefully ac-
cepted the alternative offered by
the British Government in lieu of
his own impossible demands.
The policy, then, adopted by the
British Government at the confer-
ences, and which, as distinguished
from that which preceded it, may
properly be termed the Umballa
policy, was still, like that other, a
policy of non-intervention. There
was, nevertheless, between the two,
a striking and material difference.
The ante-Umballa policy, being a
policy of absolute abstention, of
recognising the ruler of the hour,
tended to prolong civil war in
Afghanistan, and therefore to the
weakness and political nullity of
that country ; it rendered real
friendship between British India
and Afghanistan impossible. The
Umballa policy, on the other hand,
equally an abstention policy, yet
held out the right hand of friend-
ship to the lawful ruler of Af-
ghanistan, gained his confidence,
satisfied him of our power, of
our disinterestedness, of our wish
for the formation under his aus-
pices of a powerful kingdom on
our frontier. Nay, more ; it gave
him the opportunity, by which he
1870.]
Lord Mayo and the Umballa Durbar.
73
has since endeavoured to profit, of
acquiring practical experience as to
the means by which his kingdom
might be purged from some of the
worst vices of feudalism, heretofore
its bane, and the foundations of a
uniform system be established in
all its provinces.
Though but few months have
elapsed since the promulgation of
the Umballa policy, it has yet been
rich in results. In Afghanistan
itself, the disturbances which had
continued with scarcely any inter-
mission for five years have ceased
as if by magic. During those five
years, the weakness of Afghanistan,
caused by her internal feuds, had
tended to encourage the advance of
Russia on the north, the aggres-
sions of Persia on the west. Since
the proclamation of the Umballa
policy, the increased strength of
Al'ghanistan as an independent
power may be inferred alike by
the angry articles which have ap-
peared in the Russian journals,
and by the preparations made
by Persia in the neighbourhood of
Seistan. Prior to its enunciation,
British India had a weak and sus-
picious power on her frontier, ready
at any moment to become an enemy.
By its enunciation that weak and
suspicious power has been changed
into a friend, bound to her by the
most powerful of all ties, the tie of
self-interest.
It is to be hoped that the Um-
balla policy may, in the interests of
British India, be maintained and
extended. There can be no greater
guarantee of peace in India than
the cultivation with our neighbours
of friendly and even cordial rela-
tions, the fostering of the endeavour
to promote among them the bless-
ings of good government, that by
degrees they may come to regard
the arts of peace and the specula-
tions of commerce as more than
compensating for the gain of bat-
tles however glorious, and for terri-
torial acquisitions however proudly
gained. The time may be long be-
fore such a feeling may be firmly
rooted in the hearts of a people
like the Afghans ; but it may be
safely asserted that the Umballa
policy of Lord Mayo has at least
sown the seed.
Even at the time we write, a
silent revolution is progressing in
Afghanistan. The feudal system
of service has been abolished, and
a system of regular payment to the
troops substituted for it. A regu-
lar revenue administration has been
organised. The servants of the Go-
vernment have been made salaried
officers of State, instead of being,
as they were before, quasi-inde-
pendent officials. The power of the
great nobles has been curbed, and
the independence of provincial gov-
ernors restricted. It has been the
great aim of the Amir to consoli-
date his kingdom. Prior to 1869
it was composed of five provinces,
virtually independent, owing him
an allegiance which often had to be
enforced by arms. Inspired by the
example of British rule, as seen by
him in the northern provinces of
our empire, the Amir has endeav-
oured to change all this. Instead
of ruling over Candaharees, Hera-
tees, Caubulees, and others, he
wishes to govern one race of
Afghans. One government, one
army, one treasury, one nation —
these are his watchwords. It is
not to be imagined that, proceeding
as he has in his reforms with all
the fervour and energy of a man
thoroughly in earnest, he has en-
countered no opposition. That
was hardly to be expected. Yet
whatever opposition has hitherto
manifested itself he has success-
fully beaten down. We are aware
that -when, at Umballa, he disclosed
his intentions in the way of reform
on his return to Caubul, he was ad-
vised not to be in too great a hurry,
to proceed warily and cautiously.
His reply indicated enormous self-
confidence. " If I cannot lead
them," he said, " I will drive them."
And he has literally carried out
this boast. Partly leading and
partly driving, he has hitherto met
74
Lord Lyttorfs Comedy.
[Jan.
with extraordinary success in car-
rying through all his measures for
the consolidation of Afghanistan
as a united kingdom under his sole
rule. Of all the spectacles present-
ing themselves to the study of the
philosopher and the politician, this
is perhaps the most curious and
the most interesting. To see a
rude Asiatic warrior engaged in
fashioning his Government ac-
cording to the model of that
of his European neighbours, is a
problem to arrest the attention of
all. He may succeed, or he may
fail ; but the fact of his making the
attempt is in itself remarkable.
It is at all events no weak testi-
mony to the value attached to the
principles of British administration
in India by a prince aspiring to gov-
ern ; and if it succeed, as succeed it
may, it will deserve to be quoted as
one of the most striking results ever
obtained from the peaceful contact
of civilisation and barbarism.
LORD LYTTON'S COMEDY.
NOT one of those fairies who can
make or mar a mortal's career was
forgotten in sending out the invi-
tations to Lord Lytton's christen-
ing. There was no powerful mal-
ignant hag who stayed aloof from
the festival, nursing her injury,
and withholding her gift, the ab-
sence of which would be as fatal to
prosperity as the loss of a linchpin
to the progress of a triumphal car ;
or who, coming uninvited, neutral-
ised the beneficence of her sister
fairies with a baleful offering. All
those potent and capricious shap-
ers of destiny whom it is so easy
to estrange, so hard to propitiate,
thronged to the ceremony, lavish
of their smiles and prodigal of their
benefits. On their protege they
showered invention and wit and
wisdom, knowledge of man, know-
ledge of the world, and capacity for
the world's affairs ; and to these was
added that versatility, rare in any
case — most rare in combination
with solid excellences — which has
found such multitudinous issue in
novels, poetry, essays, oratory, and
the drama. All was completed
by the bestowal of the untiring in-
dustry which keeps these powers
in brilliant action, and which,
(dropped commonly enough in the
cradles of those to whom other
favours are denied, and often, un-
happily, lending to dulness such
a tremendous power of afflicting
mankind) is so seldom associated
with high and various capacity.
No patient conscientious founder
of a name out of nothing has ever
shown a more constant energy, a
more cheerful welcoming of toil,
than the author who started in life
already endowed with so large a
share of what generally forms the
allurement and reward of exertion.
Throughout his career he has seem-
ed to seek repose only in variety of
labour : the recreation of the states-
man has been the writing of novels ;
the novelist has sought relaxation
in the Parliamentary arena and the
Cabinet ; and the odds and ends of
leisure, which most busy men are
content to devote to such pleasant
distractions as lotos-eating, have
been given to the production of
essays, translations, or original
dramas, — his success in any one
of which minor paths would have
sufficed for a respectable literary
reputation. Some of his plays,
"Money," "Richelieu," and "The
Lady of Lyons," were not merely
successful for a time, but have kept
the stage for more than a genera-
tion ; and the last named has been
acted at two London theatres with-
in this month past. And with all
this quantity of production, the
' Walpole ; or, Every Man has his Price. A Comedy in Rhyme. In Three Acts. '
By Lord Lytton. William Blackwood & Sons, Edinburgh and London. 1869.
1870.]
Lord Lyttoris Comedy.
75
quality is always excellent. Un-
like many famous and voluminous
authors, he (to use a phrase that
trades -unions will render famil-
iar to us) never " scamps " his
work ; thought and conscientious
art are everywhere visible between
the lines. Goethe himself has
never more profoundly sought the
conditions of literary excellence
than Lord Lytton, who, it may be
safely said, has never planned a
work, devised an incident, nor
developed a character — nay, even
written a paragraph — without due
regard to the exigencies of art.
The prefaces to later editions of
his novels contain expositions of
principles which, if studied by some
of our novelists, might be of infinite
service, by enabling them, if not to
attain greater excellence, yet at least
to commit less palpable blunders.
There have, of late, appeared some
indications that, after so long and
laborious a career, he was about to
give himself a longer interval of re-
pose. He has exchanged the busy
region of the Commons for the
serener atmosphere of the Peers :
it is some years since he charmed
the world with a novel ; and the
well -pondered, carefully - wrought
translation of Horace, with its de-
lightful essay on the characteristics
of the poet, republished this year
from our pages, though really in-
volving a great amount of labour,
might seem to many rather the
fruit of scholarly leisure than of
fresh intellectual activity. But it
is just at this time of seeming repose
that he flashes out upon us with
an original work, cast in the most
condensed and exacting of all forms,
the dramatic, and even in that form
a novelty, for it is a rhymed comedy.
This is manifestly an experiment ;
for though rhyme has heretofore
been applied to burlesques, to
prologues and epilogues, to the
chorus, to the ending of scenes and
plays, and even in a few cases to
tragedies, we do not know of any pre-
vious case of a pure English comedy
in rhyme. Not only is the verse
rhymed, but, as will be seen in the
specimens we shall offer, it is of a
measure not hitherto employed on
the stage — that of Goldsmith's
"Retaliation" and "Epistle to Lord
Clare" — selected, perhaps, as ad-
mitting the variety of the double
rhyme. There can be no doubt that
an epigram gains in neatness, an
antithesis in force, and a sarcasm in
point, by being expressed in rhyme,
and that ordinary thoughts receive
a new value by being tersely and
melodiously embodied. Therefore,
in the case of a comedy intended
only to be read, it may well happen
that the merits will be greatly en-
hanced by the adoption of this new
vehicle : of the advantage in the
case of an acted play we are less
positive. Whether any inevitable
associations with burlesques and
extravaganzas will be allowed to
influence the critical spirit of the
audience it is difficult to foresee ;
at any rate such an objection ought
not, as being accidental in its na-
ture, to prejudice that part of an
audience whose judgment is worth
most. But we think that in strik-
ing the balance of gain and loss in
this experiment, the possible di-
minution of stage illusion by the
increase in the artificial quality of
the medium will not be without
weight. To our minds it will
be to diminished purpose that
Sir Robert . Walpole is dressed
exactly after the fashion of his
time, and that his sentiments are
strictly in accordance with his cha-
racter, if he delivers his opinions on
statecraft in rhymed verse. The
Minister of the Georges may in such
a case vanish, and the whole scene
will perhaps be removed to the re-
gion of vague epochs and unreal
characters. The case of blank verse
is different ; it is, to the ear, only
refined and melodious prose lend-
ing solemnity to grave thoughts,
and grace to lighter sentiment.
But that Shakespeare judged even
blank verse an inappropriate vehicle
for comedy is shown by the fact
that his comic business is almost
invariably transacted in prose, that
most of his comic characters never
76
Lord Lytton's Comedy.
[Jan.
speak verse at all, and that others
who do speak it descend to prose
in comic scenes. Thus Prince Hal,
who uses blank verse when defying
Hotspur, and trying on his father's
crown, conforms to the language of
Falstaff, Bardolph, and Quickly, in
his colloquies with them; andCassio,
who reciprocates verse with Desde-
mona, uses a more ordinary dialect
when, being in liquor, he discourses
fustian with his own shadow. How-
ever, we do not wish to dogmatise
on this novel question, and fully
believe that the play contains in
its present form all the elements of
success.
The plot of this comedy is ex-
cellent. It is of smoothness and
neatness all compact, and is woven
with love, of course, for one of its
main threads, and with politics for
the other. The central figure is
the jovial one of Sir Robert Wal-
polp, the famous Minister who was
the main prop of the Hanoverian
dynasty and the Protestant succes-
sion. Everybody who knows any-
thing about him knows that his
name has become a byword as the
audacious and unscrupulous advo-
cate of a policy of corruption. Yet
the stigma that attaches to him on
this score is not deep ; he is one
of those genial personages who,
popular in their own age, mollify
the censors of an after-time with
their pleasant qualities, and are
the spoiled children of history. In
his fondness for power, his deter-
mination to " bear, like the Turk,
no brother near the throne," his
sturdy good sense, jovial manners,
and good-humour, and his power
of managing the House of Com-
mons, Lord Palrnerston resembles
him more than any other of our
Prime Ministers, and the parallel
might probably be carried still
farther. As to the corruption im-
puted to him, whatever the degree
of it (and no doubt it has been
greatly exaggerated), there is much
extenuation in the facts that he
never turned any of the stream
of public money with which he
so freely irrigated the field of
party, into his private reservoirs ;
and that he resorted to bribes as
the only effectual means of retain-
ing the power which, as he honest-
ly believed, and as was certainly
true, it was indispensable for the
peace of the country that he, and
he alone, should possess. And even
if he had been guilty of corruption
to the full extent with which he
has been charged, his system of
maintaining political influence was
pure and virtuous compared with
that which in our time we see
practised as a matter of course in
that country of whose institutions
many of our patriots are such ar-
dent admirers, where each newly-
elected Executive rewards its sup-
porters with the spoils of party
down to the very lowest official
post, and where politics have thus
become not a vocation, nor a profes-
sion, but a trade. The fat knight of
Eastcheap, when charged with one
of his delinquencies, says, " Thou
knowest that in the state of
innocency Adam fell, and what
should poor Jack Falstaff do in
the days of villany ? " In like
manner Sir Robert, if put on his
defence now, might well plead,
that if such things are done in
these days of political enlighten-
ment and matured public virtue, it
is not to be wondered at that poor
Bob Walpole fell in times when
a vote was generally regarded as
convertible property ; when many a
patriot stood ready to be knocked
down to the highest bidder, Hano-
verian or Jacobite ; and when in a
neighbouring State the people were
taxed to exhaustion, and the ex-
chequer rendered bankrupt, in order
that the king's illegitimate children,
his mistresses with all their friends
and relations, and a butterfly aris-
tocracy, might be enriched by the
public revenues.
While, then, there is nothing in
Walpole's public character so inex-
cusable as to deprive him of sym-
pathy as a dramatic personage,
there is much in the man to engage
1870.]
Lord Lytton's Comedy.
77
our regard and approval. He was
as remarkable for lenity to his
political foes as for prodigality to
his political friends. He was not
merely a vigorous and acute de-
bater, but the very father of Par-
liamentary debate. In private life
he was, in a jovial age, one of the
most jovial of men, drank hard,
and feasted, when not to drink
hard and feast was to fail in the
most important of social duties;
and yet his brain was never the
less clear for his potations. Joy-
ous of temper, easy of wit, plump
and rosy of aspect, his person, as
well as his habits, was that of the
country gentleman of the time ; and
even " ce vilain venire " which pro-
voked the sarcasm of Queen Caro-
line, harmonised with the general
appearance and character of the
good-natured bon vivant. The epoch
of the comedy is the year follow-
ing the Rebellion of 1715, when
two of the Jacobite lords had ex-
piated, with their heads, their ad-
hesion to the losing cause, and
others awaited execution in the
Tower. Walpole was not then, nor
ever had been, the actual chief of
the Cabinet ; but his power of de-
bate, influence in the country, and
ascendancy over Lord Townshend
the Prime Minister, really rendered
his influence paramount. He comes
on the stage, therefore, clothed with
the highest authority of the State ;
and as his relations with the
rest of the dramatis personce ren-
der his social influence as un-
questioned as his political as-
cendancy, he dominates the situ-
ation at every stage, and finally
appears as the destiny or providence
of the play. Round this robust
central figure are grouped some
politicians who, having no histori-
cal existence, yet serve admirably
to bring out the characteristics of
Walpole : John Veasey, a confidant
to whom he imparts his thoughts
in a way very superior to soliloquy :
and two leaders of sections of parties,
Blount and Bellair, who, because
they are not only politicians, but
lovers of the same woman — blend
the two main threads of interest.
Blount is what was in those days
known as a patriot, and patriots
were then, as they have continued
to be, of somewhat uproarious and
aggressive public virtue ; whom
Veasey characterises to Walpole
as —
" Your sternest opponent, half Cato, half Brutus."
Politics, however, and general
inaptitude for the softer graces,
have not prevented Mr Blount
from entertaining in very mature
age (about sixty, apparently) a pas-
sion for the heroine. Sir Sidney
Bidlair is a young member who, if
not a Jacobite, is at least a warm
defender of the condemned peers,
and a vigorous assailant of Wal-
pole ; and he possesses that par-
ti* --ular union of social and intel-
lectual claims which has always
had such attraction for Lord Lyt-
ton, since to eloquence he adds
the qualities that have made him
" chief of the beaux ; " clever, bril-
liant, gay, he is the Pelham of the
stage. Walpole is earnestly bent
on finding the market-price of these
two men, for on their help he relies
to carry the bill for changing tri-
ennial to septennial parliaments, a
measure then and since thought
essential to the peace of the realm
at that particular epoch.
WALPOLE.
I could make — see this list — our majority sure,
If by buying two men I could sixty secure ;
For as each of these two is the chief of a section,
That will vote black or white at its leader's direction,
Let the pipe of the shepherd but lure the bell-wether,
And he folds the whole flock, wool and cry, altogether.
78 Lord Lytton's Comedy. [Jan.
In the first act all the main- measure in a conversation between
springs of the piece are indicated Walpole and his confidant : —
(as they should be), and in great
WALPOLE.
Yes, the change from Queen Anne to King George, we must own,
Kenders me and the Whigs the sole props of the throne.
For the Tories their Jacobite leanings disgrace,
And a Whig is the only safe man for a place.
VEASEY.
And the Walpoles of Houghton, in all their relations,
Have been Whigs to the backbone for three generations.
WALPOLE.
Ay, my father and mother contrived to produce
Their eighteen sucking Whigs for the family use,
Of which number one only, without due reflection,
Braved the wrath of her house by a Tory connection.
But, by Jove, if her Jacobite husband be living,
I will make him a Whig.
VEASEY.
How?
WALPOLE.
By something worth giving :
For I loved her in boyhood, that pale pretty sister;
And in counting the Walpoles still left, I have mist her.
(Pauses in emotion, but quickly recovers himself.)
What was it I said 1 — Oh, — the State and the Guelph,
For their safety, must henceforth depend on myself.
The revolt, scarcely quenched, has live sparks in its ashes ;
Nay, fresh seeds for combustion were sown by its flashes.
Each example we make dangerous pity bequeaths ;
For no Briton likes blood in the air that he breathes.
VEASEY.
Yes ; at least there's one rebel whose doom to the block
Tho' deserved, gives this soft-hearted people a shock.
WALPOLE.
Lord Nithsdale, you mean ; handsome, young, and just wedded j
A poor head, that would do us much harm if beheaded.
VEASEY.
Yet they say you rejected all prayers for his life.
WALPOLE.
It is true ; but in private I've talked to his wife :
She had orders to see him last night in the Tower.
And
VEASEY.
Well?
WALPOLE (looking at his watch).
Wait for the news — 'tis not yet quite the hour."
1870.]
Lord Lyttons Comedy.
79
These two hints of a promising
stray sister somewhere, and of an
interview between a Jacobite lord
in the Tower and his wife, not
without the connivance of Walpole,
are left to fructify in the mind of
the observant reader. Sir Robert
then proceeds to discuss the ques-
tion of bribing Blount and Bel-
lair; and his friend Veasey, satu-
rated apparently with Walpolean
principles, undertakes to fish for
both with the baits that the astute
Miiiister thinks most likely to lure
them. Bellair is the first to appear,
and Veasey, after some adroit flat-
tery, knowing that neither money
nor place will tempt the wealthy
well-born beau, tries inducements
better suited to his age and condi-
tion. A duke's daughter and a
peerage will, he hints, reward the
pliant politician. But he has mis-
taken his man, who, resenting the
attempt at first, presently remem-
bers that it does not pertain to
beaux to be angry.
VEASEY,
No offence.
Why that frown ?
BELLAIR (relapsing into his habitual ease}.
Nay, forgive me. Tho' man, I'm a man about town ;
And so graceful a compliment could not offend
Any man about town, from a Minister's friend.
Still, if not from the frailty of mortals exempt,
Can a mortal be tempted where sins do not tempt 1
Of my rank and my fortume I am so conceited,
That I don't, with a wife, want those blessings repeated.
And tho' flattered to learn I should strengthen the Peers —
Give me still our rough House with its laughter and cheers.
Let the Lords have their chamber — I grudge not its powers ;
But for badgering a Minister nothing like ours !
Whisper that to the Minister ; — sir, your obedient. (Turns away.}
VEASEY (aside}.
Humph ! I see we must hazard the ruder expedient.
If some Jacobite pit for his feet we can dig,
He shall hang as a Tory, or vote as a Whig.
Unsuccessful with Bellair, he sets
about the temptation of Blount,
by hinting that Sir Robert wishes
to confer with him on a question of
coal-dues, about which both are of
one mind. Blount promises to
wait on the Minister — and this, the
political element of the play, being
thus in motion, the other, the
amatory ingredient, is introduced.
Blount, after complimenting his
young friend Bellair on his late
speech, proposes that they should
join forces to oust Walpole. Bel-
lair, in reply, hints playfully
that the other's chance of buying
him is better than Walpole's, for
that he has watched the patriot
lately, when, half disguised, he had
made his way to the house of a cer-
tain Widow Vizard, this house being
also the home of a young lady, Lucy
Wilrnot, with whom the beau had
fallen desperately in love after res-
cuing her one night from the
clutches of those roystering blades
the Mohawks — a savage metropoli-
tan tribe, much given to outrage the
weak of both sexes, which, though
declined greatly in the social scale,
still flourishes under the patronage
of the police and the respectful for-
bearance of the public. Being de-
nied admittance by Dame Vizard,
Sir Sidney has held surreptitious
interviews with Lucy at her win-
80
Lord Lyttoris Comedy.
[Jan.
dow, in which, however, their eyes
were the chief means of communi-
cation, and he now appeals to his
friend as I' ami de la maison to further
his suit. Blount, thus adjured, tells
him that Lucy is a poor girl of mean
family, who, at her mother's death,
had been placed with Mrs Vizard
by a charitable stranger, in order to
qualify herself as a teacher of music.
But Blount omits to mention the
reason of his own agitation through-
out this colloquy — which is, that he
is the charitable stranger, and that
he has himself fallen in love with
the object of his bounty with the
frank infatuation which swains so
mature not unfrequently display.
Their interview is interrupted, and
the first act ended, by the entrance
of the newsman with the papers
containing the account of Lord
Nithsdale's escape in his wife's
clothes from the Tower.
Here, then, we have all the links
indicated whose harmonious twist-
ings and untwistings form the action
of the play. Sir Robert, for a pur-
pose higher than personal ambition,
is bent on gaining the two poli-
ticians ; he remembers tenderly a
long-lost Jacobite sister — a young
lady with a mysterious Jacobite
mother is loved by both the young
and the old politician — and Lord
Nithsdale has escaped from the
Tower. The connection of this
last incident with the plot is pre-
sently seen. For Nithsdale is
brought for refuge by the Jacobites
who aided his escape to the house
of Mrs Vizard, well known as a
partisan of the Stuarts, and she
conceals him, disguised in his wife's
dress, in a bedroom. Meanwhile
Blount has had his interview with
Walpole, who, holding out his
bribe nakedly and confidently,again
proves to have mistaken his man,
for he meets with a prompt refusal.
The scene continues thus : —
WALPOLE.
You are not to be bought, sir — astonishing man !
Let us argue that point. If creation you scan,
You will find that the children of Adam prevail
O'er the beasts of the field but by barter and sale.
Talk of coals — if it were not for buying and selling,
Could you coax from Newcastle a coal to your dwelling ?
You would be to your own fellow-men good for nought,
Were it true, as you say, that you're not to be bought,
If you find men worth nothing — say, don't you despise them 1
And what proves them worth nothing 1 — why, nobody buys them.
But a -man of such worth as yourself ! nonsense — come,
Sir, to business ; I want you — I buy you ; the sum ]
ELOUNT.
Is corruption so brazen ? are manners so base 1
WALPOLE (aside).
That means he don't much like the Paymaster's place.
(With earnestness and dignity.)
Pardon, Blount, I spoke lightly"; but do not mistake, — •
On mine honour, the peace of the land is at stake.
Yes, the peace and the freedom ! Were Hampden himself
Living still, would he side with the Stuart or Guelph ?
When the Csesars the freedom of Rome overthrew,
All its forms they maintained — 'twas its spirit they slew !
Shall the freedom of England go down to the grave ?
No ! the forms let us scorn, so the spirit we save.
1870.] Lord Lyttoris Comedy. 81
BLOUNT.
England's peace and her freedom depend on your bill 1
WALPOLE (seriously).
Thou know'st it — and therefore
BLOUNT.
My aid you ask still ?
WALPOLE.
Nay, no longer / ask, 'tis thy country petitions.
BLOUNT.
But you talked about terms.
WALPOLE (pushing pen and paper to him).
There, then, write your conditions.
(BLOUNT writes, folds the paper, gives it to WALPOLE, bows, and exit.)
WALPOLE (reading).
" 'Mongst the men who are bought to save England inscribe me,
And my bribe is the head of the man who would bribe me."
Eh ! my head ! That ambition is much too high-reaching ;
I suspect that the crocodile hints at impeaching.
And he calls himself honest ! What highwayman's worse 1
Thus to threaten my life when I offer my purse.
Hem ! he can't be in debt, as the common talk runs,
For the man who scorns money has never known duns.
And yet have him I must ! Shall I force or entice 1
Let me think — let me think ; every man has his price.
(Exit WALPOLE.)
Mrs Vizard has scarcely concealed off to betray him to Wai pole, first
Mthsdale when Blount appears, locking up the house with her two
and taking her to task for permit- charges in it. Here ensues the busy
ting her charge to make Bellair's portion of the play ; for Nithsdale
acquaintance, bids her send Lucy to and Lucy being each in a room that
him, into whose reluctant ear he opens on the stage, and each
proceeds to pour the impassioned anxious to escape from the house,
tile of his elderly affection. Tak- — he, because he has overheard Mrs
iig her agitated silence for consent, Vizard's intended treachery — she
1 e announces to Mrs Vizard that he to avoid Blount, — that kind of com-
v/ill privately marry her ward next plication and interest ensues with
cay, and in the mean time, as he which we are familiar in the corn-
er uits the house, he recommends edies of all ages. The two meet,
that she shall be securely guarded. Lucy, predisposed to aid the Jacob-
At that moment the newsman is ites, lends a sympathetic ear to the
heard underneath the window pro- tale of the supposed Jacobite lady,
claiming the escape of Nithsdale, allows Nithsdale to exchange the
with a description of the dress he now perilous disguise of his wife's
wore, and the offer of a thousand dress for a gown and mantle of her
guineas for his recapture. Mrs own, and helps him to escape by
Vizard recognises her captive in the window. Bellair, coming under
the description ; the reward is too the balcony in hopes of an inter-
much for her fidelity, and she goes view with Lucy, sees her, as he
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLI. F
82
Lord Lytton's Comedy.
[Jan.
fancies, to his great surprise, in the
act of descending, accosts her, and
endeavouring to lift her hood, finds
a strange face beneath it. But as
Nithsdale recognises in Bellair the
member who pleaded so well the
cause of the Jacobites in Parlia-
ment, he at once confides in him.
Sir Sidney, of course, is prompt to
aid him, and the fugitive goes off in
the Beau's carriage, that is waiting
near, to Blackwall for embarkation.
Returning to the balcony, Bellair
sees there this time the real Lucy,
to whose Juliet he plays Romeo so
effectively that they part with the
understanding that he is to return
the same night at ten with a ladder
to carry her off to his house, where
a priest and friends will be ready
to celebrate the bridal ; and so ends
act second.
In the third act, Blount, in St
James's Park, thus characteristi-
cally soliloquises : —
BLOUNT.
So the parson is found and the cottage is hired —
Every fear was dispelled when my rival retired.
Ev*n my stern mother country must spare from my life
A brief moon of that honey one tastes with a wife !
And then strong as a giant, recruited by sleep,
On corruption and Walpole my fury shall sweep.
'Mid the cheers of the House I will state in my place
How the bribes that he proffered were flung in Ms face.
Men shall class me amid those examples of worth
Which, alas ! become daily more rare on this earth;
And Posterity, setting its brand on the front
Of a Walpole, select for its homage a Blount/'
To him enter Bellair, who hastens
to impart to him, as a particularly
eligible confidant, that Lucy, as he
finds, detests her ancient swain
(known to her only as Mr Jones),
and has agreed to become Lady
Bellair that very night, concluding
by begging Blount to act as her
father and give her away. The
patriot, naturally exasperated at
this pleasing intelligence, is ready
for any step, however iniquitous,
that will foil his rival j and the
father of evil, having thus prepared
the soil for a crop of villany, pre-
sently sows it with seed. For
some Jacobites, friends of Niths-
dale, enter, bringing a note from
him to Bellair, full of gratitude, and
promises of great honours and re-
wards if the Stuarts should ever
recover the throne, and also warn-
ing him against Mrs Vizard ; and
Bellair, acknowledging his share in
Nithsdale's escape, discusses this
note with Blount, who, perceiving
what foul advantage it will give
him, secures it, shows it presently
to Veasey, and recommends him,
nothing loath to adopt the sugges-
tion, to make Bellair a prisoner,
stipulating, however, for the secu-
rity of his life and fortune. His
rival thus out of the way, he re-
solves to dispense with the doubt-
ful assistance of Mrs Vizard, and
standing beneath Lucy's window
in Bellair's place, to take full ad-
vantage of the mistake that will
place her in his power.
Veasey coming to Walpole with
the news of Bellair's complicity in
Nithsdale's escape, procures a war-
rant for his confinement, and with
it the information that Mrs Vizard
is in waiting outside, purposely de-
tained by Sir Robert till he had
warned her intended victim to
escape, and that the agent whom
he despatched for the purpose had
found, instead of him, another poor
little weeping captive. Mrs Viz-
ard, admitted to an interview, is
questioned about her fair prisoner,
1370.]
Lord LytiorCs Comedy.
83
and reveals that her name is Wil-
mot, and her father a Jacobite, and
assures Walpole that the girl is no
other than what the acute
reader, mindful of the hint given
him in the first scene, may possibly
guess her to be.
Walpole now holds all the threads
in his own hands, and all the se-
crets— Blount's betrayal of his
friend, Bellair's complicity in the
escape of a State prisoner, and
Lucy's parentage. How he avails
himself of this knowledge to dis-
cover further the rivalry in love of
the two politicians, and the state of
Lucy's affections, and to deal out
satisfactory and good-natured jus-
tice to all, it would be wronging
the author and the reader to dis-
close. Suffice it to say that Wal-
pole is justified in thinking that
every man has his price, though
not always in the mercenary sense
to which he had narrowed the
axiom, and that the politicians make
no final difficulty about confirming
Walpole in power by voting for the
act that has given the. British na-
tion septennial parliaments. The
old statesman in his interview with
Lucy discovers a pretty vein of
sentiment, which, though perhaps
cot strictly in accordance with his
traditional demeanour to the fair
sex, is undoubtedly better suited
to the exigencies of the modern
stage.
Deficient as such a sketch of the
plot must be in those niceties of
detail and various felicities which
so gracefully mark the develop-
ment of the play, the reader who
has followed it will not fail to
perceive that the structure of the
piece is singularly clear and ingeni-
ous. There are no odds and ends
fluttering loose, no irritating pas-
sages leading to nothing, no run-
away knocks at the reader's atten-
tion— all is smooth, compact, and,
what is still better, natural and
probable. The characters are well
selected both for harmony and
contrast — they suit the plot and
the plot suits them — and both plot
and characters grow with perfect
propriety out of the epoch in which
the scenes are laid. The difficulty
of achieving this combined result
will be conceded when it is con-
sidered how rare is success in
this particular in the most popular
comedies of the time, how much
there is in their movement for the
audience to excuse, and how equally
foreign to nature and to art are
many of the incidents and person-
ages that most obtrusively demand
the applause of the indulgent and
the ignorant. These are not days
when the vocation of the dramatic
author or of the actor stands high ;
for though the encouragement given
to modern dramas is lavish, it is
lamentably indiscriminate ; and the
very tradition of such careful work
as Lord Lytton's is almost lost to
the stage.
The finish bestowed on the verse
is commensurate for the most part
with the elaborate* completeness of
the story, and if there are a few
unmetrical lines such as —
or.
" Wrong a widow ! — there's oil to put in her cruse ;"
" Sure you cannot mean Blount, virtuous Selden Blount ?
Yes ;"
and one or two slips of the pen, as —
" He found one poor captive imprisoned and weeping,"
such specks will be easily removed, the quotations we have made fur-
and are scarce worth mention in nish fair examples. The last line
the throng of excellences that crowd of the play, —
the work, of the execution of which
84 Lord Lytton's Comedy.
"Now I'm safe in my office, I'd leave well alone,"
[Jan.
is with singular propriety put in
the mouth of a great Whig ; for his
successors have always, when safe
in office, been careful to act on it,
and commit themselves to import-
ant changes only when impelled by
their hopes or their fears. We will
only add, of this little volume, that
its outside, pretty enough for the
most fastidious boudoir, . yet of ex-
cellent simplicity of taste, har-
monises admirably with the grace-
ful and thoughtful contents, and
may well compete with the more
pretentious progeny of Christmas.
Whether this play will be sub-
mitted to the experiment of repre-
sentation we know not ; but we
should very much like to be present
at its performance by a competent
company, and should be quite con-
tent to see it judged on its merits,
apart from the lustre of its author-
ship. In all the diversity of Lord
Lytton's labours, there is one chap-
ter in literature to which he has
never contributed, — that in which
so many eminent writers have
been so unlucky as to bear a
part, and which is headed the
Jealousies of Authors ; for, however
he may have unconsciously excited
some of that envy which is almost
inevitably felt by less successful as-
pirants for prosperous genius, he ac-
cords always to his brethren of the
craft the most generous apprecia-
tion. If the audience of 'Walpole '
were composed of those only who
are his debtors for kind acts, kind
words, and hearty judicious en-
couragement, the house would be
filled to overflowing ; and if the
play were witnessed by all who
have been delighted, times without
number, by his feats in letters, it
would have a run far beyond the
most fortunate manager's experi-
ence.
1870.]
T/ie Opening of the Suez Canal.
85
THE OPENING OF THE SUEZ CANAL :
AS COMMUNICATED TO BULLION BALES, ESQ. OF MANCHESTER,
BY HIS FRIEND MR SCAMPER.
MY DEAR BALES, — I take for
certain that you are well informed
of my doings up to the last embar-
kation; and concerning the voyage
•which succeeded that event, I have
only to say that it was of the rough-
and-tumble species, the very worst
passage of this my grand tour. Its
disagreeables — and it was exceed-
ingly disagreeable — never for an
instant occupied my mind, from
the hour of its conclusion to this
present writing; and I think, my
friend, that when I relate the events
which succeeded it, you too will
lose all wish to hear about my suf-
ferings, even though some of your
awful predictions were verified
thereby. It was on the morning
of the 15th of November that our
cruise ended. Soon after the dawn
of that day I awoke from a troubled
slumber ; and after being violently
jerked through the arc of a semi-
circle, to and fro, for some five
minutes — she rolled grievously, she
didn't pitch — I chose, as the less of
two evils, to stagger out of my berth,
and to tumble (literally) into a salt-
water bath, deriving much comfort
therefrom. Then I went through
my toilette in the fashion which
you have heard me graphically de-
scribe when I have related my
astonishing adventures in Manches-
ter over a sea -coal fire for the
amusement and edification of —
shall I say it, Bales 1 — the unenter-
prising ! Pass that expression, and
learn that, when I reached the deck,
it was positively affirmed that,
although the land was too low to
Vie yet visible, I might see, if I
chose to look, the masts of ships in
the harbour of Port Said. I did
look, and saw the masts of some
seven ships, and the funnels of
some of them. But one funnel
CAIRO, 25tk November 1869.
smokes, how then can the vessels
be lying at anchor 1 " Oh yes,
they are at anchor — the smoke is
nothing." But I see three of
them smoking now ; the ships are
steaming along; and now, look to
the right, there are three more;
now to the left, there is another,
and, farther off, a pair. Every
minute reveals a new ship. They
are going the same way as our-
selves. We are converging on a
common point, and that point is
Port Sa'id, invisible as yet. Break-
fast-time came, but all refused to
descend, looking pertinaciously for
some material guarantee of the
land's proximity. "There is a
mast," sung out somebody, " which
does not taper, and has neither flag
nor rope." " Much you know about
masts," to him answered another
salt of some ten days' experience.
" You have probably got hold of a
tall funnel through a foul glass; let
me look." " You be hanged ! " re-
plies the first jolly tar, wounded to
his nautical centre. " Bet you three
to one it isn't a funnel or a common
mast." " Done ! the skipper shall
settle it." The skipper has had
his glass on the object for a couple
of minutes. He has no doubt: it
is the lighthouse. " Of course,
of course — of course it's the light-
house," we all say. How singular
that such seasoned tars should
have failed to recognise it! And,
do you know, it really was the light-
house, and we were told that we
should be in harbour in three-quar-
ters of an hour; and we went to
breakfast, the roll (of the ship, not
of breakfast) being now reduced to
an arc of some eighty-five degrees.
So, the meal being more comfort-
able than any for the last two days,
a disposition is manifested to sit
86
The Opening of the Suez Canal.
[Jan.
and talk and speculate. This, how-
ever, is soon dissipated by the
-sounds of artillery, and up we go
with one consent. We were too far
off as yet to discover the cause of
the firing, or to distinguish in front
anything but a sea of masts, and
flags, and floating smoke. To the
right we discern the long mole,
which is the western boundary of
the harbour, like some huge cyclo-
pean structure, extending a little
behind us to the Mediterranean,
and to the front, farther than the
eye can follow it. On the other
side, and not far before us, is the
extremity of the eastern arm. Five
minutes more and we are fairly in
the artificial basin, almost stun-
ned by the continued cannonade.
" What can it be about 1 " " Oh !
a salute to some great one, of
course." " Tremendous noise ! what
will be the size of the guns ? "
" Nine-pounders, I should think j
or, I don't know, they may be
twenty - fours/' says one who
ought to have known better. They
werehundred-and-twenty-pounders,
at the least, crashing away, regard-
less of everything save the effort to
make a noise. We could see now
what is making the guns roar so, if
there were but wind to blow away
the smoke. Despite the smoke, we
soon get an idea of the cause. The
furious ship is flying the Austrian
eagle at the main ; at the fore and
the peak is the crescent. The Turk-
ish flag-ship is saluting the Emperor
of Austria, who arrived an hour be-
fore us.* Her yards are manned,
and, as we get a little clearer view,
we see that the yards of fifty ships
are similarly occupied — rows of
sailors at different heights in the
air. And now it is not one ship of
war, but several at a time, that
essay to imitate Jove's thunder,
and an awful din they create. The
clatter comes from all sides, and, as
it seems to us, most wildly and
irregularly. You no sooner change
position to get a very little out of
the way of the last tormentor, when
— bang ! — under your nose almost,
runs out a treacherous piece, and
sends a rocket through your brain,
making you almost leap from the
deck. Men, as they were inter-
rupted in their speech or stunned
by a discharge, deprecated the shots
in a forcible manly manner ; and
some fair ones on board of us un-
consciously moralised, like Hot-
spur's friend, concerning the dig-
ging of villanous saltpetre. In
truth, there was a vast expenditure
of cartridges.
We began to swing in order to
take up our berth, and in so doing
opened the broadside of the Em-
peror's yacht, alongside of which
two of the Khedive's barges were
waiting. Presently a crowd of
plumes gathered on deck, and we
saw the Viceroy descend the side
and pull away, cheered by all the
men on all the yards. Later on
the Emperor boarded the Khedive,
and the scene was repeated.
As we came up the harbour and
remarked the sailors of different
nations in succession spread out
upon the yards, we had our jokes
at the fellows' style, and anticipat-
ed the satisfaction with which we
should soon behold something of a
first-rate character ; but another
and another was passed — Russian,
Swede, Dane, Belgian, Prussian,
and what not — and still no appear-
ance of the genuine article. The
British fleet was outside, and two
of the ships, they told us, the Royal
Oak and Prince Consort, were a-
ground. Not pleasant this. Our
statesmen have, no doubt, excellent
reasons for the attitude Great Brit-
ain has assumed in regard to the
Canal; nevertheless I say it would
have gladdened mine eyes to come
upon the mariners of England in
this great gathering. In the after-
noon I saw a union-jack at the
masthead of a tiny steamer, over-
shadowed by tall masts and oceans
of bunting. This obscure manifes-
The Crown-Prince of Prussia had arrived before the Emperor.
1370.]
Tfie Opening of the Suez Canal.
87
t.-ition denoted the presence of the
British Admiral in his tender.
You are to bear in mind, as you
road, that the firing never stops. It
is sometimes continued by only one
or two ships at a time, but it is
t:ie running accompaniment to the
events of all this day. A Dane,
q aite close to us, and heavily armed,
took especial pleasure in hearing
himself talk, to our no small annoy-
ance, for he lifted our steamer al-
most out of the water at every dis-
charge. Noise and confusion are
certainly a source of the sublime,
though I do not remember that
Burke has said so. If ears were
confounded by the uproar, so were
eyes by the infinite display of ban-
r ers on ships and on shore. All
along the moles that enclose the
L arbour, all along the shore, from the
tops of all high buildings, from the
laasts and rigging of the ships,
streams bunting, stamped with all
colours and devices, and waved
about by the softest of airs. The sea
and sky are blue, the sun is bright,
nature is aiding the endeavour of
man to make this a holiday.
It took a long time to compre-
hend the scene on the water, which
was in itself a complete pageant ;
but, having satisfied myself there-
with, I landed with a party and
began to explore the town, where
everything was as lively and as bril-
liant as on the water. A large
company was promenading the
streets and wharves, but no special
ceremony was enacted this day.
Beat, sand, thirst — everybody in
.summer attire, umbrellas plentiful,
men with puggarees and veils. We
proceeded along the strand, facing
which are buildings, most of them
temporary, decked with flags and
prepared for illumination. On
the other side is a row of ban-
ners hooked on to upright poles,
and flying from little staves at
right angles to the uprights. These
latter are surmounted by gilded
crescents, and would be more im-
posing if they looked less like
stable-forks; but the profusion of
gauzy banners streaming in the
clear air has a fairy-like beauty.
Seaward of the line of stable-forks
are three gorgeous pavilions — the
largest in the centre is rich with
crimson and gold, and overshadow-
ed by the flags and arms of all
nations, grouped in divers colours,
and seeming to denote universal
brotherhood. Twice over I saw
our striped acquaintance of the
battle and the breeze mingling its
folds affectionately with the flags
of demonstrative foreigners, as if
it were natural for a St George's
and St Andrew's cross to hug and
kiss in that outlandish fashion !
Right and left of the centre were
smaller pavilions — one crowned by
a cross, the other by a crescent —
both beautifully draped and orna-
mented : the object for which they
were erected was explained later.
We passed into the town, which,
being irregular, and built without
any architectural pretension, needs
but slight description. Its rapid,
almost magic growth, is its notable
record.
To a person possessed with the
supreme importance of the Canal,
the most interesting sight in Port
Sa'id is the fountain of fresh water
which fills a large circular basin in
the Place de Lesseps, the great
square. An Englishman must
muse a little before he can under-
stand the blessing that this pre-
cious circumference is to the inhab-
itants. Even in the drought of
1868, great Manchester endured
little more than the apprehension
of being restricted in the use of
fresh water. The supply may have
been shut off for an hour or two in
the twenty-four, and possibly the
dust of the city was not laid with
the same lavish flow as at other
times ; but we never felt what it is
to be straitened. But what must
have been the condition of the
living things in Port Sai'd when
their supply had to be conveyed to
them by boat or camel from streams
twenty or thirty miles distant ?
Think of their feelings when they
The Opening of the Suez Canal.
[Jan.
saw spring up through the parched
soil a bubbling jet from the Nile's
flood, forced from Ismai'lia to them
through tubes by the power of
steam, and brought to Ismailia by
the fresh-water canal ! The power
of man's mind, penetrating and
compelling the powers of nature,
achieved this. Can it escape the
mind of the European who beholds
the work that he is standing but a
short distance, comparatively, from
the spot where a man's arm, ani-
mated by the power of God, smote
the hard rock, and the waters
flowed out ? Surely science, heap-
ing precept on precept, and line
upon line, picking here a little and
there a little, but surely if slowly
advancing to grand results, is of
kin to inspiration, whatever antag-
onism frail minds may imagine
between them. It will be a great
improvement when the population
come to understand, not only the
blessing of sufficient water, but
how pure water ought to be treated.
We shall not then see filthy Arabs
who come to draw and to fill their
skins, plunging their feet into the
basin, and standing and walking
therein. If the practice be thought
to improve the water for domestic
uses, the sooner that superstition
follows the many which are being
day by day surrendered by the
Arabs, the better.
There being a regiment encamped
outside the town, I went to look at
the camp. They were in bell-tents
pitched on the sands, and rather
closely, without any apparent order.
In rear were a few dozen horses
picketed, some wearing artillery
harness of villanously dirty and
dilapidated appearance, and some
without saddle or cloth, exhibiting
their lean carcasses and ungroomed
coats. While I looked, an officer
of rank, probably the colonel of the
regiment, with sleeves covered with
lace, appeared, and had his horse
brought up, grandly caparisoned.
He left the camp in great state.
The soldiers, I observed, carried
their packs much as ours do. The
uniforms are gay, and generally
blue.
Beyond the encampment, again,
was an Arab village, where there
was little to attract, but much
squalor, and where the smells and
sights were very disgusting. Re-
turning, I looked into a mean build-
ing which served as a mosque. A
few of the faithful, sprinkled over
its area, were worshipping with
their faces toward Mecca. The
worship appeared to consist of
prayer or praise with the arms
extended, and prostrations with
the forehead to the ground, alter-
nately.
All the native women were
veiled ; but, as far as I saw at Port
Sai'd, the veils, which were black,
covered only the lower part of the
countenance below the eyes, being
suspended from the head by a
black band.
Finding not much more to see
just now in the town, I turned back
toward the landing-place, passing
through the same motley crowd
that I had before traversed. But
an arrangement which certainly
had been spoken of before, but in
which no one seemed to believe, re-
ceived just at this time a corrobora-
tion that was beyond all contradic-
tion ; for, looking through the open
window of what appeared to be a
restaurant, I perceived some of my
fellow-voyagers refreshing and en-
joying themselves with that air of
ease and abandon which is so offen-
sive to others who are hot and
dusty and weary, and who never-
theless have come to no definite
determination as to how they too
will refresh and enjoy themselves.
A friend, with a beaming counte-
nance, and with pressing hospital-
ity, held up a champagne-bottle to
allure me to enter. He made me
think of the modern Greek at
Haidee's feast, who will occupy
himself with no business, subscribe
to no doctrine except that the
capon on which he is engaged is
fat, and that good wine ne'er
washed down better fare. Jolly
1870.]
The Opening of the Suez Canal.
89
dog! thought I. Kind, liberal, open-
hearted fellow ! The jollity and hos-
pitality, however, turned out to be
of a character which makes them easy
of demonstration. The whole enter-
tainment was at the Viceroy's ex-
pense. The guests were all the
strangers who had come to witness
the inauguration of the fetes. Here
let me add that at Ismailia as well
as at Port Said public tables were
provided for all visitors, and meals
and wines supplied free of cost.
Temporary buildings containing
comfortable, though not very pri-
vate, sleeping accommodation, had
also been provided; and, among the
vast crowd that assembled there,
there must have been many right
glad to use the kindly shelter.
An hour or two of daylight still
remained, and presented an oppor-
tunity for looking round the new
harbour. I was surprised to find
how loosely the blocks which com-
pose the moles had been put to-
gether. They have been thrown in
in most admirable disorder, abutting
as they may; and as they are all
regular six-sided figures, this mode
of huddling them together leads to
a very loose and honeycombed wall.
] had heard before I left home that
the masonry was without cement,
but I had imagined that the blocks
were laid accurately with their beds
horizontal and sides and ends ver-
tical, so as to form an even struc-
ture. And why they were not
FO built I do not now understand.
The form of the blocks would in-
dicate that there had been an in-
tention of laying them regularly.
No doubt there is a reason, and a
f'trong one too, to account for a
mode of construction which entails
many manifest disadvantages : as,
for instance, that the many inter-
stices allow of the passage of much
fine mud into the harbour ; that the
wall is not only weaker as a whole,
but that many of the blocks have
been broken through the irregular
bearings and their efforts to find
adequate support ; and that the ap-
pearance of this, a new work, is
that of a ruin. The blocks are
huge masses of concrete, weighing
upwards of twenty tons each, and
all compounded at Port Sai'd. A
short view of the moles convinces
one of the justice of Mr Hawk-
shaw's prediction, that these walls
will have to be built over again
before the Canal attains a great age.
The section gives 80 feet as the
width at base, 20 feet as the width
at top, and the average height 35
to 40 feet. The western mole is
nearly 3000 yards long, the eastern
about 2000.
The appearance of the strand on
which the eastern mole abuts fur-
nished testimony to the amount of
force which has been expended.
It was literally covered with boil-
ers, capstans, crabs, cranes, shackles,
bolts, trucks, and engineers' appar-
atus— such a display as I never
before saw. Two obelisks of wood
at present mark the entrance to
the Canal. They are of consider-
able height, and when decked for a
festival, as I saw them, looked im-
posing. Their slight structure,
however, would imply that they
are not intended to remain. I
pulled a little way into the passage
and landed on the banks to look at
Lake Menzaleh. The descriptions
which I had read had given me, I
found, a just idea of the scene.
The banks which have been thrown
up separate the Canal from a sandy
wash sometimes, and sometimes
from sheets of deep water or water
that looks deep. Landward, that
is southward, no firm land was to
be seen. Only at Port Sai'd and in
its immediate neighbourhood, and
along the banks of the Canal, did
the dry land appear.
B,eturning now to my ship, I
heard with gratification our Na-
tional Anthem played on board the
Viceroy's yacht. It was explained
afterwards that this was done in
compliment to some of our party
who had been visiting there. With-
out at the time knowing or much
caring for the cause, I was gratified
to hear any recognition of England ;
90
The Opening oftJie Suez Canal.
[Jan.
it was galling to see her of such
small account. At night there was
a most comprehensive reception on
board the Khedive's yacht. I did
not attend it, because I did not
feel attuned for gaiety ; but I af-
terwards heard it described as very
crowded and very sumptuous, the
refreshments including smoking.
There was no restriction as to dress.
The fitting and furnishing of the
yacht are magnificent. While I
peacefully reposed on the deck in
the light of the full moon and the
warmth of the Egyptian climate,
witnessing a sort of rehearsal of the
grand illumination intended for to-
morrow, I was better pleased to hear
our neighbours on board the Danish
man-of-war troll forth in strong
concert a series of national airs,
than I could then have been by
any festive entertainment. All the
day long had been working within
me the consciousness that this was
very Egypt, the realm of mystery
and awe. By hearing sounds and
seeing sights, and by constant mo-
tion, I had kept the sentiment down
till dusk ; but now, when the night
fell, came a crowd of thoughts and
recollections demanding entertain-
ment. To lie down was not to
sleep, though perchance to dream
— to dream awake. With desire
had I desired to behold this world-
renowned region, possessing su-
preme claims on the mind, mingling
with the first tiny shreds of know-
ledge, and related to all the know-
ledge that the mind can receive.
What visions had I seen of it in
infancy ! How had I figured to
myself the hole in the sand where
Moses hid the Egyptian whom he
had slain ! How had I conjured up
the scene when the sons of Jacob,
looking one upon another, confessed
that they were verily guilty con-
cerning their brother ! How had I
read and wondered over Belzoni's
travels, and the glimpses there
given of the grand antiquities lock-
ed up in the sand and the deposit
of the Nile, and waiting for the
search of the enterprising ! And as
I pondered on these things, there
came up memories dormant for
years and years — the form and fur-
niture of a room, yea, the very pat-
tern of a carpet showed themselves,
and the echoes of voices long ago
hushed in death, were heard once
more distilling gentle lessons as
when life was young, and I knew
not how hard a world I had to face.
It is impossible but that Egypt
must command wider regards than
any region on the earth. Countries
there are, it fcis true, from whence
have come arts, and philosophy, and
the records of mighty thoughts and
deeds, but these are objects of in-
terest to only the educated. Egypt
possesses the same attractions for
the learned, and to this is added
that every child which has been
ever so slightly instructed in the
lore of the religions of the civilised
world, or which has acquired the
first smatterings of profane know-
ledge, cannot fail to have a place
in its mind for venerable Egypt.
Hers is a soil to be trodden with
measured footstep and bated breath,
as by men who walk over the ashes
of their kind. Much as I yearned
toward her, I believed that I never
should look on her. My way of
life, though checkered enough by
accident and travel, has led me
hitherto to parts of the earth where
my affections were not. At last a
wish is realised ; I note a bright
spot in a wearying life. Weird
country, House of bondage, Land of
Egypt, I have heard of thee by the
hearing of the ear, but now mine
eye seeth thee !
To me, my friend, nothing
that man has written seems so
fit to stir emotion as some of
the Scriptural stories connected
with this land from which I am
writing. Often and often have I
wept over them, and now that I
am seared and worn, they can touch
the springs of feeling as no other
legends can. In Joseph making
himself known to his brethren there
is a terrible delight — a shaking of
the nerves, a hardly endurable
1870.]
The Opening of the Suez Canal.
91
satisfaction, such as no poetry, or
drima, or tale beside can arouse.
And again, the swoon of Jacob, when
they said to him, " Thy son Joseph
is yet alive, and he is governor
over all the land of Egypt/' — what
a transporting picture do we not
form from it ! how one revives
with him, and breathes again after
ths shock, and thinks it is as much
ore's own utterance as the patri-
arch's, "I will go down and see
him before I die," for the speaker
mast be one with all who read his
words ! And sweetest, perhaps, of
all are the words of aged Israel,
spoken by him not as a prince of
Ghd, or as a prophet, but in sim-
ple thankfulness and unmeditated
speech : " I did not'think to see thy
face, and, behold, God hath showed
me thy seed;" epitomising the whole
charmed story, calling up the coat
of many colours soaked in blood,
the cruel bereavement, the restora-
tion of Joseph from death, whence
his father received him in a figure
— Joseph's splendid destiny, and
the blessed reunion. Well, it is
pjist. I do not often indulge in
reverie, Bales, so this lapse may be
forgiven. The light is breaking
through my cabin-window. Mur-
murs arise which grow to noises,
and the noises to a din. The ex-
cited multitude is stirring again,
impatient to press on the doings
which are to precede the great trial
of the Canal. I rouse myself, too.
I can join as heartily as any here
in the ceremonies and gaieties. I
hive wished for the success of M.
d>3 Lesseps' work, and I have never
doubted that he would succeed.
\Ve shall see. The above is written
as if I had expected to dress quietly,
and then make my little programme
for the day leisurely. I did expect
something of the kind, but never
was more deceived. Before my
slippers were well on, a rattling, to
which the rattling of yesterday
soemed only mild and moderate,
shook the sea and sky. Distant
ciieers are borne along on the wind.
I guess what is the matter, wrestle
myself into some garments spas-
modically, seize my glass, and rush
on deck. All I can see is, that
the men are out upon the yards as
they were yesterday ; all I can hear
is the crashing discharges of all the
cannon in the harbour as it seemed
at once. The ships are berthed so
close together, and so miscellane-
ously, that the noise and smoke
must be as great as in a fleet-ac-
tion. One inwardly prays that
they will cease, if it be but for a
moment, that one may speak to
one's fellow, and ask or tell where
the point of interest may be. There
is an instant's lull at last, and
cheers are heard, but still distant.
The Empress is certainly coming,
but where 1 Cheering again. Hah !
the Viceroy enters his galley and
puts off. Certes ! he goes to
meet Eugenie. More cheers, and
nearer, yet where is she ? What
are those plaguy ships about
changing their berths 1 Is it
some late steamer dropping in, or
are they making way for L'Aigle ?
It is a ship I see, for there she
comes, that dark thing there with
bare masts and black funnel out
of keeping with the pageant. No !
not bare ; there is something or
other flattering against the mast,
but it is half-way down. There it
goes up again. Why, what does it
mean 1 Mean ! why, it must be the
dip of a flag returning a salute ;
there is, then, some great personage
on board, that is certain. Look
well at the flag which is now at the
masthead and flying out — tricolor —
bees — the Imperial standard — it is
L'Aigle and no other. That's luck,
for her course is right across our
bows. If the Empress be on deck
we shall see her ; but no, she is
not, for there is a dense crowd
amidships, and then there is an
envious glass enclosure from which,
no doubt, everything can be seen,
but into which we see only through
a glass darkly. Provoking, when
the opportunity seemed so good,
but we shall have other chances.
Speriamo. At any rate we will
92
The Opening of the Suez Canal.
[Jan.
have a look at the outside passen-
gers — the gay party under the
canopy astern of the tantalising
glass. There they are, not more
than a dozen ; splendidly dressed,
and keeping well apart to indulge
us ; and that last figure, it seems
as if one had seen it before. It
draws near like a beautiful statue.
Why — no — yes — impossible — but
it is though, and none other — the
Imperial lady herself, majestic,
beautiful, face to face with us at
the distance of an arrow's flight !
That her husband is not by her
side is a circumstance that lends
interest to her appearance as slowly
and swanlike she floats by ; while
from the decks and riggings, and
from the deepest hearts of men of
all nations, come cheers after cheers,
making the heavens ring. The
shouts are first raised for the Em-
press ; but all seem immediately
to forget that they are hailing
aught save a being gifted with the
highest qualities of womanhood —
gracious, gentle, and fashioned like
a sculptor's dream. She passes on
— God saveher ! — and L'Aigle takes
her berth opposite us, but unfor-
tunately she does not lie trans-
versely; and, as she swings round,
the firing is hushed for a while,
and the air is pierced through and
through from all points by the
notes of " Partant pour la Syrie."
By the trident of Neptune it has
been a glorious pageant ! — such a
one as is seen, perhaps, but once or
twice in the life of an ordinary
mortal, but which men tax their
skill to imitate in pictures, and
theatres, and sculptures, and to
paint in words for the amusement
of their fellows. 7 have seen the
reality here, and am transported by
my good fortune.
There occurred now, what from
the poverty of language I must call
a lull, meaning by that that there
was not much passing that required
one to be continually straining the
eye. Visits were going on between
the great personages, and the French
ships had now to return all the
shots that had been fired during
the morning. But they were the
ships of one nation only, and could
not maintain such a crashing as the
ships of conspiring nations. More-
over, they were not very near us,
and so I call it a lull ; and the lull
continued till afternoon, to the sat-
isfaction, I should think, of every-
body in the harbour.
Afternoon, however, brought its
own fete, and there was everybody
pushing for a sight again, malgre
the rubs, and scrambles, and con-
cussions they had already under-
gone. A ceremony was to be enact-
ed on the shore, probably unlike
any that has been witnessed on the
earth. There was to be a religious
inauguration of the Suez Canal, at
which the crowned heads were all
to assist. The novelty does not lie
in this, but in the fact that of the
crowned heads present two are
Roman Catholics, one a Protestant,
and the fourth a Mohammedan. The
Cross and Crescent are both to over-
shadow worshippers who will pre-
fer to Heaven a common prayer for
the success of the work which has
been accomplished, repudiating self-
ish policies, and pleading that their
aim is peace, goodwill towards men.
The pavilions which I had seen in
my walk of yesterday are to be the
scene of the rite ; and thither will
crowd great and small before three
o'clock. I landed in due time in
company with two friends, a gentle-
man from the north of England
and his young fair daughter. We
pass from the landing-place along
causeways and under arches, till we
are on the line of the expected pro-
cession, which is marked out by a
flooring of loose planks over the
sand. The notabilia of the road as
distinguished from yesterday are,
that the crowd is hurrying all one
way, and that the sides of the route
are flanked by troops in line. We
got a position which seemed pro-
mising, and took some little pains
to establish ourselves therein. This
we effected, and as I found my
elbows were against the sides of
1870.1
The Opening of the Suez Canal.
93
two English baronets, I imagined
tbut we had not chosen badly.
There was some little objection
on the part of the military to our
standing where we did, but when
they looked at the lady who belong-
ed to our party, the gallant Mussul-
mans withdrew all opposition. There
were two or three commands to stand
ba3k, which raised the hope that the
procession was at hand, but these
ended in nothing except murmurs.
At last, after another command to
stand close, there was manifestly a
number of persons coming soberly
along the boarded walk, like the
head of a procession, with uniforms,
and robes, and gay streamers. It
was composed of different officials,
military and civil, of many nations.
Our consul-general and our admiral
were among them. These passed
onward and took their stations on
the central platform. I was sorry
to observe, just after they passed,
that a naval officer (French, I
think,) stumbled and fell : it was
net clear whether from illness or
from catching his foot. There was
an interval, and then another batch
of processionists — notabilities this
time, though; for among them was
the enviable De Lesseps himself,
leading his charming fiancee. A
proud man he must have been, and
ought to have been, that day. And
near him was Madame de Lesseps,
hi? daughter-in-law, on the arm of
what appeared to be a general of-
ficer, but turned out to be a literary
gentleman of reputation, jammed
into a red coat rich with decora-
tions, and plumed like Mars — a
sublime sight, or within a step of
it ! It has occurred to me that Mrs
B. might not object to learn how
the lady who is so soon to be Ma-
dame de Lesseps was habited on
this great occasion ; and, according
to my ability, I proceed to describe
her dress. She wore a short black
silk dress, and a black hat, with
tu-) veils — the one next her face a
grey gauze, outside that a spotted
black. The group was tolerably
large, but I had not time to observe
all its 'members ;* and so these
passed on to the platform. And
now at last the troops present arms,
there are tall banners waving in the
distance, and the sounds of mili-
tary music — the sceptered guests
this time, no doubt. They come
on, preceded by some of the Khe-
dive's household — a cluster of great
ones such as may not often be seen
together. The Empress of the
French, the Emperor of Austria,
the Viceroy of Egypt, the Crown
Prince of Prussia, and the Viceroy's
young son. They are walking slow-
ly, on a level with the crowd, and
within distinct view of all beholders.
The Empress leans on the arm of
the Emperor of Austria. The cheers
are hearty as they come along.
She draws near. The Empress,
the cynosure, smiling as only some
ten women in the world can smile,
winning hearts, applauded, wor-
shipped; but she passed, and it
was as if the sun had been eclipsed.
Aright worthy party they appeared,
and I believe the salutations which
met them this day were as genuine
as they were numerous and loud.
The suites of the different princes
made up the procession, which had
soon filed on to the centre platform.
During the short interval before
the commencement of the services,
the naval officer whom I had seen
fall was led away between two com-
rades, looking very weak and wan.
I am afraid that he was struck by
some disease, but I never heard
more of him. A parenthesis here
for Mrs B., whom I had forgotten
in writing the above. The Empress
wore a short pale-grey silk, with
deep white Brussels lace arranged
en paniers and flounces, as my fair
companion explained to me. Her hat
and veil were black, and there was a
black velvet ribbon round her neck.
The Mohammedan pontiff who
officiated on this occasion was un-
derstood to be a man of surpass-
ing sanctity, who had come from a
great distance. He was old, and
his voice feeble, so that his utter-
ances were not very distinctly heard,
94
Tlie Opening of tJie Suez Canal.
[Jan.
— a circumstance which, to the Eu-
ropean part of the audience, could
not have been of much importance,
as he, of course, spoke in Arabic.
Whether it may have been a prayer
or an exhortation which he gave
voice to, it was but short. And
then followed prayers on the Ko-
man Catholic side of the platform.
But the event of the meeting was
yet to come — namely, an address by
M. Bauer, her Majesty's confessor,
commencing, " Monseigneur, Ma-
dame, Sire," — Monseigneur indicat-
ing, as I understood, the Viceroy.
It is hardly a disparagement to say
that this oration contained no new
information or idea. It was im-
possible that a subject which had
been so long and so generally dis-
cussed could be put into an entirely
new light for this public day. But
it is, I think, a fair objection to the
speech that, being of necessity com-
posed of somewhat trite matter,
it was couched in grandiloquent
phrases. Familiar ideas do not ad-
mit of being dressed in high-sound-
ing words. I shall be curious to see
whether, when the discourse is pub-
lished in the papers, as it will be,
the judgment which I have formed
of it will be supported by the critics.
The orator magnified the work now
achieved as one of the grandest
which history can record, and di-
lated on the benefits derivable
from it both to the present and the
future. He thought that the day
of creation and the 16th day of
November 1869, would both figure
in the chronology of the future in
ineffaceable characters. Then he
proceeded : " II y a deux mondes
unis dans un seul. Le splendide
orient et 1'occident merveilleux se
rapprochent, se saluent : salut !
splendide orient d'ou nous viennent
a la fois la lumiere du soleil et
celle de 1'intelligence. Et toi
aussi salut ! Occident -qui as re-
cueilli cette lumiere et en as fait
le patrimoine commun de tous.
C'est aujourd'bui la grande fete
de Fhumanite tout entidre ! " The
Canal, which seems only a means
of increasing wealth, is neverthe-
less to be the great river which of
two worlds shall make a single
world, and of all the races of the
earth a single humanity. Manners,
language, customs, are all to be as-
similated. " II n'y aura plus qu'un
unique fairceau, I'humanite." These
are very fine words, and very grand
promises, but are they not rather
lavish ] Our friend over the water
will not be long before he endea-
vours to emulate this work, or
rather to overwhelm and stamp it
out of notice, by the splendid pierc-
ing of the Isthmus of Darien. But
what will be the use of opening
the second isthmus if the opening
of the first has already fused the
nations into " une seule humanite"/'
and produced a millennium 1 For-
tunately the gentlemen who are ex-
pected to promote the junction of
the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans are
not of a race likely to be outdone
in tall talk ; and as they once dis-
covered an oyster so big that it re-
quired two men to swallow it whole,
so they may represent Vhumanite
as grown to such perfection that it
requires two canals to maintain it
seule.
M. Bauer, with better taste than
distinguishes the greater part of his
address, complimented the Viceroy
on the success of the undertaking.
" Ce que vous avez sagement voulu,"
he said, " vous avez courageuse-
ment accompli. Jouissez aujourd'-
huide votre glorieux succes !" but
he immediately after relapsed into
bombast. I cannot, however, find
much fault with the few words
which he addressed particularly to
the Empress Eugenie. " Madame,
et ce n'est pas en une parole banale,
1'histoire dira tout ce que cette
ceuvre merveilleuse doit a vos
chaudes sympathies. Ici encore,
votre cceur a battu a 1'unison de
celui de la France !;> Neither do I
wish one word omitted from the
apostrophe which he made to the
great author of the work, and I
joined heartily in the cheer which
attended the conclusion of it :
1670.]
The Opening of the Suez Canal.
" Tout ce qui constitue le puissant
initiateur, en est fait la plus grande
gloire du dix-neuvieme siecle. Ainsi
il est un nom que nous pouvons
sans desavantage opposer a celui
de Christophe Colombe, c'est celui
de FERDINAND DE LESSEPS."
(Bravo ! bravo !)
In awarding to the Emperor of
Austria his share of the compli-
ments, M. Bauer said that the Ad-
riatic Sea made now only one river
with the Indian Ocean. The mean-
ing of this flourish is not quite clear,
but the expression struck me and
many of my friends with whom I
have talked the matter over as being
in questionable taste. An appeal
to Heaven, quite worthy to be in-
scribed with the rest of the oration,
ended it.
After the ceremony the illustri-
ous actors in it returned in the
same order in which they had come
to the wharf, and thence on board
their respective ships under the in-
dispensable salutes of cannon. I
strolled about Port Said, looking
into some of theshops, which seemed
very fairly supplied. There was no
public entertainment this night, if
th:it expression be applicable when
so many thousands were being en-
tertained at the Viceroy's expense,
and when an illumination was be-
ing prepared which should delight
all eyes ashore or afloat. I mean
thiit invitations- for a dinner, ball,
or other party were not issued by
the Viceroy, and it was understood
that sovereigns and princes would
spend the evening as each should
please, and prepare for the passage
of the Canal to-morrow.
The early part of the evening was
pat sed on board in discussing once
more the probabilities of the pas-
sage to-morrow, and the arrange-
ments made in that respect. Sinis-
ter rumours were afloat concerning
the grounding of a Turkish steamer
in the Canal, on which the prophets
of evil began to croak hoarsely. I
own that I was surprised to find
how little faith there was even now
in uhe sufficiency of the work. As
the Israelites imputed to Moses that
he had brought them out of Egypt
to perish in the wilderness, so did
they of little faith affirm that M.
de Lesseps had decoyed us all from
our hearths and altars to witness a
miserable failure. We should see.
We might go into the Canal, but
our ship would have to be dug out
of it, and we, landed in the wilder-
ness, might find our way to the
coast as best we could. The ladies,
bless them ! showed less distrust
than the gentlemen, and argued
against the probability of a work
which, through so many difficulties
and dangers, had been brought tri-
umphantly to this point, being al-
lowed to come to nought at this
supreme moment. And so, in cheer-
ful predictions and dining, we whiled
away the hours till the illuminations
should commence.
If M. de Lesseps was to lie open
to our reproach for seducing us from
our homes to be disappointed in re-
spect of the Canal, he at any rate
deserved credit for bringing us to
a better climate than our own. I
could imagine what an English
evening would be like on the 16th
of November — very unlike the
heavenly nightfall in which we took
to our boats to behold the illumina-
tions and fireworks. The tempera-
ture was simply delicious; hardly
a ripple was on the water, and the
moon, at the full, was riding in the
heavens. We pulled out into the
small open passage left after accom-
modating so many ships, and looked
down the rows of shipping to right
and left. All were ablaze with
lamps, some variegated, others of
uniform colour. In some of them
every inch of the rigging was stud-
ded with these gay fires, and in all
there was a profuse display. Near
to you the glare quite dazzled, but
the lights mellowed with distance :
three or four ships off they were in
lines and streaks ; farther on they
exhibited confused figures ; and at
last they stretched away into what
seemed infinity — an endless rosy
cloud. One ship of war, which had
96
The Opening of the Suez Canal.
[Jan.
the appearance of lying across the
harbour, came out especially strong
in illumination, and the Viceroy's
yacht was most tastefully and pro-
fusely lighted, rigging and hull too.
To form an idea of all this, you must
consider the large area over which
the fires extended. Look which way
you might, your eye could not find
a sombre spot ; the heavens seemed
on fire, and the calm depths on
which we floated, reflecting all the
glories, multiplied indefinitely the
brilliant figures. Before we could
take in the whole effects, rockets
began to rise from different quar-
ters at once, and these continued
to be discharged during the whole
evening, the stars of some of them
being most artistically and beau-
tifully contrived. Besides these,
there were all sorts of fiery pro-
jectiles, which, little by little, join-
ed in the general conflagration ; and
at last, on the strand, were exhibit-
ed all manner oifeux a" artifice, the
most elaborate appearing near to
one of the obelisks which I mention-
ed as marking the entrance to the
Canal. Along this strand burned
coloured lamps. It was, indeed, a
fairy scene, and to pull about the
harbour and enjoy it seemed the
height of pleasure. Our wayward
nature, however, will have change ;
and, leaving the delights on the
water, we pulled to shore to see
how it fared with the town. There,
too, all was light. Torches glared,
legends of light were visible, Chin-
ese lanterns gleamed high and low,
and of all colours. It was like
taking a walk through the zodiac.
I never saw such a glitter of artifi-
cial light as on this night. The
murmuring of many voices, and the
shooting of the projectiles, were the
only sounds that broke the still-
ness— a delightful contrast to the
banging and rattling that had been
going on all day. I -do not know
what Port Sa'id may be in its work-
ing clothes, but in its holiday dress
I bear testimony to its being a most
enchanting place.
The arrangements for commenc-
ing the passage of the Canal next
day were not issued till late on the
16th, and some inconvenience en-
sued. The order of proceeding
was not strictly observed. There
was intelligence of the ship that
had grounded in the Canal being off
the bank ; but still the doubters
were dissatisfied, arid went to bed
with doleful hearts. It was a com-
fort to learn this evening that the
two English ships had been got off
the mud outside.
The morning of the 17th began
with firing, like the preceding two
days. As I knew what the firing
meant, I did not suffer myself to be
startled out of my cabin, as I had
done the day before, but dressed
leisurely, judging from the sounds
without what was going on. The
ships of war had been directed to
enter first, and there were to be in-
tervals of a quarter of an hour each
between every two ships. When,
therefore, after the first cannonad-
ing I heard our Danish neighbour
playing " Partant pour la Syrie," I
knew that L'Aigle was entering
the canal. More firing, and the
Hymn to the Emperor, showed that
the Austrian imperial yacht had
gone in, arid so on. Our national
anthem was being played as I came
out to view the scene, and Sir A,
Milne, in his tender, was just pass-
ing between the obelisks. After
seeing the first few begin the pas-
sage, and watching their masts as
long as we could see them, we went
to breakfast. The news at table
was that, by incredible exertions
continued all night, the obstructing
ship had been removed, but still
heads were shaken and predictions
hazarded against a successful pas-
sage. For my part, I was not in
the least surprised to hear that a
ship had touched in the Canal, or
that they had got her off. The
smallest error in steering must put
a long ship on the bank; but the
officers of the Canal were no doubt
prepared for accidents of the kind,
and no doubt they took care that
everything should be clear on this
1370.]
The Opening of the Suez Canal.
97
eventful morning. I was so far
from thinking worse of the Canal
because a ship had taken the ground
that I rather rejoiced in the acci-
dent, as it gave an opportunity of
showing how readily it could be
dealt with.
It was afternoon before we in our
turn steamed into the jaws of the
Canal. We were about in the
middle of the procession, so that it
must have been evening before the
last ship entered. The orders were
to proceed at the rate of five miles
a a hour, and to maintain the initial
distance between the ships. Of
course the transmission of instruc-
tions from either end of the flotilla
to the other by signals was easy.
Ifc was delightful to reflect that we
were actually in the much-canvassed
water, and then to feel that our
ship, which did not then draw
much over twelve feet, sped along
as easily as if she had been at sea.
The water about us looked some-
what disturbed, as if the preceding
ships, either by actual contact with
the ground, or by the wash on the
sides of the Canal which their pas-
sage occasioned, had troubled the
waters ; but we went along. When
we first slackened speed, in order
to keep the required pace, the ship
which followed us showed a dis-
position to run up and attempt to
pass — an attempt which was of
course thwarted. I mention it to
show that there were irregularities
committed in endeavours to get
forward places, which might have
led to blocks and difficulties, and
which were extremely inconsiderate
at a time when the object of every
ship admitted should have been to
make a fair trial of the capabilities
of the passage. WTe sounded con-
tinually. The lead was hove by
1 talian, not English, sailors, but I
was assured that they were finding
on this first day never less than 23
English feet of water, and some-
times as many as 30 feet. I am
afraid, however, that we did not
test the very shallowest parts, or
that there was some mistake in the
VOL. CVII.— NO. DCLI.
reduction of the soundings to Eng-
lish measure. However, those be-
fore us were advancing, great and
small; the greatest draught being
18 or 19 feet— that of the Peluse, a
French ship.
Only a dreary expanse of shoal-
water and inundation is visible from
the northern end of the Canal. Lake
Menzaleh, which in these latter
days has been more a swamp than
a lake, is extensive and unvaried.
The Canal has been driven through
it by dredging, and the Canal's
banks are the only pieces of contin-
uous hard ground that traverse its
waters. On these are a few huts
and stations for the workmen whom
we saw at work on the finishing
processes. Some were driving piles
for warps, some completing the
banks and slopes, or excavating
small basins at the sides, and all
working hard apparently. Don-
keys, mules, and camels were carry-
ing on their backs the earth that
had to be moved, and the groups
presented a picturesque scene to the
artist, if rather a primitive one to
the engineer. I have in my life-
time done some pieces of work by
negro-labour, Bales, and can form
some idea of the difficulty of push-
ing forward such a labour as this
by means of Egyptians and Arabs,
obstinately wedded to old thriftless
ways, and persistently wasting the
labour of their hands by rejecting
method and order. The dredging-
machinery and the plant used in
making the Canal had been got out
of sight somehow or other, and I
was astonished that I saw so few
evidences of work which, I heard,
was kept briskly going up to the
15th or 16th.
Our amusement was to watch the
small steamers, some of them pas-
sage-boats, and some belonging to
the works, which frequently went
up and down, using greater speed
than we could dare to put on,
and to return heartily their hearty
salutations. We noted, too, the
enormous flights of wild-fowl on
the lake, and saw now and then the
G
98
The Opening of the Suez Canal.
[Jan.
ibis at home. It was a relief to the
eye when, towards evening, some
high ground and an extent of dry
land, the famed Wilderness of Zin,
I suppose, were discernible. The
hillsides were distinctly stratified,
and there was just enough undula-
tion in the plain to assist the light
and air in making a glorious pros-
pect. The sun was sinking, and the
air, gently simmering through some
agency of the climate, received the
rich purple light which overspreads
with its warmth all the views that
I have seen in the land of Egypt.
We knew that we saw a desert, yet
it looked an Eden ; the foregrounds
lovely in rich light and shadow, and
the distances shewing a mirage of
rocks and mountains and cities, all
glowing in a soft and many-coloured
light. But as the sun approached
the horizon the purples dissolved
into all the colours of the rainbow,
red and yellow ruling in the sky —
a prodigality of colour, an enchant-
ed scene. And gliding along on an
even keel, we sat in silence in the
genial evening watching the dying
beauty of the day, which did not
die, for there was no obscurity, no
damp of night, no eclipse of beauty.
Before the sun was down the moon
was up, and her silver stole timidly
over the lone region, as if deprecat-
ing rivalry with the great light
which had just sunk in surpassing
glory. But she rose in heaven
with a glory all her own, touch-
ing the waters with her sheen,
and bathing the desert in am-
ber beams. Long sharp shadows
from the rigging fell on the else-
where illuminated deck ; the
Egyptian night was calm and with-
out a cloud ; and I listened to a
voice, soft, gentle, and low, an ex-
cellent thing in woman, extolling
the tranquil scene, and giving token
how truly nature's loveliness had
touched an ingenuous soul. This
was enjoyment, but it was not des-
tined to endure. There is a hoarse
screaming whistle from the steamer
in front of us ; she stops, we stop.
"What the devil is the matter?'/
issues from some dozen throats at
once. Nobody replies, for nobody
knows. " There it is ! I knew it !"
sings out every croaker. " It's all
up ; we shall have to scramble
ashore, and walk to Ismai'lia ; pleas-
ant fix ! " And then followed a
rumour derived none could say
whence, which affirmed that the
ships in front were all aground,
and our chance of passing com-
pletely hopeless. Some were for
going at once on shore and seek-
ing camels to take them and their
baggage on ; some, a little more
rational, advised the postponement
of the step till morning; but the
counsel which, backed by the ladies
as before, ultimately prevailed, was
to pull ahead in the boats and en-
deavour to ascertain the real state
of the case. As I entertained ap-
prehension of nothing worse than
a short delay, I did not go in the
boats, but watched their course, as
far as I could see it, from the fore-
castle. It was not very long before
they returned without any certain
information, but with their fears
strengthened, and bidding us to
expect the worst. Again it was
proclaimed a " precious mess/' and
again proposals were made to go
on shore and seek conveyances; but
before the hubbub and fretting had
been succeeded by action, some im-
portant intelligence had arrived.
One of the party, determined to
find out how things were, had
landed from the boats, and trudged
along the bank till he reached ships
far before our own. He was now
seen returning tired and slowly
through the heavy sand. While we
were lowering a boat to take him
off, he informed us at the top of his
voice that there was nothing at all
the matter; but that orders had
been sent from Ismai'lia, where the
leading ships already were, for no
more ships to enter the harbour
that night, but to anchor in the
Canal till morning. Thus this
alarm, too, ended, and we now
waited patiently for the day.
Early on the 18th we emerged
1370.]
The Openiiig of the Suez Canal.
from the Canal and entered the
•waters of Lake Timseh, which may
now be called the harbour of Is-
mailia, and a splendid basin it is.
On the north-west shore is the new
town, which now was gleaming
with as many colours as Port Sai'd
was the day before. The ships in
h irbour, too, were in holiday trim.
We advanced and took up our ap-
pointed berth, having now pene-
trated without accident some fifty
iriles from the Mediterranean into
Egypt. Ismaiilia viewed from the
w ater is a pleasant sight. The palace
b lilt for the reception of the illus-
trious guests of to-day is what first
arrests the eye. Large as it is, you
are told that it was built in three
months, which would be a very
marvellous circumstance if the
growth of the whole town had not
been rapid in proportion. The
ships are not so numerous nor so
closely packed as they were in
Port Sai'd; and when the men-of-
war begin to fire, as they soon do,
they are more tolerable than the
huge dark masses which were
vomiting their fire almost into
each other's sides on the 16th.
And, apropos of that, I observed
a curious performance connected
with the firing of heavy guns from
some of the foreign ships. The
gins were never run in to load,
but immediately after each dis-
charge a head was thrust through
the port-hole, and a sailor, with a
sponge in his hand, took his seat
a? tride on the muzzle of the gun.
From this position he sponged and
rr named. I need not add that, in
real warfare, a man so exposing
himself must be slain by a rifle-
.bullet immediately.
It was the landing of the Empress
of the French which gave occasion
for the firing which I have men-
tioned ; and the firing is followed
b;r deafening shouts from the shore
as she takes her way to the palace
which has sprung up as rapidly
almost as did Aladdin's. She is
to inspect the wonders of the new
town and to witness the horseman-
ship of Arab chiefs for a morning's
entertainment, and at night she is
to grace a grand ball at the palace.
Here let me relate an anecdote.
On board the same ship with my-
self was an Italian gentleman of
middle age, clever, spirited, quaint,
reckless, pleasant. I sometimes
thought he was Italian by mistake,
and intended for an Irishman, for
which character he had the further
qualification of being somewhat out
at elbows. He had been capitaine,
exile, wanderer, writer ; had worked
his passage home from Australia in
an English ship ; spoke four lan-
guages well, smoked twenty cigars
a-day ; had had several duels, and
had like to have slain one ; and
knew a short road to a lady's heart.
(I know a pair of bright eyes that
would look severely on this last
expression if they could see it ;
but fiat justitia, you know, Bales,
I must be honest.) He had got
an invitation from the Viceroy to
attend the fetes in some capacity
or other, and he had made himself
a favourite with all on board. This
hero happened to be on shore at
the moment when the Empress was
about to mount a camel, probably
for the first time in her life. The
richly-caparisoned animal was on
its knees and haunches to receive
its fair burden, and Eugenie, sit-
ting well forward of the hump, was
about to order that the animal
should rise, when the Italian, who
knew something about camels, as
he did about most things, taking
his cigar from his mouth, called
out to her, " Tenez-vous en arriere,
ou vous f erez la culbute ! " * This
is not the style in which imperial
personages are generally addressed,
but the gracious lady with real
dignity accepted the honest advice.
She bowed kindly, saying, " Je
vous remercie, monsieur ;" and im-
mediately altered her position.
The camel, in rising, lengthens its
Hold yourself back, or you will turn a somersault.
100
The Opening of tJie Suez Canal.
[Jan.
hind legs first. And while I am
digressing, let me introduce a mes-
sage for madame. The Empress,
when on the camel, wore a yellow
alpaca dress and jacket of the same,
a large Leghorn hat, and a yellow
veil.
I landed before noon at one end
of the town, and found myself on
a strand of deep loose sand, crowded
with Mussulmans arid cattle, and
showing a few temporary houses,
with many sheds and tents. There
is now something like a native
population to be seen. At Port
Said there were so many strangers
of all nations, that the town seemed
to belong no more to the Egyptians
than it did to the Germans or
the English. Now, however, the
predominance of the turban and
the fez showed clearly who were
at home and who were not. Be-
fore I was cff the beach I saw a
sight which proved how different
from those of Europe are the modes
that prevail here. One of the
faithful who was moving some
wood incurred the wrath of his
employer, a fat Mohammedan, who
let into him with a pole a yard and
a half long, and about the thickness
of a man's arm, belabouring him
unmercifully, falling into the most
violent rage, and venting his wrath
in words as well as blows. What
with the dress and the exaggerated
action, the incident was so like
what one sees in a pantomime,
that I could not refrain from laugh-
ing, though it was certainly no joke
to the poor fellah.
A very few steps in from the sea-
beach you come upon the fresh-
water canal which flows through
the town. The part which I saw
looked muddy, and one could guess
why ; for there were savages stand-
ing in it, and cattle brought to
drink were allowed to go into it
too. Through nasty sheds, very
nasty animals, and particularly
nasty people, I had to pass about
a hundred yards along the banks,
encountering terrible odours before
I reached a bridge which allowed
me to cross to the more respectable
part of the town. Here was a fair
broad street, with a hard road (the
other ways were all loose sand),
and along this I passed, observing
the houses on either side, some
of which were very good. Most
of them were detached, and stood
among trees, shrubs, or flowers, so
that this town in the desert has
rather a pleasing appearance. Some
way on towards the palace there
was a square, with hotels and baths
in it, and on one side thereof were
donkeys for hire — the only public
conveyance. It was broiling hot,
and I did not fancy walking on the
sand. On the other hand, I was
somewhat squeamish about exhibit-
ing myself on the outside of a don-
key, and there was a conflict of
emotions. Exhausted nature pre-
vailed over pride, and I approached
a donkey-proprietor, making signs
that I wished to know the price
per hour. He understood me
perfectly, and said, " Ten shilling
— hour." I was convinced that
he must use the word shilling
for some other coin, and, having
compassion upon his ignorance,
took some pains to satisfy him
of his error. But he was quite in-
telligent and wide awake. " Half-
suvvern," he said ; " muss pay ;
all donkey wanted." He was fixed
as kismet, utterly immovable, but
a rogue who had overshot his
mark. A reasonable advance of
price must have been, of neces-
sity, submitted to on the occasion ;
but this rascaPs assurance defeated
its object, and I was glad, later in
the day, to see his animals stand-
ing apparently fresh and unnoticed.
I made a push now for the palace,
in viewing which I expected at
any rate a solid footing instead of
the sand, and shelter from the sun ;
but when I got there I was informed
that visitors were not admitted, as
preparations for the ball at night
were in progress. Foiled here, I
and some friends whom I had
joined, looked at the outside of the
building, which is plain, but lofty
1370.]
The Opening of the Suez Canal.
101
and extensive. (The inside I saw
at; a later hour.) It has a planta-
tion of palm-trees round it, and is
separated by a low wall from the
road. Afterwards, attracted by a
green grove just beyond, we en-
tered an enclosure, and were most
politely received by M. Pierre, the
manager of the fresh-water works,
whose domain this was. He was
good enough to take us over his
garden, where, by sluices, jets, and
artificial rain drawn from the Nile,
he has contrived to raise vegetables
innumerable, and to surround his
house with elegant plants and
flowers. Splendid creepers, convol-
vuluses, the magnificent poinsettia,
oleanders, and I know not what
other gay blossoms mingling with
rich green leaves, shaded walks, and
pavilions overrun with climbing
plants, and with the moisture drip-
ping all round them, hardly suffered
the mind to realise what this spot
was some six years since — the very
heart of an African wilderness.
We were also gratified by the sight
of a pond absolutely full of the
celebrated lotus-plant, whose large
loaves nearly hid all the water.
The fruit, dark in colour, is
shaped like a saucer with a cover
on it (I do not know how better
to describe it), and it is pierced
with numerous holes, or rather
tabes, visible in the upper surface,
and descending through the fruit
to the lower. The diameter is three
inches, or thereabouts. In a word,
it much resembles the rose of a
watering-pot. Having shown us his
pretty fresh grounds, and presented
us with fruit and flowers, M. Pierre
added to his favours by showing us
the engines and wheels by which
the water is sent over Ismailia, and
to Port Said and the stations on the
northern half of the Canal. The
engines are of fifty-horse power,
and they send 400,000 gallons per
diem to Port Sai'd. The price of
the water, both at Ismailia and Port
Said, is 1 franc for 100 gallons,
the cost of 100 gallons to the com-
pany being 20 centimes. The works
cost .£280,000 sterling. We had
now to thank M. Pierre for the
large portion of his time which on
this busy day he had devoted to
our entertainment, and to take our
leave. Let me add, that on every
occasion where I had to apply to an
Egyptian official I found in him
the utmost patience and politeness,
and a hearty desire to serve. A
great many of them speak English
well. M. Pierre, before parting,
told us that he believed every one
of these donkey rascals was well
paid for this occasion by the Vice-
roy, and in strict justice could de-
mand no pay at all. He advised
that we should take the donkeys,
and at the end of the ride give
whatever hire we thought proper.
Refreshed by our stay at the
water-works, we now strolled back
through the main street, where we
looked at the governor's house, and
saw M. de Lesseps ride up to and
enter it. We found out, too, the
offices of the different consuls, and
those of some of the Egyptian
ministers ; and, heat and fatigue
compelling again, I was fain to
get a donkey, and a lady of the
party having consented to ride a
donkey also, we continued our pro-
menade. The railway station and
another Arab encampment were
visited in this way and then we
went, the whole party, to lunch
with the Viceroy — that is to say,
we entered an immense pavilion,
and called for whatever refreshment
we required, gratis ! In exploring
further, my donkey came upon a
street lined by soldiers, and we
found out, with some little trouble,
that the Empress was likely to pass
that way on a drive round the town.
Waiting to watch what would hap-
pen, we were surprised to see our
Italian friend, and self-constituted
posture-master to the Empress, com-
ing along post-haste in an open car-
riage. He charged without cere-
mony through the troops, who
quickly made way for him, and,
espying us, invited four to make
use of the carriage, three inside and
102
The Opening of the Suez Canal.
[Jan.
one on the box, the carriage having
been furnished, as so many other
things were, by the Viceroy. Driv-
ing back through the lines of
troops, we were soon aware of some
carriages approaching the contrary
way, and, drawing to one side, we
were once more gratified by a sight
of the crowned heads and princes,
whom we followed, and, as they
returned, passed yet once more.
Just after we saw them first our
capitanci's cigar went out, and he
reillumined it by the strangest
means I ever saw used for such a
purpose. He bade a soldier on
duty in the ranks to hand him the
weed of some person in the rear ;
and this the soldier did without
any remark, returning it again to
the owner when the capitands was
alight.
We went to see the Arab tourna-
ment, or whatever they may call it,
but I cannot say that I derived
much amusement or instruction
therefrom. The chiefs were all in-
dependent, and had coine in with
certain of their tribes to do volun-
tary honour to the Empress and
Khedive. They were enveloped in
their long white shaggy mantles and
hoods, and with their gaily-capari-
soned horses were, I suppose, much
to be admired. They rode short,
as we know that the Arabs do, and
dashed their horses up and down
the lists without rule or reason that
I could discover, frequently firing,
but oftener presenting without fir-
ing, while their horses were in
career. I was altogether disappoint-
ed in the speed with which they
passed. Had they galloped like the
wind, as we read of Arabs doing,
the facility with which they used
their weapons would have demanded
admiration ; but whether they were
checked by the sand, or whether
their speed is exaggerated, the ex-
ploits did not seem at'all beyond
the achievements of an English dra-
goon or good rider to hounds. After
the rifle exercise we had some tilt-
ing with lances. These weapons,
which are set on bamboo poles, can be
either thrust or hurled at an enemy.
I have in this case also to make
the observation that the moderate
pace, as compared with my expec-
tation, at which the feats were per-
formed, made them subjects of
neither wonder nor interest.
Tired and heated though I was,
I in the evening landed again to go
to the Khedive's ball. The streets
were illuminated as at Port Sai'd.
We had some trouble in finding a
carriage (all the carriages were en-
gaged by the Khedive), but we did
get one, and drove through the
many thousand lights to the palace.
All the palms surrounding the
building were thickly hung with
Chinese lanterns, creating a most
beautiful effect. The first step in-
to the building showed what sort
of an attendance there was. The
very vestibule was crammed. We
did, however, manage to cross that,
but when we attempted to get
tickets for our wraps" the crush
was dreadful. There was no
thoroughfare past the bureau, but
each person had to advance through
a narrow gorge to the window and
then to get back again, the fight
between comers and goers being
most vigorous. About eight or ten
rooms were open, but they were all
filled to suffocation. The ladies
who were lucky had seats all round
the walls, and the remaining ladies
with the gentlemen covered every
inch of the area of each room.
The number of the company was
estimated at 6000, and it was by
no means select. Very odd-look-
ing Europeans were there in all
kinds of dresses (except working
dresses, which I did not see) and
some with countenances of a some-
what villanous cast. The Mos-
lem attendance must have been
also very mixed ; for although Arab
gravity did not allow much to be
divined from the countenance, the
dress, and the peculiar flavour of
many of the true believers bespoke
slight acquaintance with the ways
or the water of the beau mondc.
It was not surprising, therefore, to
1870.]
The Opening of the Suez Canal.
103
hoar next morning of ladies having
lost their watches or ornaments ;
nor to be told by a gentleman whom
I accompanied, that in one of the
rooms he felt a hand carefully ex-
amining his pockets at a time when
ho was so crushed that it was im-
possible to turn. I was aware that
in the situation which he indica-
ted, a person in eccentric costume
and with a face not benevolent had
persistently interposed between us.
That person was, however, in the
higher walk of his profession, and
did not stoop to folly for folly's
sake ; for, finding only a spectacle-
case in my companion's pocket, he
refrained from abstracting that
useful article. And, after all, one
must not complain very grievously
if, where hospitality was so extend-
ed, a few social difficulties found
their way, -but rather admire the
zeal and courage with which they
pursued their calling ; for had any
of them been complained of, they
had little to hope for from laws
made expressly for their protection,
or from the pig-headedness of an
enlightened jury, but it is possible
that Ismail would have summarily
extinguished ingenuity and life to-
gether.
In one of the largest rooms of
the suite were to be seen M. de
Lesseps and his party. He ap-
peared to be in the highest spirits,
and was receiving the felicitations
of Jiis friends, as the latter could
make their way to him through
the crowd. Any one who had the
patience and energy to accomplish
the middle passage through the
crowd could see that night every
celebrity that was in Isma'ilia, and
had a chance of encountering friends
of whose presence there he had no
s uspicion. I saw two English offi-
cers, colonels of the same corps,
gravitate towards each other from a
distance at which only the uniform
could be recognised ; and when
they at length met near me I heard
the surprise expressed by each at
the unexpected meeting. Minis-
ters of State, military and naval
officers of all grades, civil officials
in their decorations, Jews, Greeks,
Turks, Moors, Albanians, Egyp-
tians, and one Hungarian noble, in
their national costumes, mingling
with the crowd of black frocks and
swallow-tails, made up a most gay
and picturesque multitude, the
parts of which, after at first work-
ing independently, and resisting,
and withstanding, and counteract-
ing each other to the utmost, found
the advantage of arranging them-
selves into currents, after which
the eddies and narrows were the
only very dangerous places. Wher-
ever it was possible to see the car-
pets, strips of ribbon, lace, tulle,
ruchings, puffs, streamers of tarla-
tan, flounces, and whole parterres
of crushed flowers, were there in
ruins ; and towards morning, when
the crowd thinned, some of the hap-
less owners might be seen flitting to
and fro, bare and dishevelled, clasp-
ing the dear remains.
The furniture of the rooms, when
a piece could be viewed, was seen
to be very splendid, and of the
newest fashion ; but any compre-
hension of the general effect was
manifestly out of the question. The
scarlet liveries of the Khedive's in-
numerable domestics, who were
laced and powdered to the utmost
capabilities of their persons, in-
creased the variety of colours, as
the persevering wearers endeav-
oured to make their devious way
through the mass to offer ices and
other refreshments to faint beings
who, after grasping the coveted
glass or saucer, found they could
not raise their hands to their
mouths.
The spacious supper-pavilion was
not, however, crammed with human
beings wedged together as were the
other rooms. It was spread with
many long tables for the supper,
and cross- tables at one end were
loaded with ices, fruits, wines,
orgeat, sherbets, cates, and every
delicacy that could be readily dis-
cussed without much ceremony.
The less dainty of the guests, es-
104
The Opening of the /Suez Canal.
[Jan.
pecially the Egyptians, had a rapid
way of dealing with these viands,
and of disposing of peels, stones,
stems, &c., which were not the only
offerings which they made to the
floor. Even the true believers yield
to the potent influence of the times.
Who does not remember how secret
that old rascal Sheik Ibrahim had
to be in indulging his fancy for
wine with Noureddin, and how he
trembled at the thought of the
Caliph discovering his horrid in-
firmity! And now, here, in the
palace of the ruler of a Mohammedan
country, were wines and strong
drinks not only permitted, but
temptingly offered to the palates
of all comers !
It was near midnight when the
Khedive" and his greatest guests
entered the first of the suite of
rooms and began to move slowly
round it. Their appearance only
caused the crowd to wedge them-
selves more closely into blocks.
Only a very few of the front ranks
were gratified by a sight of them,
and, after a short progress through
the company, the high personages
retired to a reserved apartment.
After this were begun what were
called dances — exercises by which
I trust that the actors were de-
lighted, though I own to an inabil-
ity to understand the pleasure.
This was the last public appear-
ance of the Empress Eugenie dur-
ing the fetes. About one in the
morning she was conducted into
the same spacious pavilion where
the general company supped ; but
one end of the room — i.e., the end
opposite to that where I have said
that the refreshments were — had
been cunningly screened by a wall
of high plants, and the most dis-
tinguished guests sat within the
fence. To say that Eugenie the
Empress was here seen in a new
situation, is to say that she was re-
vealing newfascinations — no longer
answering the greetings of a crowd,
but conversing freely with princes,
animated, " and evidently pleased
with the entertainment. It is im-
possible to overrate the influence
of this gracious lady's presence on
the character of the fetes. The
occasion itself, great though it was,
the Khedive"'s profusion, M. Bauer's
grandiloquence, could never have
given them their romance had not
Eugenie been there. She it was
who raised the spirit of chivalry in
the gathering, subdued the strifes
and emulations and intrigues of
men, and over commerce, science,
avarice, spread the gauzy hues of
poetry.
We were all satisfied now, and
retreated to our boats which waited
duly at the wharf. The deep calm
and stillness of the water contrasted
with the lights and sounds of revelry
on shore. As we pulled to the ship
in the soft moonlight, " Partant
pour la Syrie " first, and then the
Hymn told of the different depart-
ures and embarkations.
I must pause now, Bales, but I
have more to tell. I am fascinated
by old Egypt, and long to make
you share my satisfaction. It is an
enchanted country, inexhaustible
in its charms — Copt, Jew, and Arab,
each a study and a mystery,, all
being actors in its wondrous his-
tory. The very light of heaven
falls on it as on no other land that
I have seen, and makes life here a
gilded vision. My enjoyment will
be short, but so far it is real and
thorough. — Yours, Bales, from the
Banks of the Nile,
SCAMPER.
(To be coritinued.)
1870.]
Mr Fronde and Queen Mary.
105
MR FROUDE AND QUEEN MARY.
IT is not our intention at the
present moment to enter upon any
discussion of the great work which
Mr Froude has just completed.
There can be no doubt, whether we
agree with his conclusions or not,
that he has spared no pains to give
the fullest picture possible of one
of the most important eras of mo-
dern history. He haS thrown him-
self into the time, with all its un-
likeness to our own, and, so far as
that is possible to a man trained in
the modern school of thought, has
laboured to judge it by its own
standards, and to set before us,
unbiassed by consciousness of the
results, a clear view of its tenden-
cies, and the elements of a new
national existence which had there
their origin. It is only in one case
that he can be accused of sacrificing
anything to dramatic effect, and
even here his sin is one which con-
cerns not fact but feeling. The.
picture which Mr Froude has under-
taken to paint is one which is very
distinct, and, we might say, unique
in history. His subject has all the
importance of a grand national
crisis, in which the strongest influ-
ences which affect humanity were
struggling for the mastery. It was
an age of great men, of quickened
thought, and expanded intelligence.
The splendour and picturesqueness
of the past still remained as a back-
ground to all the new impulses of
modern life, to the keen curiosity
and eagerness of the adventurer,
the widened enterprise of the mer-
chant, and the widened world, free,
as it had never been before, to all
manner of research and excursion
of the thinker. And in front of
this great glowing gorgeous can-
vas, the whole foreground is taken
up with the figures of two women
— representatives, as it were, of the
two halves of the world, who tore
that world asunder in their day,
and kept all Europe astir with their
deadly conflict, and who have
handed down to us the same un-
ending struggle, and stand opposed
at the present moment, two haughty
shades, with a hundred unsolved
questions between them, exciting
men's passions and disturbing
their judgment, though it is nearly
three hundred years since one of
them died proudly in the height
of her life and genius, and the
other in the desolation of royalty
and old age. In presence of Eliza-
beth of England and Mary of Scot-
land it is scarcely possible for any
historian to be impartial. His
candour of mind must be infinite,
and his power of sympathetic ima-
gination intense, could he enter
into all the details of their pro-
tracted duel without placing him-
self on one side or the other. And
we should not have found fault
with Mr Froude if he had yielded to
this all but infallible temptation, and
boldly taken up Elizabeth's stand-
ard. The hosts on the other side
are numerous enough and ardent
enough to maintain their own
against any new champion. Mr
Froude's attitude, however, is not
that of a champion. He professes
an impartiality above all bias, and
he acknowledges the faults of his
favourite with what he probably
believes to be the fullest candour.
But let any one compare the narra-
tive of Elizabeth's duplicities, which
were duplicities carried on in the
full security of her throne, and in
possession of an independence such
as few monarchs have ever realised ;
and the contemptuous tale of Mary's
trickeries, of her acting and his-
trionic powers at the supreme mo-
ment of her life, when human
' History of England — Reign of Elizabeth.'
M.A.
By James Anthony Froude,
106
Mr Fronde, and Queen Mary.
[Jan.
charity is slow to doubt the truth-
fulness of the coarsest criminal, —
and it will be seen how little con-
fidence is to be placed in the im-
partiality of the historian. In
the one case Mr Froude regret-
fully admits the unveracity of his
Queen, which, however, he is able
to contemplate, with a certain philo-
sophical calmness, rather as an un-
fortunate feature in her character
for which she was scarcely to blame,
than as a fault for which she was
responsible ; while in the other,
his insinuated sneer intrudes in-
to the very presence of death it-
self. He grins horribly a ghastly
smile when the axe falls upon
Mary's neck, and feels himself still
at liberty to jeer when the dead
face which had won so many hearts
is held up, awful in the first
distortion of slaughter. Mary at
that moment had ceased to have
any power to trouble Elizabeth ;
she had passed away and become
as Helen, as Cleopatra, as all the
other fair women who have dis-
turbed the world, and yet been
wept by it as its saints are seldom
wept. This is something worse than
partiality, almost worse than in-
justice. It is a sin not only against
the conventional quality called
good taste, but against the last
rights of humanity. It is a sen-
timent which would fill us with
horror and disgust were it mani-
fested by any penny-a-liner at the
present day in respect to the last
moments of any ruffian of St Giles's.
If one of our graphic friends of
the ' Daily Telegraph ' were to com-
ment upon the stagy exit of a
modern murderer — on his careful
get-up, his sustained effort after
sensation, the histrionic pose which
he preserved under the very hands
of Calcraft — what would Mr Froude
think of the narrator? Yet Mr
Froude does not hesitate to treat
with a contempt which, coming
from him, is not contemptible, the
death of one of the greatest per-
sonages of her time, a woman of
unquestionable genius and amazing
force of character, whose history,
position, and influence had as great
an effect upon her age as that of
any of her most distinguished con-
temporaries, and whose memory
still retains the allegiance of an
almost unanimous nation, and of
enthusiastic partisans over all the
world. Surely there is something
more than unseemly, more than
unjust, in so strange a treatment
of such a subject.
The present writer is not one of
those who believes in the so called
innocence of Mary Stuart/"" We are
free to admit that the general senti-
* [We think it proper to state that this very consideration decided us in selecting
a critic for Mr Froude's work. We felt that any one at all imbued with a parti-
san's partiality for Queen Mary's memory would find it impossible to approach
the task in anything like the temperate spirit which befits the critic's office.
More than this, we felt that self-command would he called for in whoever under-
took the duty, whatever the predilections of the writer might be ; for it is to be
hoped that there are few living men or women who could read Mr Froude's most
deplorable performance without emotions of indignant disgust.
The war-dance of the savage over the mangled remains of his enemy may be a
shocking and revolting sight, still it is an ebullition of human nature, however
depraved ; but for Mr Froude's attitude, as he stands by the scaffold of the ill-
fated Queen, and points out, with ill - suppressed exultation, and with a horrible
minuteness of detail, all the ghastly preliminaries, the epithet "inhuman" is far
too gentle and forbearing.
He appears to feast his jeyes upon the insulted remains of her who was peerless
among fair women. He is able to tell us that the body was stripped, "the earls
retaining their seats ; " and when all is over, and the last brutality is perpe-
trated, he seems to leave the hall with lingering grudging glances, and a sort of
ghoulish regret that nothing worse is left to chronicle.
Mr Froude sneers at the discomposure with which he believes Mary to have
received the announcement of her impending fate on the strength of the French
reporter's statement, that the queen was "faschee et deplaisante " when the
sudden intelligence was imparted to her.
1870.]
Mr Fraud e and Queen Mary.
107
merit in Scotland in respect to her,
is to us, though a born Scot, an
astonishing sentiment. The pages
of Maga, loyal as she is to this as
to other national prepossessions,
may not seem a fit place to say so ;
but we will not weaken our criti-
cism by pretending to share the
belief of Mary's partisans. Inno-
cence and Mary Stuart seem to us
to have little to do with each other.
A woman full of genius and pas-
sion, with the blood of the Stuarts
and the Tudors mingling in her
ardent veins, with unbounded sway
o\ er the hearts of others, and strong
in that peculiar form of self-control
which makes self-indulgence all the
ni^re intense because voluntary, it
is, in fact, an injury to Mary to
talk of her complete innocence. The
real force of her character is alto-
gether lost the moment we attempt
to make out for her that transparent
plea. Was she a fool to be caught
in snares so visible that the merest
spark of intelligence would have
been enough to preserve her from
them ? Was the training of the
court of France a likely way of pre-
serving such ingenuous ignorance ?
or was the time itself so delicate as
to keep the most tenderly-nurtured
maiden in such a state of dove-like
simplicity 1 That fine, subtle, pene-
tmting intellect, full of resource
and readiness and splendid courage
— with eloquence to match that of
any special pleader of her time, and
dauntless as any hero — are we to
suppose the rude Scotch nobles so
much more than a match for her,
tint they have left on her name a
stigma which a dozen generations
of idolaters have not been able to
wipe off? And, indeed, the crime
itself, but for a certain devilish ap^
propriateness to the political exig-
encies of the moment, was not so
unprecedented as readers of a com-
paratively innocent age are apt to
suppose. Had Mary been a man
like her respectable relative Henry
VIII., for whom Mr Froude has
so much sympathy, Darnley's death
would have sunk to the rank of a
peccadillo in the records of her his-
tory ; and nobody would have ex-
pected of her that she could live a
quiet religious life in her Eng-
lish prison, meekly praying for her
enemies, frowning upon all at-
tempts on the life of her rival, and
pensively indifferent to that bigger
diadem of England, which hung
like the sword of the story over
her imprisoned head by a single
thread.
It is perhaps hard to enter into
the mental being of those whose
struggle for personal right has pro-
duced nothing but evil to humanity,
and to understand how entirely the
impulse which moved them to the
making of wars and destructions
might be a just and natural impulse.
The world, three hundred years ago,
refused to attempt such an inquiry.
To it a usurper was a usurper,
an impostor an impostor, without
any inquiry into the appearance of
things as presented to his individual
vision. Conscious fraud, which is
the rarest thing in the world, was
to the mind of our fathers as
universal almost as the daylight.
Their enemies opposed them, not
out of an innocent or possibly
laudable adherence to individual
views of their own, but out of sheer
spite and malice. Every man who
defended himself for a course of
He had given her due credit for fortitude elsewhere, but is so steeped in venom
as to break out in spite of himself into this inconsistency. To say that she was
" faschee et deplaisante " at the news that on the morrow she was to die a terri-
ble death, appears to us an almost grotesquely inadequate description of the
em otions which any human being would experience on such an occasion.
We would quarrel with the French narrator for the feebleness of his language
— Mr Froude deduces from it that Mary's courage faltered. Mr Froude has dealt
his own reputation a murderous blow, and he will indeed be the most unde-
servedly fortunate of men, if the public and posterity, in reading these pages of
his, express themselves as nothing more than " fasche" et deplaisante."
—ED. B. M.J
103
Mr Fronde and Queen Mary.
[Jan.
action which seemed to them evil,
was playing a part. That he could
fail to know that he was wrong in
pursuing his own interests instead
of theirs, was a notion simply in-
comprehensible. The homely pri-
mitive wisdom of the race might
indeed assert that what is one
man's meat is another man's poison ;
but neither in politics nor religion
could any party understand its ap-
plication. The idea that orthodoxy
is my doxy, and heterodoxy that of
all who disagree with me, is the very
simplest form of that principle
which, in its full development, goes
further, and asserts that your doxy
is invented of malice prepense to
oppose mine, and that you are per-
fectly aware all the time that yours
is wrong, but hold by it to disturb
or vex or embarrass me. The mo-
dern world professes to have gone
quite beyond this canon, and to
acknowledge that force of indivi-
dual conviction which changes the
aspect of matters altogether, and
thrusts absolute conscious decep-
tion into a corner, dethroning it
from its vulgar standing as one
of the most important of human
agencies. By this time the minds
which sway the world have come
to allow that people who are op-
posed to them may at least believe
they are in the right, and that
every shield has two sides. It is
strange that Mr Froude, of all men,
should be the one to resort to the
old theory. But human nature is
too strong for theory, too strong
for philosophy, and all the studies
and all the skill of the ablest of
modern historians have not been
able to shelter him from its tempta-
tions.
Mr Froude has evidently taken
infinite pains with the character of
Queen Elizabeth. He has thrown
himself into the picture, if not with
all his heart, at least with all the
powers of his mind. There is no
enthusiasm in the portrait, no
attempt to transfer to it any ideal
excellence, or to hold it up as a
model to be followed ; and perhaps
the traces of a foregone conclusion
are too perceptible in its lines.
But no doubt can be entertained of
the care bestowed upon it, and the
conscientious endeavour made to
represent fully and candidly the
character of this extraordinary
woman. Mr Froude indeed goes
back and back upon his description,
as we sometimes see done in a
novel when the writer is a little
uncertain of his dramatic powers.
He is afraid to trust his Elizabeth
to demonstrate herself, either be-
cause of the ambiguity of her pro-
ceedings, or because he fears she
will not retain so exactly as might be
desired the likeness of the image
he has made. Whenever he has a
chance he lays down for us over
again the leading principles of her
mind, and with a care and ingenuity
which it is impossible to overesti-
mate, keeps these principles before
himself and "proves" them as a
theologian proves a dogma, by
texts, as it were, from her discourses,
her letters, her private talk, and all
the gossip that buzzed about her.
Never was a more elaborate study.
He looks at her all round as if she
were a curious scientific example,
takes careful views of her from a
hundred different points, gives her
to us in as many different poses as
if she were a figurante. It is evi-
dently his intention that she should
be the central figure in his picture,
distinctly discriminated, from all
competitors, a figure thoroughly
realisable and formed of flesh and
blood. And when we say this, we
feel, had we nothing to add, that
we have written Mr Froude's justi-
fication for the different way in
which he has treated Mary. It is
Elizabeth who is his queen, it is
in her that he would fain concen-
trate all the light and interest, it is
she whom he feels to be the lady
and mistress of the age. His pre-
ference may surprise us, but still it
is perfectly possible, and we should
not have a word to say. For are
there not historians upon Mary's
side who concentrate the light upon
her head, and leave Elizabeth in the
blackness of darkness 1 The peculi-
1870.]
Mr Froude and Queen Mary.
109
arity in Mr Froude's case is that
his Elizabeth, though so elaborately
drawn, is not in any sense his ideal.
He studies without approving her,
without finding any intrinsic value
in her. He does not love her nor
praise her, nor is he even warmed
into urgent sympathy. He has no
special new light to throw upon her
character which might endear her
to him, as any bleak new-found peak,
rising out of the unknown seas,
endears itself to the explorer. The
only novelty in his view of her is
tlie philosophical latitudinarianism
in point of religion with which he
credits her. He allows her to be
mean, avaricious, ungrateful, un-
faithful, untrue. He makes it
clear that no dependence could be
placed in her either by word or
deed. There is not a word of pane-
gyric in the whole laboured full-
length, in which we seem to see the
very pearls with which her robe is
embroidered, the solemn ruff, the
creaking shoes. This absence of
ideality or partiality in the portrait
perplexes us when we turn to his
treatment of her rival. Why then,
if Elizabeth is not to be elevated, is
Mary to be degraded 1 Why so con-
temptuous an indifference to the
motives of the one and so minute a
regard to those of the other?
What's Hecuba to him, we say
instinctively, that he should cast
dirt at another on her account]
There is no feeling involved in the
matter, unless it be the feeling of
tbe artist, who, conscious of having
made a very careful study, falls so
much in love with that, that he will
not even do the rest of his work or
himself full justice, lest the perfec-
tion of the whole should take away
something from the elaborate work-
manship of the first completed part.
It is a curious piece of solemn folly,
and yet so he has willed it. He is
not enamoured of Elizabeth, but he
is enamoured of his own pains, of
the trouble he has taken, and all
the laborious details of his manu-
facture. He uncovers himself
with a certain solemnity in her pre-
sence, as if he said, " Though she
is not much to brag of, and I have
told you so, still she is Elizabeth,
and hats off ; whereas the other is
but Mary her prisoner, whom I have
no time to take so much trouble
about, in whose face let us flourish
our caps ; and should we find her
out in any by-play, laugh in our
sleeves, or without them if occasion
requires. When Elizabeth does her
by-play, we do not laugh, nor even
look aside, but fix our eyes upon it
steadily and respectfully, and swal-
low what we cannot ignore/' Such
is the position Mr Froude has chosen
to occupy in respect to these two
queens. Our own impression is
that the canvas would have been
richer and the work more worthy
had he taken the same trouble in
both cases, and we cannot even see
how the unity of the picture is
benefited by the elaboration of one
half and scamping of the other.
The historian, however, it is plain,
thinks otherwise. He gives his
heroine the benefit of all those new
lights of observation which clear up
the darkness of human motives, and
show us, as far as anything can, not
only what things were done, but
why things were done, which on
the outside express but feebly the
meaning of the doer. He takes
the pains to tell us why Elizabeth
thought as she did, by what means
her susceptibilities were blunted
in one direction and sharpened in
another, how circumstances had
moulded her, how nature compel-
led her to many a doubtful action ;
but he takes Mary in the mass after
the old fashion, without taking the
trouble to inquire how things look-
ed to her from within. She is to
him a simple impostor, an actress
of accomplished powers, a very fine
and thoroughly self-conscious cheat,
never forgetting, never abandoning,
the arts which are dearer to her than
anything in earth or heaven. Mr
Froude would probably think it big-
otry of the blackest description and
folly scarcely less than ludicrous
were we to call Mahomet an impos-
tor, or — very much further down in
the scale — were we even to impute
110
Mr Froude and Queen Mary.
[Jan.
that title without explanation or
mitigation to Cagliostro. But he
gives it unhesitatingly to Mary
Stuart. He follows her through
scenes which thrill the pulses of the
calmest reader with his sneer and
his nickname — he dogs her stately
steps through one crisis after an-
other, in which she stands on such
a precipice that, if one of her name-
less women were in question, he
would allow it to be tragic and ter-
rible— and points out to us, with a
suppressed chuckle, what position
her feet are placed in, and how
careful she has been about the folds
of her gown. Nay, he watches her
die, which is the one moment in
life which commands the awe of
every spectator, be the dying crea-
ture ever so mean or miserable,
and smiles his best, though it is
hard work, and tries to tell us that
death too is a fine piece of acting.
We repeat that, if he did this to
heighten the light around the head
of an ideally noble Elizabeth, there
might be some semblance of excuse.
But his Elizabeth is only a careful
piece of work, arid not an ideal ;
and he has sacrificed the wonderful
splendour of the contrast, and the
amazing problem of such a mind
and life as those of Mary, to a mere
superstition in favour of his own
handiwork. Such a mistake is its
own punishment ; and yet it is one
of the strangest mistakes into which
a writer like Mr Froude could fall.
The office of the imagination as
an intellectual agent has been much
discussed and much exalted, but
what we may call its moral influ-
ence has been but little taken into
consideration. Invention is but
one of its gifts, and, we believe, not
the greatest. Its highest mission
in this world is that of comprehen-
sion. Half the unkindn esses, half
the cruelties and harsh judgments
of life, spring from a deficiency of
this all - important quality. The
mind which cannot put itself in
another's place, nor identify an-
other's point of view, is, however
just and scrupulous, continually in
of making false decisions.
There is such a thing, to be sure, as
a redundancy of imagination and
sympathy, which goes far to oblite-
rate the limits of right and wrong
altogether, and to account for every
action, however base ; but deficiency
is much more general than redun-
dancy. Mr Froude has imagination
enough for here and there a very
vivid piece of description ; and he
has, when he chooses to exercise it
(as in the wonderful account of
Darnley's death in a previous vol-
ume), a sufficiently powerful sym-
pathetic faculty to throw himself
into the troubled being of another,
and interpret it with touching
and solemn truthfulness; but he
has aversions which baffle and con-
fuse the imagination. His mind
stops short at Mary's prison door.
All the strange conflict of thought
that must have gone on there — the
questions that may have risen in
the silence — the recollections that
must have peopled the solitude —
the mass of passions, prejudices,
wrongs, and rights — religious con-
victions, such as experience shows
can dwell beside the memory of
great crimes without any conscious
hypocrisy, — Mr Froude closes the
door upon them all with a certain
contempt. The workings of Mary's
mind are nothing to him ; the
amount of truth she may have had
to back her does not interest him.
He does not care what she hopes,
what she fears, or what she be-
lieves; and yet she must have
hoped much, feared much, and be-
lieved something, or else human
nature has strangely changed. Of
all the men and women alive on the
earth we question if there was one
more profoundly interesting than
she whom the historian with airy
insolence speaks of as the Lady of
Tutbury. A tragic past, brimming
over with passion and misery —
a future equally tragic, though less
unhappy — a present ever filled with
the glimmer of such a possibility
as was enough to make any ordin-
ary head dizzy and faint — the pos-
sibility of being suddenly converted
any moment from a neglected cap-
1870.]
Mr Froude and Queen Mart/.
ill
live to the queen of a great nation,
are themselves enough to fill every
movement of Mary's with interest.
She had lived wildly and loved
fiercely, and experienced every
kind of adventure and vicissitude.
She had walked as an enchantress
among men, with lives cast under
her feet like flowers ; and she had
sas for years at her embroidery-
frame counting the weary days like
any unwilling nun. From one ex-
treme to another she had been
drifted; and had retained her en-
ergy, her quick wit, and wonderful
intelligence through all. If such a
being as this can be explained in
one word, then has history indeed
grown easy, and it is an unnecessary
waste of labour to expend such a
mind as that of Mr Froude upon the
simple and banal tale.
His explanation of Mary is as fol-
lows : She was an ambitious, rest-
less intrigante — a scheming adven-
turess, conscious of crime, such as
excluded her from all rights and
sympathies, and aware that the ex-
istence of a Magdalen out of sight
of mankind was her fit lot ; yet un-
grateful to the hand that fed and
sheltered her — plotting against her
hostess and relative — ready even to
go the length of murder — taking
advantage of certain prejudices
about religion to attract the dis-
contented to her side, and under-
mine her kind, much - enduring,
too indulgent cousin. Of these
religious prejudices, and of an-
other popular delusion in respect
to the rights of princes, the woman
availed herself, as any modern act-
ress might avail herself of a British
public's sentiments about virtue
and its infallible rewards — the
rights of princes and the Catholic
religion being in reality no more
to her than the sentiment of poetic
justice is to any heroine on the
Surrey boards. To fight by means
of these weaknesses, or any other
sho could find out, for advantage to
herself, was her highest spring of
action, and the gracefulness of her
own pose her most real interest.
When the one could no longer be
pursued, then she fell back on the
other ; and it is doubtful whether
the gratification of grasping at a
new crown, or the grand artistic
triumph of dying en martt/re, with
every detail and accessory in the
highest keeping, was the greatest
to her deceitful soul. Mr Froude
commends her courage much as he
would that of a dancer on the
tight - rope who faces the perils
of her profession without flinching;
and gives us a sketch of the fantas-
tic elaboration of the dress in which
she went through her last scene
with a great deal less respectfulness
than had she been that same tight-
rope dancer lying crushed in her
gauzy skirts and spangles at the
point where she fell. That fall
would have made the dancer into a
solemn thing ; but even the hall at
Fotheringay does not overawe Mr
Froude's scepticism, or drive the
sneer from his face. Death has no
solemnity for him when it is Mary
Stuart who is to undergo it. She
is the same miserable charlatan in
her end as during all her career.
All feigned and false and artificial
are her dignity, her tenderness, her
religion, even her face. She was
a great actress. Mrs Siddons, per-
haps, would scarcely have done it
so well, — such is the summary way
in which the historian dismisses
Mary of Scotland to her grave.
But yet there is a very different
picture to be made. Mary had
been for seventeen years a weary
captive in her rival's power ; and
long ere now all sense of being
a Magdalen had, without doubt,
faded from her mind. Darnley
and the Kirk - of - Field troubled
her no more than Anne Boleyn
and the block troubled her worthy
uncle Henry in the later part
of his career. Their consciences
were robust, and shadows did not
last. Everything connected with
that wild episode of love and
murder had evidently disappeared
from Mary's healthful elastic soul.
Bothwell himself had disappeared
from her like a cast-off garment,
and there is no evidence of either
112
Mr Froude and Queen Mary.
[Jan.
remorse or repentance in her. She
had thrown off the impression of
that nightmare as one does on
awaking, and her splendid vitality
had got the better of it. But there
were other things which she had no
temptation to forget. She was a
good Catholic, and without any
reference to her own claims at all,
must necessarily have held Eliza-
beth to be illegitimate. She was
illegitimate according to all natural
and legal rules ; and had she been
but Mistress Elizabeth, the daugh-
ter of a profligate squire, no one
would have entertained any doubt
on the subject. Mary was woman
enough, notwithstanding her own
defects, to regard her cousin's birth
with a certain horror ; and Eliza-
beth was, besides, under the ban of
the Church — a sentence to which
we have no ground for supposing
Mary to have been indifferent. If
she had not been firmly convinced
that Elizabeth had no right to the
throne, and that she herself ought
to occupy it as legitimate next of
kin, she would have been the most
philosophical woman of her day
— and philosophy was not the
special characteristic of her genius.
And she had been brought up in
the full faith of absolutism, with
such a confidence in the sacredness
of her rank as it is impossible to
conceive any one entertaining now-
adays. At that period divine right
was no tradition, but a reality, and
it is simply impossible that Mary
could have had any acquired dis-
belief in it. It must have been her
creed that an anointed queen was
beyond trial or condemnation, that
whosoever laid hands upon her even
in obedience to the law was violat-
ing a higher law. Therefore her
position in England, from her own
point of view, must have been one
of unmitigated wrong. It was she
who was the true, heir, yet she
was pining in prison ; it was she
who alone could bring back the
nation to the true faith, yet the
very exercise of that faith in a
manner becoming her rank was
forbidden to her. Elizabeth held
the throne in defiance of law and
of the Church, oppressing the party
which it was most natural for Mary
to recognise as the people — the only
part of it she had any familiar
acquaintance with. These views
are not our views, nor have we any
sympathy with them ; but they
were hers, and she had, according
to her own education and princi-
ples, a perfect right to believe that
the highest service she could render
to God and the nation was to man-
age matters so as that she should
reign in Elizabeth's stead. It was
not only her interest, but her duty.
The advantage (she must have
thought) of a people which was
being trained to heresy — the good
of the Church, the interests of her
son and of her faithful depend-
ants, all demanded of her that
she should vanquish Elizabeth,
if any exertion could do that.
And thus, if Mary had com-
ported herself so as to givie Mr
Froude satisfaction, she would,
to her own consciousness and to
that of her party, have been a
traitor and a coward. It is in vain
to shirk this side of the question.
Such must have been her belief ;
and every day she passed in prison,
every indignity that was done her,
must have heightened her sense of
injustice, and intensified her long-
ing for deliverance. In such cir-
cumstances inaction only was sin-
ful. Mr Froude does not appear
to see how much those absolute
rights and wrongs of hers increase
the interest of the scene. Almost
all Europe was on her side ; and
probably a third part at least of the
English people, if free to give their
opinion, would have held her
cause a just one. That which to
Mr Froude appears a hopeless mass
of intrigue, was to her the highest
necessity of her position, : as legiti-
mate heir to claim her own rights ;
as her son's mother to establish his;
as a true Catholic to secure the vic-
tory of her faith ; as a patriot even
— for this plea is also admissible in
the circumstances — to seek what
must have appeared to her the true
1870.]
Mr Froude and Queen Mary.
113
advantage of the people. That we
differ with her on every point, or
that Mr Froude differs with her, has
actually nothing to do with the sub-
jeot. Such — unless she were the
most generous, the most unselfish,
the most philosophical and enlight-
ened of women, centuries before her
a£;e, and superior to her education
— must have been Mary's belief.
She was not grateful to the rival
who kept her in tedious bondage,
and declined to make any response
to her just claims. She was not
scrupulous in the means she em-
ployed, nor considerate of Eliza-
beth's safety, nor much concerned
for her life. People in those days
ware not delicate about the peace
of mind, or even the lives of their
adversaries ; and we claim for
Mary no virtue superior to her age.
She was daring, shifty, unscrupu-
lous, using every weapon that came
to her hand, and caring much less
for the means -than for the end ;
but that she possessed that without
which it is impossible to believe
in any long - continued struggle —
a sense of right on her side — we
crnnot for one moment doubt.
And this Mr Froude persistently
ignores.
Elizabeth was not so incredulous.
It was the truth of Mary's claim
that made her fear. Had circum-
stances made it possible for them
to live in outward semblance of
harmony, the spirit of the position
would have been unchanged, ex-
copt in so far that Elizabeth must
hive been forced to acknowledge
and allow at least Mary's right of
inheritance. But the fact that
amity between them was impos-
sible, and that Mary had contrived
to render herself obnoxious to her
own native kingdom, and a bug-
bear to a large portion of the Eng-
lish people, does not affect the
question of her natural rights, nor
of her consciousness of them, and
of the duties involved in them.
Ber sins, however fully proved, did
not and could not, to herself at
least, make any difference in the
VOL. CVIT. — NO. DCLI.
matter, unless, indeed, to heighten
her eagerness for the recognition of
her claims, since jeven a momentary
faltering would have been a confes-
sion of guilt. Had she retired from
the field and given up the conflict,
it would, no doubt, have been a
great convenience to England and
Elizabeth, but it must have been
an utter abandonment of the last
residue of duty and use which re-
mained in Mary's life.
This, however, is a view which
Mr Froude seems incapable of per-
ceiving. He seems to expect that
the Queen of Scots ought to have
judged and condemned herself, and
remorselessly carried out the sen-
tence. That natural operation of
the human mind which converts a
long suspension of execution into a
positive right of escape does not
seem to be known to him. He
takes it for granted that Mary
must have been continually consci-
ous that she had forfeited her life,
and all her individual rights, which
it is very evident Mary never dreamt
of being. She stands to him in the
position which an excommunicated
person would stand in to a bigoted
Catholic. Men are free to lie to her,
to cheat her, to use the basest means
of betraying her confidence, without
any guilt. They are free to insult
her, to forget every delicacy and
courtesy becoming gentlemen. It
is guilt to aid her, almost a sin to
say a civil word. The very faith-
fulness of her dependants he thinks
no credit to them. A woman may
forfeit her life, and yet retain her
right to courtesy and pity, and
such solace as humanity can give.
She may be wicked, and yet not
be worthy of treatment like a dog \
but to Mary, in Mr Froude's eyes,
no charity, no allowance should be
shown. His account of the imme-
diate means employed to determine
her death are curiously instructive
on this point, and so is his narra-
tion of the execution, which we
quote below. The manner in
which she was betrayed at last into
the hands of Elizabeth was one of
114
Mr Froude and Queen Mary.
[Jan.
the basest pieces of treachery ever
perpetrated. It may be necessary
for statesmen to employ spies, and
make use of the meanest instru-
ments to keep them informed of
their enemy's tactics — and at that
period any fine scruples as to the
lawfulness or honourableness of
such channels of knowledge did not
exist ; but when we consider that
this heartless plot is discussed and
described at full length without a
word of disapproval on the part of
the historian, or anything to show
that he thinks Walsingham's scheme
anything but justifiable and legiti-
mate, Mr Froude's virtuous in-
dignation at Mary's histrionics be-
comes more and more amazing and
incredible. The Catholics of that
day held, it is said, that no faith
need be kept with heretics, and
this is evidently Mr Froude's
opinion with respect to Mary.
Every practice against her was fair
and honest. She had to be trapped
like a wild beast, and what did it
matter which was the way ?
Mary was taking no special part
in anything at the time this plot
was devised — not from want of will,
but from want of opportunity. She
had been for some time deprived of
any means of communicating with
her friends in which she could place
the slightest confidence, and so had
been out of all the plots of the mo-
ment, more silent and inoffensive
than usual. But Elizabeth was in
great difficulty between her allies
in the Netherlands and Philip of
Spain. She hated the Dutch, and
yet had been obliged to support
them ; and her whole mind at the
moment was set upon the negotia-
tion of a private treaty with Philip,
by which she intended to throw
over the Hollanders, save herself
from the expense of a costly war
on their account, and the country
from all fear of a Spanish invasion
— an invasion which would have
had for its object the re-establish-
ment of the Catholic Church, and
installation either of Mary of Scot-
land or of Philip himself upon the
English throne. To do this she
would have broken her faith with-
out compunction to the Dutch, and
betrayed all her allies ; and it was
only the wisdom of Elizabeth's
counsellors, not her own, which
perceived the real advantage she
had in being at the head of Pro-
testantism throughout the world.
To convince her that it was her
interest to play anybody false
rather than the Dutch, and to put
no faith in Philip, Walsingham
turned his eyes upon Mary in her
prison as bird-fanciers do upon a
captive bird. She should be the
lure. He would lay bare all that
was and might be plotting in the
Catholic world to his mistress
through her means, and probably
catch Mary too in the snare, a
double advantage. It was with
this cold-blooded intention that he
concocted his plan — a plan which,
for diabolical skill in invention, and
pitiless steadfastness in the carry-
ing out, has perhaps never been
surpassed. That Elizabeth's Mini-
sters should not have shrunk from
such means of procuring informa-
tion is probably natural ; but how
Mr Froude, who is so hard upon
Mary's deceptions, should be able
to put such a plot on record with-
out one word of reprobation —
rather, indeed, as if he approved
the villanous scheme and felt it
to be wholly justifiable — is a won-
der greater than the plot itself, and
one which we confess ourselves
altogether unable to understand.
After giving an account of Eliza-
beth's vacillations and perplexities,
and Walsingham's anxiety to clear
them up, Mr Froude proceeds as
follows : —
" There was one way, and perhaps
only one, by which all these questions
could be answered. The Queen of Scots
must be again enabled to open a corre-
spondence which she and her friends
could believe to be perfectly safe, and
her letters and theirs must be passed
through the hands of Walsingham.
Round her, so long as she lived, con-
spiracy, whether European or English,
necessarily gathered. Nothing had been
done in the past, and nothing had been
projected, on which her advice had not
1870.]
Mr Froude and Queen Mart/.
115
first been asked and taken. She had
agents at every Court, who took pains
that at least to her every fibre of the
truth should be known. Political cor-
respondence throughout her residence
in England had been the occupation of
her life. . . . What Walsingham
wanted was a sustained, varied corre-
sp andence with many persons, protract-
ed for an indefinite time — with the
Pope, with Philip, with her son, with
the Archbishop of Glasgow, with Guise,
Mendoza, and the English refugees. In
possession of this, he could either con-
vince his mistress of her own unwisdom,
or satisfy himself that she was right,
and that the treaty might safely go
forward. But the problem was an ex-
tremely difficult one. He must find
some one who could obtain the confi-
dence of all these persons, and induce
thim to trust him with their letters.
Ho must in some way or other enable
this person to convey the letters to the
Queen of Scots, and convey back her
answers. He dared not venture the
experiment without Elizabeth's permis-
sion. She gave it, and she kept the
secret to herself. It was impossible to
say what strange revelations might be
before her. For all she could tell, for
all Walsingham could tell, half her
Cabinet might be found privately in
the Queen of Scots' interest. Mary
Stuart was the next immediate heir to
tho crown. Elizabeth had refused to
allow her to be disinherited ; and Eng-
lish public men were but mortal, and
might have thought it but common
prudence to make their peace in time."
The instrument was not long of
being found. A certain Gilbert
Gifford, of a good Staffordshire
family, whose father was at the
moment imprisoned in London for
" continued recusancy," and one of
whose brothers was a plotting Je-
suit wholly given up to the cause
of the Church, "offered his services,
and the opportunities at his com-
mand, to the English Government/'
These opportunities were immense,
as may be supposed. He was him-
self a Jesuit in deacon's orders,
brought up at the seminary of
Rlieims, intimately acquainted with,
and fully trusted by, many of Mary's
frionds. No suspicion could at-
tach to communications forwarded
through his means. But when this
grand preliminary had been accom-
plished, there were still other pre-
parations needful. Mary had to be
removed (as she had long vainly
prayed to be, disliking the place)
from her well watched and guard-
ed residence at Tutbury to an-
other of a humbler character, where
she might be betrayed with less
risk of discovery. She had at
the same time to be driven des-
perate by one or two other amiable
means of exasperation — as, for
instance, the complete cessation
of any means of correspondence
whatever except through Walsing-
ham, and news of her son such as
might well have driven any poor
woman frantic. She was told that
James had transferred to Elizabeth
the title of mother, and was grow-
ing every day more confirmed in
his Protestantism and more op-
posed to herself. She was " mar-
vellously incensed" by this infor-
mation, "protesting that she was
spoiled of her son by violence,
complaining in very sharp and bit-
ter terms, having lost all patience,
and crying vengeance against her
enemies." Having thus wrought
the unhappy woman up into a state
of frantic readiness to seize any
hand of help that might be held
out to her, " Elizabeth made a
favour of consenting to her change
of residence, and accompanied it
with a lecture on irritability." She
held open the door of the trap with
a scold and an apparent grudge.
The captive deserved no such favour;
but as she had set her heart on it,
why, she should have it. There
was Chartley Manor close by, which
Sir Amyas Paulet might look at,
since Mary so desired it. And thus
the last step was taken for the per-
fection of the plot.
"Mary Stuart was delighted with
the change, and utterly unsuspicious.
Elizabeth's homily had worked her into
a frenzy, which Paulet had studiously
aggravated, 'making her disclose her
passions in writing, which were far
more violent than in her speech.' He had
affected to persuade her to remain at
Tutbury, though Elizabeth had con-
sented to her removal. He had made
her only, as he probably intended, the
more eager to go. She said if she was
116
Mr Froude and Queen Mary.
[Jan.
kept at Tutbury ' she would die in her
bad lodging, with other bitter words,
wherein she was no niggard when she
was moved with passion.' She went
Walsingham's way, believing it to be
her own ; and before Christmas she
was comfortably established in her
new home.
" At once there dropped upon her, as
if from an invisible hand, a ciphered
letter from her faithful Morgan. Pau-
let had been taken into confidence with
Phillipps, Walsingham's secretary, an
accomplished master of the art of
cipher, and one other person whose
assistance Phillipps had secured — a
brewer at Burton, who supplied Chart-
ley with ale. A separate cask was fur-
nished for the Queen of Scots' ladies
and secretaries ; a hint was in some
way conveyed to Nau to examine it
closely ; and when the ale was drawn
off there was found at the bottom a
small water-tight box of wood, in which
was Morgan's packet. It contained an
introduction of Gilbert Gifford, as ' a
Catholic gentleman well brought up in
learning,' on whom the Queen of Scots
might thoroughly depend, and with
whose assistance she might correspond
with himself and with her other friends
in England and elsewhere. The cask
came iu weekly. The box, re-enclosed
in the empty barrel, would carry out
her answers, and the chain of communi-
cation was at once complete.
" The brewer had been purchased by
high and complicated bribes. He was
first paid by Walsingham ; next, he
was assured of lavish rewards from the
Queen of Scots, which, to secure her
confidence, it was necessary to permit
him to receive ; lastly, like a true Eng-
lish scoundrel, he used the possession
of a State secret to exact a higher price
for his beer. Phillipps came to reside
at Chartley under the pretence of as-
sisting Paulet in the management of
his household. Every letter conveyed
to the Queen of Scots, and every letter
which she sent in return, was examined
and copied by him before it was for-
warded to its destination; and Mor-
gan's introduction of Gifford, which be-
trayed her into Walsingham's hands,
was the first on which he had to exer-
cise his skill.
"Gifford himself, too young and
innocent-looking, as he appeared to
Paulet, for so involved a transac-
tion, had organised his own share of
it with a skill which Sir Amyas's blun-
ter mind failed at first to comprehend.
Sir Amyas thought that his remunera-
tion from Walsingham ought to have
contented him. Gifford, wiser than he,
knew that gratuitous services were sus-
picious. He wrote to the Queen of
Scots saying that he was honoured in
being of use to her, biit reminding her
that he was risking his life, and capitu-
lating for a pension. At points between
Burton and London he had found Catho-
lic gentlemen with whose assistance the
packets were transmitted. They were
told no more than that they contained
letters of supreme importance to the
cause. One of them, who resided near-
est to Burton, received a bag weekly
from the brewer, and carried it on to
the next, by whom it was again for-
warded, so it was passed from hand to
hand to the Jesuit agency in London.
The treachery was at Chartley only.
From the time that the letters left the
brewer's house, they were tampered
with no more. The London Jesuits
receiving them by their confidential
channel, and little dreaming that they
were transcribed already, distributed
them to their ciphered addresses, and
returned answer in the same way, which
again, after inspection by Phillipps,
were deposited in the cask. Gifford
was at first upon the spot and active in
person, but when the road was once
established he was needed no more.
He went abroad again to see Morgan>
and gather information wherever he
was trusted. In his absence his cousin
took his place as an unconscious instru-
ment of the ruin of the lady whom he
worshipped as his queen. All parties
in the correspondence had special de-
signations. In the letters of Mary
Stuart, Gilbert passed by the name of
Pietro; the cousin, of Emilio. Between
Paulet and Walsingham the brewer was
christened, in irony, ' the honest man ; '
Gilbert was Walsingham's 'friend;'
and the cousin, the 'substitute.'
" Six persons only were in possession
of the full secret. Elizabeth and Wal-
singham, by whom the plot had been
contrived; Gifford and the brewer,
who were its instruments ; Phillipps, by
whom the ciphers were transcribed and
read ; and Paulet, whom it had been
found necessary to trust. All the rest
were puppets who played their parts at
the young Jesuit's will. The ciphers
threatened at first to be a difficulty.
Phillipps was a practised expert, and
with time could, perhaps, have mastered
all of them ; but time was an element
of which there was none to spare, where
a correspondence was to be watched but
not detained, and where a delay in the
transmission might lead to discovery.
The over-confidence of Morgan, how*
1870,]
Mr Froude and Queen Mary.
117
ever, in Giffbrd's probity deprived the
unlucky Mary of this last protection.
Foaring; that his old ciphers might have
been discovered, he drew fresh tables,
not for his own use only, but forthe whole
party of the Paris conspirators — for
Guise, for Mendoza, for the Archbishop
of Glasgow, for Paget, and for Arundel ;
and. he forwarded duplicates to the
Q leen of Scots. The key of his own,
which unlocked the rest, he gave to
Gifford to carry to her, and the very
first letter which she availed herself of
h( r recovered opportunity to write, was
in this identical cipher. It was to
' Pietro's father,' old Gifford, who was
in the Tower, full of tender consolation,
and of promises that if ever she became
his sovereign, his own and his son's
services should not be forgotten.
"The very inmost secrets of the
Catholic confederacy were now opened
to Walsingham's inspection. The pa-
pers which he was about to see were
from the men at whose instigation, if
England was really to be invaded, the
enterprise would be spt on foot. . . .
The exact truth would be told to the
Queen of Scots, and she herself in time
would reveal her most inward purpose.
It would be ascertained now whether
he or Elizabeth had been right."
Thus by a plot as clever and as
nefarious as was ever conceived,
Mary was betrayed. Mr Froude is
willing to allow that there must
have been an " inherent scoundrel-
dom of temperament" in Gifford,
the principal agent of it, and in the
brewer its lowest instrument; but we
are left to suppose that it was rather
virtuous than otherwise in Eliza-
beth thus to tempt her cousin to
destruction. We do not ourselves
se>3 that the actual forgery of the do-
cuments with which Mary's partisans
have charged the English Govern-
ment, would have been much worse ;
and it certainly would have requir-
ed less heartless and continued
cr lelty. The information gained
by this abominable means was not
immediately satisfactory. It show-
ed that the Catholic world was very
dubious, very much divided, very
uncertain what step to take next ;
and no doubt, had Elizabeth acted
immediately by the instructions
thus given her, the treaty with
Philip might have been perfectly
feasible. But by -and -by a new
and strange light stole over the
darkling scene, at which the Queen
and her Ministers peeped with all the
excitement of clandestine watchers.
One can imagine the half-incredu-
lous delight with which Walsing-
ham must have started at his key-
hole when he began to perceive
how, beyond all his hopes, the
maddened, heart - sick, worn - out
Mary was about to betray herself
into his hands. Mysterious hints
of something brewing that might de-
liver her, made the secret listeners
prick up their ears. " It must have
been with profound curiosity/' says
Mr Froude, " that both Elizabeth
and Walsingham must have watch-
ed the effect upon the Queen of
Scots/' His sympathy is with the
spies behind the door, not with the
trapped creature, panting with hopes
of final deliverance, and pitifully
unconscious of the eyes that watch-
ed her who sat within. It was the
Babington conspiracy against Eliza-
beth's life that was brewing, and
no doubt it must have given her a
certain thrill of excitement in pass-
ing, to hear of " the means in hand
to remove the beast that troubles
all the world." Mr Froude, how-
ever, mingles so carefully the nar-
rative of what was going on outside,
and Gifford's other treacheries, with
the story of Mary's letters, that the
careless reader will be apt to attri-
bute all Elizabeth's knowledge of
this conspiracy to the Chartley cor-
respondence, which is very far from
being the case. The mysterious
hints about the removal of the
beast were accompanied by many
much more lengthy and important-
seeming details about an invasion
led by the Prince of Parma, and
about the plans for her own per-
sonal deliverance ; and the conspi-
racy itself is only fully unveiled in
one letter from Babington, in which
it seems to occupy one sentence,
while the Prince of Parma and her
escape fill up pages. But we do
not attempt to defend Mary, or to
suppose in her any squeamishness
about acquiescence in such a con-
spiracy. What was Elizabeth doing
118
Mr Froude and Queen Mary.
[Jan.
in that dark closet watching every
secret movement of her prisoner ]
Was not she conspiring diabolically
in cold blood, and, what was worse,
tempting the unhappy one to her
fate 1 It was a duel a entrance,
and why should Mary hesitate 1
To kill or to be killed was the
inevitable conclusion, and Mary
Stuart was no meek sufferer, for-
giving her enemies and blessing
those who cursed her.
When the crisis for which they had
been plotting had come, and at last
Babington's welcome letter, with de-
tails which nobody could mistake,
was put into her hands, the conspira-
tors on the other side stood still
and held their breath, with an ex-
citement which it is easy to realise.
Here was the tragic point on which
life and death depended. They
watched her as a band of ruffians
might watch a blinded creature wan-
dering on the edge of a precipice ;
or as wreckers watch the ship which
their false lights have beguiled on
to a fatal shore. Would some an-
gel interfere and save her at the
last moment, or would nature, and
hope, and wrong, and vengeance
have their way 1
" The interest grew deeper. Babing-
ton's letter was given immediately to
Gifford ; it was examined by Walsing-
ham before it left London, and was for-
warded by the usual road ; and Phil-
lipps, who had been in London, and
there deciphered it, returned to Paulet
at Chartley, to watch its effects. Mary
Stuart knevvPhillipps by sight — a spare,
pock-marked,im passive, red-haired man,
something over thirty. She had been
already struck by his appearance. Mor-
gan had suggested that he might not be
proof against a bribe. She had tried
him gently without success, but she had
no particular suspicion of him. He knew
the moment when the letter reached her.
He knew that she had read it. When
she drove out in her carriage afterwards,
she passed him, and he bowed respect-
fully. ' I had a smiling countenance, '
he said, 'but I thought of the verse,
' Cum tibi dicit Ave. Sicut ab hoste
cave. ' Some remorse he could not choose
but feel. She was in his toils, and he
was too certain that she would be in-
volved in them. Another letter from
her, and the work would be done.
' We attend,' he wrote, ' her very heart
at the next.' "
What do our readers say ] Is it
Elizabeth, Walsingham, Phillipps,
and Gifford, or Mary and Babing-
ton, that are most guilty of con-
spiracy and murder 1 — and how
much had pure justice to do with
the guidance of the world when
the last died, and the first went
free?
We have no more doubt, for our
own part, that the letters were
genuine, and that Mary (thinking
it actually a matter of less import-
ance than how she was to be car-
ried off from Chartley, and restored
to the grand air and sweets of free-
dom) consented to Elizabeth's as-
sassination, than we have that
Babington's band could not have
assassinated a fly. A parcel of
vain, foolish, riotous young brag-
garts— it is impossible to believe
that Elizabeth, a woman of unques-
tionable courage, ever had a mo-
ment's real fear on account of
their boyish conspiracy. It might
have wounded her pride, for they
were adherents of her court ; but
there is no evidence that they had
any special access to her, or in-
terested her in any way. The
whole business came to nothing,
as it would assuredly have done in
any case. The wretched creatures
were slaughtered with every pos-
sible atrocity permitted by the law,
and Mary's doom was finally
sealed. We do not pity Babing-
ton, and we are not even prepared
to assert that it was not needful
for the public peace that Mary
should die. But how any historian
of this nineteenth century can
justify the transaction described
above, is such a puzzle as we do
not remember to have encountered
before. " It was not to entrap her,
Elizabeth could most honestly say,"
Mr Froude adds, with — is it a mo-
mentary hallucination ? — and he
explains to us that, " Had Mary
been in the mood in which she
pretended to be, the * treachery' of
Walsingham would have been the
truest kindness, for it would have
1870.]
Mr Froude and Queen Mary.
119
dispelled effectually and for ever
the remains of Elizabeth's mis-
trust." Can anybody explain this
extraordinary sophistry 1 Does
Mr Froude mean it 1 — or is it a bit
of monomania? What! true kind-
ness to spy into the very heart of a
helpless prisoner, to ply her with
temptations wellnigh irresistible —
to create means of criminality for
her, and watch in the dark how
she rises to the horrible bait 1
Were such a course of procedure
employed nowadays — nay, even the
very shadow of it — towards the
meanest criminal, what would the
world, what would Mr Froude say ?
We need not dwell upon the care-
ful narrative of the panic raised in
the country by the discovered con-
spiracy, the terrible executions, the
ghost of invasion ; nor upon the
trial at Fotheringay, and Eliza-
bath's agitation and attempt to in-
duce her faithful Sir Amyas Paulet
to slaughter his prisoner comfort-
ably out of hand, and free her from
tlie responsibility ; nor how at last
she signed Mary's death-warrant,
" among a number of other papers,"
and it was registered without examin-
ation as anew act referring tolreland.
All the confused excitement of the
moment culminates in the one scene
at Fotheringay, of which so many
narratives have been given, and
which Mr Froude now tells over
again, as it has, we dare venture to
say, never yet been told. The great
actress prepares to go out of 'the
world histrionically, and with the
finest effect — such an accident as
death being nothing to her but
another occasion of display. This
i* how that wonderful scene, so
familiar to us all, appears to the
historian, and we may leave him,
\vith little comment, to tell a tale,
\vhich perhaps our readers will
agree with us is less to the histori-
an's credit than it is to the queen's.
"At eight in the morning the pro-
vost - marshal knocked at the outer
door which communicated with her
suite of apartments. It was locked
a ad no one answered, and he went
back in some trepidation lest the fears
might prove true which had been en-
tertained the preceding evening. On
his returning with the sheriff, however,
a few minutes later, the door was open,
and they were confronted with the
tall majestic figure of Mary Stuart
standing before them in splendour.
The plain grey dress had been ex-
changed for a robe of black satin ; her
jacket was of black satin also, looped
and slashed and trimmed with velvet.
Her false hair was arranged studiously
with a coif, and over her head and
falling down over her hack was a white
veil of delicate lawn. A crucifix of
gold hung from her neck. In her hand
she held a crucifix of ivory, and a
number of jewelled paternosters were
attached to her girdle. Led by two of
Paulet's gentlemen, the sheriff walking
before her, she passed to the chamber
of presence in which she had been
tried, where Shrewsbury, Kent, Paulet,
Drury, and others were waiting to re-
ceive her. Andrew Melville, Sir Ko-
bert's brother, who had been Master of
her Household, was kneeling in tears.
' Melville,' she said, ' you should rather
rejoice than weep that the end of my
troubles is come. Tell my friends I
die a true Catholic. Commend me to
my son. Tell him I have done nothing
to prejudice his kingdom of Scotland ;
and so, good Melville, farewell.1 She
kissed him, and, turning, asked for her
chaplain du Preau. He was not pre-
sent. There had been a fear of some
religous melodrame which it was
thought well to avoid. Her ladies,
who had attempted to follow her, had
been kept back also. She could not
afford to leave the account of her death
to be reported by enemies and Puritans,
and she required assistance jor the scene
which she 'meditated. Missing them,
she asked the reason of their absence,
and said she wished them to see her
die. Kent said he feared they might
scream or faint, or attempt perhaps
to dip their handkerchiefs in her
blood. She undertook that they
should be quiet and obedient. * The
Queen,' she said, ' would never deny
her so slight a request ; ' and when
Kent still hesitated, she added with
tears, ' You know I am cousin to your
Queen, of the blood of Henry the
Seventh, a married Queen of France,
and anointed Queen of Scotland.'
"It was impossible to refuse. She
was allowed to take six of her own
people with her, and select them her-
self. She chose her physician, Bur-
goyne, Andrew Melville, the apothecary
G-orion, and her surgeon, with two
120
Mr Froude and Queen Mary.
[Jan.
ladies, Elizabeth Kennedy and Curll's
young wife, Barbara Mowbray, whose
child she had baptised.
"'Allons done,' she then said, 'let
us go ; ' and passing out, attended by
the earls, and leaning on the arm of an
officer of the guard, she descended the
great staircase to the hall. The news had
spread far through the country. Thou-
sands of people were collected outside
the walls. About three hundred knights
and gentlemen of the county had been
admitted to witness the execution.
The tables and forms had been removed,
and a great wood-h're was blazing in
the chimney. At the upper end of the
hall, above the fireplace, but near it,
stood the scaffold, twelve feet square
and two feet and a half high. It was
covered with black cloth. A low rail
ran round it, covered with black cloth
also, and the sheriff's guard of hal-
bardiers were ranged on the floor below
on the four sides, to keep off the crowd.
On the scaffold was the block, black
like the rest. A square black cushion
was placed behind it, and behind the
cushion a black chair. On the right
were two other chairs for the earls.
The axe leant against the rail, and two
masked figures stood as mutes on either
side at the back. The Queen of Scots,
as she swept in, seemed as if coming to
take a part in some solemn pageant.
Not a muscle of her face could be seen
to quiver. She ascended the scaffold
with absolute composure, looked round
her, smiling, and sate down. Shrews-
bury and Kent followed, and took their
places. The sheriff stood at her left
hand, and Beale then mounted a plat-
form and read the warrant aloud.
"In all the assembly Mary Stuart
appeared the person least interested in
the words which were consigning her
to death.
*' ' Madam,' said Lord Shrewsbury to
her when the reading was ended, ' you
hear what we are commanded to do ? '
"'You will do your duty,' she an-
swered, and rose as if to kneel and pray.
" The Dean of Peterborough, Dr Flet-
cher, approached the rail. 'Madam,'
he began, with a low obeisance, 'the
queen's most excellent majesty,' — ' Ma-
dam, the queen's most excellent ma-
jesty.' Thrice he commenced his sen-
tence, wanting words to pursue it.
When he repeated the words a fourth
time she cut him short.
'"Mr Dean,' she said, 'I am a Ca-
tholic, and must die a Catholic. It is
useless to attempt to move me, and your
prayers will avail me but little.'
" ' Change your opinions, madam,' he
cried, his tongue being loosed at last ;
' repent of your sins, settle your faith
in Christ, by Him to be saved. '
' ' ' Trouble not yourself further, Mr
Dean, ' she answered ; ' I am settled in
my own faith, for which I mean to shed
my blood.'
" ' I am sorry, madam,' said Shrews-
bury, ' to see you so addicted to
Popery.'
"'That image of Christ you hold
there,' said Kent, ' will not profit you,
if He be not engraved in your heart. '
' ' She did not reply, and, turning her
back on Fletcher, knelt for her own
devotions.
' ' He had been evidently instructed
to impair the Catholic complexion of
the scene, and the Queen of Scots was
determined that he should not succeed.
When she knelt he commenced an ex-
tempore prayer in which the assembly
joined. As his voice sounded out in the
hall, she raised her own, reciting with
powerful deep-chested tones the Peniten-
tial Psalms in Latin, introducing English
sentences at intervals, that the audi-
ence might know what she was saying,
and praying with especial distinctness
for her holy father the Pope.
" From time to time, with conspicxi-
ous vehemence, she struck the crucifix
against her bosom, and then, as the
Dean gave up the struggle, leaving her
Latin, she prayed in English wholly,
still clear and loud. She prayed for the
Church which she had been ready to
betray, for her son whom she had disin-
herited, for the Queen whom she had en-
deavoured to murder. She prayed God
to avert His wrath from England, that
England which she had sent a last mes-
sage to Philip to beseech him to invade.
She forgave her enemies, whom she had
invited Philip not to forget ; and then,
praying to the saints to intercede for
her with Christ, and kissing the cruci-
fix and crossing her own breast, ' Even
as thy arms, O Jesus,' she cried, ' were
spread upon the cross, so receive me
into Thy mercy, and forgive my sins.'
"With these words she rose; the
black mutes stepped forward, and in
the usual form begged her forgiveness.
" ' I forgive you, ' she said, ' for now
I hope you shall end all my troubles.'
They offered their help in arranging
her dress. ' Truly, my lords,' she said,
with a smile to the earls, ' I never had
such grooms waiting on me before.'
Her ladies were allowed to come up
upon the scaffold to assist her ; for the
work to be done was considerable, and
1870.]
Mr Fronde and Queen Mary.
121
bad been prepared with, no common
thought.
" She laid her crucifix on her chair.
The chief executioner took it as a per-
quisite, but was ordered instantly to
Ity it down. The lawn veil was lifted
carefully off, not to disturb the hair,
a ad was hung upon the rail. The black
robe was next removed. Below it was a
petticoat of crimson velvet. The black
jacket followed, and under the jacket
was a body of crimson satin. One of
her ladies handed her a pair of crimson
sleeves, with which she hastily covered
her arms ; and thus she stood on the
black scaffold with the black figures
all around her, blood- red from head
to foot.
" Her reasons for adopting so extra-
ordinary a costume must be left to con-
jecture. It is only certain that it must
have been carefully studied, and that
pictorial effect must Iiave been ap-
The women, whose firmness had
hitherto borne the trial, began now
to give way, spasmodic sobs burst-
ing from them which they could
not check. "Ne criez vous," she said,
'•j'ay promis pour vous." Struggling
bravely, they crossed their breasts again
a ad again, she crossing them in turn, and
bidding them pray for her. Then she
knelt on the cushion. Barbara Mowbray
bound her eyes with a handkerchief.
'Adieu,' she said, smiling for the last
time, and waving her hand to them,
' Adieu, au revoir. ' They stepped back
from off the scaffold, and left her alone.
On her knees she repeated the psalm,
la te, Domine, confido, — 'In thee, 0
Lord, have I put my trust.' Her
shoulders being exposed, two scars be-
came visible, one on either side ; and
the earls being now a little behind her,
Kent pointed to them with his white
wand, and looked inquiringly at his
companion. Shrewsbury whispered
that they were the remains of two
abscesses from which she had suffered
while living with him at Sheffield.
"When the psalm was finished she
felt for the block, and laying down her
head, muttered, ' In manus, Domine,
taas, commendo animam nieam.' The
tard wood seemed to hurt her, for she
placed her hands under her neck. The
executioner gently removed them, lest
they should deaden the blow ; and
then one of them holding her slightly,
the other raised the axe and struck.
The scene had been too trying even for
the practised headsman of the Tower.
I Lis arm wandered. The blow fell on
the knot of the handkerchief, and
scarcely broke the skin. She neither
spoke nor moved. He struck again,
this time effectively. The head hung
by a shred of skin, which he divided
without withdrawing the axe ; and at
once a metamorphosis was witnessed,
strange as was ever wrought by wand
of fabled enchanter. The coif fell off.
and the false plaits. The laboured
illusion vanished. The lady who had
knelt before the block was in the ma-
turity of grace and loveliness ; the
executioner, when he raised the head,
as usual, to show it to the crowd,
exposed the withered features of. a
grizzled, wrinkled old woman.
" ' So perish all enemies of the
Queen,' said the Dean of Peterborough.
A loud Amen rose over the hall. ' Such
end, ' said the Earl of Kent, rising and
standing over the body, ' to the Queen's
and the Gospel's enemies.'
" Orders had been given that every-
thing which she had worn should
be immediately destroyed; that no
relics should be carried off to work
imaginary miracles. Sentinels stood
at ' the doors, who allowed no
one to pass out without permis-
sion; and after the first pause, the
earls still keeping their places, the
body was stripped. It then appeared
that a favourite lap-dog had followed
its mistress unperceived, and was con-
cealed under her clothes; when dis-
covered it gave a short cry, and seated
itself between the head and the neck,
from which the blood was still flowing.
It was carried away and carefully
washed, and then beads, paternoster,
handkerchief, each particle of dress
which the blood had touched, with the
cloth on the block and on the scaffold,
was burnt in the hall -fire in the pre-
sence of the crowd. The scaffold itself
was next removed ; a brief account of
the execution was drawn up, with
which Henry Talbot, Lord Shrews-
bury's son, was sent to London, and
then every one was dismissed."
This narrative speaks for itself,
and we believe it is the first time
that it has been told without some
passing thrill of humanity. Mary
Stuart was no martyr. Once more
we repeat that we have no confi-
dence whatever in the tale of her in-
nocence. And we suppose she had
technically forfeited her life by her
complicity with Babington. But the
122
Mr Fronde and Queen Mary.
[Jan.
grand reproach and mystery of
Mary's existence lay at the distance
of half a lifetime from her punish-
ment; and during that interval what
tortures had she not suffered 1 A
woman of action, a lover of plea-
sure, hot-blooded, overflowing with
energy, she had been a captive for
seventeen years ; proud, she had
been a dependant ; vehement and
eloquent, she had been silenced.
The only legitimate affection that
belonged to her had been alienat-
ed. She was impotent, she who felt
such powers within her, and now
the toils had gathered round her
feet. She was caught like a wild
beast, and treated like one, in defi-
ance of all the formal charities of
English law, as well as of human con-
sideration. When she was told all
suddenly and without warning that
she was to die next day, she was
''dreadfully agitated," Mr Froude
tells us, justifying the expression
by a French report that " la Reyne
d'Escosse fut faschee et deplaisante
de ces nouvelles." Deplaisante !
Did Kent and Shrewsbury, we
wonder, expect her to entertain
them with agreeable talk in return
for their news? As she comes
forth, stately and calm, to the scaf-
fold, is it possible that any man
can look on and jeer at her 1 " O
the pity of it ! the pity of it !" cries
Othello, not when he thinks his
wife innocent, but when he believes
her guilty. And the knowledge of
all that woman has gone through —
of her terrible tragic passions, her
crime, her long torture, the awful
page of life she is about to close —
does it not penetrate with a yet
profounder throb the heart of the
bystander? But not Mr Froude's
heart. No disgust seizes him when
the two lords, in their brutal curi-
osity, silently consult each other
about the scars on her bared shoul-
ders. The voice of that Dean, whom
we would fain throttle in his hide-
ous profane impertinence, sounds
dignified and seemly in the his-
torian's ears, and it is only the
woman about to die whose prayers
are an impertinence to him. A
certain rage that she should escape
him, and stand once more supreme
on the edge of her grave, seems to
seize upo» him. No doubt he
would, in point of fact, grant to
any ruffian at the gallows-foot the
priest he chooses to aid him, so far
as any priest can aid ; yet he can
actually find words to tell us that
Mary's confessor was denied to her
" for fear of some religious melo-
drame." And when the last act is
over, and the crimson gown which
she has put on with pitiful woman-
ishness is dyed double crimson,
and the false hair falls off the dead
head along with its other coverings,
is it possible that even then a
Christian gentleman can utter a
snarl of contemptuous triumph over
that horror of blood and death?
It would seem a positive pleasure
to him that now at the last even
her boasted charms have yielded.
She knelt down at the block "in the
maturity of grace and loveliness ; "
but the head held up before the
crowd " exposed the withered feat-
ures of a grizzled, wrinkled old wo-
man." This ghastly sneer haunts
the imagination like a blasphemy.
One feels one must have dreamt it,
and that no man could have written
such words in the calm of his study
and in cold blood. The execu-
tioner's formula, " So die all ene-
mies of the Queen," rises to the
height of historical dignity after
such a comment. She was the
Queen's enemy ; she was a stand-
ing danger to the public peace.
She was ( we believe) a woman who
had been deeply criminal, and was
not even deeply repentant. But
Mary Stuart herself, with all her
sins on her head, is more com-
prehensible than is the man who,
three hundred years after her
troublings have come to an end,
is able to insult her dying, and
throw an air of farce over the con-
clusion of such a tragedy as has
seldom been witnessed by man.
1870.]
Lord Byron and his Calumniators.
123
LORD BYRON AND HIS CALUMNIATORS.
IN July last we laid before our
readers all that was then publicly
known with regard to the unhappy
circumstances which led to the
separation of Lord and Lady Byron,
and expressed a doubt whether the
cause of that separation might not
remain for ever " one of those
enigmas which perpetually arouse
the curiosity of generation after
generation, only to disappoint it;"
and we concluded our remarks with
the observation, " that whatever
real or fancied wrongs Lady Byron
might have endured were shrouded
in an impenetrable mist of her own
creation — a poisonous miasma in
which she had enveloped the char-
acter of her husband — raised by
her breath, and which her breath
only could have dispersed." That
mist has now been suddenly and
completely dispelled. For three
months every newspaper has been
filled, and every household in the
kingdom inundated, with discus-
sions on matters which one por-
tion, at any rate, of our families
never heard or read of, except when
they occurred in the lesson for the
day, or were met with in the his-
tory of Lot or of Amnon.
Mrs Beecher Stowe, the well-
known American novelist, has told
-what she calls the " True Story of
Lady Byron's Life;" and we may as
^vell say, in the outset, that we see
no reason to doubt either that Mrs
Stowe received this story from the
lips of Lady Byron, or that she be-
lieves it to be true. Our reasons
for this will appear hereafter ; and as
we may have to comment somewhat
(severely on Mrs Stowe's conduct in
the matter, it is but just that we
should say at once that we do not
accuse her of the iniquity of fabri-
cating the revolting tale which she
lias published to the world, or of cir-
culating it, knowing it to be false.
We enter upon the subject with
reluctance ; but justice to the
memory of Lord Byron, still more
to that of Mrs Leigh, and most of
all to the feelings of English so-
ciety, which have been so deeply
outraged, force the unwelcome task
upon us. We have no more right to
shrink from the investigation of Mrs
Stowe's disgusting story than a
surgeon has from the examination
of a foul disease.
Stripped of the flowery verbiage
of the professional novelist (which
is peculiarly out of place in bring-
ing a charge which, if made at all,
ought to be couched in the simplest
and plainest terms), Mrs Stowe'a
" Story," in its naked hideousness,
is as follows : —
That Lord Byron, upon being
refused by Miss Milbanke, "fell
into the depths of a secret adulter-
ous intrigue " (' Macmillan/ p. 385)
with his sister, who was a married
woman many years older than him-
self, with a husband and several
children. That, " being filled with
remorse and anguish, and an insane
dread of detection" (p. 385), he
renewed his proposals to Miss Mil-
banke, and married her with the
expectation that she would "be
the cloak and accomplice of this
infamy " (p. 387). That " the mo-
merit the carriage-doors were shut
upon the bridegroom and bride "
(p. 386), he told her she had " mar-
ried a devil " (p. 386, sic). That,
" with all the sophistries -of his
powerful mind " (p. 387), he tried
to persuade her that there was no
harm in incest; but that she, " hav-
ing the soul not only of an angelic
woman, but of a strong reasoning
man " (p. 388), refused to be con-
vinced.
That from the first hour of her
married life until the day they
parted,* Lady Byron was " strug-
* Mrs Stowe says "two years." As Lord and Lady Byron lived together only
124
Lord Byron and his Calumniators.
[Jan.
gling in a series of passionate con-
vulsions to bring her husband back
to his better self" (p. 389). That
during the whole of this time Lord
Byron was, with the knowledge of
his wife, who shared bed and board
with him, carrying on an incestu-
ous intercourse with his sister, at
whose house they visited, and who
was a frequent guest at theirs.
That two children were born — one
the legitimate offspring of the mar-
riage, the other the spurious fruit
of the intrigue— over both of whom
Lady Byron " watched with a mo-
ther's tenderness" (p. 393).
That after '"many nameless in-
juries and cruelties, by which he
expressed his hatred of her" (p.
389), he determined to " rid him-
self of her altogether," and " drove
her from him, that he might follow
out the guilty infatuation that was
consuming him, without being tor-
tured by her imploring face, and by
the silent power of her presence and
her prayers in his house " (p. 390).
That she left him in company
with the " partner of his sins," ex-
pressing a devout trust that all
three would " meet in heaven " (p.
390), and never saw him more.
Such is the story told by Lady
Byron to Mrs Stowe in the year
1856, at an interview which " had
almost the solemnity of a death-
bed avowal" (p. 395), and when
her physicians " had warned her
that she had very little time to
live " (by the way, she survived
the interview for four years). Mrs
Stowe adds, that Lady Byron, after
thus charging her husband with
guilt for which no damnation could
be too deep, expressed the fullest
confidence in " his salvation," and
tells us that, " while speaking on
the subject, the pale ethereal face
became luminous with a Jieavenly
radiance " (p. 396).
Whether Mrs Stowe means to
assert that Lady Byron's communi-
cation to her was miraculously at-
tested by one of the signs that ac-
companied the delivery of the Law
on Mount Sinai, or whether this is
merely one of those blasphemous
familiarities with sacred subjects in
which the " unco gude and rigidly
righteous ;> are wont to indulge, to
the disgust of all sober-minded
people, we must leave the reader to
determine.
In the first place, we would ask,
Has Mrs Stowe ever considered the
effect which her story, if believed,
must have upon the reputation,
not only of those whom she inten-
tionally maligns, but on that of Lady
Byron herself, whose champion she
professes to be 1
We do not know how far the
doctrines with relation to the sexes,
which are said to be entertained
by a small knot of obscure elderly
females in this country, may prevail
in America ; but we can assure Mrs
Stowe that a woman who lived for
two years with a husband who to
her knowledge was carrying on an
incestuous intercourse with his sis-
ter, who did not, on the first intima-
tion of such guilt, avoid his touch
as the foulest pollution, who did
not fly to those whom nature point-
ed out to her as her protectors, and
denounce the monster who had
thus profaned the laws of God and
polluted the holiest of human ties,
would in England be held to be a
participant1 in his crime, and if she
sought protection from the law,
would be told that she had no right
to seek redress for an offence she
had condoned ; and if, in addition
to this, it turned out that she had
maintained the outward appearance
of the utmost cordiality to the part-
ner of her husband's guilt, that
she had received her as a guest, that
she had named her child after her,
that she had addressed letters to
her couched in language of the
fondest affection, — we say dis-
tinctly that a woman whose moral
sense was so perverted would be
one year and thirteen days, the " passionate convulsions " must have extended
6'ver the whole period.
1370.]
Lord Byron and his Calumniators.
125
held in contempt and abhorrence
by every one of her own sex who
had not sunk into a state of de-
gradation lower than that of the
lowest prostitute that ever haunted
t'ie night-houses of the Haymarket.
The details of our police-courts
show that there are such house-
holds as Mrs Stowe would fain
persuade us Lady Byron's was ;
but they show us, also, that they
excite disgust even in the wretch-
ed and vicious neighbourhoods in
vhich they exist.
We shall not, however, trouble
ourselves with the question whether
Mrs Stowe has been guilty of treach-
ery towards Lady Byron. We are
rot nice as to the morals of an
approver, neither are we casuists.
Happily the broad lines of duty are
sufficiently denned for our guidance
in all the ordinary affairs of life.
There is, however, one case which
sometimes arises upon which men
of the most honourable feelings will
not unfrequently come to opposite
conclusions. We mean the ques-
tion how far the obligation of se-
crecy with regard to a confidential
communication is binding.
We presume that no one will dis-
pute that if a native of the sister
itle, impatient of the delay of the
promised Land Bill, were, in the
strictest confidence, to impart to us
his intention, from the most patri-
otic motives, to accelerate the ad-
justment of the question, and the
transfer of the land of his country
to the inhabitants thereof, by shoot-
ing his landlord, it would be our
duty not only to warn the in-
tended victim of his danger, but
to give information at the nearest
police-station, and to do all in
our power to bring our confiding
friend to the gallows ; yet if that
same man had accomplished his
purpose, and, when placed on his
trial, were to make to his counsel a
full avowal of his crime, that coun-
sel would be guilty of the grossest
treachery if he betrayed his confes-
sion or failed to strain every nerve
to obtain his acquittal. Between
these plain extremes there are, how-
ever, an infinity of cases which
melt into one another like the
delicate and imperceptible grada-
tions of an evening sky, and with
regard to which it will be difficult
to find any two persons who will
agree as to the precise line of duty.
We think that the error of those —
and they have not been few — to
whom Lady Byron has at various
times told this revolting story, has
been in ever permitting themselves
to be the recipients of such a con-
fidence. The language they should
have held to Lady Byron ought to
have been, "What ground have you
for making this charge ] What are
your proofs 1 Have you ever given
the persons you accuse the op-
portunity of answering 1 Do they
even know that such imputations
have been made against them by
any one1? Have not you yourself
acted towards one or both of
them in a manner inconsistent
with the truth of what you now
say 1 " If these questions could not
be satisfactorily answered, either the
confidence should have been dis-
tinctly repudiated, and the accused
parties warned of the calumnies, and
put on their guard against the dan-
ger to which they were exposed, or
the statement should have been
treated as the raving of a lunatic.
But whatever difference of opin-
ion may exist as to the question of
how far Mrs Stowe has been guilty
of a breach of confidence towards
Lady Byron, we presume there can
be none as to the crime against
society which she has committed by
polluting every household in Eng-
land and America with the discus-
sion of a subject which ought never
to be mentioned without absolute
necessity, or the deep culpability
of any one who gives such a story
to the world without first not only
being fully satisfied of its truth,
but being prepared with conclusive
evidence to prove it. The person
who repeats such a tale incurs a
responsibility hardly second to that
of the inventor. The vendor of
126
Lord Byron and his Calumniators.
[Jan.
poison is equally guilty with the
compounder. Now, what precau-
tion has Mrs Stowe taken to ascer-
tain, before publishing it to the
world, whether the horrible tale of
which she has become the confidant
was a true story, a malignant false-
hood, or the phantasm of a diseased
brain ? Simply — none. It does
not appear from her narrative that
she ever addressed a single ques-
tion to her informant, or made any
inquiry whatever from any person,
before she published a story which
must, as she well knew, inflict in-
describable agony on the hearts of
the living, defile the grave of the
dead, and pollute every household
in England with its abominations.
One would have supposed that a
tale so monstrous, so improbable, so
contradictory to all the rules that
govern the actions of human beings,
unsupported by a single tittle of
evidence, would at once have re-
futed itself, and would not have
found a single listener to give it a
moment's credence. Such, how-
ever, strange to say, is not the case.
Some persons have accepted the
story ; and a duty is thus cast on
every man who has a heart to feel
indignation at the monstrous wick-
edness of the calumny, not only on
one of England's greatest poets,
but still more on the memory of a
woman who lived honoured and
beloved, and round whose grave
affectionate memories have gather-
ed for many years, to come forward
and denounce the falsehood with
tongue and pen.
It may seem strange that we
should have to remind our readers
of some of the most elementary
principles that govern all inquiries
into the truth of facts, whether
such inquiries are judicial, histori-
cal, or philosophical. Yet the pre-
judices and passions which have at-
tended upon the subject now under
discussion render this necessary.
The first of these principles is, that
it is incumbent on the party assert-
ing a fact to prove it, and not on
the party denying that fact to dis-
prove it ; in other words, the onus
probandi lies on the prosecutor.
Secondly, In all criminal cases
the presumption is in favour of
innocence.
Thirdly, When a witness gives
two accounts of the same transac-
tion inconsistent with or contra-
dictory to each other, his evidence
goes for nothing ; for both cannot be
true, though both may be false, and
there is no preponderance of testi-
mony in favour of either.
Fourthly, If a witness depones
falsely as to the main facts, his
evidence is unworthy of belief as
to the minor circumstances of the
case.
We shall have to apply these
principles to the present case, and
we beg the reader to keep them in
mind.
We have, in the article before
alluded to, given our reasons for
holding the character of Lord
Byron to be a matter of public in-
terest. We cannot agree with those
who maintain that the poet may
be considered as a separate entity
from the man. It would be matter
for shame and sorrow were it to be
proved that Milton was a time-
server, that Cowper was a profli-
gate, that Burns was cold-hearted
and ungenerous, or that Scott was
not equally remarkable for the vir-
tues of his life as for the brilliancy
and extent of his genius. But there
is a still deeper interest at stake in
this inquiry. The crime alleged
necessarily involves the guilt of
two persons. It is impossible to
sever the charge. Convict By-
ron, and you equally convict his
sister. Acquit one, and you acquit
both. The accusation brought
against Mrs Leigh concerns every
woman who would guard her grave
from insult and her memory from
slander, when perhaps every tongue
that could vindicate her reputation
may be cold and silent as her own.
If this kind of treason to society
is tolerated, there is no knowing
when it will stop. An attempt was
once made to soil the fair fame of
1870.]
Lord Byron and his Calumniators.
127
Martha Blount, and the offender
was deservedly " made manure of
for the top of Parnassus " by Byron
himself. We may, perhaps, some
day be told that Mary Unwin's af-
fection for Cowper was sensual,
or that Charles Lamb's life-long
devotion to his unhappy sister
was criminal, and his heroic self-
sacrifice prompted by the foulest
motives.
Before entering upon the exami-
nation of how far Mrs Stowe may
have substantiated her charge, we
would remind the reader that the
fact of this accusation being the
one selected by Lady Byron, conclu-
sively disposes of all the nameless
suspicions, even more revolting,
which, from her silence, have at-
tached for more than half a century
to the name of her husband. We
are no longer fighting shadows,
which change their form at every
moment, like the malignant 'Efreet
of the ' Arabian Nights,' who was
now a scorpion, then an eagle, af-
terwards a black cat, and, defeated
in every shape, was at last reduced
to a heap of filthy ashes. We have
emerged into daylight, and have a
specific charge to meet. That which
Lady Byron denied to the earnest
and repeated entreaties of her hus-
band has been granted to us ; though
the circumstances which attended
and motives which prompted it,
preclude us from feeling any grati-
tude for the disclosure.
Some of our readers may perhaps
not know accurately who Mrs Leigh
was. She was the only child of
Captain John Byron (the father of
Lord Byron) by his first wife, Bar-
oness Conyers in her own right.
After the death of Lady Conyers in
1784, Captain Byron married Miss
Catherine Gordon, a relation of the
Earl of Huntly, the only child of
this second marriage being the cele-
brated Lord Byron, who was born
on the 22d January 1788. As peer-
ages are too polite to record the
age of ladies, we are unable to give
tho precise date of Mrs Leigh's
birth ; but as her parents were mar-
ried in 1779, and her mother died
in January 1784, she must have
been born some time between those
two dates. She could not be less
than four, and we believe was as
much as eight, years older than Lord
Byron. In August 1807 the Hon."
Miss Byron married Col. Leigh of
the 10th Hussars. Seven children,
born at various intervals between
1808 and 1820, were the fruit of this
marriage. Col. Leigh died in May
1850, and Mrs Leigh survived him
only a little more than a year, her
death taking place in October 1851,
after forty-four years of married
life, checkered by the sorrows
which are the lot of humanity, and
of which a more than common
number fell to her share. The con-
stant, unvarying, and mutual affec-
tion which existed between herself
and her husband was known to all
her family and friends, and is at-
tested by those who still survive,
and whose memory extends to what
is now so distant a period. She
numbered amongst her friends wo-
men eminent alike for their virtues
and their rank, amongst the most
intimate of whom were the late
Countess of Chichester, the vener-
able Duchess-Dowager of Norfolk,
and Lady Gertrude Sloane Stanley.
She was cheered through life by
the sympathy and affection, and
followed to the grave by the re-
spect, of all who knew her. Two of
her own children are still living.
She was a second mother to those
of a friend whose wife died young.
In their minds all the holiest asso-
ciations of childhood are blended
with her memory. The accents of
her voice and the expression of her
countenance, as they lisped their
evening prayer at her knee, still
come back to their memory with a
pure and holy light through the
mists and vicissitudes of more than
half a century. Is it no crime to
have wrung these hearts by pro-
claiming this loathsome lie of one
they loved so well 1 Is Mrs Stowe
so utterly devoid of justice, truth,
mercy, and charity, that she greedily
128
Lord Byron and his Calumniators,
[Jan.
swallowed this filthy tale without
one word of inquiry — without
doubt or hesitation — without seek-
ing one particle of evidence in its
support, and then basely sold it for
" thirty pieces of silver" ?
Mrs Stowe might perhaps fancy
that the lapse of more than half a
century, the death of nearly every
one of those illustrious men whose
friendship for Byron is matter of
history, would secure her foul
calumny from challenge. Hap-
pily this is not so. The age of
chivalry is not past. The blood
that beat high on the field of
Cregy, and that was freely, and,
alas ! fatally, poured out at the
Alma, brooks no concealment, seeks
no shield under a nom de plume.
Mr Delme Radcliffe, in a letter
which he has addressed to the edi-
tor of the ' Daily Telegraph,' and
which does him the highest honour,
at once denounced the " True Story"
as " a lie — an odious damned lie :
upon my soul, a lie — a wicked
lie." Such, he says, " is the burst
of indignation with which Emilia
repudiates the foul aspersion of
lago on the spotless fame of the
gentle Desdemona. Such is the
reply to Mrs Stowe on the lips of
all to whom the memory of Mrs
Leigh is dear; and dear must it
be to all who knew her as I did.';
Nurtured " under her wing, and
having from childhood throughout
her lifetime occupied a position
little less than that of a son in her
family/'
Mrs Stowe has assumed the char-
acter, and taken upon herself the
duties and responsibilities, of a
public prosecutor.
She deliberately arraigns Lord
Byron and his sister, Mrs Leigh,
at the bar of public opinion, and
charges them with the commission
of a revolting crime in 1816.
How does she prove her charge ?
In what mode does she satisfy the
first requirement which casts the
onus probandi upon her1?
She says simply that Lady Byron
told her so in the year 1856. In the
whole of Mrs Stowe's " True Story,"
which extends over twenty-nine oc-
tavo pages, there is not to be found
one single fact confirmatory of this
assertion. That Mrs Stowe is not
the first person to whom Lady
Byron has made this astounding
statement we well know ; that
she has repeated it at various times
during a period extending over
many years, and to several people,
cannot be disputed : but Mrs Stowe
is the first person, as far as we
know, that has undertaken the
responsibility of publishing the
charge in such a form as that it
could be met and answered, and
its falsehood demonstrated.
We distinctly challenge any one
of Lady Byron's advocates to pro-
duce the slightest particle of evi-
dence in support of her assertion.
Lady Byron, therefore, being the
sole witness (if witness she can be
called, when her testimony consists
of nothing but accusation), let us
see how far her conduct has been
consistent with her statement.
We must go back to the period
of Lady Byron's marriage in Janu-
ary 1815 — and we would here refer
our readers to the article which ap-
peared in our July number last
year for the events until the
month of March following, when
Lord and Lady Byron were the
guests of Colonel and Mrs Leigh
in Cambridgeshire. Whether this
was the commencement of the
intimacy between Lady Byron and
Mrs Leigh, or whether their ac-
quaintance began at an earlier pe-
riod, we are unable to say ; but in
the autumn of the same year Lady
Byron selected Mrs Leigh as a friend
and companion, to be with her dur-
ing her approaching confinement.
It is impossible to suggest stronger
evidence than is afforded by this
fact, that at that time no suspicion
unfavourable to Mrs Leigh could
have crossed the mind of Lady
Byron. Lady Noel being unavoid-
ably prevented from joining Mrs
Leigh in the discharge of this duty,
Mrs Clerniont (the original of ' The
1870.] .
Lord Byron and his Calumniators.
129
Sketch') was sent to supply her
place. Lady Byron was confined
on the 10th of December. The
child was christened shortly after-
wards, Mrs Leigh being her god-
mother.
Whether Lord Byron was right
or not in his suspicions of Mrs
Clermont, whether she availed her-
self of the opportunity afforded by
Lady Byron's confinement
< ' To instil
The angry essence of her deadly will,"
it is impossible to say; but that
something had occurred to disturb
Lady Byron's peace of mind, and
that, whatever that something was,
it did not affect her feelings or con-
duct towards Mrs Leigh, is conclu-
sively shown by the following mys-
terious letter, which was addressed
by Lady Byron to Mrs Leigh in the
early part of January, whilst they
were both in the same house to-
gether : *
"You will think me very foolish;
but I have tried two or three times, and
cannot talk to you of your departure
with a decent visage — so let me say one
word in this way, to spare my philos-
ophy. "With the expectations which I
have I never will nor can ask you to
stay one moment longer than you are
inclined to do. It would [be] the worst
return for all I ever received from you.
But in this at least I am 'truth itself,'
when I say that whatever the situation
may be, there is no one whose society
is dearer to me, or can contribute more
to my happiness. These feelings will
nob change under any circumstances,
and I should be grieved if you did not
understand them. Should you here-
after condemn me, I shall not love you
le.^g. I will say no more. Judge for
yourself about going or staying. I wish
you to consider yourself, if you could
be wise enough to do that for the first
tine in your life.— Thine, A. I. B."
Addressed on the cover " To the
Hon. Mrs Leigh."
Lady Byron left London on the
15th of January, and immediately
afterwards sent to her husband
what is now generally known as
the " dear Duck" letter, contem-
poraneously with which she wrote
to Mrs Leigh as follows : —
" KIRBY MALLORY, Jan. 16, 1816.
(The day after she left London.)
" MY DEAREST A., — It is my great
comfort that you are in Piccadilly."
A week afterwards she writes : —
" KIRBY MALLORY, Jan. 23, 1816.
" DEAREST A. , — I know you feel for
me as I do for you, and perhaps I am
better understood than I think. You
have been, ever since I knew you, my
best comforter, and will so remain,
unless you grow tired of the office,
which may well be."
And then in rapid succession
came the following letters : —
" Jan. 25, 1816.
" MY DEAREST AUGUSTA, — Shall I still
be your sister ? I must resign my rights
to be so considered ; but I don't think
that will make any difference in the
kindness I have so uniformly experi-
enced from you."
" KIRBY MALLORY, Feb. 3, 1816.
"MY DEAREST AUGUSTA, — You are
desired by your brother to ask if my
father has acted with my concurrence
in proposing a separation. He has. It
cannot be supposed that, in my present
distressing situation, 1 am capable of
stating in a detailed manner the reasons
which will not only justify this meas-
ure, but compel me to take it ; and it
never can be my wish to remember un-
necessarily [sic] those injuries for which,
however deep, I feel no resentment. I
will now only recall to Lord Byron's
mind his avowed and insurmountable
aversion to the married state, and the
desire and determination he has ex-
pressed ever since its commencement
* As an attempt has been made to cast doubts on the genuineness of these let-
ters, which first appeared in an article in the ' Quarterly Review ' of last Novem-
ber, we are glad to have this opportunity of stating, as we are authorised to do,
that the first, second, third, and last of the series are vouched for by the Earl of
Chichester. The other three letters are derived from a source equally unimpeach-
able ; but as we have not obtained a distinct authority to mention whence they
come, we must request the reader for the present to trust to their authenticity
on the credit of the well-known writer of that article, of the editor and publisher
of the 'Quarterly Eeview,' and of ourselves.
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLI. I
130
Lord Byron and his Calumniators.
[Jan.
to free himself from that bondage, as
finding it quite insupportable, though
candidly acknowledging that no effort
of duty or affection has been wanting
on my part. He has too painfully con-
vinced me that all these attempts to
contribute towards his happiness were
wholly useless, and most unwelcome to
him. I enclose this letter to my father,
wishing it to receive his sanction. —
Ever yours most affectionately,
"A. I. BYHON."
" Feb. 4, 1816.
" I hope, my dear A., that you would
on no account withhold from your bro-
ther the letter which I sent yesterday,
in answer to yours written by his de-
sire ; particularly as one which I have
received from himself to-day renders it
still more important that he should
know the contents of that addressed
to you. — I am, in haste and not very
well, yours most affectionately,
"A. I. BYRON."
" KIRBY MALLOKY, Feb. 14, 1816.
' ' The present sufferings of all may
yet be repaid in blessings. Do not de-
spair absolutely, dearest ; and leave me
but enough of your interest to afford
you any consolation, by partaking of
that sorrow which I am most unhappy
to cause thus unintentionally. You
will be of my opinion hereafter, and at
present your bitterest reproach would
be forgiven ; though Heaven knows you
have considered me more than a thou-
sand would have done — more than any-
thing but my affection for B. , one most
dear to you, could deserve. I must not
remember these feelings. Farewell !
God bless you from the bottom of my
heart. A. I. B."
Mrs Leigh remained with her
brother in Piccadilly until after the
first week in March, when she re-
moved to the rooms in St James's
Palace, which she held as one of
the ladies attached to the Court
of Queen Charlotte. Preparations
were being then made for the ap-
proaching marriage of the Princess
Charlotte. Lord Byron left Eng-
land about the middle of April.
From the day that Lady Byron left
her husband under the same roof
with his sister, until the day he left
his country for ever — a period of
more than three months — Lady By-
ron kept up an uninterrupted inter-
course of the most affectionate kind
with Mrs Leigh, not only in the
correspondence of which we have
given some specimens, but in re-
peated personal interviews ; and
subsequently to Lord Byron's de-
parture, the same kind of inter-
course, both by letter and per-
sonally, in London and during visits
in the country, continued up to the
time of Lord Byron's death, which
occurred in 1824. About two years
after that event, Lady Byron intro-
duced a near relative, the present
Major Noel, then a young man
just going up to Cambridge, to Mrs
Leigh, who was living in St James's
Palace, and who gave him introduc-
tions to her Cambridgeshire friends.
We have Major Noel's authority for
this anecdote.
We now turn to the statement
made by Lady Byron to Lady
Anne Barnard — at what period it
does not very clearly appear, but
certainly within two years after the
separation, and communicated by
Lord Lindsay to the ' Times ' in a
letter dated 3d September — and
what do we find ? A totally differ-
ent charge — not only utterly incon-
sistent with Mrs Stowe's story, but
contradictory to it. The charge
made to Lady Anne Barnard was
that Lord Byron was in the habit
of spending his evenings in " the
haunts of vice." Everybody knows
what that means. Lady Byron told
Lady Anne Barnard that she "kept
his sister " (the very sister against
whom this revolting charge is now
made) " as much with him as pos-
sible," evidently meaning that she
did so as a check upon her hus-
band's alleged profligacy. She
expressed astonishment at his
avowals of remorse for these alleged
transgressions being made " though
his sister was present." It is impos-
sible to read Lady Anne Barnard's
narrative without seeing that Lady
Byron at that time represented Mrs
Leigh as exercising a purifying
and restraining influence over her
brother.
We will not insult the intellect
of our readers by adding one word
1870.]
Lord Byron and his Calumniators.
131
to this conclusive evidence. It is
morally impossible that these letters
could have been addressed and this
line of conduct pursued by Lady
Byron towards a woman whom she
believed to have been carrying on
an incestuous intercourse with her
husband.
Dr Lushington's letter has always
been the chief card in the hands of
Lady Byron's advocates. It has
been supposed that Dr Lushington
knew all the circumstances, and by
this letter gave his sanction to
the whole of Lady Byron's conduct
in the affair of the separation. It
will be well, therefore, to examine
what ground there is for this as-
sumption, what part Dr Lushington
played in the transaction, and what
his letter really was.
Dr Lushington was Lady Byron's
counsel. He was first consulted
after Lady Byron had left London
in January 1816. He says, "I was
originally consulted by Lady Noel
on your behalf whilst you were in
the country."*
Lady Byron states that she had
empowered her mother to take
legal opinions on a written state-
ment drawn up by herself, f
Lady Noel upon this consulted
Dr Lushington, then a young advo-
cate rising into practice. We do not
know the exact age of the venerable
lawyer ; but as these events occurred
fifty-three years ago, and he still
happily survives, we may fairly
reckon that he was not at this
time much above five -and -thirty
years of age, which at the bar is
considered young. The advice
which he gave was that a recon-
ciliation was practicable, and this
was accompanied by an offer of
his assistance towards effecting
that object. Lady Noel left, hav-
ing received this very judicious
advice. A fortnight passed, and
then Lady Byron in person sought
an interview with Dr Lushington.
Then says Dr Lushington : " I was
for the first time informed by you
of facts utterly unknown, as I have
no doubt, to Sir Ralph and Lady
Noel. On receiving this informa-
tion, my opinion was entirely
changed ; I considered a recon-
ciliation impossible. I declared
my opinion, and added that, if
such an idea should be entertained,
I could not, either professionally or
otherwise, take any part towards
effecting it." Such are Dr Lush-
ington's words in a letter written
in 1830, in reply to a request from
Lady Byron that he would state
what he recollected of the circum-
stances attending her consultation
with him.
It is a trite saying, that the opin-
ion is worth nothing without the
case. Till we know what Lady
Byron told Dr Lushington, it is
impossible that we should estimate
the value of the advice she received.
As to this, Dr Lushington has
hitherto observed the most pro-
found silence. No rumour has ever
reached the outer world as to what
this secret communication was that
could be traced to him. Whether
he will consider that the chain of
professional confidence still binds
his tongue we know not, but until
he gives utterance we are driven to
an analysis of such facts as are in
our possession to assist us in arriv-
ing at a conclusion as to what that
communication was. Lady Byron,
at various times, and ultimately to
Mrs Stowe, has unquestionably as-
serted that incest with his sister
was the cause of her separation
from her husband. Did she state
* Life of Byron, p. 662. In a note to "Don Juan," canto i. st. xxvii., a paren-
thesis is filled up with the name of Dr Lushington where Lord Byron had evi-
dently merely said " a lawyer." It is hut justice to Dr Lushington to point out
the error committed in attributing to him the very unprofessional act there alluded
to. Dr Lushington's own letter is conclusive that he was not the person who so
misconducted himself.
t Lady Byron's Remarks ; Life of Byron, p. 662.
132
Lord Byron and his Calumniators.
[Jan.
this, or some other reason, to Dr
Lushington in 1816 as the ground
of her determination to separate
from her husband ] If she stated
that this was the cause, her letters
written to Mrs Leigh at the very
same time, her statement made to
Lady Anne Barnard immediately
afterwards, and her whole course
of conduct subsequently, prove, in-
contestably, either that she was
stating to Dr Lushington what she
knew, to be false, or that she was
guilty of an amount of duplicity
which is not only wholly incredible,
but which, if it could be believed,
would deprive her of all right to be
treated as a witness worthy of belief.
On the other hand, if she as-
signed a different cause to Dr Lush-
ington, she either spoke falsely to
him, or she has spoken falsely to
Mrs Stowe and her other confi-
dants. From one horn or the
other of this dilemma escape is
impossible. Each is equally de-
structive of all reliance on Lady
Byron's testimony. Which is
most disgraceful it is difficult to
say. Mistake in this case is im-
possible. Mrs Stowe may have
embellished Lady Byron's narra-
tive, but that incest committed
with Mrs Leigh during the period
of Lady Byron's cohabitation with
her husband, known at that period
to Lady Byron to have been so
committed, was asserted by Lady
Byron to have been the cause and
justification of the separation, there
can be no doubt.
Lady Byron has unquestionably
told this story to other persons
besides Mrs Stowe, though at what
period she began to do so we
are unable to state with accuracy ;
and we see no valid ground for
supposing that she told any other
to Dr Lushington. It is amply
sufficient to account for his change
of opinion ; and that being so, we
think we should not be justified on
mere conjecture in suspecting Lady
Byron of the complicated and im-
probable guilt of having given birth
to another fabrication equally as
monstrous as that with which Mrs
Stowe has disgusted the world.
We do not assert with any confi-
dence that this is so. In treading
on a soil so fertile in mendacity, we
may easily lose our way in a thicket
of falsehoods, but the most simple
solution seems to us to be the fol-
lowing : —
Lady Byron, we doubt not, told
her mother that her husband had
been guilty of infidelity, and told
her no more. Dr Lushington,
upon receiving this statement from
Lady Noel, gave the advice which
any one but a pettifogging lawyer
who sought to inflame a quarrel
would give under such circum-
stances.
Lady Byron, then, relying, as the
result has proved she might safely
rely, on Dr Lushington' s secrecy,
makes the damning addition that
the partner of his guilt was his
sister. It may naturally occur to
the reader to ask, Why did not Dr
Lushington require proof of the
truth of Lady Byron's statement
before giving his opinion on it ?
The answer is obvious to any pro-
fessional man. Dr Lushington was
asked for his opinion on a given
statement of facts. Lady Byron
was responsible for the truth of
those facts, not Dr Lushington.
He was not asked, Are such and
such circumstances sufficient to
warrant me in coming to the con-
clusion that my husband has been
guilty of such a crime 1 but, Assum-
ing that he has committed it, am I
required any longer to continue co-
habitation with him 1 Dr Lushing-
ton, as Lady Byron's counsel, was
bound to receive her statement, and
might well believe that she would
not make so revolting a charge
without conclusive proofs to sup-
port it, into which it was not his
duty to inquire.
Who could suppose that at the
very time that Lady Byron was
making this horrible charge against
Mrs Leigh in the secrecy of Dr
Lushington's chambers, she was
addressing her as her " dearest
1870.]
Lord Byron and his Calumniators.
133
Augusta," telling her that it was
hor " great comfort " that she was
in Piccadilly with her brother,
imploring her still to consider her
" as a sister," and " blessing her
from the bottom of her heart" ! !
Yet such is the fact. Having at-
tained her object, she preserved
the most obdurate silence for a
time. When Lord Byron was dead,
M hen his Memoirs were burned, she
began to whisper into willing and
credulous ears the malignant calum-
ny which has been crawling about
the world for years, like some
loathsome reptile, until at last it
has blundered into daylight only
to be crushed.
This appears to us to be the hy-
pothesis most consistent with all
the known facts of the case. We
do not deny that it is possible that
the same mind which produced
this wicked fabrication may have
given birth to another as foul and
unnatural ; but until Dr Lushing-
ton breaks silence, or we have some-
thing more in support of such a
suggestion than the vaguest conjec-
ture, we shall adhere to the belief
that Lady Byron told Dr Lushing-
ton in 1816 the same story in its
main facts that she told Mrs Stowe
in 1856.
It has been frequently urged that
Lord Byron's repeated assertion,
that he was ignorant of what was
imputed to him, must have been
false ; and it is argued that, had he
not been conscious of some deep
criminality, he would have sought
to compel Lady Byron's return to
his bed by instituting a suit for
the restoration of conjugal rights.
There are two answers to this argu-
ment. In the first place, the en-
forcement of the legal rights of a
husband upon the person of a re-
luctant wife by the strong arm of
the law is a proceeding revolting
to the mind of every man who has
risen above the rank of a savage.
The suggestion even of a resort to
such a course is worthy of a Hot-
tentot. Secondly, it is not impos-
sible that Byron might be conscious
of such irregularities as would have
barred such a suit ; and it must be
remembered that any transgression
of this kind, though it might be such
as even the stern moralist Johnson
declared it was a wife's duty to for-
give, would have been sufficient for
that purpose.
The present discussion has hap-
pily brought to light two pieces of
evidence which put the question of
Lord Byron's sincerity beyond the
possibility of doubt. At the time
of the separation, Lord Broughton,
then Mr Hobhouse, acted as Lord
Byron's friend ; Mr Wilmot Hor-
ton, and, if we are not mistaken,
the late Sir Francis Doyle, acting
for Lady Byron. The following
memorandum from a lady of a con-
versation with Lord Broughton
has been furnished by Lord Lind-
say, who thus makes himself re-
sponsible for its genuineness, to
the ' Times ' :—
" Six or seven years ago, when Lord
Broughton's remarkable memory was
as good as ever, he said to me most
earnestly, ' Mrs , when I was
appointed (or desired) by Byron to
examine matters with Lady Byron's
friends, I wrote down every vice, and
sin, and crime, and horror, in short, of
which a human being can he capable ;
and I said, "Now I shall not stir in
this business till you tell me whether
you accuse him of any of these things,
and which of them it is." And the
answer was, "It is none of these things."
Then I said, ' ' What is it ? " But they
never would say.'
" After a pause, Lord Broughton con-
tinued : ' I said to Byron, " Byron !
what is it ? " He said, " I give you my
word I don't know (or, I know no more
than you do)." I said, "Have you
ever been unkind or harsh to her ? " He
said, ' ' Only once, and I'll tell you
about it. One day in the middle of my
trouble" ('money trouble he meant,'
said Lord Broughton), "I came into
the room and went up to the lire ; she
was standing before it, and said, 'Am
I in your way ? ' I answered, ' Yes,
you are ! ' with emphasis. She burst
into tears, and left the room. I hopped
up-stairs as quickly as I could" (' Poor
fellow ! ' said Lord Broughton, ' you
know how lame he was') "and begged
her pardon most humbly ; and that was
134
Lord Byron and his Calumniators.
[Jan.
the only time I spoke really harshly to
her."'
" Lord Broughton laid great stress on
the words most humbly. He spoke of
Lord Byron with j dty and tenderness, and
evidently believed in what he told him."
We have ourselves received the
same account, in all its material
facts, from Lord Broughton through
a channel of the highest and most
unimpeachable character. Indeed
he made no secret either of his
own inability to obtain any specific
charge, or of his perfect belief in
Lord Byron's sincerity. But the
evidence does not stop here. Mr
Murray, the son and successor of
Lord Byron's friend and publisher,
has given to the public a more
formal and absolutely conclusive
testimony to the fact.
"The following document is printed as
a contribution to literary history. It
was drawn up by Lord Byron in
August 1817, while Mr Hobhxm.se was
staying with him at La Mira, near Ven-
ice, and given to Mr Matthew Gregory
Lewis for circulation among friends in
England. It was found amongst Mr
Lewis's papers after his death, and is
now in the possession of Mr Murray.
"The document speaks for itself suf-
ficiently to need no comment on our
part.
"It has been intimated to me, that the
persons understood to be the legal advisers
of Lady Byron have declared ' their lips
to be sealed up' on the cause of the se-
paration between her and myself. If
their lips are sealed up, they are not
sealed up by me, and the greatest favour
they can confer upon me will be to open
them. From the first hour in which 1
was apprised of the intentions of the Noel
family to the last communication between
Lady Byron and myself in the character
of ivife and husband (a period of some
months) I called repeatedly and in vain
for a statement of their or her charges,
and it was chiefty in consequence of Lady
Byron's claiming (in a letter still exist-
ing) a promise on my part to consent to
a separation if such was really her wish,
that I consented at all ; this claim, and
the exasperating and inexpiable manner
in which their object was pursued, which
rendered it next to an impossibility that
two persons so divided could ever be re-
united, induced me reluctantly then, and
repentantly still, to sign the deed, which
I shall be happy — most happy— to cancel,
and go before any tribunal ivhich may
discuss the business in the most public
manner.
" Mr Hobhouse made this proposition
on my part — viz., to abrogate all prior
intentions, and go into Court — the very
day before the separation was signed,
and it was declined by the other party,
as also the publication of the correspon-
dence during the previous discussion.
Those propositions I beg here to repeat,
and to call upon her and hers to say
their worst, pledging myself to meet their
allegations — whatever they may be — and
only too happy to be informed at last of
their real nature.
(Signed) " BYRON.
"August^, 1817,
"P.S. — / have been, and am now,
utterly ignorant of what description her
allegations, charges, or whatever name
they may have assumed, are ; and am
as little aware for what purpose they
have been kept back — unless it was to
sanction the most infamous calumnies by
silence*
(Signed) " BYRON.
" La Mira, near Venice. " *
The attempts that have been
made to obtain confirmation of Mrs
Stowe's story by identifying Lord
Byron with Manfred are too child-
ish to deserve a serious answer.
Did anybody ever charge on Mas-
singer the crimes of Mallefort, or
on Otway the abominations of
Polydore 1 It may be well for the
memory of Shakespeare that his
wife survived him, and that the
critics have been left to contend
amongst themselves whether his
bequest to her of his " second-best
bed" was a studied insult, implying
that some one else had shared the
best, or whether it was an indica-
tion of tender affection, that par-
ticular piece of furniture being
endeared to him by the recollection
of the chaste loves of their early
life ; otherwise some wiseacres
might have identified him with
Othello, with just as good ground
as it is now sought to identify
Byron with Manfred.
It remains to say a few words
* Academy, No. 1.
1870.]
Lord Byron and his Calumniators.
135
ou the most culpable recklessness
that Mrs Stowe has shown in mak-
ing assertions which a reference to
the most ordinary authority would
have shown her were altogether
erroneous.
We will select a few examples : —
At p. 389 she speaks of Lady
Byron's married life as extending
over a period of " two years."
The marriage took place on the
2d January 1815 ; Lady Byron left
her home on the 15th January 1816
— exactly one year and thirteen days
after her marriage.
At page 394 she speaks of the
" few years " after Lord Byron's
death, during which " the life of
this frail delicate creature" (Lady
Byron) " upon earth was a miracle
of mingled weakness and strength/'
Lord Byron died in 1824, and
Lady Byron in 1860, so that the
"few years" of her widowhood
wore thirty-six — exactly equal to
the whole life of her husband !
At page 393 Mrs Stowe asserts
that Lady Byron's daughter " mar-
ried a man of fashion, and ran a
brilliant course as a gay woman of
fashion." The husband of Lady
Byron's daughter is well known
as a man of extensive reading, fond
of literary and scientific inquiries,
and of the society of men eminent
in such pursuits. He would pro-
bably smile at finding a character
ascribed to him which he has cer-
tainly never publicly shown any
ambition of assuming. Perhaps
a similarity of name may have led
Mrs Stowe to confound the Earl of
Lovelace with the hero of Richard-
son's famous novel.
At page 389 Mrs Stowe says
that " Moore tells us that about this
time " (i.e., shortly before the sepa-
ration) " Byron was often drunk
day after day with Sheridan."
Moore tells us nothing of the
kind. The only shadow of foun-
dation for this reckless assertion
is a letter from Byron to Moore,
dated Oct. 31, 1815, in which he
gives an account of a party at which
Sheridan got drunk, and Douglas
Kinnaird and Byron had to con-
duct him "down a d d cork-
screw staircase, which had certainly
been constructed before the dis-
covery of fermented liquors, and
to which no legs, however crooked,
could possibly accommodate them-
selves." " We deposited him," says
Lord Byron,"safe at home, where his
man, evidently used to the business,
waited to receive him in the hall."
Pretty good proof that, though
Sheridan was, Byron was not, drunk,
even though he " carried away much
wine," and " his last hour or so
was all hiccup and happiness."
The slightest care, or reference
to the commonest authorities, would
have prevented these misstate-
ments, had there been any desire
on the part of Mrs Stowe to ob-
serve truth or accuracy. But far
worse is the garbling of the account
of the deathbed of Lord Byron,
and of his last words to his faith-
ful servant^ Fletcher. Mrs Stowe
must have had the only authentic
account (that given by Parry, and
printed in Moore's 'Life of Byron')
before her ; and it is impossible to
account for the suggestio falsi,
no less than the suppressio veri,
of which she has been guilty, ex-
cept on the ground of wilful and
deliberate falsehood.
We now come to the considera-
tion of the second count of Mrs
Stowe's indictment; or, in other
words, having disposed of the
felony, we may proceed to in-
quire into the misdemeanour.
The charge now shapes itself
as follows : That having married
Miss Milbanke, in the hope that she
would be " the cloak and accom-
plice " of an abominable crime,
Lord Byron forthwith, even be-
tween the solemnisation and the
consummation of their union, be-
gan to treat her with the vulgar
brutality of a drunken coster-
monger, and continued that course
of conduct up to the time of their
separation.
Here again Lady Byron is the
only witness. What is her testi-
136
Lord Byron and his Calumniators.
[Jan.
mony worth 1 First, let us apply
the fourth principle which we have
laid down. We have shown con-
clusively that her evidence is
utterly unworthy of belief as to
the principal charge. It follows
that it is equally worthless to esta-
blish the minor offence. It is not
to be expected that after the lapse
of fifty-three years, living testimony
should be at hand to show on what
terms a particular married couple
lived with each other ; yet it does
happen that in this case there is
even at this period sufficient to
show the absurdity of the charge.
The marriage took place on the
2d January. After spending about
three weeks at Halnaby, Lord and
Lady Byron returned to Seaham,
where they remained until the 9th
of March with Sir Ralph and Lady
Noel. It was during this time that
Lord Byron wrote the letters which
we quoted in a former article, and
which negative in the clearest man-
ner the idea of any discomfort hav-
ing existed at that time. We dis-
tinctly challenge the advocates of
Lady Byron to produce a single
particle of contemporaneous evi-
dence from her correspondence to
the contrary. The ridiculous story
which Mrs Stowe quotes from
another scandalous female pen, of
Lady Byron having alighted from
the carriage on her wedding-day
" with a countenance and frame
agonised and listless with evident
horror and despair," has been dis-
tinctly negatived by her own maid,
who was with her, who is still liv-
ing, and who, though she certainly
entertains no friendly feeling to
wards Lord Byron, states that she
saw the bride alight from the car-
riage "buoyant and happy as a
bride should be."
Thackeray has often remarked
on the ordeal which a man has to
undergo from the inquisitor who
stands behind his chair at dinner
and the jury who sit upon his
character rn the servants' hall.
Mrs Stowe's "True Story" has
aroused one of these keen ob-
servers to denounce its falsehood.
Mr William Child, who has ad-
dressed a letter to the editor of
the 'Daily Telegraph,' was a ser-
vant at Newstead, where his aunt
was housekeeper from the year
1800 until Lord Byron sold the
estate, when he continued in the
service of Colonel Wildman as
gamekeeper. He has exchanged
the perilous duty of maintaining
nightly combats with the poachers
of Nottingham, in the wilds of
Sherwood Forest, for the more
peaceful occupation of representing
the majesty of the law, and striking
terror into the souls of unruly
urchins in Golden Square, where
he enjoys an old age which is " like
a lusty winter, frosty but kindly."
We have ourselves conversed with
this " honest chronicler," and can
bear witness to the indignation with
which he repudiates the slanders
on his master, and the warmth and
earnestness with which he expa-
tiates on his generosity and kind-
ness to every one around him (in-
cluding the dumb animals which
formed a part of his establishment),
and every quality the very reverse
of what Mrs Stowe would have us
believe constituted his character.
It is well worthy of note also, as
confirming the peculiar weakness
of Byron (a weakness which he
shared with many, and amongst
them with one of the best men and
best judges that ever adorned the
English Bench) to indulge in the
" f anf aronnade des vices qu'il n'avait
pas," that he utterly denies the
debaucheries of which Newstead is
supposed to have been the scene,
and which are so vividly portrayed
in the opening stanzas of " Childe
Harold," but which he declares had
no existence except in the imagina-
tion of the poet.
When Dr Ireland, the Dean of
Westminster, and annotator of
Massinger, refused to admit the
statue of Byron, which now adorns
the library of Trinity College, to
the sanctuary of the Abbey, on
the ground that the poet was too
1370.]
Lord Byron and his Calumniators.
137
impure and profane to be fit com-
pany for Dryden and Congreve ; and
when the Bishop of London backed
the intolerance of the Dean in de-
fiance of the protest of hundreds,
amongst whom were men eminent
no less for their spotless character
than for their brilliant abilities and
high position — of Scott, of Peel, of
Rogers, Campbell, Moore,Brougham ,
Denman, Macintosh, Jeffrey, Lock-
hart, the Dukes of Bedford and
Devonshire, and many more —
the late Lord Broughton, then Sir
J Dhn Cam Hobhouse, in a few elo-
qaent and indignant pages, gave
e:tpression to the feelings of indig-
n ition which such a display of nar-
rowness and bigotry was well cal-
culated to excite. Now if any man
was qualified to judge fairly of the
character of Lord Byron, Lord
Broughton was that man. He was
tlie chosen comrade of his youth,
the companion of his early travel,
the associate of his short and bril-
liant career of popularity, and his
steadfast friend when the tide
turned and the unreasoning world
sought to overwhelm him with ob-
loquy. Upon Lord Broughton's
own character, public or private, no
breath of slander has ever rested.
H e was a keen and experienced ob-
server of men. He writes, not in
the fervour of youth or under the
impulse of feelings excited by a
recent event, but at the mature age
of fifty-eight, and when twenty
years had passed since the death
of Lord Byron, and, be it remem-
bc red, with a full knowledge of the
contents of the suppressed memoirs ;
arid here is his testimony to what
he was : —
"Lord Byron had hard measure dealt
to him in his lifetime, but he did not
di s without leaving behind him friends —
deaply and affectionately attached friends
— whom the bishop himself would de-
sp-.se if they suffered this attack to pass
unnoticed. Those friends, however, do
not prefer their late much-loved associ-
ate to truth — they would not sacrifice
th-3 best interests of society at the shrine
ev<m of his surpassing fame. They were
not blind to the defects of his character,
VOL. CVTI. — NO. DCLT.
nor of his writings, but they know that
some of the gravest accusations levelled
against him had no foundation in fact ;
and perhaps the time may come when
justice may be done to the dead without
injury to the feelings of the living. Even
now it may be permitted to say some-
thing of him, and it will be said by one
who perhaps knew him as well as he
was known by any human being.
"Lord Byron had failings — many fail-
ings, certainly — but he was untainted
with any of the baser vices ; and his vir-
tues— his good qualities— were all of the
higher order. He was honourable and
open in all his dealings ; he was gener-
ous, and he was kind. He was affected
by the distress, and, rarer still, he was
pleased with the prosperity of others,
Tender-hearted he was to a degree not
usual with our sex, and he shrunk with
feminine sensibility from the sight of
cruelty. He was true-spoken — he was
affectionate — he was very brave, if that
be any praise ; but his courage was not
the effect of physical coolness or indif-
ference to danger ; on the contrary, he
entertained apprehensions and adopted
precautions, of which he made no secret
and was by no means ashamed. His
calmness and presence of mind in the
hour of peril were the offspring of re-
flection, and of a fixed resolution to act
becomingly and well. He was alive to
every indication of good feeling in others
— a generous or noble sentiment, a trait
of tenderness or devotion, not only in
real but in imaginary characters, af-
fected him deeply — even to tears. He
was, both by his habits and his nature,
incapable of any mean compliance, any
undue submission towards those who
command reverence and exact flattery
from men of the highest genius; and it
will be the eternal praise of his writings,
as it was one of the merits of his con-
versation, that he threw no lustre on
any exploit, however brilliant, any char-
acter, however exalted, which had not
contributed to the happiness or welfare
of mankind.
"Lord Byron was totally free from
envy and from jealousy, and, both in
public and in private, spoke of the
literary merits of his contemporaries in
terms which did justice to them and
honour to himself. He was well aware
of his own great reputation ; but he was
neither vainglorious nor -overbearing,
nor attached to his productions even
that value which was universally granted
to them, and which they will probably
for ever maintain.
"Of his lesser qualities very little
138
Lord Byron and his Calumniators.
[Jan. 1870.
need be said, because his most inveterate
detractors have done justice to his powers
of pleasing, and to the irresistible charm
of his general deportment. There was
indeed something about him not to
be definitely described, but almost uni-
versally felt, which captivated those
around him, and impressed them, in
spite of occasional distrust, with an at-
tachment not only friendly, but fixed.
Part of this fascination may doubtless be
ascribed to the entire self-abandonment,
the incautious, it may be said the dan-
gerous,' sincerity of his private conver-
sation ; but his very weaknesses were
amiable, and, as has been said of a por-
tion of his virtues, \aere of a feminine
character — so that the affection felt for
him was as that for a favourite and
sometimes froward sister.
"In mixed society Lord Byron was
not talkative, neither did he attempt to
surprise by pointed or by humorous re-
marks ; but in all companies he held
his own, and that, too, without unbe-
coming rivalry with his seniors in age
and reputation, and without any offen-
sive condescension towards his inferior
associates. In more familiar intercourse
he was a gay companion and a free, but
never transgressed the bounds of good-
breeding even for a moment. Indeed
he -was, in the best sense of the word, a
gentleman. " — ' Remarks on the Exclusion
of Lord Byron's Monument from West-
minster Abbey,' p. 42.
To add to this testimony would
be but to weaken its effect. Such
was Lord Byron. The time (anti-
cipated by Lord Brougliton) when
justice could be done to the dead
has arrived, though in a mode that
could little be expected. The at-
tempt to give form and substance
to the foul calumnies which have
for half a century been floating
about the world against Lord Byron
has ended in their complete and
triumphant refutation. The char-
acter of Mrs Leigh stands forth
pure and unsullied. As to Mrs
Stowe, one universal cry of indig-
nation has arisen on both sides of
the Atlantic. All who glory in the
fame of Byron— all who revere the
memory of Mrs Leigh — all, and
they were not few, who were at-
tached by the ties of friendship to
Lady Byron herself — all who would
guard the purity of home from pol-
lution, and the sanctity of the grave
from outrage — have joined in one
unanimous chorus of condemna-
tion. With regard to Lady Byron,
who shall read the riddle which her
conduct now presents] Did she
believe the hideous tale she told ?
Was she the wilful fabricator of the
monstrous calumny, or was she her-
self the victim of insane delusions ?
Is her memory to be regarded with
the deepest abhorrence or the most
profound compassion 1 These are
questions to which it is impossible
at present to give a satisfactory
answer. It may be that the reply
is to be found amongst the papers
left behind by herself. Whether
those to whom they are intrusted
will make them public we know
not. Till then, though the ques-
tions most interesting to the public
are set at rest for ever, the " Byron
mystery " is not completely solved.
Printed by William Blaclwood & Sons, Edinburgh.
BLACKWOOD'S
EDINBURGH MAGAZINE.
No. DCLII.
FEBRUARY 1870.
VOL. CYIT.
UNIVERSITY TESTS.
THE question of University tests
has fairly come on for settlement.
One particular solution of the pro-
blem has on repeated occasions
beon accepted by the House of
Commons ; and that fact by itself
alone shows that the .action of the
whole Legislature cannot now be
distant. Movements within the
Universities themselves are acceler-
ating its progress. To use a Spanish
word, pronunciamentos have taken
place at Cambridge and Oxford,
which indicate great internal fer-
mentation within these academical
bodies. Deputations to the Prime
Minister have issued from this agi-
tation ; and in an age like the pre-
sent, such events cannot occur with-
out engendering very speedily an
Acs of Parliament. The question,
moreover, possesses surpassing in-
terest. It raises discussions of the
first magnitude. It appeals to
principles among the most powerful
which can determine the conduct
of nations. It directly sets in mo-
tion the inquiry into the relation
which the Christian religion posses-
ses towards the civil world. It puts
questions as to the relative rights
of the several Christian communi-
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLII.
ties towards each other ; it seeks
to know whether the State is
authorised to select one of these
religious societies, and to confer on
it social advantages above the rest.
Still more, the matter of the Uni-
versity tests moots the very first
principles of political philosophy.
We know of no question of the
present hour which leads so imme-
diately to the inquiry, What are
the foundations on which the ac-
tion of the State rests ; what the
rights and the limits, both of the
governors and the governed, which
ought to determine the relations
which should subsist between the
several classes of society1? The
determination ultimately to be
reached on University tests must,
above all things, flow from the
nature of the principles which are
supposed to be laid down by po-
litical philosophy. The decision,
apart from its religious elements,
will take one shape or another very
much according to the ideas enter-
tained of the duties and the rights
of the State — that is, of the very
foundations themselves of those
doctrines which constitute political
philosophy.
L
140
University Tests.
[Feb.
It is hardly possible, therefore,
for a subject to be more fitted to
excite universal interest, as assur-
edly there can scarcely be one which
has more important bearings on
most departments of our social life.
It cannot be settled in any way
except upon an enunciation of first
principles. Any Act of Parliament
which may be passed respecting it
must of itself be a declaration of
first principles. But unfortunately
it is also a subject on which the
enlightenment of the public that
discusses it falls far below the mag-
nitude of the issue raised. What-
ever is done must be an act
embodying principles of extreme
significance, and pregnant with vast
consequences in the future ; yet
how many of those who speak and
write about this matter exhibit the
care which a consciousness of its
magnitude would be sure to en-
force ? The public at large under-
stands very little of the issues
involved in this great question.
Sonorous principles of great range
are poured forth with much confi-
dence, and circulate triumphantly
from mouth to mouth ; yet few
have taken the pains to ascertain on
what evidence these wide sweeping
assertions are founded. The state
of the Universities and the changes
which they require are the favourite
field in which the new political
philosophy delights to roam. The
general condition of the whole
country is a more sterile and un-
profitable region for the new intel-
lectual lights ; it is a land of con-
flicting interests, of forces which
cannot be entirely overcome, and
consequently of compromise. The
rights of manhood, the veto of a
minority on public action, cannot,
in the present political world, be
either theoretically sustained, or,
still less, carried into practice. But
it is otherwise with the Univer-
sities. Here the pure doctrines of
abstract right can be revelled in,
and political principles may pass
instantly into the broadest revolu-
tion. And how great is the delight
of enunciating an unlimited prin-
ciple, and then demolishing with
its powerful lever the accumulated1
rubbish of centuries ! No wonder
that no one attempts to establish
by proof such grave and powerful
propositions ; they carry their own
evidence on their front. To try to
prove them would be an insult to
truths which shine with such over-
whelming luminousness ; and then
it would spoil so much pleasant
satisfaction. Meanwhile the un-
wary public is misled. It is sup-
plied with much sound, but na
investigation. It is enough that
what is disliked should be howled
at ; that is proof sufficient that it is
worthless, fit only to be destroyed.
Under such circumstances it is
supremely important to call on the
good sense of the nation to look
carefully into this great question
before any irretrievable act shall
have consummated ruin. The
Universities have rendered incal-
culable service to the people of
England during many centuries in
the past, and they are full of vitality
in the present. They are neither
effete nor out of date ; the very
effort to remould them is an act of
homage to their power. The ambi-
tion of the innovators is to wield
their force to their own ends. The
Universities are known to be strong
in moulding the minds and natures
of the young men of England ; the
object sought is to employ this
strength as an instrument to pro-
mote designs which are not aca-
demical. There are men who
desire to destroy the aristocracy or
the British Constitution ; but here
the end pursued is not the destruc-
tion of the Universities, but the
application of their vast influence
to diffuse certain ideas and prin-
ciples over the whole English
society. We do not say that these
men are to be blamed for pursuing
such an object ; from their point of
view they are justified in proposing
what they hold will be beneficial to
the world. But just in proportion
as the consequences must be vast
1870.]
University Tests.
141
if they succeed in tlieir design,
circumspection and thorough pre-
vious examination before action is
commenced are imperatively de-
manded in the interest of all.
Let us now, at the outset, lay
clown the principle on which we
propose to examine this very serious
question. We stand on the ground
c-f expediency, and expediency
alone. We shall not assume the
truth of Christianity as a religion,
nor insist on any dogma as a true
interpretation of its teaching. We
shall riot say a word, as Mr Glad-
stone once did, on the duty of the
State to profess and support the
true religion. For the purposes of
this discussion, we are content to
place Christianity, as to its claims
to recognition, on the same level
with other religions. We shall take
public policy for our basis, the
policy of expediency, the rule of
the general good, on a balance of
the considerations for and against
any measure that may be. proposed.
Assuredly we shall refuse to regard
a round assertion, a general sen-
tence of dislike and condemnation,
as a self-obvious truth or the neces-
s iry exponent of expediency. We
shall demand proof of the utility of
such a principle, of its ability to
promote the public good, of its
effects on the whole community,
and will think little about its con-
formity with the taste and ideas of
particular persons. The Univer-
sities are national institutions, we
clieerfully grant ; their continuance
and the form of their existence, we
entirely admit, must be justified
by a demonstration built on public
policy and national expediency. If
any part of their constitution can-
not be defended on this ground,
v. e shall make no objection against
its removal. We ask for no favour,
no respect for old ideas merely
because they are old and have been
beneficial in their day ; but neither,
on the other hand, will we yield to
formulas as absolute and as peremp-
tory as M. Proudhon's dictum, La
propriete c'est le vol. Nor will we
accept reasoning of the quality that
" All tests are odious ; therefore
the Universities must know nothing
about religion."
And now, what are the facts
with which we have to deal in this
question of the Universities 1 They
originated in days when the whole
nation professed the Roman Catho-
lic religion ; and they were founded
for the purpose of educating the
young, both for the priesthood and
for other professions. The teachers
who were to carry on this work
were clergymen, as a matter of
course ; for there were no literary
classes in those ages except the
clergy. No question about the pro-
priety of tests could then arise ; for
every citizen was assumed to be a
Christian. These institutions re-
ceived public privileges from the
State : they were incorporated as
public bodies, and were empowered
to confer degrees, whatever might
be the value belonging to such hon-
ours. They do not appear to have
received large endowments of money
from the State ; but, as all the world
knows, they obtained very ample
benefactions from private persons.
These benefactions were indisput-
ably private and personal gifts, be-
stowed on trusts of precisely the
same nature with the endowments
given to grammar-schools and other
educational bodies all over the coun-
try. The State unanimously judged
such institutions to be wise and
beneficial : it encouraged them with
all its power and influence. No
one in those days challenged their
expediency; if ever institutions
rested on universal suffrage, it has
been the Universities, and Univer-
sities such as they were in the mid-
dle ages. Then came the Reforma-
tion, and a very decisive change,
pregnant with political principle,
occurred. The Universities were
continued on the same general
footing ; but the profession of the
Roman Catholic religion was sup-
pressed, and the endowments ab-
solutely taken away from the mem-
bers of that Church. It cannot be
142
University Tests.
[Feb.
disputed that most of these endow-
ments had their root in Roman
Catholic ideas — that the giving of
them was most frequently an act of
religion — a deed done in the name
of the Roman Catholic faith — and
that but for those ideas these gifts
would never have had any exist-
ence at all. Thus they were alien-
ated by the act of the State from
the very purposes for which they
had been bestowed. The question
arises, Was the State justified in
this appropriation of their funds to
objects which not only were diverse
from those contemplated by the
donors, but which we know would
have been regarded by them as in the
highest degree mischievous and de-
testable 1 To this question scarcely
a man in our day would hesitate to
declare that the State was justified
in the course which it adopted.
No single generation can possibly
acquire the right of prescribing its
mode of life to posterity. If any
of its arrangements are respected,
acquiescence is given, not because
ancestors — dead men — possessed
a right of dictating to those that
came after, but because the inter-
ests of society advise compliance
with their regulations. To assert
that owners of property in the past
are endowed with an indefeasible
right of perpetuating opinions or
teachings or social arrangements
which are rejected by the convic-
tions of their successors, is to utter
an absurdity and an impossibility.
The world cannot belong to the
dead : it belongs to the living. The
State thus becomes an implied trus-
tee to every abiding endowment :
it cannot help from time to time
revising the trust. Whether the
State in repudiating Roman Catho-
licism acted j udiciously with funds
devoted to Roman Catholic pur-
poses is fairly open to inquiry, but
its power and its duty to revise and
remodel are unchallengeable.
The principle which we thus ac-
quire reaches far, and covers the
demand for every kind of Univer-
sity reform which is demanded in
our day. We do not repel the
right and authority of the State to
alter any part of the academical
constitution. What we insist upon
on our side is, that the wisdom and
expediency of the changes suggest-
ed should be demonstrated. When
the State ceased to be Roman
Catholic, it manifestly could not
allow its two Universities to re-
main in the hands of the teachers
of that religion. It transferred
them and all their endowments to
the Church of England then estab-
lished. It was inevitable that it
should adopt such a measure in
that age. Toleration had not made
its appearance in the world : every
man was held to belong to the
Established Church, as he formerly
had belonged to the Roman Church.
In this manner the Universities, in
respect of religion, had, as it were,
a second origin. They were made
Church of England institutions,
and they have continued to be
such for more than three centuries.
The change was irreproachable at
that time on the score of expedi-
ency : no one disputed the public
policy of the transformation.
The religious element of the Uni-
versities has now developed a new
phase. The demand now is that
they should be officially discon-
nected with religion — that no par-
ticular form of religion shall be
recognised in respect either of Uni-
versity functions or collegiate
endowments — that every religion
shall stand on the same academical
level — and that no inquiry into a
man's religion shall ever be made
either under the authority of the
University or the statutes of any
College. This is a complete inno-
vation, it cannot be denied, in the
constitution of these bodies. No
precedent can be cited in support
of such a change from the long
history of the Universities. Under-
graduates, it is true, were recently
exempted from professing the faith
of the Church of England ; but
then they were mere learners, and
no very good reason could be shown
1870.]
University Testst
143
why youths of any kind should not
be admitted to the teaching con-
tained in the system of the Univer-
sities. That the alteration, how-
ever, should be unprecedented, is
no proof that it is unreasonable,
though the fact may justify a more
rigorous requirement of proof. What
reasons, then, are assigned for dis-
connecting all religion with the
oificial character of not only the
Universities, but of their Colleges
also ? Religion has always formed
a most prominent — nay, the most
prominent — part of their system
daring a long lapse of ages. In
what name, and upon what prin-
ciple, is so immense a revolution
demanded ? Is it alleged that re-
ligion is a bad thing — an exploded
fiction, a worn-out device — fit only
to be consigned to the limbo of
things exhausted1? We can find
no one making such an assertion.
We can discover no English parent
requiring that his son shall not be
taught any religion. The regard for
religion, for the Christian religion,
does not appear to have diminished
throughout the country. If the
families of the English parents of
the middle and upper classes were
polled, we should be greatly aston-
ished to find any considerable num-
ber.expressing a positive wish that
their children should not be edu-
cated in the general doctrines of
the Christian religion. It is not a
commotion of such a kind in this
quarter which gives this violent
impulse to the requirement, that
th'3 Universities, officially, should
ignore religion. Yet it is true that
a considerable number of persons
who have no desire to sweep away
religion are supporting this cry ;
but though they abet the demand
for the separation of religion from
tho public life of the Universi-
ties, it is in the name of religious
rights, and under the impulse of
wounded religious feeling, that they
adopt a course apparently so con-
tradictory. These persons consti-
tute a class which has sprung up
since the Reformation — the Dis-
senters, the Christian Nonconform-
ists— and they and their claims are
the force which has given its chief
strength to the movement for re-
pealing tests at the Universities.
They demand admission into these
bodies, and a share in their privi-
leges and emoluments. They deny
that their exclusion can be justified
by any valid reason : in other
words, their claim amounts to a
plea that the Universities and their
advantages shall not be restricted
to members of the Church of Eng-
land. They impugn the settlement
made at the Reformation as being
no longer applicable at the present
day ; they point to the altered cir-
cumstances of the nation in reli-
gious matters, and they repudiate
an arrangement, which did not, at
the time when it was made, but
does now, confer an exclusive
monopoly of academical privi-
leges on a particular Church.
Unfortunately the Christian Non-
conformists are not the only per-
sons who agitate for the repeal of
religious tests, though they make
up the rank and file of the attack-
ing hosts. However, we must con-
sider their case separately, for the
mixing up together of all kinds of
ideas and claims is the most fruit-
ful cause of the want of clear in-
telligence which distinguishes the
agitation which rolls against Uni-
versity tests. Are, then, the Dissen-
ters entitled, on grounds of expe-
diency and public policy, to free
access to University privileges and
endowments'? In other words,
ought these advantages to be strict-
ly confined to members of the
Church of England in the actual
circumstances of our time 1 Stated
in this form, the question, we can-
not doubt, will receive but one re-
ply from the majority of the people.
The Dissenters neither can nor
ought to be excluded from the Uni-
versities. Their aggregate numbers
approach too much to equality with
those of the Established Church to
admit of their permanent privation
of the benefits of the Universities.
144
University Tests.
[Feb.
Their political power, moreover,
would be decisive of the matter, if
it were otherwise exposed to doubt.
Nor — which is the capital point —
does their admission violate any
important principle, either of re-
ligion or civil polity. They are
Christians ; they profess the Chris-
tian faith, with many and impor-
tant variations in detail, it cannot
be denied — still it is the Christian
faith. They all hold fundamental
truths of Christian morals and of
Christian belief. The points on
which they agree contain principles
of extreme significance in the train-
ing of the young. A very broad
foundation of common Christian
ideas would be left, after the com-
plete infusion of all the Dissenters
into the academical body. In lite-
rature, in philosophy, in morals, and
in many other respects, a basis
would subsist on which a solid
and definite structure of education
might be raised.
It is greatly to be lamented that
the question of opening the doors
of Oxford and Cambridge to per-
sons who are not members of the
Church of England, did not take
the form of a demand to admit
Christian Dissenters within these
societies. As we remarked above,
it was the claims and interests of
these Nonconformists which gave
substance and political importance
to this question. Had it assumed
such a shape, the two chief inquir-
ies would have been simple, and
would have admitted of direct and
easy replies. First, Could the exclu-
sive monopoly of the Church of Eng-
land be sustained under the condi-
tions of our day ? The answer must
have been in the negative. Se-
condly, Would the infusion of Chris-
tian Dissenters into Oxford and
Cambridge so damage these insti-
tutions as places of education for
the young, as practically to destroy
their value, and to be equivalent
to their ruin ] Here again an affir-
mative reply could not have been
made good. The nation would
have judged, beyond doubt, that
the difference between the Christi
anity of the Church of England
and the Christianity of the Dissen-
ters was not such as to warrant the
assertion that the authority of the
Christian religion, as the official basis
of their education, would have been
extinguished at Oxford and Cam-
bridge. But unhappily the demand
was not raised in this form. The
repeal of the condition of member-
ship of the Church of England was
not treated as a pure question of
Dissenting rights. The issue was
not debated on the relative posi-
tions and creeds of the competing
Christian societies. The nation
was not simply asked whether there
were valid reasons for keeping Dis-
senters out of University degrees
and emoluments. The Dissenters,
partly through their own fault,
partly from causes which they were
unable to control, became associ-
ated with allies who made them-
selves masters of the situation.
The Dissenters supplied the politi-
cal force, the arguments which told
with electors from the hustings ;
they provided politicians with
complaints which were enforced
by the Liberal press all over the
country, with wrongs which the
national sense of justice acknow-
ledged to require redress. But the
new associates stated the questions
to be tried. They enunciated the
principle to be enforced. They
raised the issue, which was not the
true issue for the Dissenters, but
something of a very different kind.
They thus gave a turn to the dis-
cussion which was not in harmony
with the real interests of the Dis-
senters. The hands were the hands
of Esau, but the voice was the voice
of Jacob. The Dissenters at the
outset went in for one thing, their
confederates for another. The Dis-
senters were incomparably the more
numerous body, and their claim
commanded the general sympathy
of the country. Their allies were,
in numbers, an insignificant minor-
ity, and what they sought was not
really desired by the nation. Never-
1870.]
University Tests.
145
theless they overwhelmed the Dis-
senters, and that in the worst con-
3eivable manner, by compelling the
Dissenters to adopt their ideas.
They led the Dissenters like sheep
into fields where there was no
sound pasture for them. They
substituted their own object for
the natural object of the Dissenters,
[n a word, whilst the Dissenters
desired to enter the Universities as
Christians, their allies compelled
:Jiem to cry out for the official ejec-
tion of all religion from Oxford and
Cambridge.
The Dissenters have been made
iupes in this matter. We say this,
oecause if the end pursued is suc-
cessfully attained, and the Univer-
sities ignore all profession of reli-
gion, none will be treated with
more scorn and contumely by their
allies than these unhappy and un-
reflecting Dissenters. It needs but
;i slender acquaintance with the
actual feelings of many of these
men to convince one's self of the
truth of this belief. The Dissen-
ters, we know, are strongly attach-
ed to their several forms of Chris-
tian faith, and in general they are
not very tolerant of each other ;
and Dissenters who stand stiffly on
their religion, and strive to give it
effect in the world, will be met
with expressions of feeling which
we do not care to characterise. Of
one thing the Dissenters may be
quite sure, that at Oxford and
Cambridge, upon a perfectly open
system, where freethinking will
have absolute free play, and will
be authorised to say and preach
•what it pleases, they, the Dissen-
ters, will be nowhere. There are
forces belonging to the Church,
vv'hether it will be Established, as
i tow, or be a Voluntary society, as
^o many expect, which will inevi-
tably command for it some social
weight and consideration ; but we
can perceive no hope of any consi-
o.erable influence for Dissent. We
entertain the strongest doubts of
their appearing at the Universities
iii numbers worth mentioning. Is
this what the Dissenters intend 1
Is this the object which their pas-
sionate and persevering efforts seek
to accomplish ? Are Universities
filled with infidels and Episcopa-
lians— for if the Universities con-
tinue to exist, these last will be
found in them, with here and there
a strong Dissenter, or other non-
Episcopalian — the ideal of academi-
cal life which they long to procure
for England 1
But how has this unnatural
alliance been brought to pass1?
Partly, we have said, through the
fault of the Dissenters themselves.
They have been more intent on
pulling down the Church of Eng-
land than on advancing their own
specific cause. They have been
carried along by the heat of the
contest ; they have thought only of
the enemy in their front. They
found the Church of England
strongly intrenched in the constitu-
tion of the country and its laws ;
and they felt they needed every
support they could gather for
obtaining their end. They thus
committed themselves to the doc-
trine that the State must not
connect itself with any kind of
Church or religion. From that
moment they inevitably fell under
the leadership of the unbelievers.
The principle that the State must
know nothing of religion was
more emphatically the banner of un-
belief than of dissent. It was sus-
tained with stronger powers of intel-
lect by the non-Christian than by
the Christian Nonconformists. It
was held by them more thoroughly ;
they could denounce limitation
with greater force and consistency.
In the civil and political world,
therefore, it was scarcely possible
for Dissenters to avoid this union
with men so very unlike them-
selves, for they could have no hope
of creating a Broad Church which
should comprise Dissenters ; and
there was nothing left for them but
alliance with the unbelievers, who
had the same identical end with
themselves. But the consequences
146
University Tests.
[Feb.
of such an alliance were sure to be
not all agreeable. The divergence
of interests or feelings was cer-
tain to break out somewhere. It
has come forth in this very question
of the Universities. The Dissen-
ters here have suffered themselves
to fall under the control of men
who in some vital respects are their
opponents. They have accepted the
formula of real adversaries. Their
manifest interest was to enter the
Universities as Christians. Their
actual cry is for dechristianising the
Universities. The exclusive reten-
tion of Christianity was possible
in the academical world, it was im-
possible in the civil. There was
no chance of limiting the House of
Commons and the electoral vote to
Christians. The far narrower range
and more special function of a Uni-
versity made the specific mainten-
ance of the Christian religion more
natural and more practicable. But
this distinction the Dissenters have
failed to perceive, or, having per-
ceived it, have been unable or un-
willing to give it effect in practice.
They thus battle under the flag of
unbelief. They demand the total
secularisation of the Universities.
The result has been a change in
the form of the claim insisted on.
Instead of requiring the admission
of Dissenters, the agitation clamours
for the repeal of religious tests.
The question is viewed from the
aspect of tests. The dominant
idea is derived from that word.
The manner of the exclusion of
Nonconformists is dwelt upon rather
than the fact itself, and the differ-
ence is very important. The ques-
tion is no longer whether the Dis-
senters are fit or not to enter the
Universities, but whether the par-
ticular barrier which shuts them
out shall be swept away altogether.
The test is regarded in respect of
what it is in itself, rather than in
respect of the exclusion which it
produces. A test is held up as a
thing odious by its very nature. It
is painted as an impertinent and
offensive inquiry into matters which
are private and personal, and which
ought to be exempt from all official
scrutiny. Why, it is triumphantly
asked, should the religious opinion
of a man who teaches Euclid be
questioned? What connection is
there between Greek and particular
religious opinions? Why should
the belief in religious dogmas be
required in a secular University
whose business is to teach letters ]
What is a test but a hateful prying
into a man's conscience, an offensive
exploring of his inner mind ?
What matters heresy or orthodoxy,
belief or unbelief, to an institution
at once national and secular ? Re-
ligious sects have ever been wont
to dwell on dogma on the necessity
of right belief in particular religious
propositions. They are never satis-
fied about a man till he has been
turned over and examined, and his
religious form has been brought to
the appointed standard and found
correct. The world is outliving,
we are told, such odious processes.
Even amongst Christians orthodoxy
has no longer the value which it
once possessed, and unbelief raises
its head on all sides, and has ceased
to be a reproach and a title for
contempt. The nature of the teach-
ing of Christianity is itself under
discussion. The conclusions arriv-
ed at by men to whom the title of
Christian can in no way be refused,
are extremely discordant with one
another. To bind men down, there-
fore, to one single interpretation of
the Christian revelation, is a pro-
ceeding repulsive to the spirit of the
age. It is a necessary consequence
from such an intellectual state of
modern thought, that the impo-
sition of tests which imply de-
tailed assent to minute and specific
statements of Christian doctrine,
must encounter resistance in many
quarters. They necessarily present
a very vulnerable side when made
the condition of membership of
the Universities.
Other causes combine to swell
the difficulty. The University test
in substance is a declaration of
1870.]
University Tests.
147
membership of the Church of Eng-
land } but in form it is a subscrip-
tion to a vast number of proposi-
tions respecting the dogmas of the
Christian faith. We know that in
the Church at large, in these recent
years, the consistency of these doc-
trines with one another, the truth
of some, the necessary acceptance
of others, are fiercely challenged on
every side. Some escape the per-
plexities hence resulting by meth-
ods of interpretation which take
great liberties with the letter. For
others the words of formularies are
a snare to the conscience, implying
.some degree of dishonesty when
the actual expression cannot be
literally accepted. It is easy to
understand how a strong feeling of
distaste should creep up under such
circumstances against the demand
of assent to a multitude of diverse
statements. And if this feeling
is powerful when appointment to
the ministry of the Church is con-
cerned, how much more powerful
must it be in the case of Univer-
sities whose object is general and
not clerical education 1 The recoil
against a test of such a kind has
been violent enough to procure
from the Legislature a relaxation
in the laws of subscription required
of clergymen ; and so far relief has
been acquired by members of the
Universities. Still further progress
in that direction has been made in
the case of Colleges ; for we believe
we are correct in stating that a
simple profession of membership of
the Church of England is all that is
required for admission to college
endowments.
These influences combined have
precipitated the University question
down to the lowest level. Chris-
tians and non-Christians have alike
been irritated by the existing tests.
Those who took the tests, and are
supposed to be working under the
conditions implied in their accept-
ance of their offices, but have sub-
sequently lost their belief in either
a part or the whole of Christianity,
naturally are impatient to obtain
relief by the cancelling of obliga-
tions which they no longer fulfil.
All such persons constitute a large
force in the aggregate, and furnish
very vigorous aid in promoting the
end aimed at by Dissenters — their
own entrance into the Universities.
Neither party singly could easily
have achieved success ; combined,
they have been strong enough to
obtain successive majorities in the
House of Commons. And thus the
word and idea, test, has occupied
the whole ground. Everything
else is forgotten by the side of it ;
every consideration which attaches
to Oxford and Cambridge as places
of education for the young has been
thrust aside as not worth thinking
about. The recent meetings at Cam-
bridge and Oxford furnish a strik-
ing illustration of this mischievous
and unphilosophical method of
reasoning. We say the word
" unphilosophical " deliberately ;
for whilst it is the loudly -pro-
claimed vaunt of the repealers of
all religious limitations that they
emphatically stand on first prin-
ciples and on philosophy, they ex-
hibit the shallowest departure from
the fundamental law of all true
philosophy, that all the elements
of a problem shall be investigated
and weighed. Nothing could be
more one-sided than the point of
view adopted by all the speakers.
They dwelt on the grievances suf-
fered by graduates ; they painted
the irritation excited by assent
demanded for countless proposi-
tions ; they repelled the thrusting
in of religion into the teaching
of secular subjects ; they de-
nounced the interference of the
State with a man's belief ; and then,
in a passionate glow of resentment,
they indignantly repelled all tests.
And what was the reasoning on
which they took their stand 1
Because existing tests work ill,
therefore all inquiries into the
belief of University teachers were
impertinent and against principle.
The word test of itself alone was
enough for them; it carried its
148
University Tests.
[Feb.
condemnation on its very face.
And this they recklessly think to
be excellent logic : the illicit process
of inferring from the condemnation
of some to the condemnation of all
was a trifle of no account in so
obvious a matter. Were they not
carrying out faithfully the grand
philosophical method of our day]
Were they not scattering to the
winds the restrictions and limita-
tions and other miserable devices
with which antiquated statesman-
ship and old-fashioned philosophy
loved to narrow the application of
the truth ; and did they not stand
in the full and free sunshine of
unlimited formulas, of absolute pro-
positions, of principles which soared
into the infinite ? The House of
Lords sometimes does wrong: Down
with the peerage ! The Established
Church has become too narrow :
Away with an Established Church !
Dogma has been too strictly insisted
on ! let religion never be mentioned !
Young men have been educated in
the teaching of a sect : henceforth
let them be lectured in every reli-
gion upon earth, and then let them
select one for themselves !
The total forgetfulness of the
educational character of the Uni-
versities was the most remarkable
feature of these anti-test meetings.
Fellows and their wrongs filled the
minds of the speakers. The Uni-
versities figured there as conferrers
of privileges only ; graduates were
regarded as the recipients of money ;
and then the hardship was feelingly
described of religion interfering
with profit. Fellows had obtained
their endowments by dint of hard
study ; was it not intolerable that in-
quiries into their belief should step
i ti between them and their rewards 1
The possessors of endowments con-
stituted for these speakers the Uni-
versity itself : no one could have
gathered from the speeches delivered
that undergraduates existed at Ox-
ford and Cambridge, or that they
were worthy of a moment's consid-
eration. Astrange and capital illu-
sion surely ! What is Oxford but a
school 1 what gives it importance
except the students who frequent
its Colleges 1 what is the very end
of the University but its action on
these young men 1 The young
students are emphatically Oxford.
Oxford was created and exists only
for them. The endowments them-
selves were granted out of regard
to their welfare. Oxford without
undergraduates would at best be
only a board of examiners ; and
then the fellowships and the other
endowments would speedily dis-
appear. In Oxford and Cambridge
the nation possesses two great
schools to which her young men
resort for education ; and it is by
the effects which it produces on
these youthful students that the
repeal of the tests, or any other
change in the academical constitu-
tions, must be judged. This is the
true point of view for estimating
and pronouncing upon every statute
which affects the Universities. We
find no trace of a knowledge of this
truth in the speeches of the re-
pealers at these meetings. We per-
ceive no attempt to investigate what
results on the young men the repeal
of the tests may have. Graduates
may be relieved, Fellows may gather
comfort, in the enjoyment of their
good things; irritation may be
allayed, and every senior allowed
in peace to be a Christian or an
unbeliever at his pleasure : but,
after all, there remains the all-im-
portant question, How will all
these things tell upon the school ]
This is the one practical and de-
cisive consideration. If the under-
graduates are injured, still more, if
they are driven away, what signifies
the gain which the Fellows may
have won 1 If indeed the present
sj'stem, or any modification of it, is
essentially immoral or unjust, then,
clearly, fiat justitia, mat ccelum.
Better that the Univerities should
perish than that a wicked or inex-
pedient institution should disgrace
this land. But who imputes such
a character to the Universities 1
Who demands their suppression ou
1870.]
University Tests.
149
this ground 1 That there are per-
sons who in their hearts prefer
that Oxford and Cambridge should
cease to be, rather than that any
form of Christianity should be
recognised in the education they
bestow, we do not doubt ; but they
are few, and they do not openly
avow their opinions. If they did,
a fair and manly issue would be
raised, and the country would know
the nature of the measure it was
discussing. The mass of the sup-
porters of the abolition of tests are
men of a very different kind. They
are not enemies of the Christian
religion, but they have worked
themselves into an intense dislike
of tests; and the complaint we make
is, that they have thought only of
themselves and their class, and
have left out of account those for
whose sake they exist at the Univer-
sities. They would be quick enough
to perceive the effects which mea-
sures for the relief of certain
feelings in the masters might have
on Eton and Harrow, and very
possibly they would suggest that
those who were inconvienced should
be withdrawn, and the boys be not
driven off from the school ; but
when they think of the Universi-
ties, their view becomes radically
altered. Their essential character
as schools fades away into the dis-
tance, and the mass of Fellows arid
graduates alone occupies the field of
vision. That this is a capital mis-
take no one will deny, except those
who deliberately wish to see the
Universities converted into bodies
which conduct examinations of
students trained in other places,
and confer degrees and privileges
as academical and not as scholas-
tic corporations. Again we say, if
this is the end designed, let it be
fairly proclaimed, and the debate
on its expediency be distinctly
placed before the nation.
But we are barred from entering
on an examination whether it is
inexpedient, in the interests of
the students, that the test which
requires membership of the Church
of England should be absolutely
repealed. The question is judged,
we are told : a first principle of
overwhelming force has pronounced
that the Universities are national
institutions, and that this quality
of nationalness bestows on every
Englishman the indefeasible right
of sharing the advantages of these
bodies without regard to his reli-
gion. The word national has set-
tled the matter conclusively. Grant
that the Universities are national —
and who refuses them this quality ?
— and every Englishman, be he
Christian or Atheist, Brahmin or
Mohammedan, has an inherent
right to present himself at their
portals and claim admission either
as a Fellow or a tutor. Great
is the magic of a word, or rather
great is the power of this new phi-
losophy— a philosophy which is so
capable of being extemporised for
the moment, and is so susceptible
of expansion or compression accord-
ing as the needs of the philosopher
may require. The formula has
great range, beyond doubt. When
an institution is national, it entitles
every Englishman to receive an
equal share in it. It is a new
doctrine in political philosophy, cer-
tainly : but is it true 1 Let us test
it by a case or two. There is no
institution so intensely national
as the electoral vote ; the way
in which he is governed affects
every inhabitant of these islands.
Has every member of the State a
share in the election of the House
of Commons'? Are not one half
of the people deprived of all parti-
cipation in the government of the
country 1 and of the remaining half
are not multitudes excluded from
the suffrage, avowedly, and; upon
principle, and with the approba-
tion of the majority of even Ra-
dicals'? Upon the theory that a
national institution must be en-
joyed, of right, by every English-
man, manhood suffrage is an inde-
feasible right, and every man who
withholds manhood suffrage vio-
lates the most cardinal principle of
150
University Tests.
[Feb.
the liberal philosophy. What, again ,
shall we say of 'the Crown 1 That
indisputably is a national institu-
tion, and if national, it belongs
equally to every Englishman. Why
should it be restricted to a single
family ? If it must be given to all,
then manifestly the doctrine re-
quires that the Crown should be
abolished, and the government of
the people assigned to a republic.
We must not be told in reply
that the interest of the whole
nation and the nature of the case
demand the limitation of the
Crown to the Royal Family, for the
word national is applied to the
Universities for the very purpose of
shutting out the general considera-
tion of the public good ; it is used
expressly to found a personal and
inherent right apart from all weigh-
ing of general utility, belonging to
every Englishman, be he Atheist
or Christian, to an equal share of
University position and emolument.
To bring this right under the con-
tingency of its being shown to be
expedient, on grounds of general
policy, is to destroy the very object
for which its nationalness is pro-
claimed. The avowed aim is to ob-
tain admission and authority to
teach for all religions, without any
previous inquiry whether such ad-
mission is for the good of the Uni-
versity or of the nation. Here,
again, is a third case for the appli-
cation of the principle. If the in-
tentions of benefactors are no
longer to be held of any account
at Oxford, the same rule must
apply to every endowment through-
out the land. If the Oxford
moneys are become national, in
the sense that every Englishman
is entitled to a share of them, so
must also the funds of every en-
dowed school ; and not only has
every Atheist the right to be ap-
pointed schoolmaster, but the local
appropriation of funds to the neigh-
bourhood becomes indefensible.
This is something very like a re-
ductio ad absurdum. Then, too, if
the University funds are national,
as belonging to every Englishman,
why should they be given to the
clever men only ? If a man is
not to lose his fellowship because
he does not profess the religion of
the majority, why should another
lose it because nature gave his
rival an unfair superiority of talent 1
and why, too, should the enjoyment
of these good things be limited to
the rich — to those who can afford
the expense of a University educa-
tion 1 Is not this a manifest and
monstrous diversion of national
moneys to the advantage of a few ?
It is needless to test the principle
further. The doctrine that national
property must be participated in by
all, not in the way of a general
good which benefits the community
as a whole, but specifically as a
personal right belonging to each
man individually, without reference
to any other consideration than his
own individual right, can lead but
to one conclusion, that the property
should be sold, and the proceeds
applied to the extinction of the
national debt. In no other way can
justice be done to every one on the
basis of this principle ; and thus
the further conclusion becomes evi-
dent, that the principle itself is an
absurdity. Stated in this absolute
form we can call it by no milder
name than pure nonsense. An in-
dividual right in a national institu-
tion, to be enjoyed personally and
directly, and in no way mediately
through the general good, is a doc-
trine fit for communists and spout-
ers in debating societies.
But is there, then, no principle
which governs the appropriation of
national funds 1 Are we left to
the practical dilemma between the
right of every one to be every-
where and mere chance and hap-
hazard'? Very far from it. In
every such case there are two rules
which are rational in themselves,
and fully meet the requirements of
the problem. The institution, in
the first place, must be desirable
in itself ; and, secondly, no limita-
tion should be put on participation
1870.]
University Tests.
151
in its benefits, except such as are
demanded by regard for the common
good, and by the very nature and
function of the institution. These
principles are simple and obvious,
tut they are deep enough and
strong enough to furnish the means
of judging every case. Let us now
apply them to the Universities.
First, are the Universities advanta-
geous institutions for the nation 1
I>o they serve purposes which pro-
mote the good of the people] Is
it desirable, in the name of expe-
diency and public policy, to retain
their existence and preserve their
efficiency ? On this issue no objec-
tion has been raised. No one argues
that the time has come for their
suppression — that they may have
baen useful in the past, but are
hopelessly worthless for the future.
It is assumed on all sides that they
are valuable and of great national
utility; the dispute turns entirely
ou the condition on which their
existence shall be continued. The
second inquiry, therefore, is the
field of battle. The regulations
which govern their administration
are complained of as violating ex-
pediency, and as needlessly and
mischievously trenching on the
rights of individual Englishmen.
A change is demanded ; and that
change is, the abolition of all
of tidal recognition of any particular
religion, and the placing on the
same level of equality the profes-
sors of every kind of religious be-
lief. The question then becomes :
Is the change demanded consistent
with the function of the Universi-
ties and the discharge of it in a
m inner that shall promote the pub-
lic good 1
This question must be considered
in a twofold relation, in conformity
with the double function of the
U Diversities. One office of the
Universities is to examine students,
to award prizes and honours, and to
grant degrees. In this respect they
arc great incorporations, stimulat-
ing the pursuit of certain studies,
through examinations and rewards,
and binding their members together
in a corporation commanding re-
spect and influence with the public.
Viewed from this point of view, it
is no longer possible to annex the
profession of any particular religion
as a condition for the exercise of
this function and the enjoyment of
these privileges. The University
of London takes no cognisance of
religion, and yet it is readily granted
that it serves one great purpose of
a University, that its examinations
and honours accomplish a highly
useful end, and that the absence of
religious tests does not impede the
efficiency of the University, either in
the work it achieves or in the rela-
tions of its members with one an-
other. If it is intended to reduce
Oxford and Cambridge to mere
boards of examiners, inquiring into
literary attainment and distribut-
ing prizes and distinctions, no rea-
sonable and successful opposition
can be directed against the repeal of
religious tests. It is obvious, how-
ever, that under such a hypothesis
the preservation of fellowships seems
scarcely possible. They will have
lost their raison d'etre; they will be
in manifest excess of any need which
the Universities, so constructed,
will possess for them. It may be
assumed, therefore, as certain that,
in these circumstances, they would
receive a new destination ; possibly
they would be taken away from the
Universities altogether, and assign-
ed to some general education fund
available over the whole country.
But does any one profess to aim at
the conversion of the Universities
into mere boards of examiners and
granters of degrees 1 Does the
country understand this to be the
object for which Sir John Coleridge
brought in his bill into the House
of Commons, and for which the
meetings at Oxford and Cambridge
were convened] Nothing of the
kind, we know, is proposed; and
consequently the case supposed, in
which we conceded the repeal of
the tests, is not the one now under
debate. It is not sought to make
152
University Tests.
[Feb.
Oxford and Cambridge assume the
type of the University of London.
Throughout the discussions raised
on this question, it is always sup-
posed that the old Universities are
to retain their character of places
where young men reside for the pur-
pose of education. They are neither
a board of examinations, nor yet a
group of lectures to which students
may have recourse to be instructed
in some branch of literature, and
then return to their homes with their
manifold influences. This is a fact
of the highest moment in this grave
question. It merits the most care-
ful attention. The Oxford under-
graduates reside at Oxford during
nearly six months of the year ; and
they come under no other influences
except those which the University
places around them. A student re-
pairing to a lecture at London Uni-
versity for an hour's Greek or Eu-
clid is in a very different position
from one whose whole life is spent
at college amidst his teachers and
his fellows. There is no reason why
any other quality should be sought
in the London professor besides
proficiency in Greek or mathema-
tics. It may be quite otherwise at
Oxford. It is plain, therefore, that
the abolition of tests must be judged
with reference to the peculiar char-
acter of the Universities as societies
in which the students pass their
whole life during half the year.
The students must be considered
as young men who have no other
homes than the Universities.
We have now reached the true
form of the question. What effect
will the abolition of tests produce
on Oxford and Cambridge as places
of education for resident young
men? Will it be injurious or
beneficial ? Will it be compatible
with the efficient discharge, or even
the continuance of their most char-
acteristic and important function ?
Before we can obtain a correct an-
swer to this inquiry, we must first
learn what the abolition of tests
really means. On this point we
fear that the public mind is singu-
larly unenlightened. The public
thinks only of the removal of a
needless annoyance to graduates.
It imagines that after the repeal no
senior member of the University
will be tormented with a scrutiny
into his exact acceptance of a mul-
titude of dogmatic assertions. He
will be left in peace ; he will escape
the irritation which now harasses
him; he will deliver his secular
lectures in a calmer mood ; and the
University will go on pretty much
as at present. We grieve to have
to explain that this is a most in-
adequate conception of the change
which the abolition of tests will
accomplish. It is not a negative
statute, a mere removal of surplus-
age. On the contrary, it is a most
enacting, a most creating, law. It
confers a most positive right on any
and every member of the University
to teach any religion that he pleases.
It gives power to any college to
make the religion of Auguste
Comte and the worship of human-
ity the basis of its moral and reli-
gious teaching. It enables any
popular and attractive teacher to
collect a large class of undergradu-
ates in which an atheistic philoso-
phy may be expounded. It autho-
rises any instructor of the school of
Miss Martineau and Mr Atkinson
to dwell on the happiness of be-
lieving in no future state after
death. No interference will be
possible, for the University officials
will ignore religion. Some gover-
nors of Colleges may endeavour to
forbid their students from being
present at such classes, but the
effort will be futile. It will jar
with the new spirit of the Univer-
sity ; it will contradict its admitted
principle; and no machinery will
be practicable for enforcing the
prohibition. And then the debates
and the agitations which will spring
up amongst the undergraduates
themselves — their incessant argu-
ments for and against Atheism, for
and against Christianity — the im-
pulses which make young men adopt
a side, fashion, conceit, cleverness
1870.]
University Tests.
153
in arguing, love of notoriety. These
will be a creation of a new condition
of university life — of, in truth, a
new society. But surely, we shall
be told, such monstrous things will
be impossible in a country like Eng-
3 and. Only a fervid imagination
could contemplate such a moral
chaos as'capable of existing in Eng-
land. That may be very true, for it
may kill the Universities, but that
^uch things surely will occur is for
us a certainty. It is a radical mistake
to suppose that mere relief for a
lender conscience is the impelling
motive with some of the most ar-
dent for the abolition of tests.
They scarcely affect to conceal that
they seek the non-recognition of
religion for its own sake. They
desire the fullest liberty for every
kind of religious teaching; and
when they have obtained it they
will unquestionably exercise that
liberty. To suppose otherwise
would be to mistake some of the
riost distinguishing features of our
time; nay, it would be to fail to
perceive symptoms which have al-
ready made their appearance at the
Universities. There will be no
toleration for the smallest inter-
ference of authority; the conquer-
ors will not have won a victory
which they will suffer to remain
without fruit. Absolute religious
freedom for teaching and for speak-
ing will be the law of the Univer-
sities. But we are incessantly re-
minded by Liberal journalists and
other advocates of the non-recogni-
tion of religion, that Christianity
.has nothing to fear. They shut us
up in the neat dilemma, that if it
is the true religion it will hold its
own against all opponents; and if
it is a false religion, no one ought
to mourn over its defeat. Such a
statement misses the point alto-
gether. The Universities deal with
b)ys — with pupilary students at
any rate ; and the question is,
whether it is expedient, on the
bust principles of education, that
young people of that age should be
brought up amid the perpetual dis-
cussion of the first principles of
religion, amid perpetual argumenta-
tion between competing systems of
religious opinion and of morals.
Is it good for the young to pass
their days for months together in
such an atmosphere of combat on
first principles ? We say that it is
not good; that it is pre-eminently
bad to educate young persons on
the method of everything in morals
and religion being an open ques-
tion. It violates the fundamental
laws of education. Education
must have a backbone of authority;
something must be laid down,
something assumed to be true,
whilst the educational process lasts.
We stand on this position ; and we
say further, that we are confident
that English parents will ratify our
judgment. We affirm our belief
that they will not send their sons
to college, to learn, on their return
home, that they had occupied them-
selves during the term in debating
whether there is a God or not.
Unless we grossly deceive ourselves,
English parents will not endure such
a system of training the young ; they
will not send their sons to college ;
and the Universities will be con-
verted, by the spontaneous action
of the parents, into mere boards of
examination. Such is our convic-
tion; and consequently we regard
the abolition of all official recogni-
tion of any religion by the Univer-
sities as, in substance, an enact-
ment that they shall cease to be
schools for the education of resi-
dent youths. We can look at the
matter in no other light. We are
absolutely certain that the aboli-
tion will call into active play
energetic teachers of all manner of
religions, and then we say that the
inevitable consequence will be that
college life will come to an end.
The conclusion we are brought
to rests on the nature of the case.
We build our conviction on no ab-
solute formula; on no intuitive dic-
tum; on no sweeping generalisation
extracted from the word "nation-
al." We look at the nature of the
154
University Tests.
[Feb.
case, we repeat; at the nature of
young men ; at the primary laws of
education ; at the function of the
Universities; at the position of
the young men within these so-
cieties. We find limitations which
rise irresistibly out of such a com-
bination of circumstances, and we
deduce the conclusion, that free
liberty to teach and discuss all re-
ligions is incompatible with the
existence of resident young men at
Oxford and Cambridge. It is per-
fectly true that in the big world,
amongst grown-up men, Christian-
ity must maintain itself on the con-
dition of free discussion with all
thinkers. It is the law of human
life; it would not deserve to be
believed in as the true religion if it
could not sustain such a conflict.
Bat the grown-up world is one
thing, a school is another. The
majority of grown-up men and
women may escape the strife; they
need not read the arguments of
controversy; they may leave the
contest to the trained and the in-
tellectual. At Oxford and Cam-
bridge, on the contrary, the young
men will be plunged into the very
whirlpool of the argumentation ;
and such a mode of life is radically
injurious to people of that age.
Still less is it good for them to be
subjected to the preaching and pro-
selytising of every kind of religious
belief. The power of Christianity
to face every adversary is irrelevant
here; it is the state of conflict, of
urging young men to select a reli-
gion for themselves, which we de-
clare to be incompatible with their
residence at the Universities.
But we have heard it often said,
such or such a man is so great, his
intellectual or scientific eminence
is so conspicuous, that he has a right
to be at Oxford. He cannot be kept
out without injustice and the viola-
tion of a natural right. If the plea
had been that public policy, that ex-
pediency, demanded his admission,
we should have acknowledged its le-
gitimateness, and have joined issue
upon the fact of the expediency.
That right we utterly repudiate. No
man can possess a right to come and
ruin the Universities. If Oxford
serves a great public purpose, and
confers a great national benefit, the
demand of admission, at the cost of
destroying this utility, deserves no
attention whatever. It is empty
and worthless. That the presence
of a particular teacher at Oxford
would not be injurious, that it
would establish no mischievous
principle, and could have no bad
consequences, is a perfectly fair
issue, and must be met. But it is
not a plea of an unchallengeable
right : it must be argued, and this
is just what those who bring it for-
ward are not disposed to do. Their
only object in bringing it forward
is to escape the necessity of proof
by the help of an absolute formula.
But what is to be said of the en-
dowments ] They at any rate are
silent and impersonal things ; they
do not preach a religion ; they
carry no philosophical principles on
their front. Why should they be
appropriated to a single creed or
party in the State? They who
speak thus ought to be reminded
that these funds proceed from
private benefactions ; and that the
doctrine which has hitherto pre-
vailed in this country is, that when
such endowments can no longer be
applied in the manner prescribed
by founders, it is expedient to de-
vote them to some kindred object,
to some modification of the original
purpose ; and that it has not been
the practice to apply them to objects
in which every man in the nation
directly participates. This national
theory, which is so freely bandied
about in the case of the Universities,
has no precedent, so far as we are
a ware, in the political or social world.
It is very obvious that those who
proclaim it really assume that it
is possible for all to have an equal
share in the Universities without
destroying their utility ; but that
is manifestly to beg the question,
to assume the only point which has
to be proved. But even if the
1870.]
University Tests.
155
claim to a wider distribution of the
finds could be made good, there
would still remain the principle
that it would be better and more
beneficial for the nation that the
endowments should be sold, and
the fellowships suppressed, than
that for the sake of them the work
of the Universities should be ex-
t nguished. In our opinion — nay,
LI the opinion of all — the highest
expediency requires the continu-
ance of the Universities as schools,
whilst no consideration of equal
weight forbids the extinction of the
fellowships.
We have spoken of the Univer-
sities, let us now say a few words
about the Colleges. And in the first
place, if the petitions advocated at
the meetings at Oxford and Cam-
bridge be granted, and the abolition
of all religious tests be made com-
pulsory, what, we ask, is to become
oj' Christ-Church at Oxford 1 This
college is the property of the dean
and chapter of a cathedral of the
Church of England, and its head is
an ecclesiastical dignitary. Is this
violation of the new principle to be
suffered ? Will it be permitted that
the chief of the largest college at
Oxford should always be a clergy-
man of the Established Church?
Tiien follow the Christ-Church pro-
fessorships, of which some half-a-
dozen are held by canons of the
cathedral. These are officers of the
University, and not merely of a col-
lege j their case, therefore, admits
of no doubt. They are professor-
ships of divinity, and can hardly
escape being suppressed by the
new rule : if, however, they are
retained, they will be separated
from the canonries, only the en-
dowments will be lost to the Univer-
sity. The canonries will retain the
ecdowments, which are ecclesias-
tical property. The college itself,
so far as we can see, will necessarily
be suppressed ; for the buildings
arc a portion of the estate of the
cathedral, and so are the funds
allotted to the studentships.
But however this may be, let us
VOL. CVH. — NO. DCLII.
look at the other colleges. The
meetings at Oxford and Cambridge
strongly urged the expediency of
carrying the change beyond the
bill of the Solicitor-General, and
of rendering the abolition of tests
in every college compulsory, on the
ground that a mere permissive
clause would disturb the peace of
the colleges and of the University
by incessant contests within each
for the abolition of tests. But did
the speakers make any effort to
think the matter out? Did they
actually believe that, when the
tests were removed, the minds of
the Fellows would sink into a pro-
found calm, and the struggle about
religion would be banished from
the University region 1 If they did,
we fear they were the victims of a
very strong delusion. It requires
but a slender acquaintance with the
Universities, and the movements
which are stirring below the sur-
face, to feel assured that the new
phase of their social life will be a
letting out of the waters of strife ;
that a new era of contest will have
set in ; that it will be fierce and
incessant, and that the point of
the struggle will not be a mere ex-
emption from inquisitorial prying
into a man's religion, but the
Christian or non-Christian charac-
ter of each college. The effort will
be to carry the government of the
college, and thereby to determine
the whole spirit of its teaching, and
of the sociaj. life within its walls.
A non-Christian majority will have
an enormous power for destroying
all that at present distinguishes an
English college. It may shut up
the chapel, abolish every lecture in
Christian theology, elect tutors, who
will be not suspected but avowed and
active unbelievers, and determine
the tone of its teaching in the in-
terpretation of ancient and modern
philosophy in a sense directly hos-
tile to Christianity. These are im-
mense objects to fight for, and,. we
grieve to say, we cannot entertain
the shadow of a doubt that the con-
flict will be hot and endless, both
156
U)dversity Tests.
[Feb.
with Christians and non- Christians ;
and instead of being relieved from
the bitterness of religious contro-
versy, the Universities, we are con-
vinced, will be more beset with
religious strife than ever, and the
ultimate result will be that the
students will be driven away, and
the Universities will be killed as
places of education. Does any one
believe that the parents of England
will look on such scenes with indif-
ference? The non-Christians will
fall under the strongest impulses
which can stir ardent minds to
win the youths, the future men of
the nation, to their convictions ;
and the effort to persuade will be
perfectly legitimate in itself, and
will be distinctly sanctioned by the
new constitution of the Universi-
ties. 3 But equally on 'the other side,
Christian parents will have the
most powerful interest to rear
up their sons in a faith which
they hold to be of infinite im-
portance for their present and
future welfare; and unless they
sink into apathy — a violent and in-
credible supposition — they cannot
fail to seek the only protection
within their reach, the removal of
the daily life of their children from
such a hotbed of contention be-
tween believers and unbelievers.
The first disputed college election
for fellowships, in which the de-
feated candidate raised a cry that
he had, with superior merit, been
passed over on religious,grounds, for
or against Christianity, would open
the eyes of all the world as to the
nature of the atmosphere in which
University students had to pass
their lives. It is not for us a be-
lievable supposition, that under-
graduates will come in any number
to receive their education under
such conditions ; nor can we bring
ourselves to think that those who
have clamoured so loudly for the
repeal of University tests — most of
all, the Christian Dissenters — ever
pictured to their minds distinctly
what was the mode of life which
they were introducing into Oxford
and Cambridge.
And now we shall of course
be asked what we ourselves pro-
pose to do 1 The question must
be answered, we entirely admit.
The present state of things can-
not continue ; a profession of re-
ligion expressed by subscription,
however understood, to a multitude
of minute assertions, is no longer
tenable. Nor will a general de-
claration of membership of the
Church of England, we fear, solve
the difficulty. What membership
of the Church implies is itself a
question keenly debated, and one
on which a conclusive decision is
at any rate distant. Were it other-
wise— if the true nature of the com-
prehensiveness of the Church of
England could be defined in an ex-
plicit statement ratified by public
opinion, we should warmly urge
membership of the Church as a rea-
sonable and sufficient settlement
of the problem, but for one con-
sideration— the Dissenters would
be left out, and that objection
would be fatal. The solution,
then, must embrace Dissenters as
well as Churchmen ; and what pos-
sible terms of comprehension can
there be, except some general con-
fession of Christianity"? We can-
not deny that membership of a de-
finite society, of a religious organ-
isation or church, would be prefer-
able to a declaration of belief in
certain truths. But the case ex-
cludes such a settlement. The
time is gone by for hoping to in-
clude Churchmen and Dissenters
within one body ; and public
opinion has irrevocably decided
that no valid reason can be as-
signed for excluding Christian Dis-
senters from the Universities. This
must be acknowledged by all, and
this being so, there remains no-
thing else to fall back upon but
some profession of the Christian
religion. The question then be-
comes, whether the advantages of
such a requirement exceed its dis-
University Tesfs.
157
advantages 1 As we have shown
in the preceding argument, this
question must be answered with
reference to the school character
of the Universities. We are not
inquiring whether teachers of Latin
f,nd chemistry should be called
upon to declare their religion, but
whether every kind of religion or
iio-religion may be taught officially
and openly at Oxford and Cam-
bridge ; and if not, whether a de-
claration of a general adhesion to
the Christian belief, a declaration
that the teacher is a Christian, is
the best limitation for attaining the
end desired.
The first and most obvious ob-
jection to such a method is also the
strongest. It does not define
Christianity. It does not say what
it is to be a Christian ; and conse-
quently it leaves it open to every
one who makes this profession to
a:fix his own interpretation to it.
We must expect, therefore, if it
were adopted, to see men ranking
themselves by a public declaration
as Christians, to whom the world at
large would scarcely accord the title.
S:andal, therefore, it is argued,
would still continue at the Uni-
versities; and it would be greatly
aggravated by the perception that
precisely those non-Christians in
whom the sense of honour was
most sensitive, and whose con-
sciences would compel them to act
up to the spirit of the requirement,
would be shut out of the Uni-
versities, whilst those whose moral
perceptions were weaker, or who
hfid reasoned themselves into a par-
ticular mode of interpretation as
legitimate, would have free access
to Oxford and Cambridge as pro-
fessors and tutors. There is con-
siderable truth in this statement ;
bn t it is not decisive of the matter,
nevertheless. The question must
be judged practically. The object,
be it carefully observed, is not to
make an accurate investigation into
the quality of the belief of the
person who makes the declara-
tion, to ascertain whether strictly
he is or is not a Christian. The
purpose to be fulfilled is to lay
down some limitation on religi-
ous teaching within the Universi-
ties— to assert some few religi-
ous principles as the basis of the
life of the students — to prevent
certain theories of morals and reli-
gion from having the right to be
publicly and officially inculcated
— to shut out certain questions
from being open questions, subject
to perpetual challenge and dispu-
tation. The good and the evil of
requiring University teaching to
observe certain restrictions must
be estimated with reference to these
ends. Nor is this the only practi-
cal element of the problem. There
must be superadded to it, accord-
ing to our view, the enormous con-
sitferation that, if the profession of
Christianity cannot be practically
carried out, the Universities will
be destroyed as places of public
education. It is our belief that the
existence of what England means
by the old Universities is at stake.
It may be that the condition of
Christianity is not completely satis-
factory; but if Oxford and Cam-
bridge cannot be had on any other
terms, we, at any rate, will think
that the advantages of the profes-
sion of the Christian religion will
very much outweigh its disadvan-
tages.
Such are the considerations which
are urged against this proposal. We
should not be sure, we are told,
of always having Christians in
the men who make the declara-
tion required. The consciences of
those who hang on the border be-
tween accepting or rejecting the
condition will be wounded. Some
men will be kept out who, on
the very ground of Christianity,
will better deserve to be admitted
amongst University teachers than
others who have felt no scruple
in complying with the condition.
There will be a certain antago-
nism with the spirit of our time,
153
University Tests.
[Feb.
which is much set against inquisi-
tions into religious belief. True ;
but the departure from the intel-
lectual tendency of the age will
have an adequate motive. The
majority of Englishmen have not yet
reached that point, and in all pro-
bability never will, where negation
is to be omnipotent, where practical
considerations of the utmost impor-
tance on the positive side are thrown
over, simply because the dislike and
antipathies of negation are more
deserving of respect. Polygamy is
not lawful in England, although in
some of her dependencies a man
may have more wives than one.
Positive feeling on this point is as
yet stronger than negative, than
the claim advanced by some that
every man should be able to do as
he likes. The adequacy of the
motive for restriction is the very
pinch of the question. We hold
that it is an immense gain in edu-
cation to have some things fixed in
the matter of religion and morals.
We say that it is an essential law
of all education of the young, that
something should be laid down
upon authority. No one disputes
the right and duty of a parent
to proclaim some code of morals
and belief for a young child. The
only question is, whether young
men at the Universities have not
passed beyond this stage? We
say further, then, that some things
ought not, and cannot, be open
questions at places of education.
They ought not, because they are
against the nature of the case ; arid
they cannot, because parents will
practically decide the point by re-
fusing to send their sons to col-
lege. The bishops of the Church
cannot be conceived as requiring a
University training from candidates
for orders under a sj^stem of every
religious question being open ; and
if the Universities lose the under-
graduates destined for ordination,
how many will be the remainder of
the students, and how long will
they continue to resort to the Uni-
versities } It is a very great thing
to lay down at least the exist-
ence of a God and the belief in a
future state of rewards and punish-
ments as the conditions of educa-
tion in the English Universities,
which, unlike the Scotch, are not a
mere body of lectures, but take
charge of the whole life of the stu-
dents. These are advantages so
great, that, in our judgment, they
completely overbalance the incon-
veniences which may be alleged on
the other side, and merit adop-
tion by all, except those who would
rather see the school character of
the Universities annihilated, than
suffer any restriction on their fa-
vourite dogma that no religion of
any kind should be professed.
But if the time for establishing
such a condition on the student-
life of the Universities has passed
away, the only hope left is to
carry out the plan, which has
been suggested in many quarters,
of apportioning the existing col-
leges to distinct bodies of religion-
ists. To us this is an unsatisfactory
solution of the problem, because it
leaves the teaching of all religion
open ; and it is not possible to
isolate the undergraduates of Chris-
tian colleges and so limit their social
intercourse to their own members.
Then, further, we do not know
whether the proposers of this scheme
include in it the abandonment of
some of the colleges to those who
will not recognise any religion
whatever. Infidel colleges by the
side of Christian ones is assur-
edly not a powerful recommenda-
tion of University education; nor
does it hold out brilliant prospects
of University peace. Already,
too, the promoters of the anti-test
movement have taken the field
against this suggestion ; they de-
mand imperiously to have access
everywhere — to be shut out from
no foundation which enjoys emol-
uments derived from benefactors.
They claim these as national
moneys ; and with them the word
national means something which
every individual, as individual, has
1870.]
University Tests.
159
a right of sharing. However, it
seems certain, if anything can be
certain amidst so much confusion,
that institutions like Keble Col-
lege, which have no endowments
of any kind, which are nothing
tut a group 0f buildings, with a
single man as head, teacher, school-
master, or whatever else he may be
c ailed, will be able to carry on
their own system without interfer-
ence. Those who own the* build-
ings cannot be prevented from
placing any man they may choose
in the occupation of the col-
lege ; and, manifestly, he may
let out rooms in it to any per-
son he may select. No Act of
Parliament can prevent his offering
t;iem to Christians, and asking, as
the condition of their admission,
that they will attend Christian
worship ; for even a statute which
forbade compulsory attendance at
chapel could apply to those only
who enjoyed public emoluments.
But although individual colleges
and halls may establish themselves
on a Christian basis, the formidable
fact will still remain, that their
students must form one general
society with all other young men
at the University. They could not
be prevented from attending any
lectures given by any member of
the University, wherever he may
deliver them ; and consequently
they could not be withdrawn from
the turmoil and the strife which,
we conceive, must be engendered
by unrestricted liberty of teaching.
What then, we shall again be ask-
e 1, do we propose under the actual
C'rcumstances of the problem 1
1 irst of all, we assent to the demand
that all profession of religion shall
bo disconnected from academical
degrees. We accept the condition
that a declaration of religious be-
lief shall not be required in order
ti > qualify a graduate to take part
in the councils of the Universities.
Sacondly, we entirely and readily
adopt the proposal that the enjoy-
ii.ent of a fellowship, regarded sim-
ply as an academical prize, as a
reward for successful study, shall be
wholly independent of all religious
profession. Let young men who
are unconnected with the teach-
ing of the Universities enjoy their
fellowships at Oxford and Cam-
bridge, or in London, whatever
be their creeds. But, thirdly, we
ask that the teaching of the Uni-
versities, everything which consti-
tutes them schools for the education
of the young, shall be combined
with some profession of Christian-
ity. In the name of their charac-
ter as schools which embrace the
whole life of the young students
during six months of the year, we
demand that something positive,
some principles of morals and reli-
gion, asserted upon authority, and
not to be contradicted officially or
publicly, shall be laid down as the
basis of the Universities. And this
condition we hold to be first expe-
dient on the naked ground of
public policy, and further necessary,
if it is wished that the system of
sendingyoungmento college should
be continued. We ask that the
whole body of teachers should pro-
fess the Christian religion, either by
avowing their belief in the Apos-
tles' Creed, or, if that cannot be
obtained, by simply declaring them-
selves to be Christians. Should,
however, the unstatesmanlike spirit
of our time prevail ; if men are bent
on imitating the processes of the
great French Revolution, and choose
to rush into all kinds of abso-
lute and unlimited principles ; if
they will demean themselves to
such reasoning as, that because the
present tests are unsatisfactory,
therefore all religion must be ig-
^nored, — then let it be permitted to
separate colleges to be specifically
appropriated to various forms of
religion. But if even this is re-
jected by the insatiable determina-
tion to ignore religion altogether,
be it so. Then let the whole of
the endowments be abandoned to
all winners of them, be they Mo-
hammedans, Atheists, or Christians.
One resource will still remain. Col-
160
University Tests.
.[Feb.
leges without endowments, pure
private schools, cannot be forbid-
den from taking such students as
they may choose, and educating
them after their own fashion. The
atheist who demands that every
one should do as he likes, must of
necessity grant to Christians the
same liberty of living and talking
together as he claims for unbeliev-
ers. He cannot pretend that
atheism shall be the sole recognised
and free religion.
It will be evident that our feel-
ings as to the future of the old
English Universities are gloomy.
Reluctantly, and with much sor-
row, we find ourselves compelled to
believe that the abolition of tests,
pure and simple, means, in sub-
stance, the extinction of Oxford
and Cambridge as schools of edu-
cation, and their conversion into
boards of examiners and granters
of degrees. We should rejoice uri-
feignedly if our anticipations proved
to be unfounded, and if some heal-
ing power, now hidden from our
eyes, should, in the time of need,
correct evils for which, at present,
we see no remedy. But it seems to
us to be a clear duty, now that legis-
lation has become irresistible, to lay
clearly before the public what we
conceive to be involved in the
movement for the repeal of all
tests. This momentous question,
we see plainly, has not been looked
at on all sides. The graduates, their
difficulties and their irritation, have
alone been thought of. The young
men, the students, who are the very
Oxford and Cambridge which the
nation now possesses, have been
forgotten. No one has taken the
pains to trace out deliberately what
effects such a measure may produce
on their wellbeing. Least of all
have the Christian Nonconformists
reflected on the nature of the haven
which they are bent on reaching.
We find it difficult to persuade our-
selves that in their hearts they
desire to have Universities in
which every form of religion and
no-religion shall stand on the same
level. We still cherish a hope,
faint though it be, that they may,
ere it be too late, ask themselves
the question, whether they aim at
the same final object as their free-
thinking allies; whether they are not
lending the strength which will win
the battle to those whose victory
will assuredly not be their own 1 It
behoves them to watch the signs of
the times ; there are warnings, if
they choose to notice them, which
might make them doubt whether
the destruction of every institution
of the Church of England is a gain
for Dissent. The time will come,
sooner, perhaps, than many expect,
when Christians of every denomi-
nation will feel an urgent need for
mutual association and support.
Portce inferni non prcevakbunt ad-
versus earn, will be eventually true
of the Christian Church, in the full
catholicity of the communion of all
Christians ; but it is not true that
the wisdom or the folly of Chris-
tians can have no effect on the
fluctuating fortunes of the Church,
as it passes through this world.
Churchmen and Dissenters have
injured each other much in the
past. They may redeem their error
by fighting the common battle to-
gether in the future. To sweep
Christianity away from all official
recognition of the Universities,
because it will be a heavy blow for
the Church of England, is a folly
of which we will not, if we can
help it, assume that the Dissenters
can be guilty. What we ask of
them now is to study the question,
to ascertain the facts, and to esti-
mate carefully probable consequen-
ces. If we can persuade all Chris-
tians to do this, our object will
have been answered.
1670.]
Earl's Dene.— Part 1 V.
1G1
EAEL'S DENE. — PART iv.
CHAPTER VI.
CEETAINLY the new Fellow of
St Margaret's might consider that
hes had made the most of him-
self, so far. It was not only that
he had succeeded, but his success
had been entirely owing to his
own exertion ; and in such a case
a little self-glorification is not un-
becoming. Unlike most men, he
was not forced to think how dif-
ferently he would act were it in
his power to begin his university
life over again. He had not run
into debt ; he had formed no social
habits that require an expenditure
of time or money ; he had not even
wasted himself in conversation, in-
tellectual speculation, or desultory
reading. As he had been at school,
such was he in his freshman's year,
acd such he remained until he put
on his bachelor's hood. From the
very first day of his taking posses-
sion of his attic in St Margaret's
College he devoted himself entirely
to the orthodox work of the place,
in his pursuit of which he never
allowed himself to be disturbed by
any kind of distraction whatever.
Moreover, every day with him
meant work — work conscious and
actual ; and his power of realising
the immediate end to be attained,
and of adopting and carrying out
the right means to attain it, was
so strong that he can scarcely be
said to have exercised any real
self-denial in the course which he
pursued. Spurred on by his special
form of ambition, or rather by what
stood in the place of ambition, he
showed what may be done by a stu-
dent without genius, without the
incentive afforded by a sense of
duty, and without enthusiasm, or
love of learning for its own sake.
H id the rewards of his university
been bestowed for proficiency in bil-
lifirds, to billiards he would have
devoted himself with equal zeal ;
and it was in precisely the same
spirit that he devoted himself to
Greek and mathematics. As may
well be supposed, he was not very
popular among the men of Jus own
standing, and made but few ac-
quaintances ; but he made himself
respected, and he valued college
popularity at its true worth — which
is very little. While far abler men
than himself were living according
to the number of their years, this
old head upon young shoulders was
exemplifying the fable of the hare
and the tortoise.
Not a remarkably amiable char-
acter this, but certainly not weak
or contemptible. Such men do not
often achieve greatness, but success
they can scarcely help achieving.
In the result, at the end of his
three years, Warden was, on the
whole, beaten by only two men in
his year : in mathematics, by a man
who, young as he was, loved science
with the unselfish and all-absorbing
love that she demands from her
lovers ; and in classics, by a strange
sort of ruffian who was drunk five
days in the week, who slept all the
sixth, and who then on the seventh,
when he was awake and sober,
laughed over Aristophanes till he
was drunk again, but who spouted
Anacreon o ver his cups, and dreamed
of Greek roots in iambic trimeters.
But, barring the enthusiast and the
genius, the practical man, who
simply read hard to secure his
'fellowship, was in front of the
field. And he had his reward : for
while he sat in ease and comfort at
the high table of St Margaret's, the
senior wrangler was dying of con-
sumption ; and the constitution of
his other rival, originally as strong
as that of a hundred horses, had
begun to yield to the inevitable
Nemesis of drink, after its possessor
had come to grief with the authori-
162
Earl's Dene.— Part IV.
[Feb.
ties on account of some Greek
epigrams which had displayed a
great deal more wit and scholar-
ship than reverence or decency.
And now Mark Warden, to whom
Aristophanes was only so much
matter to be " read" — to use the
word in its undergraduate sense —
to whom the stars might have been
bits of tinfoil for anything he
cared, and who, for reasons that
Marie could have told, had no right
to sit at the high table at all, re-
turned to his father's house as it
were in a halo of triumph. When
he reached it, the street-door was
standing open, so that he had no
need to knock or ring in order to
pass through the entrance-hall into
a small parlour — how small it
seemed to him now ! — in which a
suggestion of wall-flowers unnatu-
rally strove with a decided perfume
of tobacco and hot spirits. It was
furnished in a more home-like style
than the room in Market Street,
and yet, somehow, it did not look
so much like home. The effect of
it upon Mark was even rather
chilling. His college rooms were
by no means extravagantly sump-
tuous or unnecessarily comfortable,
but they had the advantage of the
comparison ; and then it must be
remembered that he had been a
little put out of temper with him-
self and his belongings towards the
end of his journey. And then this
was no longer really his home. He
had risen above the family level,
and its ways were no longer his
ways, nor its thoughts his thoughts.
And then the old scene suggested
memories to him that three years
of work and absence had naturally
not a little clouded ; and although
they had been very bearable to him
while they did not affect his daily
life, they began to look formidable
now that he was in the very midst
of them again.
The parlour was empty of all
save the greasy leather chair, the
scratched and bruised mahogany
table, the worn - out carpet, the
dusty corner-cupboard, and all the
other articles of furniture that he
had once accepted as part of the
nature of things, but which no\v
looked to him so wretchedly mean
and shabby. He was about to pull
the bell-rope to announce his arri-
val, when a maid-servant, not over
neat or clean, considering the late-
ness of the hour, and who, to judge
from the redness of her bared
arms, in which she supported a
tray, might have been own sister
to her of Market Street, as indeed
very likely she was, put her head
in at the door, and then, overcome
by either fear or modesty at the
sight of a strange gentleman, gave
a scream and let the tray with its
contents — fortunately riot fragile —
clatter upon the floor.
" Is my father at home 1 " asked
Mark, a little crossly, for such a
welcome as this jarred upon his
nerves.
"Why, save us ! it's Master
Mark. Lord, sir, how you be
growed out of sight ! You give
one quite a turn."
" I was expected, was I not ?"
" Well, Master M , sir, I did
hear something. But master, he've
dined "
" Oh, I didn't mean that. Is he
in ? or my sister ?"
"Master's in the surg'ry. And
Miss Lorry — I'll go and fetch
her."
And this was the triumphant
return !
Presently, however, down ran
Miss Lorry — beaming, gushing,
rosy, and untidy. "Oh, Mark,"
she cried, throwing herself upon
him with a rush, " we'd quite
given you up ! How hungry you
must be ! " — was it his fancy only
that she said 'ungry ? — " But I'm
50 glad ! Did you come all the
way from Cambridge to - day 1 "-
This was not likely, seeing that the
journey was over two hundred
miles. — " Only think ! why, I
shouldn't have known you ! I am
so glad ! " And, to do her justice,
she looked as pleased as she said
she was.
1870.]
Earl's Dene.— Part IV.
163
" It is a long time, isn't it 1 and
my father?"
" Oh, lie's all right ; Jane is
gone to tell him. He'll be here
di rectly. Oh, I am so sorry ! We
had dinner at one. I wonder is
tt ere anything in the house ! Oh,
oi course — there's the mutton ; I
daresay it's got cold by now. Or
it might be warmed, mightn't it 1
Oh, here's papa. I thought he
wouldn't be long."
And so in came Mr Warden from
tbe surgery — tall, big, loose, florid,
load-mannered and loud-voiced as
ever, or rather more than ever,
bringing with him a jovial smile,
ard an atmosphere that showed
th at if Lorry had been answerable
for the scent of the wall-flowers, he
w.is responsible for the other part
of the odour of the room.
" Ah, Mark, my boy — delighted
to see you ! So here you are back
again with three hundred a-year all
of your own ! Who'd have thought
it '• Ah, college is a fine thing.
Fancy a boy of mine making money !
Hi, ha, ha!"
"I've had to work for it,
though."
" Well, well ; that's all the bet-
ter, isn't it 1 Everybody ought to
put his shoulder to the wheel —
tint's my maxim. But all work
and no play, you know. So now
you've come to idle a bit, hey ? "
" And how are things with you,
fa'.heH"'
" Oh, slack — slack. But we rub
on, Lorry and me. One might do
so nething, if it weren't for that
damned fool Jones. I was in con-
sultation with him to-day. He's
got in with madam, you know — and
much good he'll do her. Ton my
honour, I don't believe he knows
th'.) liver from the stomach; and
as for his diagnosis — pooh ! "
By this time the mutton made
its appearance upon the same un-
fortunate tray. It was both red
ani tepid ; but hunger, though
used to look for its satisfaction to
tht; high table of St Margaret's,
is still hunger, and Mark had not
grown too dainty to be superior to
the effects of a long day spent on
the roof of a coach. Besides, the air
of Denethorp is not much less ap-
petising than that of Cambridge
itself, which is notorious in that
respect. And so, though his eyes
revolted, he attacked the joint not
unwillingly.
" You mentioned Miss Clare," he
said, after a few minutes of silence,
during which Lorry sat staring at
him with all her eyes, and his
father ruminated over the sins of
Jones. " I travelled with her
nephew from Redchester."
" Ah, young Lester 1 Not a bad
fellow that. Set a collar-bone for
him once, out with the hounds,
when he wasn't that high. He's
tall enough now. Lucky dog he
is. By the way, there's to be a
"A fight?"
" Yes, for Johnstone's seat ; and
he'll be beat too. You're just in
time to see the fun."
"And who's going to stand,
then 1 " Politics had not been in
Mark's line, and so he only asked
the question for the sake of saying
something.
" Oh, a man named Prescot — an-
other lucky dog, and an out-and-
outer — reformer, you know, and
that. Speaks just like a what's-
his-name, and in with all the mill
people. He canvassed me the
other day. I'd half a mind to
promise for him, just to go against
that ass Jones."
" But you couldn't do that very
well."
" Couldn't I, though ? And I
would have too, only then there's
that other ass young Smith, who's
got hold of that lot. What they
can see in him Lord knows. Why,
he isn't as old as you are. Jones
don't know a liver from a stomach,
but Smith don't know man from
mutton. No, no. I must vote for
Church and King — Church and
King, you know — if it was only
to put down young Smith. * Con-
found their politics, frustrate their
164
EarVs Dene.— Part 1 V.
[Feb.
knavish tricks ! ' Now, Lorry, just
get out the tumblers, there's a
girl, and the brandy. I'm going to
have a pipe."
His son did not smoke, nor did
he drink spirits, whatever taste he,
as a college fellow, had managed to
acquire for the nobler port. So
he sat unoccupied while his father
filled the long clay pipe, of the
kind known to connoisseurs as a
" churchwarden," and mixed him-
self a pretty stiff tumbler.
"And now we're comfortable
and all at home again/' said the
latter. " Why, bless my soul,
Lorry, you haven't had that window
mended yet ! We don't want that
sort of draught — ha, ha, ha ! And
now, Mark, my boy, what's
next?"
"Next?"
" Yes — when you're going in to
be a bishop, you know 1 "
" I'm not at all sure I shall go
into the Church at all."
" What is it to be, then 1 "
" I think I shall go to London
and read for the bar. I've got my
fellowship to keep me meanwhile,
you know."
" Read for the bar ! Bless my
heart and soul!" Let it be re-
membered that to be a barrister
was in itself something of a dis-
tinction in those days, whatever it
may be in these.
" Why not 1 It seems my best
way of doing something in the
world."
" Well, you know best, no doubt
— you know best. Only be any-
thing but a doctor, that's all I
say."
"La, Mark," said Lorry; " what,
like the people when the judge
comes in at Redchester 1 And shall
you have to wear a wig 1 "
Any reply that her brother might
have been going to make to these
appreciative remarks was interrup-
ted by the arrival of one of the
friends of the house — a managing
clerk to one of the Denethorp
attorneys, who, like his master in
the old times, occasionally used to
drop in of an evening to smoke a
pipe with the Doctor. He was
rather a smart fellow in his way,
and was publicly supposed to have
half an eye upon Miss Lorry — per-
haps he would have bestowed the
other half also upon her had her
fortune been equal to her merit.
" Ah, Brown," said Mr Warden,
" sit down, my boy. Mr Brown —
my son from Cambridge." The
two bowed to each other — Mr
Brown genially, Mark stiffly. " And
how are things going, Brown 1"
continued the Doctor. " What's
the news 1 "
Mr Brown was certainly not
"good style," and Mark had of
late grown marvellously particular
about such things. Besides, he had
but just parted from Lester, whose
style was undeniable. And so he
did not go through his part of the
introduction with a very good
grace.
" Miss Warden," said the other,
" delighted to see you so blooming.
Sir, delighted to make your ac-
quaintance— proud indeed. John-
stone's retired."
"What?" said the Doctor;
" madam going to throw up the
sponge ] You astonish me !"
" Sounds queer, Doctor, don't
it 1 But you don't know elections
like I do. Between ourselves, you
know, it'll turn out a dodge."
" To put Prescot's people off the
scent ] "
" May be. But any way it'll be
a dodge. Catch madam asleep —
catch a weasel ! Not to speak of
White & Son. And I will say that
for them, that no one ever caught
the office napping yet. And there's
something up — that I know for
certain. You know young Les-
ter ] "
" Of course."
"Well, between ourselves, you
know, it's a fact he came down
by coach this very day. What do
you think of that ? Put two and
two together— eh 1 I heard it from
Sparks, who sat behind him all the
way from Piedchester."
1870.]
Earl1 a Dene.— Part IV.
165
" And what's he to do 1 "
" Why, stand ! that's what he's
to do. You take my word for itr
madam means fighting ; and I will
say that for her, that when she
means fighting she fights — and no
mistake. But won't the money
have to fly, that's all ! "
" I wish some of it would fly
my way," said the Doctor, medi-
tatively.
" It'll fly every way ! " said Mr
Brown, triumphantly. "Denethorp
hasn't had such a chance this many
a day ! "
CHAPTER VII.
It must have become pretty evi-
dent by this time that Mark War-
den was sailing under false colours
— that he had set out on the voyage
of life in rather buccaneer fashion.
Ho could not but own it, even to
hi.nself, distinctly and consciously.
And yet — what was he to do ?
Everything had somehow or other
seemed so plain and easy to him
while he was at Cambridge. There,
he had not been able, living as an
unmarried man with other unmar-
ried men, absorbed in the work of
tho place, with only himself to
think of, to feel that he was not
as others were. Marie had become
a sort of dream to him ; and so he
felt, whenever he thought about
tho matter at all, that he must
have become a sort of dream to
Marie. Had he been an idle man,
wish nothing to do but write love-
letters, things might have worn a
different aspect to him. But when
a strong man's heart is in his work,
and when that work is purely selfish,
he is seldom able to realise what
concerns others. But now, once
more in Denethorp, relieved from
the iron of hard work, and in the
midst of all the associations of three
years ago, the image of Marie took
a J'ar more substantial form, and
became anything but a dream. Once
more, what was he to do ?
He might resign his fellowship,
declare his marriage, and take a
curacy and pupils. " Of course,"
the reader will say ; " what else 1 "
Bufc then he would have thrown
away the hopes, the labour, the
success of years ; he would con-
demn himself to an obscure and
uncongenial life for the rest of his
days ; it would be far worse than
committing suicide. No — anything
but that, he thought. And let not
the reader be too sure, if he is not
guided by some nobler principle
than Mark Warden, that he, under
similar circumstances, would not
think in a similar way. And so,
before he slept, he entered into a
sort of compromise with himself.
The marriage had been secret for
three years — let it be secret for
four ; and then — who knows what
might happen 1 It is not only
weak - minded men who, when
pushed into a moral difficulty, cast
their burden upon the shoulders of
Fortune.
Nevertheless it was in a frame
of mind made up of doubt and*
of that sort of self -justification
which is the surest symptom of
unconscious shame that he, on
rising, faced the fresh, honest
breath of the morning, laden with
the old-fashioned fragrance of the
old-fashioned flowers of long ago.
From the window of his room he
saw his sister, with uncovered head,
sleeves tucked up, and shoes down
at heel, mysteriously engaged with
a clothes-line which extended from
one brick wall of the garden to the
other ; and the sight did not please
him, for it suggested to him the
vision of a future Mrs Brown.
Then he descended into the parlour,
still strongly flavoured with the
effects of last evening. It was by
no means early, but there were no
signs of breakfast ; indeed in that
house nothing seemed to be done
at any particular time or in any
166
Earl's Dene.— Part IV.
[Feb.
particular manner. Presently, how-
ever, his father came in ; and then,
somehow or other, breakfast and
Lorry made their appearance to-
gether.
"Well, Mark/' said the Doctor,
" what are you up to to-day ? I
wanted to have seen something of
you ; but there's always something
or another. I really must go and
see that child of Wilkins's. I ought
to have gone yesterday — only some-
thing put it out of my head ; and
— hang it ! my boots weren't cleaned
this morning. But never mind —
they'll do for once in a way. But
that reminds me — I promised to go
and see what's-his-name on Sunday.
Well, well, I daresay it was nothing
particular."
" Oh, never mind me. I shall
just stroll about somewhere."
Laura looked knowingly at her
brother ; for though not a confi-
dante of his great secret, she had
not been blind to his great flirta-
tion. " I think I can fancy where
you'll stroll to," she said.
" And, Lorry," continued the
Doctor, "if Summers calls about
that bill again, you know, tell him
I haven't forgotten it, or something
like that ; and if anybody else calls,
say I shall be sure to be in some
time or other. And you can have
that window mended — only don't
pay for it ; and have in another
bottle of brandy from the Chequers
— I've got an account against them
there of some sort or another, so
it'll be all right. And now I must
be off." And so he marched away
heavily, munching his last mouth-
ful of breakfast as he left the door.
Then Lorry in a few minutes was
carried off by the red-armed maid,
and Mark was left to follow his
own devices.
His sister had proved to be a
true prophetess. As, indeed, he
was only bound in duty to do, he
took himself slowly and uncomfort-
ably to Market Street. The dis-
tance was not far, but he was a long
time in traversing it ; for now that
his meeting with Marie was im-
minent and inevitable, his anxiety
about it, and about the nature of
the relation that must somehow or
other be established between him
and her, for the present almost
tempted him to fly from the situa-
tion altogether. He almost began
to doubt whether he, the precoci-
ously wise, had not been guilty of
a great piece of folly for once in his
life.
Chance also aided his feeble at-
tempts to procrastinate— attempts
of which, to do him justice, he was
half ashamed. It was by no means
a pleasant thing for him to feel that
he, Mark Warden, Wrangler, Fellow,
et ccetera, et ccetera, was afraid to
meet Marie, who was Marie and
nothing more. He would have
sufficiently despised any other man
who feared to meet a woman, and
that woman his own wife. But for
himself, he welcomed the chance
that aided him, nevertheless.
At a smart trot along the High
Street came a light trap, driven by
his travelling companion of yester-
day. Hugh Lester also saw War-
den and pulled up.
" You're the very man I want to
see, Warden ! " he said. " What
do you think ? I'm going to stand
for Denethorp."
" Indeed 1 But I heard something
about it last night. I wish you a
triumphant return, with all my
heart."
"Thanks, old fellow. But you
must do something more than that.
You've become a great man here,
you know."
" I am sure I did not know it."
" I don't know what people don't
think you've been doing. There
seems a sort of impression that
you've been made Archbishop of
Canterbury. I've been having a
little talk with White, you know.
I wish you'd come and see him, if
you wouldn't mind."
" But what could I do ? "
" Oh, lots of things. You see
this is how things are, or something
like it. You have heard, I suppose,
that they want to turn us out 1 "
1870.]
EarVs Dene.— Part 1 V.
167
" But they won't, of course."
" Not if we can help it. But
from what White says they seem
to have got all the brains on their
side and most of the money. Are
yoi a good hand at talking — at
spouting, I mean 1 "
'' I never made a speech in my
life;."
" Never mind that. The fact is,
White has been asking me about
you, and I told him you could do
everything. So just come and see
him, there's a good fellow. I shall
be tremendously obliged."
" I should be delighted to be of
any use, of course — if I thought I
could be of any."
'* Of course you can. You'll
come and see White, then 1 "
•'Now?"
" If you could. Can you ] "
Warden smiled to himself. This
wag indeed a triumph in its way.
So he was to be pitted against the
new-comer — to provide brains for
his party! It w&sfaute de mieux,
of course ; but a man, when he feels
really flattered, does not think of
that. He had had a welcome back
worth having, after all. " It is
always so," he thought to himself ;
" a man is always best appreciated
outside his own home."
But then Marie — he ought not
to be an hour longer in the place
without at least trying to see her.
'* I have a call to make," he said ;
"but that will keep, if you and
White really want me."
:t Jump up, then — I'll drive yon,
and we can talk as we go along.
By the way, I have to go a little out
of my way first — you won't mind ?
I have to pick up a young lady who
is staying with us, and who came
in to make a visit, and whom I'm
to drive back to Earl's Dene. You
know something of her, perhaps 1
— Miss Raymond of New Court,
you know."
•' Indeed 1 My father used to
know Mrs Raymond."
'* No doubt ; she's a capital girl.
I mean her to canvass for me furi-
ously; and as you're to do the
same, I must introduce you. I wish
I had an elder brother, Warden —
catching votes won't be such good
fun as catching trout, I fancy.
However, I'm in for it now — so
Lester for ever ! " he said, with a
laugh, and a touch to the horses that
made them start off sharply. " I
shall be as excited about it as my
good aunt herself before it's all
over. Gently, Bay — that child may
be a voter's — so there's my first
piece of bribery," he said, as he
threw a coin to a small child that
had apparently taken care to wait
before crossing the street until its
passage lay directly under the
horses' heels. " And now, here
we are."
They had turned into Market
Street, and, to Mark's surprise, had
stopped at the very bootmaker's
shop to which he himself had been
bound when he was overtaken by
Lester. Surely it was not likely
that Miss Raymond of New Court
should buy her shoes in Denethorp,
much less in Market Street. He
devoutly hoped that none of the
Lefort family might be looking out
of the window, for he naturally
wished to make his own visit in his
own way.
Lester sent his groom with a
message for Miss Raymond that he
was at the door; and presently
down came Ernest to say that she
would be ready immediately.
Now Ernest was rather a sharp
child, and something of a. terrible
one also, as sharp boys of his age
are apt to be ; nor had Cambridge
turned Mark quite so much into a
silk purse as to have rendered him
unrecognisable. And so the mes-
senger, without having delivered
his message, and without any awe
of Hugh, made a charge at the side
of the trap at which his old acquaint-
ance was sitting.
" Why, Ernest ! " said the latter,
with forced geniality, "where do
you drop from 1 and how are they
all 1 "
" Oh, all right. Oh, I was to say
the lady will be down directly."
168
EarVs Dene.— Part 1 V.
[Feb.
" And who are you, my man 1 "
asked Lester.
" Oh, I'm Ernest."
" And who's Ernest 1 "
" Don't you know ? Ernest
Lefort."
" You know the Leforts, War-
den * "
** Yes — that is — oh yes, I know
them. Wait a minute, Ernest. I'll
just run up for a second, Lester, if
you don't mind."
" All right. By the way, would
they mind my going up too1? It
would be rather a joke — I'll tell
you why afterwards. I know one
of them myself."
Now it would be doing Mark
Warden supreme injustice to sup-
pose for a moment that he was in the
least really ashamed of his humble
friends in the presence of his grand
acquaintance. His real desire to
make his visit alone was of course
founded on other reasons. But
still to guide the heir of Earl's
Dene to the bootmaker's second
floor was rather a downfall, after
having been paraded in the streets
of Denethorp as his familiar com-
panion, and he felt it a little.
Monsieur Lefort had gone out to
give his lessons, so that when the
two entered, preceded by Ernest,
they found only the three girls and
Fleurette, who was amusing herself
upon Miss Raymond's knee.
The circumstances were not fa-
vourable to a lover-like meeting
between the husband and wife ;
and now that matters had so turned
out, Mark was not altogether sorry
that he and Marie were forced to
meet as though they had been no-
thing more to each other than old
acquaintance. But he read in her
eyes, and in the warm rush of light
and colour to her face when she
saw him, that she, however much
she had changed — and changed for
the better — in person during these
three years, was unchanged as far
as he was concerned ; that her heart
was still as much his as if the three
years had been but three hours.
And for this too, so mingled were
his feelings, he could not find it in
his own heart to be sorry. Who
can be really disappointed or dis-
pleased at finding that a woman
has remained more true to him
than he has remained to her 1 For
an instant she was once more to
him the Marie of old times, and he
fully answered the speech of her
eyes with his own.
On their entrance Miss Raymond
rose and put down Fleurette. The
business of introduction seemed
likely to be complicated, for there
was no one in the room who was
acquainted with everybody in it,
and, except Hugh, everybody was
surprised to see everybody else.
" Miss Lefort," said Hugh, to cut
the matter short, " I am exceed-
ingly sorry to break up so pleasant
a party ; but as my friend Warden
would have done so in any case, I
yielded to the temptation. Miss
Raymond, this is Mr Warden of
St Margaret's, who is going to help
us in our battles."
She looked at Warden with her
honest eyes, and made him a cold
and formal curtsy, which, had he
observed it, and had he been given
to speculate about such things,
would have puzzled Hugh con-
siderably. Then, turning to Marie,
and seeing her embarrassment at
the unexpected visit, —
" Now, Miss Lefort, I really must
go. Angelique, this is Mr Lester,
Miss Clare's nephew."
Now Angelique, in spite of Miss
Raymond's kindness to her, always
made a point of remembering and
keeping what she considered her
place as a dependant ; and so for
these few minutes she had retired
into the background. Now, how-
ever, she emerged from her dark
corner, and Lester saw her — sud-
denly.
The ascent into that poor and
shabby lodging had been worth
making, with a vengeance ! Hugh
felt as a traveller in the desert
would feel who should all of a sud-
den light upon a rose-bush in full
blossom springing from the dry
1870.]
Earl's Dene.— Part IV.
1G9
stones. By the side of Alice Ray-
mond she was like a southern night
beside a pale northern morning;
by that of Marie, like the full moon
with its faint attendant star. He
was certainly no poet, nor did con-
scious images enter his mind ; but
somehow the chairs and sofas did
idealise themselves almost as ab-
surdly as if he too had thought of
Arabia Petrsea in connection with
them. Not that the comparison is
so very absurd either, for they were
certainly hard enough.
Angelique must have been ex-
ceedingly stupid indeed if she
had been blind to the effect that
she produced upon the prince of her
cousin's fairy tale, and miraculously
freo from vanity had she not been
gratified by it. Truly if it is the
early bird that picks up the worm,
it is not necessarily for its own
eating.
No one else, however, noticed
anything. Miss Raymond was busy
with her shawl, Marie with Miss
Raymond, and Mark, as usual, with
himself — perhaps also a little with
Marie. Still Hugh fancied, after
a moment, that he must have be-
trayed himself, although, in fact, he
only appeared to be a little awk-
ward, as men for the most part are
under any circumstances when they
have just undergone the misery of
a sudden introduction.
Lester. — "Are you living in —
in Denethorp, Miss Lef Made-
moiselle?" ("Damn it! what an
ass she must think me ! ")
Angelique, not showing that she
thought so at all events, and in her
sweetest voice. — " I am only on a
visit. Miss Raymond was kind
enough to let me come here while
she is at Earl's Dene. This is my
home, however — at least when I
am not with her."
fester. — " Oh yes — I forgot ;
Miss Lef ort is your sister 1 "
Angelique. — " My cousin."
Lester. — " I suppose you heard
of our interview this morning ] "
Angelique. — " Oh, she gave us
quite a grand account of it.;'
Lester, recovering himself a little.
— " And abused me, no doubt 1 "
Angelique. — " On the contrary, I
can assure you/'
Marie. — " Oh, Mr Lester, what
must you think of me ? I have not
thanked you and Miss Clare "
Lester. — " You will do so by com-
ing. And " (to Angelique, or, more
accurately, at her) " you also — if —
that is "
Angelique. — "I am no artist, I
am ashamed to say."
Miss Raymond. — " Don't believe
her, Hugh. She does everything."
Angelique, to herself. — " I won-
der why she calls him Hugh 1 But
I should have known if there was
anything." Aloud—" Badly,*Miss
Raymond was going to add."
Miss Raymond. — " Indeed I was
not, though. If Mr Lester were
not in a hurry to get away, I would
punish you by condemning you to
the harpsichord on the spot."
A ngelique. — " Oh, pray, Miss Ray-
mond "
Lester, forgetting all about War-
den, White, and everything that
he ought to have remembered. —
" Would you ? Might I ask ? "
Angelique, throwing him a look
of private and special complaisance.
— " I would much rather you would
excuse me, indeed. I am really
not "
Lester. — " But I am sure that —
will you try 1 "
Angelique, with a look of the
same kind as before, but tempered
by a half-smile. — " But perhaps you
do not care about music ? "
Lester. — " But I do indeed.
There is nothing that I care for so
much."
' Miss Raymond, opening the harp-
sichord.— -" Oh, Hugh, that's just
what you said last night about
hunting ! There, Angelique — you
see you will have to do it."
Angelique. — " I wish you had
not raised Mr Lester's expectations.
However, I will do what I can to
dissipate them. Ah, you have no
doubt heard Miss Raymond her-
self?"
170
Earl's Dene.— Part IV.
[Feb.
Miss Raymond, laughing. — "If
lie had, do you think I should give
him the chance of hearing you 1
I am not quite so careless of my
reputation/'
And so Angelique, having dis-
played the proper amount of un-
willingness, sat down and sang.
What she chose to sing is of no
consequence, nor how she sang it.
Lester knew nothing about music.
Englishmen in those days knew as
little about it as they do now, and
cared about it even less. But
nevertheless he was soon lost in
a heaven in which he forgot every
man in the world and every woman
but one — in which he became so
lost indeed as to forget even his
horses, which were impatiently paw-
ing the stones before the door.
CHAPTER VIII.
At last, however, when the one
song had grown into many, the
visit came to an end. Lester had,
when in his ignorance of what was
to come and on the spur of the
moment he proposed to amuse
himself by following up his adven-
ture of the morning, intended that
it should last about two minutes ;
and to him, indeed, it seemed to
have lasted not a second longer.
In truth, however, the church clock,
unheard by him, had twice chimed
the hour. Miss Raymond had been
in no hurry to run away, for she
enjoyed the slightly Bohemian
character of the whole thing, and
was easily amused ; and Mark,
though he was not enjoying him-
self at all, could not under the cir-
cumstances betray his desire to cut
the visit short.
When the three visitors departed,
Lester carrying away with him a
look, sharp as a sword but soft as
velvet, thrown to him from the
dark eyes of Angelique, which had
the effect of rilling his whole heart
and of raising his spirits to a de-
lightful point of mild fever, then
said that young lady herself to her
cousin, —
" Eli bien, ckere enfant ! I con-
gratulate you on that worm of
yours ! "
" What— Mr Lester ? "
" Who but Mr Lester, of course ?
He is really a very good-looking
boy. And so that is the heir of
Earl's Dene 1 "
"I really do not know. He is
Miss Clare's nephew. Yes, I sup-
pose he is."
" And has she any other nephews,
or any people of that sort 1 "
"I believe not."
" And what do you think of my
Miss Alice?"
" Of Miss Raymond 1 Oh, she is
quite charming, and so kind ! "
" Yes, she is, no doubt. Suppose
there should be a match between
them 1 "
" I am sure they would suit each
other admirably."
" My dear Marie, what a child
you are ! "
"Why?"
"Why? because you are. And
now, what has your old friend
Mark Warden had to say for him-
self 1 Why, how you colour ! "
" Do I ? I'm sure I didn't know
it. I am very glad he is back
again."
" He has certainly improved —
he looks like a man ; much more
of a man than young Lester. He
was a very disagreeable boy,
though."
" Angelique ! "
"Now, dearest, please don't
scold me, or look at me through
your eyebrows like that. I have
no doubt he is perfection now. Do
you know, I feel quite in high
spirits. Do you think of going to
Earl's Dene to-morrow morning ] "
" To - morrow ? I don't know.
Perhaps one had better not to-
morrow. I wish Mr Lester had
not made such a point of my going."
1870.]
Ear? s Dene.— Part IV.
171
" Ob, Marie, what an old prude
you are ! "
" I think it might be better not,
perhaps. It was altogether rather
a fuss about nothing."
"Very likely, dear. But then
one thing comes of another ; and
nothing doesn't come from nothing
always. Now I am sure we have
had a very pleasant morning party,
and that would never have been
but for your going to the park.
And then it would seem so un-
grateful of you not to go now."
" I hope not. I can't help think-
ing that the whole thing has
gone far enough. As you say, we
have had a very pleasant morning
party "
" Well 1 "
"And let that be the end of it."
" Why, do you take Mr Lester
for a wolf, and us for two innocent
lambs 1 I am not a lamb, I assure
you, and don't mean to be ; and he
seems to me to be very harmless.
And Miss Raymond here too ! "
" I daresay you are right. But
still Come, now we are alone,
tell me something about your let-
ter from Felix."
" There — you may read it if you
like."
"What— all]"
"Why not] There are no se-
crets." '
And so Marie took the letter,
and read as follows, while Ange-
li^ue returned to her favourite
window, and amused herself with
the first two cantos of ' Don Juan,'
which she had brought down with
her :—
LONDON, th.
" DEAREST, — I am in England —
in your land ! In mine too, for
since you left Paris, France has
been my land of exile — England
my true home. Are you surprised ]
Bat you cannot be surprised that
my body should have followed my
soul. Do not be surprised if it
follows you more closely still, for
your absence has cheated me of the
reward of seeing you. Shall you
VOL. CVIT. — NO. DCL1I.
be long gone ] When shall you be
back ] If Paris became a desert
to me when you left it, what must
this London be ] I am angry with
the sun for shining where my own
sun is not ; I can only hope that
it is the herald of your return. Is
it so]
" The first thing I did on arriv-
ing, before doing or thinking about
anything, was to call in the Square
of Portman. What a gloomy house !
That also seemed to feel its desola-
tion. There, after much difficulty
— for the words * I love you ' help
me not much, and of your tongue
I know no more — I learned where
you now are, and that you are so
many leagues away. Then I carried
a letter of introduction to a friend
of M. Prosper, who, as you know,
has friends everywhere. I found
him at the theatre, where he is
director of the music. He received
me well, and thinks I did not
wrong to come here as an artist.
There is room enough for foreign
musicians, he tells me, since the
peace, and he will be able to get
me an engagement either at his own
house or at some other before my
purse is empty. You will say, per-
haps, this does not sound very
grand. But what would you ]
Rome was not built in a day, and
I am not afraid were London ten
times as large. Do I not love
you] and is not that enough to
become great — is it not more than
enough ]
" I have so much to say to yon,
or rather I want to hear you say
so much to me ! For indeed I have
but little to say but that I love
you more than ever, were that pos-
sible ; but love makes me afraid,
makes me doubt, though I know
your truth so well : I want to hear
once more from your own lips that
you have not changed since the
time when Paris was not a desert
to me."
" Am I to go on ]" asked Marie.
" If you are not ennuyee" an-
swered her cousin, calmly.
" I tremble so much when T think
X
172
EarVs Dene.— Part 1 F.
[Feb.
-what kind of life is yours — not
solitary like mine. If I knew not
your soul so well I should often
despair, even now, when I think
how much you are above me. For
that alone I will become great, and
that soon. And music to me is so
entirely filled with you that how
can I help being inspired ?
" Of course as yet I know no one
here, nor do I care to know any-
body or see anybody but one, and
she is invisible. Pray send me a
line to say when I may hope for
my winter to be over, and for my
summer to come. If it is long
first — but do not let it be long !
" Longing for you, for anything
from you, dearest Angelique, your
wholly devoted FELIX."
" Is it not nonsense ? " asked
Angelique, as she took back the
letter.
But Marie did not think it non-
sense by any means, and she an-
swered by an embrace.
" Poor fellow ! " Angelique con-
tinued. " Yes, he is very good,
but then he sometimes is very tire-
some."
Marie stared.
It did not, however, strike An-
ge"lique herself that she had said
anything very surprising, so she
did not observe the effect of her
speech. " You see," she went on,
"he is very amiable and very
clever, at least as a musician, and
I like him very much — better than
any one I know, except you — and
when I come out he would do ad-
mirably for a husband, if I am to
fall into that line ; and he is quite
good-looking enough, and he is a
gentleman, although he is only a
fiddler "
" Angelique ! " This seemed to
be Marie's limit of reproach.
" Marie ! " replied Angelique,
imitating her tone. " You don't
expect me to find perfection, do
you? And, after all, if it comes
to that, I don't consider myself
hopelessly engaged."
" Not engaged ? "
" Of course we are, after a fash-
ion. But then there are so many
ways "
" My dear Angelique ! "
" Oh, you need not be afraid ; I
do not mean to break his heart. I
shall marry him, no doubt, if he
ever makes enough to keep us both
from starving. You would not
have me be a clog upon him, would
you ? And if it is not to be, why,
it won't be, that's all."
It will be gathered from this con-
versation that Angelique was the
elder of the two, not only in years,
but in some other things besides.
But then she had seen a great deal
more of the world.
/' Oh, Marie," she said, " I do
wish I were a man ! "
" Why ? "
" Because I could marry you."
But Marie did not smile. She
said, crossly for her, though not for
any one else, " I know you do not
mean a single word you have been
saying."
" Of course not — who ever does?
But I really should like to have
you for my wife, Marie. But men
are such simpletons. Come- — don't
let us quarrel any more. I feel in-
clined for a walk."
And so for a walk they prepared
themselves — Ange"lique in the very
best of spirits, Marie rather sadly.
At all events her cousin had puzzled
her considerably.
Nor is it certain that such sad-
ness as she felt arose wholly from
what seemed to her her cousin's
unnatural way of speaking of her
lover. That, she simply did not
understand ; and although it jarred
upon her, she never dreamed that
somehow it was not all right in
reality. It was that, without know-
ing it, she had been disappointed
in Mark Warden — if, indeed, " dis-
appointed " is not too strong a
word.
Not that she realised any such
feeling. On the contrary, she was
proud of his success, proud of his
apparent friendship with Lester ;
for the people of Earl's Dene were
1870.]
EarVs Dene.— Part IV.
173
the aristocracy, almost the royalty,
of her limited world, and, paradox-
ical as it may sound, it is just those
who know least of the world who
are most impressed by rank and
wealth. She was proud, also, of
his improved appearance and bear-
ing, and she was proud that her
old belief in him had been justified.
But behind all this not unreason-
able pride there lurked a feeling of
the existence of a want or loss of
sympathy — that most intangible
ard indescribable of feelings which
is always most strong when it is
most intangible and indescribable.
It was not that he had seemed cold
ard undemonstrative. He was
cold and undemonstrative by na-
ture, and perhaps in this lay no small
part of his influence over her ; for
reserve, inasmuch as it implies
strength, is the great secret by
wliich anything like real influence
over a woman is both gained and
secured. Besides, there had as yet
been no opportunity for any dis-
play of warmth, seeing that the
two had met not only before others,
but before strangers. But still she
had found his manner towards her
not such as it might have been in
the presence of a hundred strangers,
although she could not have speci-
fied a single instance in which he
could have spoken or acted differ-
ently. The fact is, that he could
not under any circumstances have
spoken or acted differently; and
had he been in reality altogether
unchanged, no want or loss would
have suggested itself. But as the
want did exist, it would have equal-
ly made itself felt in any case.
It is really impossible to put in
words, which are always, even at
best, terribly gross and hard, the
faint suggestion of another uncon-
scious feeling that found its way
into the heart of Marie ; for while
words are strong in proportion to
their direct strength and plainness,
feelings are strong in proportion to
their obscurity. To attempt to ex-
press their shadowy nuances, even
in poetry, is to risk trespassing on
the province of another art; for
though Art, in a very high sense, is
doubtless one and indivisible, still,
practically, its branches have very
fixed and definite limits, which
ought to be, and indeed to some
extent must be, observed. Now,
unfortunately, that form of art
which works with words, while it
is not less noble than other forms,
and while it can, in many respects,
soar far higher than the others, is
in this respect the most limited of
all. It cannot affect the heart but
through the logic of the mind — a
terrible drawback when it is neces-
sary that the heart should speak to
the heart without the intervention
of any logical process or logical
symbols. Musicians and painters
are far better off in this matter ;
they may reach the soul through
the senses alone. The eye and the
ear have no need of reason in order
to understand; they need but to see
and hear. But what can a word
do, after all, with its fixed and in-
flexible definiteness, speaking to no
sense, and only suggesting in the
first instance a cold, gross sort of
accuracy, which is absolutely hostile
to the expression of emotion 1
The application of all this is,
that were one to say that tfe per-
usal of her cousin's letter produced
a sensation of jealousy in the heart
of Marie, a word would be employ-
ed that would be as inappropriate
as possible ; and yet, at the same
time, any other known word would
be more inappropriate still. Jeal-
ousy is a feeling of which, accurate-
ly speaking, she was utterly incap-
able ; and had she been capable of
It, it would never have been where
Ang61ique, her heroine of heroines,
was concerned. But is it just pos-
sible to conceive of a sort of jeal-
ousy— there is no help for it, the
word must be used — which conveys
no suggestion or taint of anything
hateful or degrading, even although
its cause is fanciful and even ab-
surd 1, In the infinite series of
emotions there must be some such
feeling, though the note that repre-
174
EarVs Dene.— Part IV.
[Feb.
sents it may have no place in any
recognised scale. Indeed some
such thing must exist, for Marie
experienced it. The letter had sup-
plied her with a material founda-
tion upon which to fix her floating
half-thoughts about her husband.
She was able to make an uncon-
scious contrast. And yet, some-
how or other, he gained something
by the contrast too. And so, for
the first time in her life, her heart
was really troubled, and she did
net know why.
But it was, in truth, all plain
enough. She, like her husband,
had not exactly been standing still
all these years.
CHAPTER IX.
But Angelique, though excited,
was certainly not troubled in any
disagreeable sense. Not that her
thoughts and dreams were always
of the most agreeable kind; for,
thanks to her friends the Ray-
monds, she had seen something of
the world, and was very naturally
dissatisfied with her position in it.
She could not avoid holding the
doctrine that things in general were
not quite as they ought to be. No
one likes to own that he or she does
not belong, by right of nature, to
an aristocracy of some kind or other,
and every one believes that his or
her own kind is the best and truest.
Miss Clare would not have agreed
with her ; but there is something,
at least, to be said in favour of the
idea favoured by Mademoiselle
Angelique, that beauty and talent
are not in their right places when
they serve only to attract penniless
fiddlers, and to waste themselves
upon one who, being, socially speak-
ing, nobody, was unable to outshine
by their means the plainest and
stupidest of the class to which Miss
Clare and Miss Raymond belonged.
She could not admire a condition
of things in which the maid had
to outshine the mistress in vain; in
which the New Courts and other
good things of life belonged to the
less clever ; and in which Fortune,
unlike the shepherd of Ida, threw
the golden fruit to the less beau-
tiful.
She was quite sufficiently quick
to judge of the motives of the
people about her; and she did
not suppose that Miss Raymond
had been invited to be a guest
at Earl's Dene for nothing. In-
deed, had she herself not been
given to draw conclusions from
what she saw, the never-ceasing
gossip of the town, always busy
with the affairs of everybody, would
have drawn them for her. Miss
Clare had not entertained a visitor,
save on matters of business, for
years ; and now, just when her
heir had come of age, and was at
home, she was entertaining one
who was young, beautiful, and rich.
Within the last few hours Earl's
Dene and New Court had been
married many times over by many
tongues. A great many things
passed through tbe brain of Angel-
ique while Hugh Lester was stand-
ing over her at the harpsichord,
and set her wits wandering in the
country of infinite possibilities — a
process with which coquetry had
in reality but very little to do.
Marie would have stared, indeed,
had she been able to read the last
thought that passed through her
cousin's mind before she fell asleep,
for it was nothing short of this : —
"And suppose .... and sup-
pose that I were Mrs Lester of
Earl's Dene .... Lady Lester of
Earl's Dene .... Angelique,
Countess of Denethorp . . . ."
And where she would have ar-
rived in her dreams heaven knows,
were it not that waking thoughts
and dreams seldom have much in
common. Perhaps she experienced
in them the fate of Alnaschar; per-
haps they were with Fe"lix.
But enough for the present of
1870.]
Earl's Dene.— Part IV.
175
girls and their dreams and fancies.
The war between Whigs and Tories,
between Earl's Dene and the cloth-
mills, had begun. Before, however,
entering upon a subject of such im-
portance, yet one word more must
bo bestowed upon Angelique, for
her letter from Felix required an
answer. In the following copy of
it, the words placed in brackets
appeared only in the rough draft,
and were in her fair copy altered
to those that immediately follow
them. It will be seen that there
are not many such alterations ; for
she was an excellent secretary, as
well for herself as for Miss Bay-
IE ond : —
< ' 23 MARKET STREET,
DENETHORP, — th.
" MY DEAE FELIX, — I own I was
surprised to learn from your letter
that you were [so near me] in Lon-
don. Is it quite prudent of you to
have taken such a sudden step 1
But I suppose you considered it
well, and acted under good advice.
It would be most painful to me to
think you had acted [thus on my
account] otherwise. Did you con-
sult M. Prosper first ? If you did,
you have not told me what he said.
I am very much afraid [as you say
it will be a disappointment to you]
that I shall not be able to return
to town immediately, or even soon.
Miss Raymond has not yet said any-
thing about coming back, and of
course my movements depend en-
ti rely upon hers. She has been good
enough to do without me while she
is here, and I am staying with my
uncle and cousins [and am enjoying
my visit to them very much]. Of
course I shall be glad to see you.
But do riot think of coming to
see me here ; it would never do.
This I mean really. You must stay
in London and work for your own
sake, and show a little patience for
mine. I should be very [angry]
vexed, indeed, if you were to come
here ; and so you will not, I am
sure. Indeed I do not see how you
could, as you are looking for an en-
gagement ; and you ought to get
one as soon as you can, and not
lose your chances for a mere caprice.
If you have made a useful friend
in this person to whom M. Prosper
has introduced you, you must not
lose him, if you really mean to be
as successful as I am sure you may
be if you like. — With all best wish-
es, believe me your affectionate
friend, ANGELIQUE LEFORT."
Never was colder letter kissed.
But then wisdom always seems
cold, and Angelique was rapidly
growing wise. It is one thing for
a young girl, with her character
scarcely formed, to indulge her
first fancies by falling in love, or
by imagining that she falls in love,
with a kind of romance hero, espe-
cially if she had been touched by
the mania JByronica ; but it is a
very different thing for the same
girl, when months of youth, which
correspond to years of later life,
have defined her feelings and made
her capable of forming something
like a real purpose, to keep faithful
to mere romance. It is not at all
wonderful that, in the day of the
Medoras, the Gulnares, and their
tribe, a very little mystery should
have been able to go a long way in
attracting her fancy. Even now,
when Laras and Conrads are gone
out of fashion, mystery is noto-
riously by no means a bad line for
a man to take if he wishes to be
thought of with interest by a very
young girl whose dreaming days
are not yet over. When, therefore,
Mademoiselle Ange"lique was really
young, the young artist, who chose
to wear his hair long, who talked
In the language of romance, and
yet of sincerity, about love, art, and
so forth ; who came from a land of
hills and forests, and who, for any-
thing that he knew about his birth
and parentage, might have been
the heir of the Bourbons them-
selves ; who preferred, as a matter
of taste, to make love to her
secretly, and who shared in that
absurd but not unamiable kind of
176
Earl's Dene.— Part IV.
[Feb.
hypocrisy which leads very young
men to like to make themselves
out to be very much worse morally
than they really are, — had quite
enough points in his favour to
touch her fancy if not her heart.
She would have preferred, no
doubt, that they had been respec-
tively sultana and pirate, instead of
only being dame de compagnie and
fiddler ; but still imagination will
do a great deal in such cases — a
great deal more than change a
fiddler into a pirate and a dame de
compagnie into a sultana of sul-
tanas. The unromantic Marie
would have been safe, in all proba-
bility, from the influence of a real
and genuine Lara; but the vio-
linist was unconventional enough
in his ways, singular enough in his
appearance, and mysterious enough
in his origin, to pass in her cousin's
eyes for a sufficiently good imita-
tion of the real thing — as a peg on
which she might hang up her fan-
cies to dry. For she had thought
a great deal about love in those
days— as much as she was getting
to think about marriage now.
There are one or two proverbs
that contain more truth than false-
hood ; and one of them, unhappily,
is, that familiarity breeds contempt.
Though mystery is a good key, it
is a very bad lock; it does very
well to open the door of a heart,
but it is by no means well adapted
to keep it safe and secure. This
must be done by sheer strength ;
and of sheer strength, overmuch
talk about love and art, and the
youthful affectations of long locks
and mild wickedness, are in nowise
symptoms — at least not of the sort
of strength that is required to hold
for ever a woman who had opened
her eyes to the fact that the good
things of the real world are by no
means to be despised.
But, once more, it is the eve of
battle ; and yet do we linger in
ladies' bowers 1 Nay, rather
" Sound, sound the clarion, fill the fife ;"
and in fact the clarion — from Red-
chester, at eighteenpence a-day and
as much beer as he can swallow —
is sounding to the fray; nor are
local drums and fifes wanting to
beat and whistle with a heroic dis-
regard of light and shade, of time
and tune. Words, as hard as bul-
lets, and almost as telling, are
hurled about the place incessantly,
and every now and then missiles
that are harder still ; standards are
displayed, union-jack against union-
jack, and motto against motto;
rosettes begin to enliven frieze and
broadcloth, on this side with hue
of heaven— on that, with the colour
of flowery fields: and the armies
rush together in a shower of gold
and silver, as though Denethorp
were Danae, wooed by rival Joves.
In a word, it is a contested election
of the good old days, when men
hit at least as hard as they do now,
and far more openly.
He who has seen, he who has
heard, may picture to himself the
outward phenomena of the long
exciting weeks that preceded the
nomination of a burgess to repre-
sent in Parliament the borough of
Denethorp. Mr Prescot came down
from London, open-handed, to
represent the cause for which,
according to the orators who held
forth at the Chequers, " Hampden
died on the field and Sydney on
the scaffold." He made an admir-
able candidate — far better, it must
be confessed, than Hugh. He was,
though not an old man, an old hand
at such things ; and if he was not
actually much more wealthy than
Madam Clare, and if he did not
spend more freely — that was impos-
sible— his resources were much
more readily available, and he spent
with greater ostentation and eclat.
He, moreover, had no local prestige
to lose. If he won, it did not mat-
ter how he won ; and if he lost,
he lost no more than that one par-
ticular contest. And then he was
the popular candidate, and had the
noise on his side — and that, in an
old-fashioned contest, was always
a great point in a man's favour.
1870.]
Earl's Dene.— Part IV.
177
In a state of things in which the
sanest of men becomes part of an
insane crowd, noise creates sym-
pathy. The ordinary man always
likes to add his voice to the loudest
chorus ; and so " Prescot for ever ! "
was shouted forth much more often
and much more loudly than the
^similar cry that was given for
Lester. But, above all, while the
latter was an untried boy, the
banker from London was a man
of mark and weight, with whose
name newspaper politicians were
familiar; and while Lester spoke
only like a gentleman, and that
badly, he spoke like an orator — like
a mob-orator it may be, but still
]ike an orator. Altogether he was
the very type of a popular candi-
date ; and his party in Deriethorp
could not have brought down a
better man.
Still Hugh had his advantages.
A feeling of duty is in itself a
Bource of strength, even in an elec-
tion; and he honestly believed
himself to be the champion of the
light. Besides, he was, after all,
fighting a stranger upon his own
ground — always an immense ad-
vantage in every sort of war ; for
in this respect the truest of pro-
verbs shows its weak side, and
i'amiliarity breeds not contempt
but confidence. He was popular
also, and his manner of canvass
was such as to draw upon him no
personal ill-will, even from his
opponents. That was all reserved
ior Madam Clare, who drew upon
herself a great deal of it, and not
without real cause. She made no
pretence of concealing her cards,
and victory would be of little worth
to her unless it was carried by a
high hand.
She was, however, wise enough
not to trust entirely to herself and
her prestige. It was not without
good reason that she placed great
reliance upon Mr George White,
her Denethorp solicitor, who,
though unused to election contests,
was not unequal to them, as Mr
l^rescot's more practised agent very
soon discovered. And in no way
did Miss Clare's lieutenant-general
prove his wisdom and discretion
better than in first getting hold of
Mark Warden, and in afterwards
gradually promoting him to be his
own first lieutenant. Mr White
was not a man of many words, but
this is the opinion of Mark that he,
after a week or two of work, ex-
pressed to Mr Brown : —
"If we were fighting for that
fellow Warden instead of young
Lester, by the Lord ! I'd just go to
bed at once, and order myself not
to be called till after the poll."
The practical man, young as he
was, and new to the work, found
his labour congenial — far more con-
genial than he had found Sophocles
and Newton. He was the only
man on the blue side who could
fight the invader with his own
peculiar weapons on equal terms.
He canvassed indefatigably, and
not in too scrupulous a manner :
he spoke often and well ; and
though, as an orator, he was rather
apt to talk over the heads of his
audience, he thereby gained no
little reputation for himself. A
mob is always rather flattered by
having addressed to it what it does
not quite understand. And then,
too, he had the advantage over
Prescot of being well up in all
local allusions ; and he had the
prestige of having not only been
born and bred in the place, but
of having become an honour to it
besides — a prestige that he and
White worked to the uttermost.
Perhaps, after all, the cry of " Les-
ter for ever ! " was only less loud
because for the name of " Lester "
'was so often substituted that of
" Warden."
Madam Clare was not slow to
see how things were going, and she
became not a little jealous. But
she made him a welcome visitor at
Earl's Dene whenever he had occa-
sion to call there, and treated him
as his merits and services deserved.
Miss Raymond too, who had
caught the election fever in its
178
Earl's Dene.— PartlV.
[Feb.
most intense form — so much so as
to become sometimes quite angry
with her candidate for not coming
out so strongly as he ought — came
to treat Warden as the hero of the
hour ; indeed she heard his praises
sung by all around her so often
and so loudly that, being a very
different sort of young lady from
what Miss Clare had been, she
quite got rid of the impression that
he had somehow made upon her
at their first meeting. It was true
that he could not ride across
country ; but then he could talk :
and even with more enthusiastic
amazons than Alice Raymond the
tongue of silver outweighs the best
hand that ever lay on bridle, when
its owner knows how to use it dis-
creetly. As for Marie, she grew
ten times more proud of him than
ever, and took such warm though
ignorant interest in all he did, that
he would have been more than man
had he not felt the old chain renew
itself in spite of everything.
And then, too, in those exciting,
harassing weeks he needed rest
sometimes, more especially as the
life he was now leading was not
well calculated to restore his nerv-
ous tone. And where should he
find rest 1 At home 1 His father
now talked nothing but politics,
and Mr Brown, of whom he had to
see quite enough during the day,
had now become a more frequent
evening visitor than ever. At
Earl's Dene? Nothing but poli-
tics there also ; and besides, when
he went there he had to exert him-
self, and to sustain his reputation.
Where, in fact, should he find rest
but where he ought to find it — that
is to say, with Marie 1
Nor was he the only visitor at
Monsieur Lefort's. He generally
confined himself to calling there
in the evening ; but when he did
chance to go there in the daytime,
he more than once found Hugh
Lester neglecting his interests for
a while to hear Mademoiselle Ange-
lique sing.
This sounds but a slight matter,
nor did any one concerned see any
harm in it. To Marie it would
have seemed the most natural thing
possible had all the county crowded
into the little room to hear the
music that she held to be the most
beautiful in the world ; and, girl
as she was, she was not one of
those who cannot see two people
together without at once leaping
to extreme conclusions. Monsieur
Lefort did not trouble his head
about it — he had other things to
think about than such nonsense.
Warden could not have seen any
danger in it, or he would not rather
have encouraged these visits of
Lester's than otherwise, with a
view to getting his candidate out of
the way while he worked to better
purpose without him. Lester, one
may assume, did not ; nor Ange-
lique, one may hope, when one re-
members the existence of Felix.
What Madam Clare would have
thought about it is another thing ;
but, fortunately for her repose of
mind, her nephew did not include
his visits to No. 23 in his daily
journal of the progress of his can-
vass. He always had plenty to
tell her without alluding to such
a trifle.
But the result of it was, that
more and more he left Warden to
bear the burden and heat of the
day alone, and that the latter daily
advanced in the trust and confi-
dence of Earl's Dene. Miss Clare
did not like him overmuch ; but
she trusted him and was grateful
to him, and that, with her, meant
something better than liking. At
all events, if he was setting sail
under false colours, it was with a
fair and favourable wind.
1870.]
The Opening of tlie Suez Canal.— Part IT.
179
THE OPENING OF THE SUEZ CANAL :
AS COMMUNICATED TO BULLION BALES, ESQ. OF MANCHESTER,
BY HIS FRIEND MR SCAMPER.
PART II.
MY DEAR BALES, — You have
stuck so closely to your household
gods and your iron safe that it would
be idle to ask you whether or not
you believe the proverb, " Ccelum
non animum mutant qui trans mare
currunt." For my part, wanderer
as I have been, I believed it thor-
oughly— the few instances where it
did not apply in my experience
being but brief ecstasies of hot
youth, exceptions to prove the rule.
Whether I sojourned beneath a ver-
tical sun or in a frozen climate,
w hether my pace was fast or slow,
if I gave myself up to sloth, or if I
took the wings of the morning and
fled to the uttermost parts of the
sea, still black care was behind me.
The inevitable Ego moving as I
moved, halting where I halted,
would never let me escape. I could
flee from zone to zone, but my con-
sciousness, my trouble, my burden,
they travelled as fast as I : heat
could not quell a fault of disposi-
tion, nor ice remove a pain. Van-
ity and vexation, I said. It is but
lost labour. I cannot gain a stride
on myself. The heavens, the earth,
the shores, the woods, are different,
but I am I. Then one day I passed
into a region where the sun's rays
seemed to come to us through an
amethyst, they were so warm and
purple— where every inch of the soil
had power to compel the mind, it
was so rich in tales and relics —
where the figures as they walked
to and fro were as though they be-
longed to some phantasma, some
other life where dreams became
material and realities fled away into
dreamland. Every faculty of the
mind was attracted by outward
tilings, and flew toward them as
the nails from the Calendar's ship
sprang to the rock of adamant ; not
one could spare a glance inward to
observe how it was being wrought
upon. There was food enough for
thought, but it was food that temp-
ted across the gulf of centuries, and
among ruins and in riddles. I
walked and enjoyed without stint
or fear. I knew it not, but I was
I no longer ; my identity was gone ;
I was transported out of myself —
not the sky only, but the mind was
changed. This transformation,
Bales, was wrought in Egypt, where,
as it was in the beginning, is now,
and, I suppose, ever will be, magic
pervades the earth and sea and sky
— where a mysterious veil comes
down between you and the outside
former world, and you are lapped
in scenes and thoughts of another
existence. I found that I recovered
the power of enjoying almost like
a child — that memories, cares, and
pains were softened down, and the
atmosphere was one rainbow. So
I lived and dreamed. One only
link remained to bind me to the
world which I had left — one which
resisted sorcery, yea, and will resist.
I have never ceased to yearn toward
a hearth far away in England, nor
to think of the faces gathered round
it in the dark cold evenings, where,
haply, they talk of me the wanderer,
jand reckon how long it may be till
I rejoin the circle. This link at
least is perfect and unweakened ;
sorcery would attempt in vain.
The magicians did so with their
enchantments, but they could not.
As I read over this beginning of
my letter, I think the internal evi-
dence will pretty well prove what
I have said about my mental con-
dition. One that tries to pass for
a staid commercial man, too! I
180
The Opening of the Suez Canal. — Part II.
[Feb.
think I see your elongated face and
arched eyebrows as you read.
"Poor fellow!" you have been say-
ing for the last five minutes ; " poor
fellow ! I knew that he was a little
flighty, but this — this is really very
sad indeed. Restlessness is always
indicative of something, you know
— something very unsettled ! " Your
forefinger may have unconsciously
sought your forehead as you said
so ; but fear not any serious aber-
ration for the present, Bales. To
prove to you that I have not quite
lost control of my pen, I will de-
liver myself immediately like a
man of this world. And now let
me think — what was I going to tell
you 1 I announced in my former
iny arrival at Ismai'lia and the
doings there. Now perpend as I
go on with my adventures.
After the Viceroy's ball there
was not much to interest one in
the newly-risen town. I saw two
or three Egyptian regiments — one
lancers, the rest infantry — moving.
On the whole, their appearance was
good, the men looking for the most
part sinewy and smart, and step-
ping well. The cavalry horses were
certainly not to be admired. They
were small, and though showing
good necks and chests, invariably
fell away in the hind quarters.
They were over -caparisoned, too.
Very gorgeous housings are toler-
able on only remarkably fine ani-
mals.
Some of my companions went to
see the performance of dancing der-
vishes, which appears to have con-
sisted chiefly of a spinning course
in which the devotees went round
one after the other until exhausted.
Then there were wonderful wag-
gings of the heads, and unintelli-
gible shoutings and groanings, the
whole having probably a religious
meaning that is hid from aliens
like us. Later on I saw some der-
vishes myself, but could make no-
thing of their doings.
On the 19th the Empress entered
the southern portion of the Canal,
and all of us should have recom-
menced our voyage, but a want of
clear instructions brought about
considerable delay. We received
some silly order to shift our berth,
and got up steam for the purpose
of obeying it, which, when other
ships saw, they assumed that we
were going to forestall them in the
passage, so they too got up steam,
and there was an ugly competition.
During the scramble, a Russian
ship that ought to have followed
us attempted to run across our
bows so as to reach the Canal be-
fore us. It was a manoeuvre ad-
mitted on all sides to be unwar-
rantable, and our Russian friend
made rather a bad thing of it, for
he produced a collision of which he
did not get the best. He hauled
off from us ranting and swearing
vehemently, and with one of the
planks on his port quarter uncom-
fortably smashed. The effect of
the disorder was, that further pas-
sage on that day was prohibited, so
that we had to wait another night
in Lake Timseh. On the morning
of the 20th, however, we got once
more into the Canal, and sped along
for some time freely. After break-
fast we were alarmed by a stoppage ;
and the Canal making a bend to
the right about half or three-quar-
ters of a mile in front of us, we
were enabled to see what was going
on for some way toward Suez.
Right before us and up to the bend
all the ships were stationary. Be-
yond the bend, at the very limit of
our ken, were ships, diminished to
the size of boats, and their masts
to fine lines, calmly advancing ; but
running the eye along them back-
wards towards ourselves, with sharp
scrutiny we soon came upon the
masts and funnel of one which did
not advance, and which was evi-
dently blocking the rest. This was
the Peluse, a ship drawing some 19
or 20 feet. Her hull was screened
by the bank of the Canal, but we
saw her masts and flags, and the
smoke rising from her funnel, by
which last sign we knew that she
was doing what she could to get
1870.]
The Opening oftJie Suez Canal— Part II.
181
cff, and did not consider her case
j ast praying for. That occupation
of watching a distant object is not
at all pleasant, especially when it
has to be long continued, as it had
i:.i this instance, for we looked and
looked, but could not be satisfied
that the masts moved a tittle. At
first we kept flattering ourselves
that the ship was slowly advancing,
but every idea of the kind proved
erroneous ; and after a while we
got the mainmast in line with a
rock and a bush from a particular
spot on our own forecastle, and by
this method soon ascertained be-
yond a doubt that she was fast.
When the stoppage had lasted
about an hour and a half, I confess
to you that it began to look serious.
There was not. however, a very fine
opportunity afforded to them of
little faith for prophecy or denun-
ciation, because, firstly, there was
reason to hope that the leading
ships were already close to, if not
in, the waters of Suez ; and, second-
ly, because, if our ship could not
get on in reasonable time, the fresh-
water canal and the new railway
— both tolerably near — presented
means of sending on passengers
and baggage. It could be only a
partial failure at the best, and so
the whining had to be done gently.
A small tug-boat now passed us,
bound, as we soon saw, for the
scene of the accident, for her smoke
was shortly seen close to the smoke
of the Peluse. We at length gave
up our watch, and dispersed accord-
ing to our fancies — some to lie
down, some to smoke, and some to
pack their clothes, which now they
were assured they must send on
shore. I went below to write a
letter for the post at Suez, and I
wrote for some half-hour or more,
when it occurred to me that I would
go up and see how the Peluse was
faring before lunch. I had picked
oat exactly the right minute for my
examination, for, on taking my
station in line with the rock and
the bush, our landmarks, and di-
recting my glass on the mainmast,
I saw plainly that either the Peluse
or we had moved a little — she had
moved some yards, or we had swung
or drifted a few inches. The change
sufficed, however, to revive the in-
terest of watching, and I soon had
the satisfaction of observing that
the Peluse was, beyond a doubt,
once more under way — a piece of
intelligence which I was not long
in communicating to my fellow-
voyagers. As this was the great-
est so it was the last hindrance
that happened throughout our pas-
sage of the Canal. The Peluse must
have stuck between the stations of
Tussoum and Serapium. Presently
after starting again we came up to
the former station. The capitano
whom I mentioned in my last letter
had been along the whole line of
the Canal before; so he, taking his
cigar from his mouth as the station
opened to view, said, for general
information, " This is Tussoum."
" Too soon ! " answered a staid,
matter-of-fact passenger, who was
very angry with the Peluse, and
much dreaded that she had lost
him a week in the transmission of
an important despatch to Europe.
" Too soon ! I should like to know
how : anything but that."
"Yes, of course, it is Tussoum.
I am sure of it," said the capitano.
"That may be your view, but
you'll find very few to agree with
you. I don't call it too soon."
The rapid capitano began to dis-
cern; he turned to me and with-
drew his cigar once more. " No, it
is not too soon, because it is too
late; but it is Tussoum all the
same. He is droll;" and he
sucked at the cigar again. The
'staid passenger threw him a look
of compassionate imbecility and re-
sumed his walk, fuming. It was
exactly like the blunder of a farce.
We were getting now into view
of some tolerably high ground to
the right of the Canal. Chains of
hills, trending from the direction
of Cairo upon Suez, broke the
monotony of the desert. They
showed some strata of hard rock.
182
The Opening of the Suez Canal— Part II.
[Feb.
These were the ranges of Gene"ffe,
Awerat, and Attaka. About there
the Canal is cut through some com-
paratively high ground ; and here,
perhaps, more than at any other
point of the work, the fall of drift-
sand into the channel is to be
dreaded. That some obstruction,
entailing a running charge, will be
continually caused by the sand
along most of the cuttings, there
is every reason to expect; but
this apprehension, so plausible
when propounded in general terms,
dwarfs rapidly when estimated by
rule and expressed in figures. It
is calculated that some ,£20,000 per
annum — no very great sum in re-
spect of the magnitude of the work
and certain large expenses of main-
taining it — will pay for the removal
of all drift-sand from the bed of
the Canal, and of that which may
be washed in from the banks or
with the sea-water. And it must
be remembered that between Is-
mai'lia and Suez, where the fresh-
water and maritime canals run in
parallel directions, the former will
have a very favourable influence as
regards the moving sand, by its
power of producing a broad strip of
vegetation on either side of it, and
of thereby lessening, to an extent
which we cannot yet exactly esti-
mate, the quantity of loose sand in
the vicinity.
After passing Serapium we were
soon in view of the Bitter Lakes,
which, on this 20th November,
stretched out a broad fine expanse
of water, particularly refreshing to
eyes that had been so long watching
the monotonous features of a sandy
wilderness. The large area of water,
and the apparent depth of it, greatly
astonished me, for I remembered —
and you will remember when I
allude to the circumstance — that it
was only in autumn last that the
waters of the Red Sea were led into
these basins ; and, to judge from the
time that Lake Timseh took to fill,
the Bitter Lakes, eight or ten
times as large, would have required
a year at least. But there is this
to be considered, that the salt-
water from Lake Timseh had been
allowed to pass through the Canal
into the basin for some time pre-
vious to the severance of the bar-
riers which kept out the Red Sea ;
that Lake Timseh was filled from
the Mediterranean alone, while the
Bitter Lakes drew from both seas ;
and that the section of the Canal,
when it began to feed Lake Tim-
seh, was a very much smaller figure
than it is now. In making com-
parisons at a distance one is apt to
overlook these little circumstances
which so materially affect results, an
observation which might have been
suggested by the result of almost
every operation related to the
Canal. I entreat you to bear it in
mind when you read the predic-
tions which are still being reck-
lessly published as to the Canal's
future. Stubborn facts, which it
was beyond the power of pen and
ink to extenuate or contradict, have
all along proved that De Lesseps,
Voisin, Lavallay, and the other
bold minds, knew very well what
they were about when they pro-
claimed to the world what they in-
tended to do. It is not they, but
their supercilious ignorant revilers
that have throughout the history
of the work been found in the
wrong.* Choose then, Bales, whe-
* On the llth June 1859, the correspondent of the ' Morning Post ' wrote from
Alexandria as follows : —
" M. de Lesseps formally proceeded to inaugurate the commencement of the
works by making a speech to the audience he had collected round him, consist-
ing of the commissioners, a few dozen Maltese and French labourers hired for the
occasion at Alexandria, and the Arab guides and camel-drivers who guided them
to the place. He then turned up the first, and probably the last, sod, or rather
shovelful of the sand on the site of the entrance of the future Suez Canal into the
Mediterranean, and desiring the assistants to do the same, proclaimed the grand
1870.]
TJie Opening of the Suez Canal— Part II.
183
ther you will follow blind guides
who have misunderstood and mis-
represented almost every step in
this great work, and have done and
are doing their best to verify their
own predictions, or whether you
will trust those who have estab-
lished the highest claim to your
confidence by working out, in spite
of physical and moral difficulties
attending the execution, and in
spite of detraction, these immense
designs !
Whether the Bitter Lakes are full
or not, it is certain that there is suf-
ficient water in them to allow large
steamers to scour along regardless
of the exact line of the Canal. As
you work out of the long narrow
passage and float into the broad in-
land sea there is a disposition to frisk
and deviate, to try the pinions, as it
wore, and feel that the good ship can
slant and double, and turn on her
centre, and shake the water from her
tail whenever she has room to dis-
port herself. In our case, however,
the energy called up by the expanse
was not wasted in gambols. We
breathed our barky and did a bit of
business at the same time. For it
so happened that a rival, a ship
belonging to a company which had
had the impudence to proclaim our
company a delusion and a snare,
and to say that our boats were
miserable creeping barges, scarcely
able to drag their slow lengths six
miles an hour, was before us. But
our enemies, though they had writ-
ten a book, and proved their superi-
ority to demonstration in ink, had
carefully avoided the minor test of
a trial in salt water. Our skipper
had said nothing as the last few
furlongs of the Canal were passed ;
but it is probable that mighty
thoughts were seething in his breast,
for ho sooner did we see ourselves
in the open lake than he signified
his intention of bringing the enemy
to action. He was a mild Italian,
with a musical voice, and did not
use very terrible words; but his
sentiments, taken out of the bocca
Romana and put into a bocca Sas-
sonese, would read thus : " By jingo !
here's this backbiting lubber right
ahead ; he can't haul oft7, and must
show what he's made of. Clap on
work to have begun. This solemn farce being over, they returned to Alexandria,"
&c. &c.
The 'Times' of December 27, 1860, has the following : — " Will our friends on
the other side of the Strait forgive us if we remind them of a subject on which
they were talking with considerable vehemence a few months ago ? Pray, how is
the Isthmus of Suez getting on ? We are impatient for the performance of those
nmgnificent promises. We are waiting anxiously to sail through that bit of desert
which cuts us off from the East, and sends us down across the equator, and round
the stormy Cape."
From the ' Saturday Review ' of 31st December 1859 we extract the subjoined :
• — ' ' Let us suppose, for the sake of argument, that M. de Lesseps was as great an
en gineer as he is an enthusiast — that, owing to the pious intercessions of the 480
Reman Catholic priests who have signified their adhesion to his plan, it was no
longer the nature of sand to drift, or of mud banks to accumulate ; let us imagine
that genius, blessed by Cardinal Antonelli, had achieved miracles, and that the
French Canal was a, fait accompli. . . .
" Unfortunately for M. de Lesseps, and perhaps for Europe, a canal such as
lie has projected is absolutely impossible. The greatest European engineers,
in i 'lading the late Mr R. Stephenson, are unanimous in representing the mechani-
cal obstacles to its construction as insurmountable. Supposing even that they
could be overcome, further difficulties remain which would prevent it from ever
becoming a great European route. . . .
"The First Napoleon — who, like other great men, had great dreams — re-
garded the possession of the Nile as a step to the possession of the Indus.
The canal which M. de Lesseps is now projecting is but a rechanffti, with some
sli ght alterations, of a design first planned during the campaign in Egypt. Un-
happily the smaller mind which has borrowed a great man's ideas lias not the
geaius which told their author that they were impracticable," &c. &c.
184
The Opening of tlie Suez Canal. — Part II.
[Feb.
then, my lads, and we'll bring him
to his bearings before he can say
Jack Robinson. Confound him ! "
We began to gain upon him, seeing
which, and instinctively divining
our purpose, the enemy spread a
lot of canvas, hoisted up his boats,
which he had been towing, and
made all taut for a race. After this
it was soon apparent that we did
not gain upon him as at first : it
was certain that we could not pass
him immediately ; it was doubtful
whether we could pass him at all.
Faint cheers from the enemy's
decks ; he is taking heart ; the
betting not at all in favour of our
own ship ; reactionary feeling ;
hah ! why the devil did you try
it 1 Skipper probably did not
know that he was valiant and so
cunning of fence, or he had seen
him damned ere he had challenged
him. Skipper does not give in,
though. Fas est et ab hoste doceri.
He does not, for some reason or
other, incline to carrying much
canvas, but he, too, is towing his
boats — up with them ! Boats are
got in and cradled ; barky seems
to feel some relief; she is certainly
stepping out better ; does she gain
at all now ? betting very dull ;
enemy seems to hold his own ;
he will enter the Canal at the
end of the lakes before us again.
Skipper excited ; everybody ex-
cited ; it will be a neck-and-neck
thing at the worst. No, by Jove !
no. We are gaining, though but
slightly. Enemy sees it, and ceases
to cheer ; puts on all his steam ;
so do we ; advantage slightly on
our side. In the mid-lake the two
boats are nearly abreast ; cheering
from our decks ; enemy disheart-
ened ; enough of the lake left for
us to get a full length ahead at this
pace. We do more ; we beat him
out and out, and show him the
name on our stern as we go first
into the Canal. Hurrah ! hurrah !
The passengers in both ships are as
keen about the race as if they had
a personal interest in their respec-
tive ships — carried away by the
spirit of rivalry, like Dr Johnson at
Plymouth, when he said, " Sir, I
hate a Docker."
The race has taken us through
the lakes, and as the shades of
evening fall we are in the last
stage of our transit — namely, the
Chalouf cutting and the excavated
channel between that and the Red
Sea. It is amusing to find how
the bugbears that were so elabor-
ately dressed up to look specious
and frighten people from the
thought of the Canal have had
their stuffing shaken out of them.
It cannot be forgotten how evapora-
tion was to dry up the Bitter Lakes
much faster than the Canal could
feed them with water, and how the
salt deposited by the evaporation
was to fill up the basin in half no
time. Well, the salt water has run
very steadily in, and is undoubted-
ly, in fact, able to supply the lakes
much faster than evaporation can
diminish them; and as for the salt,
it seems to have altogether slipped
out of notice. Even theoretically
the terrors will not bear handling.
Taking the probable amount of
evaporation over the whole surface
of the Bitter Lakes, it may amount,
Mr Hawkshaw calculates, to from 9
to 10 feet in depth in a year, but
the tides from Suez will send in
twice as much water as would thus
be withdrawn. The deposit of salt,
even if it were not disturbed by
currents or winds, and were allowed
to settle quietly down, which it will
not be, would not amount to three
inches in a year !
While in the Chalouf cutting we
were ordered to drop our anchor for
the night, that we might enter the
harbour of Suez by daylight. There
was such a general impression now
that we were to get through that
nobody took the trouble to misre-
present the meaning of this order,
or to make it a text for lamenta-
tions. Far otherwise ; it was the
last night that the same party
would all spend together on board,
1870.1
The Opening of the Suez Canal.— Part IT.
185
and we resolved that this dinner
should be the most cheery of a very
cheery series. To this end we went
to work with a will, and there being
on board every requisite for getting
up the moral steam, we were a mar-
vellous short time in becoming
kindly affectioned one to another,
and in finding out that everybody
was the best fellow that everybody
else had ever known. We drank
cordially to the health of our kind
host and hostess, who had brought
us under such pleasant circum-
stances to see these great sights,
and then we flung about toasts
ratr er wildly and irrelevantly, fight-
ing off, as it were, what we knew
was coming, and was to be the
health of the evening. Our skipper
had earned the goodwill of every
one on board. He was only an
Italian, and could not therefore be
expected to know the deportment
which we Northmen consider essen-
tial to the dignity of the quarter-
deck. Accordingly, when asked a
question, the poor fellow had always
given a civil answer ; if he saw a
landsman perplexed, or heard him
blundering about marine affairs,
he kindly explained matters ; and
whenever he found the rules of the
ship giving real inconvenience to
any of the party, he relaxed them
as much as possible. At anxious
times he allowed himself to be
questioned, and had always a com-
forting response; and when, after
being warned and entreated, we
persisted in getting, one after an-
other, between him and his helms-
man, he displayed the long-suffering
of Job. It had been decided that
we should not leave the ship with-
out arrangements for presenting
him with a souvenir of our pleasant
and most interesting voyage ; and
our request that he would accept
the c >ffering was to be preferred in
proposing his health this night.
There was no doubt as to who ought
to be our spokesman on the occa-
sion, as there was a person on board
whose rank and office marked him
for the lead ; but this person could
not speak Italian — at least he could
speak only a peculiar dialect of it
(I have heard him say, " Avete up-
settoilmio groggo?"}, and the skip-
per did not know a word of English.
Here was a difficulty, but it was
speedily met by the proposal that
my friend the ever-ready capitano
should interpret after the speaker.
Accordingly the toast was proposed,
clause by clause, like the general
confession, which method proved
to be anything but a detriment ;
for the proposer experienced a dif-
ficulty which had occurred to Moses
in the same part of the world some
years before, — he was " slow of
speech and of a slow tongue."
Moreover, he put the offer of the
present a little bluntly, so as to
have hurt the skipper's sensibility,
perhaps, if the original had been
understood by him. But any de-
fect was immediately cured, and
more than cured, by the ability and
tact of the capitano. The senti-
ments were everything that could
be wished ; it was the language
only that wanted smoothing, and
this was transmitted to the skip-
per's ear like " gold from the fur-
nage," as Mrs Gamp has it. It
went to the capitano somewhat
halting and not over-choice Anglo-
Saxon, and it reappeared from his
mouth flowing and impressive Ital-
ian, all the edges rounded off,
all the gaps bridged over, and the
circumlocutions made straight. The
thing was delightful. The skipper's
facial muscles were a study as the
accents fell upon his ear, arid all
who saw that he was a little bit
moved could not help feeling
slightly too. And I assure you
that the pressure of the steam was
very high when we came to the
cheering, and any stray Ghouls or
Afrits that may have been about
the desert that night must have
started not a little. The waes-heal
of the Vikings was storming their
solitudes , the West was upon the
East once more ; the spirits thought,
186
The Opening of the Suez Canal. — Part II.
[Feb.
perhaps, of the last sounds that
they heard in that fashion — lt Iliero-
solyma est perdita, hurrah / " * I
like drinking healths in proper
measure and at proper times. That
it is a custom more honoured in
the breach than the observance
was very well for a moon-struck
moralist like Hamlet to say. As
he never did anything but talk, and
never meant to do anything, and
never could do anything worth the
naming, he naturally looked at the
dark side of the practice and con-
demned it as sottish and debasing.
But fellows who have any go in
them know the value of ripening
opinions and bringing resolutions
to a head by a well-conceived toast.
They know how mind takes fire
from mind, how enthusiasm passes
like an electric current when con-
ditions are favourable, how men
pledge themselves to noble acts
when in open-hearted fellowship.
And they are something of old
FalstafFs way of thinking in regard
to "your excellent sherris" as a
means of freshening the mind for
the conception of generous ideas.
Depend on it, the people who drink
healths are people who admire great
deeds and mean to emulate them ;
who make public profession of their
faith in effort ; who will hold to-
gether to the last thread. Fill up,
then, to those that are worthy;
there is nothing to blush for in the
generous draught ; it didn't much
hurt our race of old, why should
we give it up now 1 We won't ; no,
we won't ! Fill up there ! hip, hip,
hip, hurrah ! again, again, again !
hurrah ! hurrah ! one cheer more,
hurrah ! Hamlet be condemned !
Lest you should ask me, Bales, as
you are so fond of doing, whether
seriously and literally you are to
understand the above to be my
fixed opinions, I say at once that,
resuming my pen at half-past ten
o'clock in the morning, I am not
prepared to stand by every jot and
tittle of this writing. Tempora
mutantur et nos mutamur ab illis.
Just now, I think the ideas a little
strong ; but there are times when
I would endorse every syllable of
them.
Those who desired to see the sun
rise and the Chalouf cutting — the
stiffest bit of work in the whole
Canal — rose by candle-light at four
o'clock. I was one of them. There
was more work going on here than
at any point that I had seen. The
Egyptians, after their fashion,
seemed really to be working hard.
* A writer in ' Notes and Queries,' No. 142, says : —
" ' Hip, hip, hurrah ! ' — what was the origin of this Bacchanalian exclamation,
and what does it mean? I make the inquiry, although I annex an attempt to
define it, which was cut from the columns of the Edinburgh ' Scotsman ' news-
paper some years ago : —
"It is said that 'Hip, hip, hurrah!' originated in the Crusades, it being a
corruption of H. E. P., the initials of l Hierosolyma est perdita,' .( Jerusalem is
lost !) the motto on the banner of Peter the Hermit, whose followers hunted the
Jews down with the cry of ' Hip, hip, hurrah ! ' "
That the deserts of Egypt echoed to the war-cries of the Crusaders is proved
by the following among many passages that might be quoted from historians : —
" The King of Jerusalem" (Baldwin) "having no longer the Turks of Bagdad or
the Turks established in Syria to contend with, turned his attention towards
Egypt, whose armies he had so frequently dispersed. He collected his chosen
warriors, traversed the desert, carried the terror of his arms to the banks of the
Nile, and surprised and pillaged the city of Pharamia, situated three days' jour-
ney from Cairo." — Michaud's ' History of the Crusades.'
Afterwards, in St Louis's Crusade : — " From the Canal to Mansourah, and from
the Nile to the shore whereon the Crusaders had just landed, the country pre-
sented but one vast field of battle, where fury and despair by turns animated the
combatants, where torrents of blood were shed on both sides, without allowing
either Christians or Mussulmans to claim the victory." — Ibid.
The Sultan of Cairo, we are told, promised a gold byzant for every Christian
head that should be brought into his camp.
1870.]
The Opening of the Suez Canal. — Part II.
187
It was painful to hear the number
of coughs that proceeded from them.
This was their winter, although it
felt like summer to us, and that
fact may account for the sounds
of catarrh. It is to be hoped that
there was nothing worse than a cold
there : consumption, or even bron-
chitis, would be inexcusable in a
climate like that !
Fortunately it was determined
to form the Canal at Chalouf before
letting the waters of the Red Sea
into the Bitter Lakes. Had a
smaller channel been first formed
to fill the lakes, as was done in the
case of Lake Timseh, the excava-
tions at this point would have been
exceedingly tedious and expensive :
for the workmen came down upon
rock which had to be blasted ; and
blasting rock under water, and
moving and landing it after blast-
ing, are formidable operations.
The parties which we saw at work
as we passed were still, I fancy,
clearing rocks from the sides and
taking away earth to form the re-
quisite slopes. As many as ten
thousand men were working here
at once last summer; and Chalouf,
like Port Sai'd and Ismailia, sprang
to its first stage of township almost
by magic. As yet there are only
wooden huts there, but these will
soon be replaced by more substan-
tial erections if it be found advis-
able to establish a town there. It
was in this cutting that we were
startled by some marvellous noises
made by our machinery or screw,
and by the steamer heeling over on
her port side as if we had been in
a rolling sea. Things were soon
steady again, and the explanation
given to us was, that the ship being
now very light from consumption
of coal, the screw had accidentally
got almost uncovered for a minute,
when, meeting no resistance, it
spun round uncontrolled making
the astonishing noise and fright-
ing the ship from her propriety.
And this quieted us at the time.
What had really happened we un-
derstood better when we made our
VOL. CVH. — NO. DCLII.
return - voyage along the Mediter-
ranean.
And now, somewhere about eight
o'clock on the morning of the 21st,
we emerged from the maritime
Canal into the harbour of Suez,
having safely accomplished the
passage from Port Sai'd. That
what had been so loudly and so
constantly proclaimed an impossi-
bility had been actually done, and
fairly done, we could no longer
question, for we had tested its
sufficiency and been satisfied. I
did not, however, just now indulge
in reflection or exultation as per-
haps I ought, for I was calculating
rather anxiously the chances of
being able to reach Cairo in time
to dress and attend a ball at the
palace of Kasr el Nilo to which I
had been invited ; and the chances
appeared to be considerably against
my doing so. I determined, never-
theless, to make a push for it. A
few minutes after we dropped our
anchor, one boat came alongside us
bringing some official. Thinking
she would wait for him I was on
my way to ask if he would take me
ashore with him on his return,
when a gentleman, whose compan-
ion I had been on most of our
shore excursions, met me and said
— " That boat is going to shore
again immediately, and we are go-
ing in her, as we prepared for
such a chance long ago : if you
had only had your things ready we
might have all gone together."
Now I flatter myself, Bales, that I
can be a little smart upon occasion,
notwithstanding that you are some-
times pleased to animadvert severely
on my ways of doing things. My
Mend on board evidently didn't
form a lower opinion of me when,
ton d'apameibomenos, I declared
that I was in all respects ready, and
required only to have my traps
brought from the cabin. " Bravo ! "
he said, " then we go together and
at once." Not knowing exactly
the time of daybreak I had risen a
little early, and had then improved
the occasion by getting all my bag-
o
188
The Opening of the Suez Canal— Part IT.
[Feb.
gage ready for a move, regarding
the possibility of some sudden call.
Nobody but we three (my friend's
" we " included a young lady) was
prepared to take passage in the first
boat, in which we therefore put
off, after taking leave of our kind
skipper and his first officer. The
rest of our party we expected to
meet before long on shore.
My only opportunity of observ-
ing the harbour and works at Suez
was while the ship was running to
her anchorage, and while I pulled
to shore. I could therefore only
ascertain the positions of the seve-
ral works of which I had heard or
read ; I could make no inspection
of any. As regards the Canal Com-
pany, the only works absolutely re-
quired from them after carrying
the Canal into the Gulf, were the
formation of a channel through the
head of the latter to deep water,
and the construction of a mole to
protect the southern entrance of
the passage against high tides and
strong southerly winds. Both of
these are nearly complete. The
stone of which the mole is con-
structed was quarried at Attaka,
not far from Suez. I was glad to
hear that, in dredging the channel
to deep water, rock was not en-
countered : there were some rea-
sons to apprehend that the bottom
might be found to be rocky, and,
in that case, the operations would
have been less simple, and the ex-
pense far greater ; but, happily, the
difficulty did not occur. Besides
the two indispensable works which
I have mentioned, the Company
have set about the reclamation of
land from the sea, using for their
embankments the mud which they
dredge out of the ship channel.
This reclamation is an adventure
which, it is thought, will repay
them. Although these are the only
works of the Company at Suez,
they are not the only works in pro-
gress there. A basin and a graving-
dock are being constructed on the
west side of the harbour, and a
branch from the Suez and Cairo
Railway is extended to them over
an artificial bank ; but these last
are the undertakings of the Mes-
sageries Imperiales, not of the Ship
Canal Company.
Coming up to the anchorage at
Suez, we steamed past a ship with
a piece of new plank, just primed
with paint, in her port quarter. It
was our Russian friend that had
been so anxious to get before us at
Ismai'lia, bearing our card. It is to
be hoped that the wood will be a
long while getting dark, and that it
may prove a wholesome memento
of the indiscretion of pushing and
elbowing.
A fresh breeze was blowing as
we and our baggage were carried
to the landing - wharf under the
guidance of three Egyptians, and
lying back in the boat was a rather
luxurious repose. It was the last
scrap or shadow of repose that we
were destined to enjoy that day.
Before we could land, a hundred
pushing rascals swooped upon our
luggage, and the packages were un-
ceremoniously lifted and were about
to be carried off, it was impossible
to say whither, by this impudent
horde. There was one only hope
or chance that those trunks and
bags would ever again form a
united band, and that chance lay
in the very promptest action against
the marauders. Accordingly the
heads and shins of the most active
were assaulted (this was a language
which they understood) just as they
were making off with the prey ;
and they being discomfited, the
slower villains gave in and dropped
their spoil. With great difficulty
and a thick stick the stuff was col-
lected on the wharf under charge
of the boatmen, who had not been
paid, and who had not a chance of
being paid until they should be re-
lieved of this responsibility, as we
made them understand, notwith-
standing their cries of " Baksheesh !
baksheesh ! " which were strange to
us then, but with which we were
better acquainted before we were
many hours older. In this state of
1870.]
Tlie Opening of the Suez Canal. — Part II.
189
things it was deemed safe for my
friend to proceed to the railway
terminus to inquire concerning our
chance of being conveyed to Cairo,
while I, in command of the boat-
men, kept watch over the lady
and the property, maintaining with
much effort a clear circle, round
which were clamouring and ges-
ticulating, and yearning but not
daring to overstep it, as rude a
crew as the fiends in Freischiitz.
The sun was getting high by this
time, and it was hotter on the
wharf than we had found it on the
water. I began to realise how tedi-
ous service in the lines of Torres
Yedras must have been. Heat, dul-
ness, and inaction, with a watchful
enemy outside. Now we have a
little diversion. Two friends from
the ship, Italians, have likewise
found their way to the wharf. I
send out a detachment to assist in
rescuing them from the natives.
They are rescued. Their goods are
brought into the circle. The Ita-
lians are added to the garrison.
We feel safe, but we are uneasy at
the long tarrying of my English
friend. He, however, comes at last,
and brings the cheering informa-
tion that a special train will start
before long to take on the Khedive's
guests who have landed this morn-
Dig from the Canal. This was a re-
lief. We now cause our boatmen
to engage a sufficient number, and
no more, of porters to lift our traps,
and one as a chief to be responsi-
ble for the rest, and to arrange the
account. When this was done, and
not till then, the boatmen were
paid for their boat and time, and
dismissed ; and we, preceded by our
band of porters, trudged off to the
station. I shall never forget that
station — there reigned there such
a hurly-burly, such a Babel, such a
blind unintelligent multitude, such
an utter absence of anything like
means to an end, such a worrying
of officials by the crowd, such a re-
sisting of the crowd by officials,
such runaway trunks on the backs
of Arabs, such wind-broken owners
in pursuit of their trunks, such
frantic endeavours to be understood
where every second man was a
stranger, such threatenings, such
wrath, such despair, — and all this
supplemented with an incessant
chorus of "Baksheesh ! baksheesh !"
As I write about it, the whole in-
fernal rout comes back and makes
me feel half mad again. But we
had less reason to be mad than
most other sufferers. It was bad
at the best ; but we, strong in our
union, and with something of a
plan of operations, had little to
endure except a brisk shoving
about, and an uncertain and unac-
countable delay. At last a train of
carriages was run up to the plat-
form, and as there now appeared
some prospect of getting away, we
began to examine into the claims
of the luggage-bearers, and to put
together their guerdon, when it
appeared that the boatmen had re-
ceived the greater part of our silver,
and the broken money of the whole
party did not suffice for the pay-
ment of our debt. This seemed,
however, no such insuperable diffi-
culty at a railway station ; and it
being my turn now to explore the
interior, my friend stood by the
stuff, and by the more precious
charge his daughter, while I worked
my way through men of all the
nations of the earth, and every spe-
cies of travelling - mail that was
ever invented, to the station office.
There I saw a Turk at a desk. I
took out a napoleon and placed it
before him ; he bowed, shook his
head, and gave me the napoleon
back. I took out a small silver coin
to show that I wanted the napoleon
changed into silver. He bowed
again, raised his palms, and shook
his head. I was not likely to get
much out of this fellow ; but I saw
through an open door another Turk
sitting at another desk. Him I
approached and did obeisance, and
then I took out my napoleon again
and placed it upon the desk. The offi-
cial laid his hand upon his breast,
smiled sweetly and bowed. He was
190
Tlie Opening oftlie Suez Canal— Part II.
[Feb.
evidently under the impression
that I wished to bribe him into
some rascality, and afraid, though
not indisposed, to take the bait. I
took out my napoleon and my
small silver coin together, making
signs that I wished the one con-
verted into the other, when the
official collapsed and his counte-
nance fell. He had mistaken my
meaning altogether, and the shock
of finding that I was not tampering
with him was too much. He per-
emptorily pushed aside my money,
and waved me away. But I was
getting desperate, and let him see
that I was determined to be served,
whereupon he opened his empty
desk, invited me to inspect the in-
terior, shrugged his shoulders, and
smiled once more. My mission
did not seem promising, and I was
alarmed lest the train should be
moving, or my friends should get
into a carriage and I be unable to
find them. Suddenly seized with
this terror, I was making off, when
in the passage I encountered a
Mussulman of superior mien and
dress — a hadji at least, I thought
he must be from his appearance,
and he looked and moved as one
having authority. "Ha!" thought
I, " here is the man that can open
the till : the others are thieving
understrappers, whom no man dares
trust ; this excellent man will give
me silver." And I advanced to the
hadji and addressed him in the
French tongue according to my
ability, which is not remarkable ;
for I will confess to you, Bales,
that my French, though passing
current in Manchester for some-
thing stunning, is in truth not of
the very first water. I addressed the
hadji, I have said, in French, but
he replied politely, " Nong parley
Fronksay" I had another re-
source, my Italian, which is about
as pure and fluent as my French.
To this the hadji simply said again,
" Nong parley" I pulled out my
napoleon, when, to my infinite dis-
comfiture, the hadji shook his head
as the understrapper had done,
waved his open hand deprecatingly
towards me, raised his shoulders,
and was turning away with a stately
bow. I was beside myself with
chagrin : I could not contain my
vexation. "G — d d — n it!" I said
(and you know, Bales, how per-
plexed I must have been ere such
an expression could escape my lips),
" I'll get change from some of you,
or know the reason why." And
then the hadji with much dignity
answered and said, " Oh, if it's
God-damning you're after, I can do
that too." Once discover a man's
specialite, and you need have no
difficulty in getting on with him.
" Then, by that honest phrase," said
I, " which proves that we have both
been nurtured in a Christian land,
I conjure you to change this napo-
leon into silver." " The devil a
farthing have I got," said the hadji,
"and you are not likely to get
any here ; this is only a goods
station, ordinarily, and all the pay-
ing is done at Suez proper, which
is farther up : they'll give you
change up there." Then said I,
" If you can't give me change, at
least come and aid my party, if
haply they still survive ; there is
an English lady among them, and
it would be a charity to get her
safely into a carriage." This draft
the venerable hadji was ready to
honour. Rolling stock, not money-
taking, was evidently his depart-
ment. " Come along, then," an-
swered, he, briskly ; " I'll put that
straight." My friends were just
where I had left them, sore beset.
" Well, you have been a long time
getting change; we thought you
were lost," said they. " I have not
been idle for all that," I answered,
composedly. " I have brought you
a gentleman that will help to get
us off." Whereupon one of our
Italian friends, using his native
tongue, addressed the hadji at about
the same instant when the young
lady said to me, " What does he
speak — English 1 " The Saxon
gutturals, especially when gliding
over a silver tongue, can sometimes
L870.]
The Opening of the Suez Canal — Part II.
191
effect more than the lingua Toscana.
The hadji's fez was off in a second.
" This way, ma'am, if you please,"
said he ; and, unlocking a carriage,
he installed the lady therein with-
out more ado, inviting us to follow.
But the change! How were the
porters to be paid1? Well, they
were paid, I don't know how.
Somebody, I think, remembered
seven francs and a half in his tra-
velling bag. It was lucky he didn't
think of them before, or I shouldn't
have dug out the hadji and sworn
him to our service. In a trice we
were all in one of the viceregal car-
riages, the last of us that entered
being desired, before leaving the
platform, to point out our luggage.
"All right," said the hadji; "I'll
Fee that properly stowed ; you'll
iind it in No. 3 van when you get
to Cairo ; and now, if you please,
I'll lock you up, and if you are
wise you'll pull up all the blinds
till you get out of the station, or
you may get a lot of foreigners in
with you." Having said which,
the benevolent hadji lifted his fez
once more, and turned the key up-
on us. I expected that when our
deliverance was complete he would
turn into a gnome, or a genie, or
something of that sort, but he didn't.
I saw him again in Cairo in a car-
riage behind a pair of horses, when
I was driving the other way. I
caught his eye, though, and waved
rny hand to him : he waved his in
return. I'll take my — that is, I am
positive, Bales, that he recognised
Eie.
For some little while after we
were locked up we kept our blinds
closed as we had been directed, and
it would have been well for us per-
haps if we had continued to do so
till fairly running away for Cairo.
But somehow we never find precau-
tions answer without persuading
ourselves that the results would be
just as satisfactory without the pre-
cautions, and so impunity leads to
foolhardiness. If Roderick Dhu
had held on by his trusty targe;
if Mrs Lot could have refrained
from examining into the set of
her panier ; if Baba Abdallah*
had kept the ointment off his right
eye ; if the royal Calendar had
not opened the golden door ; or
if mother Eve had let the apple
alone, — how differently would a
good many histories be written !
To compare small things with great,
how much more elbow-room should
we have preserved if we had kept
our carriage closed ! But then, who
the deuce could? The hubbub
from which we were withdrawn
was going on outside us just as be-
fore. It was only natural that we
should wish to see how it fared
with those on the platform, and to
take a cautious peep at them, as we
suppose the spirits of the just to do
at those who are still struggling,
and screaming, and blundering, and
failing here below. First we open-
ed the merest chinks, then we made
the chinks wider ; nobody came in,
and so at last we said, "Oh, it's
all right, nobody wants to come in
here," and let the blinds fairly
down. Mon Dieu / wasn't there
a rush two minutes after ! The
foreigner was upon us as the hadji
had predicted, and he not only
crowded up the carriage, but he
crammed it full of his wonderful
bags and bottles, and kept every-
body uncomfortable while he was
shelving and arranging the same.
The carriage was double, or triple
for aught I know, and by the
time the train was fairly off, many
of the invaders had vanished,
whether into air or into other com-
-partments I know not, but our
carriage was comparatively clear
again. And now we saw the town
of Suez, but shot by it full speed.
" Bravo ! " we said, " the special
train does not stop at Suez, why
should it? And now we are all
snug and comfortable till we get to
* See the story of "Baba Abdallah, the Blind Man," in the
One Nights.'
Thousand and
192
The Opening of the Suez Canal.— Part II.
[Feb.
Cairo." Oh, how miserably deceived
we were ! It must have been a full
mile beyond Suez where the train
stopped ; and from that distance it
was backed with deliberate cruelty
to the Suez station, where a scene
of confusion, in comparison of which
the scene at the goods station below
was a quiet, orderly, and reasonable
scene, ensued. Any attempt to de-
scribe the tumult would fail. Again
the foreigner was upon us ; again it
rained trunks and carpet-bags, and
cloaks and wicker-cases ; and this
time the carriages were so full that
there was no subsidence or disper-
sion after the first rush, but rather
an increased pressure ; for the cross
passages were thronged with pas-
sengers who never sat down except
upon a bandbox or a baby or any-
thing they found lying about, and
otherwise passed their time in driv-
ing in and pulling out leather cases
and curiously-fashioned boxes be-
low the seats and over our heads,
keeping us from becoming inatten-
tive or comatose. It was past noon
before we escaped from the Suez
station and its crush and clamour;
but we did then start in earnest,
and there was nothing there worth
waiting for. The town is small and
insignificant, with houses built of
mud or native brick, or more rarely
of European brick. To the right
and left of it all is sand. The rail-
way at first runs just behind the
Canal-banks, but it leaves this direc-
tion and turns westward.
It was a comfort to be able at last
to close the eyes and collect one's
thoughts again after all this tur-
moil. Our party was strong enough
to occupy the entire end of a car-
riage, so that the trunk and bag
movers had no excuse for molesting
us. I closed my eyes, I say, and
in doing so thought of the weary
longings of excellent old Job for
only a moment's ease, and the very
unusual use to which he would have
put that moment. Things must
have changed greatly since his days.
He wished for peace that he might
swallow down his spittle — a privi-
lege which nobody in Egypt seemed
to appreciate, for they voided their
rheum about our beds and about
our paths, and contaminated all our
ways.
It was a comfort to be able to
think over all one had been seeing
so rapidly for the last hundred
hours, and the various opinions
that one had heard uttered in regard
thereto. Of this, at any rate, I
think we may feel certain — the
Canal is an established fact. It
will disappear no more. Centuries
ago, although great improvers pos-
sessed the energy and ability re-
quired for the construction of aston-
ishing works of this kind, it might
have been predicted how surely
their surpassing labours would come
to nought. The concentrated effort
for execution could be made — it was
the steady, continuous toil of main-
tenance that was hopeless. The
moment man's vigilance should re-
lax, nature, who never slumbered
nor slept, would promptly use the
occasion to fill in and exhaust and
efface. In ages when a canal could
be turned to but limited account, it
was impossible that, in a country
like Egypt, it could be made to pay
the expense of keeping it up — im-
possible also that the state could at
all times command the resources for
that purpose. After the gigantic
efforts of a Sesostris or a Neco,
succeeded probably a reactionary
period, wherein ruin advanced be-
yond hope of retrieval. A great
man could pierce the desert as a
strong man rent the oak, but for
both came the inevitable rebound
— the proof of nature's persistent
strength. To-day, however, the
conditions are changed. It is not
a single nation nor a contracted
area that the maritime Canal is
to benefit ; the East and the West
will join their powers to keep open
the valuable strait. It would be pre-
sumption to say that our science
exceeds the science of the glorious
old Egyptians. We don't know
how much they knew, and we have
lately come down a peg or two in
1870.]
The Opening of the Suez Canal— Part II.
193
our pretensions to superiority; but
it is certain that the number of per-
sons who feel an interest, no matter
of what kind, in M. de Lesseps'
C mal,is immensely greater than the
number which could have known or
cared about the former canals which
ware constructed with so much tra-
vail, only to perish, or to leave upon
the earth traces sufficient to remind
posterity of great failures. No man
who has passed through the new
work can have any other belief than
that the civilised world will insist
upon maintaining it, whether it can
be made remunerative or not.
As to the prospects of the present
Company, appearances are such as
to hold an unprejudiced mind in
doubt. It is clear to the most cur-
sory observer that a great deal more
work remains to be done, and of
this the greatest part will be dredg-
ing. The uniform depth of 26 feet
has not been attained, and it must
be attained before the Canal can be
utilised to the extent possible. We
have lately seen that a ship draw-
ing 17^ feet of water went through
without a rub, but I do not think
such a passage could be relied on
for ships drawing over 15 feet;
and we know that to provide a sure
passage for only ships of 15 feet
draught and under is to offer no ac-
commodation to the largest Indian
traders, or to the Australian ships,
whose tonnage is already very large,
with a tendency to increase : it is,
consequently, to stop short at the
very line beyond which lies the
greatest chance of remuneration
and profit. It may be taken for
granted that the deepening of the
CUnal, wherever required, will be
at once proceeded with. Another
labour not absolutely imperative
like the deepening, but neverthe-
less very desirable indeed, is the
provision of wide basins where
ships can pass each other, as at
Kantara. These will, no doubt,
be made ; indeed I think it proba-
ble that the breadth of the whole
Canal will some day be doubled,
or, what may perhaps be better, a
second parallel canal will be formed.
These two services — viz., deepen-
ing and widening — are those which
principally affect traffic, and which
the public will insist upon having
done. As regards other operations,
they are of such a nature as to
leave the Company a choice between
a large immediate outlay and a con-
tinued drain for works of mainten-
ance. I allude to such works as pav-
ing the side slopes to resist the
wash of the water, erecting barriers
to intercept the drifting sand, and
making branches from the fresh-
water canal to increase vegetation
in the neighbourhood.
By the time all requirements are
provided for, an expenditure of
£20,000,000 will probably have
been incurred. And we next en-
counter the question, How can the
traffic through the Canal be made
to yield an adequate return for an
outlay so enormous 1 The answer
which most Englishmen give to
this question is, that the Canal can-
not possibly pay the original share-
holders, and that the attempt to
make it remunerative by levying
heavy tolls will have an effect
directly the opposite of what would
be intended — i.e., the tolls will ren-
der the route of Suez more expen-
sive than the long sea-voyage by the
Cape of Good Hope. Ten francs
per ton, they say, is too large a
charge ; and before the public can
benefit by the Canal, the possession
and management of it must have
passed to other hands. When
the tolls can be reduced to five
francs the ton, then the route by
Suez will be incontestably the
cheapest between England and
India. But the present share-
holders cannot afford to pass
freights at five francs a-ton ; there-
fore they will find it most for their
interest to incur at once the inevit-
able loss, parting with their pro-
perty in the Canal at a fraction of
its value, and making over the man-
agement at a low rate to a new set
of men who may be able to repay
themselves out of moderate tolls.
194
Opening of the Suez Canal. — Part II.
[Feb.
I cannot adduce one word of
commercial or arithmetical argu-
ment to oppose to the foregoing.'""
I say that to those who walk
wholly by sight the case seems
fairly put against the hopes of the
promoters. But there are men
who walk by FAITH ; and if ever
there can be an occasion when it
may be pardonable, nay, almost a
duty, to hazard something on the
assurance of other men, this is
surely the opportunity. Against
hope, against prophecy, against
figures, against demonstration, M.
de Lesseps and his confreres have
kept tryste and kept time, answer-
ing objections by facts, not words.
Men who have so frequently proved
themselves to be in the right, not-
withstanding the grave and specious
objections brought against them, are
surely entitled to some little atten-
tion when they persist in putting
forward a decided opinion ! As
far as I can ascertain, they have
never yet receded from the asser-
tion that the Canal will speedily
repay its original promoters. It
should be remembered that lookers-
on may, in their caution, have over-
estimated the expense of work yet
to be done, and that they may take
a too unfavourable view of the pre-
sent capabilities of the Canal. It is
quite right to be cautious, but it may
not be quite right to put forward
the mere suggestions of caution as
of equal weight with the knowledge
and the guarantees of men who
have the best possible means of in-
formation, and who are content to
stake well - earned reputations on
their correctness in this particular.
I will say once more to you, Bales,
what I have already said to many,
— " I cannot prove these men to be
right ; but, until they actually are
seen to fail, I will not believe them
to be wrong."
"Holloa ! what's the matter1? where
are we!" "Well, we are at the
dinner station, and there is a halt of
twenty minutes — will you dine1?"
Certainly we would dine, and be
very glad of the chance ; after we
get to Cairo we shall have barely
time to dress for the ball, if we have
that. Let us dine here by all means.
And we did dine. How we fared I
do not exactly remember, but I be-
lieve pretty well. What I do re-
member is, that we paid not one
sou for either the dinner or the con-
veyance to Cairo.
It was getting time now to leave
off musing and to look about, for
the country was assuming an ap-
pearance very different from that
which hitherto had constantly met
us. The same sandy waste had
continued many stages from Suez.
The surface of the ground, it is true,
began to be irregular, and hills,
showing much stratification, were
frequent ; but the soil, high or low,
was barren, and its complexion
pink throughout. The atmosphere
was pink. Stone, sand, and clay
could be seen, but no vegetation.
At length the character of the land-
scape began to change as we lessened
our distance from Cairo. Muddy
fields first, and then fields with
pools of water lingering about in
places, attested that we were with-
in the limits of the Nile's inunda-
tion. In some places the water had
been retained by small dams when
the river subsided, but in most
lands there was just the slimy sur-
face which the river left, unbroken
as yet by spade or plough. When
we were fairly in the Delta, where,
I suppose, the fields had been
thoroughly and speedily saturated,
and where there could be no in-
ducement to prolong by art the fer-
tilising process, ploughing was to
be seen, and green crops. Ahead of
us appeared suddenly what seemed
a long continuous fence made of tall
* The case of the Canal as viewed by most of our countrymen was ably put by
Mr Charles Clarke, president of the Liverpool Chamber of Commerce, in a paper
which he read before the members of the Chamber and their friends, on the 14th
December 1869.
1370.]
The Opening of the Suez Canal. — Part II.
195
b amboos, but what proved to be the
curved masts of very many Egyptian
boats, bending some one way some
the other, so as to resemble the
crossed poles of a fence. We were
passing a canal or a natural branch
of the Nile. And after this we were
speedily in a rich green country,
covered with young crops of maize,
sugar, wheat, plantains, cotton, and,
if I mistake not, potatoes. Groves
ol: trees, too, refreshed the sight —
cocoa-nuts, golden oranges, and
bunches of dates hanging plenti-
fully among them. This Delta into
which we were now entering must
bo exceptionally rich ; there is an
untold depth of fat alluvial soil,
and a certain manuring and irriga-
tion done by nature in the most
perfect manner. I say certain ad-
visedly, Bales, not at all forgetting
the seven years of famine; so don't
cavil. I believe the said seven
years were a most exceptional judg-
ment, and that since the days of
Joseph there has not been a total
failure of the inundation, certainly
not failures for successive years.
Now and then the rise of the river
is very insufficient, and for that
year in which the insufficiency
occurs the country suffers accord-
ingly, but the succeeding year gen-
erally yields the accustomed fruits.
The soil of the Delta may, I think,
be compared to that of Guiana, the
husbandman in both places work-
ing ground that great rivers have
been forming for countless ages.
Only, in the former there is a tem-
perate climate, and, by the provision
of nature, only one harvest in the
year ; in the latter there is a tropi-
cal sun to ripen at all seasons, copi-
ous rains with only short intervals
throughout the year, and opportu-
nities of taking off three crops in
twelve months.
I had settled myself in my seat,
and become lazy and pensive when
it grew dark. I took no note of
time. The intelligence came rather
suddenly upon me that we had
reached the Cairo Station, and I
had to rouse myself. The luggage
was got out with some trouble and
labour, but without accident or loss
— a circumstance most creditable
to the Railway, after such a scram-
ble. We inquired for a carriage,
but were told there was no such
thing to be had. We had, how-
ever, surmounted too many diffi-
culties that day to be easily per-
suaded of impossibilities ; and after
waiting a little, we got a carriage
for ourselves and a truck for our
luggage. We got also the services
of a paragon of a true believer, who
got the packages on to the trucks as
smartly as it could be done, poising
heavy trunks on his shoulder and
running with them as if they were
hat-boxes. He was a smart man,
too, in the matter of baksheesh ; for,
being invited to come to our hotel
in the morning to be paid, in order
that the time and annoyance of
settling with him in the dark might
be saved, and that we might have
the chance of engaging his valuable
services again in the morning, he
plainly expressed his doubt of ever
getting any payment if he should
let us slip now ; said he was a poor
man and couldn't afford to work
for nothing, and insisted upon imme-
diate liquidation. Away, at length,
go carriage and truck, and we are
not long in reaching the Oriental
Hotel, which in the gas-light looks
a very handsome building. We
found the lobby in confusion, the
manager distracted, the servants
rushing hither and thither, a very
Babel of swearing, entreating, pro-
testing, and repudiating, prevalent.
Luggage was coming in in heaps,
but none being cleared off. Some
fuss about rooms, but we had tele-
graphed for ours, and finally found
we were provided for. With con-
siderable importunity the despair-
ing manager is induced to get the
lady's luggage carried to her room.
She is out of the throng, fortu-
nately, and the rest of us separate
our property into parcels, and wish
that it may, some time or other, be
moved, as we all hope that we shall
go some day to heaven. I caught
193
The Opening of the Suez Canal.— Part II.
[Feb.
sight of an address-board, and, look-
ing thereon, perceived an imitation
of the name Scamper against 91. I
assumed an official air and tried to
overawe the manager ; but he was
past the stage where bullying could
avail. Then I laid hands upon a
passing Mussulman, and refused to
let him move in any direction ex-
cept to my luggage. He protested :
I compelled ; I threatened personal
chastisement. He saw that I meant
to lay on, and took up a portman-
teau ; at sight of which a brother
fellah, and a very smart fellah too,
mysteriously appeared to his aid,
and took up another article, as
when, after a first vulture has
perched upon a carcass, a second
vulture in three seconds emerges
from the depths of space and
perches on it too. They ascend
and disappear. I guard the re-
mainder of my property till they
return. I and the last packages
go up together to 91, where I find
water and light, unpack and wash ;
then I lock the door and descend.
I afterwards found that lords,
ladies, baronets, and squires had
been obliged to double and treble
up, and that the hall, writing-room,
and every corner of the house were
occupied by roomless destitutes. I
thought I couldn't be such an utter
muff after all ! At ten o'clock we
met at tea in the salle ; at half-past
ten we went off, nothing daunted
by our trials, in all of which we
were more than conquerors, to dress
for the ball. Five napoleons for
a carriage ! Well, it will take
more than that to stop us now.
Soon after eleven we are off to
the palace, having passed on the
stairs as we descended the rest
of the party from our ship, tired
and just arrived, having all their
fight about rooms and luggage yet
to come, and perceiving that for
them the ball was a perished
hope.
The Kasr el Nilo, the palace
where the ball was to be given,
was soon reached. It was magni-
ficently illuminated, and at the first
step within its gates one was con-
vinced that better order and a more
refined style reigned here than at
the ball in Ismailia. Our invita-
tion-cards were scrutinised at the
door, and when these were found
satisfactory we were introduced
with much ceremony. The Vice-
roy had, however, left the station
in which he had been receiving his
guests, just before we arrived ; and
glad enough, I should think, the
poor man must have been to go
off to comparative repose with the
Emperor and the Crown-Prince in
a saloon that was reserve. There
was no intolerable crowd here, no
tearing away of ladies' garments,
no licence as to dress. There were
all the observances and all the
magnificence of a State ball. The
dancing - room was spacious and
splendid ; ornamented in the Sara-
cenic style, four-square or nearly
so, and very lofty. The refresh-
ment-room was large and well ven-
tilated, with plenty of attendants,
and every requirement within easy
reach. The supper-room was sump-
tuously provided, and admitted of
every guest being seated ; while he
might regale himself to his heart's
content, as I did, for it was eight
or ten hours since I had eaten any-
thing worthy to be called a meal,
and then I had eaten in haste, with
my loins girded, of not the most
delicate viands. The suite of draw-
ing-rooms was very elegantly fur-
nished, and all the rooms were well
lighted. The beauty of the ladies
(none of whom, of course, were
Mohammedan) was not remarkable;
though, to do them justice, many of
them had taken infinite pains to
appear to advantage, and by no
means acquiesced in the award of
nature. Powder had been profusely
used, and certain other beautifiers
laid on with the prodigality of a
Rembrandt. In the course of the
evening I had the pleasure of meet-
ing again the German acquaint-
ance in whose company, as I told
1870.]
Tlie Opening of the Suez Canal— Part II.
197
you,* I crossed the Brenner. He
was full of projects for sight-seeing,
on many of which action was after-
wards taken. And so, with one
agreeable diversion after another,
I managed quite to forget the long
tiresome day that I had passed,
and to be really indifferent about
going to bed. The morning was
somewhat advanced before we
thought of retiring, but we had
to think of it at last. As we were
going to enter our carriage, my
German friend came up and said
thai: there remained something
which we had omitted to see,
and that we must give five more
mir utes — that was all that would
be required to avoid a life -long
remorse. Thus urged we moved
off once more, not into the palace,
but round an angle of it, out of the
glare of the lamps, and were sud-
denly in solitude and quiet. In
two minutes we stood on a terrace
looking over a balustrade across a
placid water. That water, Bales,
was the mighty Nile under the
light of the full moon. Surely it
was a spell of Egypt ; the sudden
sight, the rush of thoughts en-
tangled, many-figured, overwhelm-
ing, seized on the mind, and stirred
every pulse. This awful stream,
knit to all past Time, echoing with
a thousand great names, brimful of
fancies, the nurse of her that nursed
all human knowledge — there it
rolled, past banks that had felt the
tread of sages and conquerors, pro-
phets, magicians, builders, mighty
men that were of old, men of re-
nown. And I was standing where
once Menes stood and the many
Pharaohs, where Moses wrought
wonders, where Cleopatra stepped
from her gilded galley. As I
gazed, every ripple reflected the
beams, which ran in quivering
streaks of light along the sacred
waters; the rich moonshine gleamed
on masonry and shipping ; the sha-
dows fell so dark and sharp that
they seemed substances ; there was
not a wave in the air, not a vapour
in the sky. Bales, my boy, it was
but I cannot describe what I
felt, neither can I" pass now from
the Nile to meaner things till I
sleep. After rest I will tell you
more of Egypt. Au revoir. — Yours,
SCAMPER.
* This must have been in some former letter which Mr Bales has not sent to us.
398
John.— Part 1 V.
[Feb.
JOHN. — PAKT IV.
CHAPTER XI.
THE room was in its usual par-
tially lighted state, with darkness in
all the corners, half-seen furniture,
and ghostly pictures on the walls. A
minute ago the servants had been
there in a line kneeling at prayers —
dim beings, something between pic-
tures and ghosts. And now they had
just stolen out in procession, and
Dr Mitford had seated himself at
the table for the regulation ten
minutes which he spent with his
family before retiring for the night.
Kate had drawn a low chair close
to the table, and was looking up at
him with a little quiver of anxiety
about her lips and eyes. These
two — the old man's venerable white
head throwing reflections from it
in the soft lamp-light, the young
girl all radiant with beauty and
feeling — were the only ones within
the circle of light. Outside of it
stood two darker shadows, John
and his mother. Mrs Mitford was
in a black gown, and the bright
tints of her pleasant face were
neutralised by the failure of light.
Two in the brightness and two in
the gloom — a curious symbolical
arrangement. And behind them
all was the great open window, full
of darkness, and the garden with all
its unseen sweetness outside.
Dr Mitford was the only uncon-
scious member of this curious party.
He had no suspicion and no alarm.
He stretched his legs, which were
not long, out comfortably before
him, and leant back composedly,
now on the elbows, now on the
back, of his chair.
" Well, Miss Kate, and what have
you been doing with yourself all
the evening?" he said, in his bliss-
ful ignorance. The other three
gave a simultaneous gasp; What
would he think when he heard ?
This thought, however, pressed
hardest upon one. John's mind
was laden with a secret which as
yet nobody divined ; and even Kate
was not aware what a struggle was
going on within him. He was
about to tear himself from all the
superstitions and a great many of
the affections of his past life. The
woman for whom he was about to
do this did not understand it. But
he knew and realised every point of
the struggle he had to go through.
Speech almost forsook him as he
stood in that moment of suspense,
with such a crisis before him. Neither
Kate nor his mother could see how
pale he grew, and even if there had
been light enough, John was not a
handsome pink -and -white youth
upon whom a sudden pallor shows.
He might have shirked it even now,
or left it to his mother, or chosen a
more convenient moment. But he
was uncompromising in his sense of
necessities, and now was the momen t
at which it must be done. He went
round to his father's right hand and
stood between him and Kate.
" Father," he said, " I have got
something to tell you. I have done
what perhaps was not prudent, but
I trust you will not think it was
not honourable. I have fallen in
love with Kate."
" God bless my soul ! " said Dr
Mitford, instantly abandoning his
comfortable attitude, and sitting
straight up in his bewilderment.
He was so startled that he looked
from one to another, and finally
turned to his wife, as a man does
who has referred every blunder and
surprise of a lifetime to her for
explanation. It was an appealing
half-reproachful glance. Here was
something which no doubt she could
have prevented or staved off from
him. " My dear, what is the mean-
ing of this 1" he said.
" It is I who must tell you that,"
said John, firmly. " I have a great
1870.]
John.— Part 1 V.
199
derl to tell you — a great deal to
explain to my mother as well as
you. But this comes first of all —
I love Kate. I saved her, you
know ; and then it seemed so nat-
ural that she should be mine. How
could she have taken any one else
than me who would have died for
her 1 And see, father, she has con-
sented," said the poor fellow, tak-
ing Kate's hand, and holding it in
both his. His eyes were full of
tears, and there was a smile on his
face. It was that mingling of
pathos and of triumph which marks
passion at the highest strain.
"God bless my soul!" said Dr
Mifcford again, and this time he
rose to his feet in his amazement.
"My dear, if you heard this was
going on, why did not you tell me1?
Consented ! why, she is a mere child,
and her father trusted her to us.
Miss Kate, you must perceive he is
talking nonsense — you must have
turned his head. This can't go
an\' further. The boy must be mad
to think of such a thing."
'• Then I am mad too," said Kate,
softly. "Oh, please, do not be
an^ry with us — we could not help
it. Oh, Mrs Mitford, say a word
for John ! "
And then there came a strange
pause. The mother said nothing.
Sho stood in the shade holding back,
insensible, as it seemed, to this
appeal ; and on the other side of
the table were the young pair, hold-
ing each other fast. Kate had add-
ed her other hand to the one John
had taken, and their fingers inter-
twined and clasped each other with
an eloquence which was beyond
words. As for Dr Mitford, he
came to himself slowly while this
scene passed before him. A ray
of intelligence passed over his face.
He was a sensible man, and not
ono to throw away the good the
gods provided. Gradually it be-
came apparent to him that there
are times when youthful folly
brings about results such as mature
wi.sdom could scarcely have con-
ceived possible. From the first
stupefaction his look brightened
into surprise, then into interest
and half-disguised approval. The
light of the lamp fell full upon
Kate's upturned face, which was
pleading, yet not over-anxious, and
upon the clasped hands, and the
tall shadow which bent over her.
Dr Mitford drew a long breath, and
when he spoke again, his voice was
wonderfully changed.
"Then you must be more to
blame than he is, my dear young
lady, for you have not the same
temptation," he said, with a little
flurry and excitement, but not much
apparent displeasure. And then he
made a pause, and looked at them
with his brow contracted as if they
were a book. " I don't understand
all this. Do you mean to tell me
you are engaged, and it is not three
weeks yet "
" It did not want three weeks,"
said John," nor three days. Father,
you see it is done now ; she has
consented, and she ought to know
best."
" I am utterly bewildered," said
Dr Mitford, but his tone softened
more and more. " My dear, have
you nothing to say to this 1 is it as
unexpected to you as it is to me ]
Miss Kate, you understand it is no
reluctance to receive you that over-
whelms me, but the surprise —
and My dear, is it possible
you have nothing to say ? "
" It is her father I am thinking
of," said Mrs Mitford, suddenly,
with a sharp jarring sound of emo-
tion in her voice. And so it was j
but not entirely that. She seized
upon the only feasible objection
that occurred to her to cover her
general consternation and sense of
dismay.
" Yes, to be sure," said Dr Mit-
ford. "John, I wish you had
spoken to Mr Crediton first. I
shall explain to him that I knew
nothing about it — nothing at all
till the last moment. I fear you
have taken away from me even the
power of pleading your cause ;
though, Miss Kate," he said, rising
200
John.— Part 1 V.
[Feb.
and going up to her with the ur-
banity which was so becoming to
him, " if you had no fortune, I
should take the liberty to kiss you,
and tell you my son had made a
charming choice."
" Then kiss me now," said Kate,
suddenly detaching herself from
John, and holding out her hands
to his father. Dr Mitford gave a
little irresolute glance behind him
to see what his wife was thinking ;
and then after a moment's hesita-
tion, melted by the pretty face
lifted to him, by the fortune which
he had thus set forward as a draw-
back to her, and by the mingled
sentiment, false and true, of the oc-
casion, took the pretty hands and
bent over her and kissed her fore-
head.
" My dear," he said, with effu-
sion, " I could not have hoped for
so sweet a daughter-in-law. You
would be as welcome to me as the
flowers in May." And then Dr
Mitford paused, and the puckers
came back to his forehead, and he
turned round on his heel as on a
pivot, and faced his son. " But
don't for a moment suppose, John,
that I can approve of you. I will
not adopt your cause with Mr
Crediton. Good heavens ! he might
think it was a scheme. He might
think "
" That he could never think,"
said Mrs Mitford, not able to re-
strain her impatience. " He may
be angry, and blame everybody,
and do away with it — but he could
not think that."
"If I have done wrong, let it
come upon me," said John, hoarsely.
" But, Kate, come ! you have had
enough to bear." He was thinking
of her only, not of what any one
else had to bear ; and it was hard
upon Mrs Mitford. And it was
hard upon her, very hard, to take the
interloper into her arms again, and
falter forth a blessing on her. " He
is everything in the world to me,"
she whispered, with her lips on
Kate's cheek. " And what should
his wife be ? But my heart seems
dead to-night." "Dear mamma,
don't hate me. I will not take
him away from you ; and I have
no mother," Kate whispered back.
And Mrs Mitford held her close
for a moment, and cried, and was
lightened at her heart. But this
little interlude was unknown to
the two men who stood looking
on. John led his betrothed away
into the hall, where he lingered one
moment before he said good-night.
What he said to her, or she to him, is
not much to our present purpose.
They lingered and whispered, and
clung to each other as most of us
have done once in our lives — and
could not make up their minds to
separate. While this went on, Dr
Mitford made a little turn about
the table in his excitement, and
thrust up the shade from the lamp,
as if to throw more light upon the
matter. He was in a fidget, and
a little alarmed by what his son
had done, yet prepared to feel that
all was for the best.
"My dear, is it possible you
knew of this?" he said, rubbing
his hands. "What a very odd
thing that it should have happened
so ! Bless my soul ! she is a great
heiress. Why, Mary," giving a
glance round him, and lowering his
voice a little, " who could have
thought that lump of a boy would
have had the sense to do so well
for himself r'
"Oh, Dr Mitford, for heaven's
sake don't speak so ! Whatever he
intends, my boy never thought of
that."
" I don't suppose he did," said
the father, still softly rubbing
his hands ; " I don't suppose he
did — but still, all the same. Why,
bless my soul ! Mary To be
sure it may be unpleasant with Mr
Crediton. If he could think for
one moment that we had any hand
in it "
"He cannot think that," said
Mrs Mitford. A sense that there
was something more to be told
kept her breathless and incapable
of speech. But it gave her a little
1870.]
John.— Part IV.
201
consolation to be able to defy Mr
Crediton's suspicions. It was a
sa. ety-valve, so far as it went.
" I hope not — I sincerely hope
not. I should tell him at once that
it is — well — yes — contrary to my
wishes. Of course it would be a
graat thing for John. He is not
the sort of boy to make his way in
the world, and this would give him
such a start. Unless her father is
very adverse, Mary, I should be in-
clined to think that everything is
for the best."
" You are so ready to think that,
Dr Mitford," said his wife, sitting
down suddenly in her excitement,
feeling that her limbs could no
longer support her. " But I am
afraid I am not so submissive,"
she added, with a little burst of
feeling, putting up her hand to her
eyes.
" You don't mean to say you
don't see the advantages of it 1 " said
her husband ; " or is it the girl you
object to 1 She seems to me to be
a very nice girl."
" Oh, hush ! " said Mrs Mitford ;
" do not let him hear you. Oh
my boy ! my boy ! "
John came in with his face just
settling out of the melting tender-
ness of his good - night into the
resolution which was necessary for
what was now before him. He saw
that his mother, half hidden in her
chair, had covered her eyes with
her hand ; and his father stood by
the table, as if he had been argu-
ing, or reasoning, or explaining
something. It was not an attitude
very unusual with Dr Mitford ; but
explaining things to his wife, not-
withstanding her respect for him,
was not an effort generally attended
with much success. Perhaps, how-
ever, the subjects he selected were
not within her range.
" I tell you, my dear," he said,
as John approached, with the air of
concluding an argument, " that if
Mr Crediton does not object, I shall
think John has made an excellent
choice."
" Thank you, father," John said,
and held out his hand ; while the
mother, whose anxieties on the sub-
ject went so much deeper, sat still
on her chair and covered her face,
and felt a sharp pang of irritation
strike through her. She had trained
the boy to be very respectful, very
dutiful, to his father ; but Dr Mit-
ford spent much of his time in his
study, and there could not be much
sympathy between them ; yet the
two stood clasping hands while
she was left out. It was the
strangest transposition of parts.
She could not understand it, and
it jarred through her with sudden
pain. Nor did John seek her after
that, as surely, she thought, he
must do. He stood between them
in front of the table, and kept look-
ing straight, not at either of them,
but at the light.
" I have had something else on
my mind for a long time," he said,
and his lips were parched with ex-
citement. " Father, it is a long
affair: will you sit down again and
listen to what I have got to say 1 "
"If it is about this business,"
said his father, " I have told you
already, John, that nothing can be
done without her father's consent ;
and I have not time, you know,
to waste in talk. Tell your mother
what it is ; I shall have it all from
her. I have given you my con-
sent and approbation conditionally.
Your mother, surely, can do all the
rest."
" Wait," said John ; " pray, wait
a little. It is not about this. I
want to tell you and my mother
both together. I should not have
the courage," he added, with the
excitement of self - defence, " to
speak to you separately. It has no-
thing to do with this. It was a bur-
den upon my mind before I ever
saw Kate. And now that every-
thing has come to a crisis, I must
speak. It cannot be delayed any
longer. Hear me for this once.';
Mrs Mitford gave a stifled groan.
It was very low, but the room was
very silent, and the sound startled
all of them — even herself. It
202
John.— Part IV.
[Feb.
sounded somehow as if it had
come in through the window out
of the dark. She raised herself up
suddenly and opened her eyes, and
uncovered her face, and looked at
them both, lest any one should say
it was she. Yes, she had foreseen
it all the time ; she had felt it,
since ever that girl came to the
house — which was not, it must be
admitted, entirely just.
" You have brought me up to be
a clergyman," said John, still more
and more hurried, " and there was
a time when I accepted the idea as
a matter of course ; but since I
have grown older, things are differ-
ent. I cannot bear to disappoint
you, and overturn all your plans ;
but, father, think ! Can I under-
take to say from the altar things I
cannot believe? Ought I to do
that 1 If I were a boy, it might be
different, and I might learn better ;
but at my age "
" Age," said^ the Doctor, impa-
tiently, "what* is all this about?
Age ; of course you are a boy, and
nothing else. And why shouldn't
you believe ? Better men than
you have gone over all that ground,
and settled it again and again."
" But, father, I cannot be guided
by what other people think. I
must judge for myself. I cannot
do it ! I have tried to carry out
your expectations until the struggle
has been almost more than I could
bear, and I cannot do it. Forgive
me : it has come to be a question
of possibility "
" A question of fiddlestick ! "
cried the Doctor, angrily, walking
about the room. " I tell you, bet-
ter men than you have settled all
that. Of course you think your
doubts are quite original, and never
were heard of before. Nonsense !
I have not the slightest doubt they
have been refuted a hundred times
over. Stuff ! Mary, is it to be ex-
pected I should give in to him ? —
just when it was a comfort to think
he was provided for, and all that.
Are you such a fool as to think
you can meet Mr Crediton with this
story ] Is he to understand at once
that you mean to live on your
wife 1 " ^
" I will never live on my wife,"
said John, stung in the tenderest
point.
" Oh, Dr Mitford, don't speak to
him so," said his mother, rising up
and thro wing herself metaphorically
between the combatants. " Do you
think if he had not had a very
strong reason he would have said
this to us, knowing how it would
grieve us 1 Oh, let him tell us what
he means ! "
" I know what he means," said
Dr Mitford, "better than he does
himself. He thinks it is a fine
thing to be a sceptic. His father
believes what he can't believe, and
that makes him out superior to his
father. And then here is Kate
Crediton with all her money "
" Father!" cried John, pale with
rage.
" Oh, hush, hush ! " said Mrs Mit-
ford ; " that has nothing to do
with it. Oh, don't let us bring her
name in to make bitterness. John,
John, do not say anything hasty !
We had so set our hearts upon it.
And, dear, your papa might ex-
plain things to you if you would
but have patience. He never knew
you had any doubts before."
" Mother," said John, with tears
in his eyes, turning to her, " it is
like you to take my part."
" But he must have a very strong
reason," she went on, without heed-
ing him, addressing her husband,
" to be able to make up his mind
to disappoint us so. Don't be
hard upon our poor boy. If you
were to argue with him, and ex-
plain things — I am sure my John
did not mean any harm. Oh,
consider, John ! — Fanshawe, that
you were born in — how could you
bear to see it go to others 1 And
the poor people that know you so
well Dr Mitford, when all this
is over, and — strangers gone, and
we are quiet again, you will take
the boy with you, and go over
everything and explain "
1370.]
John.— Part IV.
203
" The fact is," said the Doctor,
suddenly going to the side table
and selecting his candle, " that I
Imve no time to waste on such non-
sense. You can have what books
you want out of my library, and I
hope your own sense and reflection
will carry the day. Not a word
more. You are excited, I hope,
and that is the cause of this exhibi-
tion. No; of course I don't accept
what you have said. Speak to
your mother — that is the best thing
you can do. I have got my paper
to finish, so good-night."
-John stood aghast, and watched
his father go out at the door, im-
paoient and contemptuous of the
explanation it had cost him so
much to make. And when he
turned to his mother, expecting
her sympathy, she was standing
by him transformed, with a gleam
of fire in her eyes such as he had
never seen there; a flush on her
face, and her hand held up with in-
dignant, almost threatening, vehe-
mence.
'• How could you do it?" she
cried — " how could you have the
heart to do it 1 To us that have
had no thought but for you ! Look
what sacrifices we have made all
your life that you should have
everything. Look how your father
has worked at his papers — and all
that we have done to secure your
prosperity. And for the sake of
a silly girl you had never seen a
month ago ! Oh, God forgive me !
what shall I do ] "
And she sank down on her
chair and covered her face, and
burst into angry weeping. It was
not simple sorrow, but mortifica-
tion, rage, disappointment — a corn-
bin; ttion of feelings which it was
impossible for John to identify
with his mother. She had been
defending him but a moment be-
fore. It had given him a sense of
the most exquisite relief to find her
on liis side. He had turned to her
without doubt or fear, expecting
that she would cry a little, perhaps,
and lament over him, and be wist-
VOL. cvn. — NO. DCLII.
fully respectful of his doubts, and
tender of his sufferings. And to
see her confronting him, flushed,
indignant, almost menacing ! His
consternation was too great for
words. " Mother," he said, falter-
ing, " you are mistaken — indeed
you are mistaken ! " and stopped
short, with mingled resentment and
humiliation. Why should Kate
be supposed to have anything to
do with it 1 And yet in his heart
he knew that she had a great deal
to do with it. Her — but not her
fortune, as his father thought.
Curse her fortune ! John, who
had always been so gentle, walked
up and down the room like a caged
lion, with a hundred passions in
his heart. He was wild with mor-
tification, and with that sense of
the intolerable which accompanies
the first great contrariety of a life.
Nothing (to speak of) had ever
gone cross with him before. But
now his mother herself had turned
against him — could such a thing
be possible 1 — and the solid earth
had been rent away from under his
feet.
Neither of them knew how long
it was before anything was said.
Mrs Mitford sobbed out her passion,
and dried her tears, and remained
silent ; and so did John, till the air
seemed to stir round him with
wings and rustlings as of unseen
spectators. It was only when it
had become unbearable that he
broke the silence. " Mother," he
said, with a voice which even to
his own ears sounded harsh and
strange, " you have always believed
me till now. When I tell you
that this has been in my heart ever
since I left Oxford — and while I
was at Oxford — and that I have al-
ways refrained from telling you,
hoping that when the time of deci-
sion came I might feel differently —
will you refuse to believe me
now ? "
Mrs Mitford was incapable of
making any reply. " Oh, John,"
she said — "oh, my boy ! " shaking
her head mournfully, while the
204
John.— Part IV.
[Feb.
tears dropped from her eyes. She
did not mean to imply that she
would not believe him. Poor soul !
she did not very well know what
she meant, except utter confusion
and misery ; but that was the mean-
ing which her gesture bore to him.
" I have done nothing to deserve
this," he said, with indignation.
" You have a right to be as severe
upon me as you like for disobeying
your wishes, but you have no right
to disbelieve your son."
"Oh, John, what is the use of
speaking1?5' said Mrs Mitford. "Dis-
believe you ! why should I dis-
believe you? The best thing is just
to say nothing more about it, but
let me break my heart and take no
notice. What am I that I should
stand in your way? Your father
will get the better of it, for he has
so many things to occupy him ;
but I will never get the better of
it. Don't take any notice of me ;
the old must give up, whatever hap-
pens— I know that — and the young
must have their day."
" Yes ; the young must have their
day," said John, severely ; and then
his heart smote him, and he came
and knelt down by his mother's
side. " But why should you be in
such despair?" he said. " Mother,
I am not going away from you.
Though I should not be curate of
Fanshawe Regis, may not we all be
very happy together ? — as happy in
a different way ? Mother, dear, I
thought you were the one to stand
by me, whoever should be against
me."
" And so I will stand by you,"
she sobbed, permitting him to take
her hand and caress it. " Nobody
shall say I do not stand up for my
own boy. You shall have your
mother for your defender, John, if
it should kill me. But oh, my
heart is broke ! " she cried, leaning
her head against his shoulder.
" Now and then even a boy's
mother must think of herself. All
my dreams were about you, John.
I have not been so happy, not so
very happy, in my life. Other
women have been happier than
me, and more thought of, that
perhaps have done no more than I
have. But I have always said to
myself, I have my John. I thought
you would make it up to me ; I
thought my happiness had all been
saving up — all waiting till I was
growing old, and needed it most.
Don't cry, my dear. I would not
have you cry, you that are a man,
as if you were a girl. Oh, if I had
had a girl of my own, I think I could
have borne it better. But she
would have gone off and married
too. There, there ! I am very self-
ish speaking about my feelings. I
will never do it again. What does
anything matter to me if you are
happy 1 My dear, go to bed now,
and don't take any more notice.
It was the shock, you know. In
the morning you will see I shall
have come to myself."
" But, mother, it matters most
to me that you should understand
me/' cried John — " you who have
been everything to me. Do you
think I am going to forget who
has trained me, and taught me, and
guided me since ever I remember ?
What difference will this make be-
tween you and me ? Does giving
up the Church mean giving up my
mother 1 Never, never ! I should
give up even my own conscience,
whatever it cost me, could I think
that."
" Oh, John, my dear, perhaps if
things were rightly explained ? "
she faltered, raising her voice with
a little spring of hope, and looking
anxiously in his face. But she saw
no hope there, and then her voice
grew tremulous and solemn. ' ' Joh n ,
do you think it will bring a blessing
on you to turn back after you have
put your hand to the plough, and
forsake God for the world 1 Is that
the way to get His grace ? "
"Will God be better pleased with
me if I stand up at the altar before
Him and say a lie?" said John.
" Mother, you who are so true and
just, you cannot think what you
say."
1870.]
John.— Part IV.
205
"But it is truth you have to
speak, and not lies," said the un-
used controversialist, with a thou-
sand wistful pleas, which were not
arguments, in her eyes ; and then
she threw her tender arms round
her son, and clasped him to her.
" Oh, my boy, what can I say ? It
is because of the shock and my not
expecting it. I think my heart is
broken. But go to bed, my dear,
and think no more of me for to-
night."
•' I cannot bear you saying your
heart is broken," cried John. " Mo-
ther, don't be so hard upon me. I
must act according to my conscience,
whatever I may have to bear."
" Oh, John ! God knows I don't
mean to be hard upon you ! " cried
Mrs Mitford, stung with the re-
proach. And then she rose up
trembling, her pretty grey hair
rufled about her forehead, her
eyes wet and shining with so great
a .strain of emotion. Thus she
stood for a moment, looking at him
with such a faint effort at a smile
as she could accomplish. " Per-
haps things will look different in
the morning," she said, softly, " if
we say our prayers with all our
hearts before we go to bed."
And with that she drew her son
to her, and gave him his good-night
kiss, and went away quickly with-
out turning round again. John was
left master of the field. Neither
father nor mother had any effectual
forces to bring against him — they
had both retired with a postpone-
ment of the question, which weak-
ened their power and strengthened
his. And he had attained what
seemed to him the greatest happi-
ness in life — the love of the girl
whom he loved. And yet he was
not happy. He walked slowly up and
down the deserted room, and stood
at the open window, and breathed
in the breath of the lilies and the
dew, and remembered that Kate
was his, and yet was not happy.
How incredible that was, and yet
true ! When he left the room he
caught himself moving with steal-
thy footsteps, as if something lay
dead in the house. And something
did lie dead. The hopes that had
centred in him had got their death-
blow. The house had lost what
had been its heart and strength.
He became vaguely, sadly conscious
of this, as he stole away in the
silence to his own room, and shut
himself up there, though it was
still so early, with his heart as
heavy as lead within his breast.
CHAPTER xn.
Next morning the household
met at breakfast with that strange
determination to look just as usual,
and ignore all that had happened,
whiih is so common in life. Kate,
to be sure, did not know what had
happened. She was aware of no-
thing but her own engagement
which could have disturbed the
fanrly calm ; and it filled her with
wonder, and even irritation, to see
how pale John looked, who ought
to h ive been at the height of hap-
piness, and how little exultation
was in his voice. " He is thinking
of what he is to say to papa," was
the thought that passed through her
mind j and this thought fortunately
checked her momentary displeasure.
Mrs Mitford was paler still, and her
eyes looked red, as if she had been
crying; but instead of being sub-
dued or cross, she was in unusually
gay spirits, it seemed to Kate — talk-
ing a great deal more than usual,
even laughing, and attempting little
jokes which sat very strangely upon
her. The only conclusion Kate
could draw from the general aspect
of affairs was, that they were all ex-
tremely nervous about the meeting
with Mr Crediton. And, on the
whole, she was not very much sur-
prised at this. She herself was
nervous enough. His only child,
for whom he might have hoped the
John.— Part IV.
[Feb.
most splendid of marriages — who
was so much admired, and had so
little excuse for throwing herself
away — that she should engage her-
self thus, like any school-girl, to a
clergyman's son, with no prospects,
nor money, nor position, nor any-
thing ! Kate looked at John across
the table, and saw that he was very
far from handsome, and owned to
herself that it was next to incred-
ible. Why had she done it ? Look-
ing at him critically, he was not
even the least good-looking, nor
distinguished, nor remarkable in
any way. One might say he had
a good expression, but that was all
that could be said for him. And
Kate felt that it would be incred-
ible to her father. Dr Mitford
was the only one of the party who
was like himself ; but then he
was an old man, and cold-blooded.
Kate recovered her complacency by
this strain of reasoning. And but
for this she might have been a
little annoyed by their looks, which
were not looks of triumph.
" I want you to let me drive the
phaeton over to the station to meet
papa," she said. "Please do, Dr
Mitford. Oh, I am not in the least
afraid of the pony. I have been
making friends with him, and giving
him lumps of sugar, and I do want
to be the first to see papa."
"My dear Miss Kate, I ara so
sorry the phaeton has only room
for two," said the Doctor. " If
you were to go there would be no
seat for your excellent father ; but
it is only half an hour's drive — can-
not you wait till he reaches here ]"
" But, dear Dr Mitford, I always
drive him from the station at
home," cried Kate.
" You are not at home now, my
dear young lady," said the Doctor,
shaking his head. "We must give
you back safe and sound into
his hands. The groom will go.
No, Miss Kate, no — we must not
frighten your worthy father. You
must consider what had so nearly
happened a month ago. No, no ;
it requires a man's hand "
" But the pony is so gentle,"
pleaded Kate.
" I know the pony better than
you do," Dr Mitford said, shaking
his head, " and he wants a man's
hand. My dear, you must be
content to wait your good father
here."
The Doctor was the only one
who appeared unmoved. He had
put on all his usual decorous solem-
nity along with his fresh stiff white
tie, and highly -polished creaking
boots. But even he made no allu-
sion to the changed state of affairs.
He did not kiss her as he had done
on the previous night, nor treat
her otherwise than with his usual
old-fashioned ceremonious polite-
ness. John's voice once or twice
in the course of the meal calling
her Kate, John's eyes now and
then brightening up upon her out
of the haze of anxiety that over-
clouded them, were the only indica-
tions that anything out of the ordi-
nary had happened. Kate said to
herself, with a sort of whimsical
disappointment, that this was a
very strange way of being engaged.
That era in her life had appeared
to her before it came as if it must
change everything. And it seemed
to have changed nothing, not even
among the people it most concerned.
Sometimes she felt as if she must
laugh, sometimes as if she must
cry, sometimes disposed to be
angry, sometimes wounded. She
was glad to escape from the
table to the garden, where John
found her — glad, poor fellow, to
escape too. And then, as they
wandered among the rose-bushes
arm-in-arm, she found out how it
was.
" But they have no right to be
so hard on you," cried Kate, im-
petuously. "Suppose you had never
seen me or thought of me — would
it be right to be a clergyman, just
like a trade, when you felt you
could not in your heart
" My Kate ! — you understand me
at least ; that is what I said."
"And when you can do so much
1870.]
John.— Part IV.
207
better for yourself," said Kate,
with emphasis. " Mrs Mitford and
the Doctor should think of that.
One way you never could have
been anything but a clergyman;
while the other way — why, you may
be anything, John."
He shook his head over her, half
sadly, half pleased. He knew his
capacities were far from being be-
yond limit, but still that she should
think so was pleasant. And then
there was the sense, which was
•sweet, that he and she, spending
the summer morning among the
1 lowers, were a little faction in
arms against the world, with a
mutual grievance, mutual difficul-
ties, a cause to maintain against
everybody. Solitude cb deux is
sweet, and selfishness a deux has a
way of looking half sublime. It
was the first time either of them
Lad experienced this infinitely se-
ductive sentiment. They talked
over the hardness of the father and
mother, with a kind of delight in
thus feeling all the world to be
against them. " They cannot blame
ine, for you were thinking of that
before you ever saw me," said Kate.
''Blame you! it is one thing the more
I have to love you for," said John.
" I should never have been awaken-
ed to free myself but for you, my
darling. I should have gone stu-
pidly on under the sway of cus-
tom." And for the moment he
believed what he said. Oh, what a
difference it made ! the wide world
before him where to choose, and
this creature, whom he loved more
than all the world, leaning on him,
putting her fate in his hands ;
instead of the dull routine of
parish duties, and the dull home
life, and the stagnation around,
and all his uneasy restless thoughts.
It was about twelve o'clock when
K ate went up-stairs to get her hat,
with the intention of setting out on
foot to waylay her father. It was
absolutely indispensable, she felt,
that she should be the first to see
him ; but up to that time the two
lovers had wandered about together
unmolested, not caring who saw
them, arm-in-arm. This was the
first advantage of the engagement.
Dr Mitford saw them from his li-
brary, and Mrs Mitford looked down
upon them with a beating heart
from her chamber-window, but nei-
ther interfered. Twenty-four hours
before Mrs Mitford would have
gone out herself to take care of
them, or would have called Kate
to her ; but now that they were
engaged, such precautions were
vain. And other people saw them
besides the father and mother. Fred
Huntley, for instance, who reined in
his horse, and peered over the gar-
den-wall as he passed, with a curi-
osity he found it difficult to account
for, saw them standing by the lilies
leaning on each other, and said
" Oh ! " to himself, and turned back
and rode home again, without giv-
ing the message he had been charged
with. He had come to ask the Fan-
shaweKegis people to agarden-party
— " But what is the use 1 " Fred had
said to himself; and had turned, not
his own head, but his horse's, and
gone back again. Parsons, too, saw
the pair from Kate's window, where
she was finishing her packing.
"Master will soon put a stop to
that," was Parsons' decision. But
everybody perceived at once that a
new relationship had been estab-
lished between the two, and that
everything was changed.
When Kate ran up-stairs to put
on her hat, it was after two
hours of this consultation and mu-
tual confidence. It was true she
had not taken much advice from
him. She had closed his lips on
that subject, telling him frankly
that she knew her papa a great deal
better than he did, and that she
should take her own way ; but she
had given a great deal of counsel,
on the other hand. He had found
it impossible to do more than
make a succession of little fond
replies, so full had she been of
advice and wisdom. "You must
be, oh, so kind and gentle and
nice to her," Kate had said. "I
208
John.— -Part IV.
[Feb.
•will never forgive you if you are
in the least cross or disagreeable to
mamma. Yes ; I like to say mamma.
I never had any mother of my own,
and she has been so good to me,
and I love her so — not for your
sake, sir, but for her own. You
must never be vexed by anything
she says ; you must be as patient
and gentle and sweet to her — but,
remember, you must be firm ! It
will be kindest to all of us, John.
If you were to appear to give in
now, it would all have to be done
over again ; now the subject has
been started, it will be much kinder
to be firm."
" You need not fear in that re-
spect," John replied. " I think
nothing but the thought of you
up-stairs, and the feeling that you
understood me, would have given
me courage to speak ; but the mo-
ment one word had been said, all
had been said. Nothing can bring
things back to their old condition
again."
" I am so glad," said Kate; " but,
remember, you must be gentleness
'itself to her. If you were rude or
undutiful or unkind, I should nev-
er more look at you again."
"My darling!" said John. It
was so sweet of her thus to defend
his mother. If Mrs Mitford had
heard it, her soft heart would have
been filled full of disgust and bit-
terness to think of this stranger
taking it upon herself to plead for
her, his mother, with her own son !
But John only thought how sweet
it was of his darling to be so anxi-
ous for his mother, and felt his
heart melt over her. What was all
his mother had done for him in
comparison with Kate's dominion,
which was boundless, and of divine
right 1 Thus they discussed their
position, the very difficulties of
which were delicious because they
were mutual, and felt that the
other persons connected with them,
parents and suchlike, were railed
off at an immense distance, and
were henceforward to be struggled
against and kept in subjection. It
was with this resolution full in her
mind, and thrilling with a new im-
pulse of independence and activity,
that Kate went up-stairs. Parsons
had gone down to seek that sus-
tenance of failing nature which the
domestic mind finds necessary be-
tween its eight o'clock breakfast and
its two o'clock dinner ; but Lizzie,
whom Kate had seen but little of
lately, inspired on her side by a re-
solution scarcely less strong than
the young lady's, was at her bed-
room door, waylaying her. Lizzie
rushed in officiously to find the
hat and the gloves and the parasol
which Miss Crediton wanted, and
then she added, humbly, " Please,
miss ! " and stood gaping, with her
wholesome country roses growing
crimson, and the creamy white of
her round neck reddening all over,
like sunrise upon snow.
" Well, Lizzie, what is it ?— but
make haste, for I am in a hurry,"
said Kate. She was a young lady
who was very good-natured to ser-
vants, and, as they said, not a bit
proud.
"Ob, please, miss! — it's as I
can't a-bear to see you going away."
"Is that all? I am sure it is
very kind of you, Lizzie — every-
body has been so very kind to me
at Fanshawe Regis that I can't
bear to go away," said Kate ; " but
I daresay I shall come back again
— probably very often — so you see
it is not worth while to cry."
" That's not the reason, miss,"
said Lizzie ; "I've been thinking
this long and long if I could better
myself. Mother's but poor, miss,
and all them big lads to think of.
And you as has so many servants,
and could do such a deal It aint
as I'm not happy with missis —
but service is service, and I feel as
I ought to better myself ."
" Oh, you ungrateful thing ! "
cried Kate; "after Mrs Mitford
has been so good to you. I would
not be so ungrateful for all the
world. Better yourself indeed !
I can tell you, you are a great deal
more likely to injure yourself. Oh,
1370.]
John.— Part IV.
209
lizzie, I should not have thought
it of you! You ought to be so
happy here."
"It aint as I'm not happy,"
cied Lizzie, melting into tears.
"Oh, miss, don't you go and be
vexed. It's all along of what Miss
I arsons says. She says in the kit-
chen as how she's going to be mar-
ried, and all the dresses you gives
her, and all the presents, and takes
her about wherever you go. Oh,
miss, when Miss Parsons is married,
won't you try me ? I'll serve you
night and day — I will. I don't mind
sitting up nights — not till daylight
— and I'd never ask for holidays,
nor followers, nor nothing. You'd
have a faithful servant, though I
says it as shouldn't," said Lizzie,
with her apron at her eyes ; " and
mother's prayers, and a blessin'
from the Lord — oh, miss, if you'd
try me ! "
" Try you in place of Parsons ! "
cried Kate, in consternation. "Why,
Lizzie, are you mad1? Can you
make dresses, you foolish girl, and
dress hair, and do all sorts of things,
like Parsons ? You are only Mrs
Mitford's housemaid. Do you mean
to tell me you can do all that too1?"
" I could try, miss," said Lizzie,
somewhat frightened, drying her
eyes.
1 " Try ! — to make me a dress ! "
cried Kate, her eyes dancing with
fun and comic horror. " But, Liz-
zie, I will try and find a place for
you as housemaid, if you like."
" I don't care for that, miss," said
Lizzie, disconsolately ; " what I
want is to better myself. And I
know I could, if I were to try.
When I've tried hard at anything,
I've allays done it. And, please, I
d m' know what Miss Parsons is, as
she should be thought that much
of — I could do it if I was to try."
"Then you had better try, I
tl link," said Kate, with severe polite-
ness, " and let me know when you
h ive succeeded ; but in the mean
time I will take my gloves, which
y m are spoiling. I have no more
time to talk just now."
Poor Lizzie found herself left
behind, when she had hoped the
argument was just beginning. Kate
ran down with her gloves in her
hand, half annoyed, half amused.
The girl was so ready to transplant
herself anywhere — to reach out her
rash hands to new tools, and to
take upon her a succession of un-
known duties, that Kate was quite
subdued by the thought. "How
foolish ! " she said to herself.
"When she has been brought up to
one thing, why should she want to
try another ? It is so silly. What
stupids servants are ! If I had been
brought up a housemaid, I should
have remained a housemaid. And
to be willing to leave her good mis-
tress and her home and all her past
life — for what ? " said Kate, moral-
ising. Had she but known what
a very similar strain of reasoning
was going on inMrsMitford's mind !
" Give up his home, and all his as-
sociations, and his prospects in life,
and the work God had provided for
him — for what?" John's mother
was musing. The school, and the
old women in the village, and all
her parish work, had slid out of her
thoughts. She had shut herself up
in her own room, and was brooding
over it — working the sword in her
wound, and now and then crying
out with the pain. And Dr Mitford
in his study paused from time to
time in the midst of his paper, and
wished with a glum countenance
that Mr Crediton's visit was well
over, and made up little speeches
disowning all complicity in the
business ; and John had gone down
to the river, to the foot of those
cliffs close to the river where Kate's
horse was carrying her when he
saved her, and, with his fishing-
rod idle in his hand, tried also to
prepare himself for that awful in-
terview with Kate's father, and for
the final argument with his own
which must follow. He was in the
first day of his lover's paradise, and
had just tasted the sweetness of
mutual consultation over those in-
terests and prospects which were
210
John.— Part IV.
[Feb.
now hers as well as his". And he
was very happy. But all the same
he was wretched, feeling himself
torn asunder from his life — feeling
that he had lost all independent
standing, and had alienated the
hearts which loved him most in the
world. All this followed upon the
privilege of saving Miss Crediton's
life, arid her month's residence at
Fanshawe Regis. Was it Kate's
fault 1 Nobody said so in words,
not even Mrs Mitford ; and Kate
went to meet her father with such
a sense of splendid virtue and dis-
interestedness as never before had
swelled her bosom. She was full
of the energy and exhilaration
which attends the doing of a good
action. " I have saved him," she
said to herself, " as he saved me.
I have prevented him going and
making a sacrifice of himself. He
would never have had the courage
to stand up for himself without
me." Moved by this glow of de-
lightful complacency, she set out
upon the road to the station ;
and it was not till she heard the
jingle of the phaeton in the dis-
tance that a thrill of nervousness
ran over Kate, and she felt the
magnitude and importance of what
she was about to do.
Mr Crediton probably was think-
ing of quite other things — at least,
he did not recognise her, though
she stood against the green hedge-
row in her light summer dress,
making signs with her parasol. It
was only when the groom drew up
that he observed the pretty figure
by the roadside. " What, Kate ! "
he cried, with a flush of pleasure,
and jumped out of the phaeton to
greet her. " But there is no room
for another," he said, looking com-
ically at the respectable vehicle,
when he had kissed his child, and
congratulated her on her improved
looks — " what is to be done 1 "
"I wanted to have driven the
pony to the station," said Kate,
" but Dr Mitford would not let me.
Now you must walk home with
me, papa — it is not a mile. James,
you may drive on and say we are
coming. Dr Mitford thought the
pony would be too much for me,"
she added, demurely. "He is
so funny, and so precise about
everything." Then Kate remem-
bered suddenly that it was very
contrary to her interest to depre-
ciate any of the Mitford family,
and changed her tone — "but so
nice — you cannot think, papa, how
kind, how good they have all
been to me : they have made me
like their own child."
" So much the better, my dear,'*
said Mr Crediton. "I am very
grateful to them. I am sure they
are very good sort of people. But
I hope, Kate, you are not sorry to
be going home?"
"I am not sorry to see you,
papa," cried Kate, clasping his arm
with both her hands. And then
she leaned her head towards him
in her caressing way. " Dear papa !
I have so much to tell you," she
went on, faltering in spite of her-
self.
" If you have much to tell me,
you must have used your time
well," said Mr Crediton, smiling
upon her the smile of fond paternal
indulgence. "And I daresay the
items are not very important. But
you have got back your roses and
your bright eyes, my pet, and that
is of more consequence than all the
news in the world."
" Papa," said Kate, moved to a
certain solemnity, " you would not
say so if you knew what I am going
to say. Do you remember what
you said to me the morning you
left 1 and I thought it was such non-
sense ; — but," here she gave his arm
a tender little squeeze between her
two clinging hands, "I suppose it
was you that knew best."
"What did I say to you the
morning I left 1 " said Mr Crediton,
quite unsuspicious. He was pleased
she should remember, pleased she
should think he knew best. But
he could scarcely realise his saucy
Kate in this soft adoring creature,
and he put his own hand caress-
1370.]
John.— Part IV.
211
ingly upon the two little hands.
" Mrs Mitford must have done you
a great deal of good," he added,
•with a soft laugh ; " you did not
use to be quite so retentive of what
I said."
" Oh, but papa, if you would only
remember ! " said Kate. " Papa,"
she resumed, faltering, and droop-
ing her head, " it came true — all
your warning about — John."
Mr Crediton gave a start, as if
he had been shot. " About — John.
What does this mean?" he cried,
becoming alarmed. " What is it ]
I remember most things that con-
cern you, but I don't recollect any-
thing particular I said."
" Yes, papa ; you warned me about
— John. But it has not quite come
true," she added, lowering her
voice, and leaning on him, with her
head against his arm ; " or rather, it
has come more than true. Papa,
don't be angry. I came out on
purpose to tell you. They are in a
dreadful state about it. It is mak-
ing poor Mrs Mitford quite ill.
She thinks you will think they had
some hand in it, but indeed they
h id not. Papa, dear, promise me
you will not be angry. I — I am —
engaged — to John."
Mr Crediton was a very decorous,
respectable man, not addicted to
outbursts of passion, but at this
wonderful announcement he swore
a prodigious oath, and drew his
arm away from her, giving her un-
awares a thrust aside which made
hor reel. Kate was so bewildered,
so frightened, so dismayed by this
personal touch that she blushed
crimson the one moment, and the
next began to cry. She stood gaz-
ing at him, with the big tears drop-
ping, and the most piteous look in
her eyes. " Ob, papa, don't kill
me ! " she cried, in her consterna-
tion, sinking into the very hedge,
in horror of his violence. Mr Cre-
diton was so excited that he paid
no attention to her cry of terror.
" The d— d scoundrel ! " he cried.
" What ! come in like this behind
my back and rob me — take ad-
vantage of my sense of obligation
— curse him ! Curse them all !
That's your pious people ! " And
the man raved and blasphemed for
five minutes at least, as if he had
been his own groom, and not a
respectable gentleman with grey
hairs on his head, and the cares of
half the county in his hands.
All this time Kate was too
frightened to speak, but she was
not the kind of girl to be over-
whelmed by such a fit of passion.
She shrank back farther into the
hedge, and grew as white as her
dress, and trembled a good deal,
and could not have uttered a word.
But gradually her courage returned
to her. Her heart began to thump
less wildly against her breast, but
rose and swelled instead with a
force which was half self-will and
half a generous sense of injustice.
When Mr Crediton came to him-
self— which he did all at once with
some very big words in his mouth,
and his hand clenched in the air,
and his face blazing with fury — he
stopped short all at once, and cast
an alarmed look at his daughter.
Good heavens ! he, a respectable
man, to utter such exclamations,
and in Kate's presence ! He came
to himself all in a moment, and
metaphorically fell prostrate before
her with confusion and shame.
" Well/' he said, half fiercely, half
humbly, " it is not much wonder if
a man should forget himself. How
you dare to stand there and face me,
and put such a thing into words ! "
"Papa, I am very much sur-
prised," said Kate, her courage ris-
ing to the occasion. " I could not
have believed it. It is best it
should be me, and not a stranger;
for what would any stranger have
thought 1 But all the same, I am
very sorry that it was me. I shall
never be able to forget that I saw
you look like that, and heard you
say Ah ! " said Kate, shutting
her eyes. He thought she was
going to faint, and got very much
frightened ; but nothing could be
further from Kate's mind than any
212
John.— Part 1 F.
[Feb.
intention of fainting. She sat down,
however, on the grass, and leaned
her elbows on her knees, and hid
her face in her hands. And the un-
happy father, conscious of having
so horribly committed himself, stood
silent, and did not know what to say.
Then, after a moment, she raised
her head and looked him in the
face. " Papa," she said, " the peo-
ple you have been abusing are wait-
ing over there to welcome you to
their house. They don't like your
coming, because they have a feeling
what will happen ; and they are
very very vexed with their son for
falling in love with me ; and, poor
fellow ! I think he is vexed with
himself, though he can't help it.
What are you going to do? Are
you going to swear at Dr Mitford,
whose son saved your only child's
life, and whose wife saved it over
again, because they love me now,
as well 1 Are you going to drive
me mad, and make me that I
don't care what I do 1 I am not
so good as John is," she said, with
a half-sob ; " if you cross me I will
not be humble. I will go wrong,
and make him go wrong too. You
cannot change my mind by swearing
at me, papa. What are you going
to do » "
Yes, that was the question. It
was very easy to storm and swear,
with nobody present but his daugh-
ter. But Dr Mitford was as good
a man as Mr Crediton, and as well
known in the county, though he
was not so rich. And John had
saved Kate's life at the risk of his
own ; and she had been taken in,
and nursed, and brought back to
perfect health; and there was no
single house in the world to which
Mr Crediton lay under such a
weight of obligations. Was he to
turn his back upon the house, and
ignore all gratitude? Was he to
go and insult them, or what was he
to do ? He was very angry, furious
with Kate and her bold words, yet
cowed by her in a way most won-
derful to behold. " We had better
walk back to the station ; you are
able enough for that, or at least you
look so," he said.
" That will show how highly you
esteem my life," said Kate, " which
has been twice saved in that house;
though even that would be better
than insulting them to their face."
" By Jove ! " said Mr Crediton,
under his breath ; and he took a few
rapid turns up and down the road,
with a perplexity which it would
be impossible to describe. At last
he came to a stop opposite Kate,
who was watching him anxiously,
without appearing to take any no-
tice ; and she felt that the fit was
over. He came back to her very
sternly, speaking with none of its
usual softness in his voice.
" Kate," he said, " you have
spoken in a very unpardonable,
very impertinent, way to me, but
perhaps I have been wrong too. Of
course I am not going to transgress
the laws of civility. My opinion is
not changed, but I hope I can be
civil to my worst enemy. Get up,
and let us go to the Kectory ; it is
the only thing we can do."
Kate rose without a word, and
put her hand upon her father's arm,
and the two stalked into Fanshawe
Regis like two mutes following a
funeral. They neither looked at
each other, nor uttered a syllable to
each other, but walked on side by
side, feeling as if mutual hatred,
and not love, was the bond between
them. But yet in her inmost
heart Kate felt that nothing was
lost. The communication had been
made, and the worst was over —
perhaps even something had been
gained.
CHAPTER XIII.
It was perhaps well, on the whole,
for the comfort of all the party, that
Mr Crediton had behaved so very
badly on the first announcement of
1870.]
John.— Part IV.
213
tliis news. His self-betrayal put
him on his guard. It recalled him
to a sense of needful restraint, and
that the Mitfords were not, after
ail, people to be treated with con-
tempt. He was very serious and
somewhat stiff during the luncheon,
which was sufficiently trying to all
the party, but he was not uncivil.
Of John he took no notice at all af-
ter the first formal recognition, but
to Mrs Mitford and the Doctor he
was studiously polite, making them
little speeches of formal gratitude.
" I find my child perfectly recov-
ered, thanks to your kind care," he
said. " I can never sufficiently ex-
p -ess my deep sense of obligation
to you." This speech called up an
angry flush on John's cheek, but
not a word was spoken by any of
the party to imply that there was
any stronger bond than that of
kindness between Kate and the
people who had been so good to her.
Th.e two young people were made
to feel that they were secondary
altogether. The thoughts of their
elders might, indeed, be occupied
about them, but they themselves
ware struck out of the front of the
action, and relegated to their nat-
ural place. Mr Crediton carried
this so far that, when luncheon was
over, he turned to Dr Mitford with
a request for some conversation
with him, altogether ignoring the
existence of Dr Mitford' s son. But
J< >hn had risen, and had taken up
his own rdle almost in the same
breath.
" May I ask you to see me first,
Mr Crediton?" he said. "There are
some things of which I am most
anxious to speak to you at once."
Mr Crediton rose too, and made
J( hn a little formal bow. " I am
at your service," he said, " but I
hope you will not want me long,
fo>- I have a great deal to say to
your father," and there was a kind
of suppressed mockery about his
lips. Dr Mitford stood up, looking
somewhat scared, and listened ; no
doubt feeling himself, in his turn,
thrust aside.
" I must not interfere," he said,
with a kind of ghastly smile, " and
I take no responsibility in what my
son is going to say ; but if you will
both come to my library "
" I should prefer speaking to Mr
Crediton alone," said John. And
then it seemed that his father
shrank like a polite ghost, and
gave way to the real hero of the
situation. Mrs Mitford shrank
too, joining in her husband's invol-
untary gesture ; and John marched
boldly out, leading the way, while
Mr Crediton followed, and the
Doctor went after them, shrugging
his shoulders with a faint assump-
tion of indifference. It seemed as if
some magician had waved a wand,
and the three gentlemen disappear-
ed out of the room, leaving Mrs
Mitford and Kate looking at each
other. And there they sat half
stupefied, with their hearts beating,
till Jervis came in to clear the table,
and looked at them as a good ser-
vant looks, with suspicious watch-
ful eyes, as if to say, What is it all
about, and what do you mean by
it, sitting there after your meal is
over, and giving yourselves up to
untimely agitations, disturbing Me 1
Mrs Mitford obeyed that look as a
well - brought - up woman always
does. She said, " Come, Kate !
what can you and I be thinking
of 1 " and led the way into the
drawing-room. She did this with
an assumption of liveliness and
light-heartedness which was over-
doing her part. "We need not
take the servants into our confi-
dence, at least," she said, sitting
down by her work-table, and tak-
ing out her knitting as usual. But
it was a very tremulous business,
and soon the needles dropped upon
her knee. Kate, too, attempted to
resume the piece of worsted work
she had been doing, and to look as
if nothing had happened; but her
attempt was even more futile.
When they had sat in this way
silent for some five minutes, the
girl's agitation got the better of
her. She threw the work aside,
214
John.— Part IV.
[Feb.
and ran and threw herself at Mrs
Mitford's feet. " Oh, mamma, say
something to me ! " she cried; " I
feel as if I could not breathe. And
I never had any mother of my own."
Then John's mother lost the com-
posure for which she had been
struggling. Her heart was not
softened to Kate personally at that
climax of all the trouble which
Kate had brought upon her, but she
could not resist such an appeal ; and
she too could scarcely breathe, and
wanted companionship in her trou-
ble. It was hard to take into her
heart the girl who was the occasion
of it all ; but yet Kate was suffer-
ing too. Mrs Mitford fell a-crying,
which was the first natural expres-
sion of her feelings, and then she
laid her hand softly on Kate's head,
and by degrees allowed herself to
be taken possession of. They were
just beginning to talk to each
other, to open their hearts, and
enter into all those mutual explan-
ations which women love, when
Kate's quick youthful eyes caught
sight of two black figures in the
distance among the trees on the
other side of the blazing summer
lawn. She broke off in the middle
of a sentence, and gave a low cry,
and clutched at Mrs Mitford's gown.
" They are there ! " cried Kate, with
a gasp of indescribable suspense.
And Mrs Mitford, when she saw
them, began to cry softly again.
" Oh, what is he saying to my
boy 1 " cried the agitated woman,
wringing her hands. To see the dis-
cussion going on before their eyes
gave the last touch of the intolerable
to their anxiety. As for Kate, she
gnashed her teeth at the thought
that she could not interpose, nor
bear the brunt, but must leave
John to undergo all her father's
reproaches and insults, and per-
haps contempt. The thought made
her wild. She could not cry as
Mrs Mitford did, but sat erect on
the floor where she had placed her-
self at the other's feet, her whole
frame thrilling with the loud beats
of her heart.
" Oh, Kate, I am a bad woman !"
cried Mrs Mitford ; "I could hate
you, and I could hate your father,
for bringing all this trouble on my
John."
" I don't wonder," cried Kate, in
her passion ; and then she made an
effort to conquer herself. " Papa
cannot eat him," she added, with
a little harsh laugh of emotion.
" I have had the worst of it. He
will never say to John what he said
to me."
" What did he say to you ? "
" Oh, nothing ! " she cried, recol-
lecting herself. " He is my own
papa ; he has a right to say what he
likes to me. It is John who is speak-
ing now — that is a good sign. And
when he chooses, and takes the
trouble, John can speak so well ;
he is so clever. I never meant to
have let him do all this, and give
everybody so much trouble ; but
when he began to talk like that,
what was I to do 1 "
" Oh, Kate ! " cried the mother,
with her eyes full of tears, " we are
so selfish — we never thought of that !
How were you to resist him more
than the rest of us 1 My dear boy
— he had always such a winning
way ! "
"John is speaking still," said
Kate. " Mamma, I think things
must be coming round. There —
papa has put his hand on his arm.
When he does that he is beginning
to give in. Oh, if we could only
hear what they say ! "
"He is so earnest in all he
does," said Mrs Mitford. " Kate !
listen to what I am going to say to
you. If this ever comes to any-
thing "
" Of course it will come to some-
thing," cried Kate. " I am not so
good as John. If papa were to
stand out, I should just wait till
I was one-and-twenty ; and then, if
John pleased Now they are
turning back again. Oh, will they
never be done ? It is j ust like men,
walking and talking, walking and
talking for ever, and us poor women
waiting here."
" But, Kate, listen to me," said
Mrs Mitford, solemnly; "if it ever
1870.]
John.— Part IV.
215
comes to anything, you must be
very very careful with my John.
Look at his dear face, how it shines
with feeling ! He loves you so —
h-3 would put himself under your
father's feet. I feel as if I could
toll you the very words he is say-
ing. And you — you have been
brought up so differently. If you
•were tempted to be careless, and
forget his ways of thinking, and
prefer society and the world "
" I see how it is," said Kate, with
a mournful cadence in her voice —
she did not turn her head, for her
eyes were still intently fixed on the
distant figures out of doors ; " I see
how it is — you don't think I am the
right girl for John."
" I did not say so," said Mrs Mit-
ford, humbly ; " how can I tell 1 I
can't divine what is in my own
boy's heart, and how can I divine
yours? But I will love you for his
s; ike. Oh, Kate ! if you are good
to him "
" There ! they are going in," cried
Kate. " Oh, don't you think that
must mean victory 1 I am sure it
means victory ! And you don't
look half glad ! They are going to
the library, and Dr Mitford is there.
I can see very well you don't
think I am the right girl for him,
though I would do anything to
please you. You will love me, per-
haps, for his sake : mamma, I must
be satisfied with that, if that is all
you will give me ; but once I
thought you did love me a little
for my own/'
"And you would rather have
that? " cried the mother, feeling a
sadden wave of irritation sweep
over her. So long as John was
suffering, she wanted him to suc-
ceed at all hazards ; but, when it
appeared as if he had succeeded,
her thoughts took another turn.
" You would like that best — rather
a little all to yourself than a great
deal for John?"
"Yes," said Kate, stoutly, and
she rose from her knees and disen-
gaged herself from Mrs Mitford's
arm, which had a very languid hold
of her. Poor Kate's high spirit
still made shift to assert itself,
though so much had been done to
break it. And now that there was
no longer anything to watch, she
turned her back upon the window,
and upon her lover's mother, who
all at once had ceased to be her
friend. " You think it hard upon
you," she said, with a certain indig-
nation, " and sometimes I think it
is hard, having your son turned out
of the way you had chosen for him,
all for the sake of a poor girl you
don't care for ; but you might see
it is hard on me as well. You
look at me as if I had done him
harm, and my own papa nearly casts
me off for him ; and even when you
are kind, the best you can say is, that
you will try to love me a little for
John's sake. A little while ago
you were all so good to me. Have
I become your enemy because John
loves me ? " said Kate, with natural
vehemence ; and then she turned
away, and sat down on a stool near
the open window, and cried. No
doubt it was partly excitement, but
partly, too, it was the isolation in
which she felt herself at a moment
when she wanted sympathy. John's
love was not all to her, perhaps,
that her love was to him ; and the
petted, spoiled child, whom nobody
all her life had been able to make
enough of, was sorely wounded to
feel herself thus repulsed on all
hands — not welcomed into the new
family of which she was to be a
member, and yet punished by her
own father for her inclination to
enter it. Nobody seemed to stand
by her — except John; and John,
she would have admitted, was now
the chief person to be thought of.
But already his love had become to
her a matter of course. At that
moment, when he and her father
were discussing her fate, and his
mother was so coldly kind to her,
she felt so lonely, so miserable, so
set on edge, that the whole world
grew dark. She sat down and hid
her face and cried, with a sense of
forlorn relief like a child's. It was
in reality the kind of breakdown
by which such a restless, impatient
216
John.— Part IV.
[Feb.
spirit touches mother earth, and
acquires new courage ; but it looked
like the depths of despair to the
spectator who looked on with won-
dering eyes. Mrs Mitford, however,
was fitted with armour of proof
against all assaults of sympathy.
She sat and looked at the sobbing
girl with a kind of wondering curi-
osity which she herself could not
understand. She had been dis-
posed to be very proud of Kate a
little while ago. She had been
charmed by her beauty and bright-
ness, and her grace, and her wealth.
There was nothing which she would
not have done for her young pa-
tient. Now Kate repelled instead
of attracting John's mother. Was
it really — was it only — because
Kate was John's choice out of the
world ] And she had a strange re-
luctance to offer her those signs of
affection which, when they cease to
be real, and become mere matters
of habit, are always so irksome.
When she was fond of Kate, be-
fore the girl had proved herself
such a revolutionary, and convulsed
the quiet life at Fanshawe Regis,
Mrs Mitford had got into a tender
way of kissing her young visitor,
as is the habit of women. And had
she gone to her now to comfort her,
she must have kissed her. And she
could not do it. She shrank from
treating with any appearance of
love the girl who had stolen away
her boy's heart, and overturned
their whole system of existence.
She would have done it after a
while, when she had reasoned her-
self into it ; but by the time she
had made up her mind, Kate's
passion had sobbed itself out, and
she was beginning to dry her eyes,
to regain her colour and her nat-
ural fire, and to be herself again.
The moment was past, and not to
be recalled. And Kate's wilful
little heart, which a kiss and a soft
word would have caught and se-
cured, recoiled, and commanded it-
self, and did without the maternal
sympathy for which it had been
craving above anything in the
world.
Neither of the two ladies could
have told how the afternoon passed.
Every sound that went through the
house seemed to them significant.
Sometimes a door would open or
shut, and paralyse them for the mo-
ment. Sometimes a sound as of a
single step would be heard in one of
the passages, and then Mrs Mitford
and Kate would rise up and flush
crimson, and listen as if they had not
been listening all the time. " Now
they are coming ! " one or the other
would say, with a gasp, for the
waiting affected their very breath-
ing. Except on these occasions, they
scarcely exchanged two words in
half an hour. From time to time
Kate looked at her watch, and made
a remark under her breath about
the hour. " It is too late for the
four o'clock train," she said; and
then it was too late for the mail
at half-past five ; and all this time
not a word came out of the still-
ness to relieve their anxiety. The
bees buzzed about the garden, and
the sun shone and shone as if
he never could weary of shining,
and blazed across the monotonous
lawn and vacant paths, which no
step or shadow disturbed. Oh the
burden of the silence that lay upon
that whole smiling world outside,
where not even a leaf would move,
so eager was nature to have the
first word of the secret ! When Mrs
Mitford's needles clicked in her
tremulousness, Kate glanced up
with eyes of feverish reproach ;
and when Kate's scissors fell, the
room echoed with the sound, and
Mrs Mitford felt it an injury. Thus
the long, weary, languid afternoon
passed on. When Jervis began to
stir with his preparations for din-
ner, and to move about his pantry,
with clink and clang of glass and
silver, laying the table, the sounds
were to them like the return of a
jury into their box to the anxious
wretches waiting for their verdict.
Dinner was coming, that augustest
of modern ceremonies, and the
ladies felt instinctively that things
must come to a crisis now. And
accordingly, it was just after Jervis
1870.]
John.— Part 1 V.
217
tad carried his echoing tray out of
t!ie pantry to the sideboard when
the door of the study at last opened,
and steps were heard coming along
the passage — Dr Mitford's steps,
creaking as they came, and another
f jotstep, which Kate knew to be
her father's. Not John! The
1 idies sat bolt upright, and grew red
and grew pale, and felt the blood
tingle to their finger-points. And
then they looked at each other,
and asked, silently, "Where is
John?"
This time it was no longer the
jurymen. It was the judge him-
self, coming solemn with his ver-
dict. The gentlemen came into
the room one behind the other,
Mr Crediton looking worn and
tired, and even Dr Mitford's white
tie grown limp with suspense and
emotion. But it was he who was
the first to speak.
" I am sorry to have left you so
long by yourselves, ladies/' he said,
T*ith a little air of attempted jaun-
tiness, which sat very strangely on
1dm, " and to have kept Mr Crediton
away from you ; but we had a great
deal to talk over, and business, you
know, mustbe attended to. My dear,
it was business of a very momentous
kind. And now, Miss Kate," said
the Rector, turning upon her, and
holding out both his hands — he
smiled, but his smile was very
limp, like his tie, and even his
Lands, though not expressive gen-
erally, trembled a little — "now,
Miss Kate, for the first time I feel
ft liberty to speak to you. You
must have thought me very hard
{ nd cold the other night ; but now
1 have your father's permission to
bid you welcome to my family,"
Dr Mitford went on, smiling a
ghastly smile ; and he stooped over
her and kissed her forehead, and
held her hands, waving them up
rind down as if he did not know
what to do with them. " I don't
know why my son has not come to
1 >e the first to tell you. Everything
is settled at last."
"Where is John?" cried Mrs Mit-
ford, with her soft cheeks blazing.
And her husband dropped Kate's
hands as if they had burned him,
and they all paused and looked at
each other with an embarrassment
and restraint which nobody could
disguise.
" To do him justice, I don't
think he felt himself equal to a
grand tableau of family union and
rapture," said Mr Crediton. " Mrs
Mitford, I don't pretend to be over-
joyed. I don't see why we should
make any pretences about it. They
have done a very foolish thing,
and probably they will repent of
But this was more than John's
mother could bear. " One of them,
I am sure, will never have any rea-
son to repent of it," she said, with
irrepressible heat, not thinking of
the double meaning that her words
might bear.
" I hope it may be so," Mr Credi-
ton said, and shook his head. And
there was again a silence, and Kate
sat with all her veins swelling as
if they would burst, and her heart
beating in her very throat, and no-
body taking any further notice of
her. What was it to any of them
in comparison with what it was to
her ? and yet nobody even looked
at her. It seemed so utterly in-
credible, that for the moment she
was stunned and dumb, and capable
of nothing but amazement.
" No," said her father again, after
a pause; "I don't pretend to be
overjoyed. We have had a great
deal of talk, and the talk has not
been agreeable. And, Mrs Mitford,
if I am to judge by your looks, I
should say you were no more happy
at the thought of losing your son
than I am at that of losing my
daughter — in so foolish a way."
"Let us hope it may turn out
better than we think," said Dr
Mitford ; and then came the in-
evitable pause, which made every
sentence sound so harsh and clear.
" There is certainly room for the
hope/' said Mr Crediton ; " fortu-
nately it must be a long time before
anything comes of it. Your son
seems to have quite relinquished
218
John.— Part IV.
[Feb.
the thought of going into the
Church."
" Have you settled that too 1 — is
it all decided? Oh, Dr Mitford,
you have been hasty with him!"
cried John's mother. " I told you
if you would but take time enough,
and go into things with him, and
explain "
" I don't think explaining would
have done much good,;; said Mr
Crediton. " It rarely does, when a
young fellow has got such an idea
into his head. The only thing is,
that when a boy changes once he
may change twice — when he is old-
er, and this fever-fit, perhaps, may
be over "
" Oh, can you sit and hear this?"
cried Kate, springing to her feet.
"Oh, papa, how can you be so
wicked and so rude ? Do you think
John is like that — to take a fancy
and give it over 1 And you are his
mother, and know him best, and
you leave him to be defended by
me!"
"Kate, my dear!" cried Mrs
Mitford, hastening to her, "you
make me hate myself. You un-
derstand my boy — you stand up for
him when his own flesh and blood
is silent. And I love you with all
my heart ! And I will never, never
grudge him to you again ! "
And the two women rushed
into each other's arms, and clung
together in a passion of tears and
mutual consolation; while the men,
for their part, looked grimly on,
vanquished, yet finding a certain
satisfaction in their sense of supe-
riority to any such folly. Mr Cre-
diton sat down, with the hard
unsympathetic self-possession of a
man who has still a blow to deliv-
er; and poor Dr Mitford walked up
and down the room, aware of what
was yet to come. But in the mean
time the victims over whom the
stroke was lowering had delivered
themselves all at once from their
special misery. The ice had broken
between them. John, who had di-
vided them, became all at once
their bond of union. "Mamma,
if you will stand by me I can do
anything," Kate whispered, with
her lips upon Mrs Mitford's cheek.
" My own child ! " John's mother
whispered in reply; and thus the
treaty was made which was to set
all other diplomacies at nought.
" I think it is a great pity," said
Mr Crediton again, " but of course,
in the turn that circumstances have
taken,! must help him as best I can.
It is not very much I can do, for
you are aware when a young man
changes his profession all in a min-
ute, it is a difficult thing to provide
for him. And he did not seem to
have any clear idea what to do with
himself. Probably you will feel it is
not equal to your son's pretensions,
Mrs Mitford — I have offered him
a clerkship in my bank."
"A clerkship in a bank!" cried
Mrs Mitford, petrified. She with-
drew a little from Kate in her con-
sternation, and sat down and gazed,
trying to take in and understand
this extraordinary piece of news.
" Papa, you cannot mean it," cried
Kate, vehemently. " Oh, are you
papa, or somebody come to mock
us 1 A clerkship in the bank — for
Dr Mitford's son — for — John ! "
" John is no doubt possessed of
many attractions," said Mr Credi-
ton, in his hardest tones, " but I am
only an ordinary mortal, and I can-
not make him Prime Minister.
When a man throws himself out of
his proper occupation, he must take
what he can get. And he has ac-
cepted my offer, Kate. He is not
so high-flown as you are; and I can
assure you a man m.iy do worse
than be a clerk in my bank."
" It is a most honourable intro-
duction to commerce," said Dr
Mitford, coming forward very
limp and conciliatory ; " and com-
merce, as I have often said, is the
great power of the nineteenth cen-
tury. My dear, it is not what we
expected — of course it is very dif-
ferent from what we expected ; but
if 1 put up with it It cannot
be such a disappointment to you as
it is to me."
1370.]
John.— Part IV.
219
Mrs Mitford turned away with an
impatient cry. Her very sense of
decorum failed her. Though she
had kept up the tradition of her
husband's superiority so long that
she actually believed in it, yet on
tins point he was not superior.
She was driven even out of polite-
ness, the last stronghold of a well-
bred woman. She could not be
civil to the man who had thus out-
raged her pride and all her hopes.
She sat and moaned and rocked
harself, saying, " My boy ! my
boy !" in a voice of despair.
" He is saying it only to try us,"
cned Kate. " He is not crueL
Papa, you have always been so
g )od to me ! Oh, he doss not
mean it. It is only — some fright-
ful— joke or other. Papa, that is
njt what you mean V
"I mean what I say/' said Mr
Crediton, abruptly; "and when I
say so, I think I may congratulate
both Mrs Mitford and myself that,
whatever foolish thing our children
may make up their minds to do,
they cannot do it very soon. That
is enough of this nonsense for the
present, Kate. Dr Mitford is so
kind as to ask us to stop for din-
nor. We must wait now for the
nine o'clock train."
And just then Jervis, curious but
unenlightened, rang the first bell.
And what are all the passions
and all the struggles of the heart
compared to Dinner, invincible
potentate ? Mrs Mitford and Kate
gathered themselves together meek-
ly at the sound of that summons.
Against it they did not dare to re-
monstrate. They gave each other
a silent kiss as they parted at the
door of Kate's room, but they could
not resist nor trifle with such a stern
necessity. "Where was John?" they
asked themselves, as each stood be-
fore her glass, trying as best she
couldto clearaway the trace of tears,
and to hide from their own eyes and
from the sharp eyes of the servants
all signs of the crisis they had been
going through. Kate had to retain
her morning dress, as she had still
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLIl.
a journey before her ; but she was
elaborate about her hair, by way of
demonstrating her self-possession.
" Papa has put off till the nine
o'clock train ; and it is so tiresome
of him, making one go down to
dinner like a fright," she said to
Parsons, trying to throw dust in
the eyes of that astute young wo-
man. As if Parsons did not know !
As for John, he had been wan-
dering about stupefied ever since
that amazing conclusion had been
come to, in such a state of confusion
that he could not realise what had
happened. Kate was to be his.
That was the great matter which
had been decided upon. But not-
withstanding his passionate love
for Kate, this was not what bulked
largest in his mind. The world
somehow had turned a somersault
with him, and he could not make
out whether he had lighted on
solid earth again, or was still whirl-
ing in the dizzy air. His past
life had all shrivelled away from
him as if it had never been. And
he was a clerk in Mr Crediton's
bank ! To this all his dreams,
all his ambitions, all his superla-
tive youthful fancies about the
only work worth doing, had come !
Everything that had been said and
done beside seemed to have dis-
appeared from him, and only the
dull fact was left, and the dull
amaze which it brought. His sensa-
tions were those of a man who has
rolled over some tremendous preci-
pice ; or who wakes out of a swoon
to find himself lying on some battle-
field. He was very sore and bat-
tered and beaten, tingling all over
with bruises ; and the relative
position of the world, and every-
thing in it, to himself was changed.
It might be the same sky and the
same soil to others, but to him
everything was different. Kate was
to be his ; but that was in the
future. And for the present he
was to begin life, not in any noble
way for the service of others,
but as a clerk in Mr Crediton's
bank.
220
Democracy beyond the Seas.
[Feb.
DEMOCRACY BEYOND THE SEAS.
SIR CHARLES DILKE' s work is
both an original and a striking one.
Treating of a wide subject, it is not
diffuse. Passing over many lands,
it leaves a clear and distinctive im-
pression of each on the reader. As
a photograph of the ideas and hopes
fermenting in the minds of our race
in its transatlantic homes it is
very valuable. As a vivid sketch,
in brief words, of the characteristic
scenery of the various British in-
habited or ruled countries it is ex-
cellent. Yet to us it is a book
which leaves an impression of pro-
found melancholy. To Sir C. Dilke
himself, and to the majority of his
readers, we believe the reverse will
be the case. To them it will seem
a brilliant and interesting picture
of the Saxon race, full of a joyous
confidence in its great and bound-
less destiny. Could we believe Sir
C. Dilke to be a true prophet, we
should almost despair of the future
of the world. Sir C. Dilke is a
Radical of the most advanced
school. His one great hope for the
future is a world of democratic
equality — his one idea of its dan-
ger the dread of a gentleman. He
would have every man blacken his
own shoes and till his own ground,
or work in his own mill with his
own hands. His two great bug-
bears are the accumulation of wealth
in great towns, which leads to mas-
ters employing workmen ; and pas-
toral lands in the coumtry, which
necessitate large landed proprietors
and a dependent troop of shepherds.
Could these two birds of evil omen
be only conjured away, then the
landscape to him would be bright
and fair — filled with our strong,
sturdy race, pushing its way every-
where, governed everywhere by uni-
versal suffrage, voting everywhere
by ballot, manufacturing by co-
operative associations of artisans,
tilling the earth by the hands of
peasant - proprietors. No upper
classes to influence by their wealth
or direct by their knowledge ; no
accumulated capital to corrupt by
its temptations. One dead level
of man with his fellow-men. That
true end of all democracy — each
man earning his bread, in the lite-
ral sense, with the sweat of his
brow. To Sir C. Dilke this seems
the acme of civilisation and pro-
gress. To us it seems a simple re-
lapse into barbarism.
Equality is the dream of demo-
cracy— inequality is the law of pro-
gress. It is the hope of rising
above one's fellow-men which is
the great spur to exertion. It is
the leisure and means acquired by
the accumulation of wealth which
alone makes an advance in civilisa-
tion possible. When each man ac-
quires his daily bread by his manual
toil, then all culture is impossible,
and all progress suspended.*
There is one great charm about
this book — it is eminently a sugges-
tive one. It is impossible to read
twenty pages of it without feeling
inclined to lay it down and think
over what you have read ; and this
is not what can be said of many
works nowadays.
Its great fault is its blind and
entire adoration of democracy pure
and simple. It is quite curious to
mark the extent to which Sir C.
' Greater Britain.' By Sir Charles Wentworth Dilke, Bart., M.R 2 vols. Lon-
don : Macmillan & Co.
* There are strong and ultra-Liberals who clearly see this. " There is no form
of art or science which is not needed in the public service of such a country as
this. Now wealth and station are invaluable helps towards the attainment of
excellence in any of these pursuits. They give a man leisure and independence.
They enable him to pursue his calling as a profession, and not as a mere trade." —
' Pall Mall Gazette ' of 22d October 1869.
1870.]
Democracy beyond tJie Seas.
221
Pilke carries this, and the entire
good faith in which he relies on it.
No religious devotee ever believed
more devoutly in the truth of his
dogma. It goes such a length as
entirely to vitiate the conclusions
of a naturally clear and logical
Blind. It is the one god of his idola-
try. Everything is good which leads
necessarily to pure democracy ;
everything is evil which checks pro-
gress towards it. This is the un-
failing standard by which Sir C.
Dilke judges everything. It never
even crosses his mind to imagine
that that can be evil which con-
duces to democracy, or good which
obstructs progress to it. To him
such an idea would be simply her-
esy. There is something interest-
ing and lamb-like in this blind de-
votion to a political creed. Apart
from this vitiating article of faith,
his powers of reasoning are vigor-
ous. We have little doubt the
time will come when a more ex-
tt nded experience of the world will
make him look back with a sad
smile on the simple fervour of his
enrly faith.
One of the most valuable and
interesting parts of his work is the
clear picture which he gives of the
ideas and beliefs which are now
fermenting and becoming consoli-
dated in the minds of our descend-
ants "over the water." In refer-
ence to them we are an old and
comparativelystationary State. The
youthful vigour of the Anglo-Saxon
race, the germ of what its great
future on the world's page is to be,
mast be sought for beyond the
Atlantic. Hence the great interest
and value of the thoughts which
are now taking root in the minds
of men there.
On one subject a clear and defi-
nite opinion has been formed by
our transatlantic descendants, and
that is on the question of Free-
Trade. This is evidently rather
puzzling to Sir C. Dilke ; for just
as decidedly as the democracy of
our old and rich State has declared
in favour of Free-Trade, has the de-
mocracy of the young and poor but
rising States in the West declared
in favour of Protection. The point
is full of interest, and is worthy of
very attentive consideration ; for
the mercantile and commercial wel-
fare of our country and its transat-
lantic descendants is wrapped up
in its decision. It is very mark-
worthy that the conclusion at which
the United States and Australia
have arrived is very far indeed from
being formed in ignorance of the
principles on which Free-Trade is
held to be established in this coun-
try. Quite the reverse : the doc-
trines of Adam Smith, Ricardo, and
Mill are quite as well known and
appreciated by them as by us. In
the abstract they fully admit that,
for the pure and simple creation of
wealth, as apart from all other con-
siderations, they are perfectly just.
What they do hold is, that there
are other things in national pro-
gress to be considered besides the
accumulation of capital; and that
the mere pursuit of money is of
less consequence than the just and
healthy development of all the
great interests which, taken to-
gether in the aggregate, form a
prosperous nation.
"Those," says Sir C. Dilke, "who
speak of the selfishness of the Protec-
tionists as a whole, can never have
taken the trouble to examine into the
arguments by which Protection is sup-
ported in Australia and America. In
these countries Protection is no mere
national delusion : it is a system delib-
erately adopted with open eyes as one
conducive to the country's welfare, in
spite of objections known to all, in spite
of pocket losses that come home to all."
—II. 63.
"One of the greatest thinkers of
America defended Protection to me on
the following grounds : — That without
Protection America could at present
have but few and limited manufactures.
That a nation cannot properly be said
to exist as such unless she has manu-
factures of many kinds ; for men are
born, some with a turn to agriculture,
some with a turn to mechanics ; and
if you force the mechanic by nature to
become a farmer, he will make a bad
farmer, and the nation will lose the ad-
222
Democracy beyond the Sea?.
[Feb.
vantage of all his power and invention.
That the whole of the possible employ-
ments of the human race are in a mea-
sure necessary employments — necessary
to the making up of a nation. That
every concession to Free-Trade cuts out
of all chance of action some of the facul-
ties of the American national mind,
and, in so doing, weakens and debases
it. That each and every class of work-
ers is of such importance to the country
that we must make any sacrifice neces-
sary to maintain them in full work." —
II. 64, 65.
" The chief thing to be borne in mind
in discussing Protection with an Aus-
tralian or an American is, that he never
thinks of denying that under Protection
he pays a higher price for his goods
than he would if he bought them from
us, and that he admits at once that he
temporarily pays a tax of 15 or 20 per
cent tipon everything he buys in order
to help to set his country on the road
to national unity and ultimate wealth.
Admitting that all you say about Pro-
tection may be true, he says that he
had sooner see America supporting a
hundred millions independent of the
remainder of the world, than two hun-
dred millions dependent for clothes
upon the British. It is a common doc-
trine amongst the colonies of England
that a nation cannot be called indepen-
dent if it has to cry out to another for
supplies of necessaries: that true na-
tional existence is first attained when
the country becomes capable of supply-
ing to its own citizens those goods with-
out which they cannot exist in the state
of comfort which they have already
reached. Political is apt to follow upon
commercial dependency, they say." —
II. 66, 68.
There is much in these remarks
deserving of careful consideration,
and that equally whether we agree
or whether we disagree with them.
Free-Trade just now is on its trial;
and, whilst rejected utterly by the
United States and Australia, is vig-
orously assailed in France, and is
even rudely challenged by the
working classes in this country —
its own very native seat and home.
There is another point on which
opinion in the United States runs
directly counter to opinion in this
country, and that is on the com-
petitive examination system.
"The clearest-sighted men of the
older colleges of America," says Sir C.
Dilke, "are trying to assimilate their
teaching system to that of Michigan —
at least in the one point of the absence
of competition. They assert that toil
performed under the excitement of a
fierce struggle between man and man
is unhealthy work, different in nature
and in results from the loving labour of
men whose hearts are really in what
they do — toil, in short, not very easily
distinguishable from slave labour." —
I. 86.
" The system of elective studies pur-
sued at Michigan is one to which we
are year by year tending in the English
universities. As sciences multiply and
deepen, it becomes more and more im-
possible that a ' general course ' scheme
can produce men fit to take their places
in the world. Cambridge has attempted
to set up both systems, and, giving her
students the choice, bids them pursue
one branch of study with a view to hon-
ours, or take a less valued degree re-
quiring some slight proficiency in many
things. Michigan denies that the stim-
ulus of honour examinations should be
connected with the elective system.
With her, men first graduate in science,
or in an arts degree, which bears a close
resemblance to the English ' poll,' and
then pursue their elected study, which
leads to no university distinction, and
which is free from the struggle for place
and honours. The Michigan professors
say that a far higher average of real
knowledge is obtained under this system
of independent work than is dreamt
of in colleges where competition rules.
' A higher average,' is all they say, and
they frankly acknowledge that there is
here and there a student to be found to
whom competition would do good. As
a rule, they tell us, this is not the case.
Unlimited battle between man and man
for place is sufficiently the bane of the
world not to be made the curse of
schools. Competition breeds every evil
which it is the aim of education, the
duty of a university, to suppress — pale
faces caused by excessive toil, feverish
excitement that prevents true work, a
hatred of the subject on which the toil
is spent, jealousy of best friends, sys-
tematic depreciation of men's talents,
ejection of all reading that will not
pay, extreme and unhealthy cultivation
of the memory, general degradation of
labour — all these evils, and many more,
are charged upon the system." — I. 89,
90.
Any one who has thought upon
the subject, and watched the effect
1870.]
Democracy beyond the Seas.
223
of the opposite system at our uni-
versities and competitive examina-
tions for public appointments, will
readily admit that there is much
truth in these remarks. At the
same time, it must not be forgotten
that competition gives a wonderful
spur to idleness, and that allowance
must be made in a republic for the
democratic jealousy of all honours
and distinctions.
Of one thing we are quite certain,
and that is, that competitive exami-
nations are, in the majority of cases,
the worst system that could be de-
vised for the selection of candidates
for the public service. We go so
far as to say that we believe a sys-
tem of choosing candidates by lot,
if accompanied with a good 2)ass
examination, would produce, on the
whole, better men for the work.
Competitive examination not only
does not procure the sort of men
you want, but positively excludes
them. For the majority of the
work in public offices you want
a quiet, contented, unambitious,
hard- working man, resigned to
rpend all his days labouring at an
uninteresting vocation on a small
salary, with no hope of rising ex-
cept by a slow and regular system
of promotion. And such were the
(lass of men who formerly received
fcuch appointments. Under the
competitive examination system
you are provided for such a place
with a young, clever, ambitious
man, who has passed well, is eager
to get on, is proud of his acquire-
ments, who loathes the drudgery
lo which he is set, who is heart-
broken at the hopeless prospect that
lies before him. He necessarily
becomes a discontented, querulous
servant, hating his work, executing
it simply as a task to be got over
as soon, and with as little trouble,
as possible. You stimulate a youth
to the highest pitch of nervous and
intellectual excitement in a contest
for life and death with his fellow-
men, and then set him for the re-
mainder of his days to count bags
of coffee in a custom-house, or copy
dreary pages of manuscript in an
office. And then you wonder that
he does not take to his work.
We once asked an old Civil ser-
vant of the Company's service what
change he thought competitive exa-
mination had made in the young
men who came to India. After
reflecting for a moment he said, —
" The greatest difference that I see is,
that those we get now cannot ride. You,"
he added, "may think this atrifling mat-
ter, but in reality it goes far to the root of
the thing. In India each district de-
pends almost entirely for its prosperity
upon the character of the Civil servant
in charge. To do it justice he should
be a man of boundless energy and of the
most active habits ; willing to turn his
hand to anything ; able to ride fifty
miles a-day under a burning sun ; to
make a road, to build a bridge, to dis-
perse a mob, or, if need be, to hang a man
— in short, to be everywhere in his own
district, to see everything done himself,
to understand everything for himself, to
trust nothing to others, to keep the
reins always in his own hand. Under
the old system we generally got well-
educated men, gentlemen by birth and
training, who could manage the natives
well, and who had a love of field-sports
which kept up the activity of Europe be-
neath even an Asiatic sky. Now we get
highly-educated men — men who would
do honour to Oxford or Cambridge —
who hate exertion that is not of an in-
tellectual kind, who shirk exposure to
the sun, and desire to be left all day in
peace reading their books. We obtain
the qualities we do not want, and miss
those which we do."
What is really required in every
department is not an examination to
test merit, but one to exclude ignor-
ance. Any mode of appointment
under such a system would give
a better chance of getting suitable
men than we now have under the
competitive one. Each department
knows best what it really requires
in its own employes. It should be
left to it to lay down the nature
and amount of the examination
which every candidate should be
required to pass before taking up
his appointment ; and, to secure in-
dependence, the examination should
be conducted by the Civil Service
224
Democracy beyond the Seas.
[Feb.
Commissioners. Under such a sys-
tem we would have an ordinary
chance of getting what we wanted —
not, as now, an ingeniously-devised
system for invariably putting the
right man into the wrong place.
Sir C. Dilke's view of the South-
ern States, though, of course, en-
tirely Federal, is very interesting.
On landing at Norfolk pier, on the
James River, he remarks : —
" These Southerners were all alike —
all were upright, tall, and heavily mus-
tached ; all had long black hair and
glittering eyes, and I looked instinc-
tively for the baldric and rapier." —
I. 5. "The Southern planters were
gentlemen possessed of many aristocra-
tic virtues, along with every aristocratic
vice ; but to each planter there were
nine ' mean whites.'— I. 8. The * mean
whites,' or ' poor trash,' are the whites
who are not planters — members of the
slave-holding race who never held a
slave— white men looked down upon by
the negroes." — I. 7.
Of the negroes he remarks : —
" The negroes upon the Virginian
farms are not maligned by those who
represent them as delighting in the con-
trast of crimson and yellow, or emerald
and sky-blue. I have seen them, on a
Sunday afternoon, dressed in scarlet
waistcoats and gold-laced cravats, re-
turning hurriedly from * meetin ' to
dance break- downs, and grin from ear
to ear for hours at a time." — 1. 19.
It is evident that this negro
question is a puzzling one to Sir
C. Dilke. He is very anxious to
believe that the negro will work,
but yet he cannot venture to assert
that he thinks he will do so ; and
certainly the examples of Africa it-
self, Hayti, and Jamaica, are not in
favour of this conclusion. He has
one example, however, and he
makes the most of it. Barbadoes
is prospering ; and he demands, if
Barbadoes, why not other negro-
populated States ? We can answer
him in a word. The negro works
in Barbadoes simply because if he
does not work he will starve. Bar-
badoes is a small island, with a
dense population and no waste
land. The planters hold the whole
of the estates. If a negro will not
work he is turned off the estate
he is on, and no other planter will
receive him. Work for him is a
necessity — the alternative is emi-
gration or starvation. In similar
circumstances the African will al-
ways work. But see him in the
neighbouring islands, where all the
circumstances are the same, except
the vital one of the occupation of
the soil. There he goes into the
bush, builds a hut, clears a plot of
ground, which supplies all his wants
for a fortnight's work a-year, and
laughs at the planters. If he wishes
money for any extras he will work
for a few days at high wages on
their estates, but anything like
regular, sustained, hard labour, such
as is required for sugar-cultivation,
cannot be depended on. Nor can
you blame him. He has few arti-
ficial wants. These he can satisfy
without continuous labour. Why
then should he toil ?
Sir C. Dilke has great powers of
description, and the South is now
the classic ground of America. It
has historical associations. On
visiting Petersberg, he says : —
" The spot where we first struck the
rebel lines was that known as the
Crater — the funnel-shaped cavity form-
ed where Grant sprang his famous mine.
1500 men are buried in the hollow
itself, and the bones of those smoth-
ered by the falling earth are working
through the soil. 5000 negro troops
were killed in this attack, and are bur-
ied round the hollow where they died,
fighting as gallantly as they fought
everywhere throughout the war. It is
a singular testimony to the continuous-
ness of the fire, that the still remaining
subterranean passages show that in
countermining the rebels came once
within three feet of the mine, yet failed
to hear the working parties." — I. 14, 15.
He visited the cemetery of Rich-
mond : —
"From Monroe's tomb the evening
view is singularly soft and calm; the
quieter and calmer for the drone in
which are mingled the trills of the
mocking-bird, the hoarse croak of the
bull-frog, the hum of myriad fire-flies,
that glow like summer lightning among
1870.]
Democracy beyond the Seas.
225
the trees, the distant roar of the river,
of which the rich red water can still be
seen, beaten by the rocks into a rosy
foam. With the moment's chillness of
the sunset breeze, the golden glory of
the heavens fades into grey, and there
comes quickly over them the solemn
blueiiess of the southern night.
Thoughts are springing up of the many
thousand unnamed graves where the
robel soldiers lie unknown, when the
Federal drums in Richmond begin
sharply beating the rappel." — I. 17, 18.
There are various expressions
scattered through Sir C. Dilke's work
which show that he considers the
regiments of the Federals, with the
' best blood of New England " in
tlieir ranks, as having been, man for
man, far more than a match for those
rscruited from the " mean whites "
of the Confederacy. This is a very
singular remark to come from one
who must have known that from
first to last the North enormously
outnumbered the South, that the
Federal armies on the eastern sea-
board were mainly composed of
Irishmen and Germans, and that
in every single action of the war
where there was even an approach
to equality of numbers the Con-
federates beat the Federals. If any
one thing was decisively proved by
the result, it was this, that the
fighting power of the former exceed-
ed that of the latter greatly, and
that nothing but an overwhelm-
ing superiority in numbers and in
wealth gave victory finally to the
North. But Sir C. Dilke has no
word of sympathy for the cause
for which Jackson and Sydney
Johnstone died, for which Beaure-
gard and Longstreet fought, for
which Lee commanded in the field,
and Davis ruled in the Cabinet.
The great constitutional question
afc issue on the conquest of the
South is fairly and concisely stated
by our author : —
"The one great issue between the
Eadicals and the Democrats at the con-
clusion of the war was this : The 'Demo-
cracy' denied that the readmission to
Congress of the Southern States was a
n.atter of expediency at all; to them
they declared that it was a matter of
right. Either the Union was or was
not dissolved : the Radicals admitted
that it was not, that all their endeav-
ours were to prevent the Union being
destroyed by rebels, and that they suc-
ceeded in so doing. The States, as
States, were never in rebellion ; there
was only a powerful rebellion localised
in certain States. ' If you admit, then,'
said the Democrats, ' that the Union
is not dissolved, how can you govern a
number of States by major-generals ? '
Meanwhile the Radicals went on, not
wasting their time in words, but pass-
ing through the House and over the
President's veto the legislation neces-
sary for the reconstruction of free
government — with their illogical but
thoroughly English good sense avoid-
ing all talk about constitutions that are
obsolete and laws that it was impos-
sible to enforce, and pressing on stead-
ily to the end that they have in view :
equal rights for all men, free govern-
ment as soon as may be." — I. 287.
What the required measures were
was the abolition of State rights in
the conquered States. These States
must be held against the declared
will of their white inhabitants.
Two courses were open — military
despotism or slave despotism. The
North chose the latter. It was an
ingenious and cheap method of
persecution to the Southern planters
to hand over the government of the
South to its Helots, and only to re-
tain the garrison necessary to keep
the Helots themselves in check.
Russia is now copying the device in
Poland, and keeping it by the aid of
the enfranchised serfs.
The model republic may be proud
in having given a practical lesson
on the suppression of freedom to
the model despotism.
" It is clear that the Southern negroes
must be given a decisive voice in the
appointment of the Legislature by
which they are to be ruled, or that the
North must be prepared to back up by
force of opinion, or, if need be, by force
of arms, the Federal Executive, when it
insists on the Civil Rights Bill being
set in action in the South. Govern-
ment through the negroes is the only
way to avoid government through an
army, which would be dangerous to the
freedom of the North. It is safer for
226
Democracy beyond the /Seas.
[Fib.
America to trust her slaves than to
trust her rebels — safer to enfranchise
than to pardon. "—I. 29.
But the rebels were stupid enough
not to see this. An old Southern
planter said to Mr Dilke, —
" ' The Radicals are going to give the
ballot to our niggers to strengthen their
party, but they know better than to
give it to their Northern niggers.'
"D. ' But surely there's a difference
in the cases ? '
" The Planter. ' You're right— there
is ; but not your way. The difference
is, that the Northern niggers can read
and write, and even lie with consist-
ency, and ours can't.'
" D. 'But there's the wider differ-
ence, that negro suffrage down here is
a necessity, unless you are to rule the
country that's just beaten you.'
" The Planter. ' Well, then, of course,
we differ. We rebs say we fought to
take our States out of the Union. The
Yanks beat us, so our States must still
be in the Union. If so, why shouldn't
our representatives be unconditionally
admitted ? '
" Nearer to a conclusion we, of course,
did not come ; he declaring that no man
ought to vote who had not education
enough to understand the Constitu-
tion— I, that this was good prima facie
evidence against letting him vote, but
that it might be rebutted by the proof
of a higher necessity for his voting. As
a planter said to me, ' The Southerners
prefer soldier rule to nigger rule.'" —
I. 35.
And in the face of this, Sir C.
Dilke wonders that the planters
have mostly emigrated !
But Sir C. Dilke is very candid
as to the legality of the measures
of his Northern friends.
" The more honest among the Repub-
licans admit that, for the position which
they have taken up, they can find no
warrant in the Constitution ; that,
according to the doctrine which the
' Continental statesmen ' and the au-
thors of ' The Federalist ' would lay
down, were they living, thirty- five of
the States, even if they were unanimous,
could have no right to tamper with the
Constitution of the thirty-sixth. The
answer to all this can only be, that,
were the Constitution closely followed,
the result would be the ruin of this
land."— I. 284*
We remarked before that Sir C.
Dilke's blind devotion to democra-
cy utterly overpowers his naturally
strong logical judgment. The above
clearly proves this. Even on the
admission of their opponents, the
South had the legal right on its
side throughout. But what then ?
The exercise of that right would
have interfered with the universal
dominion of democracy on the
American Continent ; therefore
right must go to the wall. And
the Democrats having might, it did
go to the wall, as it too often does
in similar circumstances in this
world. It is curious to see the
advocates of a despotic democracy
driven, in their last resort, to
justify themselves by the " tyrant's
plea" — necessity. The sympathy
between the United States and
Russia is easy to understand.
Sir C. Dilke, of course, has un-
bounded admiration for the work-
ing of democracy in the States, but
he evidently has some secret mis-
givings as to the perfect purity and
* When democracy is removed, Sir C. Dilke's judgment is a very clear one in
regard to questions such as these. Thus, when speaking of the Dutch system of
government in the Eastern Islands, he says : "Those who narrate to us the effects
of the Java system forget that it is not denied that in the tropical islands, with
an idle population and a rich soil, compulsory labour may be the only way of
developing the resources of the countries, but they fail to show the justification
for our developing the resources of the country by such means " (ii. 179). Ex-
actly so ; and a parallel case exists in the United States. Those who insist on
the right of the Federals to reannex the Confederate States by force of arms,
forget that it is not denied that such was the only means of re-establishing one
great dominant democracy on the American continent ; but they fail to show the
justification for establishing such a democracy by violating the Constitution
under which alone the independent States of North America associated them-
selves for certain purposes of government in a Federal Union, and from which
certain of them desired peaceably to withdraw when they conceived these pur-
poses were no longer obtained.
1870.]
Democracy "beyond ike Seas.
227
freedom of choice resulting from
the " caucus and convention " sys-
tem (i. 291, 293) ; he is not happy
<r.t the prospect of Irish ascend-
ancy in the great cities (i. 45), arid
lie is most indignant at the wealthy
merchants of New York and the
other seaboard towns because they
withdraw from all share in public
affairs, and, living in a jealously-
guarded exclusive circle, abuse mob-
government.
" They tell a story of a traveller on
the Hudson River Railroad who, as the
train neared Albany, said to a some-
what gloomy neighbour, ' Going to the
•State Legislature ?' getting for answer,
' No, sir ; It's not come to that with
ne yet. Only to the State prison ! '
Stories such as this the rich New
Yorkers are nothing loath to tell ; but
they take no steps to check the dena-
tionalisation they lament. Instead of
entering upon a reform of their munici-
pal institutions, they affect to despise
free government ; instead of giving, as
the oldest New England families have
done, their tone to the State schools,
they keep entirely aloof from school and
State alike. Sending their boys to Cam-
bridge, Berlin, Heidelberg, anywhere
rather than to the colleges of their na-
tive land, they leave it to learned, pious
Boston to supply the West with teach-
ers, and to keep up Hale and Harvard.
Indignant if they are pointed at as
' no Americans,' they seem to separate
themselves from everything that is
American. They spend summers in
England, winters in Algeria, springs
iu Rome, and Coloradans say, with a
sneer, ' Good New Yorkers go to Paris
when they die.' "—I. 45, 46.
It never seems to strike Sir C.
Dilke that this is the necessary
result of pure democracy. Uni-
versal suffrage means the disfran-
cliisement of every class above the
lowest and most numerous. It is
not probable that a very large sec-
tion of the upper classes will find
tlieir views exactly in unison with
those of the dregs of great cities.
Therefore in the United States
they generally in such circum-
stances withdraw from politics al-
together. With us, but too often,
when standing for such constitu-
encies, they either bribe, or even in
some instances play the hypocrite.
It was a curious idea of our Radi-
cals that you would increase the
purity of election by doubling the
number and the poverty of the elec-
tors, and the revelations of the
election commissioners are the nat-
ural result. But what to us is even
a more deplorable result is the rise
of a class hitherto new in our House
of Commons, of men who have got
in by the profession and practice of
opinions which in their hearts they
despise. It but too commonly
happens now that you meet a
member one day, and find that on
some point he has very clear and
decided views ; you discover his
name, a few days after, on the
division list, on exactly tha oppo-
site side. You say to your friend
in some wonder, "How did you come
to vote so 1 " He replies, "My dear
fellow, you know I detest the mea-
sure, but I could not help myself.
If I did not vote for it, I would to
a certainty lose my seat at the next
election."
Sir C. Dilke imagines that the
result of "the late war settled for all
time the unity of the United States.
But there are many passages even
in his own book which make us
doubt this.
" « We aint going to fight the North
and West again,' said an ex-colonel of
rebel infantry; 'next time we fight 'twill
be us and the West against the Yanks. ' "
— 1. 6. "Nextafterthe jealousy bet ween
two Australian colonies, there is nothing
equal to the hatreds between cities com-
peting for the same trade." — I. 102.
" The Americans of the valley States,
who fought all the more heartily in the
Federal cause from the fact that they
were battling for the freedom of the
Mississippi against the men who held
its mouth, look forward to the time
when they will have to assert peaceably,
but with firmness, their right to the
freedom of their railways through the
Northern Atlantic States. Whatever
their respect for New England, it can-
not be expected that they are for ever
to permit Illinois and Ohio to be neu-
tralised in the Senate by Rhode Island
and Vermont. If it goes hard with
New England, it must go harder still
with New York ; and the Western men
223
Democracy beyond the Seas.
[Feb.
look forward to the day when Washing-
ton will be removed, Congress and all,
to Columbus or Port Riley." — I. 105.
"Governor Gilpin it was who hit upon
the glorious idea of placing Colorado
half upon each side of the Sierra Madre.
There never in the history of the world
was a grander idea than this. Any
ordinary pioneer or politician woiild
have given Colorado the natural frontier,
and have tried for the glory of the foun-
dation of two states instead of one.
The consequence would have been the
lasting disunion between the Pacific
and Atlantic States, and a possible
future break up of the country. As it
is, this commonweath, little as it at pre-
sent is, links sea to sea, and Liverpool
to Hong- Kong." — I. 118.
We much fear that, in spite of the
" glorious idea " of Governor Gil-
pin, the future break up of the
country is certain to take place.
The revolt of the South was but
the first of many similar struggles
•which the growth of new and di-
vergent interests will cause, as the
vast breadth of the continent be-
comes peopled. There is no diver-
sity of race to complicate the ques-
tion, so that natural interests in
time are likely to work out their
natural results in the dissolution of
the great American Confederacy of
States, and its reconstitution in
three large groups. Nature herself
seems to have pointed out the limits
of the three kingdoms into which
she will ultimately cast the now
United States. One will embrace
the Atlantic seaboard from the sum-
mit of the Alleghanies to the sea ;
the second will include the whole
valley of the Mississippi, from the
Alleghanies to the Grand Plateau
and the Rocky Mountains; the
third will lie between the water-
shed of the Rocky Mountains and
the Pacific coast. Each of these
great divisions of territory has
d inherent natural outlets and differ-
ent material interests. It is merely
a matter of time when these will
lead to the dissolution of the slender
tie of a common Federal govern-
ment.
We have delayed so long on the
large political and social questions
called up by the contemplation of
the United States, that we have
room but for one extract to paint
its great Western features.
" The landscape of the Great Plain is
full of life, full of charm — lonely indeed,
but never wearisome. Now great roll-
ing uplands of enormous sweep, now
boundless grassy plains. There is all
the grandeur of monotony, and yet
continual change. Sometimes the dis-
tances are broken by the buttes or
rugged bluffs. Over all there is a spark-
ling atmosphere and never - failing
breeze ; the air is bracing even when
most hot ; the sky is cloudless, and no
rain falls. A solitude which no words
can paint, and the boundless prairie
swell, convey an idea of vastness, which
is the overpowering feature of the
plains. Vast and silent, fertile yet
waste, field-like yet untilled, they have
room for the Huns, the Goths, the
Vandals — for all the teeming multitudes
that have poured and can pour from the
plains of Asia and of Central Europe.
Twice as large as Hindostan, more
temperate, more habitable, nature has
E laced them there hedgeless, gate-
?ss, free to all — a green field for the
support of half the human race, un-
claimed, untouched — awaiting, smiling,
hands and plough. " — I. 131-133.
On the political future of the
Pacific States Sir C. Dilke thus
expresses himself : —
" The material interests of the Pacific
States will always lie in union. The
West, sympathising in the main with
the Southerners upon the slavery ques-
tion, threw herself into the war, and
crushed them, because she saw the ne-
cessity of keeping her outlets under her
own control. The same policy would
hold good for the Pacific States in the
case of the continental railroad. Un-
calculating rebellion of the Pacific
States upon some sudden heat is the
only danger to be apprehended. . . .
The single danger that looms in the
more distant future is the eventual con-
trol of Congress by the Irish while the
English retain their hold on the Pacific
shores."— I. 274, 275.
Our author is evidently not
happy in New Zealand. Despite
of its unmatched scenery, it has
not enough of the true ring of
pure democracy for him. To the
digger of the west coast he has some
1870.]
Democracy 'beyond the Seas.
229
leaning, but with the gentleman
farmer of the east he has no sym-
pathy. Its scenery he sketches
•with his usual power. On ap-
proaching the western coast of the
south island he says —
"A hundred miles of the southern
Alps stood out upon a pale-blue sky in
curves of a gloomy white that were just
beginning to blush with pink, but ended
to the southward in a cone of fire that
b]azed up from the ocean. It was the
snow-dome of Mount Cook struck by
the rising sun. The evergreen bush,
flaming with the crimson of the rata-
blooms, hung upon the mountain-side,
and covered the plain with a dense
jungle. It was one of those sights that
hzaint men for years, like the eyes of
Mary in Bellini's Milan picture." — I.
330, 331.
"The peculiarity which makes the
New Zealand west-coast scenery the
most beautiful in the world to those
wlio like more green than California
has to show, is, that here alone can you
find semi-tropical vegetation growing
close up to the eternal snows. The lati-
tude and the great moisture of the
climate bring the long glaciers very
low into the valleys ; and the absence
of all true winter, coupled with the
rainfall, causes the growth of palm-like
fei'ns upon the ice-rivers' very edge." —
I. 310, 341.
The difficulties of its political
situation he has well depicted. New
Zealand was originally settled by
different colonies, planted at dif-
ferent times and at different points
on its coast, which were physically
cut off from each other by impene-
trable bush and roadless tracts.
This led to the rise of provinces,
who could be united together only
by the loose tie of a federal gov-
ernment. Moreover, it is separated
into two islands, the northern of
which is inhabited by a warlike
and powerful native race, while the
southern is free from this infliction.
Th us the southern people have nei-
ther native wars to carry on nor
native tribes from whom every acre
of land must be bought. Hence
they decline to be taxed for either
Maori wars or the purchase of
Maori lands. Thus government is
at once expensive and weak, taxation
heavy, and discontent universal.
"To obtain an adequate idea of the
difficulty of his task, a new governor,
on landing in New Zealand, could not
do better than cross the southern isl-
and. On the west side of the moun-
tains he would find a restless digger-
democracy, likely to be succeeded in
the future by small manufacturers, and
spade-farmers growing root-crops upon
small holdings of fertile loam. On the
east, gentlemen sheep-farmers, holding
their twenty thousand acres each, sup-
porters by their position of the existing
state of things, or of an aristocratic
republic, in which men of their own
caste would rule."— I. 345, 346.
He makes the following just and
striking remarks upon the Maori
race in its contact with civilisa-
tion : —
"There is an Eastern civilisation —
that of China and Hindostan — distinct
from that of Europe, and ancient be-
yond all count : in this the Maories
have no share. No true Hindoo, no
Arab, no Chinaman, has suffered change
in one tittle of his dress or manners
from contact with the Western races ; of
this essential conservatism there is in
the New Zealand savage not a trace."
"Nature's work in New Zealand is
not the same as that which she is
quickly doing in North America, in
Tasmania, in Queensland. It is not
merely that a hunting and fighting
people is being replaced by an agricul-
tural and pastoral people, and must
farm or die — the Maori does farm ;
Maori chiefs own villages, build houses,
which they let to European settlers ;
we have here Maori sheep- farmers,
Maori shipowners, Maori mechanics,
Maori soldiers, Maori rough-riders,
Maori sailors, and even Maori-traders.
There is nothing which the average
Englishman can do which the average
Maori cannot be taught to do as cheap-
ly and as well. Nevertheless the race
dies out. The Red Indian dies because
he cannot farm ; the Maori farms and
dies."— I. 387, 393.
Sir C. Dilke's spirit rises when
he reaches Australia. There he is
once more in a congenial atmo-
sphere of pure democracy, of uni-
versal suffrage, of vote by ballot.
There the future of the human
race is bright to him ; but, alas !
230
Democracy "beyond the Seas.
[Feb.
there is no perfect happiness here
on earth. There is a serpent even
in this social paradise with its
apple ready to tempt the demo-
cratic Eve. The hateful squatter
aristocracy of Queensland, with
their flocks and their shepherds,
are ever endangering the true prim-
itive love of equality dear to the
heart of the Victorian digger.
" As the rivalry of the neighbour
colonies lessens in the lapse of time,
the jealousy that exists between them
will doubtless die away ; but it seems
as though it will be replaced by a poli-
tical divergence, and consequent aver-
sion, which will form a fruitful source
of danger to the Australian Confedera-
tion. In Queensland the great tenants
of Crown lands — 'squatters,' as they
are called— sheep-farmers holding vast
tracts of inland country, are in posses-
sion of the government, and administer
the laws to their own advantage. In
New South Wales the power is divided
between the pastoral tenants on the one
hand, and the democracy of the towns
upon the other. In Victoria the demo-
crats have beaten down the squatters,
and, in the interest of the people, put
an end to their reign. The struggle
between the great Crown tenants and
the agricultural democracy in Victoria,
already almost over, in New South
Wales can be decided only in one way ;
but in Queensland the character of the
country is not entirely the same : the
coast and river tracts are tropical bush
lands, in which sheep-farming is impos-
sible, and in which sugar, cotton, and
spices alone can be made to pay. The
Queenslanders have not yet solved the
problem of the settlement of a tropical
country by Englishmen, and of its cul-
tivation by English hands. If, how-
ever, the other colonies permit their
northern sister to continue in her course
of importing dark-skinned labourers, to
form a poor population, a few years
will see her a wealtny cotton and sugar
growing country, with all the vices of
a slave-holding government, though
without the name of slavery. The
planters of the coast and villages,
united with the squatters of the table-
lauds or downs, will govern Queens-
land, and render union with the free
colonies impossible, unless great gold
discoveries take place, and give the
country to Australia."— II. 13-16.
There is another danger to the
virtue of Australia — her people are
a pleasure-loving race.
"In France there is a tendency to
migrate to Paris, in Austria a con-
tinuous drain towards Vienna, in
England towards London. A cor-
responding tendency is observable
throughout Australia and America.
In the case of Australia this concentra-
tion of population is becoming more
remarkable day by day. Even under
the system of free selection by which
the Legislature has attempted to en-
courage agricultural settlement, the
moment a free selector can make a
little money he comes to one of the
capitals to spend it. Sydney is the
city of pleasure to which the wealthy
Queensland squatters resort to spend
their money, returning to the north
only when they cannot afford another
day of dissipation ; while Melbourne re-
ceives the outpour of Tasmania. The
rushing to great cities the moment
there is money to be spent, characteris-
tic of the settlers in all these colonies,
is much to be regretted, and presents a
sad contrast to the quiet stay-at-home
habits of American farmers." — II. 19, 20.
Sir Charles thus sketches the
great enemy of democracy in Aus-
tralia : —
" The squatter is the nabob of Mel-
bourne and Sydney, the inexhaustible
mine of -wealth. He patronises balls,
promenade concerts, flower-shows ; he
is the mainstay of the great clubs, the
joy of the shopkeepers, the good angel
of the hotels : without him the opera
could not be kept up, and the jockey
club would die a natural death." — II.
41.
The chief engine of the Radicals
in Victoria and New South Wales
wherewith to beat down this terrible
aristocracy of wealth — this night-
mare of the virtuous democrat — is
the " free selection " law. By it the
agricultural settler is authorised to
buy at a fixed price the freehold of
a plot of land, provided it be over
40 and less than 320 acres, " any-
where that he pleases — even in the
middle of a squatter's run — if he
enters at once and commences to
cultivate ; and the Land Act of 1862
provides that the squatting licence
system shall entirely end with the
year 1869." Very effectual measures
1S70.]
Democracy beyond the Seas.
231
these, and pretty sure to produce
the intended effect. Despotic de-
mocracy goes very plainly and effec-
tually to work in its own cause.
As we are now fast following in
the footsteps of Australian demo-
cracy, and as the working classes in
this country will soon come to learn
the reality of the power they have
acquired, it is interesting to mark
the use to which they put their
power in Australia, to see how com-
pletely they have left behind the
b irbarism of trades-unions and as-
sassination, and how ably they at-
tain exactly the same results by the
power of legislation and the force
o; law.
"In America the working men them-
selves, almost without exception immi-
grants, though powerful in the various
St ates from holding the balance of par-
tins, have never as yet been able to make
tl.eir voice heard in the Federal Con-
gi ess. In the chief Australian colonies,
on the other hand, the artisans have,
more than any other class, the posses-
sion of political power. Throughout the
world the grievance of the working clas-
ses lies in the fact that, while trade and
profit have increased enormously within
the last few years, true as distinguish-
ed from nominal wages have not risen.
In the American States, where the sup-
pression of immigration seems almost
impossible, their interference takes the
shape of eight-hour bills, and the exclu-
si >n of coloured labourers. In Victoria
and New South Wales, however, it is
not difficult, quietly, to put a check
upon the importation of foreign labour.
The vast distance from Europe makes
tie unaided immigration of artisans ex-
tromely rare, and since the democrats
hiive been in power, the funds for assist-
ed immigration have been withheld, and
tie Chinese influx all but forbidden,
while manifestoes against the ordinary
European immigration have repeatedly
bi en published at Sydney by the council
of the associated trades. Sydney me-
cl anics, many of them free immigrants
themselves, say that there is no differ-
eice of principle between the introduc-
tion of free or assisted immigrants, and
that of convicts."— II. 71, 72.
This passage throws a flood of
li^ht on the real cause of the deadly
hostility of the Australians to trans-
portation, and very clearly explains
how, in the face of a democratic
class despotism, " there is no
sign that in Australia, any more
than in America, there will spring
up a centre of opposition to the
dominant majority/' — II. 57.
There is a danger to democratic
equality here in the very bosom of
republicanism, which we would
strongly recommend to the consi-
deration of Mr Mill, and the advo-
cates of the rights of women.
" There is at present in Victoria and
New South Wales a general admission
among the men of the existence of equal-
ity of conditions, together with a per-
petual rebellion on the part of their
wives to defeat democracy, and to re-
introduce the old 'colonial court' so-
ciety, and resulting class divisions. The
consequence of this distinction is, that
the women are mostly engaged in elbow-
ing their way. . . . Like the American
' Democrat,' the Australian will admit
that there may be any number of grades
below him, so long as you allow that he
is at the top ; but no Republican can
be stancher in the matter of his own
equality with the best" — II. 57.
We remarked in the beginning of
this article that Sir C. Dilke had
before him a golden millennium of
democracy, in which every one was
to be his own servant, and earn his
own bread by the sweat of his own
brow. This fixes here : —
" Day by day the labour question, in
its older aspects, becomes of less and less
importance. The relationship of master
and servant is rapidly dying the death :
co-operative farming and industrial part-
nerships must supersede it everywhere at
no distant date. The existing system of
labour is anti-democratic : it is at once
productive of, and founded on the exist-
ence of, an aristocracy of capital and a
servitude of workmen ; and our English
democracies cannot afford that half their
citizens should be dependent labourers.
If manufactures are to be consistent with
democracy, they must be carried on in
sliops in which each man shall be at once
capitalist and handicraftsman. It is
not enough that the workman should
share in the profits. The change which,
continuing through the middle ages into
the present century, has at last every-
where converted the relation of lord and
slave into that of master and hireling,
is already giving place to the silent re-
232
Democracy beyond the Seas.
[Feb.
solution which is steadily substituting
for this relationship of capital and labour
that of a perfect marriage, in which the
labourer and the capitalist shall be one. "
—II. 81, 82.
In this scoffing sceptical age it is
pleasant to meet with one who has
so strong and earnest a belief, so
pure and undoubted a faith, in any-
thing, even though it be in the un-
selfishness and virtue of the demo-
cracy of the future !
Sir C. Dilke has a great dread,
and that is the Irish immigrant.
We can hardly make out whether
he fears most the Celtic migra-
tion of men into the cities on the
seaboard of the United States, or
of women into the immaculate
Australian colonies. But his re-
marks on the characteristics of the
different races of immigrants are
worthy of attention.
" To avoid the evil, by as far as pos-
sible refusing to meet it face to face,
South Australia has put restrictions on
her Irish immigration ; for there, as in
America, it is found that the Scotch and
Germans are the best of immigrants.
The Scotch are not more successful in
Adelaide than everywhere in the known
world. Half the most prominent among
the statesmen of the Canadian Confede-
ration, of Victoria, and of Queensland,
are born Scots, and all the great mer-
chants of India are of the same nation.
Whether it be that the Scotch immi-
grants are for the most part men of better
education than those of other nations, of
whose citizens only the poorest and most
ignorant are known to emigrate, or
whether the Scotchman owes his uni-
form success in every climate to his per-
severance or his shrewdness, the fact re-
mains, that wherever abroad you come
across a Scotchman, you invariably find
him prosperous and respected. The
Scotch emigrant is a man who leaves
Scotland because he wishes to rise faster
and higher than he can at home,
whereas the emigrant Irishman quits
Galway or county Cork only because
there is no longer food or shelter for him
there. The Scotchman crosses the seas
in calculating contentment, the Irish-
man in sorrow and despair." — II.
120, 121.
One of the most interesting and
brilliant parts of Sir C. Dilke's
work is his sketch of British India.
His descriptions of it are singu-
larly vivid. Take as an example
his view of Agra : —
" The fort and palace of Akbar are
the Moslem creed in stone. Without —
turned towards the unbeliever and the
foe — the far-famed triple walls, frown-
ing one above the other with the frown
that a hill fanatic wears before he
strikes the infidel : within is the serene
paradise of the believing 'Emperor of
the World'— delicious fountains pour-
ing into basins of the whitest marble,
beds of rose and myrtle, balconies, and
pavilions : part of the zenana, or
women's wing, overhanging the river,
and commanding the distant snow-
dome of the Taj. Within, too, the
' Motee Musjid ' — Pearl of Mosques, in
fact as well as name — a marble cloister-
ed court, to which an angel architect
could not add a stone nor snatch one
from it without spoiling all. These for
believers : for non-believers the grim
old Saracenic 'Hall of the Seat of
Judgment.' The palace, except the
mosque, which is purity itself, is over-
laid with a crust of gems. There is one
famed chamber— a women's bath-house
— the roof and sides of which are covered
with tiny silver-mounted mirrors, placed
at such angles as to reflect to infinity
the figures of those who stand within
the bath ; and a court is near at hand,
paved with marble squares in black and
white, over which Akbar and his viz-
ier used to sit, and gravely play at
draughts with dancing-girls for pieces."
—II. 228, 229.
Who is there that has travelled
through the North-West Provinces
who will not endorse this descrip-
tion ?
"Throughout the plains of India the
highroads pass villages, serais, police-
stations, and groups of trees at almost
equal intervals. The space between
clump and clump is generally about
three miles, and in this distance
you never see a house, so compact are
the Indian villages. The North-West
Provinces are the most densely peopled
countries of the world, yet between vil-
lage and village you often see no trace
of man, while jackals and wild blue-
cows roam about as freely as though
the country were an untrodden wilder-
ness. Each time you reach a clump
of banyans, tamarind, and tulip trees,
you find the same tenants of its shades :
village police-station, Government post-
ing-stable, and serai are always enclosed
1870.]
Democracy beyond the Seas.
233
•within its limits. All the villages are
fortified with lofty walls of mud or
Ir-iek, as are the numerous police-sta-
tions along the road, where the military
constabulary, in their dark-blue tunics,
yellow trousers, and huge puggrees of
b 'ight red, rise up from sleep or hookah
as you pass, and, turning out with
tulwars and rifles, perform the military
sr.lute due in India to the white face from
all native troops."— II. 237, 238.
We have rarely read a more gra-
phic touch than the following sketch
of the Indus : —
" Climate affects colour, and every
country has tints of its own. California
is golden, New Zealand a black-green,
Australia yellow, the Indus valley is of
a blazing red. Although every evening
tLe Belochee mountains came in sight
a^ the sun sank down behind them and
revealed their shapes in shadow, all
through the day the landscape was one
of endless flats. The river is a dirty
flood — now swift, now sluggish, run-
ning through a country in which sand-
deserts alternate only with fields of
stone. Villages upon the banks there
are none, and from town to town is a
dry's journey at the least. The only
life in the view is given by an occasional
sail of gigantic size and curious shape
belonging to some native craft or other,
on her voyage from the Punjaub to Kur-
raohee."— II. 328, 329.
Oar author sees clearly and has
expressed strongly the causes
which, despite our just govern-
ment and the immense consequent
increase of material prosperity,
reader our rule unpopular amongst
the natives.
^ No parallel can be drawn in Europe
or North America to that state of things
wl ich exists wherever we carry our arms
in the East. The best example that
could be given of that which occurs con-
tinually in the East, would be one which
should suppose that the emperor and
nobility in Russia were suddenly de-
stroyed, and the country left in the
hands of the British ambassador and the
lat 3 serfs. Even this example would fail
to convey a notion of the extent of the
revolution which takes place on the con-
quest by Britain of an Eastern country ;
for in the East the nobles are better
taiight, and the people more ignorant,
th;in they are in Russia, and the change
causes a more complete destruction of
poetry, of literature, and of art." — II.
367, 368. " We are levelling all ranks in
India; we are raising the humblest men,
if they will pass certain examinations, to
posts which we refuse to the most ex-
alted nobles, unless they can pass higher.
Not only does the democratic character
of our rule set the old families against
us, but it leads also to the failure of our
attempt to call around us a middle
class— an educated thinking body of na-
tives, with something to lose, who, see-
ing that we are ruling India for her own
good, would support us heart and soul,
and form the best bucklers of our do-
minion. As it is, the attempt has long
been made in name ; but, as a matter of
fact, we have humbled the upper class,
and failed to raise a middle class to take
its place. We have crushed the prince
without setting up the trader in his
stead. "—II. 380, 381. " The old school
of Hindoos fear that we aim at subvert-
ing all their dearest and most venerable
institutions ; and the freethinkers of
Calcutta and the educated natives hate
us, because, while we preach culture
and progress, we give ihem no chance
of any but a subordinate career." — II.
377. "The men who cry out against
our rule are the nobles and the schemers,
who, under it, are left without a hope.
Our levelling rule does not even, like
other democracies, raise up a military
chieftainship. Our native officers of the
highest rank are paid and treated much
as are European sergeants, though in
native states they would, of course, be
generals and princes." — II. 318, 319.
"The native merchants and townsfolk
generally are our friends. It is unfor-
tunately the fact, however, that the cul-
tivators of the soil, who form three-
fourths of the population of India, be-
lieve themselves worse off" under us than
in the native states."— II. 319, 320.
• There is much in the above to
make the most thoughtless pause
and reflect. On the difficulties we
encounter in carrying out our views
in India, Sir C. Dilke says : —
"The comparatively fair treatment
we extend to the low-caste and no- caste
men is itself an insult to the high-caste
nobility; and while the no-caste men
care little how we treat them provided
we pay them well, and the bunny a or
shopkeepiug class, encouraged by the
improvement, cry out loudly that the
Government wrongs them in not treat-
ing them as Europeans, the high-caste
men are equally disgusted with our
good treatment both of middle-class
234
Democracy beyond the Seas.
[Feb.
and inferior Hindoos. The Indian is
essentially the caste man, the Saxon as
characteristically the no-caste man, and
it is difficult to produce a mutual un-
derstanding. Just as in England the
people are too democratic for the Gov-
ernment, in India the Government is
too democratic for the people." — II.
216, 217. "There can be no doubt
that the revolution in the land-laws"
(in Oude) "set on foot by us resulted
in the offer of a career as native police-
men or railway ticket-clerks to men
whose ancestors were warriors and
knights when ours wore woad." — II.
227. "It is a question whether we
are not responsible for the tone which
has been taken by civilisation in Cal-
cutta. The old philosophy has gone,
and left nothing in its place : we have
by moral force destroyed the old reli-
fion, but we have set up no new." — II.
80. " We have suppressed infanti-
cide" (of girls), "which means that
children are smothered or starved in-
stead of being exposed. The deaths of
three or four hundred children are cre-
dited to the wolves in the Umritsur dis-
trict of the Punjaub alone ; but it is
remarked that the ' wolves ' pick out -
the female infants. "— II. 219, 220. "Al-
though despotic, our government in
India is not bad : indeed, the hardest
thing that can be said of it is that it is
too good. We do our duty by the na-
tives manfully, but they care little
about that ; and we are continually
hurting their prejudices, and offending
them in small things, to which they
attach more importance than they do
to great. We worry them with muni-
cipal institiitions and benevolent in-
tentions that they cannot and will not
understand." — II. 375.
As to the support we should be
likely to receive from our native
subjects in India in case of inva-
sion, Sir C. Dilke's views are not
very encouraging; but we must
say that all we have ourselves seen
entirely confirms them.
" No native believes that we shall
permanently remain in India. No na-
tive really sympathised with us during
the rebellion. The natives of India
watch with great interest the advance
of Russia, not that they believe that
they would be better off under her than
under us, but that they would like, at
all events, to see some one thrash us,
even if in the end they lost by it. They
can understand the strength which a
steady purpose gives ; they cannot grasp
the principles which lie at the root of
our half -mercantile half-benevolent des-
potism."—1 1. 308, 309. " It is impossible
to believe that the native States would
ever be of assistance to us, except in
cases where we could do without their
help. In the event of an invasion of
Hindostan, a large portion of our Euro-
pean force would be needed to overawe
the native princes, and prevent their
marching upon our rear." — II. 320.
"The present attitude of the mass of
the people is one of indifference and of
neutrality."— II. 326.*
In these long and numerous ex-
tracts we think we have amply
justified the eulogium with which
we opened our notice of this
book. They fully prove, we ven-
ture to believe, the brilliant powers
of description, the clearness of ob-
servation, and — when the disturbing
influence of the anticipated demo-
cratic millennium is removed — the
strength of judgment of Sir C.
Dilke. His great defect is a cer-
tain rawness of political thought — a
want of reflection in not qualifying
the expectations of the present by
the experience of the past, which is
very natural in a young and enthu-
siastic politician, but which a more
extended knowledge of life is pretty
sure to cure. Parliamentary prac-
tice is a good antidote for a too ar-
dent faith in political perfectibility.
Above all, however, his book is a
suggestive one ; and that, in these
days of stereotyped thought, is a
* Sir C. Dilke makes the following just remarks on our interference with
native customs: — "The English idea of 'not recognising' customs or religions
which exist among a large number of the inhabitants of English countries is a
strange one, and productive of much harm. . . . Recognition is one thing, inter-
ference another. How far we should interfere with native customs is a question
upon which no general rule can be given, unless it be that we should in all cases
of proposed interference with social usages or religious ceremonies consult intelli-
gent but orthodox natives, and act up to their advice."— II. 267. .
1870.]
Democracy beyond the Seas.
235
real treat. Differing entirely as we
do from Sir C. Dilke's views as to
the blessing of the democratic flood
which we see every day rising higher
jind higher around us, we have yet
derived the greatest pleasure, and
very much profit, from watching its
" whither," so clearly foreshadowed
in his pages. We always value his
facts, and admire his candid state-
ment of them, though we very fre-
quently deduce from them conclu-
sions the very reverse of his. We
only wish we more frequently found
such an agreeable, instructive, and
clever adversary.
It is impossible to contemplate
the progress of the Anglo-Saxon
race in the New World and in
Australia without a feeling of awe.
The silent, ceaseless, daily advance
of the frontier of civilisation in the
Far West, along the whole extent
of that mighty line, one end of
which rests on the snows of the
polar circle, and the other is scorch-
ed by the fiery heat of the tropics,
is the most wonderful phenomenon
of modern times ; while the in-
crease of our Australian colonies is
in some respects even more aston-
ishing. The establishment of the
State of California on the shores of
the Pacific, and the completion of
the railroad from New York to San
Francisco, have bridged the New
World, and settled our sturdy de-
scendants in permanent occupation
of both its coasts. The whole con-
tinent of Australia, and most of
the islands of Polynesia, are evident-
ly destined to become the seats of
the same devouring race. The Red
Indian of the prairies, the miser-
able savage of Australia, the brave
and intelligent Maori, alike wither
away as soon as they come in con-
tact with its onward march. But
it will, ere long, meet a more for-
midable opponent ; and it will be
very interesting to watch the result
of the impact on each other of the
colonising races of theWest and East
— of the English and the Chinese.
Already in Australia and California
they have come in collision, and the
VOL. CVH. — NO. DCLII.
Chinese immigrants show no dis-
position to give place to their white
fellow-colonists.
Now, wherever this hardy push-
ing race of ours establishes itself,
it carries with it the,spirit to which
it owes its birth. It is the rest-
less dissatisfied spirit of democracy
which has impelled it over the sea
and into the wilderness. And, as
a necessary result, government by
universal suffrage accompanies it
in its tour of the globe. For good
or for evil, then, we must accept it
as an established fact that, for at
least some time to come, the rule
of a pure democracy will be spread
over the whole of North America
and Australia. What the result of
this vast experiment will be is one
of the most interesting subjects for
human speculation.
Clearly it will, for many a long
year, be strictly protective in mat-
ters of trade. Between the manu-
facturers of the young rising States
in the West and those of the old
parent State in the East there will
be sore hostility. This arises from
the very nature of things, and is
therefore inevitable. We may la-
ment, but we cannot avert it.
By many it has been thought
that the great defect of democratic
government is its weakness. To
us it seems that the great thing to
be dreaded in it is its strength.
There is no despotism in the world
so awful as the rule of a tyrant
majority. From the rule of a single
tyrant one may hope to shelter
one's self ; from that of a tyrant
majority there is no escape. All
the barriers of the constitution are
taken by it in reverse. The de-
fences of the people against royal
or aristocratic oppression become
the very instruments of the levelling
tyranny of the masses. This over-
bearing power produces politically
the worst results. It drives all the
better class of citizens, all men of
independent principles, to with-
draw altogether from public life.
People will not go on always fight-
ing a losing game. So long as the
£36
Democracy 'beyond tlie Seas.
[Feb.
different parties in a state are, by
the diversity of its political institu-
tions, nearly balanced, a wholesome
rivalry will exist, and all shades of
opinion will be held and expressed
in public. But once let a deter-
mined and overwhelming majority
be fairly established in the posses-
sion of power, then all opposition
will cease on the part of those whose
opposition alone would be of value.
The truth of this is already be-
coming apparent both here and in
America.
In this country the ultra-Liberal
party are in undisputed possession
of the municipal elections. The
consequence is, that the whole re-
spectable classes have withdrawn
from any share in the government
of our great cities. In the United
States universal suffrage has pro-
duced the same result in the go-
vernment of the State. Hardly a
man of independent character, of
good fortune, or of original thought,
will there enter political life. It is
almost an insult to ask an acquaint-
ance if he is a member of Congress.
All the wealth, thought, and inde-
pendence of the country is practi-
cally disfranchised, and has with-
drawn from the contest. Men
bankrupt in character and bank-
rupt in reputation, briefless bar-
risters, ruined merchants, broken-
down tradesmen, unlucky farmers,
constitute the majority of the mem-
bers of Congress. We much fear
that, since the great lowering of
the franchise last year, a tendency
to a similar state of things may be
observed in this country. There
are symptoms of the majority of
the House of Commons having,
upon many great questions, con-
sented to abandon the right of
private judgment, and to give their
votes, not as independent members,
but as the mere delegates of their
constituents.
The time when democracy is
most formidable to other states is
during the brief period which oc-
casionally arises when, still pre-
serving the energy generated by
the habit of unlimited freedom, it
is controlled and directed to one
object by despotic power. This it
was which in ancient times led to
the spread of Grecian civilisation
through the conquests of Alexan-
der, and to the vast extension of
the Eoman power which took place
under Julius and Augustus Caesar.
This it was which in modern days
led to the subjection of Europe
by the legions of France under
the guidance of Napoleon, and to
that vast development of strength
by the Federal States which end-
ed in the crushing of the Con-
federate cause by Sherman and
Grant. The energy of democracy
directed by a single will, whether
the will be that of a single despot
or of a tyrant majority, is, of all
combinations, that which develops
the greatest amount of offensive
strength, and is most dangerous
to the freedom of the world. For-
tunately the junction of these two
forces can be but fleeting.
One more remark, and we have
done. It seems to be the decree of
Providence that to the Anglo-Saxon
or Germanic race alone is confided
the mission of colonising all those
parts of our globe where the sons
of Japheth can establish themselves,
without coming in contact either
with tropical heats or the older and
less yielding races of the earth.
At one time it looked as if it
would have fallen out otherwise.
The Latin race, through the dis-
covery and conquest of Mexico and
Peru, seemed about to leave its im-
press on half the globe. But after
the first great development of its
expansive power, it appeared to
lose all energy and vital strength.
So far from constantly increasing
its boundaries and winning new
dominions from the waste, it can-
not now maintain its own numbers,
pure in blood, in the lands which
itself has settled. In Mexico and
most of the South American States
we see every day the numbers of
the pure Spaniards diminishing,
and those of the half-caste mixed
1870.]
Cornelius O'Dowd.
237
races increasing. With each ad-
vancing year the amount of white
blood in these magnificent regions
of the earth is lessening. Now ex-
actly the reverse is the case in those
states, whether in North America
or Australia, founded by the Ger-
manic race, coming from its homes
in the British Isles, in North Ger-
many, and in Scandinavia. These
not only are increasing with a
boundless rapidity, but the native
tribes with whom they come in con-
tact melt away before the mere
touch of their surging civilisation,
and leave no perceptible mixture
of their blood in the ranks of their
successors.
But it is very different when the
northern races of Europe meet
either with the deadly heat of the
tropics or with the ancient races
of the Old World. There is no ex-
ample anywhere of northern Eu-
ropeans being able to support their
own numbers, unmixed in blood
and unrefreshed from home, in the
regions of the palm. There is no
trace anywhere of their supplant-
ing in their native seats either the
Asiatic or the negro. We have
held India for more than a hundred
years, but we have made no im-
press on the teeming numbers or
ancient civilisation of its native in-
habitants. The same remark holds
good of the French in Algeria, the
Dutch in Java, and the Russians
in Asia. The European race in
contact with the Asiatic holds the
position of a conqueror, and rules
it as a conquered people. But it
cannot take its place. On the con-
trary, by governing it well it vastly
increases the numbers and devel-
ops the wealth of the subject race.
This is a strange and mysterious
law, and points to many important
conclusions which we have no space
here to enter on.
CORNELIUS O'DOWD.
WORDS WITHOUT MUSIC.
WHEN a gentleman with small
powers of voice and some smaller
knowledge of music has obtained
currency amongst his friends as a
singer, being able — rare accomplish-
ment amongst Englishmen ! — to
aid his efforts and drown his fail-
ures by a very humble performance
on the piano, there is no limit to
the extent to which he may not
push his pretensions, merely on the
faith of the few chords he has
learned to strike, and the imposing
attitude they have enabled him to
assume when entreated to sing.
That wonderful mesmerism ac-
complished by the united effort of
the voice and the instrument, that
marvellous magic which comes of
the blended expression of human
]>assion by the throat and by the
lingers, is a complete mystery to
the unscientific listener, carried
away by a captivation so far above
even his conceptions of power. He
knows nothing about that curious
chemistry, the result of the unit-
ed powers of human expression
and technical skill, and he re-
gards the performer with admi-
ration, perhaps with envy. It
may, however, happen that by
some luckless chance, by some acci-
dent of time or place, at a picnic,
in a boat, or in some bachelor's
quarters, the gifted songster has
been persuaded, over-persuaded, to
sing without an accompaniment.
From that hour the illusion is dis-
pelled for ever. It is not merely
that false notes stand out in all
their glaring guiltiness — it is not
that the weak voice seems to trem-
ble with its own conscious debility,
but there is no body of sound, no
flowing melody, no sustained, appeal
238
Cornelius O'Dowd.
[Feb.
to the senses, none of that harmony
that wrapt one around like a gar-
ment ; in fact it is a sort of " prose
intoned/' and we are not likely to
be enraptured by that.
To the man thus involved in
failure, there remains no success
throughout his whole life long — at
least in so far as the witnesses of
that failure are concerned. He
may sing himself hoarse, he may
rehearse all those mild agonies of
passion familiar to the piano-stool,
he may pour forth his regrets or
his raptures with any inflection of
sound — the spell has departed, the
charm is dissolved. That one un-
lucky act of polite compliance has
done for him — he is a magician no
more.
These "Worte ohne Lieder"—
for such they really are — are there-
fore a great peril, and a clever
artist will carefully avoid them.
Now, to apply, as the parsons
say — to apply these words to our-
selves, my brethren, a gentleman
from Tipperary has been doing that
which neither Mario nor Giuglini
would have dared to attempt, and
in this wise : In his eagerness to
procure the liberation of the Fenian
prisoners, he has been speaking
widely throughout Ireland ; and
naturally indulging in those ornate
forms of eloquence which are dis-
tinctively called Irish, he has been
very abusive of English Govern-
ments, using freely some very hard
epithets about ministers and states-
men,winding up with that "refrain"
we all know so well, about seven hun-
dred years of tyranny and oppres-
sion, Saxon perfidy, Protestantism,
and the penal laws. So far all well.
Listened to at Cabra or the Cobourg
Gardens, heard at Clontarf or Kil-
liney, these displays, with all their
surroundings, have a certain fitness
and appropriateness there is no dis-
puting. The very audience, too, is
in keeping with the tone of the
performance, and the chance inter-
ruptions of " More power to you ! "
"Bad luck to them!" "Na boch-
lish!" and suchlike, are all so many
meet accompaniments of the situa-
tion ; but more than all these is
the magic influence of the speaker's
intonation, that richly - cadenced
swing called "Brogue," which lends
itself as happily to strong pas-
sion as to touching sentiment,
and is equally good in pathos or
defamation — that voluptuous sink
and swell, that rapturous roll, being
to the words precisely what the
piano accompaniment is to the voice.
We all of us who have had any
experience of English songs well
know what lachrymose nonsense,
what tawdry imagery, what sickly
sentimentality they are made of,
and yet how, by the aid of a little
taste and musical skill, a pleasant
and flowing melody, they are car-
ried off, and actually sound very
sweetly; and one no more thinks
of criticising the poetry than the
pedal of the pianoforte. This is
exactly the case with a great deal
of third and fourth rate Irish elo-
quence. It is the melody, not the
words, that is listened to. Of course
I speak of the presence of an Irish
audience.
Let the attempt be made in Eng-
land, however. Change the venue
from Tullaghmast to Trafalgar
Square, which Mr Moore rashly per-
suaded himself to adventure, and
see what will come of it ! There
you have at once the " Worte ohne
Lieder," the poor, weak, tasteless,
vapid words, and none of that swel-
ling cadence, that touching intona-
tion, that softened down all the
absurdity, and made even balder-
dash musical.
Of course the accomplished orator
no more thought of bringing his
' ( brogue " across the Channel than
he would sport his Connemara
stockings at a drawing-room. He
left it — or at least as much of it
as he could leave — behind him
at Kingstown, and addressed the
Cockneys in his best imitation of
their own high-pitched and very
unmusical accents, and see what
has come of it. The whole press of
England, from Printing-House
1870.]
Words without Music.
239
Square to ' Punch/ were in a sort of
hysterical scream about the tinsel
decorations and rampant absurdi-
ties of Irish eloquence ; while, had
the distinguished performer merely
been singing, as he was accustomed
to do, with his native accompani-
ment, the air would have seemed,
;is it was, a very pleasant little
tune, and perfectly " grindable "
on the organ.
Now I maintain that it would
be good sense and good law to send
u man six weeks to the treadmill
for uttering that in a Cockney ac-
cent which, when enunciated with
a rich brogue, would be amply
punished by a small fine and an
admonition. For in exactly the
t ame proportion that one " does not
^wear to the truth of a song," one
does not go into the dock to up-
hold the argument enunciated with
the swing of a brogue.
Is it not quite clear that " Othello"
or "Hamlet," when heard at the
Grand Opera, convey no impres-
sions of tragic terror1? It is not
easy to imagine that any man will
ting himself into an act of jealousy
or of vengeance. There are various
pleasurable emotions that will be
suggested by the performance, and
<>ur sympathies will be captivated
in many ways, even to the extent
(>f believing that if speech and lan-
guage had never existed, the sounds
we had been listening to would
liave very adequately expressed
much suffering and great passion ;
I ut as we no more expect to hear a
man sing before he commits a mur-
der than to dance himself into an
ecstasy of rage, we reject all idea of
reality, and regard the action of the
piece, not as a representation of
human motives, but as a paraphrase,
all the more pleasurable that the
verisimilitude never goes to a pain-
ful reality. And if we are not
deeply moved when Othello bids
farewell to the world with an oboe
accompaniment, no more are we
terror-struck when certain Celtic
orators denounce Saxon tyranny in
a native recitative. It would be
very terrible if either Othello or Mr
Isaac Butt were in earnest ; but
the music reassures us, and we are
at ease again.
If the Premier be then really
bent on ruling Ireland according to
Irish instincts, let him exempt from
legal penalty all expressions, how-
ever treasonable or felonious, if de-
livered with a brogue \ let them
come into the category of national
music, and imply no more than
" Garry Owen," or " Tatter Away,"
— mere ebullitions of a high-heart-
ed Celtism.
"Where's the Slave so Lowly"
is very good treason-felony, but
nobody thinks of committing the
charming young lady who sings it
to Kilmainham ; and why prosecute
these other minstrels, whose sweet
recitative is not a whit more seri-
ous, nor half so dangerous ?
You are an excellent people you
English — you build very fine ships
at Birkenhead, manufacture excel-
lent shawls at Paisley, and make
most serviceable crockery in Staf-
fordshire ; but with all that, you
are a cold people, an unsympathis-
ing people, and an unimpressionable
people. What is not done in your
own way, or said in your own
words, is not done nor said aright ;
and after centuries of neighbour-
hood, you know no more of that
Eastern nation that lives to the
west of you — for even geographi-
cally Ireland is a bull ! — than you
do of Fiji. With the very smallest
gleam of intelligence to guide you,
you would have seen that Pheni-
cian invectives are not danger-
ous 'libels, and that de,nuncia-
tions uttered with a brogue are
not necessarily treasonable ; and it
is only when you insist on the
singer singing without the accom-
paniment that the words exhibit
themselves in a tasteless sentimen-
tality and a very commonplace
imagery.
That you prefer Beales is easy
to see, just as you like " Bob and
Joan" better, and think it sweeter
melody, than " Erin Mavourneen"
240
Cornelius O'Dowd.
[Feb.
or " Cushla Macree." I'll not
quarrel with you about this — I only
bargain that if you ask my country-
man to sing again, you'll not oblige
him to do so without the instru-
ment.
WHO'S AFRAID
I remember once, on board a
river -steamer in America, a very
powerful fellow — he stood consider-
ably above six feet — dressed in a suit
of one colour, and with a bowie-knife,
which he drew from his collar be-
hind his neck, and laid on the table
with a marked emphasis, saying,
as he entered, " Is there any infer-
nal blue-nose here ?" No infernal
blue-nose having responded to the
polite inquiry, after a pause of some
seconds, he asked if there was any
d — d skunk of a down-easter there 1
The same respectful silence ensued
after this query ; and now, looking
fiercely around the company, and
for a moment I half felt as if fixing
me, he said, " Is there any b y
Britisher present ? " I eagerly arose,
and, approaching him with a most
deferential demeanour, assured him
what pleasure it afforded me, in my
capacity as an English subject, to
solicit the honour of his acquaint-
ance— a favour which, I am proud
to say, he accorded me with a very
benign condescension. The inci-
dent came very forcibly to my re-
collection on reading the speech of
the Rev. J. Ryan at the Clonmel
election, in which he begins thus —
" Is there any one in court afraid of
British cannon?" Loud cries of
" No ! " replied to this demand. Now
I am perfectly aware what a miser-
able contrast is presented by my
own pusillanimity on board the river-
boat with the bold attitude of the
hearers of Father Ryan. I beg re-
spectfully that it may be remem-
bered that a bowie-knife of theWest,
three inches in breadth, bearing a
most ugly resemblance to an ancient
Roman sword, two-edged and glis-
tening, lay on the table during my
interrogatory ; while, so far as I am
aware, not a single piece of ordnance
figured at the scene in Clonmel,
and that really this material ele-
ment enters largely into the charac-
ter of the scene.
It appeared, however, from the
unanimous response of the meet-
ing, that no one was afraid of Brit-
ish cannon — a declaration which,
however, might have offered a more
unqualified satisfaction, if it were
not that the same answer was re-
turned to the second question, " Is
there any one afraid of truth?"
since if the "No " so spontaneously
shouted to this demand implied
that the people present were pre-
pared to hear what the world
thought of them — and, indeed, of
the orator that addressed them —
their indifference to truth, like their
courage, might have savoured of
hardihood.
I made an effort — I well know
how feeble it was — during the de-
bate on the Irish Church question,
to point out what a restraining
force the Protestant Establishment
was against the insolent aggression
of Romanism, and that the only
check upon- the violence of the
priest lay in the calm dignity of the
Christian gentleman who repre-
sented the rival faith. I do not
expect people unacquainted with
Ireland to recognise the force of
this influence, but I very confi-
dently appeal to all who know that
country and its people as to the
truth of what I am asserting, that
not merely were the gross supersti-
tions and the mock miracles of the
Church held in abeyance by the
mere presence of pure religious
culture, but that the personal ruf-
fianism of the black-gaitered rebel
was more efficiently restrained by
the contrast with the blameless
life and inoffensive demeanour of
the Protestant clergyman than by
all the appeals of the press or the
1870.]
Who's afraid ?
241
mock pastorals of the hierarchy. I
know too well how difficult it is to
make this clear to any one who has
not lived in Ireland and known
the people, and I know, too, that
it would not be deemed ground
enough whereon to rest a defence
of the Establishment ; but — shall I
repeat it 1 — Protestantism formed
the social police of the nation, and
you have nothing left by which
you can replace it. If you imagine
Ireland will be more governable
when you have made it Mexico,
I can only say you will soon have
an opportunity of testing your con-
viction. You have begun your
experiment with such good faith,
it would be unfair to suspect the
sincerity of your motives.
Do not, however, imagine that
you have more than begun that
process of pacification in which
you pride yourself. Your boon of
religious equality is not a very old
benefit, but it is forgotten already.
Nor when you have confiscated the
landed property of the kingdom,
will you be accepted as pacificators
if you do not release the Fenian
prisoners ! The patriotic voice of
[reland declares " Killing to be no
murder," and it is a very mild corol-
lary that deduces Treason to be no
felony. It will take some time,
perhaps, for the slow Saxon intel-
ligence to realise all these things ;
but events teach more rapidly than,
mere precept.
Are you prepared, then, to re-
lease O'Donovan Rossa from the
orank, and present him to the
Speaker ? or will you persist in
maintaining, in all the indignity of
i mprisonment, the chosen represen-
tative of a free people 1 O' Cou-
ncil's election for Clare brought
the question of Catholic emancipa-
tion to a legal issue; who knows
whether Clonmel may not prove of
]ike moment1? The patriot has
only erred in that fault of which
Talleyrand admonished his follow-
ers : it was trop de zele. All that
)ie was doing, all that he wanted to
do, could have been done by the
Constitution ; but he did not know
it. It might be difficult to explain
to a brigand in Greece or Italy that
their respective Governments were
busily elaborating the provisions of
an Act which would make highway
robbery unnecessary, and even mur-
der gratuitous ; and that, though
the process of legal redress might
be slower and less practical, it was
hoped that the " wild justice "
would be advantageously super-
seded by more prosaic and hum-
drum enactments. I am afraid that
the Italian or the Calabrian would
like "his own way best;" and I
am equally afraid that when Pat
comes to compare the halting steps
of your pacificatory process with the
summary results that ensue from
what the eloquent Father Ryan
calls "his own revolver," he too
will like his own way best. What
security of tenure can compare
with having no landlord? What
compensation for improvement can
vie with spare cash to buy powder
and ball?
Remember this — and it is worth
remembering — that in all you do
for Ireland you have two task-
masters, who, though they work
occasionally in concert, have dis-
tinct aims and objects, — the priest
and the peasant. You must satisfy
both. For the former you must
abrogate old laws; for the latter
you must make new ones. How
long you may reconcile yourself
to listen to such language as the
national press of Ireland at present
rewards you with — how long you
will endeavour to reconcile with
the ways of good government a
people who make all government
impossible — are questions between
yourself and your endurance; but
if it be your intention to concede
everything, to abrogate all that
adheres to England in Ireland as
fully and as thoroughly as you have
done with respect to the Church, —
I would only say, Do it at once.
Strip the landlord of his property,
but spare his life. Establish Po-
pery in the kingdom, and let those
242
Cornelius O'Dowd.
[Feb.
who care to remain in Ireland after
a certain date know that they stay
at their own peril, and that, what-
ever be the risks they incur, the
Imperial Government accepts no
responsibility, nor will pledge itself
to try rebels. Then shall we see —
Who's afraid?
NEW MEASURES AND OLD MEN.
If on the introduction of rail-
road travelling into England we
had persisted in applying to the
new-made mode of transit what-
ever we could of the machinery of
the old system that preceded it —
if, instead of station-masters and
pointsmen, telegraph clerks and
stokers, we had employed all the
old material of the mail-coach days,
and engaged coachmen, guards, and
helpers, the likelihood is that we
should have sacrificed some of the
efficiency of the scheme to ideas of
economy or thrift.
Of all classes of people, besides,
who would exert themselves to
acquire the use and practice of a
new machinery, none would be less
likely to display zeal or activity
than those who had passed their
lives in the exercise of the system
that was now abandoned, not alone
from the natural dislike men feel
to be voted obsolete and behind
their age, which certainly would re-
sult from having to go to school
again in mature life, but also from
that very well understood motive
that makes men averse to new-
fangled notions, which, if adopted,
would involve in a sort of barbar-
ism all the habits and ways of their
own early years. In fact, nothing
could be devised more likely to
render the new discovery defective
and unpopular, than to employ in
its service those whose knowledge
and acquirements it had rendered
bygones. Instead of these people
applying themselves steadily and
patiently to learn a new career, we
should find them ingeniously try-
ing to adapt the new system to
their old long - practised habits.
The coachman would be keeping
his time by all the old artifices of
" making play "here and breathing
a bit there, and the guard would
be satisfied that a blast of his horn
should be sufficient to keep the
road clear, and apprise the people
at the next "change" to be on
the alert for his arrival. To teach
these men that a mile of ground
was a matter of two minutes,
that a danger-signal was an emer-
gency to be measured by seconds,
that a fractional increase or de-
crease of speed signifies to run into
or be run into by some one before
or behind you, to transfer all the
adaptiveness to the management
of a blood-team to the use of a
boiler, would be one of the most
hopeless of all imaginable under-
takings.
Are we then, you would ask — are
we to turn them adrift upon a
world that has no longer any need
of them, or are we to burden our-
selves with the support of so many
useless and unprofitable people ? I
reply, Pension them by all means :
infinitely better charge the budget
with their maintenance than damage
the whole character of a great in-
vention, and destroy the working
efficiency of a noble discovery. You
are ready to interrupt me here, and
ask, Why all these shrewd warnings
and cautions about a danger so
little likely to be incurred 1 Who
is insane enough to do anything so
shortsighted and so foolish as this 1
and my answer is, The thing has
been actually done ; the experiment
has been made ; and the results are
before our eyes — being enacted, I
may say — while I yet write. Look
towards the east of Europe and you
will see it all.
When Austria was driven by the
course of events to lose her posses-
sions in Italy and her influence in
Germany, to fall back upon herself,
1870.]
New Measures and Old Men.
243
t he very wisely bethought her, that
for the benefit of internal resources,
for the development of native in-
dustry and enterprise, there was
nothing for it but a constitutional
form of government, — that free in-
stitutions are the best education for
a nation, and that law and order
j ire never so successfully instilled
as when the people are themselves
interested in the edicts they have
figreed to obey. Baron Beust, to
whom this change first commended
itself, went to work with a will.
He instituted the Parliamentary
form of rule, Ministerial responsi-
bility, freedom of discussion, free-
dom of the press, trial by jury,
municipal reform, with a large share
of local self-government. It was
not easy, if even possible, in a
country inhabited by such a mix-
tare of races to consult or provide
for autonomy, but he did so to the
fullest extent as regarded Hungary,
and made considerable concessions
elsewhere, particularly on the " Lit-
toral," with reference to educa-
tion in the Italian-speaking pro-
vinces of the empire. If he failed
to conciliate the Sclaves it was per-
haps less his fault than that their
pretensions were put forward in a
way that evidently threatened the
disruption of the empire — for what
i.j called "Confederation" could cer-
tainly have no other interpretation
— not to add that the discontent of
these people was nourished and
stimulated by Russian intrigue.
Austria, meanwhile, went for-
ward, eagerly bent on extending to
her people the largest measure of
liberty. Of course such a procedure
could meet with little sympathy at
St Petersburg, who had to think of
1'oland; nor even at Berlin, where,
in fashioning the new machinery of
a North-German Confederation, the
question of individual right was to
be as little recognised as might be.
Still Baron Beust went ahead,
not troubling himself very much
about his neighbours, nor, so far
as one could see, much disposed
to hamper his rule with needless
complications of either alliance or
animosity.
Now all this had been admirable
in every respect, if it were not that
in working the new system he had
encumbered himself with the old
agency — that is, that in carrying
out the active life of a Liberal Ad-
ministration he had burdened him-
self with the wearisome formalism
and dreary delays of an old and
worn-out bureaucracy. To any one
conversant with the soul -depress-
ing slowness of Austrian official
life in the good old days of Metter-
nich and Schwarzenberg, when the
most insignificant document of
every department had to be copied
and re-copied, and docketed and
registered and re -registered, and
then transmitted to some one else
who did all this over again by way
of check, till either the event which
evoked the correspondence had so
changed its aspect as to make the
decision inapplicable, or, as often
happened, to be utterly ignored al-
together ; to any one who had
seen the daily life of " Schreiberei"
pursued — from the highest to the
lowest officer of the State — from
the Cabinet Minister to the corpo-
ral,— it would seem as though no
human existence could ever be pro-
longed to an extent to reap the
benefits of such departmental care
and protection.
And yet it is with this agency —
dry, formal, minute, and methodi-
cal— that Austria tries to apply the
last new discoveries in Liberal gov-
ernment. What would they say at
Woolwich if they were told that no
more cannon should be founded till
they had worked up all the old pig-
iron into smooth bores or breech-
loaders 1 Here is this very experi-
ment being tried before our eyes !
No wonder if the machinery of
the State works harshly and un-
genially, where every employe is
an obstructive and an opponent,
not seeking to accommodate him-
self to the play of a new mechanism,
but trying how far he can mould
its operations to his own long-
244
Cornelius O'Dowd.
[Feb.
formed habits, and to ways he is
too old to abandon.
As an instance of what can
come of such a combination, the
events now happening in South
Dalmatia are sufficiently in point.
While the officials of the locality
were laboriously copying out the
instructions of the new law on the
militia conscription, making the
fourfold detail of registering here
and endorsing there — sending certi-
fied copies to this man and abstracts
to that — the Russian agents, along
with certain Montenegrin spies,
penetrating the province in every
direction, had ample time to propa-
gate the intelligence that by their
enlistment for the landwehr the
people were virtually accepting ser-
vice in the regular army ; and under
the pretext of being enrolled for
the protection of their own homes,
they were actually subjecting them-
selves to be drafted to the utmost
limits of the empire, to serve on the
far-away confines of Poland, or in
the dreaded swamps of the Lower
Danube.
A very little foresight and pre-
caution might have saved all mis-
construction on this head; the dis-
content was not very deep rooted,
and the spirit of the population on
the whole was not inimical to im-
perial rule. Bureaucratic apathy,
however, easily takes the forms of
insolence and superciliousness. The
peasantry, resenting these, rose,
burned the baptismal registries,
destroyed all the records of con-
scription, and defied the authori-
ties. The Government sent troops,
and the mountaineers, fully as
warlike in their native fastnesses,
defied the soldiery. The first care
of the military commander was to
garrison and provision the various
small forts, which, at distances
through this wild region, serve as
pivots for a force to act on. The
peasants did riot hesitate to meet
these detachments, and, so far as
rumour goes, in some cases over-
powered them.
To bring up the regiments to a
war standard, the new recruits of
the last levy have been sent for-
ward ; and although it is reported
that they have behaved well in the
field, the hospitals are full of sick,
and a call for an increased staff of
surgeons has been forwarded to
Vienna.
No one pretends to believe that
an outbreak of sufficient magnitude
to call for 12,000 regular troops to
meet it could have arisen on such
grounds as these; but Russia has
taken excellent care to begin her
operations at a very distant frontier
of the empire, and on a quarrel
eminently social in its character,
just as the title to an estate is con-
tested by an action at law for some
small and insignificant holding.
Still I persist in maintaining that
if the new laws of the kingdom
were expounded with the willing
activity of men who were working
in accordance with their spirit, it
would not be so easy to make Dal-
matians the dupes of Russians or
tools of Montenegrins. The old
musket drill will not do with the
new breech-loader, nor will old
Austrian bureaucracy consist with
modern liberty, nor with the de-
mands of men, who, to be ruled,
must be reasoned with.
In one of the Occasional Notes something of this sort of conversa-
of * Pall Mall ' a short time ago tion, so that people, with a few easy
I read a clever suggestion. It "gambits" in their head, could
was apropos to a notice of Mr while away time pleasantly, instead
Longman's little book on chess of maintaining a rigid, silence, or
openings, that it would be doing keeping up that species of bald dis-
the world good service to devise jointed chat which is still worse.
1870.]
Talk-11 Gambits:
245
The difficulties are, however, con-
siderable. First of all, the habit of
introducing people to each other
tas in great degree fallen into dis-
i.se, and, save by that formal pre-
sentation by which you are con-
signed to take a certain person in
to dinner, you may happen not to
know, or be known to, any one in
a drawing-room. What gives the
especial value to the chess open-
ings is the fact that, as you may
be totally ignorant of the strength
of your adversary, a few cautious
noves, to which the corresponding
replies are known to you, enable
you to measure in some degree
j our opponent, and see how far it
r light be safe for you to play boldly
or the reverse.
If, for instance, he answer your
gambit by the appropriate move,
you are at once aware that he has
given some study to the game, and
you address yourself more cautious-
ly to the board. In conversation,
however, as you do not at least
always play to win, as you simply
desire to " have a game," your ob-
joct is merely by any opening — any
break — to give some opportunity
for the other player to move a
piece, and thus give rise to that
pleasant interchange of agreement
or opposition which makes up TALK.
Now I would here beg to insin-
uate that, for any advantageous
analogy to conversation, Whist is
infinitely preferable to Chess. First
cf all, in chess the exact equality
\vith which the two players con-
front each other at first has no
resemblance to real life, where
nothing is so rare as to find a Mr
] Hsraeli pitted against a Mr Glad-
stone. This stern uncongenial
condition of exact equality gives
the whole character to the game, and
makes it as unlike real life as pos-
sible, where what we call chance
enters so much into everything. To
divest social intercourse of this
character of the intellectual duel is
the great object of all who care for
pleasant companionship ; and in the
diversity of men's tastes and tem-
pers, in the different measures of
their capacities, this difficulty is not
hard to overcome.
Between chess and conversation
the analogies are few. " The queen's
pawn two " game, indeed, opens
like the talk about the weather, and
may be the opening of an able or a
very inferior player. The gambit
which sacrifices a pawn to the ad-
versary for the sake of an advan-
tage in position, resembles the
bait of a man who throws out a
paradox to see whether you will
gravely make it an object of attack,
or simply take it as the expression
of a caprice, or a glove thrown to
provoke battle. The late Arch-
bishop Whately was rather an ad-
ept at this sort of stratagem, and
if he hadn't practised it so persis-
tently and unmercifully, would
have deserved the gratitude of
many who remembered how often
he dissipated the dull reserve of a
dinner by some of these sallies.
Whately, however, had no origin-
ality, nor had he any readiness. He
came out with so many rounds of
service ammunition; and if he fired
them off before the end of the even-
ing, he was harmless afterwards.
To enlarge one of these "bagged"
conundrums, and follow it at a
sharp pace over everything, was his
delight ; and for the first or perhaps
the second time one witnessed this,
it was amusing. He, however, re-
peated his stories to satiety ; and
a very brief acquaintance with
him gave one the solution of every
one of his riddles, and the key to
each of the concetti, by which he
used to startle the decorum of a
dinner-party. Lord Melbourne had
a charming turn for those plea-
sant little paradoxes which are so
suggestive of spirited talk, and with
him they were real impromptus.
They came out of the matter in
hand, and seemed actually like
sudden flashes of a right view of a
subject, which a strong light had
not hitherto so forcibly displayed
before him. Then he had that
wonderful geniality which seasons
246
Cornelius O'Dowd.
[Feb.
conversation for every appetite; and
above all, he had that width of
sympathy, without which no really
good talker ever gained pre-emi-
nence, which enabled him not only to
hit the very sentiment, but often to
catch the very expression, the man
he was addressing would have used.
The Irish Chief-Justice Bushe was
the only one I could think of plac-
ing on equality with him for that
sort of easy talk in which scholar-
ship blends with great knowledge of
life ; and with this Bushe had a vein
of native drollery and wit which
are not to be found out of the Celtic
temperament.
When Sir William Smith, Lord
Guillamore, and Mr Bushe, were the
three " chiefs " of their several law
courts, it was a constant question
amongst their respective followers
to which should be given the palm
of conversational superiority ; but
in reality Bushe's claim was indis-
putably the highest. For epigram-
matic neatness, and an incisiveness
that divided a subject as keenly as
the knife of a surgeon, Sir William
was unsurpassed; while for a sar-
castic humour that recalled Swift,
Lord Guillamore was distinguish-
ed beyond every man of his day.
" I don't know that there is any se-
cret in conversational success," said
Bushe one day, to some one who
questioned him ; " I believe it all lies
in two easy rules : Be always nat-
ural, and be good-natured." He
assuredly practised as he preached.
For a polished elegance without
a trace of pedantry, and for a neat-
ness of expression which continu-
ally verges on wit, and seems only
not so by the careful abstention of
the speaker, there is nothing pos-
sibly, among Englishmen at least,
can be pitted against Sir Henry
Bulwer. If there be something
tantalising in feeling that he has
not said all he might on a subject,
he consoles you by the thought
that he has said something you
had not heard from another, and
certainly in a form, and with a
turn of expression, none other could
have hit upon. As a raconteur of
an incident he has no equal out of
France ; and no Frenchman can
surpass him in the adroitness with
which he can make the moral of
his story serve the purpose of his
argument. His name has escaped
me against a determination I had
made not to quote living conversa-
tionalists, but there is no one who
could give such valuable hints for
good talking ; and, from the form
of his mind they would take the
shape of short aphorisms, easy to
remember, and admirable for use.
The " talk-openings" — take them
even in the simple form of ante-
prajidial utterances — could be com-
municated only by masters in the
art ; for it is in conversation as in
medicine, that nothing but the
"Dons" can be teachers. The
preceptive power of the good talker
is perhaps the most striking of his
gifts. The intuitive appreciation of
the tastes, the tempers, and the
prejudices of his hearers — what
they would require in the way of
sentiment, what they would bear
in the way of scandal, where they
must be instructed, where aston-
ished, where the talker can insin-
uate a slight interest on his own
behalf, and where a little modest
self-disparagement heightens the
zest of an anecdote, how to illustrate
where there is no time for argu-
ment— and all these without seem-
ing to engross unfairly the time of
the company.
Kings and kaisers are strong
in conversational gambits. They
make a special study of talk-open-
ings ; but as they are always " played
up to," and never, or at least very
rarely, puzzled by an adverse move,
their game is easy enough. They
can talk Protection with an old
Tory, and discuss Providence with
a Bishop, and yet never suffer
either to get beyond the stage of
blessings and thanksgivings. In
the same way they speak of pain-
less surgery to the doctor, and the
Suez Canal to the engineer, and
yet it is just possible that each
1870.]
A /Small Clerical Error.
247
of these persons would feel the
flattery of being addressed on any-
thing rather than what savours of
;i metier. Generally it is only a
very young man likes to be talked
to about his own career. Before
his ambition has had time to be
blunted by defeats, he dreams of
very high successes ; and you are
quite safe in prognosticating the
Woolsack to the newly-called bar-
rister, or the command of an army
to a young sub. in the goose-step.
All ante-prandial talk should be
of a character that incurs no risk of
a dissentient opinion. Mild praises
of something that it is safe to praise
are good gambits. The weather,
the crops, something that the Queen
has done, or the Princess of Wales
lias said, are never hazardous.
If dinner be unavoidably delay-
ed, and if a slight diversion in the
shape of provocation be deemed ad-
visable, a quotation from Carlyle,
taken at random, will always do.
It will be sure to offend some-
body; and even when the matter
of it be unobjectionable, the man-
ner will as certainly outrage some
taste, and jar upon some suscepti-
bility.
Indeed, I think Carlyle and Rus-
kin might serve as conversational
" bitters," taken to give an appe-
tite, but never accepted as articles
of diet, and only administered in
the smallest liqueur-glasses.
If the flavour be found too
pungent for ladies, let them take
"Martin Tupper" instead.
A SMALL CLERICAL ERROR.
In that very interesting discourse
in which Bishop Temple took his
farewell of Rugby, there are certain
points to which exception might
fairly be taken. I will, however,
advert to one only, and to that one
simply, on the ground of its being
a matter on which the eloquent
speaker was evidently less qualified
to pronounce than many others who
could lay no claim to either his at-
tainments or his capacity.
Dr Temple opines that the higher
classes have much to learn from the
humbler ; and I would make no ob-
jection to the assertion if he had
not added — as regards justice; it
being his opinion that among the
cultivated men and women refine-
ment prevails over the sense of equi-
ty; and that the thought of whether
what is done be done in accordance
with good breeding and good man-
ners, weighs more heavily than if
done with reference to sound prin-
ciples of morality.
Now it is not on the score of
any abstract proposition I would
say that the judgment of the humble
man could be a better guide than
the dictum of the cultivated man —
it is on the questions which pertain
to his daily experience of life— to
the wants that beset him — to the
straits by which he is surrounded —
to the best modes by which his or-
dinary difficulties can be met — to
the ways in which help aids him
best and speediest — to the sort of
education that most adapts him to
the mode of his life — to where inter-
ference is useful and kindly and
acceptable, and where it is simply
inconvenient, unpleasant, and dis-
tasteful. In all these themes the
poor man will unfold stores of know-
ledge peculiarly and specially his
own ; and will show he has for his
own daily purposes mastered ques-
tions which scientific heads call san-
atory, or chemical, or social, or sta-
tistic, as it may be. Ask the doc-
tor, who knows more about the poor
than any one, whether he has not
learned much from the thoughtful
experience of humble people, whose
simple habits of observation are un-
disturbed by all attempt or desire
to make them conform to a theory;
how they watch the changeful in-
fluences of weather on disease — how
they note how the very hours of the
248
Cornelius O'Dowd.
[Feb.
night bear upon the recurrence of
certain symptoms — how their very
superstitions are but as formulae, as
it were, to express some combination
which is above their power of ex-
planation. Mark the way in which a
shepherd or a sailor will sum up the
signs of coming weather — the mar-
vellous acuteness with which he will
distinguish between the true and
the false indications — the profound
knowledge he will exhibit of nature
in all her moods of change — and,
lastly, how he has educated his
senses to investigate problems that
science can only deal with by aid
of instruments and inventions.
There is in one of Scott's con-
versations a touching record of
what he himself had gleaned from
intercourse with uneducated men
and women, which might make
ordinary people very careful how
they undervalue such sources of
knowledge. I wish my memory
could help me to the passage — and
I dread to mar it by a garbled quo-
tation ; for like the people who re-
member the facts of geometry, but
have forgotten the proofs, so it is
with me. I can retain some traces of
other men's wisdom, but have lost
the clue by which they gained
them.
It is not, however, to this part
of the venerable Bishop's address
I would draw attention. It is
rather to the contrast he endeav-
ours to establish between the con-
dition of society abroad and that
which we find at home. He seems
to think that the sympathy be-
tween the higher and lower classes
is stronger and closer in France,
Germany, and Italy, than in Eng-
land : and that this better state of
things is owing to a certain genial
culture in the higher ranks which
forbids them to separate themselves
from their poorer brethren. Now,
if he had known the Continent
better, he would have known that
this is not the case. The familiar-
ity, almost at times verging on
equality, which subsists between
the extreme conditions of society
abroad, depends upon the simple
fact that the real differences be-
tween them are marvellously small
and few. They are separated by
conventionalities, and little else.
The landlord living on his estate
has, outside the fact of his wealth
and his power to use it, scarcely
anything to distinguish him from
the peasant. A little better food
and a little better clothing, per-
haps, would mark his condition j
but there would be nothing in the
tone of his conversation, the range
of his knowledge, the sort of in-
terests which would engage or the
class of topics that would amuse
him, to remove him from the daily
life and occupations of the humbler
man. On religion, on politics, on
the events of the little world around
them, they would be certain to
think alike, and, what is more, to
express themselves alike, when they
discussed them. Those customs of
cleanliness and order — the fifty odd
small requirements of the gentle-
man— which exist with us, and to
dispense with which even for a day
becomes a serious privation — have
no place here. The "Illustrissimo"
lives in the corner of a house as
large as Buckingham Palace, and
that corner very meanly — indeed
miserably — furnished. Three straw-
bottomed chairs, a round table with
a tea-service — never used — a look-
ing-glass, a gilt console, and a bust
of Victor Emmanuel, comprise the
articles of a salon. Of a "tub,"
or of any form of bath whatever,
he knows no more than does a mole
of a microscope. He has none
of those innumerable little wants
whose very slavery is a discipline
of civilisation, and consequently it
is no hardship to him to take his
cup of black coffee on the same
bench with a labouring man whose
toilet has taken about as much
time as his own, whose chin is as
unshaven, and whose hands as
innocent of soap. There is no
doubt that all these similarities of
habit and condition are very equal-
ising elements, and conduce to a
1870.]
A Small Clerical Error.
249
great freedom in intercourse, and
in that conversation in which the
recurrence of some reference to his
3-ank as the Signor Conte or Herr
"Baron, alone defines the different
stations of the speakers.
It is needless to say how much
ilike two such men will feel on
every subject that could come be-
fore them. The essential difference
of wealth will not separate them, be-
cause it is wealth unemployed in the
diffusion of luxury or refinement.
It exists in the books of the banker,
:md not in the daily habits of the
possessor. The little daily news-
paper, ill printed and worse written,
forms the staple intelligence of each
— where each finds his prejudices
fostered, his hopes illustrated, and
Jiis fears shadowed forth, in a lan-
guage so like his own that its per-
•suasiveness is complete.
Last of all will come that grand
] eveller the Church, in which each
not alone believes, but believes in
precisely the same way, taking the
same view of its powers, and form-
ing the same estimate of its preten-
sions.
If, then, the like classes in our
country are not linked together by
so close a sympathy as we see here,
surely it is not without a " plea in
mitigation." And be it remembered
that, in this compact of equalisation,
if the peasant gains something, the
man of station loses much — sitting
down contented, as he does, with
certain material advantages, and
having no goal of a higher civilisa-
tion or a more cultivated existence
before him.
The Herr Graf smokes a some-
what better tobacco and has more
leisure than the Bauer. Out of
these there is not much to choose
between them. If Dr Temple,
then, desires to see a closer union
between different conditions of
society with us, surely it is not at
this price he would purchase the
boon ! And that such is the cost
there can be no doubt.
250
The Coming Session.
[Feb.
THE COMING SESSION.
THERE is something inexpres-
sibly naive, not to say pleasant, in
the tone which the organs of the
present Government are assuming
while they discuss the probable
acts of the coming session and
speculate on their issues. The
moderation with which they de-
liver their minds is very edifying.
That which above all things they
deprecate is, that into the de-
bates with which we are threat-
ened, any other than the purest
spirit of patriotism should enter.
Party is and has long been the
bane of this free commonwealth.
If party spirit be suffered to exer-
cise its old pernicious influence
over us we shall do no good, nor
arrive on any subject bearing upon
the best interests of the country
except at the lamest possible con-
clusions. We are warned, indeed,
that the matter at once to be sub-
mitted to Parliament is both deli-
cate and important. Mr Gladstone
will inaugurate the opening of the
new session with a " most elabor-
ate bill for dealing with the tenure
of Irish land." And we further
learn that the subject is one " which
might, no doubt, excite the fiercest
animosities." Men are most moved,
it appears, by what affects their
personal interests (a truly marvel-
lous discovery); and "an Irish Land
Bill will affect the interests of a
class much larger and more power-
ful than the Protestant clergy."
But though all this be true, and
the incidents naturally arising out
of it obvious enough, the supporters
of the present Government appear
to be sanguine that nature will not
be allowed to have her way. " An
insufficiently considered or an un-
skilfully drawn bill, might destroy
the submissive unanimity of the
Liberal members, rouse anew the
activity of the Orange zealots, and
hinder the consideration of almost
every other measure. From such
a fate, however, we hope to be de-
livered," how, or by what process,
Mentor does not condescend to
explain. On the other hand, if it
be on the other hand, " a long
fight on tenures and evictions
would be far worse than the pre-
sent controversies on the Irish
Church, for it would have the
effect of embittering the tenant
against the landlord, and giving
excuse for continued agitation."
How the feelings of the tenant
towards the landlord, and of the
landlord towards the tenant, are to
be made more bitter than they seem
at present to be, the sage who thus
instructs while he soothes, and
aims at conciliating, has not stop-
ped to make clear. All that he
does is to assume that there is
reason to hope better things, be-
cause public opinion has been grad-
ually tending to agreement during
the recess, and thus smoothing the
way both for the Government and
the Opposition. At the same time
it is clearly to be understood that
this shading away of public opinion
ought to have run, if it has not run,
entirely in one direction. " The
Government would be universally
condemned by the Liberal party if
it hesitated to bring in a really
sufficient measure ; if, from a desire
to conciliate foes or to spare friends,
it were to present a bill which
should slur over difficulties, cleverly
contriving to leave things as they
are. A bill intended only to pass
would be the reproach, and per-
haps the ruin, of the Government."
So run the arguments, if argu-
ments they deserve to be called, of
those clever and not very scrupulous
individuals whom Mr Gladstone
and Mr Bright contrive to engage
as their scouts or precursors in the
coming Parliamentary campaign.
Their business is to deal as much as
possible in generalities. They do
not pretend to have been admitted
1870.]
The Coming Session.
251
more than other people to a know-
ledge of what is in preparation, but
they are satisfied that it is at once
stringent and moderate, sweeping,
and at the same time, in the main,
conciliatory. " The Government
measure must, and of course will,
do all that justice demands for the
tenant, and thus satisfy the hopes
of the most able and impartial men
who have studied the condition of
Ireland. On the other hand, the
recent discussions forbid the fear
that any rash and unsound proposal
will be submitted to Parliament."
What recent discussions are alluded
to? The appeals of the Tenant
League, with Mr Gladstone's mean-
ingless replies to them ? or the
bolder remonstrances of the Rom-
ish priests, who look to revolvers
and the " tumbling of landlords "
as the surest and easiest mode of
settling the difficulty? Or does
the political prophet who thus
prophesies smooth things count
upon the effect produced on pub-
lic opinion by the recent distribu-
tion of the army in Ireland into
flying columns, and the diligence
with which reinforcements are
thrown into the country from day
to day 1 Whatever his anticipa-
tions may be, and on whatever
ground rested, there seem to us, at
the present moment, to be no very
manifest tokens of their receiving
a speedy fulfilment. The rioting at
the Longford election, the shooting
down of policemen by the brace,
the recent murder of an unoffending
egg merchant for no assignable
reason except that he drove a pros-
perous trade, do not hold out any
marked assurance of public tran-
quillity. And as to landlord-shoot-
ing, that appears to grow only
more brisk and successful from day
today. But this is not all. The
authority to which we now refer
counts upon even a surer means
of tranquillising Ireland than any
which the Tenant League suggests,
or "the landlord-tumbling" priest-
hood or even the soldiery can sup-
ply. He has not seen the bill; he
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLII.
professes to know nothing of its
tenor, but he is satisfied that it will
be such as " to secure the assent of
thinking men on either side of the
House." Now thinking men, we
are inclined to believe, seldom com-
mit themselves beforehand. They
are certainly not prone to take leaps
in the dark twice in their lives.
The thinking men on either side of
the House will therefore, in all
probability, be prepared themselves
to criticise and to listen to the
criticisms of others, whether these
be hostile to a measure confessedly
experimental, or the reverse. Nor
is it the habit of thinking men, for
the mere sake of helping a Govern-
ment out of a- difficulty, to say that
wrong is right, or an unwise policy a
wise policy. There were quite as
many thinking men who condemned
the measure of last session as
approved it, even though some of
them, against their better judgment,
helped to carry it through. We
are disposed to believe, then, that
these, at all events, will not again
allow themselves to postpone the
interests of the commonwealth to
those of faction, satisfied, as they
must now be, that their worst fears
in regard to what would follow on
the suppression of the Irish Church
have been more than realised.
While one section of the Minis-
terial press takes this view of our
condition and prospects, another,
which professes to be more guided
by the precepts of reason and phil-
osophy, labours under serious appre-
hension lestthe Government should,
from sheer excess of strength, bring
evil on the country. The political
prospects of the new year would,
it appears, be perhaps more cheer-
ful if they were likely, as in former
times, to be affected by the balance
of parties. An Opposition, as long
as it possesses power, affords some
security against imprudent legisla-
tion, although it may sometimes
interfere with necessary improve-
ments. But under the remarkable
management of Mr Disraeli, ac-
cording to our candid antagonists,
3
252
The Coming Session.
[Feb.
his party has been reduced to com-
parative insignificance: "And in fu-
ture elections its numbers will be
still further reduced ;" for the bal-
lot, which, we are told, " will pro-
bably be adopted by the present
Parliament, would, at least in the
first instance, transfer several coun-
ty seats to the Liberal party : and
the changes effected in boroughs,
though perhaps it may not be
uniform in character, will, on the
whole, tend in the same direction/'
Nor do the misfortunes of the
unhappy Tories end there. " The
control even of the House of Lords
is escaping, not from the Con-
servative party, but from Mr Dis-
raeli." There may be some truth
in this latter assertion, ungener-
ously as the assertion is made.
The House of Lords is certainly
not what it used to be when the
late Lord Derby guided its deliber-
ations. Nor will it be Mr Glad-
stone's fault if the House of Lords
stop short of getting beyond the
control of any human being except
perhaps himself. A Minister who,
within a few months of attaining
to power, lavishes coronets with
so free a hand that several of his
own adherents decline the honour
that is pressed on them, is little
likely to suffer any regard to the
balance of power in the State to
stand between him and the accom-
plishment of any object on which
he has set his heart. Ambition
of this sort, however, may overleap
itself. The coronet on his brow
has a marvellous effect in weaning
your Liberal statesman from excess
in Liberalism. We suspect that
both Lord Overstone and Lord
Belper are at this moment a great
deal more frightened at the turn
which public affairs seem to be
taking than many of their seniors
on the peerage-roll. At all events,
they have wonderfully changed in
their general views of things since,
as Messrs Jones Loyd and Strutt,
members of the House of Com-
mons, both used to magnify their
own order, and speak lightly of
other powers than that of the
people. Be this, however, as it
may, we confess ourselves very
sceptical with regard to the per-
manent subserviency of the peers
of England to any Minister, so
long as they are permitted to
exercise their rights as a separate
branch of the Legislature. At the
same time, it would be absurd to
pretend indifference to the dangers
with which they and we are threat-
ened, far less to ignore their re-
ality. The House of Lords yielded
too much a year ago not to ha,ve
exposed themselves this year, and
the next, and the year after, to
enormous pressure. Whether they
will be able to sustain it must de-
pend very much on the line of
action which it may please the
Whig rather than the Tory portion
of their body to adopt, and still
more upon the support which they
are likely to receive from the
"thinking men," of whom it is
assumed that they are already
converted, in Parliament and out
of it, to pure Gladstonianism.
Just hear the Ministerial advocate
on that head : —
" The Ministerial bill is perhaps not
yet prepared, but, whatever be its pur-
port, it will certainly be passed. The
few remaining Whigs will perhaps dis-
like it as strongly as the members of
the Opposition, but their hands will be
tied. If the late rumours of dissension
in the Cabinet had been well founded,
the retirement of half his colleagues
would not have weakened Mr Glad-
stone's hold on the House of Commons ;
or if he were, in spite of probability, en-
countered by opposition, he might still
coerce the House by threatening an ap-
peal to the constituencies. There may
be different opinions as to his policy and
his character, nor indeed is it easy to
form a definite judgment on one of the
most complex of problems ; but whe-
ther his patriotic earnestness, or his
liability to be possessed by fixed ideas,
is selected for praise or for comment, it
is certain that he holds for the moment
the most commanding position which
has been occupied by any Minister since
the time of Pitt. The Government
which carried the first Reform Bill was,
until its work was accomplished, equally
1870.]
The Coming Session.
253
popular ; but Lord Grey never stood, as
Mr Gladstone does, apart from his col-
leagues, and in popular estimation above
f 11 of them, with the doubtful exception
of Mr Bright. If they reject any of his
proposals, they may, if they can, change
his opinion, and they have always the
alternative of resigning. It would be
rasy.to supply their places with more
docile partisans, who would receive the
sime support in Parliament, though
perhaps they might not be equally
entitled to its confidence."
" Non noster hie sermo" Not
thus are we prepared, Tories though
we be, to speak of such men as are,
unhappily for themselves, associ-
ated with Mr Gladstone and Mr
3 bright in the affairs of Govern-
ment. Much less can we accept,
without looking narrowly into
it, the conclusion that Mr Glad-
stone is our only inevitable Prime
Minister. His position was, we
admit, or it seemed to be last
session, a very commanding one.
The cry which he raised just as
1 he old Parliament was in its death-
agony found a ready echo in Scot-
land, Ireland, and Wales; and on
the strength, of his assurances that
lie had discovered a certain cure
lor disaffection, the new con-
stituencies, especially in these sec-
t ions of the empire, pronounced in
his favour. He was lifted into
office for the purpose of achieving
one particular object, and he did
achieve it. But it does not neces-
t arily follow that the success which
attended an effort to destroy has
assured to the destroyer that auto-
cracy in the State which is here
assigned to him. Mr Gladstone's
mode of accomplishing the object
which he professed to seek went
very far apart from the process
which, being yet before the con-
stituencies, it suited his purpose
to shadow out. Nobody pretends
t o deny that when his plans came
t o be developed from the Treasury
benches they were listened to with
• lismay by more than the Tory
opposition. Mr Wykham Martin
did not stand alone in deprecating
the cruelty and injustice against
which he lacked courage to pro-
test. Indeed it was only their
recent experience of the effect of
disunion among themselves that
kept the Liberal party, or a con-
siderable portion of them, from
breaking out in 1869 into open
rebellion. Mr Gladstone's bearing,
likewise, in browbeating and si-
lencing all criticism, gave as much
offence as the wanton harshness of
his policy. That, too, was put up
with, because the Liberals shrank
from the discredit that would at-
tend a second quarrel among them-
selves within an interval of two
years. But bullying, though it may
serve the ends of the Minister who
has recourse to it once or twice,
will not be tolerated as a system
in a British House of Commons.
It is bad enough to be spoken of
as "a subservient majority" — to
have their behaviour described in
their own newspapers as a " sub-
missive unanimity ; " but a too
frequent or too rude appeal to the
spirit of dictation in the House
itself may provoke, when the inci-
dent is at once least expected and
most inconvenient, a disposition to
kick among the Liberal majority.
In like manner it appears to us
that, in counting, as his friends of
the press seem to do, on the hold
which Mr Gladstone has established
over the constituencies, they go a
great deal farther than the facts of
the case will warrant. His com-
ing measure, if it satisfy the party
of movement in Ireland, is very
little likely to be agreeable to the
party of order elsewhere; and within
the party of order we include a vast
majority of the voters in England
and Scotland, whether they march
at this moment under the banner
of Liberalism or Conservatism. But
is it probable that Mr Gladstone's
coming measure will or can give
satisfaction, even to the party of
movement in Ireland itself 1 If
he play into the hands of the priests,
will the Fenians stand by him ]
If he try to conciliate the Fenians,
will the priests endure it ? and in,
254
The Coming Session.
[Feb.
either case is it conceivable that
the Protestant people of either Eng-
land or Scotland will permit him
to hand over the Irish, tied and
bound, to the guidance of the Rom-
ish hierarchy, or to legislate so as
to render a dissolution of the union
inevitable within a year or two at
the farthest ? It is easy enough to
talk or write about patriotism, una-
nimity, and the absence of party
spirit, while yet the points to be
submitted for the consideration of
the Legislature are under a cloud.
We shall see, by-and-by, when the
clouds lift, what these points
really are, and then, and only then,
will it be known how far the major-
ity which carried its submissiveness
to an extreme last session is still
disposed to merit the not very en-
viable character which the Minister
and his familiars seek to fix upon
them.
Again, we do not know how far
the noblemen and gentlemen espe-
cially referred to in the subjoined
extract are disposed to conform to
the views concerning themselves
that are set forth in it ; but we are
quite satisfied of this, that before
submitting to the justice of the in-
ference which is drawn from it, the
public will carefully consider what
it is that Mr Gladstone has done
for the country in times past, and
what, therefore, he may be expect-
ed to achieve for it in time coming.
Certainly, to predicate of any one
man — if he were as gifted as Pitt,
and Fox, and Burke, and Peel, all in
combination — that he, and only he,
can govern the country, and that,
therefore, " his defects and eccen-
tricities must be put up with," is
going a good deal farther than we
are inclined to believe will be ac-
cepted by " the thinking men " of
this constitutional monarchy : —
"It is not altogether satisfactory that
the welfare of the nation should depend
on the resolutions of one impulsive
statesman ; but if any politician doubts
whether it is desirable that Mr Glad-
stone should be Prime Minister, he has
only to consider the state of affairs
which would follow if he were unfor-
tunately to be disabled or removed from
the conduct of affairs. The Liberal
party is not prepared with any available
successor, and it would be impossible,
as it would be undesirable, that Mr
Disraeli should return to power. Mr
Bright, who alone among his colleagues
holds a great and independent position,
even if he were not unfitted by his
tastes and habits to conduct an Admin-
istration, would not command the con-
fidence of the moderate section of the
Liberal party. Mr Lowe, Mr Card well,
Mr Bruce, and Mr Childers, render val-
uable services in their several depart-
ments, but each of them would probably
acknowledge that he was not capable
of succeeding to Mr Gladstone. The
large experience of Lord Granville and
Lord Clarendon is better appreciated
by Parliament than by the country, and
a peer at the head of the Government
is practically dependent on the leader
of the House of Commons. The most
vehement of Mr Gladstone's assailants
ought to confess, on reflection, that it
would be more difficult to do without
him than with him. As ^Eschylus,
according to Aristophanes, said in the
Elysian fields of Alcibiades, a lion's
whelp or an irresistible Minister may
be an inconvenience in a constitutional
State, but when he is once in power it
only remains to put up with his defects
and his eccentricities."
And first let us consider what Mr
Gladstone's position is, arid the
process by which he has achieved
it. Mr Gladstone is compared to
Mr Pitt. " He holds, for the moment,
the most commanding position
which has been occupied by any
Minister since the time of Pitt."
But Mr Gladstone surpasses Mr
Pitt, whether in perpetuity or for
the moment only we are not told.
" The Government which carried
the first Reform Bill was, until its
work was accomplished, equally
popular ; but Lord Grey never stood,
as Mr Gladstone does, apart from
his colleagues, and in popular esti-
mation above them all, with the
doubtful exception of Mr Bright."
A Prime Minister "who stands
apart from his colleagues," whether
he trust to the favour of the Crown
or to " popular estimation," is not
fit to be the head of the Govern-
1870,]
The Coming Session.
255
ment in a free country. Call him
what you will, he is a Dictator and
nothing else ; and the costly farce
of associating with him in the
Cabinet ten or twelve highly-
salaried dummies, may just as well
be dispensed with. But so firm is
Mr Gladstone's grasp of the reins
jf office, and so essential his man-
ipulation of them to the existence
of the cjmmon wealth, that if by
my evil chance they were to escape
from his hands, ruin must follow.
'' The Liberal party is not prepared
with any available successor, and it
would be impossible, as it would
be undesirable, that Mr Disraeli
.should return to power." Such is
the judgment of the organs of the
party which counts among its fore-
most men Lord Clarendon, Lord
Granville, Mr Lowe, Mr Cardwell,
Mr Bruce, and Mr Childers. Now
we all know that there was a time
when, supported by Mr Cardwell,
and other equally able men — dis-
ciples, like himself, of Sir Robert
Peel — Mr Gladstone entertained few
political opinions in common with
the Whigs as Lords Clarendon and
Granville represent them ; while
his attitude towards that section
of the Liberal party of which Mr
Ghilders may be taken to be a fair
specimen, was one of unmeasured
hostility. How does it happen
that he is at this moment not only
on relations of amity with both
sections, but their master, and the
master of a third section also,
which is neither Whig nor Radical,
though it would be at least as dan-
gerous as either if only it were nu-
merically more powerful than it is,
having Mr Robert Lowe at its
head ? It would require far more
space than we can now command
to answer that question fully. To
do justice to so wide a subject,
we must needs analyse the whole
character of the man, and show
iiow one principle after another
'nas yielded in him to the force of a
temptation which would have led
him on to an analogous, though
diametrically opposite result, had
the progress of public events been
different from what it was. For
the present it may suffice to say,
that in the impulsiveness of which
Mr Gladstone is popularly regarded
as the victim, we entirely disbe-
lieve. A steadier motive -power
than impulse has guided him
through the whole of his tortuous
course. Mr Gladstone arrived,
soon after entering upon public
life, at a great, perhaps an exag-
gerated, estimate of his own powers.
He was not in office six months
before he believed in the destiny
which was to make him, sooner or
later, First Minister of the English
Crown. Had Peel lived, and —
which we cannot help believing
that he would have done — regained
his place as leader of the great
Conservative party, then Mr Glad-
stone would have probably remain-
ed a Conservative to the end ; and
doubtless about this very time, or
perhaps a little earlier, might have
attained his present eminence as
the legitimate successor of a depart-
ed or disabled Conservative chief
But Peel died, just as the hearts of
his old followers had begun to soften
towards him, and the little band of
new men that swore by him while
all the rest stood aloof, felt them-
selves stranded. How they sulked
and fretted, and "put themselves
continually up to auction, and con-
tinually bought themselves in," it
would be to repeat a tale thrice told
if we referred to the circumstance
here. Enough is done when we
remind our readers that the party,
originally small, dwindled away by
degrees till it became a byword in
the mouths of all men ; and would
have disappeared entirely but for
certain incidents which have oper-
ated more powerfully on the fate
of the nation than their seeming
importance, when first noticed, led
the most careful observer to anti-
cipate.
The Whigs had long made use of
the Radicals to serve their own
purposes. With them they worked
to achieve ends peculiarly their
256
The Coming Session.
[Feb.
own, and all the recompense made
for their services amounted to
smooth words and a very cold
shoulder. The Radicals bore this
for a while, and then lost patience.
The Whigs, on this, began to fear,
and, as a necessary consequence, to
hate, their recalcitrant allies.
The Radicals despised and ab-
horred the Whigs. Both de-
tested the Tories, fearing nothing
so much as their return to office.
The Peelitestook then an attitude of
political independence, and became
in consequence masters of the situ-
ation. Lord Aberdeen's Cabinet
was more of a Peelite Cabinet than
anything else, and Mr Gladstone
became its moving spirit. There
was little cordiality among the con-
stituent elements in that hetero-
geneous body ; yet the fact of sit-
ting together in the same council-
chamber tended to smooth down
some asperities, and the adroit
management of Lord Palmerston
did all the rest. Winning the
Peelites to himself, he separated
them for ever from the Tories, and
reduced them to choose at his death
between pure Radicalism and sub-
serviency to the Whigs. Mr Glad-
stone did not hesitate which line to
take. He knew that, as a Whig,
he would never reach the highest
office in the State. One by one the
principles of his earlier years had
been departed from, and he stood
prepared, while as yet only leader
of the House of Commons, to throw
over whatever remained. How he
went to work, how ready he found
Mr Bright and the extreme section
of the Liberals to co-operate with
him in undermining Lord Russell's
influence, we need not stop to point
out. The history of the last two or
three years is charged with proofs
of his treason as well to new
alliances as to old. He is now
First Lord of the Treasury, with the
Tories in a small minority, with
the Whigs utterly degraded, and
the contemners of every other con-
stitution than that of the United
States of America pressing him
on along a road on which he
did not enter at first without
reluctance, but from which he can
never more turn aside unless driven
from it and from office at the same
time. The conclusion, then, at
which we arrive is this, — that from
a very early date in his public
career, beginning palpably at the
period when he seceded from Sir
Robert Peel's Administration, sup-
porting, as an independent mem-
ber, a measure against which, as a
Minister, he had formerly spoken,
Mr Gladstone set his heart on be-
coming what he now is, and,
finding other avenues to the attain-
ment of his end barred against him,
he deliberately, and with exceeding
skill, slid from extreme Toryism
into the deepest depth of Radical-
ism. Consider his course of action
during the last twenty years, and
you will not fail to recognise the
justice of this conclusion. He
seizes every opportunity of getting
ahead of the statesmen with whom
he is associated in the Government.
He coquets with Church ques-
tions so long as it is possible to
retain his hold upon the represen-
tation of the University of Oxford,
because that is to him an object of
ambition second only to the Pre-
miership. But losing that, he
plunges boldly into extremes, and
having Lord Russell as his chief,
he enters into secret and confiden-
tial communication with Mr Bright.
Last of all, presuming that nothing
else will carry him free of Whig
embarrassment, he contrives and
executes that master-stroke of
policy which reunites in its hour of
greatest distress a broken Liberal
party. He denounces the upas-
tree of Protestant ascendancy in
Ireland, heads a crusade for the
overthrow of the Church in that
portion of the kingdom, and, sus-
tained by the whole might of
Roman Catholics, political dis-
senters, men professing no creed,
and London and other mobs, he
carries Downing Street by assault,
and reigns there as we are assured
1870.]
The Coming Session.
257
supreme. Is his hold upon power
AS fixed as his flatterers in and out
of the House of Commons affirm it
to be 1 We doubt the fact, and for
the following among other reasons :
The overthrow of the Protestant
Church was to be a message of
peace which the Irish people could
not fail to understand. They were
to learn from that act, and the
determination with which it was
carried through, that, come what
might, a full measure of justice
would henceforth be meted out to
them in all respects. And the more
to convince them of the goodwill
of their rulers, a certain number of
Fenian leaders, whom the preced-
ing Government had brought to
trial and convicted, received a free
pardon and were set at liberty.
Finally, the bill suspending the
Habeas Corpus Act was not renew-
ed, and Ireland' enjoyed once more
all the rights and privileges of the
British Constitution.
The return expected for these
concessions was — that disaffection
to the Imperial Government should
cease ; that priests and peopleshould
combine to show themselves worthy
of still further favours; and that,
waiting patiently on the known
goodwill of a strong Cabinet
and a Liberal House of Com-
mons, the country should find rest.
What has been the result? Not
within the memory of man has Ire-
land been in such a state of uni-
versal disquiet. The overthrow of
the Church, while it infuriated the
Protestants, was treated by Koman
Catholics, both of the clergy and the
laity, as an incident to be sneered
at. What do the priests care for
the confiscation of a property in the
fragments of which they are not
allowed to participate? What
do the laity gain by the removal
from among them of a body of men
who, in very many instances, were
the sole resident gentry throughout
extensive and otherwise savage dis-
tricts 1 The release of a few of the
Fenian prisoners has served no
other purpose than to stimulate a
demand for the release of all the
rest, whom the people regard, not
as guilty, nor even as deluded men,
but as true patriots, martyrs in
their country's cause. Mr Glad-
stone is assailed with remonstrances
against the wrong done to these
good men, and fierce demands for
their deliverance. He replies meek-
ly, declining, it is true, to obey the
behests of the remonstrants, but
discovering in the language of their
appeals signs of loyalty and mode-
ration which are quite invisible to
all the world besides. Meanwhile
monster meetings are held in town
and country — green banners flutter
in the breeze, and the harp without
the crown becomes the emblem of
nationality, and repeal of the Union
is demanded. We say nothing of
the extravagant pretensions put
forth, first by tenants large and
small, and, by-and-by, by day-la-
bourers. Fixity of tenure, what-
ever the expression may mean, is
in the mouth of every public
speaker, the very owners of the
soil not venturing to say or write
a syllable in contravention of the
absurdity.
Mr Gladstone may flatter him-
self into the persuasion that these
things are comparatively little re-
garded in England. He may be so
far deluded also as to believe that
over the difficulties raised by them
in Ireland the priests will carry him.
We know the reverse. The election
of a convicted Fenian to represent
Tipperary, and the deep humiliation
which was requisite to save Cap-
tain Greville Nugent from defeat
in Longford, are pregnant with
meaning. When the son of a peer,
a gentleman of large possessions,
is forced to declare himself at the
hustings the mere creature of the
Popish priests, it is time for Pro-
testant England and Scotland to
look about them. When the Gov-
ernment is assuring their adher-
ents that one of their first great
measures will be, after they have
carried the reform of the laws
affecting land in Ireland, to
258
The Coming Session
[Feb.
bring in a bill for the education
of the whole people on non-sec-
tarian principles, it is no great
token of their chances of carrying
the priesthood along with them,
that the latter demand the substi-
tution for the present unsectarian
national system in Ireland of one
which shall throw the education
of the people entirely into their
hands. Again, this " elaborate bill
for dealing with the land in Ire-
land," of what nature is it to be 1
Has Mr Bright inoculated his
chief with his idea for purchasing
and redistributing the estates of
the Protestant gentry; or are all
the landowners in the kingdom,
•whatever their religious persuasion
may be, to surrender their property
with or without compensation ]
As to leases, courts of arbitration,
and so forth, we do not under-
stand that any, except a few enthu-
siastic doctrinaires, believe in the
possibility of such arrangements,
or their utility, if created. The
pleasant case between Sir John
Young and the family of the de-
ceased Presbyterian minister, is
almost as rich a specimen of the
Irish mode of looking at matters
of this sort as the bolder proceed-
ings of the maiden lady's tenant,
who demurs to the decisions of his
own referee, and insists upon hold-
ing his land on his own terms. Ire-
land ! Ireland alone will break this
wretched Government down, or we
very much deceive ourselves. They
talk of peace ! They let slip the
dogs of war. What was once the
Established Church is falling to
pieces, as we predicted that it
would do. The clergy and the
people agree only in this, their
common indignation against the
Government which has robbed
them. The Presbyterians like-
wise are beginning to find out
how grossly they were deceived
and mocked to Their own hurt.
Among them, not less than among
the Roman Catholics, the desir-
ableness of separating from Eng-
land altogether is spoken about.
Meanwhile murders grow more
plentiful and bold from day to day.
The police, baffled and powerless,
will soon cease to be trustworthy.
It is by the troops alone that Ire-
land is held. How long will the
authors of all this confusion be
sustained in power, either by the
House of Commons or by their con-
stituencies 1
Again Mr Gladstone, not con-
tent to outrage and exasperate
whole bodies of persons, has man-
aged, in the administration of Irish
affairs, to bring the Irish Govern-
ment into contempt, and to do
wrong to individuals. Was ever
such conduct heard of before as
that which had to do with the pro-
cession of the apprentice boys in
Deny, and the dismissal of Mr
Madden from the magistracy?
The 'prentice boys were warned
against holding their annual com-
memoration, and troops were pour-
ed into the city to prevent it.
At the last hour a proclamation
came out, assenting to all that the
'prentices had required ; and not
they alone, but the Fenians also,
marched through the town with
their bands and banners, while the
Queen's troops stood idly looking
on, with arms in their hands. After
this, who can be expected to pay
the smallest regard to the law, if
only it run counter to his own hu-
mours] Meanwhile Mr Madden,
a respectable and singularly quiet
country gentleman, who never in
his life attended a political gather-
ing, nor took any public part in
opposing the Ministry, is dismis-
sed rudely from the commission
of the peace, and deprived of his
rank of deputy-lieutenant, for no
other cause than that he declines
to act as sheriff of a county under
a Government which he cannot
trust. Doubtless this case among
others will be inquired into when
Parliament meets, and the excuse
set up will probably be, that the
authorities mistook him for his
brother. But what will the coun-
try say to a Government which is
1870.]
The Coming Session.
259
capable of such a blunder, yet
fails, when the mistake is discover-
ed, to undo its own wrong 1
It is not, however, Mr Glad-
stone's Irish policy alone that will
show in a different light, when
sifted, from that which his admirers
of the press strive to throw over it.
As we took occasion not long ago
to point out, the condition of the
working classes in England was
never more deplorable than it is
now. Everywhere in the rural dis-
tricts, as well as in London and
the great seats of industry, there is
a universal cry that the people are
starving. Men able and willing
to work cannot find employment,
while capital, though abundant,
lies idle for lack of enterprises on
which to use it. Let no one sup-
pose that the cry for a system of
reciprocity in dealing with foreign
nations is one got up for a pur-
pose, and therefore sure to die out.
Rightly or wrongly the operatives
are fast becoming imbued with the
persuasion that their interests are
sacrificed, in order that the rich
may enjoy their luxuries at a cheap
rate; and Mr Gladstone, who claims
the credit of having been the main
instrument of establishing Free-
Trade in the country, may find, ere
many weeks pass, that his popu-
larity is on the wane. In like man-
ner, the savings effected at the
Admiralty and in the War Office
seem to come exclusively out of the
pockets of the poor. The shutting
up of the Woolwich Dockyard, the
discharge of workmen from those
of Chatham, and Portsmouth, and
Sheerness, — these things may be
wise in themselves, but they are
not calculated to make friends of
the people who suffer from them.
The money expended in carrying
Mr Childers through his cruises,
and repairing the damage done to
the fleet in the course of them,
would have kept some hundreds of
labourers at work for weeks. As
to the army reductions, these, as
far as we are able to understand
them, go to this — that every corps
in the service is to be reduced, so
far as the non-commissioned officers
and privates are concerned, to a
skeleton, while the full comple-
ment of officers, by far the most
expensive part of the machine, is
to be kept up.
Nor are these the only moves
in connection with both army and
navy of which the tendency is as
bad, as the proceedings themselves
will startle even such as fail to see
whither they are carrying us. The
Horse Guards, it appears, like the
Protestant Church in Ireland, must
cease, as a national institution, to
exist; and the Commander-in-Chief,
transferred to the office in Pall
Mall, will become a mere' head of a
department under the Secretary of
State for War. Now this, if it
come to pass, will be neither more
nor less than the formal reversal of
the decision at which the Parlia-
ments which succeeded the great
Civil War, one after another, ar-
rived. The Commander-in-Chief,
occupying a room in the War Office,
and taking all his instructions from
the Secretary of State, will cease to
be what he has heretofore been —
the medium of communication be-
tween the Queen and her army.
All appointments will henceforth
be in the hands of the Minister ; all
promotions settled according to his
pleasure ; and the army, which has
heretofore been the army of the
Crown, will become the army of the
Parliament. Indeed, the change
will go even farther than this : "The
judgment of the House of Com-
mons, we are assured, is on all mat-
ters of far greater weight than the
judgment of the House of Lords."
According to the will of the House
of Commons the Secretary of State
must therefore rise or fall ; and so,
by a very obvious process, the army
becomes the servant neither of the
Crown nor of Parliament, but of
the House of Commons. Now,
looking to the course into which
public affairs are falling ; consider-
ing the class which must hereafter
exercise the greatest influence in
260
The Coming Session.
[Feb.
returning members to the House of
Commons ; accepting it as highly
probable that we shall soon have
manhood suffrage with the ballot —
professedly to ward off, in point of
fact to invite and aggravate, cor-
ruption,— who will any longer be
able to rely upon the loyalty of the
troops themselves in the event of a
popular commotion being by any
cause created 1 At this moment,
indeed, the troops will do their
duty, if any sad occasion should
arise of using them to quell distur-
bances. But suppose the distur-
bance to be agreeable to the Min-
ister— the Minister being the crea-
ture of the classes which nomi-
nate the House of Commons — what
then 1 A democratic movement is
got up. It has been declared at
Birmingham and in Hyde Park
that " the barbaric pomp of royalty "
is out of date ; or a popular Min-
ister, say some President of the
Board of Trade, has enunciated his
determination to bring in a Land
Bill for England and Scotland as
well as for Ireland ; or possibly the
same or some other member of the
Cabinet may proclaim that a House
of Lords is worse than useless, and
must be abolished : the sovereign,
of course, in such a case as one or
other of these, will at once dismiss
her Ministers, and in the event of
an attack upon life and property
in the capital, will require her
troops to act. But will this be
possible ? No. The Minister of
War, who is now supreme, takes
care to send every soldier out of
London before the time comes for
trying his own strength against the
strength of the Crown. And the
Commander-in-Chief , who, while yet
representing the Crown, had it in
his power to take the Queen's plea-
sure, and withhold a dangerous
order, as he has become nothing
else than a clerk in the War Office,
so he can neither originate nor pre-
vent anything, except as his master
shall require. Let us speak out
frankly and openly upon so grave
a question before it be settled.
The suppression of the office of
Commander-in-Cbief, and the ab-
sorption of all direct control over
the army by a civilian Minister who
holds office only at the pleasure of
the House of Commons, will be the
severest blow that has been struck
at the monarchical principle in this
country since the times of the Long
Parliament. We cannot persuade
ourselves that either House of Par-
liament is, as yet, ripe for so very
serious an inroad on the Constitu-
tion. It is impossible to believe
that the Crown will submit to be
so degraded without appealing
against its Ministers to the Legis-
lature— and if the Legislature fail
it, against the decision of the pre-
sent House of Commons to the
country.
Meanwhile the aspect of affairs,
both as regards our relations with
the United States and in reference
to the feeling which has sprung up,
and is continually becoming more
bitter, in the colonies, presents little
to assure Mr Gladstone of the con-
tinued support of the country. Lord
Clarendon's dissection of the bill
of indictment brought against him
by the new American minister is,
indeed, perfect. Mr Motley has
not a leg to stand upon, and he
knows it. But, though the wolf
had very little reason in the com-
plaint which he brought against the
lamb, he was but the more earnest
in avenging an alleged wrong, be-
cause it had no existence. The
insolent protest of the American
Foreign Office partakes largely of
the character which JEsop infused
into the wolfs complaint ; and if
common report is to be credited,
it will be followed, if possible, by
kindred results. The rebellion at
the Red River Settlement, and
the petition of the inhabitants of
British Columbia to be annexed,
are very significant facts. Mr Bright
and Mr Gladstone, who equally ab-
hor war, will, as a matter of course,
let both of these colonies drift from
us. They will say that the loss is a
mere sentimental grievance ; where-
1870.]
The, Coming Session.
261
as to retain them, money and life
must be sacrificed largely. Be it
so. But woe to the empire which
begins to abandon its extremities
rather than put the centre to in-
convenience. Rome withered at the
heart before her offshoots drifted off
from her. The first colony that sepa-
rates from us, like a feather thrown
up into the air, will let the whole
world see whither we are tending.
If we surrender one, be it ever so
worthless, on the demand of any
other power, then the sooner we
cease to sing "Rule, Britannia" the
better. Now we do not believe
that the people of England are as
yet prepared for these things. It
strikes us, on the contrary, that the
vast importance of our transmarine
territories is just beginning to
be felt and acknowledged by the
masses. These colonisation so-
cieties springing up everywhere,
show that at length the suffer-
ing poor, and the rich who feel
for them, understand how alone
the ills of over-population are to
be remedied. The suffering poor,
therefore, and the rich who feel for
them, cannot be expected to ap-
prove a policy which shall give an
impulse to a movement so eminent-
ly calculated to rob them and their
children of their inheritance. Mr
Gladstone and Lord Granville may
pretend to hold the remonstrances
of colonial deputations light. We
are mistaken if they will not find,
when the season of difficulty arises
to them, that colonists and the
friends of colonists have more in-
fluence in Great Britain than they
dreamed of.
And now, while all these clouds
are gathering round them, we have
not only the newspapers assever-
ating that a Liberal Government,
with Mr Gladstone at its head, is
a necessity, but we have Mr Bright
upon the stump, gathering round
him his friends in Birmingham,
and speaking to them no more as
the teacher of the people, but as the
Minister of the Crown. Mr Bright's
recent speeches have hardly, as it
seems to us, received full justice
either from the 'Times' or the
'Standard.' The 'Times' under-
takes, of course, to account favour-
ably for his change of tone. He has
been taught by experience. He
knows now what the difficulties real-
ly are that stand in the way of the
very best-intentioned Government.
The ' Standard,' on the contrary,
will not allow to the popular orator
one iota of merit. It considers his
first address, during his recent
visit to Birmingham, to be as
mischievous as any that he ever
uttered; and of the others it
speaks contemptuously. We have
read all his appeals to his consti-
tuents and admirers differently.
He is guarded rather in the lan-
guage in which he clothes his
thoughts than in the thoughts
themselves. He has not changed
a single opinion. But being a
member of a Cabinet in which
there are still those who differ from
him on every subject, toto ccelo, he
avoids discussions on which he
could not enter without bringing
confusion into the Government.
Mr Bright, in spite of his some-
what fulsome laudation of the indi-
vidual sovereign, is precisely what
he ever was — a democrat to the
backbone. His hatred of the
House of Lords he scarcely takes
the trouble to disguise at Birming-
ham, any more than in the House
of Commons. The landed gentry
are odious in his eyes ; and he
tells his people that the great mea
sure of last session has effected all
that its authors intended it to
effect, because he sees or imagines
that its ultimate results will be the
downfall of everything like mon-
archical institutions throughout the
empire. What good can a gentle-
man of his peculiar views see in a
regularly constituted Church, whe-
ther its organisation go up from the
kirk-session to the General Assem-
bly, or from the minister and his
churchwardens to the Episcopate or
the Papacy, to command respect]
He has been trained from infancy
262
TJic Coming Session.
[Feb.
to treat religion as a sentiment,
and the need of discipline in a
Church, to be enforced by laws, and
of officers especially appointed to
explain and carry them into effect,
as entirely out of place in the inter-
course of men with their Creator.
In his view, therefore, the sever-
ance of the Church from the State
in Ireland is a step in the right
direction. It has effected all that
for the present he desired to gain
from it. It has at least shaken
men's belief in the moral obliga-
tion of the State to foster the
religious principle in the people.
Mr Bright has, we suspect, made
a mistake in all this. It may
go down in a hall crammed with
Birmingham operatives, who take
no trouble to analyse the declara-
tion, and might not be able if
they did to catch its true drift.
But instructed Churchmen, whether
they be Anglicans, Presbyterians,
or Roman Catholics, are differently
circumstanced. In their mutual
dislike to each other, they may de-
cline to look beyond the end imme-
diately achieved ; but they cannot,
when they come to consider the
matter, fail to perceive that there
is a still sterner issue in the back-
ground. Again, Mr Bright deceives
himself if he suppose for a moment
that the nonsense which he talked
on the subject of reciprocity will
have any other effect than to con-
firm the advocates of that commer-
cial system in their error, if an
error it be. They will tell him, in
reply, that they deprecate the im-
position of duties on the raw mate-
rial ; that they would object to
customs on the importation of cot-
ton, as much as on the importation
of corn and cattle ; and are averse
to tax the export of wool or grain.
But if France persists in taxing our
fabrics, then are we bound to de-
fend ourselves by taxing hers ; of
which the effect will be, that what-
ever England is capable of produc-
ing, the English people will purchase
at a moderate rate ; while those
who cannot do without foreign
fabrics, and are rich enough to buy
them, can do so. As to the argu-
ment which turns upon increased
house-rent, and so forth, there is no
weight in it whatever. Rents were
not what they are now, while as
yet only native masons, bricklayers,
and carpenters, built the houses.
They will scarcely rise above their
present level if we re vert to this same
good custom ; and should they rise,
men in constant employ will be
better able to pay six or seven
shillings a-week for their rooms,
than men out of work entirely, or
only employed by fits and starts,
are able to pay five shillings.
On the whole, then, it appears to
us, that the coming session is just
as likely to shake, weaken, and de-
stroy the present Government as
to insure to it a long lease of power.
Ireland is in a state of volcano. No
land law that the heart of man
can devise will be sufficient to
change its condition in that re-
spect. The priests insist upon such
a fixity of tenure for the tenants as
is clearly incompatible with the
rights of property in the nominal
landowner. The working men de-
mand that they shall not be for-
gotten, and seem to point to a re-
currence to the old tribal system.
Can we imagine for a moment that
a British Parliament will sanction
either wrong, or anything at all ap-
proaching to it? The priests de-
mand that they shall become the
sole recognised instructors of the
Irish people. Will either the Man-
chester Education League, or the
Education Union of England, or
the National Society, or the Gene-
ral Assembly of Scotland, assent to
this1? The Irish people — for we
grieve to say that recent events
have tended to bring more than
Fenians to this state of mind — are
becoming more and more convinced
every day that Ireland will never
prosper till she re-establish a Legis-
lature of her own. Is it to be cre-
dited that Parliament will sanction
the setting up two governing bodies
within the same monarchy, and that,
1870.]
The Coming Session.
263
too, after the experience of seventy
years of union 1 Meanwhile the
colonists claim to have their views
represented by a delegation in Lon-
don of their own body. What is
this except a Colonial Parliament,
if not possessing powers co-exten-
sive with that which sits in West-
minster, at all events qualified and
authorised to advise, and it may be
restrain, that body ? And for rous-
ing the spirit which thus works,
Mr Gladstone knows that he alone
is responsible. Well, we are in
God's hands. If it be His will
to destroy this great constitutional
monarchy we cannot help it. But
we venture to hope better things,
even though the realisation of the
dream in which we indulge may
imply the expulsion from office of
our "inevitable Prime Minister."
Let us wait and see whether self-
denial, regard for truth, wisdom,
and a genuine love of country may
not co-operate to bring men of
moderate opinions together, to the
discomfiture and rout of those
who seem bent on sacrificing all
that is worth living for both in
England and Ireland to their own
wild ambition.
264 Rhymed Verse in English Comedy. [Feb.
UPON THE EMPLOYMENT OF RHYMED VERSE IN ENGLISH COMEDY.
TO THE EDITOR OF ' BLACKWOOD's MAGAZINE.'
TORQUAY, Jan. 20, 1870.
SIR, — In his Preface to the comedy of the ' PLAIDEURS,' Racine ob-
serves that " people in general pay no heed to the intention or the dili-
gence of authors," and complains " that the work he had written for
amusement had been examined as if it were a tragedy ; so that even
those most inclined to be diverted were afraid de ri avoir pas ri dans les
regies" Alas ! I have not written the ' PLAIDEURS ; ' but, judging by
certain comments on the little comedy I have written, I feel that I ought
so far to have imitated the illustrious author of the * PLAIDEURS,' as to
have explained the nature of my design in a preface. If you can cour-
teously spare me a brief space in your columns, I would fain repair that
omission.
However trivial my work in itself, the inquiries it suggests can scarcely
be without interest and importance to genuine students of our literature
— viz., 1st, Whether our language will admit of a versified rhythm especi-
ally appropriate to the Comic Muse? and 2dly, If so, whether such rhythm
should be sought in the metre employed by Moliere ? Many years ago,
when I was encouraged to direct my thoughts towards compositions in-
tended for stage representation, conversing with some not undistinguished
literary friends, the remark was made, that our comedy, so rich in its
department of prose, had hitherto found no measure in verse readily
available for the mirth or the satire in which the poetry of comedy
mainly consists ; that our blank verse, the noblest of all forms for tragic
diction, and lending poetic elevation or grace to the mixed drama of
sentiment and romance, is singularly ill adapted to the playfulness of
comic dialogue. It is truly said by the critic to whom I am indebted
for a too nattering review of 'Walpole7 in the last number of your Maga-
zine : " That Shakespeare judged blank verse an inappropriate vehicle
for comedy, is shown by the fact that his comic business is almost invari-
ably transacted in prose, that most of his comic characters never speak
verse at all, and that others, who do speak it, descend to prose in comic
scenes." Yet if we are to boast of a Comic Muse, it would seem that she
ought to have some sort of poetic measure which she would not be called
upon to forsake the moment she entered her rightful province of humour
and wit. The comedy of the ancients is a comedy of verse. In the
course of the above-mentioned discussion, reference was naturally made
to Moliere, and to the advantage for the surprise of repartee and the
point of epigram which his employment of rhyme had bestowed on his
dialogue. The question then no less naturally arose, "Whether the metre
employed by Moliere was not of all measures the best adapted to comic
poetry 1 and some amongst us contended that English prosody was even
better adapted than French to the colloquial usages of the twelve-feet
couplet — admitting of easier anapaestic flow, and greater variety of caesura
and cadence. The very objections urged against the employment of such
metre in tragic dialogue seemed to us arguments in favour of its appli-
cation to comic. The Englishman or the German most hostile to
the rhyme of Corneille would often be the first to acknowledge the
merits of rhyme in Moliere. The result of our discussion was a general
agreement that the experiment of such a metrical form for comic expres-
sion would be well worth trying, and if only partially successful in the
first instance, might hereafter be taken up and improved by some great
1S70.] Rhymed Verse in English Comedy. 265
comic poet, and furnish in his hands no mean additional ornament to
our dramatic literature.
It however seemed to us all that certain conditions for the introduction
of the rhymed measure into English comic dialogue were indispensable —
Firstly, That it should not be employed in a comedy intended to depict
the special manners and humours of our own day. It is a just rule in
criticism that when a dramatic author would avail himself of vehicles of
expression foreign to our colloquial usages, he should withdraw our
attention from our daily associations, and trust to that wonderful ductility
with which the imagination lends itself to unfamiliar forms provided
they be not forcibly contrasted by familiar terms and surroundings ; and
we pretty generally agreed that the age of Pope and Swift, the age par
excellence of English satirists, furnishes perhaps the most favourable
period in which a satirical comedy in rhyme may seek its characters and
hazard the novelty of its form. Secondly, We concurred in the principle
that the dramatis persona? invented should seek to illustrate those
general types of comedy which are not confined to one nation or to one
time; poetic forms being best adapted to those broad and lasting distinc-
tions which are called typical — such as Moliere borrows from the Latin
comedians as they borrowed from the Greek — while prose is the fitter
mode of expression (and so in his prose comedies Moliere appeared to
deem) for those individual eccentricities and humours which cannot be
fairly classed under the head of cosmopolitan types, but belong to the
manners of a peculiar date or locality. Verse, for instance, would be
sadly misapplied in conveying literally the sort of drollery which be-
longs to the dialect of a Yorkshire countryman or the slang of a London
cockney. In the first case, comedy is extracted from generals which
arc nearly always typical, and best expressed by the poetry which con-
stitutes the common language of human nature ; in the last, it is
extracted from particulars which are special and individualised, and to
whose peculiarities prose best gives the partial and fleeting realism that
confines itself to the manners of the day. I need not enlarge on this
distinction — it is familiar to every man acquainted with the rudiments
of criticism.
Well then, sir, out of this conversation, at the remote date of which I
speak, grew the germ of this little comedy of ' Walpole.' At that time,
wishing to see if I could hit off some slight outline of the results at which
I and others, far better critics of dramatic art than I pretend to be, had
arrived, should the experiment of rhymed comedy be adventured — the
scene between Walpole and Blount as it stands in my play, Act ii.
Scene ii., was written. It was approved by the friends I have referred
to as conformable, so far as it went, and however inadequately, to
tho conditions of art in which we had all concurred. I then
received urgent solicitations to extend the scene to a drama to be
placed on the stage. Various circumstances, however, combined
to withdraw my attention altogether from such an experiment, until
last year, having some leisure on my hands, and reconsidering the col-
lateral and prospective interests in comic art which were suggested by
tho inquiries with which I have commenced this intrusion on your pages,
— viz., whether the English language can admit to the Comic Muse a
Muse-like measure distinct from prose on the one hand, and tragic rhythm
on the other — in a word, peculiar to herself — and whether, if so, she can
find any measure so good as that in which the verse of Moliere has ren-
dered the verse of Plautus and Terence, — I resolved to finish a work
which, though so slight in itself, I cannot allow to be undeserving of fair
examination as to the principles it embodies and the hints it may suggest.
266 Rhymed Verse in English Comedy. [Feb.
Poetic rhythm, whether it be rhymed or unrhymed, necessitates stretch
of intellect in the writer. Even in the gayer forms of comedy, it neces-
sitates the terseness which comes from thoughtful labour. Compare the
prose comedy of Moliere to the poetic, and what man capable of literary
judgment will not acknowledge the infinite superiority which the obliga-
tions of versified rhythm confer on the poetic comedy over the prose,
when composed by the same author, not only in epigrammatic expression,
but in succinctness of plot, in liveliness of character, in playfulness of
satire, in elevation of sentiment 1 It is quite true that the introduction
of rhyme into our comedy is an innovation. But innovation is origi-
nality, and originality does not necessarily imply a defect in art.
There was a time, not very long before that of Shakespeare, when blank
verse was an innovation, and had that Stranger from abroad been at once
denounced as at variance with preconceived associations of English
rhythm, who shall say whether the tragedies of Shakespeare (if discard-
ing the rhyme of the Mysteries), would not have been written in prose ?
I must hasten to a conclusion. I hold that everything in literature
should endeavour to be that which it pretends to be — that a thing which
calls itself an oration should not be an essay ; that a thing which calls
itself a novel should not be a sermon ; and therefore, in writing the thing
which calls itself a comedy, I have endeavoured, quite apart from the
artistic question whether it should or should not be written in verse, to
consult the laws of comic construction in plot, situation, and effect.
If I decline to place on the stage a comedy thus composed for repre-
sentation, the reason is sufficiently obvious. Every habitual playgoer
knows that the immediate fate of a play on the boards depends much
more on the actors than it does on the author.
I am assured by friends much better acquainted than myself with the
practical state and condition of our stage, that, however justly admired
our living actors may be in parts to which they are accustomed, yet that
which is technically called Dressed Comedy has become too obsolete for
their study, and that it would be scarcely possible to find in any single
theatre three performers to whose talents the principal parts in Walpole
would be congenial or suited. The objection against performing a play
which can find no appropriate performers would apply to my piece,
whether written in prose or verse ; but of course it applies with addi-
tional force where there is an imperative necessity for that niceness of
expression which all rhythmical forms demand.
In consistency with my faith in the soundness of my experiment, I do
but follow the example of all prudent experimentalists in declining to
accept conditions for trying it glaringly hostile to all fairness of test.
I am obliged, therefore, for the present, to leave this work to be con-
sidered by readers merely as a comic poem, of a kind in which there is
no previous example in the English language, but serving, despite all
that may be said in depreciation of the first experimentalist, to direct
the minds of those who come after him to a field capable of affording no
inadequate returns to the pains bestowed upon its culture.
THE AUTHOK OF 'WALPOLE.'
1870.]
Postscript to "Lord Byron and his Calumniators.
267
POSTSCRIPT TO "LORD BYRON AND HIS CALUMNIATORS.'
SINCE the publication of our Janu-
ary number Mrs Stowe's long-pro-
mised volume has made its appear-
ance. Those who expected that it
would contain any further evidence
as to the charge brought against
Lord Byron and his sister will be
disappointed. We have perused it
carefully, and not one particle is to
be found. On the contrary, Mrs
St owe appears to glory in the in-
faatine faith with which she re-
ceived Lady Byron's astounding
assertions. " Of course," she says,
" / did not listen to this story as one
wJio was investigating its worth. 1
received it as truth." " The whole
consultation was upon the assump-
tion that she had at her command
such proofs as could not be ques-
tioned" (p. 166).
What these proofs were Mrs
Stowe never inquired either during
L:idy Byron's life or since her
death ; and she, with much naivete,
expresses her surprise at finding
that any of Lady Byron's "friends,
trustees, and family" are alive,
arid her " astonishment at hearing
that her papers are in their hands "
(p. 127). Can language be strong
enough to express the reprobation
wliich must be felt by every one
w 10 has one particle of honesty,
truth, or charity in his nature, for
a woman who could publish so
horrible and revolting a story on
such a foundation? The blind
devotion of Mrs Stowe for her idol
appears to make her incapable of
seeing the atrocity of the charge
she has brought against Mrs
Loigh. She says, apologetically,
" Lord Byron, if we look at it right-
ly, did not corrupt Mrs Leigh more
than he did the whole British pub-
fa" \ (p. 222.) Shades of our grand-
mothers and great aunts ! were
ye all Myrrhas, Tamars, and
daughters of LoU Is this the
conception entertained on the other
side of the Atlantic as to English
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLII.
society, or is it mere midsummer
madness 1 Mrs Stowe does not
dispute the genuineness of Lady
Byron's letters to Mrs Leigh pub-
lished in the * Quarterly,' but ac-
counts for them by the superhuman
charity of the writer which enabled
her not only to leave her husband
and his sister to indulge their
criminal inclinations in the draw-
ing-room undisturbed by her pre-
sence (p. 159) whilst she offered
up prayers on their behalf in her
bedroom, but after receiving his
repeated bold avowal that the con-
nection had existed in time past,
that it should continue in time to
come, and that she must submit
to it (p. 159, 160) — these are the
very words of Mrs Stowe — to re-
gard the partner of his crime as "her
confidante and friend," and " as a
most abused and innocent woman "
(p. 195). Such charity is certainly
supernatural, and we can only ac-
count for Mrs Stowe's belief in its
existence on the supposition that
she holds the doctrine of " credo
quia impossibile."
Much of Mrs Stowe's book is de-
voted to a eulogy of Truth which
forcibly reminds us of Mr Chad-
band's discourse in * Bleak House '
on the same subject, delivered over
the unhappy " Tom All-alone." But
when Mrs Stowe has occasion to
practise the virtue she commends,
there is a sad shortcoming. We will
give one instance. At p. 37 Mrs
Stowe quotes the testimony of a
Mrs Mimms, whom she describes
as "the confidential waiting-maid
who went with Lady Byron on her
wedding -journey, . . .a
venerable, respectable old person,
quite in possession of all her senses
in general, and of that sixth sense
of propriety in particular, which
appears not to be a common virtue
in our days." Mrs Stowe then
proceeds in the following words :
— " As her testimony is important,
268 Postscript to " Lord Byron and his Calumniators." [Feb. 1870.
we insert it here, with a descrip-
tion of her person in full," p. 37.
After this exordium, what does the
reader suppose that Mrs Stowe
does? She carefully omits from
Mrs Mimms's^ narrative the follow-
ing passage : — " She was present
when they (Lord and Lady Byron)
arrived at that mansion (Halnaby
Hall) later on in the day, and saw
them alight from the carriage.
What was the condition of Lady
Byron at that moment ? Mrs
Mimms says she was buoyant
and cheerful as a bride should be,
and kindly and gaily responded to
the greetings of welcome which
poured upon her from the pretty
numerous group of servants and
tenants of the Milbanke family who
had assembled about the entrance
to the mansion. Fletcher, who was
the only servant who accompanied
the bride and bridegroom from Sea-
ham to Halnaby, and who of course
sat upon the box, informed Mrs
Mimms that a similar scene had
occurred at Darlington at the hotel
when they changed horses." No
doubt Mrs Stowe did not expect
that any one would take the trouble
to look up the file of the ' Newcastle
Chronicle ' in which Mrs Mimms's
narrative originally appeared, and
thought that this scandalous sup-
pressio veri would escape detec-
tion. And why did she make it 1
Simply because this passage con-
clusively disposes of the absurd
slanders of Miss Martineau as to
what occurred on that occasion, re-
peated by Mrs Stowe at page 287
of the present volume ! " Oh, my
friends ! " (to quote from the well-
known discussion before alluded
to) " when that hardened heathen
told us a story of a cock and of a
bull and of a lady, was that the
Terewth ? No, my friends, no ! "
The rest of Mrs Stowe's volume
is devoted to the bitterest vituper-
ation of Lord Byron, —
"His father, mother, body, soul, and
muse;"
of English society in general ; of
ourselves in particular (especially
of the characters who appear in the
'Noctes,' and the writer of the
article on the Countess Guiccioli's
book in our July number last year) ;
and of all who do not accept Lady
Byron as a divinity to be wor-
shipped with blind devotion, and
Mrs Stowe as her prophetess.
We must in justice say that Mrs
Stowe gives evidence of her sin-
cerity by the powerful appeal which
she makes to those who have the
custody of Lady Byron's papers for
their publication. In this we
heartily concur. We know ex
certissima scientid that there is
in existence a mass of the most
valuable correspondence, the publi-
cation of which is the only com-
pensation which can now be made
for the destruction of Lord Byron's
memoirs. We say with equal con-
fidence that such a publication
would prove conclusively the jus-
tice of Lord Broughton's estimate
of the character of Lord Byron,* and
the utter impossibility of there
being the slightest foundation for
Mrs Stowe's horrible story; and
we believe that those who have the
papers alluded to in their posses-
sion are only restrained from mak-
ing them public by a feeling of
forbearance towards the memory of
Lady Byron.
* ' Remarks on the Exclusion of Lord Byron's Monument from Westminster
Abbey.'
Printed by William Blackwood <k Sons, Edinburgh*
BLACKWOOD'S
EDINBUKGH MAGAZINE.
DCLIII.
MAECH 1870.
VOL. CVII.
J 0 H N. — P ART V.
CHAPTER XTV.
MR CREDITORS bank was in the
High Street of Camelford — a low-
roofed, rather shabby-looking office,
with dingy old desks and counters,
at which the clerks sat about in
corners, all visible to the public,
and liable to constant distraction.
The windows were never cleaned,
on principle, and there were some
iron bars across the lower half of
them. Mr Crediton's own room
was inside — you had to pass through
the office to reach it; andthebanker,
when he chose to open his door, was
visible to the clerks and the public at
the end of the dingy vista, just as
the clerks, and the public entering
at the swing-door, and sometimes
the street outside, were to him. The
office was a kind of lean-to to the
Louse, which was much loftier,
more imposing, and stately ; and
Mr Crediton's room communicated
with his dwelling by a dark pas-
sage. The whole edifice was red
brick, and recalled the age of the
early Georges, or even of their pre-
decessor Anne — a time when men
were not ashamed of their business,
but at the same time did it unpre-
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLIII.
tendingly, and had no need during
office hours of gilding or plate-glass.
The house had a flight of steps up
to it almost as high as the top of
the office windows, and a big iron
horn to extinguish links, and other
traces of a moderate antiquity. Up
to these steps Kate Crediton's
horse would be led day after day,
or her carriage draw up, in very
sight of the clerks behind their
murky windows. They kept their
noses over their desks all day, in
order that a butterfly creature, in
all the brilliant colours of her kind,
should flutter out and in in the
sunshine, and take her pleasure.
That was perhaps what some of
them thought. But, to tell the
truth, I don't believe many of them
thought so. Even Mr Whichelo,
the head clerk, whose children were
often ailing, and who had a good
deal of trouble to make both ends
meet, smiled benign upon Kate.
Had she been her own mother, it
might have been different ; but
she was a creature of nineteen, and
everybody felt it was natural. The
clerks, with their noses at the
u
270
John.— Part V.
[March
grindstone, and her father sombre
in the dingy room, working hard
too in his way — all to keep up the
high-stepping horses, the shining
harness, the silks and velvets, and
the high supremacy of that thing
like a rosebud who sat princess
among them, — after all, was it not
quite natural ] What is the good of
the stem but to carry, and of the
leaves and thorns but to protect,
the flower 1
But it may be supposed that
John Mitford's feelings would be
of a very strange description when
he found himself dropped down in
Mr Crediton's office, as if he had
dropped from the skies. He was
the junior clerk, and did not know
the business, and his perch was
behind backs, not far from one of
the windows from which he could
see all Kate's exits and entrances.
He saw the public, too, coming and
going, the swing-door flashing back
and forward all day long, and on
Saturdays and market-days caught
sometimes the wondering glances
of country folks who knew him.
He sat like a man in a dream,
while all these things went on
around him. How his life had
changed ! What had brought him
here 1 what was to come of it 1
were questions which glided dream-
ily through John's brain from time
to time, but he could give no an-
swer to them. He was here instead
of at Fanshawe Regis ; instead of
serving the world and his gene-
ration, as he had expected to do,
he was junior clerk in a banker's
office, entering dreary lines of
figures into dreary columns. How
had it all come about 1 John was
stupefied by the fall and by the
surprise, and all the overwhelming
dreary novelty ; and accordingly he
sat the day through at first, and
did what he was told to do with a
certain apathy beyond power of
thinking ; but that was a state of
mind, of course, which could not
last for ever. Yet even when that
apathy was broken, the feeling of
surprise continued to surmount all
other feelings. He had taken this
strange step, as he supposed, by his
own will; nobody had forced or
even persuaded him. It was his
own voluntary doing ; and yet how
was it 1 This question floated con-
stantly, without any power on his
part to answer it, about his uneasy
brain.
He was close to Kate, sitting
writing all day long under a roof
adjoining the very roof that shel-
tered her, with herself before his
eyes every day. For he could not
help but see her as she went out
and in. But still it was doubtful
whether there was much comfort in
those glimpses of her. Mr Credi-
ton had not been unkind to him ;
but he had never pretended, of
course, to be deeply delighted with
the unexpected choice which his
daughter had made. " If I con-
sent to Kate's engagement with
you," he had said, " it must be
upon my own conditions. It is
likely to be a long time before you
can marry, and I cannot have a per-
petual philandering going on before
my eyes. She might like it, per-
haps, for that is just one of the
points upon which girls have no
feeling ; but you may depend upon
it, it would be very bad for you,
and I should not submit to it for
a moment. I don't mean to say
that you are not to see her, but it
must be only at stipulated times.
Thus far, at least, I must have my
own way." John had acquiesced
in this arrangement without much
resistance. It had seemed to him
reasonable, comprehensible. Per-
petual philandering certainly would
not do. He had to work — to ac-
quire a new trade foreign to all his
previous thoughts and education
— to put himself in the way of
making money and providing for
his wife ; and he too could see
as well as her father that to be
following her about everywhere,
and interrupting the common busi-
ness of life by idle love-making,
however beatific it might be, was
simply impossible. To be able
1870.]
John.— Part V.
271
to look forward now and then to
the delight of her presence — to
make milestones upon his way of
the times in which he should be per-
mitted to see her, and sun himself
in her eyes, — with that solace by
the way, John thought the time
would pass as the time passed to
-Jacob — as one day; and he ac-
cordingly assented, almost without
reluctance.
But he did not know when he
consented thus to the father's condi-
tions that Kate would be flashing be-
fore him constantly under an aspect
30 different from that in which he
had known her. Her engagement,
though it made such an overwhelm-
ing difference to him, made little
difference to Kate. She had come
home to resume her usual life — a
life not like anything that was
familiar to him. Poor John had
never known much about young
ladies. He had never become
practically aware of the place which
amusement holds in such conditions
of existence — how, in fact, it be-
comes the framework of life round
which graver matters gather and
entwine themselves ; and it was a
long time before he fully made the
discovery, if, indeed, he did ever
make it. Society could scarcely be
said to exist in Fanshawe Regis ;
and those perpetual ridings and
drivings and expeditions here and
there — those dinners and dances —
those afternoon assemblages — the
music and the chatter, the va et
:>ient, the continual flutter and
movement, confounded the young
man. He tried to be glad at first
that she had so much gaiety, and
j'elt very sorry for himself, who was
shut out from all share in it. And
then he got a little puzzled and per-
plexed. Did this sort of thing go
on for ever1? Was there never to
be any break in it1? Kate herself
unconsciously unfolded to him its
perennial character without the re-
motest idea of the amazement she
was exciting in his mind. So far
as John's experience went, a dance,
or even a dinner-party, or a croquet-
party, or a picnic, were periodical
delights which came at long inter-
vals, but they were the common
occupations of life to Kate. He
felt that he could have lived and
worked like Jacob for twice seven
years, had his love been living such
a life as Rachel did by his side —
going out with the flocks, tending
the lambs, drawing water at the
fountain, smiling shy and sweet
at him from the tent-door. These
were the terms in which his imagi-
nation put it. Had he seen Kate
trip by the window as his mother
did with her little basket, or trip
back again with a book, after his
own ideal of existence, his heart
would have blessed her as she
passed, and he himself would have
returned to his ledger and worked
twice as hard, and learned his duties
twice as quickly ; but to see her
flash away from the door amid a
cavalcade of unknown riders — to
see her put into her carriage by
some man whom he longed to kick
on the spot — to watch her out of
sight going into scenes where his
imagination could not follow her,
was very hard upon John. And
thus to see her every day, and yet
never, except once a -week or so,
exchange words with her ! Against
his will, and in spite of all his ex-
ertions, this sense of her contin-
ual presence, and of her unknown
friends, and life which was so close
to him, and yet so far from him,
absorbed his mind. When he
should have been working his office
work he was thinking where could
she have gone to-day? When he
ought to have been awakening to
the interests of the bank, he was
brooding with a certain sulkiness
quite unnatural to him over the
question, who that man could be
who put her on her horse 1 It is
impossible to describe how all this
hindered and hampered him, and
what a chaos it made of his life.
And even Kate herself found it
very different from what she had
anticipated. She sent in a servant
for him several times at first ; and
272
John.— Part V.
[March
once, when she had some little
errand in the town, had the au-
dacity to walk into the bank in her
proper person and call her lover
from his desk. " Please tell Mr
Mitford I want him," she said,
looking Mr Whichelo full in the
face, with an angelical blush and
smile ; and when he came to her,
Kate turned to him before all the
clerks, who were watching with a
curiosity which may be imagined.
" Oh John," she said, " come with
me as far as Paterson's. It is mar-
ket-day, and I don't like to walk
alone." Of course he went, though
he had his work to do. Of course
he would have gone whatever had
been the penalty. The penalty was
that Mr Crediton gave Kate what
she called " a dreadful scold." " It
was like a fishwoman, you know,"
she confided to John afterwards.
" I could not have believed it of
papa ; but I suppose when people
are in a passion they are all alike,
and don't mind what they say."
" It is because he grudges you to
me," said poor John, with a sigh,
" and I don't much wonder;" upon
which Kate clasped her two pretty
hands on his arm, and beguiled
him out of all his troubles. This
was on one of the Sunday evenings
which it was his privilege to spend
with her. Mr Crediton was old-
fashioned, and saw no company on
Sundays, and that was the day on
which John was free to come to
spend as much of it as he pleased
with his betrothed. At first he had
begun by going to luncheon, and re-
maining the whole afternoon in her
company ; but very soon it came to
be the evening only which was
given up to him. Either it was
that Mr Crediton made himself
disagreeable at luncheon, or that
he thrust engagements upon Kate,
reminding her that she had pro-
mised to read to him, or copy let-
ters for him, or some altogether
unimportant matter. Mr Crediton,
though he was so much the best
off of the party that he had thus
the means of avenging himself, was
not without grievances too ; in-
deed, had he been consulted, he
would probably have declared him-
self the person most aggrieved.
His only child was about to be
taken from him, and her society
was already claimed by this name-
less young man, without any par-
ticular recommendation, whom in
her caprice she preferred. The
Sunday afternoons had been the
banker's favourite moment ; he
had nothing to do, and his doors
were shut against society, and his
child was always with him. No
wonder that he used all the means
in his power to drive back the
enemy from that sacred spot.
And Mr Crediton had means in
his power, — unlike Mrs Mitford,
who sat, more alone than he, by
her bedroom window all the hours
when she was not at church,
and wiped noiselessly again and
again the tears out of her eyes.
John's mother suffered more from
this dreary change than»words could
say. She had not the heart to sit
down-stairs except when it was
necessary for that outline of family
life consisting of prayers and meals,
which, to Dr Mitford's mind, filled
up all possible requirements. Mrs
Mitford did not tell her husband
nor any one what she was think-
ing. There seemed no longer any
one left in the world who cared
to know. And she could not pun-
ish Kate as Mr Crediton could
punish John. Probably she would
not have done it if she could, for
to punish Kate would have been to
punish him too ; but oh, she some-
times thought to herself, if her
horse had only run away with her
before somebody else's door, this
might never have been !
Thus it will be seen that this pretty
young lady and that first caprice
for the subjugation of John which
came into her mind before she had
seen him, in the leisure of her con-
valescence, had affected the friends
of both in anything but a happy
way. Indeed nobody except per-
haps Kate herself got any good out
1870.]
John.— Part V.
273
of the new bond. To her, who
at the present moment was not
called upon to make any sacrifice
or give up anything, the possession
of John, as of some one to fall back
upon, was pleasant enough. She
had all her usual delights and plea-
sures, lived as she had always
lived, amused herself as of old, was
the envy of her companions, the
ringleader in all their amusements,
the banker's only, much-indulged,
fortunate child ; and at the same
time she had John to worship her
on those Sunday evenings which
once had been rather dull for Kate.
When Mr Crediton dozed, as he
sometimes did after dinner, or when
he was busy with the little private
pieces of business he used to give
himself up to on Sunday evenings,
there was her lover ready to bow
down before her. It was the cream
and crown of all her many enjoy-
ments. Everybody admired, petted,
praised, and was good to Kate, and
John adored her. She looked for-
ward to her Sunday ramble round
the old-fashioned garden, some-
times in the dark, sometimes in the
moonlight, with an exquisite sense
of something awaiting her there
which had a more subtle, penetrat-
ing, delicious sweetness than all the
other sweets surrounding her. And
she felt that he was happy too as
soon as she had placed her little
hand on his arm — and forgot that
there was anything in his lot which
could make him feel that he had
bought his happiness dearly. Kate
was young, and knew nothing about
life, and therefore was unconsciously
selfish. She was happy, without
any drawback to her happiness ;
and so, naturally and as a matter
of course, she took him to be, for-
getting that he had purchased that
hour on the Sunday evenings by
the sacrifice of all the prejudices
and all the habits and prospects
and occupations of his life. This
unconsciousness was one from
which she might awaken any day.
A chance word might open her eyes
to it, and show her, to her own
disgust and confusion, the im-
mense price he was paying for so
transitory a delight ; but at pre-
sent nothing had awakened such a
thought in her mind, and she was
the one happy among the five most
intimately concerned. Next after
Kate in contentment with the new
state of affairs was Dr Mitford, who
saw a prospect of a very satisfactory
"settlement in life" for his son,
though he did not feel any very
great satisfaction in the prelimin-
aries. It was a pain to him, though
a mild one, that John had aban-
doned the Church and become a
clerk in a banker's office. It was a '
pain, and a little humiliation too,
for everybody in Fanshawe Regis,
and even the neighbouring clergy-
men, shook their heads and were
very sorry to hear it, and wounded
Dr Mitford's pride. But, after all,
that was a trifling drawback in
comparison with the substantial
advantage of marrying so much
money as was represented by Kate
Crediton. " And fond of her too/'
he would say to himself in his
study when he paused in one of his
articles and thought it over. But
yet the articles were interrupted by-
thinking it over as they had never
been used to be. It gave him a
passing twinge now and then, but
it was he who suffered the least
after Kate.
As for Mr Crediton, there was a
certain sullen wrath in his mind
which he seldom suffered to have
expression, yet which plagued him
like a hidden wound. To think that
for this lout, this country Jad, his
child should, as it were, have jilted
him, made light of all his wishes,
shown a desire to separate herself
from him and the life which he had
fenced round from every care, and
made delightful with every indulg-
ence that heart could desire. He
had gone out of his way to contrive
pleasures for her, and to surround
her with everything that was bril-
liant and fair like herself. She
was more like a princess than a
banker's daughter, thanks to his
274
John.— Part V.
[March
unchanging, unremitting thought-
fulness ; and this was how she had
rewarded him the very first oppor-
tunity she had. Mr Crediton was
very sore and wroth, as fathers
are sometimes. Mothers are miser-
able and lonely and jealous often
enough, heaven knows ! but the
fathers are wroth with that inex-
tinguishable wonder — how the love-
making of some trumpery young man
should, in a day or two or a week
or two, obliterate their deeper love
and all the bonds of nature — which
lies as deep in the heart as does the
young impulse which calls it forth,
Mr Crediton was angry, not so
much, except at moments, with
Kate, as with the world, and na-
ture, and things in general — and
John. He could not cross or
thwart his child, but he would
have been glad in his heart if some-
thing had happened to the man
whom his child loved. Such sen-
timents are wicked, and they are
very inconsistent — but they exist
everywhere, and it would be futile
to deny them ; and the consequence
was, that Mr Crediton was much
less happy after his daughter's en-
gagement, and put up with it by
an effort; and, while John had his
moment of delight on those Sunday
evenings, was, for his part, anything
but delighted. It even made him
less good a man. He sat and
fretted by himself, and found it
very difficult to occupy his mind
with any other subject. It vexed
him to think of his Kate thus hang-
ing on a stranger's arm. Of course
he had always known that she
must marry some time, but he
had thought little of it as an ap-
proaching calamity; and then it had
appeared certain that there would
be a blaze of external advantage,
and perhaps splendour, in any
match Kate could make, which
perhaps, prospectively at least,
would lessen the blow. If it had
exalted her into the higher circles
of the social paradise, he felt as if
the deprivation to himself would
have been less great. But here
there was nothing to make amends
— no salve to his wounded tender-
ness. Poor John ! Mr Crediton
had the justice now and then to
feel that John was paying a hard
price for his felicity. " Serve
-the fellow right," he said, and
almost hated him ; and pondered,
with a sourd sense of cruelty and
wrong-doing, how he might be got
rid of and removed out of the way.
As for Mrs Mitford she was
simply unhappy, without hoping
to mend matters, or thinking any
more than she could help about the
cause. She had lost her boy. To
be sure it is what most mothers
have to look forward to ; but she,
up to the very last, had been flat-
tering herself that she should not
be as most mothers. All had been
so carefully devised to keep him at
home, to secure to him the life
which, in her soul, she believed to
be the one which would suit him
best. The change was so sudden
and so great, that it stupefied her
at first. She had to prepare him for
going away, him whom all his life
she had been preparing to stay in
his natural home, to repeat and
improve his father's life, to carry
out and develop her own ; she had
to make up her mind to live alto-
gether without him, she who had ex-
pected not only his society to make
her happy, but his aid to make
something of her work. It was she
who had been for all these years the
real spiritual head of Fanshawe
Regis. Dr Mitford had done the
" duty," and had preached the ser-
mons, but every practical good in-
fluence, every attempt to mend the
rustic parish, to curb its characteris-
tic vices, or develop its better quali-
ties, had come from his wife. And
she had laboured on for years past,
with the conviction that her son
would perfect everything she be-
fan ; that he would bring greater
nowledge to it, and a more per-
fectly trained mind, and all the su-
perior understanding which such
humble women hold to be natural
to a man. When she had to give
1870.]
John.— Part V.
275
up this hope, it seemed to her at
first as though the world had come
to an end. What was the use of
doing anything more, of carrying
on the plans which must now die
with her ] The next new curate
would probably care nothing about
her schemes, and even might
set himself to thwart her, as new
curates sometimes do when a cler-
gywornan is too active in a parish.
And she was sick of the world and
everything in it. The monotony
of her life, from which all the colour
seemed to have died out in a mo-
ment, suddenly became apparent to
her, and all the failures, and ob-
structions, and hindrances which
met her at every side. What could
she do, a weak woman, she said
to herself, against all the powers of
darkness as embodied in Fanshawe
Regis 1 Would it not be best to
resign the unprofitable warfare and
sink back into quiet, and shut out
the mocking light ? Wherever she
went the people asked her questions
about Mr John. Was he not to be
a clergyman after all ? Was it along
o' his lass that wouldn't let him
do as he wished ? What was it 1
Mrs Mitford came home with her
heart wearied by such inquiries,
and sick with disappointment and
misery. And she would go up to
the room in which he was born, and
cry, and say to herself that she never
never could encounter such inqui-
ries again. And oh, haw dreary it
was sitting down-stairs for the few
moments which necessity and Dr
Mitford required, in those summer
nights when the moths were flying
by scores in at the open window,
and dimness reigned in all the cor-
ners, and the lamp shone steady
and clear on the table ! In all the
obscurity round her, her son was
not lurking. He was not ready to
step in by the open window as he
had done so often. He was with
Kate Crediton, giving up his whole
heart and soul to her ; and his fa-
ther and mother rang for the ser-
vants, and had prayers, as though
they had never had any children.
What a change, what a change it
was ! Mrs Mitford knew that it was
impossible to thwart providence,
let its plans be ever so unsatis-
factory ; but oh, -she said to herself,
why did not Kate's accident happen
close to the Huntleys, or to any
house but hers ? Other boys were
not so romantic, not so tender-heart-
ed ; and other mothers had heaps of
children, and could not brood over
the fortunes of every individual
among them, as Mrs Mitford, with
an ache of helpless anger at herself,
knew that she brooded over John;s.
But all was in vain. She could not
mend matters now. She could not
mend her own bleeding, aching
heart. And after all it was best
to go back to her work, whatever
might come of it, and do her best.
She could bear anything, she
thought, but those Sunday nights —
moments which had once been so
sweet, and were now so solitary.
She said not a word to any one,
and tried hard to keep herself
from thinking ; and she wrote kind,
cheerful little letters to her boy,
who, for his part, was so very good
in writing regularly — so unlike
most young men, as she told the
people. But after she had finished
those cheery, pleasant, gossiping
letters, with all the news of the
parish in them, Mrs Mitford would
sit down and have a good cry. Oh
what a change there was ! how
silent the house was, how ghostly
the garden where she was always
thinking she heard his step ! The
servants came in and went out
again, and the father and the mother
would sit together softly without a
word, as if they had no child. Thus
it will be seen that, of all concern-
ed, it was Mrs Mitford who suffered
most ; but that none were satisfied,
or felt the slightest approach of any-
thing like happiness in the new
state of affairs, unless, indeed, it
might be Kate.
276
John.— Part V.
[March
CHAPTER XV.
There is nothing so hard in hu-
man experience as to fit in the ex-
ceptional moments of life into their
place, and bring them into a cer-
tain harmony with that which sur-
rounds them ; and in youth it is
very hard to understand how it is
that the exceptional can come only
in moments. When the superlative
either of misery or happiness arrives,
there is nothing so difficult to an
imaginative mind as to descend
from that altitude and allow that
the commonplace must return, and
the ordinary resume its sway. And
perhaps, more than any other crisis,
the crisis of youthful passion and
romance is the one which it is most
difficult to come down from. It has
wound up the young soul to an ex-
altation which has scarcely any par-
allel in life ; even to the least
visionary, the event which has hap-
pened— the union which has taken
place between one heart and an-
other— the sentiment which has con-
centrated all beauty and lovable-
ness and desirableness in one being,
and made that being his — is some-
thing too supreme and dazzling
to fall suddenly into the light of
common day. John Mitford was
not matter of fact, and the situa-
tion to him was doubly exciting.
It was attended, besides, by the
disruption of his entire life ; and
though he would readily have ac-
knowledged that the rest of his ex-
istence could not be passed in those
exquisite pangs and delights — that
mixture of absolute rapture in being
with her, and visionary despair at
her absence — which had made up
the story of his brief courtship ;
yet there was in him a strong un-
expressed sense that the theory of
life altogether must henceforward
be framed on a higher level — that
a finer ideal was before him, higher
harmonies, a more perfect state of
being ; instead of all which dreams,
when he came to himself he was
seated on a high stool, before a desk,
under the dusty window of Mr
Crediton's bank, with the sound of
the swinging door, and the voices
of the public, and the crackle of
notes, and the jingle of coin in his
ears, and a tedious trade to learn,
in which there seemed to him no
possible satisfaction of any kind.
He had said that a clergyman's was
the only work worth doing, with
the sense that it was the only work
for mankind in which a man could
have any confidence. He had said
so, while in the same breath he
had expressed his want of absolute
belief ; and the one sentiment had
not affected the other. But here
he found himself in a sphere where
it did not matter to any one what
he believed — where he was utterly
out of the way of influencing other
people's thoughts — and had none of
that work within reach which seems
almost indispensable to men of his
training — work which should affect
his fellow-men. So long as he knew
what two and two make, that
seemed to be all the knowledge
that was required of him. With
a sense of surprise which almost
stupefied him, he found that all
the careful education of his life was
as nought to him in his new sphere.
If it did not harm him — which
sometimes he thought it did — at
least it was totally useless. The
multiplication table was of more
use than Homer or Virgil ; and
John's mind was the mind of a
scholar, not of an active thinker,
much less doer. He was the kind
of man that dwells and lingers
upon the cadence of a line or the
turn of a sentence — a man not
always very sure which were thS
most real — the men and women
in his books, or those he pushed
against in the public ways. " We
are such stuff as dreams are made
of." Fancy a man with such words
in his mouth finding himself all at
once a dream among dreams, gaz-
ing vaguely over a counter at the
1870.]
John.— Part V.
277
public, feeling himself utterly in-
capable of any point of encounter
with that public such as his educa-
tion and previous training suggest-
ed, except in the way of counting
out money to them, or adding up
the sums against them. What a
wonderful, wonderful change it
was ! And then to come down to
this from that exaltation of love's
dream — to jump into this, shiver-
ing as into an ice-cold bath, out of
all the excitement of youthful plans
and fancies, visions of the nobler
existence, ecstasy of first betrothal !
The shock was so immense that it
took away his breath. He sat all
silent, chewing the cud of sweet
and bitter fancy for days together,
and then got his hat and walked
back to the shabby little rooms
he had taken on the outskirts of
Crediton, stupefied, and not know-
ing what he was about. What was
he to do when he got there ? He
ate his badly-cooked and painfully-
homely meal, and then he would
sit and stare at his two candles
as he stared at the public in the
bank. He did not feel capable of
reading — what was the good of
reading1? Nothing that he had
within his reach could be of any
use to him in his new career, and
his mind was not in a fit condition
for resuming any studies or seek-
ing out any occupation for itself.
When Kate made inquiries into his
life on the Sunday evenings, he
found it very difficult to answer
her. What could he say? There
was nothing in it which was worth
describing, or which it would have
given her, he thought, anything but
pain to know.
" But tell me, have you nice rooms
— is there a nice woman to look after
you?" Kate would say. "If you
don't answer me I shall have to go
and see them some day when you
are at the bank. I will say you are
my — cousin, or something. Or per-
haps if I were to tell the truth,"
she added, softly, with her favour-
ite trick, almost leaning her head
against his arm, " it would interest
her, and she would take more
pains."
" And what would you say if you
said the truth?" said foolish John.
Poor fellow ! this was all he had
for his sacrifice, and naturally he
longed for his hire, such as it was.
" I should say, of course, that
you were a nearer one still, and a
dearer one," said Kate, with a soft
little laugh; "what else? but oh,
John, is it not very different?
That dear Fanshawe Regis, and
your mother, and everything you
have been used to. Is it not very,
very different?" she cried, expect-
ing that he would tell her how much
more blessed were his poor lodgings
and close work when brightened by
the hope of her.
" Yes, it is very different," he
said, in a dreamy, dreary tone. The
summer was stealing on ; it was
August by this time, and the days
were shortening. And it was al-
most dark, as dark as a summer
night can be, when they strayed
about the garden in the High
Street, which was so different from
the Rectory garden. There were
few flowers, but at the farther end
some great lime-trees, old and vast,
which made the gravel-path look like
a woodland road for twenty paces
or so. She could not see his face in
the dark, but there was in his voice
something of that inflection which
promised a flattering end to the
sentence. Kate was a little chilled,
she did not know why.
"But you don't — grudge it?" she
said, softly. "Oh, John, there is
something in your voice — you are
not sorry you have done so much ?
— for nothing but me ? "
" Sorry ! " he said, stooping over
her — " sorry to be called into life
when I did not know I was liv-
ing ! But, Kate, if it were not for
this, that is my reward for every-
thing, I will not deny that there is a
great difference. I should have
been working upon men the other
way ; and one gets contemptuous of
money. Never mind, I care for
nothing while I have you."
278
John.— Part V.
[March
" I never knew any one that
was contemptuous of money," said
Kate, gravely ; " people here say
money can do everything. That
is why I want you to be rich."
" Dear," he said, holding her
close to him, " you don't under-
stand, and neither did I. I don't
think I shall ever be rich. How
should I, a clerk in a bank 1 Your
father does not show me any fa-
vour, and it is not to be expected
he should. Who am I, that I
should try to steal his child from
him 1 Since I have been here,
Kate, there are a great many things
that I begin to understand "
" What ? " she said, as he paused ;
raising in the soft summer dark
her face to his.
" Well, for one thing, what a
gulf there is between you and me ! "
he said ; " and how natural it was
that your father should be vexed.
And then, Kate — don't let it grieve
ou, darling — how very very un-
yoi
lik
cely it is that I shall ever be the
rich man you want me to be. I
thought when we spoke of it once
that anything you told me to do
would be easy j and so it would, if
it was definite — anything to bear —
if it was labouring night and day,
suffering tortures for you "
Here Kate interrupted him with
a little sob of excitement, holding
his arm clasped in both her hands :
" Oh, John, do I want you to suf-
fer?" she cried. "You should
have everything that was best in
the world if it was me "
" But I don't know how to grow
rich — I don't think I shall ever
know," said John, with a sigh.
Up to this moment he had re-
strained himself and had given
no vent to his feelings, but when
the ice was once broken they
allj burst forth. The two went
on together up and down under
the big lime-trees, she gazing up
at him, he bending down to her,
as they had done in the old garden
at Fanshawe when he confided his
difficulties to her. He had thrust
off violently that series of difficul-
ties, abandoning the conflict, but
only to let a new set of difficulties
seize upon him in still greater
strength than the former. And the
whole was complicated by a sense
that it was somehow her doing,
and that a complaint of them was
next to a reproach of her. But
still it was not in nature, his mouth
being thus opened, that John could
refrain.
"I seem to be always complain-
ing," he said — " one time of circum-
stances, another time of myself ; for
it is of myself this time. Many a fel-
low would be overjoyed, no doubt,
to find himself in the way of making
his own fortune, but you can't
think how little good I am. I
suppose I never was very bright.
If you will believe me, Kate, not
only shall I never make any for-
tune where your father has placed
me, but I am so stupid that I
cannot see how a man may rise
out of such a position, nor how a
fortune is to be made."
" But people do it," said Kate,
eagerly ; " one hears of them every
day. Of course I don't know how.
It is energy or something — making
up their minds to it ; and of course
though papa may look cross he
must be favourable to you. John,
you know he must. If I thought
he was not, I should make him —
I don't know what I should not
make him do "
" You must not make him do
anything," said John. " You may
be sure I don't mean to give in — I
shall try my best, and perhaps there
may be more in me than I think.
I suppose it is seeing you, and
being so far apart from you, that
is the worst. Except to-night — if
the Sundays came, say three times
in a week "
"I don't think I should like
that," said Kate ; " but seriously,
you know, don't you like to see
me — are you — jealous ? " she asked,
with a little laugh. The talk had
been too grave for her, and she
was glad to draw it down to a
lower sphere.
1870.]
John.— Part V.
279
" If I were," he said, with a
sudden glow of passion, " I should
go away. I have never faced that
idea yet ; but if I were — jealous,
as you say "
"What?" she cried, with the
curiosity of her kind, clinging to
him in the fondest proximity, yet
half pleased to play with her keen
little dagger in his heart.
"That would be the end," he
said, with a long-drawn breath.
And a thrill of excitement came over
Kate which was more pleasurable
than otherwise. Had she really
stirred him up to the height of a
grcmde passion ? It was not that
she meant to be cruel to John.
Bat such an opportunity does not
come in everybody's way. She
could not help wondering suddenly
how he would feel under the trial,
and how his sufferings would show
themselves. As for his going
away, she did not put much faith
in that. He would be very un-
happy, and there would be a cer-
tain satisfaction in the sight of his
torments. Kate did not say this
in words, nor was she conscious of
meaning it ; but in the mere levity
of her power the thought flashed
through her mind. For, to be sure,
it would only be for a moment
that she would let him suffer.
When she had enjoyed that evi-
dence of her own supremacy, then
she would overwhelm him with
kindness, prove to him how foolish
he was ever to doubt her, give her-
self to him without waiting for
anybody's leave. But in the mean
time that strange curiosity to see
how far her power went which is
at the bottom of so much cruelty
ran through her mind. It all went
and came in the twinkling of an eye,
passing like the lightning, and when
she answered him, poor John had
no idea what a sudden gleam of
suggestion had come over her, or
how far her imagination had gone
in the time.
" But there is not going to be an
end," she said, in her soft, coax-
ing voice. " And you will put up
with it, and with papa, and with a
great many things we don't like —
won't you ] for the sake of a poor
little girl who is not worth it. Oh,
John ! you know you committed
yourself to all that when you saved
my life."
John was nothing loath to commit
himself now to anything she asked
of him; and as they strayed on under
the dark rustling lime-trees, with
nobody within sight or sound, and
the darkness enclosing them, utter
content came over the young man's
mind. After all, was not this hour
cheaply purchased by all the tedium
and all the disgusts of common life ?
And even the common life looked
more endurable in this sweet gloom
which was full of Kate's soft
breathing, and the soft rustle of
her dress, and sense of her pre-
sence. She was so close to him,
leaning on his arm, and yet he
could see nothing but an outline of
her by his side. It was thus she
had been by him on the night
which decided his fate — a shadow-
woman, tender, clinging, almost
invisible. " Kate, Kate," he said,
out of his full heart, " I wonder if
you are a little witch leading me
astray, for it is always in the dark
when I <can't see you that you are
good to me. When we go in you
will be kind and sweet, but you
will be Miss Crediton. Are we
shadows, you and I ? or are you
Undine or Lorelei drawing me to
my fate ] "
" You foolish fellow," said Kate ;
" how could I be Undine and
not a drop of water nearer than
Fanshawe Regis 1 Don't you see
that when we go in papa is there 1
You would not like me to write
up in big letters — " I have gone
over to the enemy — I don't belong
to you any longer." You know
John, it would be true. I am not
his now, poor papa, and he is so
fond of me; but you would not
like me to put that on a flag and
have it carried before me ; you
would not be so cruel to papa 1 "
" I am a poor mortal," said John,
280
John.— Part V.
[March
" I almost think I could be cruel.
If you are not his, are you mine 1
Say so, you little Queen of Shadows,
and I will try to remember it and
comfort my heart."
"Whose else should I be?"
whispered Kate. And the lover's
satisfaction attained for a moment
to that point of perfection which
lasts but for a moment. His heart
seemed to stop beating in that
ineffable fulness of content. He
took her into his arms in the soft
summer darkness — two shadows in
a world of shadow. Everything
around them, everything before
them, was dim with mist. Nothing
could be more uncertain than their
prospects, a fact which John, at
least, had begun to realise fully.
The whole scene was an illustra-
tion of the words which were so
often in his heart. Uncertain gusts
of balmy wind, now from one
quarter, now from another, agitat-
ed the trees overhead. The faint
twilight of the skies confused all
outlines — the darkness under the
trees obliterated every living thing
— little mysterious thrills of move-
ment, of the leaves, of the air, of
invisible insects or roosted birds,
were about them. We are such stuff
as dreams are made of. But amid
these shadows for one moment
supreme satisfaction and delight
filled the mind of John at least.
Mr Crediton was in the drawing-
room all alone when they went in.
Had he been prudent he would
have gone to his library, as he
usually did, and spared himself the
sight j but this night a jealous curi-
osity had possessed him. To see
his child, who had been his for all
these years, come in with dazzled,
dazzling eyes, and that 'soft blush
on her cheek, and her arm, even as
they entered the room, lingering
within that of her lover, was very
hard upon him. Confound him !
he said in his heart, although he
knew well that but for John he
would have had no child. He
rioted the change which came over
Kate — that change which chilled
her lover, and went through him
like a blast from the snow-hills —
without any pleasure, almost with
additional irritation. She is not
even frank, as she used to be, he
said to himself. She puts on a
face to cheat me, and to make me
believe I am something to her
still ; and it might almost be said
that Mr Crediton hated the young
fellow who had come between him
and his child.
" It is such a lovely evening,
papa," said Kate, " we could
scarcely make up our minds to
come in. It is not the country,
of course; but still I am fond
of our garden. Even at Fan-
shawe I don't think there are
nicer trees."
" Of course the perfection of
everything is at Fanshawe," he
said, with a sudden sharpness
which changed the very atmos-
phere of the room all in a moment;
"but I think it is imprudent to
stay out so late, and it is damp,
and there is no moon. I thought
you required a moon for such
rambles. Please let me have a
cup of tea."
" We did very well without a
moon," said Kate, trying to keep
up her usual tone; but it was not
easy, and she went off with a sub-
dued step to the tea-table, and had
not even the courage to call John
to her, as she generally did. Oh,
why didn't papa stay in his own
room ? she said to herself. It is
only one night in the week, and he
should not be so selfish. But she
took him his tea with her own
hand and tried all she could to
soothe him. "You have got a
headache, papa," she said, tender-
ly, putting down the cup on the
table by him, and looking so
anxious, so ingenuous, and inno-
cent, that it was hard to resist
her.
" I have no headache," he said ;
" but I am busy. Don't take any
notice, occupy yourselves as you
please, without any thought of
me."
1870.]
John.— Part V.
281
This speech was produced by
a sudden compunction and sense
of injustice. It was a sacrifice to
right, and yet he was all wrong and
set on edge. He thought that Kate
should have perceived that this ami-
ability was forced and fictitious ;
but either she was insensible to it,
or she did not any longer care to
go deeper than mere words. She
kissed his forehead as if he had
been in the kindest mood, and said,
" Poor papa ! — tbanks. It is so kind
of you to think of us when you are
suffering." To think of them !
when she must have known he was
wishing the fellow away. And
then Kate retired to the tea-table,
which was behind Mr Crediton,
and out of sight, and he saw her
beckon to John with a half-imper-
ceptible movement. The young
man obeyed, and went and sat be-
side her, and the sound of their
voices in low -toned conversation,
with little bursts of laughter and
soft exclamations, was gall and
wormwood to the father. It was
all " that fellow," he thought : his
Kate herself would never have
used him so ; and it was all his
self-control could do to prevent
him addressing some bitter words
to John. But the fact was, it was
Kate's doing alone — Kate, who
was less happy to-night than usual,
but whom his tone had galled into
opposition. " No/' she was whis-
pering to John, " you are not to go
away — not unless you want to be
rid of me. Papa ought to be brought
to his senses — he has no right to
be so cross ; and I am not going
to give in to him." This was the
nature of the conversation which
was going on behind Mr Crediton's
back. He did not hear it, and yet
it gave him a furious sense of re-
sentment, which expressed itself at
last in various little assaults.
" Have the goodness not to whis-
per, Kate," he said. " You know
it sets my nerves on edge. Speak
out,'; an address which had the
effect of ending all conversation
between the lovers for a minute or
two. They sat silent and looked
at each other till Mr Crediton spoke
again. " I seem unfortunately to
act upon you like a wet blanket,"
he said, with an acrid tone in his
voice. " Perhaps you would rather
I went away."
At this Kate's spirit was roused.
" Papa, I don't know what I have
done to displease you," she said,
coining forward. "If I am only
to see him once in the week, surely
I may talk to him when he comes."
" I am not aware that I have ob-
jected to your talk," said Mr Cre-
diton, restraining his passion.
" Not in words," said Kate, now
fairly up in arms ; " but it is not
just, papa. It makes John unhap-
py and it makes me unhappy. He
has a right to have me to himself
when he comes. You cannot for-
get that we are engaged. I never
said a word when you insisted on
once a-week, though it was a disap-
pointment ; but you know he ought
not to be cheated now."
All this time John had been
moving about at the further end of
the room, at once angry to the verge
of violence, and discouraged to the
lowest pitch. He had cleared his
throat and tried to speak a dozen
times already. Now he came for-
ward, painfully restraining himself.
" I ought to speak," he said ; " but
I dare not trust myself to say any-
thing. Mr Crediton cannot expect
me to give up willingly the only
consolation I have."
" It is time enough to speak of
giving up when any one demands a
sacrifice," said Mr Crediton, taking
upon him suddenly that superiority
of perfect calm with which a mid-
dle-aged man finds it so often pos-
sible to confute an impatient boy.
" I am sorry that my innocent re-
marks should have irritated you
both. You must school me, Kate,"
he added, with a forced smile,
" what I am to do and say."
And then he went to his room,
with a sense that he had won the
victory. And certainly, if a victory
is won every time the other side is
282
John.— Part V.
[March
discomfited, such was the case at
this moment. John did not say
anything — did not even come to be
comforted, but kept walking up and
down at the other end of the room.
It was Kate who had to go to him,
to steal her hand within his arm,
to coax him back to his usual com-
posure. And it was a process not
very easy to be performed. She
moved him quickly enough to ten-
der demonstrations over herself,
which indeed she had no objection
to, but John was chilled and dis-
couraged and cast down to the very
depths.
" He was only cross," said Kate ;
" when he is cross I never pay any
attention. Something has gone
wrong in business, or that sort of
thing. John, dear, say you don't
mind. It is not me that am mak-
ing myself disagreeable : it is only
papa."
Butjit was hard to get John to re-
spond. Notwithstanding that Mr
Crediton had retired and left the
field open, and that Kate did all in
her power to detain him, the young
man left her earlier than usual, and
with a sufficiently heavy heart.
Kate's father was seeking a quarrel
— endeavouring to show him the
falseness of his position, and make
it plain how obnoxious he was.
John walked all the long way home
to his little lodgings, which were at
the other end of the town, contem-
plating the dim Sunday streets, all
so dark, with glances of lamplight
and dim reflections from the wet
pavement — for in the mean time
rain had fallen. And this was all
he had for all he had sacrificed.
He did not reckon Kate herself in
the self-discussion. She was worth
everything a man could do ; but to
be thus chained and bound, within
sight, yet shut out from her — to
be made the butt of another man's
jealous resentment — to have a seem-
ing privilege, which was made into
a kind of torture — and to have
given his life for this, — what could
he say even to himself 1 He sat
down in his hard arm-chair and
fazed into the flame of his two can-
les, and felt himself unable to do
anything but brood over what had
happened. He could not read nor
turn his mind from the covert in-
sult, the unwilling consent. And
what was to come of it 1 John
covered his face with his hands
when he came to that part of the
subject. There was nothing to look
forward to — nothing but darkness.
It was natural that she, a spoiled
child of fortune, should smile and
trust in something turning up ; but
as for John, he saw nothing that
could turn up ; and in all the world
there seemed to him no single crea-
ture with less hope of moulding his
future according to his wishes than
himself.
CHAPTER XVI.
This moment of dismay, how-
ever, passed over, as the moments
of delight did, without bringing
about any absolute revolution in
John's life. The next day Mr
Crediton took occasion to be more
than ordinarily civil, repenting of
his bad humour, and Kate stopped
short before his window as she
rode by to wave her hand to him.
A man cannot build the comfort
of his life permanently on such
trifles ; but there is a moment when
the wave of a girl's hand as she
passes is enough to strengthen and
exhilarate his heart. So the crisis
blew over as the others had done,
and the routine went on. John
set his teeth, and confronted his
position with all its difficulties,
making a desperate effort. A wo-
man might bear such a trial, and
live through it ; but it is hard upon
a man, when he is no longer a boy,
to be called upon to give up every-
thing, to change the entire current
of his occupations, and make an
unquestionable descent in the so-
1870.]
John.— Part V.
283
2ial scale, for love, without even
giving him its natural compensa-
tions. An imprudent marriage is
a different thing, for there the con-
sequences are inevitable when once
the step has been taken, and have
to be borne, will he nill he. But to
make love his all — the sole object
and meaning of his life — there was
in this a certain humiliation which
by turns overwhelmed John's for-
titude and courage. To give up
happiness for higher aims is surely
more worthy, more noble, more fit,
than to give up everything else for
the hope of happiness. He who
had made himself wretched over
the stumbling-blocks of absolute
belief required from him by the
Church, was not likely to find much
comfort in the thought that he was
abandoning every chance of a use-
ful life for the sake of a soft
word, a rare caress, or even, to
take it at its best, for the chance of
eventual selfish personal happiness.
But he restrained himself as best
he could, and settled down dogged-
ly to his work, trying not to think
of it, not to look forward to the
moments which were supposed to
be his recompense, and were at the
same time his punishment. It was
indeed a relief to him, and helped
him to bear his burden more stead-
ily when the annual removal of the
family to Fernwood took place,
and Kate vanished from before his
eyes. She cried when she parted
with him that last Sunday, and
John felt a serrement du cceur
which almost choked him ; but
still, at the same time, when it was
over and she was gone, life on the
whole became easier. He made an
effort to interest himself in his
brother clerks, and enter into their
life ; but what was a humiliation to
John was to them such a badge of
superiority that he could make but
little of that. He was Mr Credi-
ton's future son-in-law, probably
their own future employer, in the
eyes of the young men around him,
who accepted his advances with a
deference and half-concealed pride
which threw John back again upon
himself. He had no equals, no
companions. To be sure there
were plenty of people in Camelford
who would have been glad to re-
ceive Dr Mitford's son, but he had
no desire for the ordinary kind of
society. And it is not to be de-
scribed with what pleasure he saw
Fred Huntley, a man whom he had
never cared for heretofore, push
open the swinging door of the bank,
and peer round the place with
short-sighted eyes. " Mr Mitford,
if you please," Fred said, perhaps
rather superciliously, to the clerk
who was John's superior, expecting,
it was clear, to be ushered into
some secret retirement where the
principals of the bank might be.
When John rose from his desk,
Huntley gazed at him with un-
feigned astonishment. " What !
you here ! " he said ; and opened
his eyes still wider when John
turned round and explained to Mr
Whichelo that he was going out,
and why. " You don't mean to
say they stick ryou at a desk like
that, among all those fellows 1 " Fred
said, as they left the bank together;
which exclamation of wonder re-
vived the original impatience which
use and wont by this time had
calmed down.
"Exactly like the other fellows,"
said John ; "and quite right too,
or why should I be here 1 "
" Then I suppose you are — learn-
ing— the business," said Fred.
" Old Crediton must mean you to
be his successor. And that is great
luck, though I confess it would
not have much charm for me."
" It is very well/' said John, " I
have nothing to complain of. If I
can stick to it I suppose I shall
earn some money sooner or later,
which is a great matter, all you
people say."
" Of course it is a great matter,"
said Fred. " You told that old fellow
you were going out in a wonderful
explanatory way, as if you thought
he mightn't like it. Can't you
stay and have something with me
284
John.— Part V.
[March
at the hotel ? I have to be here
all night, much against my will,
and I should spend it all alone
unless you'll stay."
" Thanks ; it does me good to
see a known face. I'll stay if
you'll have me," said John ; and
then, as it was still daylight, they
took a preparatory stroll about the
streets of Camelford. The inn was
in the High Street, not very far
from the bank and the Crediton
mansion. The young men walked
about the twilight streets talking
of everything in earth and heaven.
It was to John as if they had met
in the depths of Africa or at a
lonely Indian station. He had
never been very intimate with
Fred Huntley, but they were of the
same class, with something like the
same training and associations, and
the exile could have embraced the
new-comer, who spoke his own
language, and put the same mean-
ing to ordinary words as he did.
It was a long time before he even
noticed the inquiring way in which
Huntley looked at him, the half-
questions he now and then would
put sharply in the midst of indif-
ferent conversation, as if to take
him off his guard. John was not
on his guard, and consequently the
precaution was ineffectual ; but
after a while he observed it with a
curious sensation of surprise. It
was not, however, till they had
dined, and were seated opposite to
each other over their modest bottle
of claret, that they fairly entered
upon personal affairs.
" Do you find the life suit you ? "
said Fred, abruptly. " I beg your
pardon if I am too inquisitive ;
but of course it must be a great
change."
" I am not sure that it suits me
particularly," said John ; but the
glance which accompanied the
question had been very keen and
searching, and somehow, without
knowing it, a sense of suspicion
ran through him ; "I don't sup-
pose any life does until one is
thoroughly used to it. Routine is
the grand safeguard in everything
— and perhaps more than in any-
thing else to a clerk in a bank."
" But that is absurd," said Fred.
" How long do you and Mr Credi-
ton mean to keep up the farce 1 a
clerk in the bank betrothed to his
daughter — it is too good a joke."
" I don't see the farce," said
John, "and neither, I suppose, does
Mr Crediton ; he is not given to
joking. Now tell me, Huntley, be-
fore we go any further, is it the
dear old people at home who have
asked you to come and look after
me1? was it — my mother1? She
might have known I would tell her
at first hand anything there was to
tell."
At this speech Fred Huntley
became very much confused, though
he did not look like a man to be
easily put out. He grew red, he
cleared his throat, he shuffled his
feet about the carpet. " Upon my
word you mistake," he said; "I
have not seen either Mrs Mitford
or the Doctor since you left."
" Then who has sent you 1 " said
John.
" My dear fellow, you have grown
mighty suspicious all at once. Why
should any one have sent me 1 may
not I look up an old friend for
my own pleasure 1 surely we have
known each other sufficiently for
that."
" You might," said John, " but
I don't think that is the whole
question, and it would be best to
tell me at once what you want to
know — I am quite willing to un-
fold my experiences," he said, with
a forced smile ; and then there was
a pause
" The fact of the matter is," said
Fred Huntley, after an interval,
with an attempt at jocularity, " that
you are an intensely lucky fellow.
What will you say if I tell you that
I have just come from Fernwood,
and that if any one sent me it was
Kate Crediton, wishing for a report
as to your health and spirits —
though it is not so long since she
has seen you, I suppose 1 "
1870.]
John.— Part V.
285
"Kate Crediton?" said John,
haughtily.
"I beg your pardon : my sisters
are intimate with her, you know,
and I hear her called so fifty times
in a day — one falls into it without
knowing. Hang it ! since you will
have it, Mitford, Miss Crediton did
speak to me before I left. She
heard I was coming to Camel ford,
and she came to me the night be-
fore— last night, in fact — and told
me you were here alone, and she
was uneasy about you. I wish
anybody was uneasy about me. She
wanted to know if you were lonely,
if you were unhappy — half a hun-
dred things. I hope you don't ob-
ject to her anxiety. I assure you
it conveyed a very delightful idea
of your good fortune to me."
" Whatever Miss Crediton chose
to say must have been like her-
self," cried John, trembling with
sudden passion, "and no doubt
she thought you were a very pro-
per ambassador. But you must be
aware, Huntley, that ladies judge
very differently on these points
from men. If you please we will
not go further into that ques-
tion."
" It was not I who began it, I
am sure," said Fred ; and another
pause ensued, during which John
sat with lowering brows, and an
expression no one had ever seen on
his face before. " Look here, Mit-
ford," said Fred, suddenly, " don't
go and vex yourself for nothing.
If any indiscretion of mine should
make dispeace between you — — "
" Pray don't think for a moment
that such a thing is likely to hap-
pen," said John.
" Well— well— if I am too pre-
sumptuous in supposing anything
I say to be likely to move you ; "
Huntley went on, with a restrain-
ed smile — "but you really must
not do Miss Crediton injustice
through any clumsiness of mine.
It came about in the most natural
way. She was afraid there had
been some little sparring between
her father and yourself, and was
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLIII.
anxious, as in her position it was
so natural to be "
" Exactly," said John. " Are you
on your way home now, or are you
going back to Fern wood 1 I should
ask you to take a little parcel for
me if you were likely to be near
Fanshawe. How are the birds ? I
don't suppose I shall do them
much harm this year."
" Oh, they're plentiful enough,"
said Huntley ; " my father has the
house full, and I am not much of
a shot, you know. They would be
charmed to see you if you would
go over for a day or two. I mean
to make a run to Switzerland, my-
self. Vaughan has some wonderful
expedition on hand — up the Matter-
horn, or something — and I should
like to be on the spot."
" Shall you go up with him 1 "
said John.
" Not I, but I should like to be
at hand to pick up what remains
of him if he comes to grief — and to
share his triumph, of course, if he
succeeds," Fred added, with a
laugh — " a friend's privilege. Are
you going?— it is scarcely ten
o'clock."
" You forget I am a man of
business nowadays," said John,
with an uncomfortable smile ; and
then they stood over the table,
facing but not looking at each
other ; a suppressed resentment and
excitement possessing one, which
he was doing his utmost to restrain
— and the other embarrassed, with a
mixture of charitable vexation and
malicious pleasure in the effect he
had produced.
"I'll walk with you," said Hunt-
ley; for to shake hands and separate
at this moment would have been
something like an irredeemable
breach — and that, for two men be-
longing to the same county, and al-
most the same set, was a thing to be
avoided. John had not sufficient
command of himself to make any
effusive reply, but he did not ob-
ject ; and presently they were in
the street walking side by side and
discoursing on every subject except
286
John.— Part V.
[March
the one in their minds. They had
not walked very far, however, be-
fore some indefinable impulse made
John turn back to cast a glance at
the bank — the scene of his daily
penance — and the vacant house
that stood beside it. They were a
good way down the street, on the
opposite side. He gave a slight
start, which his companion per-
ceived, but offered no explanation
of it. " Let us turn back a little,
I have forgotten something," he
said. Huntley, who had no par-
ticular interest where they went,
turned as he was desired, and was
just debating with himself whether,
all the due courtesies having been
attended to, he might not go into
his hotel as they passed it, and
leave John at peace to pursue his
sullen way. But it occurred to
him that John made a half-per-
ceptible pause at the door of the
"Greyhound," as if inviting nini
to withdraw, and this movement
decided the question. " Confound
the fellow ! I'm not going to be
dismissed when he pleases," Fred
said to himself ; and so went on,
not knowing where he went,
" I thought so ! " cried John, sud-
denly, in the midst of some philoso-
phical talk, interrupting Fred in
the middle of a sentence, and he
rushed across the street to the
bank, to his companion's utter con-
sternation. " What is the matter 1 "
cried Fred. John dashed at the
closed door, ringing the bell vio-
lently, and beating with his stick
upon the panels. Then he called
loudly to a passing policeman —
" Knock at the house ! " he cried.
"Fire! fire! Huntley, for heaven's
sake, fly for the engines ! — they will
let me in and not you, or I should
go myself — don't lose a moment.
Fire ! fire ! "
" But stop a little," cried Huntley
in dismay, plucking at John's arm ;
and what with the sound of the
knocking and the peals of the bell
which sounded sepulchrally in the
empty place, he scarcely could hear
his own voice. " Stop a moment —
you are deceiving yourself; I see
no signs of fire."
" You run ! " cried John, hoarsely,
turning to the policeman, " or you
— five pounds to the man who gets
there first ! Signs !— Good God ! the
wretches are out. We must break
open the door." And he beat at
it, as if he would beat it in, with
a kind of frenzy ; while Huntley
stood stupefied and saw two or
three of the bystanders, who had
already begun to collect, start off
with a rush to get the fire-engines.
" There's nobody in the house
within, sir, or else I can't make
'em hear," said the policeman, com-
ing up to John for his orders.
" Then we must break in," cried
John. " There's a locksmith in
the next street : you fly and fetch
him, my good fellow. And where
shall we get some ladders 1 There
is a way of getting in from the
house if we were once in the
house."
" Not to make too bold, sir,"
said the policeman, " I'd like to
know afore breaking into folks'
houses, if you had any title to do
the like. You're not Mr Crediton,
and he aint got no son."
John drew himself to his full
height, and even then in his excite-
ment glanced at Huntley, who
kept by his side, irresolute and
ignorant, not knowing what to do.
" I am closely connected with Mr
Crediton," he said ; " nobody can
have a better right to look after
his affairs ; and he is away from
home. Get us ladders, and don't
let us stand parleying here."
The policeman looked at him for
a moment, and then moved leisure-
ly across the street to seek the
ladders, while in the mean time
the two young men stood in front
of the blind house with all its
shuttered windows, and the closed
door which echoed hollow to John's
assault. The dark front so jeal-
ously bolted and barred, all dangers
without shut out, and the fiery
traitor within ravaging at its lei-
sure, drove John wild, excited as
1870.]
John.— Part V.
287
he was to begin with. " Good
heavens ! to think we must stand
here," he said, ringing once more,
but this time so violently that he
broke the useless bell. They heard
it echo shrilly through the silent
place in the darkness. " Mr White
the porter's gone out for a walk
— I seed him," said a boy ; " there
aint no one there." " But I see
no signs of fire," cried Fred. Just
then there came silently through
the night air a something which
contradicted him to his face — a
puff of smoke from somewhere,
nobody could tell where, and all
at once through the freshness of
the autumn night the smell of
fire suddenly breathed round them.
Fred uttered one sharp exclama-
tion, and then stood still, con-
founded. As for John, he gave
a spring at the lower window and
caught the iron bar and swung
himself up. But the bar resisted
his efforts, and there was nothing
for it but to wait. When the lad-
ders were at last visible, moving
across the gloom, he rushed at them
without taking time to think, and
snatching one out of the slow hands
of the indifferent bearers, placed it
against the wall of the house, while
Fred stood observing, and was up
almost at the sill of an unshuttered
window on the upper floor before
Huntley could say a word. Then
Fred contented himself with stand-
ing outside and looking on. " One
is enough for that sort of work,"
he said half audibly, and fell into
conversation with the policeman,
who stood with an anxious coun-
tenance beside him. " I hope as the
gentleman won't hurt himself,"
said the policeman. u I hope it's
true as he's Mr Crediton's relation,
sir. Very excited he do seem, about
not much, don't you think, sir?
And them engines will be tearing
down, running over the children
before a man knows."
" Do you think there is not much
danger, then 1 " said Fred.
" Danger!" cried the man —
" Lord bless you ! if it was a regu-
lar fire don't ye think as I'd have
noticed it, and me just finished my
round not half an hour since 1 But
it's hawful negligent of that fellow
White. I knew as he'd been going
to the bad for some time back, and
I'm almost glad he's catched ; but
as for fire, sir "
At this moment another puff of
smoke, darker and heavier, came in
a gust from the roof, and the po-
liceman putting his eye to the key-
hole, fell back again exclaiming
vehemently, " By George ! but it is
a fire, and the gentleman's right,"
and sprang his rattle loudly. The
crowd round gave a half-cheer of
excitement, and up full speed rat-
tled the fire-engines, clearing the
way, and filling the air with clan-
gour. At the same moment arrived
a guilty sodden soul, wringing his
hands, in which was a big key.
" Gentlemen," he cried, " I take
you to witness as I never was out
before. It's an accident as nobody
couldn't have foreseen. It's an ac-
cident as has never happened be-
fore." " Open the door, you ass ! "
cried Huntley ; and then the babel
of sounds, the gleams of wild light,
the hiss of the falling water, all
the confused whirl of circumstance
that belongs to such a moment
swept in, and took all distinct un-
derstanding even from the self-pos-
sessed perceptions of Fred.
As for John, when he found him-
self in the silent house which he had
entered from the window, he had no
time to think of his sensations. He
had snatched the policeman's lan-
tern from his hand ere he made his
ascent, and went hastily stumbling
through the unknown room, and
down the long, echoing stairs, as
through a wall of darkness ; pro-
jecting before him the round eye of
light, which made the darkness if
possible more weird and mystical.
His heart was very sore ; it pained
him physically, or at least he
thought it did, lying like a lump
of lead in his breast. But he
was glad of the excitement which
forced his thoughts away from him-
288
John.— Part V.
[March
self. To unbolt the ponderous
doors at either end of the passage
which led into the bank, took him
what seemed an age; but at last
he succeeded in getting them open.
A cloud of smoke enveloped him
as he went in, and all but drove
him back. He burst through it
with a confused sense of flames
and suffocation, and blazing sheets
of red, that waved long tongues
towards him to catch him as he
rushed through them ; but, not-
withstanding, he forced his way
into Mr Crediton's room, where he
knew there were valuable papers.
He thought of nothing as he rushed
through the jaws of death; neither
of Kate, nor of his past life, nor
of his home, nor of any of those
things which are supposed to gleam
upon the mind in moments of su-
preme danger. He thought only of
the papers in Mr Crediton's room.
Unconsciously he formed an idea
of the origin of the fire, as, panting,
choked, and scorched, he gathered,
without seeing them, into his arms
the box of papers, and seized upon
everything he could feel with his
hands upon the table. He could
see nothing, for his eyes were sting-
ing with the smoke, and scorched
with the flames. When he had
grasped everything he could feel,
with his senses failing him, he
pushed blindly for the door, hoping,
so far as he had wit enough to hope
anything, that he might reach the
front of the house, and be able to
unloose its fastenings before he gave
way. By this time there was a
roaring of the fire in his ears ; an
insufferable smell of burning wood
and paint ; all his senses were
assailed, even that of touch, which
recoiled from the heated walls
against which he staggered trying
to find the door. At last the sharp
pain with which he struck violent-
ly against it, cutting open his fore-
head, brought him partially to him-
self. He half - staggered half -fell
into the passage, dropping upon his
knees, for his arms were full, and
he had no hand to support himself
with. Then all at once a sudden
wild gust of air struck him in the
face from the other side ; the flames,
with (he thought) a cry, leaped at
him from behind, and he fell pros-
trate, clasping tight the papers he
had recovered, and knew no more.
It was half an hour later when
Fred Huntley, venturing into the
narrow hall of the burning house
after the first detachment of firemen
had entered with their hatchets,
found some one lying drenched
with water from the engines, and
looking like a calcined thing that
would drop to powder at a touch,
against the wall. The calcined
creature moved when it was touch-
ed, and gave signs of life ; but every
one by this time had forgotten John
in the greater excitement of the
fire ; and it had not occurred to
Huntley even, the only one who
knew much about him, to ask what
had become of him. He was
dragged out, not very gently, to the
steps in front ; and there, fortun-
ately for John, was the porter who
had been the cause of all the mis-
chief, and who stood outside wring-
ing his hands, and getting in
everybody's way. "Look after him,
you!"- cried Fred, plunging in
again to the heart of the conflict.
Some of the clerks had arrived by
this time, and were anxiously
directing the fire-engines to play
upon the strong room in which
most of the valuables of the bank
were placed. Fred Huntley was not
noticeably destitute of courage, but
he was more ready to put himself
in the front when the pioneers had
passed before, and there were
plenty of followers to support him
behind. He took the command of
affairs while John lay moaning,
scorched, and drenched on the wet
step, with people rushing past him,
now and then almost treading on
him, and pain gradually rousing
him into consciousness. They had
tried to take his charge from him
and he had resisted, showing a dawn
of memory. When the water from
the hose struck him again in the
1870.]
John.— Part V.
289
face, lie struggled half up, and sat
and looked round him. " Good
Lord, Mr Mitf ord ! " said Mr Which-
elo, the chief cashier, discovering
him with consternation. " Take
roe somewhere/' gasped John ; " and
take care of these," holding out
his innocent booty. Mr Whichelo
rushed at him eagerly. " God bless
you!" he cried; "it was that I
was thinking of. How did you get
it ] have you been in the fire and
the flames to fetch it, and saved my
character?" cried the poor man,
hysterically. " Hold your tongue,
and take me somewhere ! " cried
John ; and the next moment his
senses had once more forsaken
him, and he knew nothing about
either blaze or flame.
The after incidents of the night,
of which John was conscious only
by glimpses, were — that he was car-
ried to the inn opposite, his treasures
taken from his arms and locked
carefully away, and the doctor
brought, who examined him, and
shook his head, and said a great
deal about a shock to the nerves.
John was in one of his intervals of
consciousness when this was said,
and raised himself from the strange
distance and dreaminess in which
he seemed to be lying. "I have
had no shock to my nerves," he
said. " I'm burnt and sore and
soaking, that's all. Plaster me or
mend me somehow." And this effort
saved him from the feverish con-
fusion into which he was falling.
When he came to himself he felt
that he was indeed sore all over,
with minute burns in a hundred
places about his person ; his hair
and his eyelashes scorched off, and
his skin all blistered and burning.
Perhaps it was the pain which kept
him in full possession of his facul-
ties for all the rest of the night.
Then he felt it was not the fire he
had cared for, nor the possible loss,
but only the pure satisfaction of
doing something. When they told
him the fire was got under, the
strong room saved, and that noth-
ing very serious had happened, the
news did not in the least excite
him. He had asked as if he was
profoundly concerned, and he was
scarcely even interested. "Pain
has often that effect," he heard the
doctor say. " This kind of irritat-
ing, ever-present suffering, absorbs
the mind. Of course he cares.
Tell him again, that the news may
get into his mind." And then
somebody told him again, and John
longed to cry, What the devil is that
to me ! but restrained himself. It
was nothing to him ; and the burn-
ing on his skin was not much : it
was nothing indeed to the burning
in his heart. She had discussed
with another matters which were
between themselves. She had sent
another to report on his looks and
his state of mind; there was be-
tween her and another man a secret
alliance which he was not intended
to know. The blood seemed to boil
in John's veins as he lay tossing
through the restless night, trying in
vain to banish the thought from
him. But the thought, being in-
tolerable, would not be banished.
It lay upon him, and tore at him
as the vultures tore Prometheus.
She had discussed their engagement
with Fred Huntley ; taken him into
her confidence — that confidence
which should have been held sacred
to another. John was thrown back
suddenly and wildly upon himself.
His heart throbbed and swelled as
if it would break, and felt as if hot
irons had seared it. He imagined
them sitting together, talking him
over. He even framed the account
of this accident which Huntley
would give. He would be at her
ear, while John was banished. He
denied that it had been a shock to
his nerves ; and yet his nerves had
received such a shock as he might
never recover in his life.
290
Miss Austen and Miss Mitford.
[March
MISS AUSTEN AND MISS MITFOHD.
IN the beginning of last century,
two young women bearing names
which are now as familiar as the
greatest to English readers, were
making themselves very pleasant
to their surroundings in the very
heart of all the stillness and deco-
rum of rural gentility. They both
belonged to that class of English
gentry with a clerical tinge, which
is in some respects the pleasantest
class to be met with in the little
hierarchy of country life. They
were well born and well connected,
with a modest position which not
even poverty could seriously affect,
and the habit from their childhood
of meeting people of some distinc-
tion and eminence, and of feeling
themselves possessed of so much
share in the bigger business of the
world as is given by the fact of
having friends and relations play-
ing a real part in it. No educa-
tional process is more effectual than
this simple fact, and Jane Austen
and Mary Mitford were both within
its influence. They were both well
educated, according to the require-
ments of their day, though the
chances are that neither could have
passed her examination for entrance
into any lady's college, or had the re-
motest chance with the University
Inspectors ; and it is not unconso-
latory to find, by the illumination
which a little lamp of genius here
and there thus throws upon the
face of the country, that women
full of cultivation and refinement
have existed for generations be-
fore ladies' colleges were thought
of, notwithstanding the universal
condemnation bestowed upon our
old - fashioned canons of feminine
instruction. Miss Austen was a
little girl in the parsonage of Ste-
venton in Hertfordshire when Miss
Mitford's mother lived in the par-
sonage of Ashe close by. There
was thus even a link of local con-
nection between them. The Mit-
fords were the finer of the two
families, boasting higher connec-
tions on both sides of the house ;
but the Austens were of irreproach-
able gentility, with offshoots that
kept continually increasing the
consequence of the original stem,
adding other names and new estates
to the well-to-do numerous affec-
tionate race. It became a kind
of clan as years went on, a thing
which not unfrequently happens
in the second or third generation
to the descendants of a consider-
able family. Austens and Leighs
and Knights, all originally Austen,
there were so many brothers and
sisters, and cousins and uncles and
nephews among them, that ordin-
ary society became almost unneces-
sary to the prolific race. The Mit-
fords were different — their relations
were grand and distant ones, to be
seen only now and then on a splen-
did expedition which counted like
an era in a life ; and theirs was the
highly concentrated, intensified ex-
istence of a very small family living
entirely for each other, and exhi-
biting between themselves that
ecstatic adoring love which it is so
difficult for the more sober por-
tions of the world to understand,
and which outsiders are so apt to
smile at.
The education of the two young
women of genius was thus differ-
ent. Jane Austen grew up to wo-
manhood in a gentle obscurity,
one of many — her individual ex-
istence lost in the more noisy
claims of the brothers, whose way
in the world has to be the sub-
ject of so much thought; while
the boys' settlement in life, their
Oxford successes, their going to
sea, their early curacies, and prize-
money, filled everybody's mind.
Jane, it is evident, gave nobody
any trouble. Even her elder sister,
Cassandra, to whom she was spe-
cially devoted, had a story which
1870.]
Miss A usten and Miss Mitford.
291
must have thrilled the quiet vicar-
age. She was betrothed to a lover
who was poor, and who went to
the West Indies to push his for-
tune— u to make the crown a pound,"
and there died. No doubt the
maiden widow, who remained faith-
ful to him all her life, filled up
every corner vacant from the boys
in the tender heart of Steventon
vicarage ; and Jane, fair, sprightly,
and sweet, with no story, no grief,
no unfortunate lover or unsettled
position to give her affairs a facti-
tious interest, was only Jane in the
affectionate house — a bright -eyed,
light-footed girl — one of the crea-
tures evidently born to marry and
be the light of some other home.
Nothing can be more amusing and
attractive than the glimpses, very
brief and slight as they are, of this
girl, through the much trellis-work
and leafage of her nephew Mr
Austen Leigh's biography of her.
It has not, indeed, any right to be
called a biography ; and were not
the writer so frank and humble in
his consciousness of the fact, the
critic might be tempted to certain
hackneyed comments on the com-
mon blunder of book-making. But
Mr Austen Leigh is aware of his
imperfections and disarms us. What
he does is to paint for us somewhat
heavily the outside of the house
in which she lived, with the honey-
suckle and the roses climbing in at
the windows; and, as we look, some-
times a pretty shadow will cross the
curtain, a pleasant face look out,
a voice quite unpretending in its
sweetness be heard singing within.
That is all : hazel eyes and natural
curls of brown hair — round cheeks,
a trifle too round, but all aglow
with the clear, sweet, colour of
health and youth — a figure " rather
tall and slender," a "step light
and firm." Not Jane Austen only,
but hosts of sweet women besides
her, might have sat for the pic-
ture. She took long walks with
Cassandra, sometimes in pattens,
between the double hedgerows
through the green Hertfordshire
lanes. If Cassandra had been
condemned to have her head cut
off, their mother thought, Jane
would have offered to share the
punishment ; and next to Cas-
sandra, the sailor-boys of the fam-
ily seem to have filled her heart.
She was fond of knowing all about
her neighbours, of hearing their
gossip, and noting their ways, and
laughing at them softly with that
delicate fun which dull people
never find out or understand. She
was an accomplished needlewoman,
great in satin stitch, giving her
friends pretty presents of fairy
housewives, filled with needles and
thread, and a little copy of verses
in the tiny pocket — and was not
ashamed to spend a day, as young
ladies in the country sometimes
have to do, over some piece of dress-
making, accompanying it with the
merriest talk. How pleasant is the
picture ! She read, too, whatever
was going, with a young woman's
natural universal appetite, and was
delightful to the eye and dear to
the heart of all the Austens, and all
the Leighs, and all Steventon. When
the years went on, and this sweet
young woman became aunt Jane,
the change was so soft and slight as
scarcely to count. She wore a cap
over the pretty brown curls — not
that she had any occasion to do
so, for her pleasant life was only
forty years long altogether, and
such bright-eyed souls in the soft
serenity of maidenhood do not
grow old. But in youth and in
maturity she was alike fenced from
the outer world by troops of friends,
called only bynames of love — sister,
daughter, aunt — all her life sur-
rounded by every kind of relation-
ship, and with no inducement to
come down from her pedestal and
go out into the bitter arena where
the strong triumph and the needy
struggle, except that prick of genius
which is like the rising of the sap
in the trees, or the bubble of the
water at the spring, and must find
utterance somehow in sparkle, or
in foliage, or in song.
292
Miss Austen and Miss Mitford.
[March
Mary Mitford was a very differ-
ent being. She was an only child,
the apple of their eye to her father
and mother — infinitely precocious,
and encouraged in her precocity —
set up between the two admiring
foolish people who had given her
birth as an idol to be worshipped, an
oracle whose utterances were half
inspired. Her education was the
best that, according to ordinary
rules, could be procured. She
was sent to school in London, and
encouraged in every attempt to dis-
tinguish herself which could occur
to the emulous mind of a school-girl;
and in the midst of her little strug-
gles and triumphs appears to us in
her schoolroom writing such letters
as an elderly friend might have
written to the " dear darlings," who
are her father and mother, letting
loose her youthful opinion, and
giving her advice in the most aston-
ishing way. The Mitfords were
rich in those days, or at least they
had not yet finally left off the habit
and sense of being rich ; and their
daughter did everything and learn-
ed everything which was considered
right for a young lady of family
and fashion to do. And the per-
fect freedom of the intercourse be-
tween herself and her parents, join-
ed, no doubt, to a certain youthful
confidence in her own judgment
and wisdom, give a curious inde-
pendence and air of maturity to
what she says. At fifteen she an-
nounces her preference of Pope's
translation of Homer to Dryden's,
with all the energy and prompti-
tude of her age. " Dryden is so
fond of triplets and Alexandrines,
that it is much heavier reading ;
and though he is reckoned a much
more harmonious versifier than
Pope, some of his lines/' says the
young critic, " are so careless, that
I shall not be sorry when I have
finished it. ... I am now read-
ing that beautiful opera of Metas-
tasio, ' Themistocles ; ' and when I
have finished that, I shall read Tas-
so's ' Jerusalem Delivered,' " she
adds. " How you would dote on
Metastasio, my sweet Tod!" (one
of her names for her father.) " I
am much flattered, my darlings,"
she writes, a little later, to both her
parents, " by the praises you be-
stowed on my last letter, though I
have not the vanity to think I de-
serve them. It has ever been my
ambition to write like my darlings,
though I fear I shall never attain
their style."
This amiable, confident, affection-
ate, warm - hearted, self - assured
girl, thus entering the world with
many of the faults incident to the
dangerous position of an only child,
was born a letter-writer. For half
a century after this she continued
to pour out her rash, sudden judg-
ments, opinions sometimes sound
and sometimes superficial, and out-
bursts of exaggerated fondness
chiefly addressed to her father,whom
she continued until his death to
address in the same undignified
way. He was her " sweet Tod,"
her " best - beloved darling," her
" ittey boy," the recipient of a great
deal of good advice, and now and
then some admonition, but always
the object of a gushing fondness,
which even at fifteen must have
concealed some unconscious half-
contempt. Her letters are often
amusing, and they are the kind of
reading which quantities of people
delight in; but we question whether,
after all, it is fair to a dead woman
to lay bare all her little vanities,
her self-importance, her hasty opin-
ions, all her fluctuations from one
fancy to another, and the misfor-
tunes which have given shape and
colour to her whole life. In saying
this, we do not mean to imply that
such a collection of letters should not
be printed. The public has to be
amused at all costs, and we can well
imagine what a temptation they
must have been to an executor. But
still the reader cannot choose but be
struck by the curious disadvantage
to begin with in which poor Miss
Mitford is placed by her fluent pen,
in comparison with the more reti-
cent woman whose name we have
1870.]
Miss Austen and Miss Mitford.
293
coupled with hers. We have been
so often told that the faculty of
writing letters is a special gift, and
one of the most charming of literary
talents, that it is needless to say
anything more on so hackneyed a
subject. If it could be possible to
put the real emotions of a life into
such letters as form the three vol-
umes now before us, they would
no doubt be of infinite interest to
all readers. But that, we well
know, is impossible ; for perhaps
no man nor woman does ever in
his or her life write more than a
dozen letters which are wholly in-
spired by any vehement reality of
sentiment. Miss Mitford has told
us a great deal about her own life
in the pleasantest way in the
bits of autobiography which are
scattered through her works ; and
the chief interest of her letters
consists in the further revelations
they make of her domestic history.
In other respects they are not re-
markable. Distinguished names,
no doubt, occur here and there
throughout their course ; but the
most well known persons among
her correspondents (with the excep-
tion of Mrs Barrett Browning, with
whom she became intimate in the
latter part of her life), were Haydon
the painter and Charles Kemble.
And all that she has to say about
others is her own enthusiastic opin-
ion of the moment, — her womanish
admiration of Whitbread's fine head
and natural eloquence ; her half-
doubting admiration of Scott ; her
snatches of very ordinary literary
gossip about Moore and Byron.
A sprinkling of well known names
is not sufficient to give to a long
series of private letters any title to
be considered a contribution to the
literary history of the time. What
intelligent young lady of the pre-
sent or any other period might not
write to her correspondents as fol-
lows : — " Have you read Southey's
Life of Nelson 1 . . . It is a
work which I earnestly recommend
to you as one of the most beautiful
pieces of biography I ever met
with." Or again: " I never can read
Miss Edgeworth's works without
finding the wonderful predomin-
ance of the head over the heart.
... I am perfectly well inclined
to agree with you in attributing
the tiresome parts of her works to
her prosing father." Or again :
" Have you seen my Lord Byron's
ode? and are you not shocked at
the suicidal doctrine it inculcates ?
He will finish that way himself
from fair weariness of life. But
true courage makes a different end-
ing." This is not giving us any
information about Southey, or By-
ron, or the Edgeworths ; and there
is certainly nothing in the notes
themselves to entitle them to the
dignity of print.
The two books from which we
are to draw any new sparks of
light that may be in them, in re-
spect to two women who have a
special claim upon the interest of
their country, are thus without any
sound raison d'etre, not specially
called for, not conveying very much
information that is new to us. But
they form an occasion for recollect-
ing over again, in one case, a series
of works which have found for
themselves a place among English
classics ; and, in the other, a great
deal of genial, pleasant writing,
— the brightest, sunshiny, rural
sketches of a state of things which
is daily changing, and may soon
come to be purely historical. Miss
Mitford has no right to a place in
the same rank with Miss Austen';
and yet there are qualities in her
writings superior to Miss Austen's
— a breadth and atmosphere im-
possible to the greater writer. The
one recognises a big world about
her, even though she only draws it
within the limited proportions of
'Our Village'— a world full of dif-
ferent classes — rich and poor, small
and great ; whereas the other con-
fines herself to a class — the class of
which she has herself the most per-
fect knowledge — striking out with
an extraordinary conscientiousness
which one does not know whether
294
Miss Austen and Miss Mifford.
[March
to call self-will or self-denial, every-
thing above and everything below.
Lady Catherine de Burgh and the
housekeeper at Pemberly — conven-
tional types of the heaven above
and the abyss below — are the only
breaks which Miss Austen ever per-
mits herself upon the level of her
squirearchy ; while Miss Mitford's
larger heart takes in all the Joes
and Pollys and Harriets of a coun-
try-side, and makes their wooings
and jealousies as pleasant to us
as if they were the finest ladies
and gentlemen. To be sure, Miss
Austen's ladies and gentlemen are
seldom fine ; but they are all to be
found in the same kind of house
with the same kind of surroundings.
Their poverties, when they have
any, are caused in a genteel way
by the entail of an estate, or by the
premature death of the father with-
out leaving an adequate provision
for his lovely and accomplished
girls. The neglect which leaves the
delicate heroine without a horse to
ride, or the injury conveyed in the
fact that she has to travel post
without a servant, is the worst that
happens. If it were not that the
class to which she thus confines
herself was the one most intimate-
ly and thoroughly known to her,
we ' should be disposed to consider
it, as we have said, a piece of self-
denial on Miss Austen's part to
relinquish all stronger lights and
shadows; but perhaps it is better
to say that she was conscientious
in her determination to describe
only what she knew, and that na-
ture aided principle in this singu-
lar limitation. Of itself, however,
it throws a certain light upon her
character, which is not the simple
character it appears at the first
glance, but one full of subtle power,
keenness, finesse, and self-restraint
— a type not at all unusual among
women of high cultivation, especi-
ally in the retirement of the coun-
try, where such qualities are likely
enough to be unappreciated or
misunderstood.
. Mr Austen Leigh, without mean-
ing it, throws out of his dim little
lantern a passing gleam of light
upon the fine vein of feminine
cynicism which pervades his aunt's
mind. It is something altogether
different from the rude and brutal
male quality that bears the same
name. It is the soft and silent dis-
belief of a spectator who has to
look at a great many things with-
out showing any outward discom-
posure, and who has learned to
give up any moral classification of
social sins, and to place them in-
stead on the level of absurdities.
She is not surprised or offended,
much less horror-stricken or indig-
nant, when her people show vulgar
or mean traits of character, when
they make it evident how selfish
and self-absorbed they are, or even
when they fall into those social
cruelties which selfish and stupid
people are so often guilty of, not
without intention, but yet without
the power of realising half the pain
they inflict. She stands by and
looks on, and gives a soft half-
smile, and tells the story with an
exquisite sense of its ridiculous
side, and fine stinging yet soft-
voiced contempt for the actors in
it. She sympathises with the suf-
ferers, yet she can scarcely be said
to be sorry for them ; giving them
unconsciously a share in her own
sense of the covert fun of the
scene, and gentle disdain of the
possibility that meanness and folly
and stupidity could ever really
wound any rational creature. The
position of mind is essentially fem-
inine, and one which may be readily
identified in the personal know-
ledge of most people. It is the
natural result of the constant,
though probably quite unconscious,
observation in which a young wo-
man, with no active pursuit to oc-
cupy her, spends, without knowing
it, so much of her time and youth.
Courses of lectures, no doubt, or
balls, or any decided out-of-door
interest, interferes with this invol-
untary training ; but such disturb-
ances were rare in Miss Austen's
1870.]
Miss Austen and Miss Mitford.
295
day. A certain soft despair of any
one human creature ever doing any
good to another — of any influence
overcoming those habits and moods
and peculiarities of mind which
the observer sees to be more obsti-
nate than life itself — a sense that
nothing is to be done but to look
on, to say perhaps now and then a
softening word, to make the best
of it practically and theoretically,
to smile and hold up one's hands
and wonder why human creatures
should be such fools, — such are the
foundations upon which the femi-
nine cynicism which we attribute
to Miss Austen is built. It in-
cludes a great deal that is amiable,
and is full of toleration and pa-
tience, and that habit of making
allowance for others which lies at
the bottom of all human charity.
But yet it is not charity, and its
toleration has none of the sweet-
ness which proceeds from that
highest of Christian graces. It is
not absolute contempt either, but
only a softened tone of general dis-
belief— amusement, nay enjoyment,
of all those humours of humanity
which are so quaint to look at as
soon as you dissociate them from
any rigid standard of right or
wrong. Miss Austen is not the
judge of the men and women she
collects round her. She is not even
their censor to mend their manners ;
no power has constituted her her
brother's keeper. She has but the
faculty of seeing her brother clearly
all round as if he were a statue,
identifying all his absurdities,
quietly jeering at him, smiling
with her eyes without committing
the indecorum of laughter. In one
case only, so far as we can recollect,
in the character of Miss Bates in
' Emma,' does she rise beyond this,
and touch the region of higher feel-
ing by comprehension of the natural
excellence that lies under a ludi-
crous exterior. It is very lightly
touched, but yet it is enough to
show that she was capable of a
tenderness for the object of her
soft laughter — a capability which
converts that laughter into some-
thing totally different from the
gentle derision with which she re-
gards the world in general. Human-
kind stands low in her estimation,
in short, as a mass. There are a few
pleasant young people here and
there to redeem it, or even an old
lady now and then, or in the back-
ground a middle-aged couple who
are not selfish, nor vulgar, nor ex-
acting. But there is a great deal
more amusement to be got out of
the mean people, and to them ac-
cordingly she inclines.
We have said that Mr Austen
Leigh throws a little feeble light
on this particular of the great
novelist's character. In almost
the only view of her youth which
he is able to give us, he tells us of
" an old copy-book containing sev-
eral tales," childish essays at com-
position, which were "generally
intended to be nonsensical." Her
first book was written when she
was twenty, so that it is a little
difficult to divine exactly what her
biographer means when he speaks
of a time when she was " quite a
girl." But he goes on to inform us
of " another stage of her progress,
during which she produced several
tales not without merit, but which
she considered unworthy of publi-
cation. . . . Instead of pre-
senting faithful copies of nature,"
he adds, " these tales were generally
burlesques, ridiculing the impro-
bable events and exaggerated state-
ments which she had met with in
sundry silly romances." Such a
commencement is not without its
significance. A girl who ridiculed
improbable events and exaggerated
sentiments between the ages of six-
teen and twenty, must already have
begun to learn the lesson congenial
to her temperament, and commenced
that amused, indifferent, keen-sight-
ed, impartial inspection of the world
as a -thing apart from herself, and
demanding no excess of sympathy,
which is characteristic of all the
work of her life.
It is not to be supposed, how-
296
Miss Austen and Miss Mitford.
[March
ever, that our opinion of Miss Aus-
ten or her work is lessened by this
view of her character. A fine
poetical enthusiasm for her fellow-
creatures, and belief in them, might
have been a sentiment for which
we should have felt greater sym-
pathy, as in itself it seems more
natural and congenial to the early
speculations of youth. But unfor-
tunately enthusiasm has a great
tendency to make itself ridiculous
in its earlier manifestations, and
could have had no share in the
production of such a book as ' Pride
and Prejudice/ or the charming,
sprightly pages of 'Emma/ No-
thing but a mind of this subtle,
delicate, speculative temper, could
have set before us pictures which
are at once so refined and so trench-
ant, so softly feminine and polite,
and so remorselessly true.
If contrast be expedient to bring
out the full force of individual
character, no more effectual foil
could be found than by placing
Mary Mitford by Jane Austen's
side. The fat, roundabout, roly-
poly girl, who was winning prizes
in her London school, and chatter-
ing to her "dear darlings," and
pouring out every funny little ex-
aggerated sentiment and clever
little bit of observation that was in
her, with the most charming ab-
sence of humour, when the pretty
young lady in the Steventon vicar-
age had begun to write her novels,
was as full of enthusiasm as the
other was destitute of it. But then
her enthusiasm embraced every-
thing with a want of perspective
as amusing as her own utter want
of any perception of its absurdity.
Her father was her " darling/' but
so was her dog and her owl, and a
multiplicity of other pets. She
finds Whitbread, whom she sees at
a public meeting, to be " exquisitely
handsome — a most elegant figure,"
said the ardent girl, " and a voice
which I could listen to with trans-
port, even if he spoke in an un-
known tongue ! " Her friend Miss
Rowden's poem, "The Pleasures
of Friendship," she finds equal to
" the celebrated works on 'Memory '
and 'Hope/" and its descriptions
are, she considers, "exquisitely
beautiful." Whatever she loves
becomes by an instantaneous pro-
cess beautiful to her. The glamour
of the poets is in her eyes. The
father who ruined all her earthly
prospects, and made her a literary
drudge through all her mature
womanhood, continues to receive
the same worshipping admiration
and love from her after all the
illusions of youth were dispelled,
and she had been taught to esti-
mate his deficiencies by something
approaching a just standard. The
same characteristics accompany her
when she begins her most liv-
ing work, the pleasant records of
* Our Village/ She is, like her more
illustrious companion, a spectator
in the tranquil breathing scene ;
yet what a difference is there in the
spectatorship ! While Miss Austen
sees only the ladies and gentlemen,
the genial blue eyes of the younger
woman warm in a kindly sym-
pathy over all the world. She
spies at once, not the gentry at
their drawing-room windows, but
the cheerful haymakers in the field,
the women standing at their doors ;
and with eyes shining with fun,
and yet tender with sympathy,
stops to point out to us the cobbler
and his wife, the poor shopkeeper
overwhelmed with debt and care,
the pretty Letty or Patty, with red
eyes, in a corner, who has quar-
relled with her lover. Miss Mit-
ford's world is a world twice as
full as Miss Austen's. It is indeed
overflowing with life, like a medi-
eval picture — passengers on all the
ways, market-carts as well as car-
riages, and Dame Whittaker with
her great basket, and little Harry
on the dusty path, as well as my
lady with her footman behind her,
who perhaps, if he is an honest lad,
and belongs to the country-side,
has his story too. And though the
villagers are sometimes tyrannical
and unjust, and very cross to their
1870.]
Miss Austen and Miss Mitford.
297
young people, yet there is always a
soft place in their hearts somewhere
or other, a string that being touched
•will discourse gentler music. Miss
Austen's work is infinitely more
perfect ; she is a far greater artist,
going deeper and seeing farther,
but her world is not such a plea-
sant world as that of her contem-
porary. The skies are often leaden
and still in the greater picture, but
in the lesser they are always aglow
with sunshine or tumultuous with
real clouds ; there is always a
fresh air blowing, and the cottage
windows shine, and the surface of
the earth is gay with flowers.
Whether it is peculiar to Berkshire
or to Miss Mitford one cannot
quite tell ; but one feels it must
be Berkshire, every detail is so
true. What banks of violets, what
primroses by the hedgerows, what
thickets of honeysuckle and rose !
and were there ever such geraniums
as those in the garden, which is so
little and so gorgeous, and so care-
fully tended, where our friend sits
writing hard by, and her handsome
father, with his lofty white head,
and all his sins forgiven, loafs about
in the sunshine, complacently con-
scious of having spent three for-
tunes ; and Ben is audible in the
distance grooming the white pony,
or trim Harriet crosses the corner
of the flower-beds with her white
apron blazing in the summer bright-
ness ? The picture is a little false,
because, if we could look under the
surface, the handsome old father is
a worthless personage enough, not-
withstanding his beauty; and his
daughter, as she writes, has a sore
heart, and does not know how the
bills are to be paid, and is weary
beyond description of drudging
at her pen all day long for daily
bread. Miss Austen would set it
before you in three sentences, so
that you would no longer see any
beauty in the scene. She would
impale Dr Mitford with a keen
sudden touch and the usual smile
in her eyes ; and however sensible
she was of his daughter's goodness,
could not resist the temptation of
letting you know that Miss Mary
was fat and somewhat gushing,
and thought very well of her liter-
ary fancy-work. And Ben and
Harriet and the white pony, those
half -seen accessories, which give
population and fulness to the
other sketch, would disappear alto-
gether from Miss Austen's canvas,
along with the blazing geraniums,
and all the soft delicious breathing
of the more fragrant flowers. It
would be much finer, clearer, dis-
tinct as daylight — a thing done in
aquafortis, and capable of outliving
the world ; but for our poor part,
we would rather have Miss Mit-
ford's sweet flowery picture, with
Ben's suppressed hiss in the back-
ground, and all the painful hu-
manity underneath suppressed too,
as nature commands when the sun
is shining and all the world is gay.
It is more superficial, and, so far as
art is concerned, is on an infinitely
low level, and yet it is truer to all
those deep instinctive unities which
art may sometimes ignore, but
which nature never ignores.
There is one curious feature of
personal resemblance in the lives
of the two women thus placed be-
fore us which, considering their
occupation, is noticeable enough,
and which at the same time gives
a very flat contradiction to one of
the most popular of fallacies. Miss
Austen was a born novelist, and
Miss Mitford a teller of love-stories ;
they were neither of them recluses,
nor in any way shut out from the
world. The first was pretty and
full of charm ; the second, though
not pretty, yet possessed all the
attractions which a sprightly intelli-
gence, and sweet temper, and most
amiable disposition could give.
And yet there is not the ghost of a
romancebelonging to eitherof them.
If either loved or was beloved
again, she must have done it in ab-
solute secrecy, which is next to im-
possible. In the face of the popu-
lar notion that love is the chief
occupation of a woman's life — or
298
Miss Austen and Miss Mifford.
[March
let us say, at least, of a young
woman's life — an idea which, no
doubt, both of these women over
and over again promulgated — stands
this curious fact : Miss Austen and
Miss Mitford were surrounded with
other affections and occupations —
their lives were full and showed
no lack ; and it would be hard to
find any trace of that (let our read-
ers pardon us the horrible word)
sexual unrest and discontent which,
at a later period, found a startling
revelation in the works of Char-
lotte Bronte, and have since been re-
peated ad nauseam in many inferior
pages — in the productions of either.
Through all the voluminous corre-
spondence just given to the public
by Miss Mitford's executors, and
through the pleasanter and more
concentrated notes, and introduc-
tions, and reminiscences in which
she herself gave the public such
indication as pleased her of her
own life, there is not a word that
suggests a lover ; there is not even
a recollection such as calls the soft
sigh, which is more pleasure than
pain, and the tender smile of grati-
tude and etherealised vanity from
an old lady's lips when a name
or an allusion brings before her
something which might have been.
There is nothing in all Mary Mit-
ford's much utterance which conveys
the faintest idea that anything
could ever have been, except her
devotion to her parents, her care of
them as if she had been the parent
and they the children, and her
warm-hearted effusive regard for
her friends. Perhaps, indeed, the
want may be accounted for in her
case by the mere fact of this strange
transposition of nature which made
her the real head of the little
family, with all the care upon her
head, and all the work to do, a
combination of circumstances en-
tirely unfavourable to love-making
— if it were not that love-making is
one of those perverse things which
have a special tendency to produce
themselves where their presence is
embarrassing, and where they are
not wanted. But not even the fact
that a love-story would have been
very much in her way, and add-
ed greatly to her embarrassments,
seems to have brought that climax
of youthful experience to Miss Mit-
ford. In Miss Austen's case there
was nothing, so far as one can see,
to hinder the natural romance. She
had no overwhelming duties upon
her head, nothing to bind her to
maidenhood, no tragical necessities
of any kind to damp her courage
or restrain life in its ordinary
course. Yet all her biographer can
say on this interesting subject is —
" Of Jane herself I know of no tale
of love to relate." Mr Austen
Leigh quotes from one of her re-
viewers the not unnatural idea
that in depicting the hidden and
tenacious love of one of her he-
roines, she was drawing from per-
sonal recollection, but only to as-
sure us that " this conjecture was
wide of the mark. She did not,
indeed, pass through life," he adds,
" without being the object of strong
affection, and it is probable that
she met with some whom she
found attractive ; but her taste was
not easily satisfied, nor her heart
to be lightly won. I have no rea-
son to think that she ever felt any
attachment by which the happiness
of her life was at all affected."
We are thus resolutely denied a
love-tale in both their lives, which
is hard. Had they been married
women whose romance had ended
naturally in the commonplace way,
the omission would have been less
noteworthy ; but there is a charm
in the love which has never come
to anything — the tender, pathetic,
sweet recollection laid up in a vir-
gin life, amid the faded rose-leaves
and fallen flowers of youth — which
is infinitely sweet and touching, —
more touching than the successful
and prosperous can ever be. This
satisfaction, however, is, we repeat,
denied us. There is no such soft
secret in these two good, and plea-
sant, and beautiful lives. No man's
existence could be more entirely
1870.]
Miss Austen and Miss Mitford.
299
free from sentiment. All is honest,
and moderate, and open as the day.
If love is a woman's chief business,
then here were two very sweet
women who had no share in it. It
is a want, but we have no right to
complain, seeing that they did not
shape their lives to please us,
though they have shaped various
other lines of existence in which
the deficiency is supplied. Such a
question, it is unnecessary to say,
could not have been discussed by
a contemporary; but the critic at
this distance may be permitted to
regret that there is not somewhere
a faded bunch of violets, or some
dead forget-me-not, to be thrown
with the myrtle and the bay of
their country's appreciation, upon
these two maiden graves.
Miss Austen began her literary
work at so early an age that its ex-
treme skill and refinement, as well
as the peculiar point of view from
which she regarded the world, be-
comes more and more wonderful. It
is a very difficult thing to realise
how a brain of one-aiid-twenty could
have identified such a family as the
Bennets, such a character as Mr
Collins, and could have willingly
filled up her background with fig-
ures such as those of the female
Bingleys. Wickham, Lady Cathe-
rine, and the rest. Nothing could
be more lifelike, more utterly real.
The household is not described, but
rises vividly before us as if we had
visited it yesterday, with all its
rusticity and ignorance, its eager
thirst for pleasure, and incapacity
to perceive the bad taste and futil-
ity of its own efforts. The first
wonder that occurs to us is how
Jane and Elizabeth should have
found a place in such a family.
The eldest is all sweetness and grace
and beauty; the second brightly
intelligent, quick to perceive, and
equally quick to take up false im-
pressions, but clever and affection-
ate and honest to the highest de-
gree ; while every one else in the
house is a study of absurdity and
vulgarity of one sort or another.
Miss Austen had too much genius to.
fall into the vulgar error of making
her heroes and heroines all perfect,
and relieving them against a back-
ground of unalloyed villany; but her
actual conception of the world, as
shown in her first completed work,
is not much less elevated. The back-
ground is full, not of villains, but
of fools, out of the midst of whom
the heroes and heroines rise in all
the glory of superior talents and
more elevated character. The power
that is spent in setting forth these
fools — their endless variety — the dif-
ferent shapes in which conceit, and
vanity, and selfishness, and vulgar
ambition display themselves — the
wonderful way in which they amal-
gamate and enhance each other,
now and then rising into the suc-
cesses of triumphant cunning, or
sinking to pure folly once more, —
is set before us with a skill which
is quite marvellous. It is all so
common — never rising above the
level of ordinary life, leaving no-
thing (so think the uninstructed)
to imagination or invention at all
— and yet what other hand has ever
been able to detach such a group
from the obscure level of their ordi-
nary fate ? Mr Collins, for instance,
who is the heir of Mr Bennet's en-
tailed estate, and who, with a cer-
tain quaint sense of justice which
enhances his self-importance, comes
prepared to propose to one of the
daughters, whom he is obliged to
deprive of their inheritance. We
give so much explanation, with a
certain shame at the very possibil-
ity that Mr Collins should want a
formal introduction to any portion
of the British public ; but yet it
is true that the young ones are not
so well up in the relationships of
the Bennets as we could wish them
to be. The sublime and undisturb-
ed complacence of his arrival, when
he compliments Mrs Bennet on
having so fine a family of daugh-
ters, " and added that he did not
doubt her seeing them all in time
well disposed of in marriage," is
inimitable. " I am very sensible,
300
Miss Austen and Miss Mitford.
[March
madam, of the hardship to my fair
cousins," he says, " and could say
much on the subject, but I am
cautious of appearing forward and
precipitate. But I can assure the
young ladies that I come prepared
to admire them. At present I will
not say more, but perhaps when we
are better acquainted " When
he receives Elizabeth's refusal to
marry him with undisturbed com-
placency, attributing it to "your
wish of increasing my love by sus-
pense, according to the usual prac-
tice of elegant females," the situa-
tion rises to one of the most genu-
ine comedy, and our only regret is
that Mr Collins's adventures have
never been adapted for the stage.
Miss Austen does not even let her
victim escape her when he is mar-
ried and has left the central scene.
She pursues him to his home with
the smile growing a little broader in
her eyes. " Elizabeth was prepared
to see him in all his glory ; and she
could not help fancying that in dis-
playing the good proportions of his
room, its aspect and its furniture,
he addressed himself particularly
to her, as if wishing to make her
feel what she had lost in refusing
him." His pompous assurance that
"he has no hesitation in saying"
that his goddess and patroness, Lady
Catherine, will include his cousin
in her invitations — his triumph
when the party is asked to dinner
• — the pride with which he takes his
seat at the foot of the table by her
ladyship's command, looking " as
if he felt that life could furnish
nothing greater " — the " delighted
alacrity " with which he carved and
ate and praised — his game at cards
with his august patroness after din-
ner, in which " he was employed
in agreeing to everything her lady-
ship said, thanking her for every
fish he won, and apologising if he
thought he won too many," — are
all so many touches which add per-
fection to the picture ; and when
we take our parting glance of Mr
Collins, watching the country road
from his " book-room," and hasten-
ing to inform his wife and her
friends every time Miss De Burgh
drives by in her phaeton, we feel
that the power of consistent re-
morseless ridicule can no further
go. There is not a moment's fal-
tering, nor the ghost of an inclina-
tion on the part of the author to
depart from her wonderful concep-
tion. He stands before us tall and
grave and pompous, wrapt in a
cloud of solemn vanity, servility,
stupidity, and spitefulness, but
without the faintest gleam of self-
consciousness or suspicion of the
ridiculous figure he cuts ; and his
author, with no pity in her heart,
walks round and round him, giving
here and there a skilful touch to
bring out the picture. It is amaz-
ing in its unity and completeness
— a picture perhaps unrivalled, cer-
tainly unsurpassed, in its way. It
is, we repeat, cruel in its perfec-
tion.
Whether it is not too cruel to
make the wife of this delightful Mr
Collins share so completely in his
creator's estimate of him is a differ-
ent matter. " When Mr Collins
could be forgotten there was really
a great air of comfort throughout,
and by Charlotte's evident enjoy-
ment of it Elizabeth supposed he
must be often forgotten " — the
unflinching narrative goes on.
" The room in which the ladies sat
was backward, and Elizabeth at
first had rather wondered that
Charlotte should not prefer the
dining-parlour for common use — it
was a better-sized room and had a
pleasanter aspect ; but she soon
saw that her friend had an excel-
lent reason for what she did, for
Mr Collins would undoubtedly have
been much less in his own apart-
ment had they sat in one equally
lively; and she gave Charlotte
credit for the arrangement." This
is rather diabolical, it must be
owned, and there is a calmness of
acquiescence in the excellent Char-
lotte's arrangements which it takes
all the reader's fortitude to sto-
mach. It is possible that the very
1870.]
Miss Austen and Miss Mitford.
301
youth of the author may have pro-
duced this final stroke of unex-
ampled consistency ; for youth is
always more or less cruel, and is
slow to acknowledge that even the
most stupid and arrogant of mortals
has his rights.
Mr Collins, however, is one of
the most distinct and original por-
traits in the great gallery of fiction,
and we accept him gladly as a real
contribution to our knowledge of
humankind ; not a contribution
certainly which will make us more
in love with our fellow-creatures,
but yet so lifelike, so perfect and
complete, touched with so fine a
wit and so keen a perception of the
ridiculous, that the picture once
seen remains a permanent posses-
sion. And when we are told that
the Bennet family, with all its
humours — the father who is so good
and sensible, and yet such an un-
mitigated bear ; the mother whom
he despises and ridicules without
hesitation, even to his heroine-
daughters who accept his sarcastic
comments as the most natural
thing in the world ; the stupid
pompous Mary, the loud and noisy,
heartless and shameless Lydia — are
all drawn with an equally fine and
delicate touch, we have not a word
to say against it. We acknowledge
its truth, and yet we rebel against
this pitiless perfection of art. It
•shocks us as much as it could pos-
sibly have shocked Mr Darcy, to
allow that these should be the im-
mediate surroundings of the young
•woman whom we are called upon
to take to our hearts. We blush
for the daughter who blushes for
her mother. We hate the lover
who points out to her, even in self-
defence, the vulgarities and follies
( f her family. A heroine must be
superior, it is true, but not so
superior as this ; and it detracts
( ver so much from the high quali-
ties of Elizabeth when we see how
A ery ready she is to be moved by a
sense of the inferiority of her mother
and sisters, how ashamed she is of
their ways, and how thankful to
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLIII.
think that her home will be at a dis-
tance from theirs.
Curiously enough, it would seem
that Miss Austen herself felt for
this same Elizabeth, and for her
alone, the enthusiasm of a pa-
rent for a child. ' ' I have got
my own darling child from Lon-
don," she writes to her sister,
in a little flutter of pleasure and
excitement. " Miss B dined
with us on the very day of the
book's coming, and in the evening
we fairly set at it and read fully half
the first volume to her, prefacing
that having intelligence from Henry
that such a book would soon ap-
pear, we had desired him to send it
as soon as it came out ; and I be-
lieve it passed with her unsuspected.
She was amused, poor soul ! That
she could not help, you know, with
two such people to lead the way,
but she really does seem to admire
Elizabeth. I must confess that I
think her as delightful a creature
as ever appeared in print, and how
I shall be able to tolerate those who
do not like her at least I do not
know." In a later letter she adds
— " Fanny's praise is very gratify-
ing. My hopes were tolerably
strong of her, but nothing like a
certainty. Her liking Darcy and
Elizabeth is enough ; she might
hate all the others if she would."
This is as curious a piece of revela-
tion as we know, and proves that
the young woman who had just
given so original a work to the
world was in reality quite unaware
of its real power, and had set her
heart upon her hero and heroine
like any schoolgirl. Our beloved
Mr Collins, upon whom the specta-
tor would be tempted to think a
great deal of pains and some pro-
portionate anxiety must have been
expended, evidently goes for very
little with his maker. It is her
lovers she is thinking of, a common-
place pair enough, while we are full
of her inimitable fools, who are not
at all commonplace. This curious
fact disorders our head a little, and
makes us ponder and wonder whe-
302
Miss Austen and Miss Hit ford.
[March
ther our author is in reality the
gentle cynic we have concluded her
to be, or if she has produced all
these marvels of selfish folly una-
wares, without knowing what she
was doing, or meaning anything by
it. Genius, however, goes a great
deal deeper than conscious meaning,
and has its own way, whatever may
be the intentions of its owner ; and
we but smile at the novelist's strange
delusion as we set aside Elizabeth
and Darcy, the one a young woman
very much addicted to making
speeches, very pert often, fond of
having the last word, and prone to
hasty j udgments, with really nothing
but her prettiness and a certain
sharp smartness of talk to recom-
mend her ; and the other a very
ordinary young man, quite like
hosts of other young men, with
that appearance of outward pride
and hauteur which is so captivating
to the youthful feminine imagina-
tion, though it must be admitted
that he possesses an extraordinary
amount of candour and real hu-
mility of mind under this exterior.
It is curious to realise what a shock
it must have given to the feelings
of the young novelist when she
found how little her favourite pair
had to do with the success of their
own story, and how entirely her
secondary characters, in their va-
rious and vivid originality, carried
the day over her first.
' Sense and Sensibility/ which
was really the first of Miss Austen's
publications, as well as the first
production of her youthful brain,
has fewer salient points. There is
nothing in it that can approach
within a hundred miles of the per-
fection of Mr Collins. The Miss
Steeles are simply vulgar and dis-
agreeable, and we can scarcely be
grateful for the vivid drawing of
two persons whom we should be
sorry ever to see again, and who
really contribute nothing to our
amusement, except so far as the
fluttered sensibilities of the eldest
in respect to " the Doctor " are con-
cerned. No doubt the foolishness
of Sir John Middleton, who is so
much afraid of being alone that the
addition of two people to the popu-
lation of London is a matter of de-
light to him ; and of his wife, whose
folly is concentrated in adoration of
her children ; and Mrs Palmer, who
laughs loudly at her husband's in-
solence, and calls heaven and earth
to witness how droll he is,— are
amusing enough in their way ; but
Marianne's sensibility is not amus-
ing, and we find it utterly impos-
sible to take any interest in her
selfish and high-flown wretchedness.
Elinore's sense and self-restraint,
though so much superior in a moral
point of view, are scarcely more en-
livening; and the heroes are about
as weak specimens of the genus
hero as one could desire to see :
that, however, would be immaterial
but for the absence of the rich
background with its amazing mul-
tiplicity of character ; for Shake-
speare himself cannot always con-
fer interest upon his jeune premier,
the first gentleman of the story.
The same criticism may be applied
to * Mansfield Park,' which is the
least striking of the whole series,
and though full of detached scenes,
and still more of detached sen-
tences, quite wonderful in their
power of description, is dull and
lengthy as a whole, and not agree-
able.
But Miss Austen is herself again
when she comes to the story of
1 Emma,' which, next to ' Pride
and Prejudice,' is, in our opinion,
her best work. * Emma ' -was the
work of her mature mind. She
was but one-and-twenty when she
created Mr Collins, and surrounded
the heroine whom she regarded
with a girl's sympathy with so
many repulsive and odious, yet
perfectly-depicted, characters. Per-
haps there was something of the
inexperience and ignorance of youth
in this device — the natural impulse
to exalt the favourite, and win all
the more love for her by encircling
her with people whom it was impos-
sible to love. Our novelist had left
1870.]
Miss Austen and Miss Mitford.
303
her youth behind her, and her first
home, and all the early conditions
of her life, before Emma Wood-
house became her heroine ; and
there is a sweetness about this book
which is not to be found in any of
the others. There is scarcely one
character in 'Pride and Prejudice'
for whom we can feel any kindly
sympathy, except, perhaps, Jane,
the soft, pretty elder sister, who is
little more than a shadow upon the
full and vigorous landscape. But
in * Emma ' there is nobody to be
hated, which is a curious difference.
Kindness has stole into the author-
ess's heart. The malicious, brilliant
wit of youth has softened into a
better understanding of the world.
Mr Woodhouse is very trying in
his invalidism, and we sympathise
deeply with his visitors when the
sweetbread and asparagus are sent
away from their very lips as not
cooked enough, and gruel, thin,
but not too thin, is recommended
in its place; but on the whole we
like the courteous, kindly, trouble-
some old man : and Miss Bates, no
doubt, is a person we would fly
from in dismay did she live in our
village; and had she belonged to
the ' Pride and Prejudice ' period,
no doubt she would have been as
detestable as she was amusing.
But other lights have come to the
maturer eyes, and the endless flut-
ter of talk, the never-ending still-
beginning monologue, the fussy,
wordy, indiscreet, uninteresting old
maid is lighted up with a soft halo
from the heart within. Instead of
impaling her on the end of her
spear, like Mr Collins and Mrs
Bennet, her author turns her out-
side in with an affectionate banter
— a tender amusement which chan-
ges the whole aspect of the picture.
It is not that the fun is less, or the
keenness of insight into all the
many manifestations of foolishness,
but human sympathy has come in
to sweeten the tale, and the bril-
liant intellect has found out, some-
how, that all the laughable beings
surrounding it — beings so amus-
ingly diverse in their inanity and
unreason — are all the same mortal
creatures, with souls and hearts
within them. How Miss Austen
came to find this out, we cannot
tell. But it is pleasant to see that
she had made the discovery. In
'Emma' everything has a softer
touch. The sun shines as it never
shone over the Bennets. This dif-
ference of atmosphere, indeed, is
one of the most remarkable points
in the change. We suppose we are
told sometimes that it was a fine
day in * Pride and Prejudice/ but
so far as our own perceptions go,
the sky is very leaden, and there is
little of the variety and vicissitude
of nature in the monotonous land-
scape. We have a feeling that the
Bennet girls were always muddy
when they walked to Meriton, and
that the wind, which blew in their
faces and sometimes improved their
complexions, was a damp ungenial
sort of wind. But in ' Emma ' the
sun shines, and the playful soft
breezes blow, and the heroine her-
self, with all her talents and quick-
wittedness, is as absurd as heart
could desire, and makes such mis-
takes as only a very clever girl, very
entetee and addicted to her own
opinion, very wilful, and unreason-
able, and hasty, and charming,
could be expected to make. Miss
Austen no longer believes in her,
or gives her all the honours of
heroine, as she did to her Eliza-
beth, but laughs tenderly at her
protegee, ,and takes pleasure in
teasing her, and pointing out all
her innocent mistakes : one after
another she falls into them, and
scrambles out, and falls once more
— and is overwhelmed with dis-
tress, and hates herself, and dries
her eyes, and takes the bit in her
teeth and is off again. We do not
wonder that Mr Knightley finds it
a dangerous amusement to watch,
and try to guide her in her vagaries;
and no doubt he had a hard time of
it when he had finally secured her,
in that period that comes after
Miss Austen gives her up to him,
304
Miss Austen and Miss Mitford.
[March.
but, we don't doubt, liked it all the
same.
And it is impossible to conceive
a more perfect piece of village geo-
graphy, a scene more absolutely
real. Highbury, with Ford's shop
in the High Street, and Miss Bates's
rooms opposite, the parlour on the
first floor, with windows from which
you can see all that is going on,
and, indeed, call to your friends
down below, and hold conversa-
tions with them. And the vicar-
age lane at one end of the town,
which is muddy, and where the
young vicar from his study can see
the young ladies passing on their
way to their cottage pensioners,
and has time to get his hat and
umbrella and join them as they
come back. And Hartfield, with
its pretty shrubberies, standing
•well out of the town, a dignified
conclusion for the walks of the
ladies, whom Mr Woodhouse is so
glad to see ; and Randalls further
on, with its genial sanguine master,
and the happy, quiet, middle-aged
wife, who has been Emma's gover-
ness, and is still " poor Miss Tay-
lor" to Emma's father. Nothing
could be more easy than to make a
map of it, with indications where
the London road strikes off, and
by which turning Frank Church-
hill, on his tired horse, will come
from Richmond. We know it as
well as if we had lived there all
our lives, and visited Miss Bates
every other day.
Miss Austen's books did not se-
cure her any sudden fame. They
stole into notice so gradually and
slowly, that even at her death they
had not reached any great height of
success. ' Northanger Abbey/ per-
haps her prettiest story, as a story,
and * Persuasion/ which is very
charming and full of delicate touches,
though marked with the old imper-
fection which renders every charac-
ter a fool except the heroic pair
who hold their place in the fore-
ground— were published only after
her death, the MS. having been
sold for ten pounds to a careless
country bookseller, from whom it
was repurchased after the others
had risen into fame. We are told
that at her death all they had pro-
duced of money was but seven
hundred pounds, and but a mode-
rate modicum of praise. We can-
not say we are in the least surprised
at this fact ; it is, we think, much
more surprising that they should
at length have climbed into the
high place they now hold. To the
general public, which loves to sym-
pathise with the people it meets in
fiction, to cry with them, and re-
joice with them, and take a real
interest in all their concerns, it is
scarcely to be expected that books
so calm and cold and keen, and
making so little claim upon their
sympathy, would ever be popular.
" One of the ablest men of my ac-
quaintance," says Mr Austen Leigh,
" said in that kind of jest which
has much earnest in it, that he had
established it in his own mind as
a new test of ability whether people
could or could not appreciate Miss
Austen's merits." The standard is
real enough. A certain amount of
culture and force of observation
must be presupposed in any real
independent admiration of these
books. They are not the kind of
books which catch the popular
fancy at once without pleasing the
critic — a power sometimes possess-
ed by very imperfect and unsatis-
factory performances ; neither do
they belong to that highest class
of all which takes every variety of
imagination by storm, and steps
into favour without any probation.
They are rather of the class which
attracts the connoisseur, which
charms the critical and literary mind ,
and which, by dint of persistency
and iteration, is carried by the
superior rank of readers into a
half-real half-fictitious universality
of applause. Perhaps the effort has
been more successful in the case of
Miss Austen than it has been with
any other writer. Her works have
become classic, and it is now the
duty of every student of recent
1870.]
Miss Austen and Miss Mitford.
305
English literature to be more or
less acquainted with them. Au-
thority was never better employed.
"The best judges7' have here, for
once, done the office of an Academy,
and laureated a writer whom the
populace would not have been
likely to laureate, but whom it has
learned to recognise.
There is, however, one quaint
instance of appreciation, recorded
in the Memoir, which took place in
her lifetime. The Prince-Regent
admired Miss Austen's novels much,
and sent her word through her doc-
tor that she might go and see Carl-
ton House with all its riches — a per-
mission which we cannot but think
must have been more honourable
than delightful. She took the trouble
to do it, however, and there met
a Mr Clarke, librarian to his Eoyal
Highness, who forthwith took her
in hand. This gentleman, so far
as can be judged by his letters, was
a personage altogether after Miss
Austen's heart, and who might
have stepped out of one of her
own books. He gives her permis-
sion unasked to dedicate one of
her books to the Regent — a per-
mission, by the way, which we do
not clearly understand if she ever
availed herself of ; and, in addi-
tion, he proposes to her a subject
for a book. " I also, dear madam,"
writes this ingenious gentleman,
" wished to be allowed to ask you
to delineate in some future work
the habits of life and character and
enthusiasm of a clergyman who
should pass his time between the
metropolis and the country, who
should be something like Beattie's
minstrel —
' Silent when glad, affectionate though
shy.
And in his looks was most demurely
sad ;
And now he laughed aloud, though none
knew why.'
Neither Goldsmith, nor La Fon-
taine in his ' Tableau de Famille,'
have, in my mind, quite delineated
an English clergyman, at least of
the present day — fond of and
entirely engaged in literature, no
man's enemy but his own. Pray,
dear madam, think of these things."
This tempting, not to say solemn,
suggestion did not move the novel-
ist, which must have seemed a
strange fact to Mr Clarke. She
answers him with admirable gravi-
ty, demurely setting herself forth
as " the most unlearned and unin-
formed female who ever dared to
be an authoress," and consequently
quite incapable of " drawing such
a clergyman as you gave the sketch
of. ... Such a man's conver-
sation," she adds, " must at times
be on subjects of science and philo-
sophy, of which I know nothing, or
at least be occasionally abundant in
quotations and allusions which a
woman who,like me, knows only her
own mother tongue, and has read
little in that, would be totally with-
out the power of giving." How Miss
Austen must have chuckled secret-
ly over this wonderful suggestion !
how deeply tempted she must have
been to transfer the librarian him-
self, if not his "enthusiastic clergy-
man," to her canvas ! But even
this answer does not discourage Mr
Clarke. Some time after he was ap-
pointed English secretary to Prince
Leopold, who was then about to be
married to the Princess Charlotte ;
and he does not lose a moment ap-
parently in venturing a new sug-
gestion, which was that " an his-
torical romance illustrative of the
august house of Cobourg would
just now be very interesting." Mr
Collins himself could not have
done better. His clever corres-
pondent exults over him; she gives
him the gravest answers, and
draws her victim out. She is quite
inferior to the undertaking, she
tells him with comic composure.
Mr Austen Leigh, however, does
not seem to see the fun, but
gravely comments upon it, observ-
ing that Mr Clarke should have re-
collected the warning of the wise
man, " Force not the current of the
river," a conclusion scarcely less
amusing than the preceding narra-
306
Miss Austen and Miss Mitford.
[March
tive. It appears, however, that
this was by no means a singular
occurrence. Her friends, who could
see plainly that Jane Austen was
very much the same as other peo-
ple, and not a person to be any way
afraid of, were so kind as to give
her many hints. Here is a sketch
found among her papers of the sort
of work she ought to have written
had she followed their admirable
suggestions : —
" Plan of a novel according to hints
from various quarters. The names of
some of these advisers are written on
the margin of the manuscript opposite
to their respective suggestions.
"Heroine to.be the daughter of a
clergyman, who, after having lived
ranch in the world, had retired from it,
and settled on a curacy, with a very
small portion of his own. The most
excellent man that can be imagined;
perfect in character, temper, and man-
ner, without the smallest drawback or
peculiarity to prevent his being the
most delightful companion to his daugh-
ter from one year's end to the other.
Heroine faultless in character, beauti-
ful in person, and possessing every pos-
sible accomplishment. Book to open
with father and daughter conversing
in long speeches, elegant language, and
a tone of high serious sentiment. The
father induced, at his daughter's earnest
request, to relate to her the past events
of his life. Narrative to reach through
the greater part of the first volume; as,
besides all the circumstances of his
attachment to her mother, and their
marriage, it will comprehend his going
to sea as chaplain to a distinguished na-
val character about the court, and his
going afterwards to court himself, which
involved him in many interesting situa-
tions, concluding with his opinion of
the benefits of tithes being done away
with. . . . From this outset the
story will proceed, and contain a strik-
ing variety of adventures. Father an
exemplary parish priest, and devoted
to literature, but heroine and father
never above a fortnight in one place —
he being driven from his curacy by the
vile arts of some totally unprincipled
and heartless young man, desperately
in love with the heroine, and pursuing
her with unrelenting passion. No
sooner settled in one country of Europe
than they are compelled to quit it, and
retire to another, always making new
acquaintance, and always obliged to
leave them. This will of course exhi-
bit a wide variety of character. The
scene will be for ever shifting from one
set of people to another, but there will
be no mixture, — all the good will be
unexceptionable in every respect. There
will be no foibles or weaknesses but
with the wicked, who will be complete-
ly depraved and infamous — hardly a
resemblance of humanity left in them.
Early in her career the heroine must
meet with the hero : all perfection, of
course, and only prevented from pay-
ing his addresses to her by some excess
of refinement. Wherever she goes
somebody falls in love with her, and she
receives repeated offers of marriage,
which she refers wholly to her father,
exceedingly angry that he should not be
the first applied to. Often carried away
by the anti-hero, but rescued either by
her father or the hero. Often reduced
to support herself and her father by her
talents, and work for her bread ; con-
tinually cheated and defrauded of her
hire ; worn down to a skeleton, and
now and then starved to death. At
last, hunted out of civilised society,
denied the poor shelter of the humblest
cottage, they are compelled to retreat
into Kamskatcha, where the poor father,
quite worn down, finding his end ap-
proaching, throws himself on the
ground, and after four or five hours of
tender advice and parental admoni-
tion to his miserable child, expires in a
fine burst of literary enthusiasm, inter-
mingled with invectives against the hold-
ers of tithes. Heroine inconsolable for
some time, but afterwards crawls back
towards her former country, having at
least twenty narrow escapes of falling
into the hands of anti-hero ; and at
last, in the very nick of time, turning a
corner to avoid him, runs into the arms
of the hero himself, who, having just
shaken off the scruples which fettered
him before, was at the very moment
setting off in pursuit of her. The ten-
derest and completest edaircissement
takes place, and they are happily unit-
ed. Throughout the whole work hero-
ine to be in the most elegant society,
and living in high style."
Miss Mitford's literary fame stands
upon a much slighter and less sub-
stantial basis than does that of
Miss Austen. Indeed it is rather
what she herself calls a literary life
than any actual work which has
made her so well known ; and as a
1870.]
Miss Austen and Miss Mitford.
307
literary life, her modest, kindly,
long career is remarkable enough.
A variety of pleasant sketches — •
chief among which is her sketch of
herself and her flowery cottage —
and descriptions of the pretty, luxu-
riant, leafy landscape, in which all
her little pictures are enclosed, are
the things which occur to our mind
when we meet with her name ; yet
this pleasant, tranquil paysagiste
began her life by the tumultuous
triumphs of a dramatic author, and
had the curious sensation of seeing
Covent Garden filled to the doors,
"so immense a house that you
might have walked over the heads in
the pit," to listen to her tragedies.
It is a strange episode in the most
tranquil of lives. Her first attempt
was in a play called ' Julian/
which we are curtly informed was
successful, but which was assailed
by a storm of criticism and speedily
withdrawn. Her second success
she thus describes, with a modera-
tion and calmness which is remark-
able after the excitement of such
a moment, to her mother. The
family were in great straits by this
time, caused by Dr Mitford's folly,
and the success or failure of this
Elay meant something like social
fe or death. The father and
daughter were in town, trembling
with a thousand apprehensions, up
to the last moment ; while the
mother, not less anxious, waited in
the pretty cottage in the wintry
weather for the all-important news.
The seriousness of the crisis, and
the tender thoughtfulness of the
writer, are shown on the very
address of this letter. " Mrs Mit-
ford— good news" is written out-
side, that the very first glance might
be reassuring : —
" I cannot suffer this parcel to go to
you, my dearest mother, without writ-
ing a few lines to tell you of the com-
plete success of my play. It was re-
ceived, not merely with rapturous
applause, but without the slightest
symptom of disapprobation from be-
ginning to end. We had not a single
order in the house, so that from first to
last the approbation was sincere and
general. William Harness and Mr Tal-
fourd are both quite satisfied with the
whole affair, and my other friends are
half-crazy. Mrs Trollope, between joy
for my triumph and sympathy with the
play, has cried herself half blind. I am,
and have been, perfectly calm, and am
merely tired with the great number of
friends whom I have seen to-day. . .
G-od bless you, my dearest mother !
Papa is quite well, and happier than you
can imagine. He had really half a
mind to go to you instead of writing,
so much do both of us wish to share
our happiness with you."
"A real impression has been
made, and a reputation of the high-
est order established," she writes
a little later to her friend Sir Wil-
liam Elford, complaining, how-
ever, playfully, that her second
volume of " Our Village," which
had just been published, was likely
to harm the tragedy, as "people
will never allow anybody the power
of doing two things well ; and be-
cause it is admitted that I write
playful prose, there be many who
assume that I cannot write serious
verse." This is so true, that it is
difficult even to imagine the comely
face of our pleasant village historian
growing pale with fright in the
stage-box of a vast and crowded
theatre, where " the white handker-
chiefs are going continually," and
the vast audience weeps and thrills
with tragic interest. The reader
smiles, and feels disposed to doubt
the narrative, even when it stands
before him in all the integrity of
print ; for anything less tragic, less
solemn, than the sweet-tempered
round-about woman, to whom her
flowers and her dogs and her village
neighbours come so natural, could
not be conceived. We do not re-
cognise her in that grand accidental
episode of her life, any more than
we can sit down to read Foscari
(which all the same is perfectly
readable). It is only when she is
back again among her green lanes,
among her geraniums, that we can
identify our friend. But with such
surroundings we know no English
writer who is more supreme in her
308
Miss Austen and Miss Mitford.
[March
gentle way. It is not a great way.
There is no tragedy here, and such
notes of pain as must come into
every human strain, are struck so
softly, and come so tenderly into the
brighter measure, that they sound
no harsher than a sigh. But this
flowery, leafy, sunny Berks, with
its streams arid its woods, its cot-
tages and its country-folks, its
simple ways and rural quiet, where
was there ever any English county
more clearly put upon paper 1 How
real and vivid was the impression
it made (we remember) upon one
little north-country imagination ever
so many years ago ! The scent of
the violets, and the rustle of the
great branched trees, and every
detail of the landscape came before
us as if we had been there— nay,
more sweetly, more powerfully than
if we had been there, as imagina-
tion is always more exquisite than
fact. For that intense and well-
remembered delight, it is fit that
we should render Miss Mitford all
the thanks that words can express.
It was not perhaps so high an in-
tellectual enjoyment as that which
is given, to a mind capable of ap-
preciating them, by Miss Austen's
wonderful pictures, yet the recol-
lection is sweeter to the heart.
Nothing could be more unlike
the calm existence of the author
of 'Pride and Prejudice' than the
anxious harassed life led by Mary
Mitford. The fitful splendour
which flickered about her youth
had long disappeared. The little
family, after various struggles to
retain its position, had been driven
out of the house which the father
and mother had taken such pleas-
ure in building, into a tiny cottage
in a village street ; and instead of
the calm which so many people
think — erroneously, in our opinion
— to be essential for all mental
work, it was among cares of the
most depressing kind that Miss
Mitford took up as a profession
the work which she had fondly
dallied with through all her earlier
years. " I may in time make some-
thing of my poor, poor brains," she
cries, pathetically, after her first
dramatic failure. "I am now
chained to a desk eight, ten, twelve
hours a-day at mere drudgery. All
my thoughts of writing are for hard
money. All my correspondence is
on hard business. Oh, pity me !
pity me ! My very mind is sink-
ing under the fatigue and anxiety.
. . . My dear father," she adds
at a later period, with that pitiful
endurance of the meanness of the
men belonging to them, and anxi-
ous endeavours to give it the best
possible aspect to the world, which
some women are obliged to bear,
"relying with a blessed sanguine-
ness on my poor endeavours, has
not, I believe, even inquired for
a situation j and I do not press
the matter, though I anxiously
wish it, being willing to give one
more trial to the theatre. If I
could but get the assurance of earn-
ing for my dear father and mother
a humble competence, I should be
the happiest creature in the world.
But for these dear ties I should
never write another line, but go
out in some situation as other
destitute women do." This was
her encouragement, poor soul, in
undertaking what she calls "the
boldest attempt ever made by wo-
man " — a grand historical tragedy
on the subject of Charles I. and
Cromwell, a work which, after
costing her infinite pains, was
considered dangerous by the Lord
Chamberlain, who refused his li-
cence for its representation. She
was at this time some years over
thirty, at the height of a woman's
powers, but not at the height of
her hopes; for by that time life
has generally begun to drag a little
with the solitary. The only thing
which mitigates our indignation
against the father who, with
" blessed sanguineness," could thus
put himself upon his child's
shoulders to be supported is, that
he and the tenderer, sweeter mo-
ther filled her life at least with
domestic happiness. " I hope," she
1870.]
Miss Austen and Miss Mitford.
309
adds, with quick compunction after
the plaint we have just quoted,
" there is no want of duty in my
wishing him to contribute his
efforts with mine to our support/'
He was her first object all her life ;
and it is only by such a faint im-
plied reproof as the above that she
ever betrays to the outside world
any sense of his sins against her.
But her love for him was that of a
mother rather than a daughter —
an anxious, protecting, not unsus-
picious affection. She writes to
him with expressions of fondness
which sound exaggerated, though
they are apparently natural to her
— but always with a latent sense
that he is naughty, and that there
will be various matters to forgive
and forget when he comes back
from his rovings. A strange pic-
ture ! One can see the two women
at home in their anxious consulta-
tions— the mother and daughter,
who think there is nobody like
him in the world, and yet lay their
kind heads together and wonder
what he may be about — how he
may be squandering their sub-
stance, what new burdens he may
bring back to be made the best of.
Yet what a handsome, fine, white-
haired gentleman — a father to be
proud of — does he appear in ' Our
Village,' half seen in the sanctuary
of his study, a magistrate and au-
thority ! Such a half - conscious,
dear deception is common enough
among women whom the world
thinks comfortably blind to all
their idol's defects, not knowing,
like a stupid world as it is, that it
is their very keenness of sight which
produces that mist of tender illu-
sion thus hung up and held up to
dazzle other eyes.
The success of the tragedies
seems to have been a fitful and not
very profitable kind of success ;
but ' Our Village ' went into four-
teen editions in the course of a few
years, and a fluctuating unsteady
sort of prosperity visited the cot-
tage. They set up a pony and
chaise, and by times were in good
spirits ; but it does not seem that
Miss Mitford was ever fully recon-
ciled to that stern necessity of la-
bour, which to some people in this
world is so great a grievance, and
to some so great a blessing. She
had been brought up in wealth and
ease, for one thing, and had the
feeling upon her, however con-
cealed, that the money which
ought to have maintained herself
and her family had been squander-
ed. Besides, she was one of the
Northumberland Mitfords, allied
to very great people indeed ; and
though there is no appearance of
any contempt for her craft or its
professors naturally arising in her
own mind, it must have been a little
hard to struggle against her father's
feelings on the subject — feelings
which remind us of one or two of
Mr Dickens' s characters, — of the
dignified Mr Turveydrop and of
Mr Bray in 'Nicholas Nickleby.'
"My father," she writes, "very
kind to me in many respects, very
attentive if I'm ill, very solicitous
that my garden should be nicely
kept, -that I should go out with
him and be amused, is yet, so
far as art, literature, and the
drama are concerned, of a temper
infinitely difficult to deal with.
He hates and despises them and
all their professors, looks on them
with hatred and scorn, and is con-
stantly taunting me with 'my
friends' and 'my people,' as he
calls them, reproaching me if I
hold the slightest intercourse with
either editor, artist, or actor, and
treating with frank contempt every
one not of a certain station in the
county. . . . He ought to re-
member/' pleads the poor author-
ess, not without a certain feeling
of caste in her own person, and not
sure that, after all, he may be right
and she is demeaning herself, "that
it is not for my own pleasure, but
from a sense of duty, that I have
been thrown in the way of such
persons ; and he should allow for
the natural sympathy of similar
pursuits, and the natural wish to
310
Miss Austen and Miss Miff or d.
[March
do the little that one so poor and
so powerless can do to bring merit,
and that of a very high order, into
notice. It is one of the few allevi-
ations of a destiny that is wearing
down my health and mind and
spirits and strength — a life spent
in efforts beyond my powers, and
which will end in the workhouse
or in Bedlam as the body or mind
shall sink first. He ought to feel
this, but he does not."
There are many of these melan-
choly half-complaints in the latter
part of her, or rather of her father's,
life. Her destiny hangs very hea-
vily upon her. She was not born,
she feels, for such a fate ; neither,
she thinks, with natural generalis-
ing, was any woman ever intended
to support a family — forgetting, as
was also quite natural, how many
women do. She goes over a little
list of literary women, in her sad
moments, to prove this unsatisfac-
tory theory. Mrs Hofland is ill,
Mrs Hall is ill, Miss Landon dead,
and so on through a melancholy
catalogue. As the master of the
house grew older and more infirm,
life grew ever harder and harder in
the cottage at Three Mile Cross.
He who had never been considerate
became exacting, and in his de-
mands upon her for personal ten-
dance, forgot that she had to be
the breadwinner as well as the
nurse ; while she, poor soul, worn
to death with long hours of reading
to him, nursing him, watching his
every want, felt guilty and wretched
to the bottom of her heart that she
could not at the same time work
for him, and carry on a double
labour. For his sake she had given
up a prospect opened to her by the
kindness of some distant relatives,
who proposed to her to live with
them and be their companion —
" not a dependant, but a daughter."
They were people whom she liked
and trusted, and the arrangement
would have given her immediate
ease and some permanent provi-
sion ; but she gives it up with a
sigh, in consideration of her father's
comfort. "To have left him here
would have been impossible/' she
says ; " and if Mr Ragget had (as I
believe he would) given him a home
at Odiam, the sacrifice of his old
habits, his old friends, the blame-
less self-importance which results
from his station as chairman of the
Reading Bench, and his really influ-
ential position in the county, where
we are much respected in spite of
our poverty, would have been far
too much to ask or to permit.''
This possibility, accordingly, was
given up ; but as the weary years
stole on, and the old man, whose
comforts must not be infringed
whatever happened, descended
lower and lower into that feeble-
ness of age in which even the gen-
erous and amiable become exacting
without knowing it, heavier and
heavier clouds stole over the de-
voted daughter, and her weariness
— or perhaps the fact that her life
by this time was cheered by female
friends to whom she could utter
her heart more freely — forces her
into speech. " After all, a wretched
life is mine," she cries in her de-
spair. " Health is gone ; and if I
can but last while my dear father
requires me — if the little money we
have can but last — then it would
matter little how soon I too were re-
leased. ... My life is only valuable,
as being useful to him." And then
come heartrending letters to the
faithful friend, Mr Harness, who
lived to plan and partially edit
these volumes, but who is dead
since their publication. He was
her trustee, and held in his hands
the last remnant of her mother's
fortune, and not very long before it
had been necessary for her to write
him a sharp, brief note, strangely
concentrated in its pain and shame,
begging him to receive no applica-
tions for any part of this money
except such as came from herself.
But when the last stage of this long
struggle comes, the poor soul, who
can see no future beyond her father's
death, and cares for no provision,
nor anticipates any want of one
1870.]
Miss Austen and Miss Mil ford.
311
after that event, changes her tone ;
and she writes to him as follows,
with a piteous pleading and re-
morseful self-accusation which goes
to the reader's heart : —
"I have to entreat of you that you
will suffer so much money as may be
necessary to pay our debts to be taken
from that in Mr Blandy's hands— say
the two hundred pounds lately paid in.
The necessity for this has arisen, partly
from the infamous conduct of Messrs
Finden, but chiefly from my dear
father's state of health and spirits,
which has made me little better than a
nurse ; and lastly, from my own want
of strength, which has prevented my
exerting myself as I ought to have
done to remedy these disappointments.
Nobody, to see me, would believe the
wretched state of my health. Could
you know all I have to undergo and
suffer, you woidd rather wonder that I
am alive, than that (joined to all I have
to do with my dear father — reading to
him, waiting upon him, playing at
cribbage with him, and bearing, alone,
the depression of a man once so strong
and so active, and now so feeble) —
you would rather wonder that I have
lived through this winter, than that I
have failed to provide the means of
support for our little household.
"I am, however, rather better now,
and feel that, if relieved from this debt,
which weighs me down, I shall (as I
have told my dear father that I must)
rather seem to neglect him in the minor
points of reading to him, &c., than
again fail in working at my desk. Be
assured that if you allow me to go to
my writing with a clear mind, I shall
not again be found wanting. It has
been all my fault now, and if that fault
be visited upon my father's white head,
and he be sent to jail for my omissions,
I should certainly not long remain to
grieve over my sin, for such it is. It is
a great trial, for my father has never,
for the last four years, been two months
without some attack of immediate dan-
ger, and the nursing and attending him
are in themselves almost more than can
be done by a person whose own state of
health involves constant attention, and
leaves her well-nigh exhausted and un-
nerved in mind and body. But I see
now that a portion of the more fatiguing
part of this attendance (say the reading
aloud) must be relinquished, and, how-
ever grievous, it shall be so, for the more
stringent duty of earning our daily
bread. I will do this, and you, I am
sure, will enable me to go with a free
mind to my task. I am sure that you
will do so. It would be a most false
and mistaken friendship for me which
should induce you to hesitate, for my
very heart would be broken if aught
should befall his grey hairs. . . .
" My dear father has, years ago, been
improvident ; he still is irritable and
difficult to live with ; but he is a per-
son of a thousand virtues — honest, faith-
ful, just, and true, and kind. There
are very, very few half so 'good in this
mixed world. It is my fault that this
money is needed— entirely my fault ;
and, if it be withheld, I am well assured
of the consequences to both : law pro-
ceedings will be commenced ; my dear
father will be overthrown mind and
body, and I shall never know another
happy hour. 1 feel after this that you
will not refuse me the kindness that I
ask. "
This letter, dated in July 1841,
was followed in about six months
by another in a similar strain : —
"I sit down with inexpressible re-
luctance to write to you, my ever dear
and kind friend, because I well know
that you will blame me for the occa-
sion ; but it must be said, and I can
only entreat your indulgence and your
sympathy. My poor father has passed
this winter in a miserable state of
health and spirits. His eyesight fails
him now so completely that he cannot
even read the leading articles in the
newspapers. Accordingly, I have not
only every day gone through the daily
paper, debates and all, which forms a
sort of necessity to one who has so long
taken an interest in everything that
passes, but, after that, I have read to
him from dark till bedtime, and then
have often (generally) sat at his bedside
almost till morning, sometimes reading,
sometimes answering letters as he slept,
expecting the terrible attacks of cramp,
three or four of a night, during which
he gets out of bed to walk the room, un-
able to get in again without my assist-
ance. I have been left no time for
composition — neither time nor heart
— so that we have spent money without
earning any.
" What I have to ask of you, then, is
to authorise Mr Blandy to withdraw
sufficient money to set us clear with the
world, with a few pounds to start with,
and then I must prefer the greater duty
to the less. I must so far neglect my
dear father as to gain time for writing
what may support us. The season is
312
Miss Austen and Miss Mitford.
[March
coming on when lie will be able to sit
in the garden, and perhaps to see a few
friends of an afternoon, and then this
incessant reading will be less necessary
to him. At all events, the thing must
be done, and shall. It was a great
weakness in me, a self-indulgence, not
to do so before, for the fault is entirely
mine. I believe, when these debts are
paid, his own spirits will lose that terri-
ble depression, broken only by excessive
irritability, which has rendered this
winter a scene of misery to himself
and a trial to me.
" Do not fancy, my dear friend, that
I cast the slightest blame on my dear
father. The dejection and the violence
belong to disease fully as much as any
other symptom. If anybody be to
blame, I am the person, for not having
taken care that he should have no an-
xiety— nothing but age and infirmity —
to bear. God forgive me for my want
of energy ! for suffering myself to be
wholly engrossed by the easier duty of
reading to him ! I will not do so again.
Once a-week he goes into Reading to
the bench, and tften he rallies, and no-
body seeing him then could imagine
what the trial is at home ; and with
nobody but myself, it has been some
excuse for getting through the day and
the night as best I could; but it shall
be so no longer.
"Heaven bless you! do not refuse
me this most urgent prayer, and do not
think worse of me than you can help. "
When the life of this man, who
for so many years has been the
tyrant and intolerable burden of
his daughter's existence, comes to
an end, the reader is disposed to
turn away impatiently from her
sorrow, and to feel a certain im-
pulse of contradiction when among
her tears she assures her friends
that he must be happy, and that
never man had more humble reason
to anticipate heaven. If a man
may be so selfish, so cruel, so de-
void of natural justice or compas-
sion, and yet be sure of adoring
love all his life and heaven at the
end, what meaning is there in
the distinction between right and
wrong 1 we ask ourselves. To Mr
Harness, at least, there must have
been a fierce and fine satisfaction
in thus at last revealing to the
world what manner of man he
really was whom Mary Mitford
made an idol of, and of whom she
has left so many fond pictures that
we, deceived, might have admired
him too. When he was gone she
was very sad, as may be supposed :
but gradually recovered out of her
sadness and took comfort in her
friends, and found at last, after the
long struggles of life, a peaceful
evening, no longer worn with over-
work, or filled with petty anxieties.
The book called 'Recollections of
a Literary Life,' which is not, so
to speak, a book at all, but only a
collection of her favourite scraps
of poetry, from Percy's ballads
down to sundry contemporary
poets whom few people, we dare-
say, ever heard of, was put to-
gether in this time of rest. The
book is a kind of an imposition to
be given to the world under such a
title, it must be allowed, but it is
full of the most tender, charming
little bits of autobiography and a
certain serene sabbatical calm.
She tells us how she goes out
" almost daily " to " the charming
green lane — the grassy, turfy,
shady lane of which I have before
made mention," attended by her lit-
tle dog Fanchon, and her favourite
little maid, with her books and writ-
ing-case. There, on " a certain green
hillock, under down-hanging elms,
. . . where we have partly found,
partly scraped out for ourselves, a
turfy seat and turfy table redolent
of wild thyme, and a thousand
fairy flowers, delicious in its cool-
ness, its fragrance, and its repose,"
the genial, tender old woman plac-
ed herself, undisturbed, as it was
meet she should be, by any care
or trouble, taking the full enjoy-
ment of the country so dear to her,
and of the summer skies and sum-
mer air, and all the greenness that
she loved ; with her favourite
poets by her side, and the pen
which she had no longer any need
to ply as a drudge, and which she
loved too, dearly, when she ceased
to be its vassal. This last pic-
ture, drawn by her own hand, is
1870.]
Miss Austen and Miss Mitford.
313
the most pleasant conclusion that
could be put to the much-troubled,
much-toiling life. New ties she
was too old to form, and there was
no child to love her as she had
loved ; but yet in a serene quiet, as
of the evening, glad of the ease, and
the stillness, and the dews ; glad
too, perhaps, that all was so near
over, and night at hand, and sleep
— the weary soul rests and muses
and smiles upon the world which
has not given her much, and yet is
full of friends to her. After some
fifteen years of this soft, cheerful
solitude, she died, sixty-six years
old, without further pang or grief,
with kind people about her, and
servants who loved her ; but with
everything that had been her very
own gone before her into the other
world.
We do not attempt to make any
comparison between these two
lives, nor are the two minds to be
compared. Miss Austen was by
much the greater artist, but the
sweetness of the atmosphere about
her humble contemporary was far
above anything possible to the
great novelist. In presence of the
one we admire and wonder, watch-
ing the perfect work that by means
so insignificant grows under her
hands ; while with the other we do
little more than breathe the fresh
air and the flowers, and identify
one little spot of actual soil not
created, but described. Yet the
two figures thus accidentally placed
together — unlike in mind and in
fortune, yet so like in some points
of fact — cast a certain light upon
each other, standing up each under
" the little span of sky and little
lot of stars " that belongs to her by
nature ; women false to no instinct
of womankind, as modest, as
gentle, as little obtrusive as the
humblest housewife. Let us hope
that their portraits thus simul-
taneously reproduced may do
something towards restoring the
ancient standard which journalists
tell us is so much altered in these
days ; or may at least show that the
possibility of work for women is
not a thing of to-day, but had been
found, and well done, with little
fuss but tolerable success, before
any of the present agitators of that
much-discussed subject were born
to throw light upon an ignorant
world.
314
The Antagonism of Race and Colour ; or.
[March
THE ANTAGONISM OF RACE AND COLOUR; OR, WHITE, BED, BLACK,
AND YELLOW IN AMERICA.
IN our old and thickly-populated
Europe, the several nationalities
that possess the soil among them,
whether they be called Goths or
Latins, Celts or Saxons, Scandina-
vians or Tartars, Greeks or Turks,
or an amalgamation, more or less
complete, of some or all of them,
form in reality but a portion of
that great race, of Asiatic origin,
which it is now the fashion to call
the Caucasian. Among these na-
tionalities the antipathy of race
can scarcely be said to exist ; and
whatever jealousy or prejudice of
country may still be found among
them, arises from political and reli-
gious rather than from ethnological
causes. Some vulgar English may
entertain a prejudice against the
Irish, just as many vulgar and un-
reasonable Irish entertain a hatred
of the " Sassenach." A similar pre-
judice once existed against Scots-
men, that first grew up in the reign
of James I., and was fostered up to
the time of George III. by such
one-sided writers as Dr Samuel
Johnson and others, and was aided
more or less by the traditions of the
stage. It also existed to a much
greater degree against Dutchmen,
whom it was the custom to call a na-
tion of rogues, and against French-
men, whom in the middle of the last
century it was sometimes held to be
the duty of a true Englishman to
hate, for the not very satisfactory
reason put by Goldsmith into the
mouth of the old soldier of Marl-
borough, " that they were all slaves,
and wore wooden shoes." But the
real antipathy or antagonism of
race — whatever the feeling or the
instinct may be called, which, with
occasional exceptions on the part
of individuals, forbids and prevents
the union of the sexes — is almost
wholly a matter of colour. The
white or Caucasian race, more espe-
cially the Anglo-Saxon branch of
it, does not freely, or even com-
monly, intermarry with the red-
skinned aborigines of America ;
with the black-skinned Negroes,
Caffres, or Hottentots of Africa ;
or with the yellow-skinned Chinese,
Japanese, or Malays. The same
antipathy or antagonism exists
among the races that are not white.
Neither the Chinese nor the Ked
Indians will seek their mates
among the Negroes ; and the Ne-
groes themselves, though they look
up to the whites for protection,
and are not averse to marriage
with them, have neither respect
nor love for the red skins or the
yellow. In Europe we see so little
of people who are not of the pure
Caucasian blood, that when persons
of the red, the black, or the yellow
races come among us, we look upon
them with curiosity rather than re-
pugnance, and hold out to them,
when either commerce or courtesy
requires, the right hand of good-
fellowship. But when the man of
white skin goes forth to remote re-
gions, to subdue and form settle-
ments, as in America, Australia,
South Africa, and New Zealand,
he goes as a superior being, assumes
possession by the right, if not by
the divinity, of his colour, and will
listen to no terms on the part of
the original possessors of the soil
but absolute submission to his sov-
ereign will. If they submit, they
may live. If they prove trouble-
some, they must be subdued. If
they put themselves into a state of
permanent rebellion, they must be
exterminated. This seems to be
the law, above all other law, which
the Caucasian race has imposed
upon itself ; a law which has been
somewhat relaxed in the case of the
French and Spaniards, who were
once the principal colonisers of the
New World, but which has never
been seriously relaxed by the An-
1870.]
White, Red, Black, and Yelloiv in America.
315
glo - Saxons, the Anglo - Celts, and
their Teutonic cousins — who now
between them form the great all-
conquering, all-pervading race, that
replenishes the waste places of the
globe, and clears the way before it
by the dispossession and subjection
of the natives.
It is in the United States of
America, where many problems, or
what were once thought problems,
of religion, politics, and the art of
government, are either solved or
will become solvable by the pro-
gress of time, that this question of
the predominance of race assumes
its largest proportion, and works
itself out in the most remarkable
manner. The British and the Ame-
ricans are alike in this respect. It
is in the blood, the bone, the flesh,
and whole spirit of the people ; one
in this respect, though politically
two. Wherever they go, they must
be kings and lords over all men
who have skins of a different colour
from their own. When, as in the
case of the Asiatic peoples, of an
old civilisation, that already pos-
sess the soil and are too numerous
to be dispossessed, this haughty
people only establishes itself to
trade, and not to colonise — it must
govern, as the native kings, princes,
rajahs, and rulers of India were not
long in discovering ; and as the
Chinese and the Japanese, with a
not unnatural jealousy, have been
and still are somewhat apprehen-
sive of discovering also. And what
the British have done with the
dark-skinned peoples of the East,
we may be quite sure the Americans
would have done if they had had
the opportunity.
In landing upon the Atlantic
shores of the North American con-
tinent, the Anglo-Saxon and Anglo-
Celtic emigrants — we use both
terms, for the British people, in the
proper acceptation of the phrase,
are quite as much Celtic as Saxon,
if they are not, as Messrs Pike and
Nicholas, and other writers, have en-
deavoured to prove, even more Cel-
tic than Saxon or Anglo-Saxon —
found themselves face to face with
native tribes of a character, disposi-
tion, and race, very different from
their own. The aborigines were
inferior in all respects to the new-
comers, though the new-comers did
not arrive at the conclusion that
they were so by any species of
reasoning, inductive or other, but
leaped to it without reasoning at
all, having no more doubt of the
fact than they had of the inferiority
of the dog, the horse, the ox, or
other animal created for their use.
The aborigines, however, did not
reciprocate the conviction ; and hav-
ing those nine points of the law
which are included in actual pos-
session, and all the instincts of
humanity, on their side, treated the
interlopers as dangerous visitors,
who were either to be driven back
into the ocean, or smitten, hip and
thigh, in fierce and relentless war-
fare.' Had the Red Indians been
a docile and submissive people,
who would have gently bowed their
necks to the yoke, adopted the
manners and speech of their con-
querors, consented to be their hewers
of wood and drawers of water — in
fact, their agricultural or domestic
slaves — there was no such antipathy
of blood on the part of the invad-
ing Caucasians as would have led
the superior race to constant war-
fare with the inferior. But the in-
ferior people were as proud and
haughty as the superior, and the
consequence was war, daily, yearly,
perpetually — war that could only
be ended by the unqualified sub-
mission of the weaker party. This
war has lasted for upwards of three
centuries, and is not yet concluded.
The unsubmissive red man has been
treated for all that time by his next
neighbours as if he were a wolf, to
be shot down, hunted down, extir-
pated ; though if, like the more
docile man with a black epidermis,
he would have consented to be
made a slave, he would have been
affectionately cared for. He has
been driven by degrees from the
sea-board of the New England
316
The Antagonism of Race and Colour ; or,
[Marcli
States, out of New York, out of Penn-
sylvania, out of the South, far away
into the Great West, first beyond the
Ohio river, where he made desper-
ate fight within the memory of liv-
ing men, who in their youth never
retired to rest without danger to
their scalps, and those of their wives
and children. From the western
bank of the Ohio they have been
driven, with constantly diminish-
ing numbers, towards the slopes of
the Rocky Mountains. In vain the
Federal Government exercised its
authority to protect them. The
arm of the law was weak, and the
passions of the frontier men were
strong. And on their part the In-
dians were stealthy, aggressive, and
treacherous. Tardy measures, in-
augurated by a distant Govern-
ment, were of no avail in emergency,
and many a savage fight between
the two races was fought out, to the
extermination of the weaker, be-
fore the Central Government was
made formally aware that difficult-
ies had arisen. The Indians did not
wage honourable war. They were
burglars and murderers rather than
soldiers and patriots, and when
caught red-handed were slain, not
only without the slightest compunc-
tion, but very often with the most
savage satisfaction. Philanthropists
inveighed without avail against the
proceedings of the settlers. Public
opinion, more especially on the in-
fested frontiers, was clearly against
mercy ; and public writers, living in
more settled and peaceable districts,
whence the Indians had long since
disappeared, were of opinion that
interference by the central power
was both unwise and useless, and
that the matter should be left en-
tirely in the hands of those who
most severely felt the hardship and
the danger of Indian contiguity. It
was boldly asserted by Mr Parton
in his ' Life of President Jackson,'
who was chief magistrate from 1824
to 1832, "that the white settler of the
frontiers could not by any possibil-
ity live in peace with th e Indians, and
that the intense antipathy which was
excited in the mind of the white
man, by living in proximity to the red
man, was sure to degenerate into
rancorous hostility. The white
settler did not long continue to
believe that an Indian had rights
which the white man was bound to
respect.3' A letter, which went the
round of the American press, dated
September 1859,from San Francisco,
declared emphatically that * ' the Fed-
eral Government committed a great
mistake at that time in not ordering
a large military force to California,
with orders to hunt and shoot down
all the Indians from the Colorado to
the Klamath ! This," says the
writer, " would have been tlie cheap-
est method of managing the Indian
affairs of California, and perhaps
the most humane ! A weak senti-
mentalism may be horrified that
civilised men should slaughter
Indians as they would slaughter
wolves ; but the strong - hearted
clear-headed philanthropist will say
that a general slaughter, for the
clearly - expressed purpose of get-
ting the friendless red men out of
the way, is preferable to the sys-
tem of slow heart-breakage and
long-drawn torments now prac-
tised. It is a settled fact that every
wild Indian in the State must die ;
and the question is, whether it were
better that he should be shot at
once, or tortured through half-a-
dozen years by ruin, disease, be-
reavement of all relatives and
friends, and then finally shot be-
cause he has committed some ' out-
rage.' If I were the Indians, I
should prefer being shot at once.
I should enter a strong protest
against this violation of all my
natural rights by wicked, rude, un-
controlled white men — they being
secure from punishment, and I
hopeless of redress. It is supposed
that ten years ago there were sixty
thousand Indians in the State ; to-
day there are not ten thousand."
Such language as this, atrocious
as it must appear in England and
Scotland, where we are not troubled
with Red Indians, is by no means
1870.]
White, Red, Black, and Yellow in America.
317
exceptional, but nearly universal,
at the present time, in all parts of
the United States where the red
man and the white man come to-
gether. Statesmen have not held
this language — members of Con-
gress have refrained from giving
it utterance — it has never found
its way into State papers, or been
openly avowed, — but it has, never-
theless, been the common thought
and expression of all white men of
the Anglo-Saxon race ever since the
discovery and colonisation of Amer-
ica, except among a small minority
of Quakers and philanthropists. The
great William Penn and the mem-
bers of his amiable sect, from his
day to ours, have always advocated
a policy of peace with, and of jus-
tice towards, the Indians ; but their
humane policy has never prevailed so
far as to influence the actions of the
Federal Government and its agents
on the frontier — partly on account
of the savage atrocities committed,
often without provocation, upon
the families of the border settlers ;
oartly on account of the natural
incompatibility of good neighbour-
ship between a people exclusively
addicted to the chase, and needing
^heir aboriginal forests and large
territories for their subsistence,
and a people devoted to commerce
and agriculture, and living together
in towns and villages ; and partly
on account of the political necessity,
real or supposed, that twists all
laws, divine and human, to its own
purposes, that led the central Gov-
ernment to look leniently upon the
^arp practices or the gross injus-
tice of the border whites, when
with rum or brandy they enticed,
or with bullets and swords they
drove, the poor red men to de-
struction. Of course no civilised
Government, such as that of the
United States has ever been, or as
that of the British colonies was
before the outbreak of the War
of Independence, ever avowed a
I'olicy of extermination, or openly
acted upon it. On the contrary,
the semblance of good faith and
VOL. CVII.— NO. DCLIIl.
amity was always maintained in
the political relationship of the
white race towards the red. When
the British colonists to New Eng-
land that departed in the May-
flower, and those under Lord Balti-
more, General Oglethorpe, and
others, peopled the regions farther
south, and took possession of the
soil that belonged to the aborigines,
they found the different tribes of
Indians in possession of different
portions of the country as common
hunting-ground belonging to the
tribe, clan, or nation. Individual
property in the soil was unknown,
as it always is among savages. The
British settlers, therefore, could not
acquire legitimate individual rights
from the Indians, because the In-
dians, as individuals, possessed no
such rights themselves. To prevent
frauds, and to legalise individual
titles after the European fashion,
the British Government, at a very
early date, prohibited all its sub-
jects from purchasing land from the
Indians, and entered into a treaty
with the chiefs of the native tribes,
by which the latter bound them-
selves, when they wished to sell
their hunting-grounds, to give the
right of pre-emption to the British
Crown. Thus it became an estab-
lished principle that the Indians
had only a right of collective pos-
session in their own lands ; that
they could not sell any portion of
them as private property to any in-
dividuals whatever ; and that the
Government alone had the privi-
lege of purchasing their right of
possession, and of converting the
tenure of the lands into fee-simple.
After the Revolution, and the De-
claration of Independence, the Go-
vernment of the United States
claimed this right, as one of in-
heritance from the British Crown ;
and their whole transactions with
the Indians have been founded on
it since that event. Formerly, an
Indian reserve meant a certain tract
of land left in possession of an In-
dian tribe, on which no white man
was allowed to settle. Not only
z
318
The Antagonism of Race and Colour; or,
[March
did the American Government pro-
hibit the Indians from selling these
reserves in the first colonised States
of the seaboard to individuals,
but it would not permit them even
to divide their farms or lots among
themselves, and convert them into
freeholds. They were either to
possess them in common, or give
them up and remove to the west.
Furthermore, it refused to allow
the rights of American citizenship
to an Indian, under any circum-
stances. Some of these stringent
acts of injustice, as they must be
called, were afterwards either abro-
gated altogether, or modified by
consent and usage, in the several
States that formed the original
thirteen that successfully rebelled
against Great Britain ; for which
abrogation there was the sufficient
reason that the Indians, who thus
remained in the heart of a country
that every day became more and
more populous with the dominant
race, were too few in number to
render it worth while to act excep-
tionally towards them. It became
the policy of the Federal Govern-
ment to encourage the removal of
the Indians to the west, first of
all to the prairies, and the central
regions that border on the cis-
Atlantic slopes of the Kocky Moun-
tains. It was a long time before
the Indians were finally expelled
from the rich and prosperous lands
of the original States, now teem-
ing with population, wealth, and
luxury; and the long" history of
every one of those States con-
tains many a bloody page, re-
counting the fierce struggles of
the Indians to be revenged upon
the whites who were dispossessing
them of their hunting-grounds, and
of the equally fierce struggles of
the whites to settle accounts with
the savages by the short and easy
method of extermination. The Sem-
inole war, carried on by a famous
Indian, known to the journalism of
the time, and to history now, as
Billy Bowlegs, taxed the patience
and the strategy of the American
Government for nearly twenty
years, within living memory ; and
General Sherman — without the pri-
or aid of whose masterly soldier-
ship and unprecedented daring and
success in his famous flank-march
through Georgia, General Grant,
the actual President of the United
States, would never have been able
to strike the final blow against the
Southern confederacy — has been
busily engaged in keeping the peace
of the far-western confines of civil-
isation against the marauding and
murderous Indians of the prairies.
General Grant, in his recently de-
livered message to Congress, aware
from early professional experience
as a soldier, and from later experi-
ence as a statesman, of the length,
the cost, and the cruelty of Indian
wars, expressed his anxiety to in-
augurate a better system, or rather
to extend the old system of treat-
ing the Indians, by placing them
in reserves. He says : —
"The Quakers are well known as
having lived in peace with Indians
while the people of other sects have
been engaged in quarrels with them :
they oppose war, and deal fairly. The
President has consequently given them
the management of a few reservations,
with most satisfactory results. Gene-
ral Grant holds that any system look-
ing to the extinction of the Indian race
is too horrible to be considered. He
sees no substitute except in placing all
Indians on large reservations as rapidly
as possible, and giving them absolute
protection there ; and adds that as soon
as they should be fitted for it, they
should be induced to take these lands
severally, and set up territorial govern-
ments for themselves. "
The attempt is well meant, and the
United States have sufficient terri-
tory in a state of wilderness to have
enough and to spare to allow the
poor Indian to try the experiment
whether he can be permanently
weaned from the habits of the
savage, and taught to live as a
Christian, and a civilised citizen
of a free state. The result of the
contest is one of time, and may
not be reached in our day and
1870.]
White, Red, Black, and Yellow in A merica.
319
generation, but it needs no great
amount of political forethought to
predict that it can be no other
than the extermination of the In-
dians, or their submission and re-
moval to the Indian reserves, which
have been and are to be set apart
for the tribes by the Federal
Government. The existing reserve,
bounded on the south by Texas, on
the north by Kansas, on the east
by Arkansas, and on the west by
the yet unsettled or very sparsely
peopled territory of New Mexico, is
a country almost as large as Great
Britain, and vastly more fertile.
When the last decennial census of
the United States was taken in 1860,
the total Indian population living
in peace within its own limits, and
unmolested by the whites, was but
65,680, orscarcely one-fifth of the po-
pulation of the single city of Boston
in Massachusetts. The total num-
ber of Indians in other States and
territories of the Union was 228,750
— in all, but 294,431 ; a number so
small as to be less than the popula-
tion of the city of Brooklyn, which
is a mere suburb of the great city of
New York. A few Indians still
linger in the remoter parts of the
older States — so few as to be harm-
less by their numbers, and to be no
more in the way of the agricultural
population than the gipsies are in
England — gipsies, whom they very
much resemble in personal appear-
ance, in predatory habits, and in
the pretence of fortune-telling. In
the state of New York there were
in 1860, 140 of them; in Georgia,
38; in Ohio, 30; and in Massa-
chusetts, 32. The census was taken
prior to the great civil war, and
the consequent abolition of slavery,
and elicited the somewhat singu-
lar fact in connection with the
Indians in the reserved territory
west of Arkansas, that they had
learned to imitate their white
neighbours in the Southern States,
and, like them, assumed a supe-
riority of race, by holding negroes
in slavery. From the tabulated
statement presented to Congress, it
appeared that the Choctaw nation
in the Indian reserve held among
them no less than 2297 negro slaves,
distributed among 385 owners;
the Cherokee nation, 2504, owned
by 384 masters; the Creeks, 1661,
owned by 267; and the Chickasaws,
9 1 7, owned by 1 1 8. The ten largest
Cherokee slave - owners possessed
each about 64 negroes, male and
female; but the largest proprietor
was a Choctaw, possessing 227. Ac-
cording to Mr Kennedy's Prelim-
inary Report on the Census, these
tribes " presented an advanced state
of civilisation, and some of them
had attained to a condition of
wealth, comfort, and refinement."
They formed, however, but a small
proportion of the Indian tribes
within the dominion of the United
States. The remainder, with the
few exceptions of the straggling
gipsy-like hordes that cling to the
older States, whence they are gra-
dually disappearing, exist in a
state of chronic warfare against
the white man, and against the
civilisation of which the white
man is alike the emblem and the
agent. They wage a losing bat-
tle. The farmstead continually
encroaches upon the wilderness.
The man who works encroaches
upon the man who hunts ; and the
man who hunts, after a fight more
or less vindictive and protracted,
succumbs to inevitable fate, and to
the right arm of the stronger and
the wiser, though, perhaps, by far
the more unscrupulous, of the two.
In the prose of an American orator,
that has all the rhythm and dignity
of poetry, the Red Man " slowly and
sadly climbs the western mountains,
and reads his doom in the depart-
ing sun." Yet even here, the last
hope of security in the hunting-
grounds fails them. They are not
only pursued to the Rocky Moun-
tains by the aggressive forces of over-
peopled New England and other
Atlantic States, but by the count-
less swarms of Irish, German, and
other immigrants from Europe ;
and if they cross the ridge, and
320
The Antagonism of Race and Colour; or,
[March
descend into the plains that slope
towards the Pacific, in California,
Oregon, and Columbia, they find
that the all-conquering white man
is there before them, and that they
have an enemy in front as fierce
and unrelenting as him they left
behind. Whatever hope there is
for the doomed people is in the
reserve appropriated to them by
the grant of the United States.
Thither, if they will go, they may
find rest and security; but not even
rest and security, if they will not,
like their brothers the Choctaws,
the Cherokees, and the Creeks,
consent to cultivate the soil and
apply themselves to the useful
arts. A nation of huntsmen cannot
long remain amid teeming nations
of farmers and manufacturers ;
and in the contests that arise
from their contact the wild hunts-
man disappears, and the land re-
mains to him who will patiently
plough it and reap its harvests.
This has been the course of
events in Australia, even more
rapidly than in America. This
also will be, unless all appear-
ances are deceptive, the course of
events in New Zealand, in South
Africa, and in every part of the
globe where the proud white man
finds himself in antagonism of in-
terest with men of any other
colour.
The antipathy — there never was
any real antagonism — between the
white man and the black in Ame-
rica was never so fierce as that
between the white and the red.
The black man was docile and use-
ful, and when he was first forcibly
deported into America from his
native Africa, he was brought as
the lawful spoil of the wars that
were incessantly raging among the
chiefs and petty kings of his own
people, and accepted the doom of
slavery with as much unconcern as
he would have imposed it had he
been the stronger party. It has
been the custom among Ameri-
cans, and more especially among
the bitter Puritans of the " nigger-
worshipping " party (the phrase is
native American, not English), to
lay all the fault of negro slavery
at the door of the British Govern-
ment, and to assert that if the
American colonists had originally
been left to themselves in this
matter, they never would have en-
slaved the negroes, or people of
any other colour. But this asser-
tion is idle and unfounded. Neither
the people of Great Britain nor of
the colonies, nor of France, nor of
Spain, nor any other civilised na-
tion existing at the time when the
overflow of the great European
swarm first settled upon the fertile
and apparently inexhaustible land
of the North and South American
continents, thought that slavery
was a sin, or anything else but
right, natural, and proper. The very
Puritans that landed in the May-
flower deemed slavery to be a divine
institution, and enslaved the women
and children of the Indians whom
they overthrew in battle, notwith-
standing a provision in the famous
Blue Laws of Connecticut, forbid-
ding either the holding or the sell-
ing of negro slaves. The Spaniards
first imported negro slaves into
America about the year 1503; and
by the year 1550, or thereabouts,
the importation had been so great
into the West India Islands that
the aboriginal Caribs had wellnigh
disappeared, and the cultivation of
the prolific soil was almost wholly
conducted by Africans and a few
white overseers. Negroes were
first imported into Virginia in IG19,
and into Massachusetts in 1646 —
the first slave-ship ever fitted out in
the British colonies having sailed
from Boston, in that State. But
the growth of the colonies in those
days of comparatively difficult and
uncertain intercourse was not rapid,
and no great number of slaves was
required to till the narrow slips
of country on the Atlantic coast,
which then formed what long con-
tinued to be called " The Planta-
tions." Up to so late a period in
the history of slavery as the year
1870.]
White, Red, Black > and Yellow in America.
321
1790 — when the United States had
long been in the enjoyment of their
well-won independence — the num-
ber of slaves in the Union, both
in the North and the South, only
amounted to 700,000. In the year
17 74, before their independence was
secured, the plucky little republic
of Rhode Island — the smallest in
area, but by no means the smallest
in public spirit arid intelligence, in
the United States — not only pro-
hibited the slave-trade with Africa,
but in the following year took the
initiative in emancipation, by enact-
ing that all children born there-
after of slave - mothers resident
within its limits should be free.
The contiguous republic of Massa-
chusetts abolished both slavery and
the slave-trade by her Bill of Rights
in 1780. In the same year, Penn-
sylvania, where the Quaker interest
was at the time paramount, did the
same. Connecticut prohibited the
slave-trade in 1784, and declared
that all children of slave-mothers
born within its territory after the
1st of March in that year should
be free. Virginia, though it did
not abolish slavery, prohibited the
slave-trade in 1778, and Maryland
in 1783. New Hampshire abolished
slavery in 1792 ; New York in
1783 ; and New Jersey, contiguous
to New York, only in 1820. It
was not until 1808 that the slave-
trade was finally abolished through-
out the whole Union, and slavery
itself left to live or die as the
several States interested in its con-
tinuance might determine. Great
credit has invariably been taken
to themselves by the New Eng-
land and other Northern States
which abolished slavery at this
comparatively early period, for
the magnanimous spirit and tru-
ly Christian charity which they
displayed in thus placing them-
selves, as it were, in the vanguard
of the world's progress. But the
credit is not altogether due.
Throughout all those regions the
white man can perform every kind
of agricultural labour, and are not
disabled, as at the south, by the ex-
treme heat of summer, or the mal-
aria of the swamp and jungle, and
the unwholesomeness of the low-
lying alluvial lands best fitted for
the cultivation of sugar, rice, and
cotton. Negro labour, too — and
more especially negro slave-labour
— it should be remembered, is the
most costly of all labour; and as
the white men in the cold northern
parts of the Union were quite cap-
able of field-work in all seasons,
and did it not only better but more
cheaply than the negro, whether he
were free or a slave, negro labour,
especially in agriculture, was grad-
ually dispensed with. And if the
labour of the free negro is costly
on account of the inefficiency of the
labour, that of the negro slave is
more costly still, inasmuch as the
slave-owner is burdened with his
subsistence during the non-labour-
ing ages of his life — from birth to
adolescence, and during the years
of his decay and decrepitude, at
whatever age these calamities may
come upon him, until his final death
and burial. The New-Englanders,
New-Yorkers, Pennsylvanians, and
others in similar circumstances of
climate and production, were not
long in discovering that white la-
bour was best, and that negro slavery
did not pay. When fully aware of
the fact, they set themselves right
with nature and with political and
social economy. Many influential
people in the legislatures of those
States, or who, not being legislators,
had influence enough to ascertain
what was coming, took advantage
of the priority of intelligence to
deport their able-bodied slaves to
the South before the acts of eman-
cipation were passed ; so that when
emancipation was publicly decreed,
there were few negroes left behind
to be emancipated except the aged
and the infirm.
In the Northern States, after
emancipation, and up to the time
of the great civil war, the negroes
and coloured people had but a hard
time of it. They were men and
322
The Antagonism of Race and Colour; or,
[March
women, it is true, and not chattels.
They could not be bought and sold,
but they could be denied political
rights and social equality, and they
could be trodden down into the
condition of Pariahs. In some of
the Northern States they could not
serve as jurymen — in none were
they eligible to any State office of
trust and emolument ; and if in
some, such as Massachusetts, they
were allowed the privilege of a vote,
the privilege was encumbered by
the qualification of a certain amount
of property, and of contribution to
the public burdens, not exacted from
the whites. They were not allowed
to appear in the theatres, in the
churches, in the street omnibuses
and cars, or to associate on terms
of equality with the dominant
race. If the coloured people ac-
cepted the conditions, they were not
only not molested, but were patron-
ised and encouraged in the pur-
suits to which they betook them-
selves for subsistence. But if they
asserted their social equality (their
legal equality was totally out of
the question), public opinion came
down upon them with relentless
force, and taught them, by the judg-
ment of Mr Justice Lynch, that
rough-and-ready chief magistrate
of the streets and the gutters, to
know their proper place, and not
presume either to laugh, to pray,
to eat or to drink, in the presence
of their white superiors. Even the
half-breeds or mulattoes were trod-
den into the same social inferiority
as the full-blooded negroes. A
short time before the civil war, a
coloured but not very black clergy-
man, who had taken the degree of
Doctor of Divinity at the University
of Heidelberg — in default of the
possibility of acquiring a diploma
from any university of America —
who had preached in London, and
been hospitably entertained by the
Exeter Hall section of the British
aristocracy, — was forcibly ejected
in New York from a street car,
which he had entered on his return
from Europe. This gentleman (the
Kev. Dr Pendleton) was only half
a negro, being the son of a white
father ; and was, moreover, a
shareholder to the extent of ten
thousand dollars (£2000) in the
company by whose cars he thought
himself entitled to travel — in right
of his pocket if not of his skin —
but he had to submit to expulsion
with what grace he might, and try
his remedy, if he had any, in a
court of law. A white man in
America may look with admiration
upon a comely black woman, and
other white men will wonder at the
depravity of his taste, and think no
further of the matter ; but if a
black man, the civil war and its
results notwithstanding, dare so
much as to ogle a white girl, he
does it at the risk of his life if
there are white spectators of his
offence, or if the aggrieved girl
take her relations or friends of her
own colour into her confidence to
avenge the insult. The white man
who commits a rape is tried in due
form before the court ; but the
black who commits the same crime,
if his victim be a white woman,
undergoes no trial, but is hung at
the nearest lamp-post by the sen-
tence of the mob. In the Western
States, when white women are so
treasonable to their colour as to
marry black men, however respect-
able or wealthy their husbands
may be, the ban and the anathema
of the white race are upon them —
happy if they escape insult as they
pass along the streets, and most
commonly hooted out of society,
and expelled from the city or the
State which they are thought to
have contaminated.
In the Northern States the ne-
groes have not only had to struggle
against the hardships of the so-
cial inferiority imposed upon them,
but against a climate which is
not favourable to the health and
fecundity of their race. During
the seventy years from 1790 to
1860, the number of free coloured
people in all the States, North
and South, rose from 59,466 to
1870.]
White, Red, Black, and Yellow in America.
323
432,123, partly by natural increase,
and partly by the emancipation of
the slaves in the North and West.
In later years, and until the re-
sults of the civil war had set the
coloured people free, the increase
of the free negroes, not being
aided by emancipation, and only
by such chance fugitives as escaped
from the South, was exceedingly
slow, and in some States there was
either no increase or a positive
diminution, in consequence of the
deaths exceeding the births in
number. Upon this point Mr
Kennedy, in his Preliminary Re-
port on the Census of 1860, says : —
r "In the interval from 1850 to 1860,
the total free coloured population of the
United States increased from 434,449
to 488,005, or at the rate of 12.33 per
cent in ten years, showing an annual
increase of one per cent. This result
includes the number of slaves liberated
and those who have escaped from their
owners, together with the natural in-
crease. In the same decade the slave
population, omitting those of the In-
dian tribes west of Arkansas, increased
23. 39 per cent ; and the white popula-
tion 37.97 per cent, which rates exceed
that of the free coloured by twofold and
threefold or fourfold respectively. In-
versely, these comparisons imply an ex-
cessive mortality among the free col-
oured, which is particularly evident in
the large cities. Thus, in Boston, dur-
ing the five years ending with 1859, the
city registrar observes : ' The number of
coloured births was one less than the
number of marriages, and the deaths
exceeded the births in the proportion of
nearly two to one.' In Providence,
wh-:re a very correct registry has been
in operation, under the superintendence
of Dr Snow, the deaths are one in
twenty-four of the coloured ; and in
Philadelphia, during the last six months
of the census year, the new city regis-
tration gives 148 births against 306
deaths among the free coloured. Tak-
ing town and country together, how-
ever, the results are more favourable.
In the State registries of Rhode Island
and Connecticut, where the distinction
of colour has been specified, the yearly
deaths of the blacks and mulattoes have
generally, though not uniformly, ex-
ceeded the yearly births, — a high rate
of mortality, chiefly ascribed* to con-
sumption and other diseases of the re-
spiratory system."
In the South — where the climate
agreed with the negro constitution,
and where, as slaves, they were
well fed, even if severely worked —
the race increased very rapidly.
From the year 1810 — two years
after the foreign slave trade had
been abolished, and there were no
further importations from Africa
to the year 1860 — the negroes
in slavery had increased from
1,191,364 to 3,953,587, or to near-
ly four millions. In the South,
during all these years, there was
neither antipathy nor antagonism
between the white race and the
black. The negroes conceded their
social, their legal, and their human
inferiority, and there was not only
peace, but a certain amount of
friendship and regard between
them and their masters. But if
an individual negro asserted his
equality, war broke out immedi-
ately, and the weaker — as is the ne-
cessity of this physical world — went
to the wall. As regards the female
negroes and the aged of both sexes,
there was throughout the whole of
the Southern slaveholding States a
degree of affection exhibited by the
white towards the black such as
is seldom or never seen in white
households, where the servants are
of the same colour as their masters
and mistresses. The black nurse who
had attended upon young "master ;'
or young " missus " in infancy and
childhood, has commonly become
the absolute ruler of both young
master and young missus when
they had arrived at maturity, and
gave the law, like to that of the
Medes and Persians, in all matters
pertaining to their health and com-
fort when at home. The sway or
the tyranny was that of affection,
and its burden was light, and was
accepted, partly with a sense of
amusement, but in a far greater
degree with a sense of gratitude to
the kindly creatures whom not
even slavery itself could divest of
some of the noblest attributes of
humanity. How long the institu-
tion of slavery could have main-
324
The Antagonism of Race and Colour; or,
[March
tained itself, or been maintained,
by brute force in the United
States, if the civil war had not
intervened, and cut the Gordian
knot of a problem that seemed at
one time to defy all peaceable
solution, none can now tell ; though
there is great reason to believe that
the Southern States, if they had
been left to themselves to deal with
the slave question as the Northern
States had dealt with it, by their
own action, and at their own time,
would have inaugurated a system of
gradual emancipation, to take effect
before the slaves became too many,
and consequently too costly, to be
maintained on the old and extra-
vagant footing. So little did the
North and the Federal Govern-
ment under Mr Lincoln imagine
for many months after the out-
break of the civil war that it was
possible or desirable to emancipate
the slaves at one blow, that Mr
Lincoln in 18G2, when the war had
almost reached its utmost range,
and its most intense bitterness,
proposed for the adoption of Con-
gress a resolution amendatory of
the Constitution, with the object
of procuring the gradual and com-
pensated abolition of slavery on or
before the 1st of January 1900.
The progress of time and the for-
tune of war decided against the
consideration of Mr Lincoln's far-
sighted policy ; and when at last he
launched his " Bull," as he himself
called it, against slavery, and de-
creed, by the authority of the
United States, that all slaves with-'
in its States and territories should
thenceforth and for ever after be
free, he did this, not from motives
of philanthropy or Christianity, or
overpowering hatred of slavery as
an institution, other than an agres-
sive one, that threatened to invade
the North, but solely as a war
measure, and on the ground, often
taken in minor matters by meaner
persons, that all is fair in love and
war. The expectation was, that
the negroes would rise in insurrec-
tion against their masters as soon
as the glorious gift of freedom
was offered to them as the recom-
pense of their valour. But the
negroes did nothing of the kind.
They had neither the spirit nor the
wish to set themselves against their
masters, and had learned, from such
public opinion existent among the
whites as found utterance among
them, to dislike the Northerners,
or " the Yankees," quite as much
as their owners. During the war,
numbers of mulattoes, who had more
enterprise and intelligence than
their unmixed brothers of the pure
black race, acted as spies and as
guides to the Northern armies ;
but as such the full-blooded ne-
groes kept aloof, or if they ex-
pressed and felt any sympathy, it
was for their masters, whom they
considered to be wrongfully in-
vaded. Both parties to the quarrel
misunderstood the negro. The
North overvalued his assistance,
and the'South underrated it. But
the mistake made by the South
was the greatest of all. In the
pride of their white blood, the
Southern people scorned to owe
their independence to the hands of
their bondsmen, though there can
be little doubt that if they had
taken the negroes into their con-
fidence, and promised every black
soldier who joined the Confederate
army, and served faithfully to the
conclusion of the war, his freedom,
together with that of his wife and
family, they would have had an
efficient black army, that might
have been led to many a victory by
white generals, and numbered as
many fighting men as the North
secured among the Irish and the
Germans by the bribe of bounty-
money. But on this point the
Southern leaders were obstinate,
and their obstinacy was fatal — an
obstinacy all the more remarkable
in view of the undoubted fact that,
had the South proclaimed even the
partial emancipation of the negro
race, the sympathy of the anti-
slavery party in England and
France, that ran so strongly for
1870.]
White, Red, Black, and Yellow in America.
325
the Northern cause, would have
sensibly .diminished; and the last
great argument against the recog-
nition of the Confederacy as a con-
federacy of which slavery was the
corner-stone, would have ceased to
be of any weight in the councils of
civilisation.
The "freedmen" or the "coloured
citizens," as the former slaves in the
Southern States are sometimes call-
ed, have now for four years been
face to face with their old masters,
an d some of them — principally, how-
ever, among the mulattoes — have
been elected by universal suffrage
to political and other offices of
trust and emolument. Though
miny of these have expressed a
willingness to work for wages, it
still remains a question for the
future to decide on what terms the
two races of white and black will
consent to dwell together. The
negro is no longer a contented
man. He is a free citizen, it is
true — free to starve if he chooses,
and free also to assert and claim
a legal equality with the man
who formerly owned him. But
if he be free to assert his social
equality, he is not free to enforce
it ; for no laws that any legislature
can frame, or any judge decree, can
regulate the social intercourse of
society, or compel a white man to
associate on friendly terms with a
negro, or admit him to the hos-
pitalities of his table and his
family circle. And equality does
net now, and never did, exist at
the North, and will never be toler-
ated either at the North or the
South. There are already symp-
toms that the Southern negroes are
quite aware of the fact, and par-
tially, if not wholly, reconciled to
it, as one that exists in white hu-
man nature, and against which it is
useless, and might be suicidal, for
black human nature to rebel. They
see that their only chance of being
allowed to live in peace among the
whites lies in the subordination to
the race that deems itself superior,
and will manifest its superiority
socially if not legally. Hitherto
the Northern emissaries and func-
tionaries who have nocked into the
South on the chances of making
fortunes, bearing with them the car-
pet-bags containing their whole avail-
able property (hence their popular
name of "carpet-baggers"), have for
political purposes endeavoured, and
often successfully, to humble the
white man, and teach the black to
assume the airs of social equality.
The result has been anything but
favourable to the permanent amity
of the two races. But time, that
smooths away so many roughnesses,
will doubtless soften the hostility
of the carpet-baggers if they remain
in the South, and desire to associate
with people of their own colour.
They will become imbued, nolens vo-
lens, with the opinions of the society
around them — a society in which the
ladies, there as in all other civilised
portions of the earth, reign unchal-
lenged and supreme. The great
danger, however, that most besets
the negro race lies in those portions
of the South — and they are extensive
as well as productive — in which the
climate offers no obstacle to the
employment of white men in agri-
cultural labour. In those regions
white competition will ultimately
become too strong for them ; and
if the negroes are too numerous
to procure work or to be main-
tained as paupers at the expense of
the community, they will inevitably
be compelled to emigrate to more
favourable regions, or be reduced
to perish of famine and the dis-
eases which accompany it. Free-
dom as yet has proved but a poor
boon to the great bulk of the
negroes ; and Americans, both of
the North and the South, who have
devoted attention to the subject, are
of opinion that the census returns
of the decennial period from ISfiO to
1870 will show, so far as the whole
Union is concerned, a great diminu-
tion of the negro race as compared
with the previous period from 1850
to i860 — and in the South, more
particularly, a diminution of at least
326
The Antagonism of Race and Colour ; or,
[March
a million. Small-pox, overcrowding,
intemperance, and hopeless poverty
have been at work among them
since the pen of Mr Lincoln and
the fortunes of war made them mas-
ters of their own destiny ; and
child-murder, a crime utterly un-
known and without motive among
the mothers in the days of slavery,
has so greatly increased as to have
attracted the notice of the whole
Southern people.
The time seems to be coming
when the great and rich republic
of the United States will have to
bethink itself whether it has done
its whole duty by the black man
in giving him liberty and a vote ;
and whether the negroes, like the
Red Indians, might not advantage-
ously be set apart in reserves, to
govern themselves, under the pro-
tection of the Federal Government.
The sea-islands on the low alluvial
coasts of the Atlantic between Vir-
ginia and Florida, which yield the
finest long-staple cotton in the world,
but are wholly uninhabitable by the
white people during the summer
months, are particularly well ad-
apted for settlement and cultivation
by the negroes. The malaria that
is fatal to the Caucasian has no
effect upon the African ; and these
islands, if parcelled out in cotton
plantations among negro proprie-
tors, after compensation to present
owners unable to reside in them
except during the short winter,
might maintain a very large pro-
portion of the now aimless, desti-
tute, almost helpless freedmen, who
swarm in every great city between
Wa'shington and New Orleans.
Texas, a State as large as France —
with a population of somewhat less
than half a million by the census
of 1860, and that possibly will be
found to contain three-quarters of
a million by the census of 1870—
might be divided into three or
four States of the Union, of which
one might be set apart as a reserve,
on which the negroes, under the
most favourable auspices, might
prove to the world, if the fact be
possible, that they are as fairly
amenable to all the influences of
civilisation as the Caucasians. It
is evident that, as a labourer, the
free negro is not in much request
at the South, on the three grounds
that his labour is unskilful, uncer-
tain, and costly. Indolence — resig-
nation to the dolce far niente — con-
tentedness with a merely animal ex-
istence— thoughtlessness and heed-
lessness of the morrow, and all that
it may bring forth — and the want
of guidance and direction, are the
faults of the negro character ; and,
worse than all, they are faults so
deeply engrained as to appear all
but ineradicable. A race like this
is not well suited — leaving colour
out of the question — to the require-
ments of the United States. Ame-
rica, and all those portions of it
that are not possessed by the
Spaniards, and the mixed race of
Spaniards and Indians that encum-
ber Mexico and the beautiful re-
gions still farther south, is pre-
eminently the land of hard work.
No people, not even the British,
labour so hard as the Americans ;
and for the idle man — black, white,
red, or yellow — there is neither
room nor tolerance. The popular
saying, " Root, hog — or die ! "
tersely, if roughly, expresses the
American feeling, that he who will
not work cannot be allowed to live ;
and if the chronic laziness of the
negroes, unspurred to exertion by
the strong hand of authority that
formerly kept them in accord with
the civilisation around them, causes
their degeneration into hopeless
pauperism — the antagonism be-
tween the industrious whites and
the idle blacks will take a severer
form than it has ever yet assumed
in American history.*
* The religious negroes, and negroes pretending to be religious, but who are far
more pagan than either they or their Northern friends imagine, sometimes assume
a superiority to the white race. One of their hymns reaches us, as we write, from
1870.]
White, Red, Blade, and Yellow in America.
327
The short and as yet unfavourable
trial that has been made of the freed
negro as a labourer since the re-
turn of peace, has led the Southern
planters, or such of them as have not
been utterly ruined by the war, to
turn their attention to the importa-
tion of coolie-labour — a fact of itself
sufficient to show how precarious
and unsatisfactory is the position
of the African race, and to impress
upon the minds of the leading
statesmen of the Union the neces-
sity of looking at the negro ques-
tion fully and fairly. Liberty, no
doubt, is sweet, alike to the white
and the black ; but possibly the
poor blacks, if the worst comes to
the worst, and their numbers dwin-
dle and dwine upon the teeming
soil which they were once com-
pelled to cultivate, with rich plenty
as their reward, may come to the
conclusion that life itself is some-
thing even sweeter than liberty ;
and that the paternal government
which gave them the one boon,
ought at least to provide them
with the means of maintaining the
other. This problem, difficult as it
may be, ought not to prove insolu-
ble to a people with such immense
territorial resources as the United
States, and with such a character for
philanthropy to lose as the Federal
Government acquired by its aboli-
tion of slavery. The great impedi-
ment in the way, at least for the pre-
sent, lies in the political necessities
of the party that elected Mr Lincoln
to the chief magistracy — that car-
ried on the fratricidal war to its
bitter end — that placed General
Grant in Mr Lincoln's chair — and ,
that still aspires to rule the Union.
To this party the negro vote in the
Southern States is absolutely essen-
tial for the maintenance of its ma-
jority in the Federal Legislature;
and it will, therefore, not very wil-
lingly inaugurate or even support
a project for the deportation of so
many useful pawns on the political
chessboard to any single territory,
where their votes, instead of being
spread over eleven States, would be
concentred into one. But as the
problem, though a political one now,
may become a social one hereafter,
and as the negroes themselves may
possibly be induced to record their
votes for the opposing party, that
would give them bread rather than
a stone, it is not impossible that
the Government of the United
States may, at some future time,
be induced, by motives of humanity
and true statesmanship — higher
than party laws or necessity — to do
for the imported African and his
descendants what it has already
commenced to do for such poor rem-
nants of the aboriginal Americans
as have not been, in Yankee par-
lance, " improved off the face of
the earth " by the European races.
The great social want of the Unit-
ed States has always been, as it
still is, a supply of good domestic
servants. Under the system of
negro slavery, the Southern people
had the best servants in the world,
— servants who knew their work
and their position — who had no
South Carolina. The following stanzas will show what they think of themselves
quoad the next world : —
" We's be nearer to the Lard
Den de white folkes, and dey know it ;
See de glory-gate onbarred —
Walk in, darkeys, past de guard !
Bet yer a dollar He wont close it !
" Walk in, darkeys, troo de gate ;
Hark, de kullered angels holler :
Go 'way, white folkes, you're too late !
We's de winning kuller ! Wait
Till de trumpet blows to foller !
" Halleloojah ! tanks to praise !
Long enuff we've bonie our crosses ;
Now we's de sooperior race,
And, wid Gorramighty's grace,
We's going to hebben afore de bosses ! "
328
The Antagonism of Race and Colour; or,
[March
desire to ape the dress and behav-
iour of their masters and mistresses
— who were not liable to be dis-
charged from service for petty faults,
or on any ordinary provocation —
who lived in their masters' houses
all their lives, and reckoned them-
selves, as far as affection went, a
part, though a humble one, of the
family. In the Northern and
Western States no service of this
kind was to be had. The native-
born white American scorned do-
mestic service, and neither man
nor woman of that haughty breed
would enter into it, though they
would cheerfully undertake trade
service as assistants in farms, shops
or stores, or as mill-workers. Do-
mestic service was thus left mainly
to the free negroes and to the
immigrant Irish, neither of whom
had any scruples in earning an hon-
est penny by labour that an Ameri-
can born considered to be beneath
his dignity. But the service, whe-
ther negro or Irish, was not plea-
sant to the employer. The Irish
and the negroes would not work or
associate together, so that the mas-
ter, or " boss " — for the word mas-
ter was held to be offensive in the
free North by the free negroes as
well as by the Irish, and was never
employed— had to choose of which
colour he would compose his house-
hold attendants, and confine him-
self to it. There was but little dif-
ference between them. The Irish
were generally very ignorant, and
when they ceased to be ignorant
they mostly became impertinent,
and assumed airs of social equality
which the people they were paid to
wait upon could not brook. The
negroes, too, were far from docile,
and when smitten overmuch with
the laziness inherent in their char-
acters, could not be induced to work
by the commands or entreaties
which would have been imperative
or irresistible with the same class
of people at the South. The horrors
of housekeeping in. the great cities
became in consequence something
too great for delicate or fashionable
ladies to encounter, and married
people of moderate means were only
too happy to escape from the annoy-
ance and trouble by living in hotels
and boarding-houses, where the ser-
vants, black and Irish, were under
the control of people whose trade
and business in life it was to govern
and make the best of them. Of
late years, however, a new race has
introduced itself into America, to
the great advantage of every com-
munity in which it has established
itself — a race which promises to
supply domestic servants far defter
and more handy than the South-
ern slaves, and that gives itself
no airs of social or political equal-
ity to make its service repulsive.
The discovery of gold in Cali-
fornia first led the teeming popula-
tion of China to try their fortunes
as immigrants into the new land
of promise, and ever since that
time there has been a constant
and daily-increasing influx of this
people into the North American
continent. On the first arrival of
the yellow race in San Francisco,
the antagonism and antipathy of
the vulgar whites were furiously ex-
cited against them. They were sub-
jected to every kind of indignity
and insult. They were robbed, as-
saulted, and sometimes murdered ;
and if the murder were committed
without white witnesses, there was
no punishment for the murderer,
because the evidence of the yellow
men was not admissible in a court
of justice, and the murder re-
mained unproved for lack of com-
petent evidence. The poor China-
men, industrious, frugal, abstemi-
ous, ingenious, indefatigable, and
peaceable as they were, seemed to
excite the animosity of the lower
order of whites, firstly on account
of their colour, and secondly, per-
haps mainly, because they could
live and thrive where an Anglo-
Saxon or Celt would starve, and
because, as a consequence, their com-
petition tended to keep down the
1870.]
White, Red, Black, and Yellow in America.
329
rate of wages. The atrocities com-
mitted on this deserving people at
]ast became so serious and so scan-
dalous, that the upper order of in-
telligent white men resolved to
" abate the nuisance." They have
a way of doing such things in Ame-
rica which is apt to be very effec-
tive when fairly and earnestly en-
tered into; and the "Society for
the Protection of the Chinese Im-
migrants/' established in San Fran-
cisco, very speedily assumed such
proportions as convinced the roughs,
rowdies, and blackguards of Europe,
who had congregated in California,
that it would be their wisest pol-
icy to leave the Chinamen alone.
Street quarrels between the Asiat-
ics and the Europeans sometimes
occur even now, in which the
] rish are for the most part the ag-
gressors ; but the yellow men, with
the real and intelligent public opin-
ion of the place to back them, man-
age not only to hold their own,. but
to put their brutal assailants so
wholly in the wrong as to convince
them that the sooner they reconcile
themselves to the fact that the
Asiatics are welcome, and will be
supported by the law, the better for
their own security and comfort.
The yellow men, as labourers, are
in the majority in California, and
the disaffected Irish and low Eng-
lish in that State will have to suc-
cumb, as is the practice and the law
in a republic, where the minority
has to keep the subordinate place
until such time as, by legal means
and the progress of opinion, it can
grow into a majority.
An Irishman or an Englishman,
especially if he come direct from
Europe, has a long and a costly road
to travel before he can reach the
Golden City; whereas, for the Chin-
ese, the way is comparatively short,
and costs as little as a steerage pas-
page from Liverpool to New York.
There is every inducement for the
Chinaman to leave his over-crowd-
ed native country, and settle, tem-
porarily or permanently, in that
other flowery land which woos
him across the Pacific ; and there
is also every inducement for his
own countrymen, already settled
and prospering in America, to or-
ganise means for bringing him over
and paying his passage on the secu-
rity of his future earnings. Pay the
passage of a European to any part
of America on the like security, and
the probability is that the European
will disappear in the whirl and
vortex and be no more heard of, as
a debtor. But with the yellow
men the case is different. They
keep faith. Wherever they may go,
and into whatever districts they
may spread themselves in search
of bread and the modest fortune
that suffices them, they honour-
ably report themselves to the
agency that speculated upon them,
and never fail to pay back the
full amount, with interest, of the
expenses incurred to bring them
from the Chinese shores to those
of California. They have, too, the
immense advantage over the Irish
immigration, of being skilled la-
bourers. They can not only till
the soil, cut down the forest-trees,
and do hard porter's work, and the
work of navvies, but they can
perform the most delicate manip-
ulations of artificial work. They
are jewellers, tailors, shoemakers,
basketmakers, cabinetmakers, ma-
sons, gardeners, florists, vine-dress-
ers, cigar - makers, lucifer- match
makers, and first-rate getters-up of
fine linen, as well as the cleanliest,
most economical, and most skilful
of cooks and waiters. So highly
are they esteemed in every capacity
to which they please to devote
themselves, and so free are they
from the vices most disagreeable
in the Irish and the negroes, when
they act as domestic servants, that
a considerable demand has arisen
for their services in the western
and middle, as well as in the cities
of the Atlantic seaboard. Under
the new regime inaugurated by the
civil war, and as its only result,
330
The Antagonism of Race and Colour.
[March
except the union of the States — the
imperative law imposed upon all
the States, that no man otherwise
eligible to the rights and privi-
leges of citizenship shall be ex-
cluded from the enjoyment of those
rights and privileges by reason of
his race or colour — it is probable,
now that the first shock of ethno-
logical antagonism has broken and
been softened in California, that
no serious, if any, difficulties will
arise between the men of European
and of Asiatic blood. The Federal
Government has solemnly bound
itself to that of China by the treaty
concluded with Mr Burlingame,
to do the same impartial justice
to the Chinese in America as the
Americans in China expect to re-
ceive at the hands of the Govern-
ment of Pekin. The question of
the suffrage will not be a difficult
one, even if it should arise. The
Chinese in America are birds of
passage only. They take no in-
terest either in the politics or the
religion of the new land to which
they have transferred their ener-
gies, and their only desire in visit-
ing it is to remain a few years,
make money, and go home to die
among their own people. When a
Chinaman dies in America, he is
not buried there, for his friends,
however poor, manage, as a sacred
duty, to transport his remains to
his own land, that the dearest wish
of all Chinamen may be realised,
and that his bones may rest among
the bones of his ancestors. This
is not merely custom, but religion,
and it helps to remove from the
minds of the native Americans any
fear that the Chinese immigration,
however multitudinous, will act as
a disturbing force in American
politics. It is estimated that there
are about 65,000 Chinamen now in
California, and upwards of 90,000
in the adjoining States and terri-
tories on the Pacific.
The question of the importation
of coolies to replace the negroes in
the cotton, rice, and sugar planta-
tions, is a social one, into which the
antipathies and antagonism of race
do not enter. If the Southern
planters prefer coolies to negroes,
and can induce the coolies to serve
them, there is nothing to prevent
the bargain between the two from
being completed, subject to the
supervision of the Federal Govern-
ment, that cannot suffer slavery in
fact, however modified in form, or
disguised by theory, to be reintro-
duced into America, On this point
President Grant, in his recently-
delivered message, recommends
legislation on the part of Congress.
It is possible that watchfulness is
required, not so much, perhaps, to
guard the poor coolies from slavery
on American soil, as to prevent them
from being kidnapped on their own,
and deported against their will, to
be sold into servitude for wages
that are insufficient. Slavery is
defunct in America for the black
race, and will not and cannot be
resuscitated for the yellow. So far
there is nothing to fear either from
the neglect or the action of the
American Government. The pro-
blem is not how to deal with the
yellow men who are coming, but
with the black men, who ought
never to have been permitted to
come as slaves, or encouraged to
come as freemen. It is a difficult
one under every aspect in which it
can be regarded. It will greatly
depend upon the negro himself
whether it shall have a happier
solution than that which has re-
sulted in the case of the fast-disap-
pearing aborigines of America.
1870.]
Earl's Dene.— Part V.
331
EARL'S DENE.— PART v.
CHAPTER X.
IT must not be supposed, how-
ever, in spite of what has been
said, that the comings in and go-
ings out of so important a person
as Hugh Lester were not closely
observed by those to whom they
were of no consequence at all.
Nor must it be supposed that even
so unapproachable a person as
Madam Clare was by her greatness
protected altogether from the in-
sults of her enemies.
One -day, when she and her
guest were being driven by the
family coachman in a dignified
manner along the High Street, a
shabby fellow, conspicuously deco-
rated with the popular colours of
green and orange, tossed into her
lap the following production of the
popular muse, written on a scrap of
paper as disreputable-looking as the
marksman himself : —
" tak care tak care
o maddom C e
& pra mor carfull Be
for Denthorp Quean
is not a erl nor a dean
but No. 23
" be where be where
then maddom C e
yor rain is geting shortt <fe shortt
No longer yew
rules master H — w
not now but mis L 1 "
The first impulse of the great
lady was, seeing the colours that
the man wore, to throw it back
contemptuously into the street un-
opened ; but Miss Raymond, with
a more popular tact, affected a curi-
osity to see it.
" Will you not read it first 1" she
asked.
" It is sure to be some scurrility
or other. No."
But she had hesitated ; and so
she did read it. Then she did not
throw it into the street, but put it
quietly into her pocket, dirty as it
was.
"And may I not see it too1?"
asked Miss Raymond.
" No, my dear ; it is not fit for
you to see."
She spoke gravely, and her guest,
seeing that she was annoyed, said
no more about it.
If Miss Clare had only known
what was going on at No. 23 at
that very moment !
Marie was generally in the room
when Hugh called, but not always.
She was not an idle person : she
was her father's zealous and will-
ing housekeeper, and the children's
nurse and governess besides. If
her cousin, who was at home for a
holiday, had time and leisure to
entertain visitors, she had not. She
liked to see Hugh, with whom she
had become very good friends ; but
duty had to come before pleasure,
and, as she liked to have her even-
ings free, for her husband's sake,
she had always plenty to do in the
day. On this occasion, whatever
she might be doing, she was cer-
tainly not in the room, which was
occupied by Hugh and Angelique
only. The latter was sitting at the
harpsichord, but was not playing,
unless playing can be held to consist
332
Earl's Dene.— Part V.
[March
in striking an occasional chord, or
playing scraps of imaginary tunes
with one hand.
Hugh sat close by her side.
Now it is very difficult, in speak-
ing of the outward actions of men
and women, to be altogether seri-
ous. But, in all seriousness of
speech, and with no underlying
thought of ridicule, let it not be
imagined that the conduct of Hugh
Lester in this matter is in the
least degree to be regarded as
absurd. It was only far too nat-
ural.
To go back for an instant to the
occasion of his first meeting with
Angelique — to the date of the be-
ginning of the danger.
Now, generally speaking, a first
interview is seldom really danger-
ous. If the woman is not beauti-
ful, the reason is obvious enough ;
and if she is, the man will be dis-
appointed, as in the case of a really
beautiful work of art, by finding
that she is not like or equal to what
he expected to see ; and he will
most probably light upon her first
in the midst of appropriate and
harmonious surroundings that tem-
per anything like the violence of
effect that lies in contrast. But, in
this case, Hugh, young, impulsive,
and heart-free, had come, as upon an
unexpected discovery of his own,
without warning — in the midst
of poor and utterly unharmonious
surroundings, and in the company
of other women who might have
been selected for the very purpose
of acting as foils to her — upon the
most beautiful woman that, as it
seemed to his eyes, he had ever
seen ; and so the surprise, the ad-
miration, and the pride of discovery,
all blended with the charm of a
subtle sort of romance which, to
him at least, seemed to hang over
the situation, and, brought about
by the absolute power of beauty,
were quite enough to render unne-
cessary any far-fetched theory about
the nature of what people call love
at first sight. What he felt then
was not love ; but it was what must
always grow into love of some kind
or other, unless absence or a miracle
intervene.
But no miracle happened, nor did
Hugh keep away from the flame
which Angelique, for her part, did
not hide under a bushel. Her
coquetry was not of that sort that
has no purpose in it; and though
in the comedy of human life the
coquette, pure and simple, is about
the most charming of characters,
yet, when she is capable of pur-
pose, she is apt to turn comedy
into tragedy. The ornaments of
fetes and balls, whose coquetry be-
longs rather to the pleasant farce
of human life than even to its
comedy, are harmless enough; they,
with their little artifices that need
deceive nobody, are no more really
dangerous than birds and flowers ;
but Angelique seemed likely to take
far higher rank in the profession —
to prove herself one with whom a
Hugh Lester was no more in a
position to cope than a fish sur-
rounded by the net is able to
struggle against the hands that
draw it shoreward. The small fry,
small in purse or in rank, may slip
through the meshes, or some gi-
gantic sea-monster may by sheer
size and strength succeed in leap-
ing over or breaking through them :
but the good, honest, eatable fish is
just the creature for whom the net
is made ; and for him there is no
return to the sea. But still, the
vain security of a stupid fish as the
net surrounds it is not a pleasant
sight in itself; and, in the same
way, the sight of a human fish
caught in a net from which there
is no escaping is not in itself
comic, though it is often grotesque
enough. After all, whether it was
love at first sight or no, it was first
love that Hugh Lester was now ex-
periencing ; and first love is never
absurd to those who will know it
no more, even though, like all feel-
ings that are pure and honest, the
thought of it may justly enough
bring a smile to the heart as well
as to the lips.
1870.]
Earl's Dene.— Part V.
333
At all events he was sitting now
in the garden of his Armida, while
the crusade was carrying itself on
without the sword of him who
should have been foremost of all.
B is attitude was expressive, for he
was leaning downwards and for-
wards towards the enchantress, his
eyes trying vainly to read hers, which
were fixed modestly upon the keys.
They .had kept silence fora minute
or more — he from the fulness of
his heart, and she because she chose.
People are certainly provokingly
porverse. It would have been so
easy and natural, one would have
thought, for Miss Clare's nephew —
it saves trouble to give him that
title at once, without perpetual ex-
planation of the real relationship
between them — to have fallen in
love, if he must fall in love, with
Alice Raymond, who was pretty
enough, good enough, amiable
enough, well-born enough, and the
rest of it, to satisfy even his aunt's
fastidiousness, and whose tastes
agreed so well with his own. Nor
is there any reason to think that
Miss Raymond would have proved
unconquerably cruel had he thus
proved himself wise. Any man of
experience, any man who knew the
world, would have known in a mo-
ment which of the two to choose.
Yes; but, after all, who really
wishes to find too much knowledge
of the world at twenty-one 1 There
is something not ludicrous, but
almost pathetic, in the apparent
necessity that first love should al-
ways take an unconventional form,
in its almost invariably being in
the nature of a protest against the
gross and unromantic reason of the
world — in the way in which it
almost always fixes itself upon an
object which either ought not to be
desired or is impossible to obtain,
or which is, at the least, strange
and unreasonable. All the world
over, the page loves the queen,
the king the beggar -maid, the
sinner the saint, and, too often,
the saint the sinner. When a
couple is well matched, one may
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLI1I.
very safely wager that both hus-
band and wife have memories with
which each other has nothing to
do. Happily, as a rule, no man
marries her whom first he loves ;
and when he does, there is con-
siderable fear that his first love
will not prove to be his last.
" Angelique," said Hugh, at last
— his pronunciation of her name,
by the way, was not exactly Parisian
— "will you not give me just a
word— just to let me "
" But do you know what you
have done?" she said, gravely,
raising her eyes for a moment —
" that you have asked me "
"To be my wife. What else
should I ask you, when that is all
I want in the world ? "
"Are you in earnest ]"
"What can I say or do to make
you believe it?"
" No, I cannot. Think of what
I am — remember "
" That I love you, Angelique."
" That I have, that I am, nothing
— and that you "
" Nothing ! when you are all
that I love!"
" A poor, friendless girl "
"Shall not I be your friend,
then 1 Would I not make myself
everything to you 1 "
" Whom the world " — a scornful
stress on the word — "whom the
world will say caught you "
"The world! What do I care
for a hundred worlds ] I shall be
all the more proud to love you in
its face. You are my world, An-
gelique."
" But I too am proud ; and "
"And yet you fear the world !"
" Not for myself — no, heaven
knows ! But "
" For whom, then 1 Can you
mean that you fear for me 1" His
head approached hers more closely
still.
She allowed him to draw his
own conclusion. "But your car-
eer?" she went on.
" What career ?"
" Are you not going into Parlia-
ment 1 Are you not "
334
EarVs Dene.— Part V.
[March
"Parliament!"
" Oh, I suppose "
" Suppose only that I love you —
suppose only that my career will
be to make you happy ! I will do
what you please ; your career shall
be mine "
"And Miss Clare!"
Hugh was silent for a moment.
Then he said, —
" Miss Clare has been more than
a mother to me. She, I know,
only desires my happiness, and
she will welcome my wife as her
daughter." But he did not speak
quite so confidently as before.
"I am afraid of Miss Clare —
Hugh." The little hesitating pause
before his own Christian name gave
point to her first utterance of it.
" And if she did object, which is
impossible, I am my own master,
I suppose ? "
" But you are not master of Earl's
Dene."
"Angelique!"
His tone put her in mind of
Marie, and she smiled to herself.
"Do not mistake me," she re-
plied; "I am not thinking of
Earl's Dene. / could be happy in
a cottage. I have been brought up
to earn my own bread, and am
willing to earn it. No — do not
ask me to give up the life of toil
co which I have always looked for-
ward; I shall contrive not to be
unhappy, never fear ! But I will
not stand in your way. You shall
not run the risk of losing a single
acre of Earl's Dene for me."
"Angelique! When I would
lose a hundred Earl's Denes for
a word from you ! Is that all 1 If
Miss Clare shows that all her affec-
tion for me has been so hollow, the
tie between her and me must be
broken. There are bounds to the
duty of a real son to a real mother.
I will not lose you, Angelique, if I
lose everything for you. Ought
not a man to leave both father and
mother for his wife ] And what
would everything in the world be
to me without you 1 And you
should not suffer. I would toil for
you — I am strong enough ; and
let Earl's Dene go to the devil."
This was not in itself particularly
eloquent; but if he could only
have managed to speak in the same
manner and with the same energy
to the electors of Denethorp, Prescot
and Warden would have gained but
few laurels.
"But Miss Clare will not ob-
ject," he went on, after a short
pause. " I must know her better
than you can. She will love you,
when she knows you, nearly as
much as I do. She would not be
able to help it, Angelique. But do
not let us talk of that — I know I
am not worthy to look at one like
you; but I do love you more than
anybody else ever can, and I will
try all I can to make you happy —
to make you like me. And don't
think of me as if the world mat-
tered a straw to me. I hate it all.
I only wish I were as poor as a
rat."
" But, indeed — indeed I ought
not."
" Ought not to like me ? "
" No, indeed ; how can one help
what one feels 1 But "
" Then you can, you do, love
me, Angelique 1 "
" Oh, I ought not, indeed — but
what can I say 1 "
And so, instead of saying any-
thing, she allowed her lover to
place his arm round her, and once
more to draw his own conclusion.
This was one great point gained ;
but it was not everything. In spite
of his boasted knowledge of his
aunt's character, she had, or thought
she had, a much better comprehen-
sion of it, even although his was
derived from long intimacy, and
hers from hearsay and guesswork.
She also thought it just as likely
as not that Hugh, in his joy and
confidence, and as a matter of duty,
would go straight to his aunt
at once, and let her know of
the important step he had just
taken; and this would not suit her
at all. She did not wish even her
uncle or her cousin to know any-
1870.]
EarVs Dene.— Part V.
335
thing of the matter except at her
own time and in her own way.
Beginning with the less import-
ant point of the two, —
" Dear Hugh/' she said, " I am
so confused with all this that I do
not know what I am doing or what
I am saying. Marie will be coming
in soon — don't let her know any-
thing; I will tell her myself when
I am more quiet. So you really
think that Miss Clare will not
mind ? I should be so unhappy if
I thought she would. I could not
bear to think that I was the cause
of your quarrelling with your best
friend."
" Why, dearest," Hugh was be-
ginning when Marie came in, car-
rying a note in her hand.
Angelique was vexed and looked
it, but recovered herself quickly,
after a warning look at Hugh.
" Ah, Miss Marie," said the lat-
ter, who was not able to com-
pose himself quite so suddenly,
" [ was afraid I should not have
seen you this morning. And, as
it is, I shall have to make the
same speech serve for good-morn-
ing and good-bye." He looked
at his watch. " By Jove ! I really
must be off. I ought to have met
White an hour ago. I suppose it's
too late now, though, but I must
try."
" If it is really too late you had
better stay," said Marie. "But
perhaps you will learn from this,"
and she gave him the note. " It
has just come from Mr White's for
you. I suppose they knew you
were here."
1 ; DEAR LESTER," he read, — " Come
over to White's office at once, if
you can. We have been waiting for
you an hour, and I have just heard
where you are; and — you will,
I am sure, excuse advice given in
your interest — I think you had bet-
ter not make quite so many visits
at the Leforts just at present. You
know how absurdly people here will
talk. I write this in case you cari-
-not come over now, for I have to
leave the town for a day or two. —
Yours most truly, M. W."
Here was an opportunity for
him to begin flying in the face of
the world! But the childish thought
was but momentary, and he took
his leave at once, to Angelique's
extreme annoyance. She had but
half done her work after all. She
dreaded a premature explosion of
her mine, for she had the very
smallest opinion of her lover's dis-
cretion.
By the time that the latter
reached the office of White & Son,
Warden had left it ; and as the
lawyer was for the moment en-
gaged, Mr Brown, as a polite atten-
tion, placed in his hands a bundle
of the last election squibs, printed
on orange-coloured paper, to amuse
him while he waited.
Most of them were silly enough ;
but there was one that was by no
means silly, whatever else it was.
It was a copy of verses directed
against Mark Warden, and about
the grossest thing of the kind
that Hugh had ever seen ; indeed
it was wonderful how the satir-
ist had been so ingenious as to
find so many holes in the coat
of one whose life had appar-
ently been so immaculate, and
to discover so many foibles in a
character that was so unusually
exempt from them. But his very
strength and consistency were so
treated as to appear in the guise of
weaknesses ; his very youth was
turned into a stumbling-block, and
his talent into an offence. He was
made to look like a selfish hypo-
crite, cold-hearted atid cold-minded,
seeking only his own ends, and
without any better end than the
most sordid sort of success. But
this is to say little, for in satire
form and manner are everything.
The whole thing was done with the
hand of a master, and was crowded
with cruel wit and savage humour.
The blows were dealt unsparingly,
and every point was made to tell.
It was evident that the enemy, if
336
Earl's Dene.— Part V.
[March
they had been rivalled in eloquence,
had determined not to be outdone
with the pen, and that they had
got hold of a man of nothing short
of genius to write their lampoons.
Moreover, the wit and the humour
were by no means too subtle to be
appreciated by the coarsest and
most stupid of readers. It was as
though the ghost of Swift himself
had suddenly taken an interest in
the Denethorp election, and had
changed its politics. But the
strangest thing about it was, that
it was evidently written by some
one who had a more intimate
knowledge of Warden than any one
at Denethorp — by one to whom his
college career was as familiar as his
part in the election. The allusions
to it were horribly distorted, but
they were perfectly open to the eyes
of any one who had been contem-
porary with him at Cambridge.
Its abominable coarseness is a
bar to the appearance of even an
extract from it here. Indeed coarse-
ness is a very mild term to apply
to either its matter or its style.
" What in the name of everything
detestable is this 1 " asked Hugh,
as Mr White entered.
"Ah, you've read that, have
you? I wish you could spot the
author. He seems to be a Cam-
bridge man."
" I hope not, for the sake of the
University ; and I certainly know
of no one who could or would have
written such a thing. Has Warden
seen it ? "
" I wish you did know him,
though," answered the agent. " It
is damned clever — devilish clever.
We would try the same shop."
" I beg you will not think of any
such thing."
" I don't know, Mr Lester. It
seems to me — if you'll excuse me
for saying so — that you have left us
pretty much of late to ourselves.
Now, if you leave the battle to us
altogether, as you seem rather in-
clined to do, you must let us fight
it in our own way. And this thing
here is not a bad style of way, /
think — and Warden thinks so too."
" So Warden is going to be away 1
Is it about our business 1 "
" I don't know, Mr Lester, and I
didn't ask him," said the attorney,
taking a pinch of snuff. " Sir, that
friend of yours will be Lord Chan-
cellor ! He's a practical man, sir —
and that's worth all your law ten
times told." *
CHAPTER XI.
If Denethorp is a difficult place
to arrive at, it is a still more diffi-
cult place to leave. Nevertheless
it must be left at last, if only for a
time.
The night of the day on which
Hugh Lester had committed him-
self to his Armida was fine and
warm, not only at Denethorp, but
in London also. It was fine even
in Fleet Street, and fine even in
that thoroughfare which runs at
the back of Farringdon Market and
joins Fleet Street with Holborn.
And it had need to be fine in
that narrow, crooked, evil-looking
lane which, at all events in those
days, knew no light save of the
moon and stars; and they had
barely room to shine. And yet
there were, once upon a time, people
who looked upon that dark and dis-
reputable passage as the political
centre of the world — as an institu-
tion to which Westminster itself
had to yield the palm of influence.
Nor were there wanting distin-
guished and even great men, who
increased their own influence by
countenancing the notion.
The institution upon which its
reputation in this respect was
founded was a public-house with
a large room at the back of it,
which was nightly filled to over-
flowing.
Now on this particular evening
the attendance was even more than
1870.]
Earl's Dene.— Part V.
337
usually large, although not more
than usually distinguished. The
dense clouds of rank smoke issuing
from a quarter of a mile of clay,
and mingled with the steam that
arose from a barrel and a half of
hot liquor, were not out of keeping
with the style of the politicians who
emitted the one and absorbed the
either. There were tailors and cob-
blers from the north and from the
east, brokers from Bell Yard, Irish
students from Gray's Inn, some
seedy-looking barristers from the
Temple, bagmen from the City,
medical men from nowhere in par-
ticular, and scribblers from, say,
Grub Street, thinking themselves
in all honesty to be Grattans and
Burkes at the very least. Mingled
with these were one or two persons
who had made an excursion to the
place, either out of curiosity or for
some other special reason ; and the
inevitable one or two, seen in every
public place in London, who have
blundered in by mistake, and who
never know either where they are
or what they are doing. But the
general tone of the assemblage was
that of habitues.
It is, however, not with one of
the habitues that we have now to
do ; for, among the strangers, sit-
ting in a quiet corner and watching
the proceedings with interest, was
Mark Warden.
The subject of the debate was of
course political ; and much was
said in the course of it about the
Westminster election, with which
all men's minds were then full. Sir
Francis Burdett seemed to be the
hero of the evening ; and if one or
two of his Majesty's Ministers
could have heard half the epithets
that were heaped upon their names
whenever they were mentioned,
they must either have been utterly
overwhelmed on the spot, or have
been rendered callous to abuse for
ever.
It must not be supposed, how-
ever, that the speaking consisted of
nothing but abuse. On the con-
trary, Warden was surprised to hear
many pieces of real though turgid
eloquence, especially on the part of
the Irish element, and not a little
good sense, put with practised skill.
It was not, indeed, a highly intel-
lectual or cultivated assembly, but
it was neither an ignorant nor a stu-
pid one ; and the forms of debate
were observed with a strictness and
fairness that went far to compen-
sate for much want of courtesy.
At last, however, there was a
short pause in the proceedings, of
which advantage was taken by a
man who sat at the far end of the
room to rise upon his legs quickly,
but a little unsteadily. He was
a big, burly fellow, with a heavy
face, which, however, in spite of its
far too plainly showing the signs of
coarse self-indulgence, was neither
without some pretension to good
looks, nor, in spite of the apparent
contradiction in terms, without
some degree of refinement. His
clothes were shabby in the extreme,
and negligently put on — his linen
was dingy and crumpled — he looked
as though he were unfamiliar with
the very idea of soap, and as though
he used the bluntest of razors, and
that but seldom; while his thick,
bushy head of hair was all rough
and tumbled about as though, if he
did condescend to keep a razor, he
disdained even to borrow a comb.
He was probably young in years,
but it was difficult to say.
He was evidently well known
there, for his rising was greeted
with much hammering of glasses
upon the tables. Meanwhile he
only stood swaying himself clum-
sily about, and he continued to do
so for a full minute after the ap-
plause had come to an end: but
the company showed no sign of
impatience, and at last he began to
His first words were so thickly
spoken as to be inaudible, and a
murmur of disappointment ran
round the room.
" Sure and he's waited too lete,
inthoirely," said one who sat next
to Warden.
338
Earl's Dene.— Part V.
[March
" But it's just too airly," said an-
other. " The laddie's nae gude till
he's fou."
" And do you call him sober
now 1 " asked Warden.
"That just depends upon a' the
ceerrcoomstaunces," his neighbour
answered, guardedly.
But by this time the orator had
found both his legs and his voice —
a big, resonant chest-voice that left
his large mouth without a taint of
thickness or huskiness, and filled
the whole place with its sound.
" Now we shall catch it 'ot and
strong ! " exclaimed another of
Warden's neighbours, rubbing his
hands with delight.
And, sure enough, they did.
After a few words to say that he
was going to support the popular
side, he set himself to work to
destroy all the arguments that had
been urged in its favour, and to
ridicule all who had used them.
Then he told the house that it was
to be supported on entirely other
grounds; and, with extreme in-
genuity, so twisted and distorted
his opponents' arguments as to
make them seem to be his own.
He appeared to revel in paradox,
and in ridicule of everybody and
everything. It was not a speech
to convince, but it was really great
art in its way, and, indeed, was not
intended to convince. He was often
interrupted, but woe be to those
who interrupted him ! for all that
they got for their pains were per-
sonalities, from which they would
rather have escaped free. To judge
from the difficulty that he found
in starting, he had evidently been
drinking more than enough; but
yet he had all the speeches of the
speakers who had preceded him at
his fingers' ends, — and not only their
arguments, but their very words —
and not only their very words, but
their very tones. His own speech
was not a magnificent specimen of
real argument, but it was really a
magnificent specimen of sophistry,
of humour, and of sarcasm — even
of eloquence; for he not seldom
soared into true eloquence, especi-
ally towards the close. At the same
time it must be said that, while but
few of the speeches of the evening
had been distinguished by refine-
ment of style, his was full of points
and allusions that render any re-
port of it out of the question, and
which were received with that sort
of laughter with which such an
audience receives what even such
an audience is half ashamed to
hear.
When he sat down he had suc-
ceeded in insulting alike both
friends and foes ; and yet he was
applauded by foes and friends alike
with something more than the
knocking of tumblers. Everybody
had been made angry, and yet
everybody was delighted that every-
body else had been put down.
"There, mee jools— that's the
thrue forrum, bedad, anyhow ! "
said the first of Warden's neigh-
bours.
"It's vara weel — vara weel in-
deed," said the second.
" I sed as you'd get it 'ot ! " said
the Cockney, whose anticipation
had been amply realised.
" Is he often here 1 " asked War-
den.
"Ye'll nocht have hurrud urn
till noo 1 " was the Scot's idea of
an answer — question for question.
Warden glanced at his watch.
" Good-night, I must be going," he
said to his neighbours generally ;
and then, having paid for what he
had taken for the good of the house,
picked his way among the tables to
where the late orator was sitting in
majestic repose.
" Barton ! " he said.
"And who the devil " was the
other's polite answer, as he swung
round brusquely.
" Don't you remember me 1 War-
den of St Margaret's."
" Warden of Mag's ! By God ! so
you are. What'll you drink 1 "
" Nothing for me. I only came
to see you."
" Well, here I am. Fire away."
" This is a queer place, isn't it 1
1870.]
EarVs Dene.— Part V.
339
1 have never seen the sort of thing
before, so, having nothing else to
do to-night, I thought I'd look in.
And I have certainly been reward-
ed. I didn't know you were a
second Demosthenes."
" Waiter ! — another ! No — two
others : one for this gentleman."
"No — nothing more for me. I
•suppose this is all pretty well over ?
At least I don't care to stay. What
are you going to do ? "
" What — am — I — going — to do 1
How the devil should 1 know ? "
" Then, if you don't know, come
;md have some supper with me.
I'm at the ."
Barton got up at once. " I'm
your man," he said. " Have some
"bones, and a bottle of port. We'll
be Titans, and Port shall be our
Pelion." And so, taking Warden's
urin to steady himself, he half
walked, half lurched, into the open
air. He had not been asked for
his reckoning ; probably the land-
lord considered his company too
valuable to run the risk of losing
it.
It will probably have been con-
jectured that Warden's presence in
Shoe Lane was not quite so acci-
dental as it professed to be. He
was not likely to have come from
Denethorp to London just now for
nothing. But, however this may
be, he showed himself sufficiently
hospitably disposed now that he
was at his journey's end ; for his
companion and himself cannot very
well be accounted congenial spirits.
Nor did his offer of hospitality
appear to be unappreciated. Bar-
ton, as soon as the first effects of
the open air had passed away,
stalked, not staggered, along in a
state of high good-humour, making
the now half-empty streets ring with
his heavy tread, his loud voice, and
his still louder laugh. It is true
that he talked rather to himself
than to his companion, and without
much heeding whether he was
listened to or not : but still he was
genial, after a fashion.
So they proceeded for some dis-
tance, arm in arm, when Warden
stopped suddenly.
" Look there, Barton," he ex-
claimed ; " what is that ? "
Barton placed his hand over his
eyes, and looked towards the part
of the sky to which the other had
pointed.
" That ? That is a fire/' he an-
swered. " Let's see it," and he
hurried Warden along in the direc-
tion of the centre of the glow.
Very soon they met with others
hurrying in the same direction ;
and, before long, guided by the in-
fallible instinct in such matters that
belongs to a crowd, they found
themselves in front of the
Theatre.
Any one who, like Barton, had
hurried there in order to witness
a great spectacle, certainly found
himself fully gratified. Over the
whole block of buildings of which
the theatre formed a part, soared
up high into the air, even as it
seemed to the sky itself, a vast un-
broken sheet of flame that looked
like a mirror of fire. The colour of
the night, which was still fine and
clear, was changed altogether from
that produced by the mixture of
white moonlight and the natural
blackness of the streets into a uni-
form dull redness, far more unbear-
able to the sight than the direct
blaze of such sunlight as those
gloomy streets ever experienced
even on a summer day. It was, in
a word, one of those great fires
which are the grandest sights of
great cities ; which alone afford to
their inhabitants any idea of the
sublimity of nature when her
strength is for once set free from
the weight of bricks with which they
have crushed her down. In this case
the complete triumph of the flames
had been the work of a few minutes
only. The crowd that had hur-
riedly surrounded the doomed
building could do nothing in the
face of such a wall of heat and
light — nothing but passively con-
template it with a sort of desperate
admiration.
340
EarVs Dene.— Part V.
[March
Barton in his excitement pressed
close to the scene, dragging Warden
with him. The avenue by which
they approached the blaze was a
narrow street which lay along that
side of the house in which were the
entrances to the gallery and stage.
As on this side there were no win-
dows through which any of the
flames within might escape, so the
effect which met their eyes was
made up of a dense blackness sur-
mounted by fire, in strong contrast
with the red glow of the sky and of
the opposite houses. The danger in
case the wall should fall outwardly
was great : and this, probably, accor-
ding to the nature of crowds in gen-
eral, was the reason why it was pre-
cisely here that the throng was
thickest. The broad shoulders of
Barton, and his complete careless-
ness about the shoulders of others,
as well as for the abuse with which
he was frequently assailed, but
which he was well able to pay back
in kind, soon forced a passage for
himself and for his companion ; and
there they stood for some minutes
sharing in the dead silence around
them, which was only broken by the
hissing of the flame, and by occa-
sional ejaculations of delight when-
ever the glow made a sudden leap
upward. Fortunately the delight
of the bystanders was prevented
from being entirely complete by
their disappointing knowledge that
the house had been empty for some
hours, and that consequently the
lust of horror, which is one of the
chief attributes of a crowd under
such circumstances, was doomed to
be ungratified.
Presently, however, it seemed as
though Fate was for once about to
bestow more than it had promised,
and to provide a real tragedy after
the spectacle.
Though no human lives were
in immediate danger, the burning
house, nevertheless, contained what
was worth the while of many to
risk life itself to save. Close by
the stage-door, opposite to which
Barton and his friend were stand-
ing, had gradually gathered togeth-
er, among others immediately con-
nected with the theatre, a group
composed of some of the unfor-
tunate members of the orchestra,
whose only means of livelihood
were being consumed almost be-
fore their eyes. For one with the
income of a fiddler or trumpeter to
lose his instrument is much the
same, in its consequences to him, as
to lose his very hands — it means
at least temporary ruin, and pro-
bably something worse than ruin,
to himself and to those who are
dependent upon him. But still,
what was to be done 1 Who would
be so rash as to plunge into that
Phlegethon ?
Suddenly Barton felt himself, in
spite of his shoulders, thrust aside ;
and, turning round, saw a young
man who, like himself, had contriv-
ed to reach the front, but, to judge
from his appearance and figure, less
by dint of strength than by force of
energy and activity.
The new-comer, having reached
the door, mounted upon one of the
steps outside it, and then faced
round quickly.
" Gentlemen ! " he said, in a most
un English accent, but in a clear
and ringing voice, " we lose the
time. It has there not more than
five minutes that the theatre burns
itself ; and it is possible that our
instruments are not yet hurt. In
five minutes one shall have them —
me, at the least, I shall have the
mine. Suivez-moi I "
And so, with the air of a captain
calling upon his company to follow
him into the breach, he ran straight
through the stage-door.
Such an example is notoriously
contagious ; and there were not
more than one or two of his com-
rades that did not follow — possibly
their instruments were safe at home.
There were even one or two volun-
teers, amongst whom Barton was
conspicuous. He had come for the
whole spectacle ; and he was appa-
rently not one whom any instinct
of self-preservation would restrain
1870.]
Earl's Dene.— Part V.
341
from seeing all of it that there was
to be seen.
But there was also one who,
without having anything at stake
and without being a volunteer, also
accompanied the charge. Mark War-
den, grasped by Barton and pushed
from behind, had to enter the nar-
row and intricate passages of the
house whether he would or no.
And though he did not feel fear,
he would certainly have preferred
to be left outside. He would
scarcely have cared to risk life for
life ; and much less did he care to
risk it to satisfy unproductive curi-
osity, or to save somebody else's
violin.
Not sharing, therefore, in the
eagerness with which the rest ran
forward, but rather drawing him-
self backwards from them as well
as he could, he before long found
himself alone in a labyrinth ; nor,
so sudden and rapid had been the
process of his arrival there, was he
able to regain the outer air without
a guide. So he made up his mind,
as the wisest thing he could do, to
wait there quietly till the others
returned, seeing that, if he tried to
extricate himself, he would proba-
bly only succeed in making matters
still worse.
How long he waited there he did
not know, but certainly a much
shorter time than it seemed. But
all of a sudden he became terribly
aware that the passage in which he
stood was beginning to fill rapidly
with smoke ; and he heard, instead
of the returning feet of his com-
panions, an ill-omened roar of
voices outside.
In another moment his ears heard
a worse sound still, and that not
outside, but close at hand. It was
as though the whole building had
given an audible shudder, which
passed through himself also. Lift-
ing his eyes, he saw a fearful sign
of doom indeed. The ceiling was
cracking in long lines above him,
through which rained a shower of
sparks ; and a tongue of fire, which
at every beat of his pulse grew
longer and wider, had licked its
way through the cornice, and was
writhing on and on towards him
through the air.
The roaring of flame, the falling
of beams, were now the only sounds
he heard. The whole world seemed
to have suddenly faded away, and
to have left him alone with instant
death.
Who may describe the terror,
the despair, of a moment when
a lifetime of horror seems crushed
into the space of the falling of
a single grain of sand 1 It was
not even as though a struggle for
life was still possible. With his
energy unimpaired he could do
nothing but wait for the end, and
pray that it might be soon.
And yet he did not lose his pre-
sence of mind. But that only made
his utter powerlessness all the more
terrible to bear. The most abject
terror is nothing to what he has to
undergo who retains his senses and
his strength only to find in them
additional instruments of torture.
Meanwhile the orchestra had been
reached; those who could find them
were already hurrying away with
their instruments by another en-
trance— for the passage leading to
the stage-door was no longer prac-
ticable— and in another instant the
hand of the young musician who
had led the way would have grasp-
ed the instrument for whose sake
he had entered the house of fire,
when Barton, who was close to him,
suddenly exclaimed,
"Good God! where is Warden?"
He heard the exclamation, and
turned. A word or two, rapidly
uttered, passed between him and
Barton ; and then at once, forget-
ting his violin, and in spite of the
suffocating smoke-clouds that were
thick enough almost to destroy with-
out the aid of flame, he dashed back
through the perilous entrance from
which his companions were now
flying in confusion. Barton would
have followed ; but no sooner did
he attempt to do so than his pas-
sage was barred by the sudden de-
342
EarVs Dene.— Part V.
[March
scent of a burning beam, so that he
had perforce to make the best of his
way out with the rest.
Warden had just given himself
up for lost. His lungs were already
more full of smoke than of air, and
he could already feel upon his face
the hot breath that glowed from the
fiery tongue that had now come so
near as almost to have broadened
into a sheet of flame, when, borne
in, as it seemed to him, upon a blaz-
ing cloud, stood before him the
figure of the young musician.
" Quick ! " cried out the latter in
French, "quick — in another mo-
ment "
Unaware of the risk that had
been run by a stranger for his sake,
thinking only, if he could be said
to think at all, that it was to save
himself that his guide had returned,
Warden followed him into the
street.
It was indeed only a moment
that had lain between them both
and certain death. There was
barely time for them to regain the
outside of the house, when a crash,
followed by a sympathetic cry from
the crowd, told that the heavy roof
had fallen in, and that all was over.
Then rode up a troop of the Life-
Guards ; but, except for their ad-
ding to the effect of the scene by
reflecting the red and white light
of the flame from their helmets
and cuirasses, they might just as
well, for any good they found
themselves able to do, have re-
mained quietly in their barracks.
Foot - Guards, and volunteers in
uniform, also mixed with the
crowd ; and, all too late, and yet
as quickly as had been possible,
came the galloping of fire-engines
from all directions — just in time
for their drivers to see and hear
the terrible crash that told of the
fall of the outer walls themselves.
Then the flames, after a last leap
upward, suddenly sank down into
the crater thus formed, and the
tragedy was wholly at an end.
For although not a single life
had been lost, even by the falling
of a brick or of a beam, it was
nevertheless a real tragedy that had
just been played ; for the sudden
destruction of a great theatre means
worse than death to hundreds.
Then the members of the com-
pany who happened to be present
became able to think of their
losses, the .pickpockets of their
gains, the respectable spectators of
going home, and the rabble of
beer, the carpenters who had lost
their tools and the musicians who
had lost their instruments of sui-
cide.
" I wouldn't have lost that sight
for a thousand pounds/' said Bar-
ton, turning carelessly to the young
musician who happened to be stand-
ing just behind him. " Damned
lucky, though, that the walls fell
in instead of out. It was within
the turning of a brick that some of
us never saw a theatre again, out-
side or in. Sic me, non se, ser-
vavit."
On hearing himself addressed,
the other started as from a dream.
" You call it lucky ! " he ex-
claimed, in a tone of scorn that
was as un-English as his accent.
Barton first stared, and then
laughed good-humouredly. " Did
you want a brick on your head,
then? I didn't — at least not be-
fore supper. After that, per-
haps "
"Monsieur?"
" Ah, vou ate oon fronggais ? je
'asked — demandais vou si vous
wanted, you know, oon brick soor
voter fate ?"
" As well there as on "
"As on what?"
" As on that — as on my violin."
"You belong to the orchestra,
then ? "
" I did, I suppose."
" Poor devil ! then I'm damned
sorry for you." He was perfectly
sober now, and yet he spoke lightly.
Nevertheless, as he spoke he thrust
his hand into his breeches' pocket.
But it came out empty.
" Curse it ! " he exclaimed, " not
a farthing. Why, I had ever so
1870.]
Earl's Den?.— Part V.
343
many shillings this morning — four,
at least. I say, Warden — do you
carry a purse 1 Just lend me some-
thing or other."
Warden, who had now fairly re-
covered his composure, but was still
ignorant of his obligations to his
preserver from death, slowly drew
out his purse and handed it to
Barton, who held it out, without
looking to see what it contained, to
the unfortunate musician. " Never
mind the fiddle," he said ; " one's
as good as another, I suppose."
But he to whom it was offered
drew back, placed his hands behind
his back, and bowed.
" Je suis gentilhomme" he said,
with some dignity.
" A gentleman are you 1 Then
go and be damned for one," shouted
Barton; and, taking Warden's arm,
stalked off again.
" That burnt-out son of a fiddle
calling himself a gentleman!" he
said, as they continued their pro-
gress. " Why, I shall be calling
myself one next — or even you,
Warden."
His companion swallowed the
impertinence silently, although he
did not like it by any means. He
also did not choose to notice that
Barton had forgotten to return the
purse.
They soon arrived at the hotel,
which was not far from the scene
of the fire ; and the bones having
been made bare and the port re-
newed, the latter recovered his
temper.
" Barton," said Warden, after a
short time, and without having
made any allusion to their adven-
ture, " I always knew you were
the best of us all, and that those
blockheads of dons didn't know
a good man when they'd got
him. But I had no idea you could
do what you have been doing
lately."
" Pooh ! one must get one's
liquor somewhere."
" Oh, I don't mean that — I mean
something still better."
" And what's that 1 "
" It is really the best thing of
the kind I ever saw — as good in its
way as your trochaics on the Proc-
tors. They were superb ; I know
them by heart still ; but I almost
think this beats them. I wish you
had done it in Greek, though," he
added with a smile, as he handed
him a copy of the famous squib.
Barton took it, looked at it with
one eye, seemed puzzled for a min-
ute, and then exploded into a roar
of laughter, which he did not at-
tempt to check.
" Oh, this 1 " he said at last.
" I'm glad you like it, though ! I
was afraid it wasn't strong enough."
" It's quite strong enough, I as-
sure you."
" Ha — ha — ha ! Do you want it
made stronger 1 I'll just add a line
or two now, if you like. I feel in
the humour. Look here "
" Are you turned so venomous a
radical, Barton ? "
"I? Damme, no. What do I
care for your politics and stuff]
Tom Prescot 's a devilish good fel-
low— ten times what you are, War-
den : but I'd write like a Tory for
sixpence."
" No, no, Barton, that won't do.
A man can't do a thing like that
twice in his life."
" I bet you I could, though."
" I would take your wager, if I
were not sure you would lose."
"Come — what will you bet I
don't do it ? "
" A thing as good as this on the
other side 1 Against Prescot him-
self ?"
" Against the devil, if you like."
" Well then, I lay you ten guin-
eas to half-a-crown, you can't write
a squib on Prescot as good as this
is."
" Done ! Waiter ! Pen— ink-
paper."
" But surely you won't do it at
once 1 "
"Just the time. Can't write in
the morning — never could. Now
or never. Damn it, though — just
keep the ink-bottle steady. I must
keep my finger on my left eyelid, I
344
EarVs Dene.— Part V.
[March
see — capital plan when the letters
get mixed up. Here goes."
Pressing two fingers over his
left eye, and swaying and nodding
over the table — for he had by
this time drunk more than enough
to render any ordinary man incap-
able of doing anything — he dashed
at the paper and wrote rapidly in a
sprawling hand, laughing to him-
self from time to time with enjoy-
ment of his own work. At the end
of an hour or rather more, during
which he had consumed the whole
of another bottle of port, the task
was done. He threw himself back
triumphantly in his chair, upsetting
the ink-bottle in the process, hurled
the pen to the other end of the
room, and tossed the paper, all
smeared and blotted, but not quite
illegible, to Warden. " There you
are," he said. " That'll wash."
Warden read it over quietly ; and
then, without a word, handed two
bank - notes to the author, who
pocketed them forthwith, and then
called out —
" Waiter ! a bottle of brandy !
and now we'll make a night of
it."
Alas for Warden ! Before long
he began to think that he had fallen
into the clutches of a demon — that
he had raised a fiend from whom
he should never be able to free
himself. The hour was already
very late ; but many other hours
flew by, and still Barton sat there,
drinking brandy, talking, quoting,
spouting Greek, and boasting — all
in a style which, though always
coarse, was at first amusing and
even witty, but very soon degener-
ated into such sheer, unutterable
filth, devoid of either wit or hu-
mour, that even Warden, who was
not particular, and who was not
listening to him for the first time,
was amazed. At last, sleepy and
weary as he was, and almost over-
come by the reaction that had fol-
lowed upon his escape from such
extreme danger as that in which
he had been placed so short a time
since, the disgusting monotony of
his guest's talk became torture.
If the man would but get drunk
enough to be put into a hack-
ney-coach and sent away ! But no
— the more he drank, the more
he talked, the clearer grew his
voice, and the steadier his hand,
although, no doubt, he would have
found it impossible to rise from
his chair. Warden made as many
hints as he could about his own
fatigue ; but he might as well have
spoken to the bottle as to Barton.
Nor did he dare to march off to
bed, for fear of what might happen ;
for the waiters had retired long ago.
Five o'clock struck, and there sat
Barton : six o'clock, and he sat
there still : seven o'clock, and the
house was stirring ; but he seemed
more immovable than ever. At
last, without remembering how,
Warden dropped asleep in his chair
from sheer exhaustion ; and when
again he woke, the first thing he
saw was Barton, curled up upon
the hearth-rug, sleeping like a
child.
" There's one comfort," he
thought to himself, rather revenge-
fully, as he took his way wearily
to the Denethorp coach : " the
beast must be killing himself — and
not by inches."
CHAPTER XII.
Everybody who is not of a purely
lymphatic temperament must, dur-
ing the course of the day, accumu-
late a certain amount of ill-temper,
which has to be let out somehow
or other. On the whole, the most
pleasant people to deal with are
those who let it evaporate as it
comes, spreading it over every part
of the day and over everybody with
whom they come in contact — them-
selves, their friends, and strangers
impartially ; for the result is that
their ill-temper is dealt out in such
1870.]
Earl's Dene.— Part V.
345
infinitesimal doses at a time as to
annoy nobody very much. Others,
again — and this is by no means a
bad plan — reserve theirs for some
particular period of the twenty-four
hours, such as breakfast -time or
the hour before dinner, when no-
tLing that anybody says or does
signifies anything to anybody. But
there are some — -and, unfortunately,
these form the majority — who re-
serve theirs for particular people ;
who are all that is delightful to the
world at large, but who, at home, are
bears or tigers. So common is this
practice, that a person who is excep-
tionally genial in society, is seldom
one with whom it is altogether
pleasant to live. Now, Angelique
Lefort, like everybody else, had her
annoyances, and, consequently, her
passages of crossness ; and as she
was far too amiable a person to dis-
play these to the world, she was
forced to let herself out either in
solitude or among her slaves at
home, when she happened to have
them at hand. It is very doubtful
if Hugh Lester would have con-
tinued to be quite so much in love
had he had the command of a magic
mirror for the rest of that day.
It was mainly with Marie that she
was put out for having interrupted
her tete-a-tete at so exactly the wrong
moment ; but it was not so much
upon her cousin that the avenging
cloud settled as upon the rest of
the household. The children were
snubbed to their hearts' content,
until Ernest settled down into sul-
lenness and Fleurette into tears ;
and even the mild old father of the
family found his coffee bitter. But
as everything that their divine
Angelique said or did was always
necessarily right, she was only
petted and sympathised with all
the more — silently, that is, for no
one dared to say a word to her,
except Ernest, who was not over-
fond of his cousin, and who, in con-
sequence, got as severe a reproof
from Marie as she was capable of
bestowing.
But, fortunately for her, the days
of magic mirrors had long gone by,
so that Hugh went his way with no
image of her in his mind save such
as she had afforded him in person.
After his interview with his
agent was over, he went home to
Earl's Dene, and, as was his habit,
reported to his aunt and her guest
all that he had learned of the pro-
gress of affairs in the town. But
his heart was not in his story, for
he had already obtained the triumph
for which he cared the most. His
real business now was to render to
Miss Clare the explanation that
was due to her as mistress of Earl's
Dene from her heir and adopted
son, and which he felt ought not to
be delayed.
Nevertheless, manly as he was in
all essential things, he could not
but feel a little nervous about tell-
ing the old lady that there was to
be an heiress to Earl's Dene as well
as an heir — or, as he intended to
put it to her, that she was to have
a daughter as well as a son. He
had all his life, like most of those
about her, been a little afraid of
her, in spite of his experience of
her affection for him ; arid perhaps
the enormity of proposing to marry
Miss Raymond's dependant seemed
a little greater now, as a matter of
confession, than it did when he
was actually urging his suit.
Fortunately or unfortunately,
however, according as it might
have turned out, he could find no
opportunity of telling her his story
in the course of that evening : at
least he thought he could find
none, which is practically the same
thing. While smoking his night-
ly cigar, however, he made up
his mind that, come what come
might, he would tell it the next
morning ; and resolved, not out of
deference to the advice of Mark
Warden, but in order to compel
himself to keep his resolution, that
he would refrain from calling in
Market Street until his story was
told.
Next morning, then, he rose with
a full intention of doing what was
346
Earl's Dene.— Part V.
[March
obviously right, and, when break-
fast was over, was on the point of
telling Miss Clare that he wished
to speak with her, when she herself
anticipated him by saying, when
Miss Raymond had left the room,
" Hugh, you know how I despise
such things ; but look at this that
some man in the street was impu-
dent enough to throw at me yes-
terday." And she gave him the
crumpled piece of paper that she
had kept in her pocket.
He read the warning, and blushed
to his hair.
"What is this, aunt?" he asked,
angrily.
" That is just what I wanted to
ask you," she answered. " One
knows what things people write
and say at elections, but this is
such an extraordinary thing to
say."
" And did any one dare "
u I told you. It was thrown
into the very carriage — into my
very lap. Really people here seem
to have lost all respect, all decency.
And yet this could not have been
done without some meaning or
other. I suppose they have got
hold of some story of your meeting
Miss Lefort in the lodge park when
you first came down."
" No, aunt ; I do not think it is
that."
" Just let me speak kindly to
you, Hugh. It is not the first
time that I shall have given you
advice, nor, if you take it, will that
be for the first time either. I am
an old lady, you know, and may
talk about such things ; and, as
you may have guessed, perhaps I
have not always lived so much out
of the world as I have since you
have known me."
" My dear aunt, I "
"Listen to me first, please. I
can make all manner of allowances.
This Miss Lefort is, I hear, a re-
spectable girl. Now "
" But, aunt "
" Wait, please. Now — you know
what I mean — I should be very
sorry indeed to think that you,
meaning no harm even, as I am
sure you would not, had been put-
ting any nonsensical ideas into the
head of any young girl who is good
and respectable. I do not ask you
any questions "
" But I assure you "
" But I do wish to ask you — and
now, of all times — not, by any con-
duct of yours, to give the people of
the town occasion to speak ill of
Earl's Dene. You are almost a
Clare, you know, and should re-
member our motto. The French
have a saying which to my mind is
a very noble one, when rightly used,
that 'Noblesse oblige.' We, my
dear Hugh, are in a position to set
an example, not only of right con-
duct, but of conduct that should be
without a suspicion of wrong. We
must give up our amusements for
the sake of our duties. You un-
derstand me, I know."
" Quite, aunt ; but "
"And just think for a moment.
This girl is the sister of Miss Ray-
mond's companion "
" Cousin, aunt."
" Well, almost the sister — of Miss
Raymond's servant, in fact. It can-
not be decent that you should give
people occasion to say that you are
on too intimate terms with her, no
matter how contemptible may be
those who say it. Besides, it is
not fair, not kind, to the girl her-
self, to whom, in her position, cha-
racter is everything ; and people
can only couple your name with
hers in one way."
" Aunt -"
" That is all I wanted to say to
you. And now I will destroy this
wretched scrawl. Are you going
into the town to-day ?"
Now was the time to make a
clean breast of it — now, if ever. It
need scarcely be said, however,
that Hugh did not take advantage
of it.
In effect, he found it impossible.
It was not only that Miss Clare
was always a difficult person to
talk to when she had got some
fixed notion into her head ; it was
1870.]
Earl's Dene.— Part V.
347
not only that she had, so far as she
had been able, trained him in habits
of passive obedience from his earli-
est boyhood. It was by no means
these circumstances alone that scat-
tered his resolutions of the night
and of the morning. It was partly
a higher feeling, partly a lower,
than was founded upon any aspect
of the relation in which he stood
to his aunt that had closed his
lips.
To begin with the lower. He
somehow could not help feeling
a little conscience-stricken in the
matter ; and though a touch of
conscience is by no means a proof
that a man has done wrong, it is at
any rate a proof of his not being
satisfied that he has done right.
Of course Miss Clare had obviously
and utterly mistaken the true state
of the case ; she had mistaken, not
only his intentions, but the very
person towards whom they were
directed. Now the mistake about
the person was not, in itself, of
very much consequence ; but if
she had so strongly objected to the
mere suspicion of a flirtation with
one of the two cousins, what
•would she have had to say to the
idea of marriage with either of
them 1
Now there is a theory about mes-
alliances which accounts for a great
many things. No man ever feels
much offence at the idea of another
man's marrying beneath him ; but
TA hen he hears of a lady running off
•with a groom, or being guilty of any
similar escapade, he is both aston-
ished and disgusted. In like man-
ner, even as men are tolerant of
each other's condescensions, and
intolerant of those of women, wo-
men are not altogether intolerant
of mesalliances on the part of their
own sex, but bestow the weight of
their disgust upon such social of-
fences on the part of men, without
considering the unfrequency of the
one or the frequency of the other.
In her young days, it may be re-
membered, she had herself been
just the person to marry beneath
herself merely for the sake of doing
something outre and heroic ; but,
full as she was of all manner of
prejudices, the condescension of the
heir of Earl's Dene to a Miss Le-
fort would have seemed the depth
of degradation, whether he should
condescend by way of marriage or
no ; and she had, in the course of
her conversation with him, showed
what she thought about the matter
as plainly as possible, though less
perhaps by the mere words she
used than by her manner of saying
them. Of course, Hugh could not
be expected to share her feelings
in this matter, if only for the rea-
son that she was a woman and he a
man ; yet still, although in addition
to this he was full of youthful
impulse and she already old, he
deeply in love and she full of social
pride, he could not help to some ex-
tent feeling, though unconsciously,
that he had, after all, been doing
something that a lady would in-
stinctively feel to be wrong ; and,
as a gentleman, he was touched in
conscience accordingly, though it
might be ever so little.
But, as has been said, a higher
sentiment had been also aiding
to bring about his silence. He,
too, fully admitted that noblesse
oblige; and he, too, believed in the
Clares almost as much as Miss Clare
herself could have desired. Not
only so ; not only did he accept the
traditions of his family and of his
class for gospel ; but he was at
heart a good fighter, although of
late he had rather neglected the
battle in which he was engaged.
And now it was certainly not the
time for him to make his own af-
fairs a stumbling-block in the way
of the victory for which his friends
were striving. What he had to do
for the present was to fight for vic-
tory, though but for their sakes, as
though he still cared about it for his
own. It was the country gentleman's
principle of conduct — to do what
was right in his own county, from
repelling an invading army to sit-
ting as a silent and superfluous
348
Earl's Dene.— Part V.
[March
member of his Court of Quarter
Sessions ; and to consider every-
thing to be of importance that con-
cerns the spot of earth in which
God has placed him. The true im-
portance of the Denethorp election
was no doubt very small indeed,
but he never thought so ; and the
serious and earnest pride of Miss
Clare, though it did not affect his
love for Angelique, yet made him
remember that he had something
to do, as he considered, for his
country, and for the institutions in
which he had been taught to be-
lieve. Now it was obvious enough
that, under the circumstances, a
confession to Miss Clare on the spot
would be worse than inopportune ;
and so it was that a little want of
readiness and self-confidence, some
difficulty in explaining himself, a
long habit of respect and obedience,
and a great deal of honourable un-
selfishness, all acting together at
the same moment, caused him to
hold his tongue.
"Shall you not then be going
into the town?" repeated Miss
Clare, seeing that he paused.
" No— I do not think I shall. I
don't see how I can be wanted to-
day. By the way, how splendidly
Warden is working for us ! White
is full of him."
" So I hear, and so I can see too.
It is satisfactory in these days to
see a young man of promise who
does not think it fine to be a radi-
cal." She paused, and sighed.
u What shall you do with yourself,
then ? Ride with Alice 1 "
But this Hugh could not do. He
needed to be alone after his dis-
comfiture ; he had to think how he
should overcome his aunt's preju-
dices, and how he should act, when
the election was over, if he should
find them invincible.
"No," he said, "I have some-
thing to attend to here. I don't
think I can."
And Miss Clare, as Alice returned
to the room in her riding-habit,
looked from one to the other, and
sighed again.
CHAPTER XIII.
The next morning Angelique rose
with a heavy and anxious heart to
hear, as she expected, of her lover's
quarrel with his aunt, which, from
what she knew of their respective
characters, she judged to be inevit-
able. It was not only that she
feared the consequent failure of
her scheme ; she feared also the
loss of her situation with Miss Ray-
mond— in short, that she would
have grasped at a shadow only to
lose the solid meat. But the morn-
ing passed, and the afternoon, and
still Hugh did not come. Had she
been really in love with him, she
could not have desired to see him
more ; and it was with a sinking
of the heart that at last, towards
evening, the servant put a note
into her hand, directed in a hand-
writing which she guessed to be that
of Hugh. A groom from Earl's
Dene was waiting for an answer.
"A letter from Earl's Dene?"
asked Marie.
" Only a note from Miss Ray-
mond," she answered; "I have a
book of hers that she wants re-
turned. I must go and look for it.
I know I have it somewhere among
my things."
As soon as she reached her own
room she tore the note open with
a trembling hand.
" Dearest," she read, "I have not
been able to speak to my aunt yet ;
nor, indeed, do I think I shall be
able to till the election is over.
She would be very excited to hear
of it, so I had better wait till we
have done with the contest. How
I wish it was over, I need not say.
I am longing to see you, and count-
ing the hours till to-morrow, when I
shall come to you whatever happens
— before twelve if I can. I cannot
believe in my happiness yet unless
1370.]
Earl's Dene.— Part V.
349
I see you — it is all like a dream. —
H. L."
She both smiled and sighed with
relief, and forgot all her anxiety in
a moment.
" He is afraid of Miss Clare after
all," she thought to herself. " He
\\ill never tell her now ! "
So she took a pencil and scrib-
bled her answer.
" My dear Hugh, — How strange
it seems to begin so ! — I have no
doubt you will do all for the best,
and doubt not all will be well. I
can wait — I have trusted you with
too much not to trust you altogether
now! — A. L.
" Of course I will be in to-mor-
row morning."
This she carried to the man with
hor own hands, and she spent all
the rest of the evening in a state
of temper as angelic as her name.
" Did you find the book ? " asked
Marie.
"No— I could not find it. I
suppose Miss Raymond must have
got it herself without knowing it."
But though her own placidity
was restored, the rest of the Lefort
family had by no means so much
reason to be satisfied with the state
of things. The teaching work of
the old Frenchman had lain prin-
cipally among the families of the
mills — that is to say, of the oppo-
sition ; and, ever since the begin-
ning of the contest, he had found
himself — why, he could not under-
stand— looked upon coldly in all
quarters. In many cases, even,
his services were suddenly dis-
pensed with. Now the number of
French students was of course
never too large in Denethorp ;
and though Monsieur Lefort en-
joyed a monopoly of those that
tli ere were, a pupil more or less
made a considerable difference to
him. Even at the best of times he
found it sufficiently difficult to get
along respectably, and to pay his
way. He was obliged to dress
tolerably well ; he had two young
children to feed and educate and
clothe : he had to support Marie,
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLIII.
who could not be spared from the
household and the children to a
farther extent than that of taking
one or two very cheap pupils, whom
she taught with Ernest and Fleur-
ette ; and the long illness of his
wife had burdened him with many
debts. Worst of all, he was far too
mild and despondent a man to
make a really good fight of it ; and
he was too blind to see what was
going on even in his own family.
Among other places where he
taught was a boarding-school, which
has been mentioned already, and
was kept by a lady whose respecta-
bility was of the extreme sort. It
was patronised chiefly by the trades-
people of Denethorp and Redches-
ter, and was the French master's
best stronghold ; for to learn French
was there de rigueur, as much even
as to learn the use of the globes. On
this day he had been there to give
his lessons as usual ; but instead
of being allowed, as usual, to go
straight to the schoolroom, he was
asked to speak with Mrs Price her-
self in her room of state. She was
a strong-minded person, rather of
the dragon type, like so many
school-mistresses of the old style ;
and she ruled her school as Miss
Clare would have liked to rule
Denethorp. Her notions of de-
corum and propriety were terribly
strict ; and, altogether, a private
interview with her was rather a
thing to be feared, not only by her
pupils, but by her teachers also.
But the age, ugliness, respectability,-
and meekness of Monsieur had won
her heart ; and so she had gener-
ally left him pretty well alone.
But now she was stiff, even for
her.
" Sit down, Mr Lefort."
He bowed, and sat down.
"I think, Mr Lefort, you have
now known me for some time 1"
" I have had that happiness,
madame."
" Very well. And you know the
school, too 1 "
"I think so by this time, ma-
dame."
2 B
350
Earl's Dene.— Part V.
[March
"And you are acquainted with
the character it bears 1 "
" That it is of the highest. Yes,
madame."
" Character, Mr Lefort, is every-
thing."
" Assuredly, madame/'
"And do you feel justified, Mr
Lefort, in coming here day after
day and week after week to teach
in a school whose character is such
— is such — as you admit it to
be?"
" Madame ? "
" I say do you feel justified, Mr
Lefort 1 That is the question."
" I do not understand, madame."
" I thought, Mr Lefort, that you
were a respectable man. In you I
did not think myself deceived. But
it is not that. I know what men
are too well to be surprised at —
at — anything. But you must be
aware that as long as your family
go on as they do, you are not a fit
and proper person to be the in-
structor of young ladies of respect-
ability."
Mr Lefort became stiff in his
turn. " I must beg you to explain
yourself, madame. What have you
heard of my family ? "
" Oh, you ask, do you 1 "
11 Certainly, I ask."
" All the world knows it."
"And what does all the world
Know?"
" I blush for you, Mr Lefort ! I
blush for your grey hairs ! "
" I am not conscious, madame,
that I have any reason to blush for
them."
"So much the worse — so much
the worse, Mr Lefort."
1 But this must be some slander.
I will ask you "
"Ask your daughter, sir— ask
Miss Lefort, who is the talk of the
whole town."
" Mon Dieu ! Marie — the best
girl in the whole world1? For
shame, madame."
"Yes, for shame, indeed! Ask
her, as you pretend you do not
know ! And you will please to con-
sider our engagement at an end. I
will pay you, of course, instead of
the usual notice ; and I owe you
something besides, I believe. You
will be good enough to let me have
the account at once."
" A gentleman does not pretend,
madame. Yes, I will ask Marie —
not you any more, who accuse her,
and will not say why ; and I will
not take your money — no, not a
penny — not even when you apolo-
gise to her, as you will ! "
He had some blood left in his
dried-up veins, after all ; and he
dashed out of the room as if he had
been younger by thirty years, leav-
ing Mrs Price petrified and rather
doubtful.
No doubt he did well to be
angry, though not from a practical
point of view, seeing that he had
already anticipated the money that
he had so scornfully refused. But
he changed his mind about men-
tioning the matter to Marie ; he
could not bring himself to dis-
tress her, as indeed it seemed to
insult her, by asking her what it all
meant, and he had too much con-
fidence in her to really suspect
anything wrong. He would almost
as soon have suspected Angelique
herself. The calumny, whatever it
might be, must, of course, be traced
to its source at once, but not by
means of her who was doubtless the
most ignorant of its existence. He
did not even speak of his dismissal
when he got home, but only said
that he should not be at the school
as usual the following morning.
Meanwhile he considered to whom
he should apply for advice.
One effect of his not going out
the next day was that he spoiled
the chance of anything like a tete-a-
tete between his niece and Hugh,
who came according to his promise.
She just whispered to her lover that
no one knew anything about their
engagement as yet ; a communica-
tion at which, in truth, he was more
surprised than disappointed.
But he was fated to be still more
surprised. He was about to leave,
after a very short and unsatisfactory
1370.]
Earl's Dene.— Part V.
351
visit, when Monsieur Lefort said to
him,
"Mr Lester, should you think
me very presuming if I ask your
advice about something that con-
cerns myself 1 "
" If I thought myself able to ad-
vise you in anything "
" Then would you let me walk
with you a few steps in your own
direction 1 "
" I shall be delighted to have
your company. I am in no hurry/'
As soon as they were in the street
Monsieur Lefort told him of his
interview with Mrs Price.
"I could not speak to her any
ir ore," he said, when he had fin-
ished his story, "and I could not
distress Marie. What had I better
do to find out what it means 1 "
Lester frowned angrily. " I am
glad you did not mention it to Miss
Lefort or to — to her cousin. I, too,
have heard something of this. I
am ashamed that the Denethorp
people should be such idiots — for
myself, I should not care a straw,
bat if you are to suffer it must be
stopped at once. It is to injure me
that these absurd stories are put
about."
"You, Mr Lester?';
" Yes ; in my election."
" But how "
" I scarcely like to tell you, it
seems so absurd. People pretend
to have noticed that I am too much
at your house."
" Eh lien ! and what then 1 "
" They join my name with that
of Miss Lefort, your daughter, it
seems ; and they have the pleasant
and charitable idea about me that
I can be after no good."
"Then, Mr Lester, you should
have done one of two things. You
should have told me, or discon-
tinued your visits. You should
hr.ve remembered the value of a
girl's good name, when she has
m -thing else."
" Indeed you wrong me. How
could I have done either, when it
wis only the day before yester-
day that the report came to my
own ears 1 And I have not been
since."
" But you came to-day."
" Monsieur Lefort, let us under-
stand each other. I did come to-
day, but it was not to see your
daughter."
" Was it, then, to tell me what
you had heard ? "
" It was not."
"What was it for, then?"
" It was to see your niece."
"What! Ange-lique?"
"Yes. I love her."
" Grand Dieu ! "
"And I would make her my
wife."
Monsieur Lefort was so utterly
taken aback that he could not
speak for many instants. At last
he said,
" And does she know it 1 "
" I have told her so, and she has
given me hope."
"And when was this? How
long has she known it ? "
"She must have known it for
long. But I did not tell her so
till when I was last here."
" You have done wrong, Mr Les-
ter— very wrong."
" I hope not."
" You have done very wrong. I
know enough of English ways to
know that."
^But I am my own master. I
am serious in what I say. I mean
rightly and honestly. In what
have I done wrong 1 "
" That may all be very true. I
do not doubt you mean well. But
you should have thought a little of
us, I think."
" Oh, what matters the chatter
of a townful of malicious idiots ? "
" Nothing to you, perhaps. But
to us it means ruin."
"But when she is my wife?
What can harm you then ? "
" In a matter like this, Mr Les-
ter, you will pardon me for speak-
ing of your own affairs. You have
made them mine also. I presume
that Miss Clare does not know of
this intention on your part."
"Not yet."
352
EarVs Dene.— Part V.
[March
" So I thought. No. If you do
not consider us, we must consider
you. People would blame us with
justice if we were the cause of
your ruin."
" But if Angelique "
" If Angelique is the good and
brave girl I take her for, she will
see it in the same light that I see
it. I will speak to her, and then
she or I will write to you. In the
meanwhile do me the favour of
coming to see us no more. You
cannot, with honour, condescend
to us, nor we ascend to you. I
daresay you will think I say hard
things, but you will think better
one day. And you must remember
that I am old enough to be your
father, and that I love Angelique
as if I were hers."
" No ; I cannot consent to that.
I cannot give her up like this. If
she loves me "
" That can make no difference if
she cannot be your wife/'
"But surely Angelique can judge
for herself."
" No doubt. But surely you
would not have her judge blindly."
"But if she has decided al-
ready ? "
" Mr Lester, this argument will
prove endless. As a gentleman,
I trust you will not come to us
while, as you see, your visits are
likely to do us a fatal injury. If
you do, I shall be obliged to think
of you badly, which I am far from
doing now. And I should, in my
own self-defence, feel it my duty
to communicate with Miss Clare.
Just think — it is a question now
neither of you nor of Angelique,
but of Marie."
Lester did think, and then said,
frankly,
" I will not give up Angelique.
But I will give you my word not
to call in Market Street until after
the election is over, on condition
that you will let me write oiice to
Angelique to explain why. I might
do so without your permission, I
know ; but I wish you to feel that
you can trust me."
" And I do trust you. And you
shall have an answer."
And so, upon this understanding,
they parted, mutually dissatisfied.
CHAPTER XIV.
When Monsieur Lefort returned
home after this conversation, he -felt
terribly fatigued. His life was one
of chronic, monotonous trouble,
and the excitement of the last four-
and- twenty hours had been too
much for him. Little used to the
occurrence of anything unusual, he
found himself both physically and
mentally incapable of speaking
either to Marie or to Angelique of
what was upon his mind ; and so
he drank his coffee in silence, won-
dering the while how long he should
be able to afford himself his only
luxury. Angelique was curious to
know what had passed between
her uncle and Hugh, but the silence
of the former reassured her. After
all, she had not much to fear from
him — he was not Miss Clare. But
still she liked things to go on with-
out unpleasant scenes ; and if she
cared about anything, she cared for
the good opinion of Marie.
She was, however, to a certain
extent enlightened as to the position
of matters by a letter which she
received from Hugh that very even-
ing, and which her uncle handed
to her in a deprecating sort of way.
When she had read it she saw clearly
that her best course would be to
trust to fortune, seeing that she had
secured her fish, and that she could
rely upon Miss Clare's being kept
in ignorance for the present. After
all, if her uncle should make a fuss
— and she had never yet known
him do so about anything — she
could manage him somehow ; and
from Marie she had nothing to fear
but an "Angelique/"
And so the nomination of the
1870.]
EarVs Dene.— Part V.
353
riemberforDenethorp was brought
rearer by another day. Warden
had returned from London, and
t ad slept off his fatigue ; and Marie
had something else to think about
than the humours of her cousin.
And so, on the whole, Angelique
had no very great cause to be dis-
satisfied. Madam Clare could not
live for ever, and then
For his part, Hugh had, during
the last day or two, been rather
more attentive to his aunt's guest
than usual : not by any means of
set purpose, or with any intention
cf throwing dust in the eyes of
anybody, but simply because he
somehow felt that he had not of
lite paid her as much attention as
mere politeness required — perhaps
to some extent also on the same
principle that makes a schoolboy,
who has been guilty of some great
piece of mischief which he would
rather not have found out, unnatu-
rally well behaved in other respects.
Not that Miss Raymond much cared.
Bhe liked him very much, but she
was by no means perpetually think-
ing of love and marriage. When
she rode, she rode to ride, and not
to flirt. The interest which she
took in the election itself arose
from her being readily interested
in everything that went on about
her, and from its interesting her
friends, and not from any special
cause connected with the candidate
himself. Nevertheless, the dust
did find its way into Miss Clare's
eyes all the same.
But one day, on returning from
a ride with Miss Raymond, which
had been pleasant to her, and, in
spite of his anxieties, not unplea-
sant to her cavalier, the latter was
told that a gentleman was waiting
in the library to see him, whose
card bore the name of Lieut. Moun-
tain, R.N. — a name that he recog-
rised as that of a retired naval
officer who lived at Redchester,
find amused the evening of his days
with local politics and agitation.
" I have the honour of address-
ing Mr Lester?" he asked, al-
though he knew Hugh by sight
perfectly.
" Pray sit down, Mr Mountain."
" I call, sir, as the friend of Mr
Prescot."
"And may I ask what has ob-
tained for me the honour of a com-
munication from Mr Prescot '] "
" I said as the friend — as the
friend, sir — of Mr Prescot, who is,
sir, as you may be aware, the popu-
lar candidate for the representation
of this borough."
" I am certainly aware that he is
a candidate, but whether he is the
popular one "
"Mr Prescot, sir, feels that he
has cause to complain of your con-
duct towards himself personally.'7
" I should be sorry to think that.
He does not expect me to retire
from the contest, I suppose ? For,
except by opposing him, I do not
know what reason I can have given
him to complain."
" Sir, this is a most serious busi-
ness, and I beg you will treat it
seriously. Mr Prescot feels that
you, by yourself or by your agents,
have acted towards him in a way
not becoming in one gentleman to-
wards another."
"Sir!"
" You will understand, sir, that
I desire to proceed in this affair
with all courtesy. Perhaps, sir,
you may not — I say you may not
— be aware that there has been
published in this town an infamous
libel."
" I am perfectly aware of that ;
but I should hardly have thought
that Mr Prescot would have charged
me with attacking my own friends."
" Am I to understand, sir, that
you deny all knowledge of what I
allude to 1 "
" You may understand that I
don't understand a word you say."
" I allude to this, sir." And he
produced a copy of Barton's last
performance, which had been flying
about the town all day, but had
not as yet found its way to Earl's
Dene.
Hugh read it.
354
EarVs Dene.— Part V.
[March
" And does Mr- Prescot mean to
say that he can think me the author
of a thing like this?"
" Mr Prescot, sir, has reason to
believe that he knows who the
author is, and he has excellent rea-
son to believe that you know who
it is as well as he. And he thinks,
sir, that it is an infamous publica-
tion."
Hugh considered for a moment.
" Could it be Warden himself 1 "
he thought. It did not seem to be
unlikely. But as he did not choose
to guess,
" Well, it has been published
now," he said, " and can't be un-
published again. What does Mr
Prescot expect me to do ? "
" He demands an immediate
apology, sir, for this slanderous
and unjustifiable attack."
" An apology 1 How can I apo-
logise for what I know nothing
about 1 I am sorry it appeared, of
course ; but really I think that he
is the very last person who ought
to complain of it."
"An apology, sir, and an im-
mediate suppression."
" He must know, Mr Mountain,
and so must you, that suppression
is impossible. And I have done
nothing that will admit of an
apology."
" Then, sir, do I understand that
you refuse to apologise ] "
" Most distinctly."
"On your own responsibility ? "
"On my own responsibility —
whatever that may mean."
" Are you aware, sir, that in that
case there can be but one termina-
tion ? "
"If Mr Prescot thinks I have
wronged him, of course I am ready
to give him proper satisfaction."
"Perhaps, sir, you had better
consult some friend. I shall re-
main at the King's Head, Dene-
thorp, and will give you two clear
days to consider. If by that time
I hear from any friend of yours
that you are still in the same mind,
or if I do not hear from you at all,
I will consider that the rest of this
affair is to be arranged in the only
way that will then be open to my
principal."
" Will you take any refreshment,
Mr Mountain?" He rose to ring
the bell.
"Good- day, sir. And I trust
you will think better of it by to-
morrow."
And so, to add to his difficulties,
he found himself engaged in a duel
with the rival candidate. " So we
may not have to go to the poll after
all," he said to himself, and then
wrote to an acquaintance of his at
the Redch ester Barracks, asking him
to meet him the next day.
It will seem at first sight absurd
enough that so apparently slight a
matter should assume what would
be held in these days so serious an
aspect. The licence of an election
excuses — or at least used to excuse
— much hard and even foul hitting.
But this case was exceptional, as
might very easily indeed be proved
were the effusions of Dick Barton
fit to appear in type. There is a
limit of insult beyond which a can-
didate for a borough, long-suffering
as he must needs be, cannot be ex-
pected to stand; and Prescot was
not only the re verse of long-suffering,
but it was just his sorest corns up-
on which Barton had deliberately
trampled in such a manner that no
man, at least in those times, could
possibly let the matter pass without
resenting it. On the other hand,
though Lester entirely disapproved
of Warden's proceeding, and was
himself entirely innocent, he felt
himself bound to support his friend
through thick and thin, in respect
of what had been done in his own
service; and besides, he considered
that Prescot was the last man who
had any right to complain. At all
events, he felt sure that his oppon-
ent, even if he had had any just
reason for complaint, had not the
faintest right to anything approach-
ing an apology, and less even from
Warden than from himself : and so
he was more than ready to stand by
the consequences of refusing to give
1370.]
JSarl's Dene.— Part V.
sr.5
one. And so, what with Prescot's
vary natural anger — seeing that he
had been tricked and rendered ridi-
c ilous by means of his own weap-
ons— and" what with Hugh's chival-
rous determination to bear upon
his own shoulders the whole re-
sponsibility of a proceeding of
which he entirely disapproved, only
one termination of the quarrel was
possible. Indeed, if the truth must
be told, his chief feeling about the
matter was one of vanity at being
engaged in his first " affair."
The next day, Captain Seward
— who, by the way, was the last
man in the world to counsel peace
— conveyed Hugh's final answer to
the King's Head ; and a meeting
vras arranged to take place in a
convenient meadow about half-way
between Denethorp and Redchester.
The interval between a man's
fi rst challenge and its result is apt
to pass very much as though it
were part of a dream ; and as such,
at least in the case of Hugh Lester,
it} ought to be described. Nor is
tlie dream altogether of an unpleas-
ant kind, in spite of what sober-
minded people may think, when
one has hot blood in one's veins,
and is convinced that it is the
right and chivalrous thing to do.
But hot blood is apt to grow
feverish, and fevers have their
chills. And though love by no
means makes a man less inclined
to fight, but rather the contrary, it
does make a man less inclined to be
killed.
He could not help regretting, as
he walked about the place at night,
on the eve of the meeting, his pro-
mise to Monsieur Lefort that he
would not attempt to see Angelique,
for now it was quite on the cards
that he might see her no more —
that he might have to leave the
world without even bidding her
farewell. In answer to his last
letter, he had received the slightest
and most clandestine -looking of
notes, reassuring him of her patience
and trust in him; and upon this
te had lived for many days. But
now his soul required stronger
meat than written words, which
had been read and kissed until their
sweetness had grown almost stale.
And his desire was all the stronger,
since it could not possibly be
gratified. He had written five let-
ters in case of accident — one, full
of explanation and of gratitude, for
Miss Clare ; one to Warden, full
of thanks and exhortations to fight
the battle still upon his own account
— making him in effect his political
heir ; one to an old college friend,
full of kind remembrances to every-
body; one to his servant, full of
commissions ; and one to Angel-
ique, full of love. But this was
but a sorry substitute for what he
longed to say and do, after all ;
and his cigar tasted bitterly.
Nevertheless he slept well, and in
the morning was as cool and as
well prepared as a man who thinks
he is doing his duty should always
be. In fact, the morning was al-
ways his best time.
An early hour had been fixed for
the meeting, and he found Captain
Seward waiting for him with a trap
at the bend of the road beyond the
bridge.
They drove off rapidly ; and the
freshness of the air soon put Hugh
into unforced spirits. They had
not a very great way to go, and
they found themselves the first on
the ground.
Presently, however, from the op-
posite direction, came up another
trap, containing Lieutenant Moun-
tain, a surgeon from the barracks,
and the great Mr Prescot himself.
Both the captain and the lieut-
enant were pretty well used to the
business ; and as the last resort
was now inevitable, the forms
and ceremonies were got through
quickly, and the two opponents
were soon in their places, waiting
for the signal to fire.
Now, Lester was an admirable
shot, and knew it. Of course he
did not aim to kill, but he must aim
to wing, almost as a matter of self-
defence. He fired, but, in order to
356
The Opening of the Suez Canal.— Part III.
[March
avoid the chance of killing, gave
himself too wide a margin, and
missed altogether.
Had he conspicuously fired wide,
his opponent might very likely, un-
der the circumstances, have thought
that enough had been done for
honour ; but, as it was, the latter
having seen the general direction
of his adversary's pistol, aimed
straight and low.
The next instant Hugh was lying
in the arms of the surgeon. The
ball had passed into his side, and
he seemed, in the eyes of all, to be
faint with the faintness of death.
END OF THE FIRST BOOK.
THE OPENING OF THE SUEZ CANAL :
AS COMMUNICATED TO BULLION BALES, ESQ. OF MANCHESTER,
BY HIS FRIEND MR SCAMPER.
PART III.
MY DEAR BALES, — Did it ever
occur to you what important illus-
trations of national character might
be obtained from a study of na-
tional oaths ? I don't mean fan-
tastic expressions, such as Bob
Acres' " odds triggers and flints,"
or Mr Brisk's " let me perish/' but
the vernacular outpourings of over-
charged minds venting themselves
otherwise than in goodwill towards
men. It has been acutely observed
how much ballads have to do with
the creation of national sentiments,
but nobody, so far as I know, has
traced the relation between charac-
ter and oaths. I will explain why
I have begun my letter with the
above question. The idea was
suggested to me as I lay in bed
the morning after the Khedive's
ball at Kasr el Nilo, somewhere
between eight and nine o'clock.
You will remember that I had re-
tired to rest the same morning be-
tween four and five, after being
very actively employed for more
than twenty-four hours, and you
may suppose that, notwithstanding
the crowd of thoughts likely to pre-
sent themselves in my first solitude,
I was not long in falling asleep.
I slept till after eight, and should
probably have done so till after
eleven had I been suffered to take
mine ease in mine inn. But fate
ordered things her own way ; my
rest was rudely broken, and it
was broken by a concordia dis-
cors of execrations ; that is to
say, there was entire concord
and unanimity as to the consign-
ment which every railer was mak-
ing of his neighbour's immaterial
and material being, but a harsh,
incongruous, and anti-morphic clam-
our used to express the same. Had
I been a rash and irascible man, it
is possible that, on being disturbed,
I might have offered my mite where
so many rich men were casting
their gifts into the treasury of
condemnation ; but being, as you
know, a model of self-restraint, I
fell to moralising on what I was
obliged to hear, and propounded to
myself that little theorem concern-
ing oaths and character which I
have just passed on to you. I
would have preferred to sleep on,
it is true, but as to getting into a
rage, because in such a place I
couldn't, that would have been in-
excusable. When young Bailey
was supposed to be, like young
Lycidas, dead ere his prime, and
not to have left his peer, Mrs
Gamp observed that " he was born
into a wale, and must take the
kinsequences of sich a sitiwation ; "
1870.]
The Opening of the Suez Canal— Part III.
357
and in like manner, as I think,
every man who went skylarking to
the Suez fetes was bound to take
the consequences of whatever situa-
tion he might fall into. For my
pirt the wale to which I had be-
taken myself, though not always a
smooth arid flowery wale, had left
me with few losses or injuries, and
had presented many delights. I
began to feel on good terms with
Fortune, and was not prone to be-
lieve that every little inconvenience
Mas really for my ultimate damage;
therefore, I say, I did not fall into
great wrath, but lay and rested my
limbs, though I could not sleep.
Sleep ! well, it would have been
difficult. The occasion of the row
I could pretty well guess. The
s~ate of the hotel the evening be-
fore gave sure token of what would
happen next day. The bells, I
fancy, were unanswered, and soon
rendered dumb by fierce pulling;
the water, too, though raised
tli rough pipes (Nile water, Bales),
had unfortunately failed that morn-
ing (not a very serious privation, by
the by, to many of the honourable
comminators) ; boots and clothes
were unbrushed ; coffee was not
forthcoming ; all the world had got
out of bed on the wrong side, and
with one consent was raising its
cheerful voice. But as the world
is no longer of one speech and of
one language, its cheerful voice was
of necessity of many sounds, though
of very even intensity while it rav-
ed. There were shrieks and howls,
roars and squalls, gutturals and
sibilants, liquids and solids, rolling
sonorous oaths, oaths that went
off as sharp as crackers, earnest
v/icked oaths, appealing tragic
oaths, despairing oaths, sudden
frantic oaths in chorus indicating
t hat the skirt of a fellah was seen in
the far distance, composite poetical
oaths, oaths of sublime simplicity.
And there lay I amused, while
Chinamen, Germans, Yankee-doo-
dles, Gauls, English, Parthians and
Medes andElamites, Cretes and Ara-
bians, every man in his own tongue,
gave utterance to what Friday cal-
led " de great dam."
Well, I lay and thought that if
ever again I should know the de-
lights of a winter evening and an
easy-chair, I would make a profound
philosophic inquiry into the oaths
of all nations; and you should ask
Blackwood, who is, I know, a friend
of yours, to give it a place in * Maga '
— will you 1
At last the tumult began to sub-
side, the speakers dropped away
hither and thither, and a few only
of the most eloquent were yet
breathing out threatenings. These
last, too, died away in low anathe-
mas. The corridors became toler-
ably quiet, and I could hear the
wretched feltahs creeping cautiously
from their holes and pattering along
the floor as they went about their
daily work. There was no more
chance of quiet, and besides, there
was a bright sun shining in at my
window ; therefore, though they
had waked me too soon, I did not
slumber again, but got up, and had
a refreshing wash — wash, I say — for
Bales, my boy, I have not lived in
Manchester for nothing. I foresaw
that water might be at a premium ;
and the night before, amid all the
hurry of arrival and dressing for the
ball, arranged, through a baksheesh
of one franc, to have a sitz-bath
brought then into my chamber,
and there filled with Nile water.
Oblige me by mentioning this on
'Change — in the hearing of old
Pinch, if you can manage it. He got
to windward of us in that matter
of the maddapollans, but I mean
to show him a trick of Egypt when
I get back.
Cairo viewed by day proved quite
as prepossessing as when viewed by
lamp-light. I opened my window
and stepped out on the balcony, in
my dressing-gown, to reconnoitre.
It was a delicious morning, of about
the temperature of the English
June. Palm-branches stirred gently
against the purple sky ; groves and
plains stretched toward the city
from a not very distant horizon ;
358
The Opening of the Suez Canal— Part III.
[March
and mosques and minarets inter-
spersed among high and principally
modern houses, all standing, or ap-
pearing to stand, among trees and
gardens, formed the foreground of
a very different landscape from
those which met us in the desert.
This was my first impression from
Grand Cairo ; but it was a false and
hasty impression, very unlike any
of the images of the same renowned
city which I have carried away
stamped on my brain, to remain
there till death us do part. Modern
Cairo is no more the Cairo of the
mind than Ismai'l Pasha, in a frock-
coat and patent-leather boots, is
Haroun al Raschid. In both cases
the modern forms are the natural
creations of moving time, and pos-
sibly great improvements on the
old — "but oh the difference to
me!"
I needed not, however, to have
been so hasty in making my moan
over the things of yore. However
incompatible past and present may
be elsewhere, it is certain that in
Cairo they coexist. A turn to your
left, ten steps down an alley, and
you have gone back six centuries
at least, out of the sight of houses
five storeys high, with plate-glass
windows and gas and water service,
into the real presentment of the
' Arabian Nights/ If you can be
amazed this transition must aston-
ish you. You don't for the moment
reflect that it isn't Bagdad, it is so
exactly like the Bagdad that you
have read and dreamed about.
There are the little, close, narrow
passages, crowded with Mussul-
mans, Jews, Greeks, Copts, veiled
women, saucy boys, and donkeys,
jabbering, shouting, struggling, arid
staring, despite the filth and stench.
There are the tall, old, curiously-
built houses, with a little stall on
the ground-floor of each, just large
enough to hold the proprietor and
possibly his man or boy assistant,
and some of the wares. It is likely
that all the merchandise may be con-
tained in the shop when the vendors
are out of it; but while they are there,
room is made for them by ranging
half of the stock outside on the
door-posts or on little benches.
The floors of the boutiques are
raised a little — say two feet — off
the ground ; above that level the
fronts are all open, with neither
doors nor windows. Cross-legged
on the floor, with a pipe in his
mouth, sits the dealer, if he be an
Egyptian, while his assistant ar-
ranges wares and recommends them
to passengers. A Jew or Greek
proprietor may occasionally be seen
seated on a chair somewhere about
the premises. Many of the trades
have their own particular quarters
in the bazaar. Goldsmiths and
jewellers are all together; silver-
smiths have their proper alleys ;
and silks, cloth -of -gold, and em-
broidered stuffs, by far the most
showy of the merchandise, are con-
gregated in their separate neigh-
bourhood. The less one sees of
the places where the necessaries
of life are sold the better. The
butchers', bakers', confectioners',
and fruiterers' establishments, hav-
ing nothing to distract attention
from the dirt and meanness, are
disgusting. In looking at them it
is a comfort to remember that there
is a modern Cairo where your pro-
visions are bought. Grocers, chem-
ists, medicine-vendors, tobacconists,
and chandlers, have none of them
very inviting magazines ; and as
for a bookseller and stationer, I do
not remember to have seen such a
thing in all the old part of the city.
You very soon find out that the
gold, silver, jewels, curiosities, and
ornamented cloths are the wares
that attract you most ; to them you
go again and again — but one walk
through the region of necessaries
and household stuff will probably
suffice. Yet in these latter you
find all manner of memories stirred
up. You recognise that intelligent
cobbler who sewed Cassim's body
together, and afterwards, with a
bandage over his eyes, found his
way through the intricate streets to
the very door whither he had once
1870.]
The Opening of the Suez Canal— Part III.
359
been conducted blindfold. There
he is in his little box, just as he
sat when Morgiana accosted him.
And, by the by, is not that Mor-
giana herself that has just walked
up to his stall, with a long veil and
a fillet round her forehead 1 Then
that doctor's shop, with all its
nastiness, can be no other than the
shop of Ebn Thaher ; and that old
party with the turban and yellow
slippers must be Ebn Thaher him-
self, the man who contrived love-
meetings for Schemselnihar and
the Prince of Persia. The vener-
able old fruiterer opposite I can
also call by name ; I have known
him for many many years, although
I never saw him in the flesh be-
fore. He is Abdallah, and he
was once very kind to King Be-
der. Indeed it all looks terribly
familiar, suggesting the operation
of magic, from the venerable
dervish and staid dealer down to
the ragamuffin faithful with their
clamour, amongst whom you long
to see the renowned Cadi appear
with his dreaded satellites and the
supple wand so effectual in admin-
istering the bastinado. But, as I
said before, you leave these regions
for the gold and jewels, where the
paths are by contrast clean. No
sooner do you appear than there
are fellows at you on each side.
For a moment, perhaps, you are dis-
tracted, but you recover your Anglo-
Saxon self-possession and incline
to your right or left without at all
knowing which is preferable. The
dealer who has got you immediate-
ly exhibits his shawls, necklaces,
slippers, robes, and so on, recom-
mending the same furiously. You
admire them all, but fix your eyes
on something, a santal-wood fan
perhaps, which you think you will
buy. The conscientious tradesman,
who has been watching your look,
immediately resolves to add about
eighty per cent to the price, and
as its you three and a half napole-
ons, assuring you that it will ruin
him to part with the article at that
figure, but that he has taken a
liking to you, and is resolved that
you shall be gratified. You think
even the three and a half rather
strong ; but the vendor, who is an
impulsive, open - hearted fellow,
rather than you shall be balked,
bids you, in Allah's name, take the
fan for sixty-five francs — why
should two or three miserable
livres prevent the dealing 1 You
pay your money, but are not with-
out misgivings that a little more
patience and firmness might have
procured you a better bargain.
There are some indications that you
have been mistaken for a flat — as,
for example, the gathering of a very
importunate crowd around you, and
the shoutings of some individuals
in that crowd to respectable mer-
chants further on, who, on hearing
the shouts, assiduously unlock their
caskets and expand their gimcracks.
You are a little abashed at first,
and show symptoms of hesitation,
but, recollecting that this will
never do for a free-born Briton
among a gang of ignorant savages,
you resolve to show the villains
that you know what you are about,
and that if you suffer yourself to be
imposed upon it is only because
such is your pleasure. So you
swagger suddenly up to a bawling
shopman, don't wait for him to
entice you, but at once take up a
gold necklace, hung with sequins
and crescents, and demand the price.
" Four napoleons," replies the dealer,
who can speak very badly every
European language, and has care-
fully got up his English numerals.
** Of course, then, it is gold/' you
say. " Oh no — silver gilt," replie J
the just Mohammedan ; "if gold,
fifteen napoleons," and he spreads
out his five fingers three times.
This candour rather shakes your
resolution ; still, for the sake of your
own self-respect, you must suggest
abatement. Three napoleons, you
remark, are quite enough. The
seller signifies by a gesture that he
is amused by the facetiousness
which you are pleased to exhibit.
Secretly you waver, but you deem
360
The Opening of the Suez Canal. — Part III.
[March
it expedient not to give in too
quickly, so you turn away to some
other object and begin to examine
it; whereupon the Arab sets to
work with diligence, wrapping the
necklace in soft paper and packing
it in a box of card — you soon see
why. He presents the box to you,
with a smile, saying, " Give tree."
You got off a napoleon any way,
but still you think these fellows'
prices have a wonderful margin, the
extent of which it will be well to
ascertain. So you walk on, your
crowd of followers having increased,
and the shouts sent before you up
the alley being louder than before.
You want another necklace and so
you look at one. Five napoleons are
asked. " Two," you say. " Impos-
sible/'is the reply. "Two is enough."
" No, four." You try your former
trick and turn away to other goods.
Your diversion is permitted for a
moment, but in a minute the neck-
lace is again pushed before you.
" Four, cheap ! " You turn away
impatiently, when a bystander in-
terferes. " Gold, good, four." You
turn savagely round at this intruder,
who, however, only smiles and
enters into an energetic conversa-
tion with the master of the shop,
then he looks towards you and
says persuasively " Tree." This is
rather disgusting, and you move
away. Your crowd, however, re-
mains, and there is no shouting.
You feel yourself almost forsaken
as you approach a stall on the other
side, where a grave Turk preparing
for you takes his pipe from his
mouth. But you are not permitted
to speak to him at present. Your
whole former following moves up,
headed by the owner of the last
necklace, who holds out the orna-
ment, saying, "Give, give." You
are angry, and refuse to be in-
terrupted ; you stalk resolutely for-
ward. "Two, give?" persists the
vendor. " Go to the devil ! " you
say. Then the Turk in front comes
to your aid and exhibits his trea-
sures. The other fellow is disap-
pointed, and withdraws ; but the
gentleman who so kindly interfer-
fered in your behalf demands bak-
sheesh, which you, if you are wise,
administer with your cane. Finally
you buy a necklace from the Turk
for thirty francs, which is some-
where about its value in Cairo. The
crowd come up again, but perceiv-
ing that your education has advanc-
ed, take part with you now, and
enjoy the discomfiture of the traders,
whom you treat without ceremony,
depreciating their wares, and offer-
ing for them a tenth of what they
ask.
At one of the stalls I saw a face-
tious young gentleman who endea-
voured to attract custom by his
sprightly manners. A circlet for
a lady's head, made of gold, purple,
and embroidery, caught my atten-
tion, and I moved it about with my
hand, observing its appearance in
different lights ; whereupon the
youth, pulling off first his turban,
and then a linen cap, showed his
close-shaven head, and put the circle
thereon for me to admire the effect.
For this performance he demanded,
but did not get, baksheesh, neither
did he at that time sell the band.
The parade of so much gorgeous
stuff in so poor a place produces an
effect of barbarous grandeur which
is rather impressive. Most likely
the same goods exhibited in a com-
modious, well-fitted European shop,
would make a very paltry show.
But undoubtedly imagination is
busily at work here, and it is much
wiser to believe that things are as
you see them, than to seek to re-
move the glamour. Everything in
Egypt is more or less enchanted.
If the " Nights " were written, as
some of the learned have supposed,
by an Egyptian or Egyptians, their
magic is accounted for. The diffi-
culty in that land is not to believe
in marvels.
The night after the ball Cairo
was illuminated — rather there were
illuminations in Cairo, but they were
not general. True to my instincts
I desired to see the old part of the
city in the glare of artificial light;
1870.]
The Opening of the Suez Canal. — Part III.
361
and accordingly, after dinner, I
again trudged off to the narrow
streets. All was gloomy there,
however, and as the ways were
neither smooth nor clean I found
groping my way far from pleasant.
After I had walked some time a
glare of light appeared in the dis-
tance, and a confused noise indi-
cated that something was astir.
The light came nearer, and so did
a series of loud shouts, which at
last took the sound of Iluarda,
huarda, as three or four Arabs ran
by bearing torches, and were im-
mediately followed by a coach con-
taining several persons, after which
came two more torch-bearers. It
seemed that something sensational
was going on among the natives,
for more cries of Huarda, huarda,
and more coaches were soon per-
ceived. Some of these had mount-
ed guards as well as the runners
with the torches, and some of them
contained ladies from the great
harems, whose veils could be seen
as the torch-light flashed on them.
There being no footway, one had
to cling closely to the walls to
avoid the tramp and wheels, so I
made the best of my way back to
broader streets. Ere I was quite
out of the ancient region, I saw, in
a place where some of the houses
and shops were still open and
lighted, a turbaned and bearded
orator holding forth to a not very
numerous nor select audience in
front of an uninviting cafe. I re-
mained to listen to him, but of
course could comprehend nothing
but his earnest delivery and his
gestures, with which the hearers
seemed much impressed. First I
thought he was a political mob-
orator, until I reflected that amid
all her plagues Egypt was free from
this one. Then I imagined that it
m ust be a holy man preaching and
giving wisdom by the wayside to
irreligious Mussulmans. But it
was the things of my former life
that were misleading me. What
had brawling Kadicals or street-ran-
ters to do there in Egypt ? No, it
was a very different sort of party,
though perhaps of imagination all
compact with the disturbers that I
first thought of. The fellow was,
no doubt, a story-teller, and relat-
ing some wonders of love, or war,
or enchantment, for the delight of
the faithful after the manner of his
kind. The ears of (I will not say
the unwashed, which is not a very
distinguishing epithet in Egypt,
but of) the illiterate are regaled
with amusing stories instead of
sedition or snuffling inspiration.
The deeds of Antar, or some other
romance, had been preparing the
poor men for pleasant dreams and
healthy slumber, not sending them
home full of envious thoughts and
railing accusations, or of terrifying
images of Gehenna.
Afterwards I found the illumi-
nations, which hardly repaid me for
my tramp. An avenue here and
there was brilliantly lighted, but
the most luminous place was the
great square. Here things looked
very gay, and the population were
promenading the area and appar-
ently enjoying the amusements,
forming little knots round pro-
fessors of different sciences, all of
which I thought but poorly repre-
sented. There was a juggler, very
slow and with stale tricks ; some
dancers of a most uninteresting
type ; some musicians and singers
who were a caution ; confectioners
with forbidding stalls. I was glad
to go to bed and sleep.
Not that even this was to be a
compensatory night. Five o'clock
was our appointed hour of reveille,
and an hour before the swearing
could begin we were to start for
the Pyramids. And it was so : at
twenty minutes before five I awoke
and lit a candle, shaking off dull
sloth ; at five o'clock I early rose ;
at six I stood in the lobby amid
sleepers on sofas and in cloaks, who
had no holes like the foxes, nor
nests like the birds of the air, and
who had not been educated up to
the Oriental resource of laying their
heads in tombs. We were not go-
The Opening of the Suez Canal. — Part III.
[March
ing to start in a very great hurry,
but our experience of the establish-
ment taught us that an early break-
fast, and an early-packed basket of
provender, would be achieved with
difficulty, if achieved at all. All
was achieved, though at some ex-
pense of time and breath, and
while it was yet cool morning we
had started for Ghizeh. The drive
through the city in the early hours
lias its peculiar gratification. You
see the place far more with its nat-
ural aspect at that time than at
any other. Very few Europeans
are astir; but the Moslems, who are
all early risers, are about their
usual business. We were scarcely
clear of the streets, when, passing
under the arch of an aqueduct, we
encountered a person of some dis-
tinction, Jew or Arab, seated upon
an ass and ambling quietly, es-
corted by a large attendance on
foot. He was richly and tastefully
dressed, and his long flowing robes,
in great measure covering the don-
key, saved the rider from the ridi-
culous appearance which a Euro-
pean so mounted would present.
The Sheik or Rabbi, or whatever
he was, preserved an entirely dig-
nified mien, and forced you to
think of Balaam the son of Beor.
Strings of camels passed us laden
with long sawn timbers, with casks,
with packages ; there were oxen
and buffaloes in droves ; there were
country people in troops. A few
well-mounted equestrians passed us,
but these were exceptional. Most
of the travellers were on foot. A
good deal of work, such as drain-
ing, road-making, and fencing, was
going on, the labourers being women
and men in about equal proportions.
The women, who wore no veils,
must have been of a very low class
indeed. The country through which
we passed was for the most part
bearing crops, but was not much
varied in feature. The air was still
fresh and exhilarating when we
reached the village of Old Cairo.
Here was pointed out to us a mo-
dest Christian church, said to be
the very house in which the Holy
Family dwelt when they fled into
Egypt. The houses in the village
were neat, and adjacent was a
large barrack with defensible walls.
We were just beginning to find
it warm, when, turning sharp to
the right and passing a few houses,
we saw our way stopped by the
Nile. When I saw the river yes-
termorn, its presence made the
pulses leap and set the brain a-spin-
ning ; but it might have been the
Tagus, or the Essequibo, or the
Mersey, or any other full stream,
for all the emotion it could produce
at present. It was not the stream,
but its hither bank, which forced
the beholder's attention. The road
led down to a narrow strand, all
along which, boats as thick as they
could possibly lie were packed,
with their prows on the beach. It
seemed as if nothing could be eas-
ier than to hire one of these, shove
out, and cross or navigate the river.
But it would appear to be a law of
Egyptian life that no transaction of
the kind shall be effected decently
and in order. As land differs from
water, so there was a difference be-
tween the scene on this beach and
that which I witnessed at the Suez
railway station ; but in respect of
the utter confusion that reigned in
each, they were the same. There
was no wheel nor steam-engine
to help the noise on the river's
bank, and therefore, probably, it
was that the human voice was more
freely drawn upon to keep up the
requisite clatter in the latter situa-
tion. To this day, I cannot conceive
what all the discussions were about.
There were plenty of passengers
wanting boats, and there were
plenty of boats wanting passengers ;
but the difficulty was to get a pas-
senger into a boat. There was no
sign that customers and boatmen
were making their little bargains.
Most of the boats were without
men on board ; and the owners
were pacing lip and down the
strand, exchanging observations at
the top of their voices with every
1870.]
The Opening of the Suez Canal— Part III.
363
person whom they encountered.
The customers were doing exactly
the same thing. How such proceed-
ings could ever end in embarkations
I cannot imagine. In the back-
ground were the carriages or other
conveyances in which some of the
company had arrived, carts laden
with provisions and merchandise,
horses, oxen, and one or two camels ;
the middle strand was covered by
people moving to and fro and talk-
ing loudly, as I have above de-
scribed, and by donkeys ; in front,
and down a pretty steep and rug-
ged descent, were the boats, uncon-
scious of the row that was being
made about them in the world. I
never in my life witnessed such an
unmeaning scramble. It was some-
thing like the motion you observe
on first disturbing an ant-hill, only
that this never did resolve itself
into any order. And as for the
noise, there may be some effects of
machinery equally disagreeable to
the ear, but I don't think that any
other human organs could equal it.
The comparison of many waters, and
so on, would wholly fail : this was a
noise of many Egyptians, and like
nothing else.
N"ow my party and I were in
no particular hurry, so we waited
a while and amused ourselves with
the dresses and outcries and incom-
prehensible motions of the crowd.
When we had had enough of these,
we did, what I recommend every
one to do who may find himself at
thit perplexing ferry — we desired
our donkey-men (who must be en-
gaged on this side) to see to getting
the donkeys and themselves across,
and then we boarded and took pos-
session of a craft, speaking no word
good or bad to any man. After a
time, the owners, during a pause in
their horrible vociferation, espied
us and came on board, with their
appetite for jabber painfully excit-
ed, and wanted to draw us into
foolish disputation, which we, with
storn forbearance, declined. We
likewise, with sterner forbearance,
retrained from knocking them into
the river, and in the end had our
heavenly patience rewarded by
being pushed away from the land.
The waters at this time had more
than half subsided, and were of a
clear brown colour; but the stream
was still strong, insomuch that, with
sails and oars together, it was diffi-
cult to hit the landing-place on the
opposite bank. The island of Raw-
dah, just below our course of tran-
sit, is said, we were told, to be
Moses' birthplace — on what author-
ity I am unable to say. A fresh
breeze made the water pleasant;
but there were not many craft
about — a small steamer or two,
that was all. Only two or three
other boats crossed at the same
time with us, and we flattered our-
selves that we had got clean away
from the Babel on the Cairo bank,
the sound of which, sunk to a mur-
mur of confusion, reached us in the
mid -channel. But they change
their bank, not their affliction, who
run across the Nile at this point.
On the further shore was another
scene of confusion and babbling
awaiting us, to get through which,
and to find our donkeys and our
provender, took us a good half-hour,
during which I had an opportunity
of examining what looked like a
corn-market. In a small square,
heaps of different kinds of grain
were exposed on sheets — wheat,
rye, barley, maize. The wheat, or
what was pointed out to me as
such, was darker in colour than
any that we grow at home, and
rounder in the grain. There was
no very great quantity, and the
sellers appeared to be of the very
lowest of the population. Several
young girls without veils, and ap-
parently of a very low class, were
selling fruit in the same place.
After a certain interval of choos-
ing and mounting, every one of our
party was mounted on a donkey.
The donkeys are saddled with large
soft pads covered with red leather,
and, as a general rule, the same
saddle may be used by either sex
indifferently. The donkey - men
364
The Opening of the Suez Canal.— Part III.
[March
were urgent that our ladies should
sit astride, which was of course per-
emptorily objected to. The diffi-
culty of the saddle was got over
somehow, and we started. It is
one peculiarity of the donkey-sad-
dle that both stirrups are attached
to one long leather running loosely
through a groove under the seat.
You do well, therefore, to maintain
an even balance ; for should you
allow your weight to incline to one
side, the treacherous stirrup will
give way, and you may be un-
donkeyed.
We soon got on to a good broad
road, which lasted all the way to
Ghizeh. Why we could not have
taken our carriages across and
driven I never discovered. Don-
keys seemed to be the custom of
that road, and accordingly it was
covered with groups on donkeys.
Neither were all ladies scrupulous
as to attitude, as some ladies had
that day shown themselves to be.
Of those we met or passed — and
their name was legion — a good half
crossed their saddles in male fashion.
It was observable, too, that a good
many gentlemen unsexed them-
selves to maintain the balance of
attitudes, and preserve the eternal
fitness of things. These assumed
a reciprocal position — one which
an old drill-sergeant, once known
to me, who was a superficial clas-
sic, and got muddled about his v's,
would have spoken of, in reference
to the other, as vivd voce, meaning, O
unsophisticated Bullion, vice versa.
They let their legs dangle both on
one side, and showed how easily
they could adapt themselves to any
need — that is, half of them were
spilt, and the others laughed ; after-
wards the others were spilt too.
It is time that I gave over this non-
sense about donkeys ; and, indeed,
we were now reaching a point where
large thoughts forced their way in-
to the mind. Since we crossed the
river we had been jogging along
very merrily across marshes, and
cultivated land, and canals, seeing
not much worthy of remark in the
husbandry or the landscape, and
excessively merry and noisy, when
suddenly we were aware of the
presence of the three Pyramids,
and interrupted our mirth like
chidden infants. The skirts of past
time were looming over us ; the
religion of the place overcame us.
These were the precincts of pre-
eminent antiquity, where the spirits
of departed centuries gather round
the oldest existing works of man.
Perhaps I had formed an extra-
vagant idea of the effect which the
Pyramids would produce by their
size, for the size did not at first
impress me much. Indeed I
thought, when first we began to
see them plainly, we must be far-
ther distant than we proved to be.
Another half -hour of expectation
and urging of donkeys, and a turn
to the right up a rather steep
ascent, brought us face to face with
the work of Cheops !
My first perception was of an
effort of mind to take in the truth
of what I saw. Our minds at home
are pretty well educated to the
comprehension of antiquities such
as we in Europe possess, and I think
we habitually associate the ideas of
old things with fragments, rotten-
ness, damp weeds, and pity for fal-
len greatness. It is not easy, then,
for a mind so trained to believe
that these solid structures, compact,
symmetrical, and uninjured, save
by scratches of barbarism, belong
to a period in comparison of which
the birth of all our ruins was but as
yesterday — to believe that, though
they can still challenge Time and
Vandal, they are little young'er
than Day and Night ! Now, I say,
Bales, that this is a thing hard to
be understood — I say that, when
you look at the strong, regular
Pyramids, with their massive blocks
and even joints, you come short of
their greatest significance till you
have reflected that the world's whole
history — its empires, its wars, its
religions, its works, its knowledge,
— all that it still possesses, and the
greater all that it has lost for ever,
1870.]
The Opening of the Suez Canal. — Part III.
365
— have come into existence since
Cheops and his fellows wrought the
mighty masonry which is now con-
fronting you. When I thought of
the works of all succeeding men,
the passage, once and twice put
aside, would suggest itself again,
not profanely, " They shall perish,
but thou shalt endure ; they all
shall wax old as doth a garment ; "
but for the Pyramids, there they
stand, the testaments of those nour-
ished in nature's youth : must we
call them the excellency of her
strength; or has she since reared,
and will she rear again, such strong
men as Cheops and Chephrenes and
Mycerinus? Well, we have some
portion of their spirit in us now if
we may say no more. Men of the
nineteenth century have pierced the
Isthmus from sea to sea, and these
at least may stand in the shadow of
the Pyramids and not be ashamed.
There was a crowd of visitors at
Ghizeh that day, and the face of
the great Pyramid was covered
with climbing tourists and the
Arab assistants. This was hardly
an advantage, but a traveller ought
to be able to make his own uses of
what he sees, independently of the
proceedings of others ; and indeed
it was interesting to observe how
little the solemnity of the mass was
disturbed by the escalade of two or
three hundred human insects, many
of whom clearly knew and cared
nothing about the pile, except as a
thing to be ascended and descended.
I saw one gentleman who had
escorted two ladies to the top and
back refreshing them and himself
after the labour. He was beam-
ing with satisfaction, having done
Cheops the distinguished honour
of inscribing the name, Thomas
Smith, on the apex. "I done it
well ; it was on the very top —
damme, there couldn't be none
higher," observed Mr Smith, in
strong Lancashire, as he wiped the
Buss foam from his lips with the
sleeve of his coat. All the world,
however, does not refresh after the
manner of Mr Smith. For the poor
VOL. GVII. — NO. DCLIII.
ignorant foreigner, who, perhaps
when Egypt is twice as old as she
now is, will hardly have been edu-
cated up to the appreciation of
treble X, there were water-carriers,
with long jars of ancient figure,
slung like quivers across their
shoulders. Each jar had a metal
tube projecting from its mouth, so
as to be about three inches higher
than the carrier's shoulder; and
when any wretched devil of a water-
drinker desired to moisten his clay
he bought a draught, which the
waterman drew cleverly by giving
his left shoulder a certain twist
into a position which allowed the
water to run over the shoulder and
be caught in a glass or cup which
he held before his breast.
The whole neighbourhood is cov-
ered with sand, but the sand is not
sufficiently deep in the hollows to
entirely efface the features of the
ground. There is a fall north and
south from the Pyramids, and you
go down a sandy wearying road to
find the valley in which the Sphinx
is half buried in sand. I am sorry
to say that the nose of this monster
has been very roughly handled, and
that the features generally are much
damaged. It was told me that the
Mamelukes used to make the figure
a target for musket-practice — the
wretches ! The back and haunches
are still clear of sand, but the paws
and the entrance to the temple,
which is between the fore legs, are
invisible. There was a rumour that
Ismail was about to have the whole
figure cleaned for the Emperor's in-
spection, but this was never done
while I could benefit by it, if it was
done at all.
You need a veil while you tra-
verse this ground, and, if the wind
will allow you, you should spread
your umbrella, as the sun is very
hot. I carried my umbrella for
some time, but in turning the
north-west angle of the Pyramid it
was caught by a little whirlwind
and turned inside out in an instant,
while my eyes and mouth were
filled with sand. The inside of the
2 c
366
The Opening of the Suez Canal. — Part III.
[March
Pyramid is insufferably hot. You
scramble down a very steep des-
cent and arrive at the sarcophagus-
chamber, which is all that you can
reach except with extraordinary
means, and then you find the Arab's
cajidle or torch to be next to use-
less, and you see nothing to reward
your exertion, but are glad to return
to cooler air and daylight.
Unless you go to measure or
explore, the sight is soon seen.
Such vast objects are easily taken
in by the eye : it is by the mind
that they are long of comprehen-
sion. We did not tarry near them
late in the day, but it was abso-
lutely necessary to rest and refresh
a little after our survey. And while
sitting in the shade, I thought how
much the great builders had been
assisted by the climate. Even these
huge structures must have present-
ed a very different appearance had
they stood so long in a more north-
ern latitude. Our stoutest granite
yields in time to the weather ; and
we see castles and cathedrals ruined
by the decomposition of the stone
after a few hundred years, and the
images of crusaders fairly washed
from their tombstones. But this
consideration ought not to diminish
in our eyes the achievements of the
Egyptian builders. It is only fair
to credit them with a full know-
ledge of the means at their dispos-
al, and their fitness for the end in
view. In a country where stone
must perish, men who would emu-
late Cheops must hit on some other
method of keeping their memory
whole for thousands of years.
Well, Bales, I have looked on the
Pyramids of Ghizeh, and have car-
ried away recollections that shall
afford me pleasant thought to the
end of my days. We were a very
sober party when we set out on our
return to Cairo ; but we met
troop after troop of visitors, all
hastening to the scene which we
had just left, and little by little
we became pretty lively again.
On the way we halted to see a gar-
den-palace of the Khedive", built
in the style of the Alhambra,
and exceedingly beautiful. The
grounds in which it stands are taste-
fully and elaborately laid out with
grottoes, terraces, and artificial
water. There was profusion of
flowers and fruits, many of which
were gathered and offered to us by
the attendants. After loitering
here for half an hour we reached
the gates of another palace, and
entered the enclosure, as we were
permitted to do everywhere, that
we might look at the building and
grounds. This was clearly a resi-
dence, as there were servants in the
viceregal livery in the colonnade,
and other signs of habitation. As
we walked up through the parterre
in front, we came upon a strong
gang of labourers making some al-
terations in the drives and fences.
They were working under a task-
master, who bore a strong stick,
and continually laid it on when
things were not done exactly to his
liking. We wished to see the in-
terior of the palace, and on request-
ing to be allowed to do so were
told that if we had come a little
earlier we might certainly have en-
tered ; but the Emperor, to whom
this palace was assigned during his
visit, was expected back from a
drive immediately. " Indeed here
he comes," said the officer to whom
we had applied ; and we had barely
time to withdraw to the other side
of the drive when the Emperor
and Crown-Prince drove up in a
low carriage and alighted, their
suite coming up in two or three
similar carriages. Nobody seemed
to resent our lounging about the
domain, and the great personages
very graciously returned our salu-
tation before they passed in. Of
course we now left the front drives ;
but not the least objection was
made to our visiting the gardens
in rear and the stables, after look-
ing at which we moved off towards
the river to engage a passage across,
as fortunately we were not to re-
turn by that babel near Old Cairo.
Some of the party, however, who
1870.]
Tlie Opening of tla Suez Canal.— Part III.
367
had lingered about the precincts of
the palace, came now running to
call us back, and to tell us that we
would all be sent over in a boat of
the Khedive's. Accordingly, we
returned, and embarked by a pri-
vate stair on board a small steam-
er, which speedily transported us
to the other side, where we found
carriages, and were taken to our
betel, after a very fatiguing but
most delightful day's excursion.
I went with a party to see Cairo
races. We reached the course with
difficulty, seeing that the last mile
of our drive thither was over some
remarkably heavy ground, without
trace of a road, where the horses
gave in repeatedly, and across
which we should scarcely have had
the will to proceed had we not seen
the world of Cairo all zealously toil-
ing through the same slough; By dint
of whip and coaxing we established
ourselves at last opposite the grand
stiind, and released for a while our
unfortunate horses. The attend-
ance was worthy of better sport ;
there was much beauty and much
European fashion, and such a ming-
ling of the costumes of all nations
in carriages and on horseback as
composed a very gay scene. The
stand was well filled, and every-
thing seemed got up for the occa-
sion with much care; the course,
however, looked heavy. Tickets
had been presented to us for this
as for most other amusements. I
should mention that before the
racing began there was a field-day
of the Khedive's troops on a further
part of the plain. About five
thousand of all arms turned out and
manreuvred for a short time very
respectably. Service in the army
seems to be here the best instead of
the worst calling that a man can
take to ; and I have an idea that
those Egyptian troops would be
effective in the field. It is quite
clear that they are heartily en-
deavouring to be so, and that they
are conforming to the best Euro-
pean usages as far as their religion
and customs will allow. Their
music is rather barbarous, so far as
I had opportunity of judging ; and
I suppose it was their best military
bands that attended at the race-
course, and gave us the Emperor's
hymn as the Emperor and Khedive"
came on to the course, and after-
wards maltreated a number of fa-
vourite pieces. One of the early
races, and I think the one best
worth winning, was gained by a
horse of the British Consul-General
—a plate of £300. But all the
races were very slow affairs, not
excepting the camel-race, which for
its novelty I waited to see, It was
a stupid business, the most interest-
ing part of which was to observe
how the Arab1 riders endured the
jolting of the long trot. The race
was, if I remember rightly, three
miles, and after the first round of
the course, the four or five camels
that started were so far asunder
that all interest in the competition
was at an end. • I left the course
before the sports had well reached
their height, ancl went back into
the city to procure a little cash, of
which somehow or other I had run
very short. At the Bank of the
Delta, or some other bank where I
presented my circular note (for I
have forgotten the name of the
establishment, though I 'could find
their house of( "business readily
enough), one of fjh& clerks, reading
my name, came', upw to his little
wicket and made a keen survey of
my countenance, T TKen he said,
" Mr Scamper, f rojp ^Tanchester, is
it ]" to which I repijed that I came
from Manchester. ***JSb, sir," said
he, " I remember you well, and Mr
Bales ; I hope he is stiH flourish-
ing. Sharp business man that, and
no mistake ! ! " It was that young
fellow Keene, whom we thought a
little too much interested in that
Cleansweep absconding business.
Well, you see how these men get
on ; he has got a red beard and
mustache now, and is a person of
some consequence, I can tell you.
I was going straight home with
my bag of money, when at a street-
368
Tlie Opening of the Suez Canal. — Part III.
[March
corner a little wretch who appeared
to be deformed, his chest projected
so, ran up and asked baksheesh in
the usual way. As I bore down
upon him without paying the least
attention to his petition, he had to
skip aside ; but in another instant
he was again before me, and putting
his hand into his bosom he drew
out a snake about a foot long, and
put it on the pavement right in
my path. It was my turn to skip
aside now, and I did so before the
shock of so unexpectedly seeing the
reptile had passed. Immediately
the urchin drew out another snake
and placed it by the first. I was
composed enough now to look at
them, though from a respectful dis-
tance, and I marked the beautiful
way in which the two snakes made
their contortions in exactly parallel
curves, as if they had been drilled
to it. After betraying this much of
interest in the little villain (whom
even the fastidious Saturday will
probably allow me to call a street
Arab), I felt bound to give baksheesh.
When he put out his hand to re-
ceive my donation, I looked behind
the front of his only garment into
his bosom. He wasn't deformed ;
he had a nest of about fifty snakes
there — aspics of the Nile, for any-
thing I know. They made my
blood run cold.
With all the vigour which the
Government exhibits and incul-
cates, there is, somehow, an im-
mense idle population in Cairo.
Idle fellows are about everywhere.
They seem ready enough to get a
job ; but whether they would take
to continuous labour, and whether
they could get it if they would, are
questions which I have not solved.
They seemed exceedingly sharp,
and a great number of them could
express themselves, after a fashion,
in three or four foreign tongues.
The little ragamuffins remind one
exceedingly of the Neapolitan small
fry. The boys are much better look-
ing than the girls ; children of both
sexes have the most beautiful teeth
.and gums I ever saw. Except at
the ball at Ismailia, I never heard
of any of our party losing so much
as a handkerchief; and it was wor-
thy of remark not only that every-
thing turned up right in the end,
but that people who got the chance
handling of our property took care-
ful note of what they received, and
gave an account of all when their
service was done. I feel certain
that they are not all naturally
rogues, though they are not reg-
istered Al in respect of honesty;
and that! though they may be idle
and thriftless (I have no proof
that they are so), there is the
making of a fine people in them.
The Arab villages are the most
shocking places I ever saw. The
houses, if houses they may be called,
are simply shelters of the very mean-
est construction — very little above
the lairs of beasts. There was not
the slightest sign of any household
property — not even of a bed. I
fancy that the shaggy garments
which they wear serve them for
night as well] as day ; indeed it
is clear, by many infallible signs,
that, like the laws of the Medes
and Persians, they never can be
changed. Their cooking, such as
it is, is done out of doors : washing
may be left altogether out of the
account.
My visit to the noted Citadel oc-
cupied a morning very pleasantly.
As a place of strength there is not
much in these days to be said for
it ; but as occupying commanding
ground it deserves the praise of en-
abling those who enter it to enjoy
a glorious panorama. The city, old
and young, the Nile, the green
fields, the ranges of hills, the palm-
trees, the desert, all bathed in that
purple atmosphere which I have
so often spoken of, and stretching
away into distances which show no
horizon, but fade into a rosy cloud,
afford a series of sights which de-
light by some influence beyond
their mere grandeur or beauty.
There is witchcraft about the whole
sight ; a charm hangs not so much
over the landscape as over you, the
1870.]
The Opening of the Suez Canal.— Part III.
369
beholder, which, while it makes you
thoroughly enjoy, keeps suggesting
that it is an unsubstantial pageant, a
glorious vision from which you will
awake. Believe me it is very deli-
cious idleness to wander about these
heights ; but there are other things
to be seen besides the views. One
of the buildings contains a large
hall, rich in ornament and of dazzl-
ing brilliancy, with that fairy-palace
appearance so often met with in the
East. At first I thought it was a
mosque, from seeing many believers
at their prayers and prostrations,
but I believe it was only that the
hour of prayer happened to arrive
while I was there ; for when, by the
voice of the muezzin or other signal,
they are made aware that the time
has come, they commence their de-
votions without regard to place or
spectator.
A bronze gate, backed by a rich
curtain on your right as you enter
the hall, indicates that there is
some inner apartment. A Mussul-
man presents himself with a key in
his hand, and, after receiving bak-
shiesh, opens the gate. You enter
arid find yourself in a well-lighted
arid rather gay-looking room, in the
centre of which stands the tomb of
Mehemet Ali, the first viceroy. The
tomb itself is of marble, very rich,
and highly ornamented. It was a
rather different looking place from,
one of our sepulchral vaults, Bales.
One of the sights of the Citadel
is Joseph's Well. The tourist who
has not properly primed himself is
apt to prick up his ears at this
n;ime, and to fancy that he has
struck the trail of the patriarch
who, he knows, got fourteen years
with hard labour somewhere here-
about for going abroad insufficient-
ly dressed. Was the digging of this
well, then, the substitute for the
crank and the mill? Is it the
living record of how Joseph and
his butler and baker fellow-sufferers
were made to toil when their feet
were hurt in the stocks and the iron
entered into their souls ? Or is it
a great achievement of Joseph in
after years," when, having passed
triumphantly through the terrors
of adversity and the prison, and
the still more dreadful outrages to
which the unprotected male was in
that day subject, he was governor
over all the land of Egypt, and
wielded its mighty labour power ?
Pooh ! not a bit of it. The Joseph
who made the well and gave his
name thereto is a very different
person from the great interpreter
of dreams, and yet he is an old
acquaintance, too, as you will own
at once if I call him by his other
name of Saladin. It was that re-
nowned Moslem who dug the well,
and he dug it nearly three hundred
feet deep, down to the level of the
Nile ; the object being, of course,
to secure water-supply for the gar-
rison in case of siege. A winding
gallery descends round and round
the well from the top to the base,
having windows at certain levels
looking into the well. To get up
thissspiral incline is rather a stiff
pull.
I could not loiter here as I was
tempted to do, my time being short,
but had to start off, regardless of
dust and heat, to visit the tombs of
the pachas. These are in a large
building all raised above the ground,
and well lighted. Each tomb is
built up in two or three tiers, the
large block at the base being, as I
understood it, merely a pedestal,
the centre and somewhat smaller
block containing the body, and the
uppermost and smallest block being
solid. The tombs are of marble,
and richly gilt and painted, the
inscriptions being, of course, in
Arabic. From the foot of each
rises a marble pillar, on the top of
which is a device announcing the
rank and sex of the personage who
sleeps below. A fez indicates a
pacha. Ladies and princes have
their separate signs. Many tombs
are covered with baize or holland as
a protection from the dust. There
are two or three large chambers full
of these tombs.
From the tombs we went into the
370
The Opening of the Suez Canal— Part III.
[March
city to see different mosques, before
entering which they made all of
the masculine gender take off our
boots. Ladies— not, of course, from
a feeling of gallantry, but because
an unveiled woman moving about
at her pleasure bothers them en-
tirely, and is a thing which their
laws and regulations do not recog-
nise— are allowed to keep their feet
covered. The mosques are not very
splendid, but some of them appear
to be very old. The interiors of
most are almost empty. ' A wooden
pulpit stands against the wall, and
the floors are handsomely laid. In
one we saw through an iron grating
some very sacred spot (whether a
tomb or not I could not learn),
where perpetual prayer is made day
and night by a succession of priests,
each of whom remains on duty for
a set time, and is then relieved by
another. In another mosque was
the tomb of Ali's sister, a very
sacred place, fenced round with
bronze railings, which the people
approached and kissed devoutly as
the toe of the black St Peter is
kissed at Rome.
When I could command an hour
or two I liked to spend them in the
wonderful old bazaars where no-
thing seems to become obsolete.
The gold bazaar, for instance, is a
labyrinth of close dirty alleys and
foul puddles where you may very
soon lose yourself. In these dark,
mean, and intricate passages, where,
with extended arms, you may touch
both sides at once, and where a
donkey can hardly pass, are col-
lected the jewellers and working
goldsmiths, who, some workmen
and some merely sellers, are doubled
up in their little boxes as the shop-
men are in the fancy bazaar. Here,
however, there is no display of
dazzling wares to conceal the
poverty of the region. You must
ask for what you want, and when
you do so a dreadfully dirty Turk
unlocks a safe which you have not
before seen, and produces orna-
ments in plenty, or offers to make
them to order. Ornaments for the
person were what seemed most to
abound, and these not of a very
elaborate or expensive description.
But it was the quaint old place that
was so well worth seeing, the gos-
siping idle population, the crowd,
mixed up with donkeys, pushing
through the gates and ways, whifti
are exactly of the same class as those
which lead to life, and which so
few discover. A walk hither makes
you quickly understand how Har-
oun, and Mesrour, and Giafar found
out, by personal observation, so
much of what was going on in Bag-
dad. They had only to elbow their
way through places like this to un-
derstand a great deal of everybody's
business. I never saw anything
that resembled the body of a lady
in a sack on its way to the river; but
there were Sindbads and Hindbads
in plenty, barbers and barbers' bro-
thers, all ready to talk, hunchback
tailors, Jewish physicians, and here
and there a jovial-looking fellow,
with a merry twinkle in his eye,
who might be Abon Hassan, the
Arabian Christopher Sly. And, in
answer to Master Doubloon Bales's
criticism, be good enough to inform
that ingenuous youth that the 'Thou-
sand and One Nights' belong as much
to Egypt as to Arabia or Persia,
and are understood to describe
Arab life in one as much as in the
other. If he can get hold of the
edition of 1 846, of the Rev. E. Fors-
ter's translation, he may there read
in the Introduction, that Mr Lane,
the writer on Egypt, considered the
author or authors to have been
Egyptian. It would appear, how-
ever, that many of the purely Egyp-
tian stories are lost.* We have
Cairo, nevertheless, introduced in
* " This traveller (Dr Clarke) obtained a transcript of the ' Arabian Nights,' which
was brought to him in four quarto cases, containing one hundred and seventy-two
tales, separated into one thousand and one portions for recital during the same
number of nights. This valuable acquisition was unfortunately lost, an event
1870.]
The Opening of the Suez Canal. — Part IIL
371
thestory of All Cogia,and the scene
of the adventures of the Prince and
the King of the Genii is Cairo. He
is a sharp lad, that Master Doub-
loon, but, as Mr Weller said to the
young gentleman in the hairy cap,
*' He'd better not show that fine
edge too often, in case anybody was
to take it off." There was one race
of caliphs here, Fatimites, I be-
lieve, who exercised all the author-
ity, spiritual and temporal, of the
B igdad and Damascus caliphs, un-
til they degenerated, and the last
of them was dethroned by Saladin,
who assumed the royal but not the
sacerdotal office, he having no pre-
tence to the latter, as he could not
claim to be in any way related to
tLe Prophet. The tombs of these
caliphs and their families may be
seen to the east of Cairo. They
are plain in comparison with those
oi the pachas, and are erected in
small mosques, each mosque con-
taining three or four tombs. They
date from the tenth to the twelfth
century, and neither buildings nor
tombs are very carefully preserved.
One large hall near the caliphs'
tombs is fitted all round with large
strong doors, very securely closed,
except one pair of folding-doors,
which I saw open. They, when
shut, concealed a series of shelves
reaching almost to the roof, on
which, no doubt, had rested the
bodies of true believers, but which
were empty now, except for some
fragments of wood which lay about.
Whether the closed cupboards Were
likewise empty or were full I could
not discover. The door of this
chamber is of massive iron, and
presents a most imposing parade of
security. The fastening is a short
stick run through the staples, which
any child may remove at pleasure.
The great burying-place of the city
is here, where the caliphs lie ; and
there are tombs of all classes, some
highly-ornamented buildings, some
plainer sepulchres, and the great
mass simple graves, each, how-
ever, having its distinguishing mark
of the family, or trade, or sex of
the tenant.
On the way back from the necro-
polis, I passed through the horse-
market and the camel-market, both
exceedingly unsavoury places. The
jades in the former were pitiable
creatures, fit only for the kennel.
Of the camels I could not judge,
but I should not think any that I
saw there a very valuable or desir-
able animal. Had there been more
spare time and less aroma, I would
have waited to observe some of the
dealing.
The On of Scripture has been
identified by the learned with He-
liopolis. Every traveller makes a
day's excursion from Cairo to pay
this ancient place a visit, and in
one sense goes over it, but never-
theless does not see very much —
not even ruins. What, then, has
become of the city that it should
so utterly have perished ] Well, a
great deal of it, we are informed, is
just where it was, and the reason
why we cannot see it when we go
there is, that it is under our feet.
The fate of the cities of the plain —
volcanoes, earthquakes, Vandals —
are suggested to the European mind
when this fact is stated, but a min-
ute's reflection suffices to determine
that their agency has not operated
here. There has been no violent
outbreak of nature, no sudden visi-
tation of divine wrath, no barba-
rian irruption to blot out ancient
On. The cause of its disappearance
is a phenomenon as regular in its
occurrence as the rising and set-
ting of the sun — a power that has
wrought steadily since the days of
Noah. Egypt truly is, as Herodotus
said, the gift of the Nile, but
she is not a sudden munificence,
which is the more to be regretted because many of the tales related to Syrian and
Egyptian customs and traditions, which have not been found in any other copy of
tlie same work."— From ' A View of Ancient and Modern Egypt,' by the Rev. M.
Eussell, LL.D.
372
The Opening of the Suez Canal. — Part III.
[March
a capricious endowment. Sines its
first act of bounty in the youth of
time the river has never ceased to
give; if it should cease, Egypt
would be one desert. We know
how year by year the revivifying
waters overspread the land, and we
ought to reflect that the fertilising
slime then deposited is every year
an addition to the soil of the Delta
— a thin layer almost inappreciable
as a unit, but very effectual when
multiplied by a hundred or a thou-
sand. In the course of centuries,
then, the gift of the Nile, over-
spreading year by year the site of
the old city On, has at length buried
its buildings and remains. The
account given to me stated that
Heliopolis stood on undulating
ground, and that the present gen-
eral level is at the height of its
greatest eminences. Possibly it
may hereafter be thought worth
while to disinter these interesting
remains, but until that is done the
traveller's visit to the place will be
to little purpose. The most strik-
ing object there is the obelisk, dat-
ing probably from the reign of
Amenemes of the Xllth dynasty.
It stood before the great temple of
Athom or the sun, and is all that
now remains of that great temple,
parts of which have been carried to
Rome and to Constantinople. The
obelisk is inscribed on three faces
with hieroglyphics, to this day
perfectly sharp and distinct, and is
said to bear the name of Osortasen
or Sesortasen.
Not far from the obelisk is the
tree known as Mary's sycamore. It
is large and spreading, and doubt-
less very old ; but whether so old
as the flight of the Holy Family into
Egypt, as we were told it is, may
be doubted. It has been climbed
so often that there are now estab-
lished tracks up the trunk and
along the branches. By this very
scale I mounted and examined its
parts. I found that I followed
in the footsteps of a very literary
crowd of predecessors, the interest-
ing facts of whose visits were re-
corded on the bark. On this
occasion England did not appear
to have all the glory to herself, as
beside the names of the celebrated
travellers William Smith and John
Jones appeared those of Alphonse
Blancbec, Karl Schafkopf , Giovanni
Battista Scioccone, and of several
other distinguished Europeans.
It may have appeared to you,
Bales, an omission that, writing to
a man of such well-known reverence
for facts and figures, I have never
mentioned the difference of height
between low and high Nile. It
would have appeared still stranger
to you if you had been here with
me and witnessed the extreme diffi-
culty which I experienced in find-
ing any one who knew or cared
about it. The rise of the river is
the event of the year on which their
very lives depend, and yet to find
information so hard of access !
The Egyptians' are said to be kept
purposely in the dark by their
Government, which keeps a meter,
and issues notices of the rise so
notoriously fabricated for fiscal pur-
poses, that perhaps the mystified
natives have given up in despair
the attempt to be well informed.
This does not account for the indif-
ference on the same subject of
Europeans, of whom many that I
chanced to fall in with could tell
me nothing on the subject, and
others told what was incorrect. Of
course I made it out at last. It is
25 English feet, more or less, at
Cairo ; higher up the stream the
rise is from 35 to 48 feet ; while at
the mouths it is scarcely 4 feet.
"A nilorneter/' says Sir Gardner
Wilkinson, "stood at Eileithyias in
the age of the Ptolemies ; there
was one at Memphis, the site of
which is still pointed out by tradi-
tion ; that of Elephantine remains
with its scales and inscriptions re-
cording the rise of the Nile in the
reigns of the Roman emperors ; a
movable one was preserved in the
temple of Serapis at Alexandria
till the time of Constantine, and
was afterwards transferred to a
1370.]
The Opzning of the Suez Canal. — Part II L
373
Christian church; the Arabs in
700 A.D. erected one at Helwan,
which gave place to that made
about 715 by the Caliph Suleyman
in the Isle of Roda, and this again
was succeeded by the 'Mekeeas' of
Mamoon, A.D. 815, finished in 860
by Motawukkal - al - Allah, which
has continued to be the Govern-
ment nilometer to the present day.'J
I never half drank my fill of the
sights and doings of Cairo ; for
before we were well aware or in
a ay way willing to go, came the in-
evitable day of departure. Some-
how hearts don't get very heavy
in that atmosphere, but still it was
difficult in preparing for our exodus
to keep the spirits up to anywhere
near concert-pitch. Indeed it was
rather a piece of luck for the said
spirits that they got moved as they
did by the sight of some highly-
imaginative accounts which the
manager of the hotel had by this
time become sufficiently tranquil
to compose. The friend with whom
I travelled to Cairo, and with whom
I purposed to proceed to Alex-
andria, had an instinctive fore-
knowledge that the merits of these
productions could not be fully
appreciated at one perusal, espe-
cially such a perusal as we might
b<3 able to give them at parting.
He therefore pressed on the publi-
cation of the interesting documents,
and by dint of some salutary threat-
ei lings as to non-payment, suc-
ceeded in bringing them to light.
When they did appear, wrath for
a time displaced regret, our great
minds descended to the details of
filthy lucre, and we dissected the
whole of these arithmetical delu-
sions. Kising from this great
council we rent every one his
clothes, and decreed that the man
who had done this thing should
surely die. Which, translated into
the barbarisms of the West, Bales,
does not mean that we desired the
death of the sinner, but rather that
ho should turn from his wickedness
and lower his demands. To the
better attainment of which end we
besought my friend and travelling
companion to put lance in rest on
behalf of us the lambs, and to do
battle with the wolf. Right man-
fully did he fulfil his devoir : he
had some experience of the lupine
nature, and like Anna Soror blar-
neying the pious ^Eneas,* or Mrs
Todgers decimating the veal cutlets,
he selected for his attack the ten-
derest places in the manager's sys-
tem, who, nothing daunted, threw
before his body his warlike shield
of brass. Our champion did val-
iantly, pressing the foe till he had
to abandon his items one by one,
and making havoc with his sixes
and sevens : —
f( In single opposition, hand to hand,
He did confound the best part of an hour
In changing hardiment ; "
by the end of which time the wolf
surrendered at discretion. Every
one of us benefited largely by the
result of this encounter. I got
relieved, I remember, of a heavy per-
centage ; and an Italian gentleman,
whom the wolf had marked for a
peculiar prey, profited to the extent
of one- third of a heavy bill. So
this little episode and the thought
that we had got the settling done
overnight was some comfort.
Getting to the railway was not
an easier or pleasanter operation
than getting from it had been. We
had, however, daylight for the
former ; and if I were to describe
to you the babel at the booking-
office, I should only repeat the de-
scriptions of Egyptian babels with
which I have formerly seasoned my
epistles, save in this respect, that
the last babel was under cover, and
in a confined space — a thrice con-
founded confusion, the science of
obstructiveness brought to perfec-
tion, the most involved disorder,
and the most distracting uproar of
which human nature is capable.
It was a serious look-out this time,
too, for there was no unlimited de-
Sola viri mollis aditus et tempora noras." — ^Eneid, IV.
374
The Opening of the Suez Canal. — Part III.
[March
lay ; the train was intended to start
punctually — that is to say, within
three quarters of an hour or an
hour of the time prescribed — where-
fore we had need of circumspection,
and, after using our utmost efforts,
narrowly escaped being left behind.
Our seats were at last obtained, but
the means by which we got them
would not have stood a severe scru-
tiny. I am afraid that bribery
and corruption, and intimidation
amounting to personal chastise-
ment, might have been so plausibly
imputed, that nothing but the ver-
dict of an independent and en-
lightened jury offered the least
chance of establishing our inno-
cence, and that palladium is not to
be found here. Baksheesh and
cowhide are very coarse machinery.
I grant you, Bales, that we do
things more politely in the West,
carefully withholding the mirror
from nature, and never shocking
vice with the sight of her own
image.
The journey to Alexandria occu-
pied, as well as I remember, five
hours. We reached the city by
daylight, found letters, and found
also our steamer and our friend
the courteous skipper. There was
enough of the day left to view rap-
idly Cleopatra's Needle, Pompey's
Pillar, and the Catacombs ; also to
find out what manner of place
Alexandria is. It surprised me
agreeably. I had heard an unfa-
vourable report of it, and did not
quite see what its great offences are.
It is well laid out, and has some
good streets and squares. I did
not try a hotel, but several that I
saw looked large respectable estab-
lishments; there were also some
good shops. The roads certainly
are not well kept, as we were pain-
fully certified when we drove a
little way into the country. For
all that, the drive was pleasant, as
the groves and gardens looked fresh,
and the parching influence of the
desert was not so hard to keep at
bay. I find they have rain here
occasionally, the law of drought not
extending to the sea-coast. Indeed
I knew by many symptoms that I
was being gradually disenchanted,
that the hues and softness of fairy-
land were fading, and the hard
rugged outlines of the work-a-day
world becoming more and more ap-
parent. I lay down that night in
my cabin full of regrets, it is true,
but with those regrets blunted and
corrected by the thought of how
much I had been refreshed in mind
and body, and by the retrospect of
all that I had been seeing and do-
ing. The ceaseless activity of Egyp-
tian life almost forbade reflection,
which came now as a new if a
more sober pleasure. How delight-
ful it is to let the boiling chaos
of ideas wherewith you are charged
settle down, and separate and take
lifelike shape, and remould itself
in pictures for the memory ! But
the digestive process is a sleepy
one : instead of the feverish expec-
tation which had visited me my
first night in Egypt, came, on this
my last, the soothing draught of
fruition. Amid spectres of tur-
bans, ships, camels, sheiks, banners,
sphinxes, railway officers, donkeys,
porters, veiled figures, tombs, and
palm'- trees, I went quietly and
soundly to sleep, my last confused
vision being of the lively capitano,
who, with his countenance expanded
to colossal dimensions, was pulling
away at a huge cigar, shaped like a
pyramid, but not smoking very suc-
cessfully, and his lungs appeared
to be failing, when suddenly the
hadji, armed with a railway lever,
having at its end a ball as big as
the moon, inserted the same into
the back of his head, which there-
upon became an air-pump, and was
exercised by the hadji until the
whole delicate weed was ablaze. I
forgot to tell you that we left the
capitano in Egypt. I wonder if I
shall ever see him again !
With morning and breakfast
came the knowledge that we were
likely to have a limping voyage
back to Italy, for the bumping and
lurching which I mentioned to you
1870.]
The Opening of the Suez Canal— Part III.
375
as having occurred a little before
we reached Suez had been attended
\vith the fracture of two blades of
our screw. It was now supposed
that some heavy piece of iron —
part of a dredging -machine per-
haps— had been left sticking in
the bed of the Canal, and that our
evil fortune had sent the screw
against it. The steamer had, of
course, gone back by the Canal,
and from Port Sai'd to Alexandria,
where we found her waiting. It
was not very cheering to see three
or four ships drop into port all
after time, and considerably tum-
bled, and giving sad accounts of
tlie weather outside. We had to
fuce whatever might betide ; and,
truly, as we brought our anchor
up, things looked as smooth and
sunny as they had been lately look-
ing. But the inevitable hour had
struck. We had loosed from Alex-
andria, and were gently floating
down the harbour amid the freight-
ships and the ships of war of all
nations, the shore looking unreal
and purple as before, and the city
and the shipping flashing back the
rays of the sun. We disengaged
from the anchorage, and, with
more way on, still stretched out
our hands to the receding coast,
rich with legend and relic, and
with the ineffable gramarye of old,
old Time. We saw the hills break
into headlands, and the heavy bat-
teries armed with cannon cast on
English ground frowning down
upon us as we neared the sea.
And then the distance began to
lend literally enchantment to the
view. The mists gathered, but
they were the haze of commingling
rainbows, not murky vapours nor
sullen shrouds. The lights from
minaret and lattice and gilded
vane still reached us through the
tinted ether; and the outlines of
palaces and streets and hills, glori-
fied by distance, but distinct and
warm and fair, watched over our
departure and dissolved unwilling-
ly as we were borne away. All
merged at last in one soft varie-
gated cloud. I knew not when I
last distinguished an object, or
when the scene became but one
commixture of mellowed hues ;
neither could I say when the last
fleck of colour waned and a grey
sky spake of tempest and of tra-
vail.
Thus in soft light, like to the
hue of youth, disappeared the
witching pageant ; thus passed
Egypt from the sight of eyes that
shall behold her face again no
more. I am glad that I have
looked on her, that I have made
though but a few hasty strides on
her soil, that I have exchanged
fancies for realities, and that I
have memories in place of dreams.
And, as the wind raised its first
whistle through the cordage, and
the first billow became crested
with foam, I said farewell to her
who had afforded me a few gild-
ed days, and felt a desolation as
I turned from her. Ancient of
Days, Enchantress, long-descended
Queen, Farewell !
And now, Bales, it is a snorer ;
the white horses are tumbling
about, and the good ship, as she
cleaves a billow, quakes as if in
a convulsion. If anything can
be sure, it is certain that she will
exercise us this night. But and
if she take us once more out of the
boiling surge and within reach of
land, then by these presents you
will learn, my dear Bales, the safe
return to Europe of
Yours, through good and ill,
SCAMPER.
376 In February. [March
IN FEBRUARY.
1870.
UPON the vigil of Saint Valentine
I dreamed, but not in sleep, that Thou and I
Had drifted backward o'er the gulf of days
That part us from three hundred years ago.
Wherefore and how I cared not : for I knew
That Thou wast still unchanged, yea for all
That now Thou worest ruff and farthingale,
While I, in velvet pile and plumed cap
Proclaimed Thee first with sword as well as pen —
Such were our parts in Fancy's Masquerade.
And then I thought, what homage shall I pay
My Lady when she wakes to-morrow morn
More than all other mornings of the year ?
I would not give her, as was then the wont,
Aubade or serenade, for shame it were
To wake her from the summer of her dreams,
That needs must be of all things bright and fair,
And to recall her to this frosty world :
Nor was there trafficking in common forms,
Three hundred years ago, of flowery rhyme,
Garnished with Cupids and with suchlike things,
That all who list may purchase by the score
For any Kate or Bess or Jill or Joan :
For, in those days, the ritual of the saint
Was no mere carnival of compliments —
Things that should never pass 'twixt me and Thee.
And so I thought and thought until the dream
Grew clear : until I saw that I should speak
Unto your eyes words that were only mine,
Made in the fashion of those olden days
For you, dear Lady, and for you alone :
Until just simply from my heart I spake
And dreamed that Thou didst listen and believe
The words I spake : and then I woke, and found
The song I send Thee. Take it : and believe
Albeit my Strengthe to praise Thee be not fitte,
And eke to singe I have but shalowe Witte,
Yette that the olden Guise in whiche 'tis writte
Is Mirrour of the Truthe that is enshrined in Itte.
1570.
TO MY MOSTE DERE LADYE :
A VALENTINE.
When triumphing midde Froste and Raine
The Birdes are faine to singe.
And faire Sainte Valentine againe
Makes Winter dreme of Springe :
1870.] In February. 377
Then as the Yere doth langhe with Love
To thinke on Summer Dayes,
Eche Hearte that loves it doth behove
To singe His Ladye's Praise.
For pooreste Love hath then the Power,
When biddes Sainte Valentine,
Thoughe lowlie be His chosen Flower,
To make it seme divine :
To glorifie His Mistresse' Face,
Her Haire, Her Lippes, Her Eyes,
In Sorte to sette Her Beautie's Grace
Amidde the starrie Skies.
And for there holdes noe other Hearte
A Love soe depe as mine,
Nor anie Sweteriesse hath Deserte
Of Praise soe highe as Thine :
Thy Grace doth aske, that is above
Alle Gemmes in Heaven that are,
A Songe more highe than depeste Love
Mote raise to higheste Starre.
But, Ladye, an Thou aske for Praise,
Yet doe not aske of mee :
My Tongue were alle too poore to raise
Thy Songe of Sovrantie !
If I the Crafte of Orpheus hadde,
And mine His Magicke were,
Then wolde I with Thy Name make gladde
Alle Erthe and Sea and Aire :
And I wolde alle Thy Glorie telle
More mightilie than Hee
When by His Harpinge Hee from Helle
Did drawe Euridice :
Until eche famous Dame of Yore
Thy Fame sholde soare beyonde,
And their Renowne be hearde noe more
In that of Rosamonde.
But Love in verie Soothe is weke
When moste Hee sholde be stronge ;
And to exalte Thee sholde I seke
I sholde but wreke Thee Wronge.
E'en colde I Musicke's Glorie blende
With alle the Welthe of Wordes,
Thy Mede of Praise wolde farre transcende
My vainlie striving Chordes :
378 In February. [March
Since alle soe faire is growne my Nighte,
And alle soe fulle my Derthe,
That Praise were loste amidde ThyLighte,
Thou Rose of alle the Erthe !
For on my Nighte soe brightlie come
Thy Sunshine's orient Rayes,
I mote not be Aughte else but dumbe
If Thou shold'st aske for Praise :
And on my Droughte soe softe doth raine
Thy Swetenesse from above,
That Aughte to speke were alle in vaine
Save but the Wordes " I love !"
Yea, Love is Love, nor more nor lesse :
Nor doe thou deme Him smalle,
In that Hee onlie can confesse
Himselfe, nor praise at alle :
For higheste Praise in Him doth dwelle,
As Glorie Dwelles in Daye :
And Hee may more by Silence telle
Than loudeste tongue can saye.
Yea, Love is Love, nor lesse nor more,
Nor doe Thou holde Him vaine,
Albeit Hee can but o'er and o'er
E-epete Himselfe againe :
Wherefore in mee noe Dutie is
But onlie to adore,
And leve to those who love Thee lesse
To magnifie Thee more.
Then aske not mee Thy Fame to raise
Unto Thy native Skie—
There are ten thousande thus to praise
Thee better farre than I ;
But if the Praise Thou'dst have is Love —
Then proudlie doe I telle,
That there is none 'neath Heaven above
Can praise Thee halfe soe welle !
L'ENVOYE.
Tarrie, my Songe, with mee,
Prithee, a little space,
Till I have fashioned Thee
More worthie of Her Grace !
Thou wilt not 1 Thou dost longe
Soe to beholde Her Face ?
Spede to Her, then, my Songe —
Wolde I were in Thy Place !
F.
1870.]
Cornelius O'Dowd.
379
CORNELIUS O'DOWD.
RECONSTRUCTING THE EDIFICE.
THERE was once on a time a
grand jury in a western county of
Ireland — Mr Justice Keogh can
correct me if I be wrong in calling
it Clare — who, having occasion to
make a presentment for the erection
of a new county jail, accompanied
their vote with the recommendation
" that the materials of the old jail
should be used in the construction
of the new, but that the old build-
ing was to stand, and be used for
the confinement of prisoners till
the new jail should be ready for
their reception."
Now, though I am far from any
intention of comparing the Irish
Establishment to a prison, yet I
cannot help feeling that the sage
resolution I have just quoted seems
to be exactly the sort of resolution
passed with reference to the new
Irish Church.
The old building is to stand till
'72, while the new edifice is being
constructed — constructed chiefly,
however, out of the old materials
— a measure first put forward on
grounds of economy, and stoutly
upheld by the grand jury on the
plea that "if sold at a public sale,
they would bring next to nothing."
While, therefore, there has been
no small excitement in Ireland, and
a very fair display of warmth be-
tween the rival parties as to the
precise form and symmetry of the
new body; while some are for
giving great powers to the laity,
and others for excluding them al-
together ; while one set are insist-
ing that on matters of dogma the
bishops should be supreme, and the
laity only pronounce on questions
of finance and exchequer, each
would seem to be forgetting that
the real difficulty before them was,
that they were trying to accomplish
the feat recommended by the gen-
tlemen of Clare, which, to put it
mildly, is at least embarrassing !
If the problem of the jail was a
puzzle, what shall we say to the
difficulty of the case where the
" old materials " are able to plead
their own utility, and insist on
being worked up in the new build-
ing ? This is exactly what has come
to pass. It has been decreed by
Parliament that the Irish Church
was too costly an establishment for
its followers — that its wealth and
dignity were an offence to those
who differed from it ; and the Pro-
testants of Ireland have been told
that another sect of Christians will
say their prayers with far more
complacency and self-satisfaction
when they know and see that Pro-
testants are as ill off as themselves
— a sentiment of charitable mean-
ing that I hope none will question
or dispute. Protestants are there-
fore enjoined to set about the build-
ing of a house more in conformity
with their reduced fortunes — the
very humility consequent on the
process being recommended to them
as a useful spiritual exercise — and
they are admonished against waste-
fulness, and told not to neglect the
old materials.
Every dictate of economy would
have suggested that, in the new
edifice, all should have been as
plain, homely, and useful as pos-
sible— little expended on ornament
or decoration, and nothing laid out
in matters of display. The "old
materials," however, demur to this.
They say, " How about us 1 If we
are to be ' worked up/ where are
we to come in 1 You are surely
not going to employ carved archi-
traves for rafters, or ornamented
mullions for joists? And if you
mean to utilise us, you must build
something that will harmonise with
our pretensions to elegance and
architectural beauty."
380
Cornelius O'Dowd.
[March
It was that same artistic elegance
that cost us our fate ! say the others.
Had we been, like the Methodists,
contented with a place like a barn,
and a preacher on the tramp, there
would have been no diatribes over
bloated revenues and our leisure-
lived dignitaries.
The discussion has lasted for
months ; it has been warm occasion-
ally to the verge of violence, for the
simple reason that each side was
animated by strong convictions. A
variety of issues have cropped up
from time to time ; crotchets have
been displayed and disposed of ;
no-surrender men have been con-
fronted with people of elastic con-
sciences, and, with the usual fate of
such associations, become fifty times
more attached to their opinions
than before ; but, on the whole, the
main difficulty lay where I have
stated when I set out, in trying to
carry out the directions of the Clare
jurymen. They were to use up the
old materials, and yet not impair
the utility of the building of which
they formed a part.
The spirit of ruling Ireland in
accordance with Irish ideas, of
which the present Ministry are vain
as of a great discovery, is here
pushed to a degree of flattery that
some might almost call coarse ; for
after all, it was scarcely necessary
that, to make legislation appreci-
able to Irishmen, an Act of Parlia-
ment should be a " bull."
Our rulers, however, have thought
otherwise. They have said we must
not deal with these men as the
Tories have done, treating the peo-
ple of Downshire or Meath as
though they were men of Herts
or Norfolk. We must study their
instincts and their tempers ; learn
their passions, their prejudices, and
their modes of thought. They
have a general taste for illegalities :
let us see how far we can indulge
them without imperilling the safety
of the empire. They dislike the
payment of rent, and would rather
shoot the landlord than submit to it.
This is hard on the landlord, but
still it will induce him to make
some concessions by which we can
compromise the differences between
them. They hate the Irish Protes-
tant Establishment, arid as few
people in England care very much
on the matter, let us abolish it;
and if the measure be only her-
alded or escorted by a bull, who
shall have the audacity to say
we are not " ruling Ireland in con-
formity with the spirit of Irish-
men " 1
Some people have been so un-
generous as to say that the states-
men who abolished the State
Church in Ireland were secretly
minded to make all reconstruction
of a Protestant Establishment im-
possible; and that, in the growth
of various forms of dissent, in con-
sequence of the downfall of the
Church, they looked to see the
Roman Catholic religion assume
the dominant station of the Irish
Church. Up to the present mo-
ment, certainly, whatever may be
the apprehensions on this score,
there is nothing proven. 1 am dis-
posed to judge more leniently the
great men who rule us. My im-
pression is, that they were solely
minded to be very Irish in their
Irish policy; and with a boon for
the Papists and a bull for the Pro-
testants, what could they do more ?
If in their legislation for the land
question they only equal the wis-
dom they have displayed about the
Church, who is to accuse the Gov-
ernment of indifference to Ireland 1
The men who ransack the records
of our grand juries to acquire the
spirit of our local judicatures, dis-
play a zeal in their desire to serve
us that must endear them to the
heart of every Irishman, or at least
of all such as love a bull.
1870."
The Passion-Play in the Highlands of Bavaria.
381
THE PASSION-PLAY IN THE HIGHLANDS OF BAVAKIA.
"Cloister and church were the first theatres, priests the first actors, the first dramatic matter
was the Passion, the first dramas were the mysteries."— Gervinus on Shakespeare, vol. i. 66.
TEN years ago, at Ober-Ammer-
gau, a little village on the borders
of Bavaria and the Tyrol, a series
of representations was given of the
sacred drama of the Passion of our
Lord. At one of these perform-
ances I had the good fortune to be
present, and I now venture to write
down from recollection the still
vivid impression which this strange
spectacle made upon me at the
time. I do so now, because in the
early summer of this year the play
will be given anew, and strangers
from all parts of Europe will be
there to see. To those who go
from this country it may be an
object to know beforehand some-
thing of the character of the spec-
tacle which awaits them ; to those
who remain at home it may not
be without interest to get some
idea of what their friends are
going to witness ; and to both it
may be worth while to hear some
tidings of a curiously impressive
spectacle, remarkable from being a
solitary remnant of the simple real-
istic phases of religious feeling in
the past, and a contrast to the gor-
geous exhibitions of the same feel-
ing with which we are familiar in
the present.*
In the ' Art-Student of Munich '
a short description is given of the
performance of 1840. The Baroness
Tautphosus, in one of her charming
novels, describes the impressions
made upon her heroine by the re-
presentation of 1850. And Dean
Stanley, in ' Macmillan's Magazine/
has given an interesting art -criti-
cism of the play as it was rendered
in 1860. It may seem a little bold
to attempt to treat again of what
has been so well done before. But
twenty years, and even ten years,
create great gaps in general litera-
ture ; and nearly all reading is so
ephemeral in these latter days, that
the interests of yesterday are for-
gotten to-morrow; and it is only by
laying fresh coatings of paint upon
the old signboards — it may be by a
less artistic hand — that the impres-
sions of last year leave any trace
in this. With the hope, then, of
reviving old memories in some
minds, and arousing new interests
in others, the following pages are
written.
Some fifty years ago the repre-
sentation of such plays as this was
common in the wilder districts of
Bavaria, in parts of Wurtemberg,
and in the Tyrol ; but now there is
one spot only in these countries in
which the spectacle can be seen.
Fifty years previously — that is, in
the middle of last century — there
was hardly a village in those distant
parts that had not its own distinc-
tive representation, and Passion
r A somewhat similar performance, but of a coarser kind, is mentioned by some
writers as taking place at Buenos Ayres ; and in the Church of the Sepulchre at
Jerusalem, on each Good Friday, some of the more striking incidents in the Pas-
sion are roughly represented. A wooden figure of Christ is carried round the
church, headed by a long procession of priests. At the different "stations " under
tho comprehensive roof of the church, — the traditional place of the scourging, the
plii,ce of the crowning with thorns, the place of crucifixion — i.e., the supposed
summit of Calvary — the stone of unction, the sepulchre, &c. — the procession halts,
an 1 at these several points discourses in different languages are delivered by the
priests to the large assembly of pilgrims who flock to Jerusalem during Holy
Week. But except a certain reverence attaching to the localities, there is little
of interest in the ceremonial.
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLII1. 2 D
332
The Passion-Play in the Highlands of Bavaria. [March
Week was the time appointed for
the performance. But a crusade
was declared against them, in which
both the clergy and the laity took
part — the clergy, because they were
unsuitable to Passion Week ; the
laity, because they were unworthy
of an enlightened age. They had
lost much of their primitive char-
acter. The burlesque element had
mingled with the serious ; the sacred
and the profane came too closely into
contact ; the acting was frequently
bad ; a handle was given to the less
reverent to turn things sacred into
ridicule; and in 177 9 they were pub-
licly condemned by all forms of eccle-
siastical denunciations, and the civil
authorities in Austria and Bavaria
took rigorous measures for their sup-
pression. One exception was made
to the general prohibition. In the
solitary village of Ober-Ammergau
these plays were not interdicted ;
and the reason of this exception was,
that in that village the play was per-
formed in accordance with a vow
made two hundred years before, and
under the surveillance of the monks
of a neighbouring monastery it had
always been enacted with becoming
piety and decorum.
The village lies high up the val-
ley of the Ammer in the Bavarian
highlands, about a long day's jour-
ney from Munich, and within two
miles of the grand old monastery
of Ettal. This monastery was
founded by the Emperor Lewis of
Bavaria, and for many years prior
to the commencement of the pre-
sent century, when it was secular-
ised, the religious character of this
remote district took its colour in
great measure from the ecclesiasti-
cal influence of the abbey. The
village is long and straggling, and
is made up of separate houses or
chdlets, each embedded in its own
orchard -garden, carefully tended
and scrupulously clean. It is situ-
ated in a green plain hemmed in
on all sides by steep picturesquely-
formed mountains, and through
the meadow the clear bright stream
sparkles onwards in the sunlight,
stealing from the mountains just
sufficient valley-land to afford sus-
tenance for the small peasant-popu-
lation of the village. In numbers
the inhabitants may amount to
about eight hundred ; and, like
most of the Alpine peasants in
the Bavarian uplands and the more
secluded valleys of Switzerland and
the south Tyrol, they gain their
livelihood by wood carving and
engraving.
In 1633 this village was afflicted
by a pestilence which followed on
the famine and desolation caused
by the drain of men absorbed in
the wars of Gustavus Adolphus, and
the consequent poverty of the peo-
ple. When the pestilence was at its
height, the pious and affrighted vil-
lagers vowed a decennial represen-
tation of the Passion of our Lord
if the plague might be stayed. Their
prayers were heard ; " and," so
the chronicle says, " though many
had the plague-spots when the vow
was made, yet no more died of it."
From that time till the promulga-
tion of the interdict in 17 79, the play
was regularly performed in accord-
ance with this vow. And it was
only by the pleadings of an urgent
deputation of Ammergau peasants
with Max Joseph of Bavaria, that
he was induced to use his influence
to save their Mystery from the
general condemnation. He was
successful in his remonstrances, and
the play has been repeated every
ten years since that date.- A few
alterations have been made to re-
lieve the performance of some of
its coarser features, but it is
substantially the same as it was
originally.
The performers number about
five hundred ; and one and all. from
the child of two or three years old
who appears among the Israelites
in the desert, to the oldest man
among the elders in the Sanhe-
drim, they belong to Ober-Ammer-
gau. The different parts are allot-
ted out to them by a committee of
the villagers, who exercise a sort of
censorial authority over the players
1870.]
The Passion-Play in the Highlands of Bavaria.
383
during the continuance of the play.
TLe personator of Christ considers
his part an act of religious worship,
and both he and the other principal
performers are said to be selected
on account of their holy life, and con-
secrated to their work with prayer.
None but those who are esteemed of
high moral worth are allowed to take
the more important parts. The rdles
of the soldiers and the money-chang-
ers are given to those who are less
blameless. And, according to Lud-
wig Clarus, who has published an
historical account of the play, <the
assignment of the parts of Barab-
bas or the executioners to any mem-
bers of the community is equiva-
lent to a black mark in the village
society, and indicates more than
equivocal characters. But the im-
portance of the performance is such,
so Ludwig tells us, that no one
henitates to accept the part assigned.
The allotment of parts takes place
upon the 1 2th of December, and from
then till Whitsunday there are re-
gular rehearsals and preparations
under the simple artistic instruction
of no one but the parish priest. On
Whitsunday the first performance
takes place, and from then till the
middle of September it is played at
stated intervals, but generally every
Sunday.*
In 1860 the part of Christus was
given to Rupert Schauer. Pflun-
ger, who played that part in 1840
and 1850, with what at first seems
a strange contradiction, in 1860
took the part of Pilate.
The theatre was erected on the
banks of the little stream, in the
outskirts of the village, just below
the " Covel," a high column-like
rock which rises sheer out of the
valley to the height of several thou-
sand feet. This mountain over-
hangs the little town, and seems to
threaten it with possible destruc-
tion at any moment — a physical
characteristic which is not uncom-
mon in parts of Bavaria and the
Tyrol, as any one who has visited
Innsbruck will recollect. The build-
ing was an immense wooden edifice
made of rude planks and benches,
and was so laid out as to be capable
of containing between eight and
nine thousand people, irrespective
of the performers. And large
though it appeared to be, it has
been found inadequate to contain
the numerous spectators who come
in crowds from every quarter. In
such cases the play is repeated on
the following day.
The stage, like the stages of the
old Greek theatres, was contrived
so as to represent a theatre within
a theatre. In the centre of the
proscenium, at the part farthest
from the audience, there was a
smaller stage — the "scena" of the
Greek theatres — on which the scen-
ery was roughly painted. At the
sides of the proscenium the palaces
of Herod and of Annas, and the
streets of Jerusalem, extending to
a great distance, were represented ;
and when the curtain of the inner
theatre was raised, showing now the
interior of the Temple, now the
Supper-chamber, or again the hall
of the Sanhedrim, or it might be
the garden of Gethsemane, or Mount
Calvary, a sort of panoramic re-
presentation of Jerusalem, interior
and exterior, was exhibited, and
the mind, even before the drama
commenced, got familiarised with
the scenes where it is laid.
The whole aspect of the building
was strangely illustrative of the
spectacles that must have been pre-
sented to the eyes of an Athenian
audience in the best days of the
Grecian drama. The open-air mid-
day performance, which owed every-
thing to the natural scenery of the
locality for its optical effects — to the
mountains, and the stream, and the
green meadow stretching far away
in the distance, and, above all, to
* The days appointed for the performances in 1870 are as follows : May 22, 29;
Jun- 6, 12, 19, 25; July 3, 10, 17, 24, 31; August 7, 14, 21, 28; September 8,
11, 18, 25, 29.
384
Tlit Passion-Flay in the Highlands of Bavaria. [March
the lights and shadows of the
changing day ; the picturesque as-
sembly of eager and impressionable
spectators gazing long hours in
rapt attention at the working out
of a great spectacle that combined
so strongly the devotional with the
dramatic element ; the simple yet
artistic acting, with all its rustic
properties, its rude decorations, and
common untheatrical illusions ;
the unusual institution of a band or
chorus, which, advancing with grave
solemnity from opposite sides of the
proscenium, ranged itself under
the guidance of a Coryphaeus, and
chanted in unison with him the
plan of the scenes as one after an-
other they were to be performed, —
all carried back the mind of any
one who looked upon the spectacle
to scenes almost identically similar,
which were enacted in the various
theatres of Greece four hundred
years before the birth of Him
whose life on earth was now being
represented.
By daylight on Sunday morning
(August 19, I860), the densely-
crowded little village was alive
with men and women. From an
early hour on Saturday carriages
had been arriving from every quar-
ter, and " stellwagen," "einspan-
ner," great wooden carts, and every
variety of German conveyance, had
been emptying their loads of eager
visitors all day before the over-
crowded inns.* Pedestrians of
every size and shape kept toiling up
the steep pass of Ettal, and arriving
at every moment travel-stained and
weary ; many had walked a hun-
dred, some two hundred, miles.
You saw long-haired Franciscan
and bearded Capuchin monks, with
their brown serge dresses girt with
belts of rope. There were black-
robed priests to the number of
eight hundred or thereby. There
were Bavarian women, with their
quaint gold and silver head-dresses
and their brilliant variegated um-
brellas — an indispensable com-
panion. There were Tyrolean pea-
sants— the men in their high-
peaked, broad-brimmed hats, richly
decorated with gold lace and tassels,
their short black breeches, green
and scarlet waistcoats, and gigantic
embroidered belts ; the women in
plain black straw hats, tastefully
adorned and garlanded with wild
flowers. There were Englishmen
too, but very few in number, with
serious, self-satisfied, complacent
faces, contrasting gloomily in their
business-like grey cloth suits with
all those picturesque costumes. All
that motley assembly of men and
women you saw toiling up the
long steep hill, toiling up as if upon
a pilgrimage from a distant land.
Long before the sun rose on Sun-
day morning, all those who had
arrived upon the previous day, and
many who appeared during the
night, were wandering vaguely about
the streets with a strange distracted
air, as of people possessed with
some engrossing idea. From five
o'clock till eight, mass was being
performed at all five altars in the
crowded cathedral ; and by eight
o'clock every seat in the theatre
was occupied.
As the village clock struck eight,
and the loud report of a cannon
had died away among the moun-
tains, the chorus, to the number of
seventeen men and women, dressed
in long white and coloured mantles
to represent "guardian angels,"
came filing in upon the stage, and
sang to soft low music the prologue
of the play. As the first notes rose,
the buzz of conversation ceased ;
and from that moment till twelve
o'clock the performance continued
without a single interruption, both
performers and spectators appearing
to be entirely engrossed in what
they were acting and beholding.
* The writer of this had to spend the night, sleeping as he best could on some
fresh-cut hay laid down for him on a kitchen-floor, with five or six companions
whom he knew not.
1870.]
The Passion-Play in the Highlands of Bavaria.
385
At twelve there was an hour's in-
terval; the play recommenced at
one, and continued with the same
unflagging interest until half -past
four.
To describe in detail the scenes
of this drama, which passed so un-
interruptedly before the mind, and
were so conspicuously free from all
st ige contrivances, is no easy task.
To convey a true idea of it in writ-
ing, or to form an adequate concep-
tion of its simple grandeur without
personally seeing it, is impossible.
It was a sight which no man, what-
ever may have been his education
or his religious opinions, could look
upon without some feeling, and
without carrying away a deep and
lasting impression.
The spectacle was of two kinds.
It consisted partly of tableaux vi-
vonts, which were exhibited on the
smaller stage at the back of the
proscenium, partly of scenes, which
were performed sometimes on one
and sometimes on the other stage,
and in which the characters spoke
and acted as in an ordinary play.
E ich scene was preceded by one or
more tableaux typical of the subject
which was to be represented in it.
These tableaux were taken from
incidents in the Old Testament,
and formed part of the choral re-
presentation, the duty of the chorus
being to explain the typical allu-
sions, and point the moral to be
deduced from them. When the
prologue was ended, the chorus
separated, and rearranged them-
selves in a semicircle from either
side of the inner theatre. The
curtain then of the inner theatre
drew up, and the stage show-
ed en tableau the expulsion of
Adam and Eve from Paradise, an
angel standing behind them with
a flaming sword. Here the Cory-
phaeus took up the chant, and,
now singing, now in recitative, ex-
plained the scene as typical of the
curse only to be expiated by the
death of Christ. This opening
st-ene was the key-note of the piece
that was to follow. It typified the
object of Christ's life before His re-
surrection, which was to be repre-
sented in the Mystery. The chorus
again separated, and the second
tableau showed the heavenly angels
coming to bring glad tidings upon
earth. As they appeared, the chor-
us reverently kneeled before them,
singing a hymn of joy and thanks-
giving. That passed away, and the
first actual scene succeeded.
The wide streets of the repre-
sented city began to fill with men
and women all in Oriental cos-
tumes. They appeared to be de-
scending the steep green slope of
the Mount of Olives, at the out-
skirts of Jerusalem. In long pro-
cession, singing with innumerable
voices a triumphal chant, and
waving long branches of palm-trees
and green boughs in their hands,
they filed in. And now, as the
leaders of the gay assemblage came
winding through the distant streets
in the background, advancing to-
wards the front, the music swells
in volume and in tone, and seems
to come nearer to the audience.
The enthusiasm of the great mul-
titude increases — children come
in dancing merrily, and strew-
ing flowers upon the path ; and
men and women are spreading
garments on the ground for the
feet of some great one to tread.
Then in the furthest background
appears Christ, meek and lowly
amid all the pageant, riding hum-
bly on an ass, and followed in or-
der by the twelve apostles. As
he appeared, even above the notes
of the triumphant music and the
loud hosannas, you seemed to feel
a thrill pass through the dense
crowd of spectators in the rustic
theatre. There appeared to be a
momentary cessation of the slight-
est sound, almost of the breathing
of wellnigh eight thousand people.
Every sense of every man and wo-
man in that great mass of human
beings seemed concentrated on the
single figure that had appeared, and
for a moment every one seemed
struck as if by some mysterious
386
The Passion-Play in the Highlands of Bavaria. [March
agency, and rendered powerless.
It is impossible to convey any idea
of the strange impression produced
by the appearance of this man who
represented the character of Christ.
It was utterly unlike any impres-
sion which could be made by any
other spectacle or theatrical repre-
sentation. It seemed to be a strange
mixture of reverential awe and
curious mysterious interest which
probably no one present could have
power to analyse. The appearance
of the actor, no doubt, had some-
thing to do with the effect. And
it was altogether favourable to the
illusion that it was Christ himself
who had suddenly appeared in the
midst of the assembly. He had
the mild and pensive eye, the pale
olive complexion, the finely-mould-
ed features, intellectual forehead,
and soft brown hair and beard,
which, since the days of Cimabue
and Perugino, are stereotyped as
characteristic of Jesus Christ. Add
to that the long flowing purple
vesture, the rich crimson mantle,
and the well-known Eastern san-
dals, represented in the pictures of
the old masters, and it seemed al-
most as if one of these old pictures
had been endowed with life ; or
perhaps as if the glass of time had
moved backward eighteen hundred
years, and we were living and act-
ing in that the greatest drama that
this world has ever known.
The twelve, each in their char-
acteristic costumes, followed him.
TABLEAUX.
And so completely was the individ-
uality of each brought out, that even
when they thus appeared for the
first time, it would have been no
difficult matter to single out each
man among them as they passed.
Behind them followed a multi-
tude of Jews, both men and
women ; and in that multitude
you could mark a few here and
there who showed signs of disap-
proval, and who soon were to appear
as Christ's enemies and accusers.
It would be endless to attempt
to describe each of the tableaux
and scenes, as they followed one after
another without intermission, except
the few minutes occupied during
each by the chorus in explaining
the typical allusions, and indicating
the general bearing of the piece. It
is better to mention in order the
tableaux and their corresponding
scenes, and to particularise those
only which were more especially
interesting, and which stamped
their impression more clearly on
the mind.
The performance was divided
into two parts. The first began, as
we have seen, with the triumphal
entrance into Jerusalem, and ended
with the betrayal in the garden of
Gethsemane. The second opened
with the bringing of Christ before
Annas, and closed with the resur-
rection.
In the first part, the tableaux
and the scenes which they typified
were as follows : —
SCENES.
1. Adam and Eve expelled from Para-
dise.
2. Heavenly angels bring glad tidings
upon earth.
1 . Tobias takes leave of his
2. The bride bewails the
bridegroom.
parents,
loss
of the
1. Entrance into Jerusalem.
2. Turning the money-changers out of
the Temple.
3. Departure from Bethany.
1. Jacob's sons conspire against Joseph. 1.
II.
High priests and elders take counsel
in the Sanhedrim to bring Jesus
into their power.
-
in.
1. The journey to Bethany.
2. The supper at Bethany.
3. Jesus takes leave of his mother and
his friends at Bethany.
1 870.] The Passion-Play in the Highlands of Bavaria.
TABLEAUX.
1. Vashti spurned by Ahasuerus.
1 . The manna given to the children of
Israel in the desert.
1. Joseph sold by his brethren to the
Midianites.
1. Adam toiling in the field after his
expulsion from the garden of Eden.
2. Joab at the rock kills Amasa on pre-
tence of kissing him.
3. Samson overpowered by the Philis-
tines.
In this part of the drama, the
entrance into Jerusalem and the
Last Supper were the most ef-
fective scenes. The agony in the
garden, perhaps because more
might be expected from it, had less
perceptible effect upon the mind.
Perhaps, too, the minute realisation
of every particular of the Gospel
narrative— the three distinct times
fit which Jesus returned and found
his disciples asleep — the incongru-
ity of the stealthy night attack upon
him under cover of dark lanterns,
while the sky overhead was blue
und clear, and the mid-day sun
was streaming down upon the scene
• — the kiss given by Judas, and the
onslaught made by Peter upon Mal-
uhus when he cut off his ear, all
which is adhered to rigidly, — these
and other realistic details may
have blunted susceptibilities which
would have been keenly excited by
a more imaginative rendering, and
may have marred the general effec-
tiveness of the scene. But yet, as
you looked on that solitary figure
bowed down in agony, and noted
the acute expression of pain upon
his face, and the great drops of
•sweat like blood upon his brow,
carrying out so literally the curse
pronounced on Adam, you could
iiot remain an unmoved spectator.
You felt then, perhaps for the first
387
SCENES.
IV.
1. The last journey to Jerusalem ; two
of the disciples sent forward to pre-
pare the Supper.
2. Judas tempted by the Jews to betray
Jesus.
v.
1. The Last Supper.
VI.
1. Judas comes to the Sanhedrim, and
agrees to sell Jesus to the Pharisees.
VII.
1. The agony in the garden.
2. Judas betrays Jesus with a kiss.
3. Jesus, deserted by his disciples, is led
away by his betrayers.
time, the loneliness, the hopeless-
ness, the depth of human misery,
and with all that the more than
human resignation of which we
read so often with disproportionate
sympathy in the descriptions of
that night of agony.
Second only to the delineation
of the crucifixion in impressiveness,
and more touching than the trium-
phal entry, from the home feeling
and simplicity in the action, ranks
unquestionably the representation
of the Last Supper. In the gene-
ral arrangements and external ap-
pearance this scene was not unlike
what may be witnessed on a sacra-
ment Sunday in many a country
church in the Highlands of Scot-
land. The ceremony, as performed
here, recalled the Presbyterian
rather than the Episcopalian or
Roman Catholic form of adminis-
tering the Communion. In the
Presbyterian Church alone, the true
idea of the Holy Supper, compara-
tively free from all mysticism or
symbolical significance, is preserved
in its primitive simplicity. The
Episcopalian, no less than the Eo-
man Catholic Churches, have de-
parted far from the traditionary
ritual. In both of these a tincture
of unreality has appeared in the
lapse of ages. And this unreality,
while it cannot be considered to
388
The Passion-Play in the Highlands of Itavaria. [March
add to the solemnity of the Holy
Sacrament, is greatly at variance
with the type presented by the
Evangelists. The Scotch Kirk, on
the other hand, from its scrupulous
abhorrence of anything unnatural,
reproduces the original celebration
in much the same character as it
possessed when first performed in
the upper chamber in Jerusalem.
In the ceremony at Amrnergau, the
chamber, the long narrow table,
and the grouping of the twelve
around it, were all apparently co-
pied from Leonardo da Vinci's
well-known masterpiece. It seemed
almost as if that great picture
had been revived and transformed
into living and moving existence,
and transported from the cloister
in Milan to the wild highlands
of Bavaria. Or perhaps the scene,
as it was presented here in its
studied simplicity, went further
even than Leonardo's conception.
Your ideas were unconsciously
carried beyond the imaginings of
the painter, or the representation
of the village actors ; and you al-
most felt that you were present with
the disciples as the actual fact was
originally enacted by Jesus Christ
and them. The cup was blessed
and handed round among the
twelve, and then Jesus rose and
broke the bread, and placed a mor-
sel of it in the mouth of each ; and
as they received it, all but Judas,
with lowered eyes and clasped
hands, they seemed as if they had
actually received of the bread of
life from the hands of the Son of
God. And after he had given of
the bread, he rose again and blessed
the cup, and gave it with his own
hands to each, and they received it
prayerfully. It is seldom that a
more impressive Communion ser-
vice— impressive from its simplic-
ity— has been witnessed since the
first great inauguration.
The effect upon the audience ap-
peared to be greater during this
scene than during any other
throughout the whole performance.
Deep as was the emotion exhibited
at Christ's first entrance, and
strangely acute as was the thrill
that passed through every heart as
the cross was raised at the cruci-
fixion, the feeling at this moment,
though somewhat different, seemed
even more intense and more all-per-
vading. It was a holy, reverent,
awe-struck feeling, such as is some-
times experienced in a great ca-
thedral when every face is devoutly
turned to the earth, and the solem-
nising bell chimes through the
aisles, and the silver trumpets peal
out to tell that the host is being
raised, and that God is in the midst
of His worshippers. It seemed
here as if the great multitude of
onlookers at this representation of
the Supper really believed implicit-
ly in the performance which they
saw going on before them. They
appeared to feel that they were ac-
tually in the presence of the Son
of God. At the crucifixion the
more purely spiritual element was
in abeyance, and the feeling indi-
cated by the audience was more
painful and sympathetic, as if it
was evoked by a fellow -man in
agony. Here there was a mixture
of feeling. It was partly solemn
and awe-struck, as if called out by
the contemplation of something
supernatural, and partly homelike
and kindly and familiar, as if elicit-
ed by the intense natural humanity
exhibited in this representation of
the Last Supper. In looking on it
you seemed to realise at once the
divine and human nature of the
Son of Man.
After the supper was ended, Jesus
rose and laid aside his mantle and
his girdle (reminding one, as he ap-
peared in his vesture, of the well-
known modern picture representing
his walking on the sea), and, as is
described by St John, proceeded to
wash the disciples' feet. This scene,
like some of those in the second
part, was difficult to exhibit. The
line which separates the sublime
from the ridiculous in such scenes
as these presented, must necessarily
be a very narrow one. When the
1870.]
The Passion-Play in the Highlands of Bavaria.
359
feelings are excited to the highest
pitch, and the nervous system kept
upon the strain, the smallest diver-
gence from beyond this line, even
the remotest trace of common-
place, must at once produce reac-
tion. Had even the faintest sha-
dow of burlesque — if such a word
may without impropriety be used
• — been observable in any portion
of the performance of the character
of Christ, this scene must have
brought it out. And, more than
this, had the acting of the part
been studied or professional acting,
and not, as it was, a personification
drawn out by deep religious senti-
ment from the soul, it must have
protruded itself unpleasantly in
this scene, and the taste of the
more cultivated in the audience
would have been shocked. But as
the character was represented by
Knpert Schauer with perfect truth-
fulness and simplicity, with an in-
nate dignity and total forgetf illness
of self, you almost felt as if it was
the man Jesus himself who was
performing this menial office, and
not the roughly- cultured peasant of
Bavaria.
There were in all eleven tableaux
in this first part of the drama, and
of these three stood out as of spe-
cial interest. Two of them passed
quickly, one after the other; and
whether from the contrast they
presented to each other, or from
the simple beauty and apparent
truthfulness of the typical illustra-
tion which they were intended to
convey, they were both strikingly
effective.
The first corresponded to the
scene which represented Judas bar-
gaining with the Pharisees in the
Sanhedrim for the betrayal of Jesus.
It represented Joseph's brethren
bartering with the Midianites for
the sale of their brother. In this
tableau great pains had been taken
to throw a light and joyous char-
acter over the scenery, and over
the figure of Joseph. The Oriental
aspect of the country, the bright
variegated dress of the boy, who,
true to the traditionary history,
wore his "coat of many colours/'
and the innocent childlike appear-
ance of his figure and bearing, con-
trasting with the dark treacherous
expression of the faces of his breth-
ren, formed together a studied and
artistic picture.
The second of these three tableaux
was a striking contrast to the first.
It corresponded to the agony in the
garden, and represented a scene of
awful desolation, in which Adam,
after his expulsion from the garden
of Eden, clothed in sheep-skins,
care-worn and sad, was represented
toiling wearily, while the sweat was
pouring from his brow; and Eve sat
mournfully behind, with her two
children, also clothed in sheep-skins,
who were playing with a lamb, and
afterwards, with perhaps overstrain-
ed typical application, fighting for
an apple.
The third of these tableaux was
of a very different caste. It was
more pleasing and graceful than the
others, though perhaps less striking.
It came on before the tragic scenes
which afterwards engrossed the at-
tention, manifestly of definite pur-
pose to prepare the minds of the
spectators. It corresponds to the
departure from Bethany, when Jesus
takes leave of the Virgin Mother
and his friends before his final en-
trance into Jerusalem ; and it may
be taken as descriptive of the
hymn —
" Wo ist er hin ? wo ist er hin ?
Der schone aller schonen " —
a hymn founded apparently on
some of the more beautiful verses
in the Song of Solomon. It was
sung on this occasion to soft melo-
dious music.
The second part of the perform-
ance commenced at one o'clock,
and lasted continuously until half-
past four. The scenes and their
corresponding tableaux were as
follows : —
390
The Passion-Play in the Highlands of Bavaria. [March
TABLEAUX.
SCENES.
1. The prophet Micah prophesies truly 1. Jesus brought before Annas.
before Ahab.
n.
1. Stoning of Naboth. 1. Jesus brought before Caiaphas.
2. Job insulted by his friends and his 2. Denial of Peter.
3. Peter's repentance.
wife.
1. The murder of Abel.
1. Daniel before Darius.
1. David's messengers before Hanun.
in.
1. Repentance of Judas.
2. Judas in the Sanhedrim.
3. Judas hangs himself.
IV.
1. Jesus before Pilate.
v.
1. Jesus before Herod.
VI.
1. Joseph's brethren show Jacob the coat 1. Pilate orders Jesus to be scourged.
of many colours stained with blood.
2. Abraham finds a ram caught in a 2. Jesus buffeted, scourged, and crown-
thicket when about to sacrifice Isaac. ed wi th thorns.
VII.
1. Joseph honoured by the Egyptians. l. Jesus shown to the people with Bar-
abbas.
2. The scapegoat. 2. piiate washes his hands, and orders
Jesus to death.
VIII.
1. Isaac goes up Mount Moriah laden 1. Jesus, laden with the cross, goes up to
with wood for sacrifice. Golgotha, and meets His mother
with the apostle John.
2. Moses shows the people in the wil- 2. Simon of Cyrene compelled to bear
the cross.
3. Women of Jerusalem bewailing the
Lord.
IX.
(No type.)
1. The crucifixion.
1. Jonah in the whale's belly. 1- The resurrection.
2. Destruction of the Egyptians in the 2. Appearance before Mary Magdalene.
Red Sea.
XI.
1. Jesus surrounded by the saints in
glory.
HALLELUJAH.
The tableaux in this part of the
play were less effective than those
of the earlier part, although there
was no perceptible diminution in
the care devoted both to the selec-
tion and to the representation of
the types. It may be that the at-
tention was wearied with the length-
ened strain upon it, and the mind,
fixed as it was more exclusively
on the central figure in the drama,
could hardly dwell upon the minor
details. The impression, therefore,
produced by these tableaux is less
distinct and vivid than that pro-
duced by those of the earlier part.
In a scenic point of view, the
raising of the brazen serpent in the
wilderness was the most remark-
able. But it was remarkable more
1870.]
The Passion-Play in the Highlands of Bavaria.
391
from the appearance presented by
the dense mass of men, women, and
children, crowded upon the inner
stage at one time, and from the
variety of costume which they dis-
played, than from any peculiar sen-
timent embodied in the represen-
tation which could act upon the
imagination.
The tableau of the scapegoat,
also, was finely conceived, and had
something grand about it as repre-
sented. And this grandeur was
heightened by the part played by
the chorus which immediately fol-
lowed it. For as they sang the ex-
planation, dwelling upon the veri-
fication of the type in the person of
Him who bore the sins of the world,
and lamenting over Jerusalem as
the spot on which the sacrifice was
to be offered, you heard at inter-
vals the savage shouting of the
populace ringing through the streets
of Jerusalem — now crying for Bar-
abbas to be saved, now cursing
Pilate and demanding the blood of
Christ ; and at last the loud shouts
of " Crucify him ! crucify him !
His blood be on us and on our chil-
dren " (" Ans Kreuz mit ihm ! ans
Kreuz mit ihm ! Sein blut kom-
me liber uns und unsere Kinder"),
were raised, and echoed and re-
echoed from one side of the city to
the other. These wild voices, min-
gling dramatically with the choral
chants, were the same which but a
short time before had been joining
in the loud hosannas on the tri-
umphal entry. The contrast was
of course designed, and was in-
tended partly to exhibit the fickle-
ness and perversity of the Jewish
people — a trait of character still
commonly exhibited by Oriental and
^emi- Oriental nations — and partly
to prepare the minds of the spec-
tators for the scenes which were to
follow.
From this time till the close, the
tragedy solemnly and gradually
went deepening on. And even
though all were in a manner pre-
pared for the climax, yet when it
( ame there was something about it
so preternaturally real and painful,
that no preparation was altogether
adequate. You saw Jesus, his hands
bound behind his back, dragged
now to Annas, now to Caiaphas,
then to the Eoman governor, arid
from him to Herod. You saw the
soldiers buffet him, it appeared
brutally, from one to another. They
scourged him, and you heard the
stripes falling upon his back. They
set him on a rude prison stool, and,
they crowned him with the crown
of thorns, and put a purple robe
upon him, and a reed in his hand,
and they hailed him in derision as
their king. It was a matter of
curious interest to note the effect
that this exhibition seemed to have
upon the audience. To them it
appeared wonderful that the soldiers
could have been brought to act such
parts ; and the whole race of men
seemed hateful when contrasted
with the chief character, who
throughout all the persecution
bore his sufferings in long-endur-
ing silence, and with no trace of
anger. And these feelings were
intensified as the play wore on.
But it was not until Christ appear-
ed, worn out with fatigue and pain,
toiling up the slope of Calvary, and
bearing laboriously the heavy wood-
en cross on which he was to suffer
— until the nails were driven in,
and the man on whom the sympa-
thy of every one had been concen-
trated through the various scenes
of glory and humiliation, was raised
upon the cross — that the full reality
and horror of the tragic history
came before the mind. Then, in
that great assembly of near eight
thousand people, it appeared as if
there was not a single eye which
was not fixed with steadfast atten-
tion upon the man crucified. The
minds of all seemed strangely wrap-
ped up in the contemplation of the
spectacle, and a thrill of pity seemed
to pass through their hearts. No
ordinary theatrical effects could ex-
cite anything approaching to the
sensation produced by this scene.
The religious feelings were upper-
392
The Passion-Play in the Highlands of Bavaria. [March
most, and man's inmost sympathies
were called out by the mysterious
significance of the whole perform-
ance. You heard the nails driven
through his hands into the hard
•wood, and could almost feel the
piercing. You saw the form of the
man, whose life you had been watch-
ing, stretched upon the cross, his
head crowned with the sharp thorns,
the wounds still bleeding ; but even
yet his countenance bore that un-
utterable expression of majesty and
meekness which has ever been asso-
ciated with all our traditional con-
ceptions of Jesus Christ. With
strange emotions you gazed upon
the executioners as upon wild
beasts when they tore his mantle
into shreds, and cast lots for his
vesture ; and the Jewish race ap-
peared hateful in your eyes, as you
watched them gathering round the
cross, looking on the man they had
crucified, and railing at him, and
taunting him with his powerless-
ness and his pain. Then for the
first time you seemed to understand
the significance of those ungovern-
able explosions that in the history
of the middle ages one reads of,
when sudden outbursts of hatred
against the Hebrew race have taken
place, and have been followed by
cruelties and barbarities unexam-
pled in history. Just such a feel-
ing seemed excited in this Ammer-
gau audience by this representation.
But even yet you could hardly
realise the fact that it was the man
himself who had been for the last
eight hours a moving actor amongst
these very men, until he opened
his lips, and in his own familiar
voice addressed the penitent thief
upon his right. Then all doubt
was dispelled. But for an instant
as he spoke the sensation produced
was indescribable. People, men
and women, sitting near, became
white, as if their hearts had ceased
to beat and their blood ran cold,
and unconsciously drops of per-
spiration seemed to well out upon
their foreheads as in a nightmare.
And then, when the well-known
words " Eloi, Eloi, lama sabac-
thani ? " were pronounced in a deep
voice by him from the cross, and
a moment later, as the sounds " Es
ist vollbracht ! " (" It is finished ! ")
issued from his lips, and his head
dropped upon bis breast, it seemed
as if the multitude could hardly
move or breathe. Throughout the
large assemblage at this moment
there was no movement perceptible
— nothing but a dead solemnity,
and cessation of all action and all
life.
Unimpressionable as the Bavarian
highlanders are, and little given to
demonstration, and accustomed as
the Tyrolese have ever been to see
coarse material representations of
our Lord in every form and at every
turning of the remotest glens among
their mountains, yet this living re-
presentation elicited from each and
all of them some exhibition that
could not be controlled. Not that
there was any individual expression
more conspicuously discernible than
another, but a sort of contagious
emotion seemed to pass through
the whole building, and to affect
all who were therein — that sort of
emotion which quivers through the
body like an electric shock, and
which indicates more truly than
any mere outward manifestation
the feelings that are at work with-
in.
The remainder of the spectacle,
though conducted with the same
unremitting care and studied at-
tention to minute detail, was less
effective. The feelings, which had
been so tensely strung and kept
upon the strain, seemed to relax
and die away as Christ's head fell
upon his breast. The attention
was wearied and difficult to con-
trol, and the interest almost imper-
ceptibly began to flag. You saw
the soldiers break the bones of the
two thieves with great wooden
bludgeons, and carry their dead
bodies away. They pierced Christ's
side with a spear, and blood gushed
out mingled with water. The crowd
about the cross dispersed quietly
1870.]
The Passion-Play in tJie Highlands of Bavaria.
393
and naturally, as if after an ordinary
execution; and Joseph of Arimathea
and the few faithful friends came
and gently, carefully removed the
body from the cross, grouped ex-
actly as in the greatest of all the
works of Rubens — the "Descent" in
the Notre Dame at Antwerp. You
saw them lay him in a sepulchre,
and the watch was set, and in the
morning the stone rolled back and
the arisen Lord appeared. Lastly,
you saw him as he appeared before
Alary Magdalene, and as he stood,
crowned with glory, surrounded by
the saints and angels, and by the
chorus, who, having discarded the
black robes of mourning which they
wore during the crucifixion, appear-
ed again in white, and concluded
the whole spectacle by singing a
hymn of praise grander and more
triumphal than that with which
they opened it.
These latter scenes made, as com-
pared with the others, but little
impression on the mind. The rea-
son may have been, that all idea of
Luman sympathy had gone, and the
scenes in themselves were not of
sufficient grandeur to excite any
higher feeling. And the mind,
worked up as it had been to a high
pitch, was weary, and could not be
affected by anything less grand than
had already been presented to it.
Perhaps it may have been that the
performance attempted what was
beyond the power of the perform-
ers. So long as the actions were
those of the man Jesus — so long as
the triumphs and sufferings repre-
sented were human triumphs and
human sufferings — so long, in short,
as Christ's life on earth was exhi-
bited,— the various scenes could be
portrayed by men, and they could
appeal to human sympathies and
feelings. But when the line of
demarcation was crossed, and men
attempted to demonstrate the spir-
itual and the supernatural, their at-
tempts were meagre and the results
inadequate. The recollection, there-
fore, of the latter part of the spec-
tacle is transitory and evanescent,
and when compared with the earlier
and more thrilling portions of the
performance, the conclusion must
be considered ineffective.
Turning for a moment from the
drama itself to the performers, there
are two whose delineation of jchar-
acter was specially worthy of notice,
and who, next to the personification
of Christ, were the most interesting
to study. These two acted the parts
of Judas and Pilate, and the per-
formance was interesting, partly
from being well conceived, and on
the whole creditably acted, and
partly from being suggestive of
new conceptions of both characters.
Judas, who, in harmony with tra-
dition, wore a dress of dark-yellow
colour to denote the passion of envy,
was not the treacherous, avaricious
Jew, such as in this country he is
generally conceived. He was a
strong, restless, dissatisfied, and am-
bitious man. When he first appear-
ed, except a sort of nervous clutch-
ing at the money-bag which he car-
ried, there was nothing particularly
noticeable about his appearance. But
from the time that Mary anoints
Jesus' feet with the precious oint-
ment there is a change in his whole
character. He murmurs then at
the expenditure; and the waste of
money, which might have been
given to the poor, and was thus
squandered, seems to weigh upon
him like a weight of lead. His
conduct is completely changed. He
becomes morose and dissatisfied,
and seems to be the victim of a
monomania. Some words pass be-
tween him and Jesus, and his rest-
lessness and dissatisfaction at his
lot increase and become unbearable.
In the return across the Mount of
Olives from Bethany to Jerusalem,
he walks apart from the other dis-
ciples, brooding over the money
that is gone, troubled and uncer-
tain. At that moment he is met
by some of the scribes and the
money-changers, and the work of
his corruption is begun. He follows
them to the Sanhedrim, and there
394
The Passion-Play in the Highlands of Bavaria. [March
half consents to betray his Master,
and receives the silver pieces. At
the Last Supper, while the others
are wrapped in prayer after partak-
ing of the bread, he sits behind,
gloomy and dispirited ; and at last,
before the end of the meal, he gets
up and hurries from the chamber.
He accomplishes his task in the
garden. But when he sees his
Master led from one judge to an-
other, and realises the nature of
the crime which he has committed,
he seems to awake from his mono-
mania to the full consciousness of
what he has done. Then his true
and better nature comes in full
force to the surface. He hurries in
a transport of despair to the San-
hedrim, and addresses the high
priest and the elders seated there
in wild and raving words, and
throws down before them the ac-
cursed money. Then, in a par-
oxysm of remorse and agony, he
rushes away, wildly roaming at
random through the deserted
streets of Jerusalem the picture of
despair. Then he appears upon
the inner stage, and climbs a tree ;
and as he dropped, hanging from
one of the branches, the curtain
fell, and he disappeared for ever
from the scene.
The character of Pilate was on
this occasion performed by Pflun-
ger, who in the representations of
1840 and 1850 had sustained the
part of Christ. He chose the part
of Pilate in the performance of
1860 because the tremendous phys-
ical exertion necessary for the part
of Christ was too exhausting, and
the fatigue too excessive, for a man
well advanced in years.
The conception of this character,
like that of Judas, was the least
painful that could be produced.
He was not represented as a brutal
and tyrannical Roman governor, as
the illiterate are apt to conceive
him ; nor was he a weak man like
Festus, who, fearing Caesar, wished
to do the Jews a favour. He was,
as an intellectual gentleman of the
Court of Augustus and his imme-
diate successors, deeply impress-
ed with the dignity of law and
the majesty of Rome, and some-
what tinged with the Epicurean
philosophy then in vogue among
the more educated of the Roman
nobility. The vacillation of his
character was not made prominent.
His actions seemed to be dictated
by a feeling of easy acquiescence
in what seemed inevitable, rather
than by any more cogent motive.
He appeared to think but little of
the weight of responsibility which
he was incurring. The only inter-
est he showed in the man before
him was of a half - philosophical
kind, which manifested itself in a
desire to probe the new doctrines
which he heard promulgated, and
which induced him, not in jest or
irony, but in a spirit of intellec-
tual curiosity, to ask the question,
"What is truth?" The question
once asked, his curiosity seemed
sated. No answer was given, and
the proceedings went on as narrat-
ed in the Bible narrative. The
conception of the character was
thus a good one, and to some ex-
tent original ; and it was sustained
to the end as well as it was con-
ceived. The natural dignity and
grandeur of the Roman procurator
sat well upon the man who played
his character.
To a critical eye two of the
scenes in the latter part of the
performance appeared below the
others in dramatic conception and
action. These were the denial by
Peter and the meeting of the Vir-
gin with Jesus as he bore his cross
up Mount Calvary. The first was
neither so natural nor so real as
most of the other scenes. Then,
and perhaps then only, you felt
that you were looking on a per-
formance and not on a reality.
You recognised the fact that men
were acting parts, not living them.
And when the imitation of the
cock-crow — not a very good imita-
tion— was heard, you knew too
truly that you were looking on a
dramatic representation which was
1870.]
The Passion-Play in tfie Highlands of Bavaria.
395
not quite equal. Defective as this
scene was, and bordering almost
upon the burlesque from the in-
feriority in the acting, it was im-
possible to detect a symptom of
derision on a single face.
The other scene, which with
good dramatic action might have
been deeply touching, passed away
with no effect. The part of the
Virgin was no doubt difficult to
pi ay, still a great opportunity was
givren for an exhibition of feeling
and emotion without transgressing
the straitest limits of religious de-
corum. But this character was not
effectively represented. Indeed,
owing perhaps to the vast expanse
of the open-air theatre, which a
woman's voice could hardly fill,
none of the female parts were well
performed. In conception, in ac-
tion, and in voice, they all fell
much below the representations of
the male performers, and on the
whole may be said to have failed
to produce an adequate delineation
of the sacred characters.
It is not proposed here to enter
upon the question of the propriety
or desirability of such performances
as this of Ober-Ammergau. It can-
not be denied that when men and
women attempt to reproduce the
most impressive drama that has
ever been enacted, and which exer-
cises its own mysterious influence
upon the imagination of all, they
are treading upon difficult and
delicate ground. The faintest trace
of impropriety or levity, or want of
decorum even in the minutest mat-
ters of detail in the piece, would at
once be felt, and would shock the
taste as being something revolting
and sacrilegious. But it is this very
difficulty and delicacy which makes
the performance so instructive and
so genuinely grand when performed
as it was by those peasant artists in
that highland valley.
And those who would discuss
such a question must bear well in
mind that the men who perform
the characters, and those who look
upon them, are not Englishmen
and Englishwomen, imbued with
Protestant feelings, growing up in
Protestant traditions, and with a
Protestant horror of any actual
representation of any of the sacred
characters. Both actors and spec-
tators have been accustomed from
childhood to see in their churches,
in their homes, and on every way-
side, statues and pictures and repre-
sentations of all the most suggestive
incidents in the life of Christ. The
deep religious reverence for such
things, innate in the hearts of these
mountaineers, is something un-
known in Protestant and less re-
mote Catholic countries. No one
can form any conception of the
sacred feelings with which the
forms of our Lord and of the Vir-
gin, however coarsely delineated,
are regarded in those mountain
districts, until he has wandered
through the secluded valleys and
more distant glens of the Tyrol or
the Bavarian highlands. There at
every turning he meets some little
chapel to the Virgin, some wooden
figure of Christ crucified, a simple
cross to show the way or mark
the summit of a mountain-pass,
or some pictured tablet to com-
memorate a fatal accident, and to
beg the passer-by to offer up a
prayer for the soul of some sufferer
in purgatory. He cannot enter the
poorest room in the most miserable
chdlet in the mountains without
seeing some rude painting of the
Virgin and the Son decorated with
wild flowers and with beads, and
underneath a little crystal glass for
holy water.
Among such things the peasants
of these uplands have been born
and reared, until they are part and
parcel of their daily life. And the
absence of these symbols would
strike the senses of such men with
something the same force that their
presence too often strikes upon the
mind of an educated Protestant un-
til he becomes familiar with them.
Such considerations as these must
be borne in mind and pondered
396 The Passion-Flay in the Highlands of Bavaria. [March IS 70.
carefully by those who question the
propriety of such spectacles before
they condemn them utterly.
The impression left on the mind
by the whole performance was
of course mainly of an objective
character. It was the spectacle
which really was effective. But
looked at subjectively, there was
also a good deal to be gathered
from it. The story of the last days
of Christ's life appeared as a vivid
whole before the mind. You could
take it all in, and see how the scenes
fitted into each other and into the
main narrative, and formed one con-
nected history ; whereas the ideas
to be gathered from the daily read-
ing of the story, chapter by chap-
ter, are apt to be fragmentary.
And there was much in the per-
formance that was interesting on
historical as well as on religious
grounds. Unconsciously the mind
was led back to think of the varied
scenes in Jewish history, and of the
daily and hourly life of that strange
race at this the most momentous
period of its existence. To classic
times, also, the ideas were transport-
ed— to the times of Pericles no less
than to the times of Augustus. The
theatre was Greek, and the con-
struction of the drama was mo-
delled on the Greek ; but the action
was Roman. The colouring of the
whole of the second part was curi-
ously suggestive of the times of the
Csesars. Pilate, with something
of the dignity of the "Consul
Romanus " in his bearings and sur-
roundings, the Roman soldiers
round the cross, the crucifixion it-
self, all told of the pomp of Im-
perial Rome ; and the littleness of
the motives and impulses of human
life — the human life even of the
greatest nations — was presented
before the eyes as in a picture.
Lastly, the spectacle was inter-
esting as a relic of the old days of
the middle ages, when such per-
formances were as common as the
theatrical representations of the
present day. Yet the interval of
ten years between each series of
performances, and the remoteness
of the place where they take place,
a little off the track of ordinary
travellers, are happy safeguards to
preserve to the spectacle its earnest-
ness and simplicity. If it became
a common or an annual occurrence,
people would get accustomed to it,
and would go to look upon it as
they would upon any other spectacle
at any other theatre. The spirit
in which alone it should be seen
would disappear. And both actors
and spectators, instead of perform-
ing and beholding it as they do
now in a religious and a prayerful
state of mind, would come to look
upon it — the first, as an arena in
which to display artistic talent ;
the second, as a spectacle to be
criticised by manifestations of ap-
plause or disapproval.
Printed ly William Blackwood & Sons, Edinburgh,
BLACKWOOD'S
EDINBURGH MAGAZINE.
No. DCLIY.
APRIL 1870.
VOL. CYII.
EARLS DENE.— PART VI.
BOOK II.— MARIE.
CHAPTER I.
A MAN'S real birthday is not the
day on which he first opens his eyes
to the light of the sun. It is that
on which the sunshine first pierces
a little farther than his outward
eyes.
At all events I like to say so ;
seeing that the latter, in my own
case, is the only birthday that
I am able to keep. For anything
that I know to the contrary, I
may be as old as the Great Pyra-
mid, and have passed the first
few thousand years of my life in
a slumber from which I one day
suddenly woke up to see — some
cl< >thes hung out to dry in a back
garden.
Not a very striking introduction
to the waking world. But what
would you It Everybody must see
something first j and it is not given
to everybody to find their self-
consciousness for the first time in a
storm or in a battle. Of course, if
I had my own way I would give
my memory a more poetical origin ;
but, as I have not my own way
in the matter — indeed I have, in
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCL1V.
the course of my life, had it very
seldom, except in my very earliest
years, when I had it rather too
much — I must be satisfied with
facts, however unpoetical they may
be. Besides, I might have done
worse. These same clothes — pet-
ticoats and such things — were not,
I remember, without their merit as a
spectacle to untried eyes, whether in
point of colour, or of the form be-
stowed upon them by the wind, as
it shook them and puffed them out
into the semblance of the wave-
line of an angry sea : and I dis-
tinctly remember the rhythm of
their flapping — an unmusical sound
which, however, has been suggest-
ed to me a hundred times since by
music in many cases as devoid of
either body or soul as the clothes
themselves, but which has often,
for that very reason, affected me,
not by any inherent suggestive
power of its own, but by calling
to mind a thousand other things.
Many a soulless sound has since
— heaven knows why — by carrying
my memory backwards over what
2E
398
Earl's Dene.— Part VI.
[April
is by this time a very long period of
years, summoned up before me, in
no ghost-like fashion, the undula-
tions of familiar hills, the springi-
ness of their turf, the whiteness of
their winters, the sunshine of their
summers — in a word, that strange,
mysterious, magical odour that is at
once suggested by the words, " my
own country." I wonder whether it
is given to those who, as I consider
it, have the misfortune to be born
in great cities, to really understand
this feeling — whether the Parisian
or the Londoner finds in the mul-
titude and variety of his stenches
anything similar in effect 1 For
my part I believe they do ; and
that, had I also been city born,
the smell of many chimneys, for
example, might, bring as dear and
as sadly pleasant associations to
my heart as the special perfume
of my own woods and hills.
For, as the voice is to the man
or woman, so is this subtle aroma
of the past to places ; and the
voice of his mother sounds harshly
to no man.
At least I suppose not ; for in
this matter I must confess myself
personally ignorant. Even as in
point of age I might, for aught I
know, be the contemporary of the
Pyramids, so, in point of parent-
age, I might be of no woman born.
Who my father was, however, I
do know — at least I have been told.
He was no other than the Marquis
de CreVille, who had been feudal
lord of the place where, on the
principle I have laid down, I con-
sider myself to have been born ;
and I have also been told that I
was, or rather should have been,
in the bad old times, heir to his
title and lands. As things actu-
ally were, however, I found myself
heir to nothing but to his name
and to his principles, which, I am
proud to say, seem to have been
those of no marquis of the old
regime, but of a citizen of France :
of one who is the willing subject of
no royal accident. Such also am
I, Felix Creville, Frenchman and
musician : such, in spite of much
sorrow — ay, and worse than sor-
row because of it — I have always
been proud to be ; and such I am
content to remain, until a few more
years lead me at last, as I hope
they will, to join that mother in
heaven whom on earth I have so
ignorantly loved.
Amen. But to return to the
clothes'-line period, now so long
ago, and yet still so near.
Childish recollections are strange
things — strange in their very mon-
otony ; for, in spite of circumstan-
tial differences, those of most men
are pitched pretty nearly in the
same key. The colour that the
universe assumes to the eyes of one
young child is always much the
same as that which it assumes to
another, however much the form
may vary. Whenever I have, in
the course of conversation upon this
subject, happened to compare notes
with people of any sort or kind or
country, high or low, rich or poor,
I have always found that there is
as much essential community of
experience in this respect as in
dreams, even although almost every
one, as in the case of dreams, tries
to make out his own to have been
something singular and abnormal.
At any rate, I can safely say, for
my own part, that I have never
even found in books any account
of childish experiences — of course
I do not mean in point of outward
detail — with which I have not been
able to sympathise personally; and
I know that in this I am very far
from standing alone. Indeed I
firmly believe that this would prove
to be universally the case were it
not that so many people forget the
childhood of their minds and of
their souls altogether. To remem-
ber one's past self as one really was,
and as one is no longer, requires a
faculty that is far from being uni-
versal ; for it requires the faculty
which, when joined with a power
of expression, makes the poet. With-
out going so far as to claim for my-
self that title, I do hope that I may
1870.]
EarVs Dene.— Part VI.
399
claim to call myself something of
an artist in my own line, which
comes to much the same thing;
and, if I am at all an artist, I feel
that it is because I am still the
same Felix who was once, according
to my system of autobiographical
chronology, five minutes old.
Thus my own country, my old
home, and the effect that they pro-
duced upon me by developing me
into what I am, are still a part of
ny present self. Still part of me
are those green valleys and wooded
hills, alternately so beautiful and
so desolate : still part of me, if not
iiyself altogether, are their sounds
— their various music of brooks, of
rivers, and of torrents ; of warm
breezes and cold winds ; of their
birds, of their cattle, and all the
notes and harmonies of the sym-
phony of pastoral nature. Still
part of me, also, are their discords :
and, of these, above all the howl of
the wolves in winter, which always
used to fill me with a peculiar and
iiameless terror, the source of which
seemed to belong to some previous
state of existence. But this is not
all. There were the people also,
few enough and kind enough for
me to know them all both by
and with my heart. It needs not
the slightest effort of memory
for me to recall the forms and
voices of " Grand' mere," as I used
to call the stern but bravely patient
peasant whom the country round
knew as Aunt Cathon ; of my f oster-
uother; of the good Cure, who was
to me more than a father ; of the
Lime wood-carver, who almost made
a sculptor of me ; of my playmates
at Eaux-Grandes andLes Vacheries;
( f our dogs, both christened Loup,
whoml fear I was ungrateful enough
to my human friends to love as
well as I loved any one ; and, above
all — above man, woman, or dog —
that laziest, cleverest of village ne'er-
dO-wells,whose violin introduced me
to a music that is almost more to me
than that of nature herself. I have
thought, sometimes, of composing
a fantasia on the subject of that fel-
low and his tunes, only no one
could be expected to appreciate it
but myself, and for me it would be
too sad a task now. If, however, I
ever do any such thing, I shall call
it " Pre-aux-Fleurs," and tell no
one why.
I remember, also, that I was
looked upon in the village as a
sort of superior being, if only for my
father's sake. No one ever once
scolded me, that I can remember,
under any circumstances : and I am
sure that if I was ever guilty of the
weakness of crying for the moon, as
I have no doubt I was, it was not
the fault of my friends that it did
not become mine. Every one, I
fear, spoiled me, and " Grand1 mere"
most of all ; and I believe that to
this very day I might have gone on
living upon the charity of the place,
thinking it quite right and quite
in the natural order of things, had
it not been for the Cure and the
fiddler. The former taught me to
read and write, to decline Musa, to
be a good Catholic, and to remem-
ber that, peasant as I had become,
I was a French gentleman after
all — a fact that, in spite of my
republicanism, I was, and am not,
unwilling to remember. The lat-
ter, who was called Jean-Baptist,
taught me to play the Marseillaise
— which I infinitely preferred to
Musa — to sing a song or two, and
to keep time to one or two lively
dances. Nearly half my time I
spent with the one teacher, and
nearly half with the other; and
though I know whose company I
then most preferred, it would be
difficult for me to say upon which
of the two I look back with most
affection now.
Nevertheless, in spite of the
education that in one way and
another I managed to pick up,
it naturally required some external
circumstance of a very decided na-
ture to prevent my settling down
in some way or other as a peasant
of Saint Felix-dea-Rochers — for so
was the parish named. It is true
that the conscription might have
400
Earl's Dene.— Part VI.
[April
turned me into a soldier of the
empire. But otherwise I should
very likely have married one of my
playmates — I think I know which
it would have been — and settled
down into the proprietorship of
a chdlet ; while my violin would
have succeeded that of Jean-Bap-
tiste as the enliven er of weddings
and festivals. I believe, too, that
in my ignorance of all external life
I should have been happy. But I
do not, cannot, regret that such was
not to be my lot : for who would
give up his experience even of sor-
row?
One day — for I did not see my
few playmates very often — I was
wandering about alone in the neigh-
bourhood of Pre-aux-Fleurs — or
rather I should have been wander-
ing about alone had it not been
that I was accompanied by Loup
the second and by my violin, the
present of Jean-Baptiste, who was
the possessor of more than one. I
can scarcely say that music was a
passion with me in those days, for
I could always be entirely happy
without it ; but it was an amusement
to which I took at least as kindly as
to the more ordinary pursuits of my
age. Nor can I honestly say that
it at that time ever stirred up any
wonderful emotions within me. A
sad tune used to make me feel sad,
a merry one, merry — and a well-
managed modulation would make
my nerves creep and glow a little —
but that was all. In fact, such airs
as I knew were not of a character
that was likely to produce any
greater effect ; although, no doubt,
where there is genius, it may be
called out by anything, however
slight. But then to genius I have
not pretended for many years past.
Nevertheless, my violin was my con-
stant companion ; and I should as
soon have thought of leaving the
house without it as without my
dog himself. On this occasion the
weather was hot, and I presently
grew tired of rambling ; so it was
the most natural thing in the world
that I should sit down by the road-
side where I found myself, and amuse
myself quietly in my favourite fash-
ion with Loup for my audience — or
rather not quietly, for he always
howled most delightfully whenever
I played certain passages that he
seemed to find sympathetic.
I was so interested in this occu-
pation that two strangers approach-
ed without my observing them,
until I suddenly heard a loud burst
of laughter within a few feet of
where I was sitting.
Now it was not so rare as it had
once been for strangers to be seen
in the neighbourhood during the
summer ; for the picturesque had
of late years begun to come into
fashion, and it was no rare thing
for artists and other tourists to
find their way among us from
Besangon, and the other towns in
the same part of France. From
my own small experience I could
see that these two were tourists of
one sort or another amusing them-
selves by walking through our beau-
tiful hills instead of posting along
the dusty highroad.
" Bravissimi !" exclaimed one of
them — a tall, dark, and handsome
man of about fifty years old, with
bright black eyes. " That dog will
be an acquisition to the grand
opera"
His companion, some fifteen or
twenty years younger, and of a
short, stout figure, was one whose
hair, eyes, lips, and peculiar turn
and carriage of the shoulders — that
only infallible sign — marked him
out as one of the house of Israel.
"Too many of them there al-
ready," he answered, " and of both
sexes. This one certainly wouldn't
be the worst of them, though. But
we seem to have come upon a
brother artist, besides the singer.
Just play that again, my boy, will
you 1 "
I was much too spoiled a child
to be shy, and so I stood up and
played willingly and at once. But
Loup was not shy either, and
spoiled the effect considerably.
" Do you never play anything
1370.]
Earl's Dene.— Part VI.
401
but accompaniments for Maestro
Lugubrioso there? " asked the short
man again.
"Plait-il, M'sieur?"
" I mean, does your dog always
bowl like that?"
" No, M'sieur — only at what he
likes."
" Then play us something that
te doesn't like, please."
I obeyed.
" Well done, my boy. But that
isn't quite the right way, though,"
1 e continued ; and then, taking my
violin from me, and having put
the strings in order, he did play.
After all, then, I had never heard
music before !
" Oh, play something more,
M'sieur — please ! " I exclaimed, ex-
citedly, when it was over.
He smiled, and then began some-
thing else. I felt the hills floating
away before my eyes into infinite
space. Who could this man be 1
and to think that my own poor
fiddle should be capable of pro-
ducing such sounds as these !
At last that also came to an end,
and with the cadence my soul
Deemed to sink away also. I could
not have spoken to save my life,
and stood spell-bound.
" And who taught you to play,
my boy ? " asked this wonderful
being.
" Who taught you, M'sieur ? "
" Ha, ha, ha ! You seem a strange
fellow. If you wish to know, it
was a certain stupid fellow they
call Moretti."
"And where does he live ? "
" Where does he live 2 In a
place called Rome, if you know
where that is. But why do you
ask?"
" Because I will go to Rome ! "
The two strangers first stared at
me, then at one another, and then
jaughed again. I felt angry.
" I suppose, M'sieur" I said,
k< if he has taught you he can teach
me too."
" Hm ! That depends, my boy."
The tall man now addressed me
for the first time j and he spoke
gravely and kindjy. " Play me
something else," he said : " some-
thing slower, if you can."
" Pardon me, M'sieur."
"Why not?"
" Because I will never play again
until I have learned."
" That is to say you will never
go into the water until you have
learned to swim ? So be it, then —
never mind. What is your name 1
Do you belong to this place ? Is
this how you get your living ? "
" Felix Creville, M'sieur. I live
at Pre-aux-Fleurs — there up the
hill."
" And do you get your living by
your fiddle ] "
" No, M'sieur. I live with Aunt
Cathon and Mere Suzanne."
" And can you read 1 "
"Yes, M'sieur."
"And write?"
" Yes, M'sieur."
" Bravo / You are a fine fellow.
Have you a father — a mother 1 "
" I never had either, M'sieur"
" You must have come into the
world somehow, though. And how
old are you ? "
" I do not know, M'sieur"
" Ah, I see. And so you want
to learn the violin 1 "
" I will learn it, M'sieur."
" That remains to be seen. How
have you managed, so far ? "
" I have not learned, M'sieur."
" How 1 You did not find it out
by yourself, I suppose ? "
"Ah, M'sieur! I know nothing.
That is not playing."
Poor Jean-Baptiste !
" Well, so be it. And do you
think Aunt Cathon or Mere Suzanne
could find us a draught of milk at
Pre-aux-Fleurs 1 "
" Oh, M'sieur f " I had hopes of
more of that wonderful music from
the stout violinist, who had been
silent while the other was talking
to me.
" Show us the way then," con-
tinued the tall stranger. "What
shall you do with this franc piece 1 "
" I shall give it to Jean-Bap-
tiste ! "
402
Earl's Dene.— Part VI.
[April
" And who is Jean-Baptiste 1 "
" He gave me this violin. He
taught me — what he knew."
" Ah ! Give it him then, by all
means ; and this also," he added,
increasing his gift. " He must be
a clever fellow, this Jean-Baptiste,
and we will see him too, as well as
Aunt Cathon and Mere Suzanne.
And now we must be acquainted.
This is my friend, Monsieur Pros-
per ; I am Signer Moretti."
CHAPTER IT.
And so it came about — though
my excitement at the time confuses
my memory considerably as to the
exact details of the ensuing weeks,
that the nature of my career in life
became fixed. I was to become a
musician, and was to learn my art
in Paris. As to pecuniary means,
I fear — I very much fear — that
Father Laurent, in the course of the
conversation which he held with
my two new patrons, and of which
I did not hear a word, but in the
course of which I presume he was
persuaded that my departure from
my home under their auspices would
prove the best thing for me, deceived
them very considerably ; and that I,
ignorantly and unconsciously, rob-
bed him of the greater part of an
income from which, one would
have thought, he could spare noth-
ing. Nay, I fear also that I must
thereby, to some extent, have rob-
bed his poor.
Among the many faults of my
nature of which I am conscious, I
do not reckon ingratitude. On the
contrary, a kindness even from a
friend always weighs me down with
a sense of obligation to such an ex-
tent that I scarcely like to receive
a favour without an immediate pro-
spect of returning it with interest,
and fills my heart with an almost
dog-like feeling towards him who
confers it. And thus I can never
recall this period of my life of which
I now speak, child as I was, without
undergoing a pang of regret, almost
of remorse.
I had hitherto lived as my own
dog had lived — that is to say, in an
atmosphere of kindness, bestowed
upon me so freely, so much as a
matter of course, that I, consciously
at least, appreciated it no more than
I consciously appreciated the fresh
air of the hills. I could not, of
course, have been kept and fed for
nothing, and my peasant friends
must often have found the times
hard enough for themselves without
an additional mouth to feed ; and
now, to crown it all, the Cure was
depriving himself of what, judging
from the slenderness of his purse,
must have been almost necessaries
of life, in order to benefit me and
give me a chance in the war of the
great world. And yet, in spite of
all this, and in spite of the affec-
tionate sorrow that filled the whole
place for days, and Pre-aux-Fleurs
for weeks, before my departure — a
sorrow that filled my own eyes with
sympathetic tears — I was glad and
eager to leave my home. It was
a perfectly natural eagerness, no
doubt, and I knew no more about
the part that money plays in the
world than I knew of the world
itself; but I cannot, in my soul,
excuse myself to myself, however
much my unconscious ingratitude
sprang from the innocence that be-
longs to ignorance. Alas ! once
more I fear that I found it really
hard to part from none save Loup ;
and I was, with all my new artistic
ambition, child enough to repent of
the career I had chosen, when for
the first time I had to go out of
doors without him. The appealing
look of mute wonder in his eyes
.when I, for the last time, embraced
him and forbade him to follow me,
haunted me for long ; and all the
more as there seemed to be some-
thing of rebuke and of warning in
it. I used to imagine his long and
weary waiting for my return, set-
1870.]
EarVs Dene.— Part VI.
403
tling down at last into the chronic
dulness of a vacant life, such as
crashes the nature of dogs even
more than that of men ; but I
did not picture to myself, as I do
now, Aunt Cathon and Mere Suz-
anne with the occupation that
f c rmed the one excitement of their
hard monotonous peasant life for
ever departed from them ; Jean-
Bap tiste, weary of his fiddle, and
perhaps consoling himself for the
loss of a comrade, for whose sake I
can see now that he had long kept
himself within bounds, by a return
to his wild ways ; the Cure", with-
out his pupil, and with his time
haavy upon his hands. I am not
guilty of vanity when I picture to
myself all this. I know now how
much love was mine in my old
home.
Any one who knows anything of
musical history will not need to be
reminded that Signor Moretti was
the greatest violinist and one of the
most eminent composers of his day.
Even still, in what I cannot help
thinking to be degenerate days, his
works contrive to hold their own.
lint, although I owe it to him that
I became a musician, it is not my
good fortune to be able to boast
myself one of his immediate pupils.
His light just shone upon me, and
that was all. He lived in Rome ;
and for hundreds of reasons it was
impossible that I could follow him
there at once. But in Paris I found
myself in good hands. I was the
pupil of his pupil, Monsieur Pros-
per, for whom at first I enter-
tained a shy dislike, owing to his
brusque manners, his capricious
temper, and propensity to ridicule ;
1 iut it was not long before I pierced
through the shell, and, according to
my nature, came to feel a love that,
born of gratitude, ripened into
friendship.
Of course it will be understood
that I am now beginning to refer to
clays long subsequent to my bewil-
dering journey to Paris, the events
< >f which are, like those of the days
immediately preceding it, far too
dream-like to make a detailed nar-
rative of them possible. All I
know is that I did arrive some
how, and was soon immersed in
hard, dry exercises, that often made
me repent, not almost, but alto-
gether, of my ambition, and long
for the liberty which I had enjoyed
hitherto of making as many im-
perfect notes, slips in time, and
barbarous graces as I pleased. I
found very soon that music as an
amusement and music as a profes-
sion are very different things. Still,
however, I worked hard; and if I
had not done so willingly, Monsieur
Prosper would have made me do so
against my will. He was the first
person who ever really scolded me,
and that is a real and startling ex-
perience in the life of a spoiled
child.
He was certainly a good teacher,
though he had but little enthu-
siasm even for his art, which he
regarded strictly as a profession
like any other profession, and as
being after all, or rather above
all, a means of making money. He
treated it accordingly ; and the
result was, that while he did not,
perhaps, know how to bring out
any genius that might be latent
in any of his pupils, he did most
thoroughly teach all of them how
to make the most of themselves in
the way that the world admires.
He had no crotchets, and scorned
all systems that did not bear the
seal of success. And yet he him-
self, with all his common-sense and
all his Hebrew blood, was by no
means a prosperous man. He was
not content with living by his pro-
fession— he must needs become rich
by it ; and so he became, in effect,
less an artist than an impresario
and theatrical speculator. In this
capacity he had plenty of know-
ledge and plenty of boldness ; but
these good qualities were altogether
neutralised by want of tact, want
of temper, and want of capital. I
am not quite sure that he was not
at one time even director, or joint-
director, or in some way mixed up
404
Earl's Dene.— Part VI.
[April
with the direction, of the Grand
Opera itself. ; certainly when I knew
him he was always dabbling in a
dozen theatrical affairs at once,
with the very worst results to his
own pocket. Sometimes, even, he
was reduced almost to the very last
straits ; but, like the rest of his
race, he was never at his wits' end,
never lost confidence in himself, and
never relaxed in his energy for a
moment even at the worst of times.
He was by no means liked in the
profession, but I never heard even
his worst enemies throw a shadow
of suspicion upon his complete up-
rightness in all matters of business.
If it were the case, as unhappily
it is not, that success is always to
be gained by working for it and
deserving it, he would have died
a millionaire.
This would have been a strange
person to become my friend, were
it not that friendship almost al-
ways contains an element of
strangeness. I was still a boy;
he almost middle-aged. I held
transcendental views of life and
art ; he was an artistic adventurer.
I thought only of the soul of music ;
he of little but its form. I was
quiet, romantic, dreamy, and re-
served ; he, bustling, prosaic, ener-
getic, and self-reliant. For some
reasons it was well, for others not
so, that I had a friend of this kind.
At all events I learned a great
deal from him and through him,
not only about my profession, but
about its professors. Connected
as he was with almost all of them,
my acquaintance with him laid bare
to my unwilling eyes the wretched
intrigues, the contemptible jeal-
ousies, the atmosphere of sordid-
ness, of stupidity, of charlatan-
ism, and of cant, the convention-
alities and all the sickening little-
nesses with which the glorious art
of music was then and still is so
utterly enveloped as to be almost
suffocated. I learned that if an
artist wishes to " succeed," as it is
called, he or she must, in order to
do so, lay aside all the better part
of himself and become, as the Ger-
mans say, a rank Philistine. I
learned that almost all who style
themselves artist are either huck-
sters or charlatans; that their crit-
ics are for the most part much the
same, only with a stronger dash of
dishonesty ; and that audiences
consist almost entirely of flocks
of silly sheep, whom claques and
critics lead by the nose. If I seem
to speak strongly upon this matter,
I am glad of it. I would speak
more strongly if I could; and I
could do so without suspicion, in-
asmuch as I do not pretend that I
personally should have succeeded
any better than I have done even
in a better state of things. Now,
this early insight into the nature of
the world in which I was hence-
forth to move, while it proved far
from useless to me, was the cause
of my losing a considerable amount
of enthusiasm ; and loss of enthu-
siam for his art is the worst misfor-
tune that can befall one who aspires
to be an artist in any form. It was
impossible for me not to lose a great
deal of mine when I knew, for ex-
ample, that some great prima donna,
whose whole genius, or rather whose
whole stock-in-trade, consisted of a
tolerably good voice, neither worse
nor better than that of nine women
out of ten, had gained her public
position by the path of private pro-
tection ; that the enthusiastic crowd
which took her horses from her
carriage and drew her home in
triumph consisted of supernumerar-
ies of the theatre ; that the applause
that filled the house was originated
and regulated by hands hired for
the purpose ; that the shower of
bouquets thrown upon the stage
were the lady's own property hours
before they lay at her feet ; that the
critics who described it all in such
glowing terms knew all this as well
as, perhaps better than, I knew it,
were even more ignorant of music
than the audience, and wrote from
no higher motive than love of their
friends and hatred of their own and
of their friends' foes. I fear it is
1870.]
Earl's Dene.— Part VI.
405
only too true that they not seldom
\vrote from very much lower mo-
tives. I remember, to cite one in-
stance of what I mean, a certain
leader of criticism in my own time,
by whose power scores of reputations
-'vere made and marred, who, when-
ever a singer was about to make a
first appearance, would call and say,
" Signor," or " Madame/' or " Ma-
demoiselle, I have already pre-
pared three notices of your perfor-
mance of to-morrow evening. The
first, as you see here, is sufficiently
favourable, and will insure you a
tucces d'estime : it is yours for so
many francs. The second, which
I also show you, clearly proves
you to be the greatest singer of
the past, of the present, and of the
future : it is yours for so many
francs more. The third, which
it is unnecessary for you to see
now, you may have gratis; but,
if it appears, I do not think that
you will care to sing in Paris again."
I do not, of course, mean to say that
in all countries musical criticism
has attained to such a pitch of sub-
limity as this, or that in any coun-
try critical dishonesty is always of
a gross and conscious kind. But I
certainly do say that it needs every
note that has ever been produced
by true genius to prevent me from
hating my art as much as I despise
my profession. " It is an ill bird
that fouls its own nest," they say ;
but in this case I am not ashamed
to be called an ill bird.
But I am in effect anticipating ;
for my blindness was of course not
removed immediately. I knew far
too little of things or of people to
lose the enthusiasm of my nature
immediately ; and for long I worked
on in the belief, not only that my
own merit was great, but that in
art-matters merit must necessarily
achieve success. Now, indeed, I
should be very much tempted to
say to any singer, composer, or
other musician who asked me for
the secret of success, " It is simple,
and it is this : do not deserve it ;
for no man can serve two masters,
and the kingdom of Art is not of
this world." Whether the same
advice would be equally applicable
to poets and painters, I know not ;
but I am sure, from long experi-
ence, that it applies to musicians.
But I daresay that it does apply
to all equally; that, in order to
succeed,
" Musician, or Painter, or Poet,
We must speak as the world may
choose,
And for truest worship— show it
In silence to the Muse ; " —
and that what the Muse chooses
and what the world chooses are
two very different things indeed.
Of course I do not mean to say
that good men never do succeed ;
on the contrary. But then it is
by having other qualities besides
merit.
I need not say that in those days
I was poor enough; and that, as
I grew in years and stature, I de-
veloped into a Bohemian of that
famous tribe whose capital settle-
ment used to be the Latin quarter.
But of this part of my life I will
say little, for Bohemia is Bohemia
all the world over ; and it would
be unnecessary to describe it to
those who have sojourned in it,
and impossible to those who have
not. I will only say that in
those days the Latin country was
in its glory, for they were the
birthdays of the great romantic
renaissance, or rather revolution, in
Art and literature. Of course I
was romanticist, heart and soul, and
the word "classical" stank in my
nostrils. In this respect I should
very much like to chronicle some
of my recollections, for the period
is still replete with interest and im-
portance. It was, of course, not the
fortune of an obscure musical stu-
dent like myself to see much of the
heroes of that time, but still I could
not help coming to know a great
deal about them at second-hand.
But I will refrain, for it is of my-
self that I am speaking now. With
regard to myself, then, I added to
my musical practice the scribbling
406
EarVs Dene.— Part VI.
[April
of much highly unclassical verse —
of which, I am ashamed to say, the
stanza that I have just quoted is a
specimen — the growth of long hair,
and, in general, as Byronic a style
and demeanour as I could manage
within my limited scope. I also,
in a small way, liked to be consid-
ered rather a dangerous person, and
longed to experience a grande pas-
sion. What was practically more
important, I obtained through
Monsieur Prosper a small theatrical
engagement and a pupil or two of
my own, and I have every reason
to believe that my master was sat-
isfied with my progress. Before
very long I found myself justified
in thinking that I might be able to
carry out my childish impulse of
visiting Signor Moretti at Rome,
which had, ever since I had formed
it, been the height of my ambi-
tion.
Everybody can point back to
some particular period of his life as
being distinctly the happiest ; and
the period of which I am now
speaking was mine. I worked
hard, I really loved my art, I was
full of hope and confidence, my
personal wants were few and easily
satisfied, I had many acquaint-
ances, some friends, and much
pleasure. If my purse was light,
my heart was lighter still.
But one morning — how well I
remember it ! — when I was attend-
ing a musical rehearsal at the
theatre, Monsieur Prosper came up
to me and said, —
" I am getting to have too many
irons in the fire, I am afraid. I have
not time to attend properly to half
of them, what with one thing and
another. I must send off a few of
my pupils, unless you will help me.
I can turn over some of them to
you very easily. For instance,
there is the pensionnat of Madame
Mercier. You don't profess the
piano, of course ; but you'll do
very well for a week or two. I
ought to go. there to-morrow ; but,
as you know, my mornings are all
otherwise engaged for a fortnight
at least, so it is impossible. Will
you take them off my hands just
for the present 1 It will be worth
your while/'
Of course I consented willingly ;
nor do I remember that I experi-
enced the shadow of a presentiment
of what was to come of my consent-
ing to render Monsieur Prosper so
apparently slight a service.
CHAPTER III.
On arriving punctually next
morning at Madame Mercier's, I
found that I had to give three les-
sons. My first pupil proved to be
wholly uninteresting in every re-
spect : indeed I can scarcely recall
her to mind. The second was a
young English lady, whom I re-
member well for many reasons, al-
though but little for her own sake.
The hour which I had to devote
to the latter had nearly expired
when the door opened, and another
young girl entered quietly and sat
down in a retired part of the room,
as though to wait until I should be
disengaged. I just looked round
for a moment, and saw that- she
started a little — I suppose that she
had expected to see Monsieur Pros-
per. More than that, however, I
did not see just then, for she to
whom my immediate attention was
due was in the midst of a difficult
passage, and making a mess of it.
But when the lesson was over, I
certainly did see something more.
I do not know to what extent my
face betrayed my admiration : to
some extent, however, it must have
done so, for she blushed a little as
she curtsied to me, and then with-
out a word walked straight to the
piano. I did not hear her voice
until she began to sing.
Neither was the voice in itself,
nor was the use that she made of
it, very wonderful : nor was it
1870.]
EarVs Dene.— Part VI.
407
even of a kind that I in general
used to find sympathetic. Usually
I care nothing for a. voice, however
beautiful it may be in other re-
spects, that has not depth and sha-
dow; and hers, although musical,
was wholly without either. And
yet somehow — how shall I possi-
bly make myself intelligible1? — it
seemed to be sympathetic to a side
of my nature that had never hith-
erto revealed itself to me save by
dim and momentary flashes. Like
certain other sounds, like certain
colours, like certain odours, it
seemed to speak of a life other than
that which I always remembered to
have lived since I was born : to be
associated with one of which I was
mysteriously conscious, but did not
consciously remember. It carried
my heart backward beyond the
roach of memory altogether, and
tlirew me into that state in which
one is forced to believe in the doc-
trine that the soul lives, and enjoys,
and suffers before it is born.
It was this, I think, even more
tlian her great beauty, that made
this third hour to rush by so rapidly,
and myself to be filled with such a
glow -of strange happiness at its
close. Of this my first interview
with her I have of course nothing
to say that can be expressed in
definite words. Outwardly, it was
nothing more than a mere ordinary
music-lesson. But, in reality, it
soemed to me to be nothing short
of a revelation, though of a vague,
u nintelligible kind ; nor did I care
to make it clearer to myself, or to
understand it better. I only felt
that I had found my ideal, even
though, as is always the case, it had
proved to be altogether different
from the ideal of my imagination.
I do not know whether my ex-
perience is singular or not. Judg-
ing from what men say, the special
kind of sympathy which we call
love is for the most part born un-
consciously, and apart from any
effort of the will. But I did not
"fall in love." I sought it, and
threw myself into it consciously
and intentionally. As I have al-
ready said, I was in search of a
grande passion — of a heroine for
all my dreams of romance : and
if I had not found this particular
heroine, I should inevitably have
found another. But my tempo-
rary pupil had the advantage of
fulfilling my whole, ideal to perfec-
tion ; and I think that she would
have rendered me faithless to any
heroine whom I might have fancied
that I had found before seeing her.
If I had had a Rosaline, as I had
not, she would have proved my
Juliet. She was beautiful beyond
all question : she was herself ro-
mantic : she was a lady : she was
herself to be an artist: and — not
the least of her merits in the eyes
of one of my character — she was
poor and dependent : so that she
was at one and the same time both
my superior and my equal. Hither-
to my acquaintance with women
had been confined to our good com-
rades the grisettes, who had none of
these advantages, excepting that of
poverty : but now
Well, as I have said, I chose her
for my heroine deliberately and
almost in cold blood : really, I
believe, at first because I thought
it the right thing to do. But,
alas ! " On ne badine pas avec
rAmour." The more I came to
see of her, the more my feeling
towards her became less and less
a matter of vanity, or even of
mere admiration. Before long I
forgot myself in her altogether.
This is not a mere phrase : I mean
literally what I say, let the reader
shrug his shoulders as much as he
pleases at the notion of carrying
sentiment that is not born of pas-
sion to so extreme a length. I
know that in this frigidly philoso-
phical age no one ever suffers him-
self to feel an emotion that is in-
consistent with prudence and com-
fort : I know that the extreme of
sentiment shares a well-known qua-
lity of the sublime, and that the
flights of sentiment in which the
poets of another age used to in-
408
Earl's Dene.— Part VI.
[April
dulge, have come to be regarded as
mere ornaments of a sort that has
gone out of fashion, and that never
at any time represented anything
true or genuine. In so far as men
now consider the desire of posses-
sion to be, after all, the ultimate
cause of what is called love, I agree
with them ; but, at the same time,
I know from my own experience,
that in my own case love for a wo-
man may be born in mere senti-
ment, and that mere sentiment may
so continue to give it power and
life, that passion may play a part
that is so slight as to be indeed
imperceptible. I certainly first of
all loved, because I wished to love ;
and I continued to do so, because
she whom I loved filled all my
thoughts and all my fancies in a
way with which mere passion could
have had nothing to do ; and this
kind of love I hold to be the most
overwhelming of all. Passion may
be directed, if not conquered ; but
he is lost who becomes the slave of
a dream.
After all, though, I daresay that
almost every man, if the truth were
known, has a romance of the same
nature hidden away somewhere,
even though in other respects his
life is written in the plainest of
prose. On this assumption I will
cease to defend myself and my theo-
ries about this matter farther. In
any case, I think I have said enough
to show what I mean ; and the sub-
ject is far too vague and complex to
tempt me to go into it more deeply.
At any rate, without thinking of
consequences, without even putting
my hopes and wishes into shape, I
indulged this new feeling of mine
to the very utmost. I even con-
tinued to encourage it, even when
it was full grown; and deliberately,
something in the spirit of the Knight
of La Mancha, sought to come up
to the ideal of the lover of romance.
And it was not long before I could
not help seeing that the love which
I had not as yet dared to declare,
but yet had been unable to conceal,
was far from being scorned.
How long in reality this state of
things continued I am wholly un-
able to say. It must have lasted
more than a moment and less than
a century : but even so much cer-
tainty as that I do not derive from
memory. But at last — again just
after a rehearsal, and while I was
putting my violin into its case —
Monsieur Prosper, who was also
present in some capacity or other,
or, more likely, in several capacities
at once, came up to me again. I
had not seen much of him of late —
indeed for that matter I had not
seen much of any of my old friends
for some little time past.
" Well," he said, in his usual
abrupt manner, " and how did you
find things going on up there 1 Are
they in want of a primo tenor e ?
Because, if so, I think we have just
been listening to one that is quite
out of his place among us poor
mortals."
This was one of his ways of
making enemies. He had a special
knack of delivering his sarcasms
just when they must necessarily be
overheard by those at whose ex-
pense they were made.
" What is that you say, Monsieur
Prosper1?" asked our own primo
tenore, who had just finished a
grand aria, and was now passing
us on his way out.
" Ah, pardon. I did not see you.
I was only remarking to Monsieur
Felix here how splendidly you
brought out that Ut de poitrine —
it was superb. It is really a shame
that every violin in the place hap-
pened to be sharp at that exact
moment. How was it, Felix 1 But
you have not answered my ques-
tion. Is it true that they believe
in Rossini up there 1 Or have the
mad doctors belied them 1 " Ros-
sini, by the way, in his character
of innovator, was, as a matter of
course, a special aversion of Mon-
sieur Prosper in those days before
Paris had accepted him.
"Up where 1"
" In the moon, of course. You
have been there so long that I
1870.]
Earl's Dene.— Part VI.
409
thought you were going to stay
there for good. My dear fellow,
where in the world have you been
all these weeks, that nobody has
seen you]"
" My friends must have been very
blind, then. I have been at the
theatre every night."
" Ah, that is good ! I have cer-
tainly seen some one not unlike
you sitting in the orchestra — but
yourself, no. And if I were you,
ard wanted a double to receive my
salary for me while I was visiting
the planets, I would at all events
get one that would do me credit —
who would neither cut my friends
nor play out of time. Ah, it must
be a big orchestra for me not to tell
which instrument it is that is doing
the mischief."
I generally took his scolding in
as good part as it was meant. But
this time I sympathised with the
primo tenore. I was about to reply
a little sharply, when a grave and
strangely kind look came into his
eyes, which made me silent at once.
His words, however, were less
kind than the look which accom-
panied them. I do not think that
he had the power of speaking quite
seriously, even when he wished to
do so.
" My dear Felix," he said, " whe-
ther you have been to the skies or
not, I cannot help thinking — do
you not feel it yourself] — that
there are symptoms about you of
the Ange — sans G."
I guessed what he meant imme-
diately, and have no doubt that my
face showed that I guessed it. I
coloured with the shame that every
one feels when he finds that the
romance of his life is read by world-
ly and unsympathetic eyes.
" I daresay there are," I said, as
lightly as I could. "There are
about most people, in one way or
another."
" Yes — because they're born so ;
and I should never dream of quar-
reUing with them for it. On the
contrary, I approve of the arrange-
ment. But your ears are not long
by nature, my dear boy — at least
not so very long, that is to say."
" Thanks for the compliment."
"Look here. You mean to be
an artist, don't you 1 "
" Of course I do."
" Well then, I've known a great
many artists in my time — a great
many. And I've also known a
great many men who had the stuff
in them, and might have been ar-
tists, only "
"Well?"
" Only some took to drink, and
some took to — you know what I
mean."
" Indeed I do not."
" Yes, you do. Flirt as much as
you like : women are charming
creatures, especially coquettes ; and
it's a useful excitement. I do it
myself whenever I get the chance
— and I do get the chance some-
times, though I'm not exactly beau
garqon. Have as many liaisons
as you please : it's the best way
of getting to learn the world and
how to keep straight and safe
in it, if you can spare the time,
which I confess I can't. But, in
the name of thunder, keep clear of
a grand passion ! I know some-
thing of such things ; and I know
a great deal about you. And I tell
you, I, Louis Prosper, that no real
artist ever cared for a woman above
his art — that is, above himself, which
is the same thing ; and that is what
you seem to be in a fair way of
doing. You are quite capable of
it. And I won't have my best
pupil spoiled before my eyes by
the best she of them all if I can
help it."
This was certainly a little too
much for me to stand. " And
what " I was beginning, when
he interrupted me by laying his
arm upon my shoulders while he
shrugged his own.
" Ah, you think me a stupid old
fellow ] " he said ; " but you are
wrong. It is you who are the
stupid young one. This wonderful
she is to be your loadstar, and all
that sort of thing, is she not ] I
410
Earl's Dene.— Part VI.
[April
know. But what would you?
Perhaps you have not thought '?
.£74 bien I I have thought, though."
" I do not see what business it is
of any one but myself."
" Perhaps you don't. But it is.
Do you think I say all this for
the sake of your own beaux yeux ?
Bah ! not Louis Prosper ! Per-
haps you will think next that he
has not been teaching you for his
own sake 1 A likely thing, indeed !
Corpo dun cane ! I thought better
things of you, my dear Felix, than
that you should risk your career
for a fancy — as you are, I can very
well see. I know you. You will
end either in the Morgue or in
marriage ; and either way there
will be an artist spoiled. Come —
think of me : think of Moretti.
Do you think he made his concerto
in A sharp minor by falling in love ?
Not he — it was by keeping his
brain clear and his heart whole :
and yet he was a man aux bonnes .
fortunes. But then a bonne fortune
is not a grand passion, you under-
stand 1 Do you think that I made
my Be a man. Take some
little Pauline or Adele from the
corps de ballet to make you comfort-
able till you can afford to look
higher. There are plenty who would
jump at you in this very house, not
to speak of elsewhere, and who
would not expect champagne every
day. Stick to your fiddle, crop
your ears, send love to his father,
who is the devil, and come and
dine with me. Sole Normande —
cutlet Jinanciere — a salad — a glass
of Yquem? Will that suit you?
And, by the way, I shall be able to
go myself to Madame Mercier's
again now. Never mind, though,
you shall have another pupil to
make up. Au revoir, mesdemoiselles.
Come, Felix, I have forgotten my
breakfast long ago."
But I was by no means grateful
for his intended kindness.
"Thanks, Monsieur Prosper," I
said, as coldly and stiffly as I
could, "I have an engagement;"
and walked away in a rage.
He shrugged his shoulders once
more. " I must dine alone, then,"
I heard him say to himself. " Poor
fellow ! It's always the way. Yes,
it's quite true — women are the
devil ; there's no doubt about it."
Monsieur Prosper was certainly
not a man of tact. His advice had
been altogether well meant, but
it had, as may well be supposed,
jarred upon me altogether. It was
not that I objected to it in the
least from a moral point of view,
although, no doubt, I ought to
have done so ; for the atmosphere
that I had breathed since leaving
my old home was certainly not
less free than that of the latter,
and infinitely less pure. My child-
hood was not strict, to say the
least of it. But this rigmarole, as
it seemed to me, of flirtations,
bonnes fortunes, marriage, the
Morgue, Moretti, the corps de bal-
let, and sole Normande, was wholly
out of harmony with the key in
which my life seemed now to be
set unchangeably. If he had actu-
ally mentioned her name in the
same breath with all these things,
I do not think I could have borne
it. As it was, I almost think that
though Monsieur Prosper was my
friend, and I knew it, I for some
minutes knew what is meant by
the word hate. Had some evil
genius just then transported us
both to some quiet spot in the
Bois, and changed our bows into
swords, I think I should, at all
events, have gone so far as to cry
out " En garde / "
As I am speaking of what I felt
at this moment, I may as well finish.
It almost invariably happens, that
when one feels most strongly, one
is then most liable to be impressed
by any grotesque image that may
chance to present itself. The in-
tense absurdity of the idea of Mon-
sieur Prosper being made to flourish
a small sword almost made me laugh
aloud as I walked along, and cer-
tainly made me repent of the man-
ner in which I had parted from him.
But, at the same time, though I did
1370.]
Earl's Dene.— Part VI.
411
him justice in this respect, I was
unconsciously harbouring a feeling
which lasted more or less strongly
for days, and which was far less
excusable than my anger. I felt a
positive disgust for music — not as
a profession, but as an art and
as itself — for my friends, for every
person, and for everything, in
short, that had happened since
I had left my true home. And
why 1 Because, forsooth, I was
the Marquis de Creville, and
Monsieur Prosper was only a Jew
fi idler! The blood which I had
derived from ancestors, not so far
back as the common ancestor of us
all, but from knights and barons of
the Crusades, from Marechaux de
France, and from fine gentlemen
and finer ladies of more recent
times — each and all of whom would
have treated him as a creature that
might be useful and amusing enough
in his proper place, but, to gentle-
men and good Christians, otherwise
unclean — seemed all of a sudden to
rebuke me for having not only
made this man my friend, but for
having made him my friend to such
an extent as to have given him a
right to find fault with me, and for
having allowed him to degrade me
to a position which they would have
regarded as being no higher or bet-
ter than that of a mountebank.
And what was this thing called Art,
after all, if it could only be served
by a man's throwing himself under
its chariot-wheels, and sacrificing to
it all the best part of human nature 1
What but a Moloch, worse than
the Baal of the world? Prosper's
whole doctrine had disgusted as
much as his manner of stating it
had offended me : and as I could
argue neither against the truth of
what he had said nor against the
merit of his intentions towards my-
self, I had to throw myself back
upon my fictitious superiority of
rank and race, and to soothe my-
self with the absurd consciousness
that I, as a gentleman born, must
needs have finer feelings and truer
instincts than he. And so, perhaps,
I had ; but assuredly not because I
had a claim to call myself Mar-
quis, while he was an artist and no-
thing more. Certainly pride, or, as
I should prefer to call it, vanity of
birth, must be a very ineradicable
thing if I, who have, as a good
child of the Republic, believed in
equality and fraternity from my
cradle, was guilty of so gross a lapse
into it as this; and if it often
takes such a form as it did with me
then, it must be as contemptible as
it is ineradicable.
Before evening came, my heroine
had heard from me the whole story
of my love. The next morning, in
all the intoxication of triumph, I
told Monsieur Prosper what I had
done. But he only shrugged his
shoulders once more, and said no-
thing.
And now followed a season, not
of happiness, but of glorious fever.
I loved and was loved; and, as if
that were not sufficient, mine was
a love of which the course must
needs be anything but smooth. It
also had — though I scarcely know
how or why — an element of mystery
about it that made it more exciting
still. I think that we both pre-
ferred that this should be so; she
certainly did. So my whole time
became taken up with contriving
meetings, in looking forward to
them till they came, and in think-
ing about them when they were
over. Most people, I doubt not,
would have called me dissipated
while I was a sufficiently good
fellow among my comrades, and
would have considered that a seri-
ous passion had steadied me; for
the free life of my friends was mine
no more. What they thought of
me I do not know, for I never cared
to know. It was now that I was
really dissipated, both morally and
intellectually. I still studied a
little, but no longer in the spirit of
a student; for my heart was no
longer in anything that had not
reference to her. I have heard of
such a passion producing an op-
posite effect; of its acting as a
412
EarVs Dene.— Part VI.
[April
healthy tonic, and not as a poison-
ous stimulant; of its leading men
to do great things and to make the
best of themselves. But I did not
find it so; and so far, at least, Mon-
sieur Prosper had not proved to be
wrong in his estimate of my char-
acter. Indeed I am, on the whole,
inclined to agree with him in hold-
ing that the less a would-be artist
has to do with really serious pas-
sion, the better for him as an artist.
By serious love I do not, of course,
mean the passion that endures for
a season only, however strong it
may be while it lasts : I mean that
which colours a man's life and
changes his character : I mean that
which by its very nature can never
bear good fruit. After all, the cul-
tivation of art depends, more than
any other human pursuit, upon the
even and harmonious working to
one and the same single end of the
brain, of the senses, and of the soul.
The greatest artists of modern times
have been just those whose natures
have been the least disturbed by
external influence : some, by reason
of a strength that has enabled them
to throw off emotion at will ; others,
by reason of an incapacity of re-
ceiving any emotion not in har-
mony with their true selves. And
so it will be found that the cardinal
doctrine of the gospel of Art, as of
the gospel of Christianity, is the
subjugation of external nature; and
that before a man can rightly ex-
press human emotion and its re-
sults, he must not only cease to be
a slave to it, but become its master.
Very few are born masters : not
many are born freemen. And so
let not the artist love too well: let
him beware of going beyond mere
passion, which passes, and friend-
ship, which strengthens and does
not disturb. I own that this is a
cold, a disagreeable, and an un-
popular creed; but then truth is
apt to be cold, disagreeable, and un-
popular. He who would be a
priest of the temple must submit
to lead a life apart from other men.
It may be that he can best express
emotion who can feel it most; but
then he must use his power of feel-
ing as a slave — not obey it as a
tyrant.
But since in my case these con-
siderations came too late, and love
had proved himself conqueror, why,
it might be asked, did not these
two, if they were really in love, do
as hundreds of others have done
in their place — Why did they not
honestly make up their minds, poor
as they were, to fight the battle of
life bravely side by side, and to
bear all things for each other's
sake until, for each other's sake,
they had gained what the world
calls victory 1
Yes, but I was living in a dream.
I never thought of, or realised,
anything except that I loved and
was loved. She had no friends to
compel me to think of what was
right or wrong, wise or foolish.
There was no one to bring me to a
pause with . a sudden demand to
know what were my " intentions "
— that is the right form, I believe
— and a man who is blindly in love
is not very likely to ask himself
his own. Who, indeed, shall give
reasons for what he does or does
not do in a dream ? And what
man who really loves ever has " in-
tentions 1 "
One wet and miserable morning
— do I not remember it well 1 — we
had met in the gardens of^ the
Tuileries, which was an occasional
place of rendezvous for us as for
many another pair of lovers. She
was looking marvellously beautiful
even for her : indeed it is as I saw
her then that I like best to think
of her, and none the less that her
beauty was increased by a slight
shadow of sadness — in spite of
which she made full amends for the
absence of the sun.
Of course I told her so, but did
not call a smile to her face. On
the contrary, she, instead of heed-
ing my words, gave me her hand to
hold and began herself to speak.
" Oh, how shall I tell you what
has happened 1 "
1870.]
Earl's Dene.— Part VI.
413
Her tone was more than enough
to alarm me too much to allow of
my doing more than question her
silently.
"Miss Kaymond has just told
me that she leaves Paris. What is
to be done ? "
" That she leaves Paris ! " I could
only say, with a sinking heart ;
for I somehow felt a presentiment
that this meant the end of my
dream — that I must answer her
question about what must be done.
"It is only too true. She is going
back to England."
Now if I had been capable of
looking forward at all, I should
have known that this must have
happened sooner or later. But then
I had not been capable of looking
forward. In my heart I had been
fancying that the present was to
last for ever; and so the news
came upon me like a blow that
made my heart stand still. That
I must actually have turned pale
and faint I could read in the sud-
den look of anxiety that filled her
eyes.
" When did you hear this ? " was
all I could manage to say.
" This morning."
" And that you go with her 1
Surely you cannot mean that ? "
"I must, dearest Felix."
We were silent for a full minute.
Then I said,—
" Do not go, remain here — be my
wife."
I daresay that I spoke coldly
and quietly ; for words are always
cold and tame when the heart is
full. The tongue has a pride of
its own ; and when it cannot ex-
press all, it prefers to express
nothing. But then, when the
heart is full to overflowing, there
is nt> need of words. Doubtless
my eyes spoke for me — at all
events I looked with so much
eagerness of anxiety as to see the
" yes " for which my soul longed
hanging upon her lips. But it did
not reach my ears.
u Why do you wait to answer ? "
I went on, suddenly and quickly ;
VOL. CVIT. — NO. DCLIV.
" are we not one already, in every-
thing but in name ? Surely Miss
Raymond has no claim upon you
now, when we belong to each other.
Tell her, then, that you cannot go
with her to England; that you cannot
live in one land while your heart is
in another. Have you not said so to
me many times 1 As for a year or
two of poverty, that shall be our
pride ! We will conquer the world
together, which will conquer us if
we part; and to part even for a
time, without seeing an end to
our parting, is to risk everything
without /ieed. We two, who live
outside the world and scorn it,
must not make marriage and love
a question of so many francs. Do
you give me the present, Angelique,
and I will answer for your future !
and I will find strength and cour-
age for both. It is for your sake
I ask you : if you wish me to be
worthy of you, if <jpou ever wish to
be proud of me, you must give me
the power, and you must give it
now. Did I not tell you that you
were my sun 1 and would you sud-
denly plunge me into darkness,
when you might, with a word, make
me all, I swear to you, that even
you could wish me to be 1 "
" And you are not strong enough
to wait — to trust me ! "
" To trust you ] — for ever ! But
to wait 1 No — when there is no
need — when you can come to me
now. Is it you that are not strong
enough to trust me ? Do you not
believe that with you I can do all
things— without you, nothing? An-
gelique, I will not lose you, if I
can help it, even for a day ; for
without you, a day would seem
eternal. I have asked you for your
own sake — I now ask you for mine.
Stay with me — do not let us risk
the good part of our lives lightly :
nothing calls you away. Oh, An-
gelique, what can I say more than
that I will live for you for ever —
that you shall be proud of me, and
that my life is in your hands 1 "
She had started when I first
asked her to remain with me ; and
414
Earl's Dene.— Part VI.
[April
during the rest of my appeal she
had never raised her eyes. Now
she gave a deep sigh, and I felt
the hand, which I still held close-
ly, tremble ; but instead of saying
" yes," she only answered —
" But I must go now."
And nothing more than this, in
spite of all that I could say, could
I obtain from her. Indeed I must
confess that my own arguments
were bad enough, in all conscience.
I could only promise her a life of
poverty, to say the least of it. I
could only endow her with the
wealth of a future that had as yet
given no tangible sign ; and I could
not justifiably — as any sensible per-
son would hold — ask her to give up
her life of comfort and luxury in
order to live in some poor garret in
the midst of my not very reputable
theatrical surroundings, from which
it must needs be not a few but a
great many years before I could even
hope to emerge. I fear that the im-
pulses of love are often terribly self-
ish, even when they are the purest
and the most sincere. She said no-
thing about this, of course. I, con-
sciously at least, did not think it ; but
I must have known in my soul that
I was doing wrong. But still, right
or wrong, for her to leave me and go
to a land of which I knew nothing,
where anything, for what I knew,
might happen — where she might
die, where she might forget me,
where she would at least be sur-
rounded by a new atmosphere, by
new scenes, by new faces, and, worst
of all, by new admiration — the
thought was simply unbearable.
He who loves as I loved, must, it
seems, be jealous of something ;
and I was now jealous of England
— of the whole world. And so I
continued to urge her, though against
all right and reason. But it was in
vain.
Nevertheless we did not part so.
It was to be our last meeting ; for
although Miss Raymond was not to
set out for England immediately,
she was to leave Paris at once.
And though my mistress would not
grant my desire for an immediate
marriage, I had no reason otherwise
to complain. She convinced me
that it was from no want of affec-
tion that she withheld her consent ;
and our last words were vows of
eternal faith and constancy, what-
ever might happen.
And so the first part of my dream
came to an end. I saw her again,
indeed, several times before she
left the French shore, but only
from a distance. But very soon
I lost even this poor consolation,
and then Paris became a desert to
me indeed.
1370.]
The Princesse des Ursins.
415
THE PRINCESSE DES URSINS.
THE dynasty of the Bourbons in
Spain, which has just ended in a
woman, was founded by a woman;
for it was the Princesse des Ursins
who was veritably Queen of Spain
for the first fifteen years of their
domination ; and without the aid
o^' her protection, courage, and in-
domitable spirit, the descendants of
Philip V. would never have occupied
the throne of Spain.
This extraordinary person has
hitherto obtained too little consi-
deration in the page of history.
"Writers, relying almost solely on the
pages of St Simon, have passed her
by as a mere intriguante ; but there
wis infinitely more than this in
the Princesse des Ursins. She was
the incarnate representative of the
French spirit of progress in Spain,
a female politician of the school of
Eichelieu and Colbert ; she thor-
oughly understood by what means
a stable government was to be se-
cured for the country with which
the peculiar circumstances of her
early life had made her acquainted
before the Bourbon accession ; she
hc'id entirely comprehended by what
measures bankrupt, beggarly, inca-
pable Spain could be raised again
in the scale of nations. The chief
of these measures were the repres-
sion of the superb, punctilious, and
factious spirit of the grandees, the
reform in taxation and administra-
tion of the finances, the assimilation
acd centralisation of the charter-
system of provincial rights, pri-
vileges, and legislatures (the pro-
vincial fueros) which embarrassed
the operations of government, and
the suppression of ecclesiastic im-
munities in a country which was
being yearly devoured by priests
and monks. For the Spain which
Charles II. had left behind him
was a desert land, eaten up by
grandees and churches and con-
vents. After fifteen years of im-
mense activity, Madame des Ursins,
without a moment's warning, was
forcibly seized in the middle of
a horribly cold December night
and carried out of Spain ; but
the greater part of the reforms
she set on foot ultimately took
root ; and if Spain under the
Bourbons rose in the scale of na-
tions, much of the credit is due to
Madame des Ursins. Although her
sudden fall was owing directly to
the ordinary ingratitude of absolute
monarchs, yet the inspiring primal
causes were the machinations of
the grandees whose authority she
had curtailed, joined to the dark
workings of the Inquisition. To the
honour of Madame des Ursins
she dared to proclaim herself the
enemy of this abominable institu-
tion ; and the first, a small but
ultimately deadly wound, which
their power received, came from
the hand of a woman, and that of a
woman of nearly eighty years of age.
For, strange to say, the historic
career, the public life, of Madame
des Ursins did not begin till she
was sixty -five years old. Her
long life may be divided into five
portions — that of the handsome,
brilliant, witty, and intelligent Ma-
demoiselle de la Tremoille up to
the age of twenty-two ; that of the
loving and devoted wife, the Prin-
cesse de Chalais, up to the death of
her first husband, Adrien Blaise de
Talleyrand, Prince de Chalais, in
1670, when she was thirty-five years
of age ; that of the great Duchesse
; La Princesse des Ursins. Essai sur sa vie et son caractere politique d'apres
de nombreux documents in edits.' Par M. Frangois Combes. Paris, 1858. This
volume, two volumes of Correspondence of the Princess, published by M.
G( ffroy, and the Me moires of the time, have given us the materials out of which
tho present article is constructed.
416
The Princesse des Ursine.
[April
de Bracciano, when she was the
leader of fashion and of elegant
amusements in the great Orsini
palace in the Piazza Navona, at
Rome, after her second marriage
in 1675 ; that of the Princesse des
Ursins, which title she took after
the death of the Duke of Bracciano
in 1698, when her diplomatic and
political career first commenced ;
that of the ex-regent of Spain, dur-
ing her second residence at Rome,
from 1715 to 1722, where she died
at the age of eighty-seven.
If the Princesse de Chalais had
been a mother, we might never have
heard of the Princesse des Ursins ;
but, a solitary widow, childless and
without scope for her great intelli-
gence and her deeply affectionate
nature, she seems to have thrown
herself in the decline of life, when
the brilliance of her beauty no longer
inspired the makers of sonnets and
madrigals, upon diplomacy and poli-
tics, from the very lack of womanly
occupation.
She first became acquainted with
Spain in 1663, when she accom-
panied her first husband, the Prince
de Chalais, in his flight from France
to escape the sanguinary edicts
of Richelieu still in force against
duelling. He had fought in one
of the duelling encounters so com-
mon among the nobility of the
Fronde, a duel of four against four,
in which the Due de Beauvilliers
had been killed. From Spain they
passed to Italy, where the Prince
died while away from his wife at
Venice. The Princess, who was at
that time at Rome, showed exem-
plary grief as a widow, and gained
the sympathies of all Roman society.
She remained for some time seclud-
ed in a convent, and only five
years afterwards accepted the hand
of the Duke of Bracciano, the head
of the Orsini family. This marri-
age, however, was not a happy one :
the Duke and Duchess had different
tastes and divergent views in poli-
tics. The Orsini Palace was, how-
ever, the centre of all that was dis-
tinguished in Rome. The Duchess
supported the honours of her posi-
tion with consummate grace, but
also with a great deal of extrava-
gance— an additional item in the
Duke's list of complaints against
her, for from the age of forty to the
commencement of her diplomatic
career, she seems to have taken part
with a ready spirit in all the joyous
follies of Roman life, in all "the
revel and the masque of Italy," and
to have wanted no taste for art or
for the growing superiority of Ital-
ian music. She was, according to
St Simon, well qualified to take
the lead in any line of life. She
was above the middle height, with
blue eyes which expressed anything
she pleased ; she had a perfect
figure and bust ; a face without
regular beauty, but yet charming ;
a noble air, an exquisite and natural
grace. St Simon, whose experi-
ence was great, said he never saw
anything approaching her charm of
manner ; it was flattering, caress-
ing, animating, yet kept always in
due limits, as though she wished to
please merely for the sake of pleas-
ing. It was impossible to resist
her when she had set her heart on
captivating and seducing. With all
this, a most agreeable voice and a
faculty in conversation delicious,
inexhaustible, and highly entertain-
ing. Since she had seen many coun-
tries and all their chief people,
she was, moreover, a great judge
of character ; she attracted to her
the best society, and kept quite a
little court of her own ; and from
her position at Rome, and intimacy
with the Roman cardinals, she be-
came a mistress in that art of polish-
ed and subtle intrigue of which
the Papal Court was the unrivalled
school. The portrait of St Simon,
even in this reduced form, will
afford some explanation of the ab-
sorbing fascination which the Prin-
cesse des Ursins exercised on the
young, brillian b, devoted, and heroic-
natured Marie Louise, the first wife
of Philip V. " Don't let her speak
to you for two hours/' said Philip
Y. to his second wife, as she was
1370.]
The Princesse des Ursins.
417
aoout to meet the Princesse des
Ursins in her first and only inter-
view, " or she will enchain you for
ever." During the time of her
second marriage she made sundry
visits to France, and renewed her
acquaintance with Madame deMain-
tonon, of whom she had been a rival
in the salons of the Hotel d'Albret
\vhen the latter was only Madame
Scarron and she herself was but a
girl. It may be imagined that the
unrivalled position and influence of
Madame de Maintenon may have
simulated the seeds of ambition
hitherto dormant in her nature, for
slie certainly was conscious of no
ii i f eriority to Madame de Maintenon.
Ifc has been even said that she nour-
ished secretly the design of dis-
placing the rigid favourite in the
good graces of Louis XIV. Of
this there is no proof, but at any
rate she was sufficiently conscious
of her abilities and her power of
command to look out for a theatre
for her activity ; and the force of cir-
cumstances, as well perhaps as her
own calculations, drew her to Spain.
During the time of her visits to
France and to Versailles the ques-
tion of the Spanish Succession was
agitating all Europe ; and, as is
well known, it was the opinion of
Innocent XI., formally expressed in
a letter, which finally determined
the moribund Charles II. to draw
up his famous testament in favour
of the Duke d'Anjou, grandson
cf Louis XIV. The Duchess of
Bracciano, connected by alliance
with the greatest Pontifical fami-
lies, with her little court in the
Piazza Navona, attended by Roman
cardinals, seemed a person deserv-
ing of the attention of the French
(rovernment. She was thoroughly
tutored in the matter by Torcy,
the French minister, and it was
recommended to her diplomatic
advocacy at Rome. She had the
credit of having exercised a real
influence upon the judgment of
Innocent XI. ; but she achieved
s ^mething more effective even than
this. Portocarrero, the Archbishop
of Toledo, the greatest ecclesiastic
in Spain, the confidential adviser
and minister of Charles II., came
to Rome to receive the pallium and
the cardinal's hat. She completely
captivated Portocarrero, and elicited
from him a promise to advocate
the French claims to the succession
with Charles II. When Louis
XIV. knew that Portocarrero was
won over, he considered the matter
settled. He granted a pension to
the Duchess of Bracciano, and
Torcy wrote that he had now only
to lower his flag before her in mat-
ters of diplomacy, and to become
her pupil.
But neither Louis XIV., nor
Torcy, nor Madame de Maintenon,
had any notion of the heights to
which ambition was now leading
the Duchess of Bracciano, who, on
the death of her husband, appeared
before the world as the Princesse
des Ursins, Ursins being the French
for Orsini, her late husband's family
name. The Duke had become re-
conciled to her before he died, and
left her all he possessed ; but she
disposed of the duchy and title of
Bracciano to Don Luigi Odelscalchi,
her late husband's kinsman. The
young Duke of Anjou had now gone
to Spain, and taken the title of
Philip V., and was about to be mar-
ried to a princess of Savoy, aged
fourteen, the daughter of the wily
Victor Amadeus, and the sister of
the Duchesse de Bourgogne. Ac-
cording to the usage of the Spanish
Court, the camerera mayor, the head
lady-in-waiting of the Queen, was an
indispensable and awful function-
ary, a sort of female grand inqui-
sitor of etiquette, to whom constant
domesticity with the royal couple
gave terrible power and autho-
rity. If such was the case ordi-
narily, what ascendancy might not
a camerera mayor such as the Prin-
cesse des Ursins attain over the
minds of a boy king and a girl
queen in the present condition of
Spain 1
Such was the reasoning of Ma-
dame des Ursins as she set about
418
The Princesse des Ursins.
[April
diplomatising for the post of came-
rera mayor; and she diplomatised
in a way which proved her admir-
able sagacity in the ways of courts,
and her knowledge of the natures
of kings and ministers. She was
by no means so impolitic as to ask
at once for the post, which was of
course virtually in the gift of Louis
XIV. : such a proceeding, she knew,
would raise the suspicions of the
politic monarch in her disfavour.
She asked merely, as a preliminary,
for the honour of being the lady
attendant who, as custom was, ac-
companied a Spanish royal bride
across the frontier. But she had
already previously carefully pre-
pared her way to Madrid by gain-
ing entirely the friendship of Por-
tocarrero in her intercourse with
him at Rome, and by acquiring the
favour of the Duchesse de Bour-
gogne, and of the Piedmontese
Court, through her activity in ob-
taining the goodwill of the great
Spanish ecclesiastics and grandees
for the Piedmontese marriage of
Philip V.
Carefully and cautiously did she
gradually disclose the real object
of her diplomacy, working by turns
through her friend, the Marechal
de Noailles, through the Marechale,
the friend of Madame de Mainten-
on, through Madame de Maintenon
herself, through Torcy the minister.
The Marechale de Noailles, later
called by the wits of Versailles the
mother of the ten tribes of Israel
(she had twenty-two children), was
fully equal to the confidence re-
posed in her by the Princesse des
Ursins and to the occasion. "I
think," the Princess suggested to
Madame de Noailles, " that if I was
in a good position I might make
rain and sunshine in the Court of
Spain ; and that it would be easy
enough for me to establish a dozen
of mesdemoiselles vos filles in that
country." Moreover, the young
Due d'Ayen, the eldest son and
heir of the Noailles, was named
for a mission to Spain at the Court
of Philip V. The Princesse des
Ursins took care to recommend
him carefully to Portocarrero and
her friends among the grandees ;
and when the Due d'Ayen, who
had himself considerable tact and
ability, was making way to the
favour of king and court, she be-
gan to make use of his influence
in the most delicate way possible
— for it naturally required great
nicety of management for an elderly
lady of the great position of the
Princess to solicit any favour of so
young a man as the Due d'Ayen
at the very outset of his career.
The way in which she approach-
ed the young Duke was a model
of diplomatic subtlety. "What
opinion can you have of us Roman
ladies," she wrote, " when you see
me making advances towards you,
and giving myself the honour of
writing to you, before you have
discovered this confidence of mine?"
A more subtle turn of expression
for saving her dignity could hardly
be invented. The Princess, hav-
ing thus broken the ice, continues
her letter by asking the Duke to
speak of her to Philip V. as a lady
fitted to perform the merely hon-
orary charge of conducting his
young bride to Madrid. Next she
brought into play her old intimacy
with Portocarrero ; and Portocarre-
ro, in pursuance of former promises,
and at the Princess's suggestion, sent
her a letter representing that, in
his opinion and that of the chief
statesmen of Spain, the Princesse
des Ursins was admirably qualified
for the distinction she desired.
This letter of Portocarrero was duly
forwarded to the Marechale de
Noailles, who laid it before the
French minister, Torcy; but Torcy
replied that the selection must
depend on the choice of Victor
Amadeus, Duke of Savoy, the fa-
ther of the future Spanish bride.
The Princesse des Ursins, how-
ever, was not to be put off with
such a reply. She knew that Torcy
was favourably inclined towards
her, and she now, through her
friend the Marechale, made another
1870.]
The Princesse des Ursins.
419
fine diplomatic suggestion, to the
effect that Torcy should pay a visit
to the Piedmontese ambassador at
Paris, and should, just in the way
ol casual conversation, carelessly
inquire whom the Duke of Savoy
thought of naming as travelling
cLaperone to the Piedmontese prin-
cess, and then just as carelessly
throw out a hint that the Princesse
des Ursins would perform such a
service admirably well. The Prin-
cess, knowing the ways well of
kings and ambassadors, was sure
the ambassador would report this
conversation to the Duke of Savoy.
The event justified her previ-
sion, for on writing a letter with
her own hand to the Duke of
Savoy, he replied that he himself
was not opposed to her request,
only he referred the matter to
Louis XIV. This was precisely
the point to which the Princess
desired to come — that Louis XIV.
and the Court of Versailles should
have the absolute decision of the
aJFair. All her diplomatic strata-
gems now, therefore, were made to
converge on Madame de Maintenon
and Louis XIV. himself. She ap-
proached Madame de Maintenon in
the subtlest and most refined in-
sinuations of flattery; and as for
Louis XIV., she, with a con-
summate air of much self-denial
and modesty, requested that it
should be represented to him that
slie would only, if it seemed
best, go as far as the frontier
in an official position, and
arterwards proceed to Madrid to
pay her court to the young King
and Queen in a private capacity ;
and indeed, moreover, she really
had business at the Spanish capital.
Were the meshes of diplomacy ever
spun of a finer and subtler texture
than these 1 Nevertheless, Louis
XIV., with his appreciation of cha-
racter and his knowledge of the
ways of ambition, saw perhaps be-
fore anybody through those fine-
drawn manoeuvres, and was not
d ispleased by them . He saw clearly
tiiat what Madame des Ursins
really was aiming at was the post
of camerera mayor. Nevertheless
the salutary advice he had given to
his grandson on his departure for
Spain was to take care that all his
chief officers were Spaniards, and
not to favour the French and arouse
feelings of national jealousy ; he
consequently had his doubts about
the advisability of naming a French
lady for so thoroughly Spanish a
dignity as that of the camerera
mayor. But he also had advised
Philip V. to place every confidence
in Portocarrero, and Portocarrero
was not only wholly gained over by
the Princesse des Ursins, but Porto-
carrero produced some very solid
reasons why, in the present in-
stance, a Spanish lady ought not to
fill the post, and why the choice
of a foreign noblewoman, who had
no family to lead into honours,
dignities, and pensions, and was
thus not calculated to excite the
jealousy and animosity of families
rivalling with her own, would in
every respect be preferable.
Madame de Maintenon's media-
tion was the last and great trump-
card which the Princess laid down
upon the hesitation and scruples of
Louis XIV. The game was won,
and she was actually named cam-
erera mayor before she had quitted
Rome, and before the young Pied-
montese princess had left Turin.
The Princesse des Ursins began
forthwith to organise her household
so that she might enter Spain in
due state. She strained all her re-
sources to make a fitting display in
the eyes of a people fond of pomp.
" I have usually four gentlemen in
waiting," she wrote to the Mare"chal
de Noailles ; " now I take another,
a Spaniard ; and when at Madrid I
shall take two or three more, who
shall be well acquainted with the
Court and be calculated to do me
credit. Of the four which I now
entertain, two are French and two
are Italian. One of the latter is of
one of the best Sicilian families,
the other is a near relative of
Prince Vaini." She increased her
420
The Princesse des Ursins.
[April
pages to the number of six — " tous
gens de condition et capables d'etre
chevaliers de Malte." She had her
chaplain. " I do not speak of my
other attendants ; I have these of
every kind. I have twelve lackeys
— my ordinary supply. When ar-
rived at the Court, I will increase
the number with Spaniards." She
had one very fine carriage, "sans
or ni argent neanmoins ;" but she
had another, a gilded state-carriage,
lately ordered ; this was to go with
six horses when she drove outside
Madrid. However, she assures
her correspondent, the mother of
twenty-two children, with an eye
on the royal coffer, that she will
not have recourse to the treasury
of Louis XIV. " Je suis gueuse, il
est vrai ; mais je suis encore plus
fiere" "On this occasion I will
make it a point of honour not to
demand anything. Nevertheless
my expenses shall be suited to the
splendour of my position, and shall
make the Spaniards admire the
greatness of the King." However,
it appears that, on the eve of em-
barking on her great enterprise,
she began to think seriously of the
difficulties into which she was
about to plunge. " I believe," she
wrote to Torcy, " that I shall meet
with as many adventures as Don
Quixote in the undertaking you
impose upon me."
She met the young Princess
Marie Louise de Savoie at Villa-
franca, near Nice, to which place
she had gone by sea. She was de-
lighted with the appearance of the
young queen, and wrote to Torcy,
"qu'elle saurait faire la reine a
merveille;" and, indeed, Marie
Louise, without being a perfect
beauty, was a worthy sister of the
Duchess de Bourgogne, the darling
of Louis XIV. and the Court of
Versailles. She was tall and well
made, with a brilliant though pale
complexion, with a loving heart
and a noble nature, thoroughly
capable of appreciating the fine
qualities of Madame des Ursins,
to whom she speedily attached her-
self with childish affection. From
Villafranca and Nice the camerera
mayor travelled through the south
of France, side by side with her
young charge, in a litter, to Figui-
eres, on the Spanish frontier. Th ere
is no need to say that they were
received with royal honours and
discharge of artillery at every town
on their route, and that, according
to invariable Spanish custom on
arriving at the frontier, the Pied-
montese attendants were dismissed,
and their place supplied by the stiff
and formal ladies of Spain.
The marriage was to take place
at Figuieres, and Marie Louise was
to enter Spain as queen in fact and
in name. The young couple — the
King of eighteen and the bride of
fourteen — were duly united ; but
after the marriage ceremony some
incidents ensued of an amusing
character, most characteristic of
Spain, and of the usual reception
of royal Spanish brides.
The supper had been prepared
half of French and half of Spanish
fashion ; the dishes half of one kind
and half of the other. But the
Spanish ladies — the attendants of
their newyoungQueen — had visited
the supper-table before the royal
couple sat down, and saw with dis-
gust this array of heretical French
meats on the table. Ever since
the beginning of time, so to speak,
the Spaniards had insisted that the
brides of their sovereigns should,
immediately on entering Spain, be-
come pure Spanish at once, conform
to the severe usages of Spanish
etiquette, and take to the Spartan
diet, the national pucliero, and the
garlic of Spain. The Spanish la-
dies at once seized these abomin-
able French inventions, and threw
them into corners of the room
and out of windows into the street.
This energetic proceeding naturally
caused immense surprise to the only
three foreign persons of the party
at Figuieres — to the young King
and his bride, and to the Princesse
des Ursins. Nevertheless, all had
sufficient self - command to go
1870.]
The Princesse des Ursins.
421
through the supper without re-
mark. However, as soon as the
young Queen was alone with her
husband and the Princesse des
Ursins, her indignation broke loose.
She sobbed, she wept, and she
stormed. She complained bitterly
of the dismissal of her Piedmontese
attendants. She was indignant at
the coarseness of the Spanish ladies,
and declared that she would go no
farther, but return to Piedmont.
It was impossible to appease the
wrath of the young bride. Philip
finally left the room, hoping that,
in his absence, the indignation of
the Queen would subside; but there
was no sign of this. Marie Louise
passed the night obstinately alone,
declaring, in spite of all the re-
monstrances of Madame des Ur-
sins, that she would return instant-
ly back to Turin. Here was a
scandalous beginning of royal wed-
ded life ! The poor child did not
recover even on the following day
from her ill-humour and vexation ;
so on the following night, Philip
himself, acting on the advice of his
chief gentleman-in-waiting, assum-
ed the air of the injured party, and
sent word to his Queen that he
would retire to rest alone. This
brought Marie Louise to reason.
She apologised for her childish
conduct, promised to behave in
future like a queen and a woman ;
and on the third morning after the
marriage the young couple left Fi-
.^uieres completely reconciled.
Madame des Ursins, in the com-
mencement, wisely confined her
cares to the duties of her office,
which were for the most part of a
singularly domestic character for a
descendant of the great family of
the Tremouilles. She writes to the
Marechal de Nbailles, " Dans quel
emploi, bon Dieu ! m'avez vous
mise I Je n'ai pas le moindre
repos."
In fact, the Princess writes she
could neither take her ease after
dinner, nor eat when she was hun-
gry. She was only too happy to
snatch a bad meal as she ran on
her duties. It was, she said, very
rare for her not to be called the
moment she sat down to table.
" In truth, Madame de Maintenon
would laugh if she knew the details
of my charge. Tell her, I beg, that
it is I who have the honour of tak-
ing the King of Spain's dressing-
gown when he goes to bed, and of
giving him that and his slippers
when he rises. That, however, I
could make light of ; but really it
seems too absurd that every even-
ing, when the King comes to the
Queen's bedchamber, the Conde
de Benavente should hand me the
King's sword, and a bottle and a
lamp, which I ordinarily upset on
my dress/' Indeed, among the
other strange fashions of royal eti-
quette in Spain, there was one
which provided that the King,
when he went to visit the Queen
at night, could go in a cloak
armed with sword and buckler,
and carrying a bottle. The" came-
rera mayor had, moreover, to wake
the King in the morning, and some-
times " he is so kind,'5 wrote the
Princess, " that he often sends for
me two hours at least before I want
to rise." All know of the rigours
of old palace Spanish etiquette,
which allowed kings to be roasted
if the proper officer was not at
hand to remove the brazier, and
queens to be dragged by the stirrup
to death by rearing horses, rather
than permit them to be touched
by a profane hand. Some of the
incidents given by the Princess of
the jealousy and rivalry of the
great grandees on matters of eti-
quette are truly comic. Thus we
have the venerable Patriarch of the
Indies, who, however, the Prin-
cess says, looked liked an ape,
taking a napkin surreptitiously
into church with him, and rushing
at the most solemn moment of the
sacrament before the King and
Queen, and producing his cloth
from his pocket for their use, be-
cause he found that it had been
arranged that the earner era mayor
should take his place at the cere-
422
The Princesse des Ursins.
[April
mony. Another scene described in
her letter is, if possible, still more
amusing : thus we have the Conde
de Priego and the Duque de Osuna
fighting at the foot of the altar for
the honour of moving his majesty's
chair up to his prie-dieu. Both
noblemen were very small, but the
Duque de Osuna carried the day;
and yet there was a moment,
writes the Princess, when she
thought the Duke, who was no
bigger than a rat, would tumble
beneath the chair, and fall upon
the King at his prie-dieu, who
would infallibly, if he had been
knocked over, have fallen upon the
Queen.
The influence of the strong mind
of the Princesse des Ursins upon
the youthful King and Queen of
Spain became soon to be felt even
in matters of government.
The state of ruin, hunger, and
desolation of Spain at the time of
the accession of the first Bourbon
prince was something appalling.
There are no records in history
which present such a picture of
beggared pride and misery and de-
cay. The giant form which had
once overawed the world had be-
come a ragged scarecrow — an object
of mockery and scorn. Charles II.,
the last king of the house of Aus-
tria, was a beggar and a pauper
among monarchs. He was unable
at times to find food for the table
of the gentlemen of his bedcham-
ber, and even oats and straw for
his horses. He went on begging
expeditions from town to town to
ask for money, and generally in
vain. The once - dreaded legions
of Spain were reduced down to
a miserable, starved, ragged rem-
nant of unpaid boys arid old men,
numbering about fifteen thousand,
officered by hidalgos, who begged
in the streets of Flanders and in
the ports of Spain. The dockyards
which sent forth the invincible
Armada had not a ship on the
stocks. The art of shipbuilding was
forgotten, and a few wretched men-
of-war lay rotting in the harbours.
Whole provinces had become de-
nuded of towns and villages ; the
most fertile districts of Spain had
become a desert ; commerce and
industry and agriculture were de-
spised alike by all classes, and were
in fact non-existent.
Nearly all the needs of Spain —
its clothes and its very bread — were
produced by foreign workmen.
Each Spaniard desired, without in-
come, to live like a nobleman. The
population decreased yearly. Peo-
ple ceased to marry, or entered
into monasteries and convents ;
and priests and monks owned, it
was supposed, about a third part
of the soil of Spain.
It was not then a misfortune for
Spain to exchange the effete Aus-
trian dynasty for the race of the
Bourbons, under whose rule France
had risen almost in the same pro-
portion as Spain had fallen, which
had adopted more humane princi-
Sles of toleration and more en-
ghtened ideas of political econo-
my. Yet the difficulty of recon-
ciling the Spaniards to any reforms
or system of government imported
from the institutions of their an-
cient enemies, to be carried out by
the French counsellors of Philip
V., was necessarily very great.
The hatred of the gavachos, as the
French have been called in Spain
from time immemorial, was in-
tense.
Hence it was that the influence
of the Princesse des Ursins was so
salutary. She was only ostensibly oc-
cupying the post of camerera mayor
without any acknowledged mission
from the Court of Versailles, and
yet she was thoroughly acquainted
with its policy and in constant cor-
respondence with Torcy, the French
Minister, and with Madame de
Maintenon and the Mare*chal de
Noailles. On excellent terms at first
with Portocarrero, who at the be-
ginning of the reign of Philip V.
was all-powerful, she had by far
better opportunities of bringing
about harmonious relations between
the governments of France and
1870.]
The Princesse des Ursins.
423
ft pain than the French ambassador
hdmself, while her previous resid-
ence in Spain had made her well
acquainted with the usages and ne-
cessities of the country.
The task, however, was no easy
one of getting the Spaniards, on
the one side, to accept the govern-
ment of a French King, assisted by
French ministers, and of co- operat-
ing with the policy of Versailles on
the other, so as to satisfy the exact-
ing supervision which Louis XIV.
and his ministers exercised over
Spanish affairs ; for although Louis
XIV. had given his grandson the
advice not to surround himself with
French ministers, and to respect
all Spanish national feeling, yet this
vras but with the view of ren-
dering the Spaniard more easily
manageable for the purposes of his
own ambition, and the maintenance
of complete harmony between the
two governments was indispens-
able in the war of the Spanish Suc-
cession.
It was no wonder, moreover, that
a Queen of Spain should give her-
self wholly up to an adviser and com-
panion like the Princesse des Ursins,
for the monotony and isolation of
palace life, guarded about by the in-
violable prescriptions of Spanish eti-
quette, was something frightful. Ac-
cording to Spanish notions, the life
of a Spanish queen should partake of
the seclusion of the harem and the
convent. She saw no society but
those of her regular attendants.
A tyrannical earner era mayor might,
if she chose, be intolerable. She
might, as did the camerera mayor
of the first queen of Charles II.,
prevent her from looking out of
window. The stern gloom and
rigidity with which camereras
may ores had exercised their au-
thority were habitual, and some
of the former French queens of
Spain had died of the terrible
monotony of their prison life. It
was, then, a great boon for the wife
of Philip V. to be allowed the un-
precedented luxury of a French-
woman for a camerera mayor , whose
liveliness of nature, whose intel-
lectual qualities, whose education,
whose liberality in the matter of
etiquette, and whose bright and good
looks even at sixty-six made her an
entertaining companion as well as
a good adviser. The former Span-
ish queens had been condemned for
amusement to insupportably child-
ish games, something like spills,
with their husbands, and to badly-
acted Spanish plays. The Princesse
des Ursins endeavoured to lighten
the heavy atmosphere of the Span-
ish Court by getting up theatrical
amusements, in which Corneille
and Moliere replaced Calderon and
Lopez de la Vega ; and by con-
certs in which the music of the
Italian masters, just then begin-
ning to become fashionable in Eu-
rope, was first heard in the capital
of Spain, in the palace of Buen
lie-tiro. The young King and Queen
were grateful for the vivacity and
variety which she thus ingeniously
and incessantly introduced into a
life which both regarded as a kind of
exile ; and, moreover, the very do-
mestic nature of her charge gave
her an opportunity of tutoring the
young Queen in such fashion that
Philip V., who was perhaps the
most uxorious monarch who ever
reigned, was completely at the dis-
posal of his wife.
The duties of her position natur-
ally gave the Princess a right of ad-
vising on the manners, dress, and
habits of the King and Queen ; she
extended this to matters of high
policy, and invariably gave advice
calculated to conciliate the Spanish
nation towards the new dynasty.
She advised the use of the Spanish
language exclusively at Court, the
performance by the Queen of the
customary pilgrimages to the shrine
of our Lady of Atocha, and other
sacred places; the adoption by Philip
V. of the Spanish costume, and
especially of the stiff unsightly gol-
illa, or Spanish ruff, to which the
nobility were especially attached ;
the royal attendance at bull-fights,
and the practice of the national
424
The Princesse des TJrsins.
[April
juego de canas ; at tlie same time
she strongly dissuaded the monarch
from attending at those human sac-
rifices, the autos dafe, one of which
was always prepared in honour of
every new accession and every royal
marriage. And the young Bourbon
King was the first monarch who ven-
tured thus to discountenance the
practice of those rites of Moloch.
Madame des Ursins, indeed, did
not hesitate to grapple at once with
the Inquisition immediately on her
arrival in Spain, and her success in
delivering Aguilar Diaz, the confes-
sor of the late King, from its dun-
geons, after a struggle of four years,
created a new power in the country.
Her influence became so manifest
at last, that the French ministers
and Court attendants, including the
Jesuit confessor who accompanied
Philip V. to Madrid, all grew jeal-
ous of the great influence of the
camerera mayor over the royal
councils. The French ambassador
in 1703, the Cardinal d'Estrees, es-
pecially had made himself remark-
able by his hostility to Madame des
Ursins, and a struggle for dominion
took place between them. Louis
XIV., who was the arbiter of their
differences in the close watch which
he kept upon the affairs of Spain,
decided at first in favour of his
ambassador, and determined on
recalling the camerera mayor. He
changed his determination on ac-
count of the urgent entreaties of the
Queen, who supplicated, that if Ma-
dame des Ursins was recalled, the
Cardinal and his nephew, the Abbe
d'Estrees, who served him as secre-
tary, should be recalled also. Other
representations in favour of the
Princess, which portrayed all
Spain as ardently desiring the con-
tinuance of her stay in Spain, were
made. A temporary reconciliation
between the Cardinal and the Prin-
cess followed, as the price of the
withdrawal of the recall of Madame
des Ursins. However, at the last
the Cardinal was removed, and the
Abb6 d'Estre"es, who had deserted
his uncle when he saw that he was
likely to be worsted in the conflict,
remained as ambassador; and the
triumph of Madame des Ursins
was completed by the recall of
the Jesuit confessor, and nearly
every French minister or attend-
ant possessed of any authority in
Spain. However, the Abbe d'Es-
trees, as ambassador, was unable
to reconcile himself to the part
he had undertaken, and while pro-
fessing outwardly complete sub-
mission to the superiority of the
camerera mayor, treacherously wrote
a despatch to the French minister,
full of bitterness and insinuation
against his rival. He had offered
himself to submit every despatch to
the perusal of Madame des Ursins
before sending it away, but this
one despatch he endeavoured to
send surreptitiously by the ordinary
courier, who not seeing upon it the
accustomed mark of the Princess
des Ursins, as a sign of her ac-
quaintance with the contents, car-
ried the despatch to the camerera
mayor. With her usual audacity
Madame des Ursins wrote indig-
nant marginal notes, and one of
them of a most singular character.
She had an equerry, named
d' Aubigny, called un tout petit sire
by St Simon, who played a sort
of nondescript role among her at-
tendants. He had immense share
in her confidence, and it was com-
plained that he was the only man
who slept in the palace. Indeed,
his apartment formed part of the
suite of the Princess's own. In the
despatch of the Abbe d'Estrees,
mention was made of d'Aubigny,
and it was stated that people had no
doubt that he was married to her.
" Oh, pour mariee,non!" wrote the
Princess in all the indignation of a
grande dame, as a marginal note.
The opening of this despatch
and the marginal note came to the
knowledge of Louis XIV., and his
anger was great. However, by
the aid of her friends at Versailles,
the Camerera got over this diffi-
culty, and the Abbe" d'Estrees in dis-
gust followed his uncle, and gave up
1870.]
The Princesse des Ursins.
425
his post. But, nevertheless, shortly
afterwards another subject of dis-
agreement came between the Court
of Versailles and that of Madrid,
on the subject of the command of
the war in Spain. The King insist-
ed that Philip V. should shake off
what he styled the shameful sloth
of the palace, and put himself at
the head of his armies. Madame
des Ursins and the Queen both, how-
ever, set themselves against this
advice of Louis XIV. The opposi-
tion of Madame des Ursins was not
unknown at the Court of Versailles.
The Cardinal d'Estrees, eager for
revenge, beset all her friends with
his representations, till, one by one,
Torcy, Madame de Noailles (whose
•son-in-law, the Due de Grammont,
arrived at the Embassy of Madrid),
and even Madame de Maintenon,
ceased to defend her, and she was
recalled.
She was recalled, however, only
to be sent back again with greater
authority than before. Her dis-
grace was the way to her triumph.
In fact, the affairs of Spain during
her absence went from bad to worse.
The King, after a brief effort at in-
dependence, had made his incapa-
city more apparent. Montellano,
with the grandees in the Despacho,
attempted to absorb the whole sover-
eign power, to oppose every French
project, to prevent the formation of
an army, and to prevent the King
from being master of it. The great
defeat of Blenheim came to throw
into still greater disfavour the
]'"rench alliance in Spain ; and, to
add to the difficulties of Louis
XIV., the chief grandees began to
be of opinion that the only hope
of saving the integrity of the Span-
ish monarchy was to range Spain
on the side of the allies, and against
the monarch of France. The Queen
of Spain, aware of the danger of
their position, wrote day by day
the most urgent letters of appeal
to Madame de Maintenon for the
return of her camerera mayor.
Louis XIV. consented at last to
send back the indispensable came-
rera mayor, but he did so -with
great repugnance. He who in early
life had engaged with Colbert to
deliver himself of any woman in
twenty-four hours, as soon as he
should be told that she influenced
his politics, felt contempt and pity
for his weak-minded grandson, who
was incapable of the slightest ini-
tiative, and was a mere cypher
without his wife, who herself was
nothing without her lady of the
palace. Of his intense desire to
get rid of Madame des Ursins alto-
gether, and to efface the traces of
her influence in Spain, evidence is
extant, in the pseudonymous cor-
respondence which he carried on
with his ambassador, the Duke of
Grammont ; yet he became con-
vinced at last that Madame des
Ursins was the only person capable
of reconciling the discordant ele-
ments of which the Council of Ma-
drid was composed.
Having resolved, therefore, that
she should return to Spain, his
policy naturally was that she should
return with all the consideration and
prestige which royal favour could
bestow upon her; and Louis XIV.
accordingly went through his part
with a grand resignation which con-
cealed all the sadness which must
have been at the bottom of his heart.
A courier was accordingly des-
patched to Toulouse, where Ma-
dame des Ursins was residing, with
permission for her to appear at
Versailles.
"Nothing," says St Simon, "could
equal the air of triumph which Madame
des Ursins assumed at Marly {at a ball),
or the attention of the King to distin-
guish her and do her honour and every-
thing ; it was as if she were a small
Queen of England in the very freshness
of arrival. Nothing could equal the
majestic fashion with which everything
was received by the Princess. She bore
herself with a mixture of grace and
politeness long since effaced, and which
recalled the memory of the oldest times
of the queen-mother.
" The King was admirable in giving a
value to everything, and in making
valuable what in itself had no value at
all. Madame de Maintenon and Madame
426
The Princesse des Ursins.
[April
la Duchesse de Bourgogne were only
occupied with Madame des Ursins, who
made more remarkable the prodigious
flight she had taken by a little dog
which she carried under her arm than
by any political distinction. No one
could recover from the surprise at such
a familiarity which Madame la Duchesse
de Bourgogne herself would not have per-
mitted herself — trifles have such import-
ance when they are beyond example.
The King at the end of one of these
balls caressed the little spaniel !!! which
was another subject of surprise for the
spectators. Since that time Madame
des Ursins was never to be seen at the
Chateau of Marly without this little
spaniel under the arm, which became
for her the last mark of favour and dis-
tinction."
Madame des Ursins not only
went back to Spain, but she went
back with conditions drawn up by
her in the form of a regular treaty,
and accepted by the King ; and she,
moreover, named herself a new
French ambassador, Amelot, in the
place of the Due deGrammont, and
Orry, whose talents as an admin-
istrator and financier of the school
of Colbert had obtained for him a
previous mission to Spain, was also
said to give her assistance.
The nine years, from 1705 to
17 14, which followed, were the most
important of Madame des Ursins's
existence. Had it not been for this
French camerera mayor, Louis XI V.
would have abandoned his grand-
son to the mercy of the Allies. Spain ,
under the direction of Madame des
Ursins, rose from the lowest state
of prostration and abasement. The
country which formed one of the
main causes of the ruin of Napoleon,
became, and through her alone for a
time, the single theatre where the
glory of Louis XIV. was not over-
whelmed with disaster. Almanza
and Villaviciosa came in to balance
the evil fortune of Ramilies, Oude-
narde, and Malplaquet. The vic-
tory of Almanza in 1707, which con-
secrated by a brilliant victory the
regal power of Philip V. in Spain,
had been in great part prepared by
the careful administration and great
reforms of the Princesse des Ursins.
Four years before Almanza, Amelot
wrote in one of his despatches, that
Philip V. had neither troops, nor
arms, nor artillery ; his domestics
were not paid, and his body-guard,
dying of hunger, went to eat the
scraps which were distributed at the
gates of the convents. Even the pre-
vious year, the failure of the siege of
Barcelona, then in the hands of the
Allies, Philip V., with his Queen at
Burgos, and Madrid occupied by
his rival, was as little the King of
Spain as was Charles VII. of France
at Bourges. Berwick had declared
that all was lost in Estremadura
and Castille, and that nothing re-
mained for the King but to fly to
the mountains of the north of Spain,
to be as near as possible to the
frontier of France. Three parts
of Spain were in possession of the
Austrian prince who claimed the
succession of Charles II. The great
mass of the grandees deserted to the
side of the Archduke, who was pro-
claimed in Madrid under the title
of Charles III. Even the Cardinal
Portocarrero, the founder of the
Bourbon dynasty in Spain, obeyed
the dictates of resentment at the dis-
grace into which he had fallen, em-
braced openly the cause of the rival
of Philip V., and opened the gates of
Toledo to his enemies. He illumin-
ated his palace, had the Te Deum
sung in the cathedral, gave a splendid
banquet to the officers of the army
of the Allies, at which they drank
to the health of Charles III., King
of Spain, and gave a public benedic-
tion to the standards of the Austrian
pretender. But the cause of Philip
V. had been embraced by the peo-
ple in the capital. The populace
made use of every hostile device,
some of them of unparalleled
strangeness, for the destruction and
discomfort of his enemies, and
peasants in the country came in
bodies to the King supplicating
delivery from the yoke of the gran-
dees who overrode them with exac-
tions. The great mass of the people
of Spain remained faithful to the
adopted heir of their last sovereign.
1870.]
Tlie Princesse des Ursins.
427
Madame des Ursins took admirable
advantage of this popular enthusi-
asm. By her addresses, by her letters,
and by the applications she directed,
she obtained voluntary gifts for the
support of the army of the King ;
8000 pistoles from the province of
Burgos, from another province
15,000, and much greater contribu-
tions from the richest cities of Anda-
lusia. Money and bread and clothes
arrived in abundance at the camp
of Berwick, and the King of Spain
had a satisfaction long unknown to
iny monarch in the country, that of
having his troops well paid and
'ed. He was transported with this
wonderful good fortune, and im-
mediately wrote a letter of the
warmest thanks and acknowledg-
ments for the devotion of the lady
who had procured such an unex-
pected result in the darkest hour of
his peril. One of her letters from
Burgos to Madame de Maintenon
at this time gave a lively idea of
the straits to which the royal
family was driven, and of the life
of Madame des Ursins.
" I will give you the description of
my apartment to amuse you. It con-
sists of a single piece, which is not more
ihan twelve feet wide in any direc-
tion. A large window, which does Dot
shut, exposed to the south, occupies all
one side. A door, very low, serves me
for a passage into the chamber of the
( )ueen, and the door leads to a windy
passage where I do not venture to go,
although two or three lamps are always
1 Burning there, for it is so badly paved
that I might break my neck. I cannot
say the walls are white, for they are
very dirty. My travelling-bed, with a
(amp-stool and a deal table, is the only
furniture I have, which last serves me
j.s a writing-table and for eating the re-
mains of the Queen's dinner — for I have
neither kitchen nor money to provide
iae. I laugh at all that."
Nevertheless, after the battle of
Almanza, the fortunes of Philip V.,
temporarily upraised by a brilliant
victory, seemed to have fallen lower
than before, and the energy of Ma-
dame des Ursins alone saved the
Spanish monarchy from dismem-
berment, and Philip from being a
realmless monarch.
In 1709, Louis XIV. was so hard
pressed by the Allies, and France
so exhausted, that the Court of Ver-
sailles seriously contemplated the
abandonment of his grandson. Phi-
lip V. himself prepared to resign
himself to his fate. It was then
that all the spirit of this extraor-
dinary and intelligent woman, now
seventy - four years of age, was
aroused. " What, sire ! " said she to
Philip V., "are you a prince1? are
you a man — you who treat your
royal title so lightly and have feel-
ings weaker than a woman ? " Not
only did she renew again all her
efforts for the recruiting, discipline,
and support of the Spanish army,
but she threw herself thoroughly
into the state of French affairs, —
wrote eloquent and indignant let-
ters to Madame de Maintenon, and
propounded a scheme for utilising
anew the resources of France and
filling afresh the exhausted trea-
sury for the purposes of the war ;
and when we add to all the poli-
tical difficulties with which she was
daily struggling, the illness of the
Queen after confinement of a second
son, and upon whom, as camerera
mayor, she was obliged to be in
constant attendance, it must be
imagined that more anxieties and
cares never fell to the lot of a sep-
tuagenarian lady.
This stroke of policy of hers at
this period was of surprising auda-
city, and worthy of the spirit which
dictated the letters characterised by
Madame de Maintenon as " lettres
a feu et a sang." The Spanish peo-
ple were so indignant at what they
considered the treachery of the
French King in contemplating the
abandonment of his grandson, that
the old international hatred be-
tween the two nations was awaken-
ed. The French residents in Mad-
rid were in danger of their lives.
In this state of things, Madame des
Ursins ventured on the most daring
act of her life. She extracted from
the King a decree which banished
428
The Princesse des Ursins.
[April
all the French from Spain, and thus
threw the new monarchy on the
undivided sympathies of the Span-
ish people. This stroke of policy
of Madame des Ursins had the hap-
piest effect in reconciling the gran-
dees of Spain to the Bourbon dy-
nasty. The Princess was carrying
on two great struggles at the same
time — one against the supporters of
the Archduke, and the other against
the grandees, who, like all aristo-
cracies, seized the opportunity, when
the monarchy was in this struggling
condition, to aggrandise their privi-
leges and pretensions. The Span-
ish nobility were now ambitious of
recovering some of their feudal
privileges, which they had lost un-
der Charles V. and Philip II. From
the beginning of her administration
she had opposed resolutely the pre-
tensions and unveiled the intrigues
of some and punished the treachery
of others of the grandees. Having
discovered the high treason of the
amirante of Castille, she had him
prosecuted and condemned to death,
which caused the Duke of Medina
Celi to exclaim, " People like our-
selves ought not to be treated
thus !" But the Duke of Medina
Celi himself, having conspired with
the Duke of Orleans, and having
as Minister of Foreign Affairs be-
trayed a trust reposed in him, was
also arrested, and died in a state
prison ; and the Marquis de Lega-
nez, another great noble, was also
sent into captivity to France.
In fact, in almost every matter
of internal policy Madame des
Ursins followed the example of
statesmanship in France, where not
only the repression of oligarchi-
cal power, but the centralisation
and amplification of the adminis-
tration, had been the aim of every
French Government from Philip
Augustus to Richelieu and Louis
XIV. Thus after Almanza she
ventured resolutely on a coup d'etat,
which put an end to the adminis-
trative and legislative chaos of .Spain,
where, up to that time, every pro-
vince had its ownfueros and cortes,
and Catalans and Arragonese had
been as jealous of Castilians as
though they had been of different
nations. But this daring lady was
not content with having to grapple
with the Archduke and his allies,
with the great mass of the grandees,
and with the thousandfold abuses
of Spanish administration and jus-
tice ; stie dared to make assault
even on the Inquisition, and to
establish in Spain for the Spanish
Church that independence which
the Gallican Church had acquired
in France ; — a proceeding, how-
ever, which was discouraged by
Louis XIV., who wrote to his
grandson, "Croyez-moi, vous n'etes
pas assez fort pour avoir encore vos
libertes gallicanes."
The greatest proof of the excel-
lence of the administration of Ma-
dame des Ursins was the devotion
which the people of Spain showed
towards the cause of Philip V.,
and the final reconcilement of
the grandees to his government.
When the Archduke, after his
victory at Saragossa, had opened
again the way to Madrid, and
Philip V. had again taken his
Court to the north to Valladolid,
although the fugitive King had
given permission to all the inhabit-
ants to remain in the capital, yet
all citizens who were able deserted
the city for Valladolid. Even shop-
keepers and artizans followed the
general example ; and some poor,
and some even infirm, officers of
justice made the journey to Vallad-
olid on foot. All houses and shops
and workshops were shut up. The
capital seemed a desert ; and when
the allied troops entered the city,
and the Archduke Charles went,
at the head of two thousand horse-
men, to return thanks to Nuestra-
SeTiora de A tocha, only some ragged
boys, in the hopes of getting a few
maravedis, cried Viva el Rey Carlos !
The grandees themselves, in their
stately pride, were touched by the
enthusiasm of the people, and came
over in a body to the King; a
change of feeling, manifested by a
1870.]
The Princesse des Ursins.
429
letter to Louis XIV., signed by all
the leading nobles, declaring their
fidelity to his grandson, describing
the pressing need of his cause for
fresh assistance, and asking for
French co-operation.
This application was the propo-
sition of the Duke of Medina Si-
donia,and was signed by the Dukes
derinfantado,Popoli,d'Arcos,d'Ab-
rantes, de Bagneo, de Veraguas, de
Montellano de Bejar, the Condes-
table of Castille, the Marquises de
Ahnonacid and del Carpio, the
Condes de Lernos and Penaranda,
and a crowd of others of the greatest
names of Spain ; only the great
Duke d'Osuna, he who was "no
bigger than a rat," always faithful
to Philip V., refused to sign, from
true motives of Castilian pride : he
was haughtily discontented with
Louis XIV., that lie should have
thought of abandoning his grandson
and Spain, and said Spain would
suffice for the work herself.
The joy of Louis XIV. at this
letter was immense. He read it
several times, and agreed to send
to the assistance of his grandson
14,000 men. The great Vendome,
the grandson of Henri IV. and
Gabrielle d'Estrees, was sent as
general ; and, on the 10th of De-
cember 1710, the united Spanish
and French army, with Vendome
as general - in - chief, gained the
great victory of Villaviciosa, which
established the Bourbon dynasty
securely. The nobles of Spain,
fired with their new fidelity, and
jedous of distinction under the
eyes of the famous French gene-
ral, fought with brilliant valour,
and thousands of standards were
taken, of which the French mar-
shal made a couch for the first
Bourbon king of Spain on the night
of the victory. After ten years of
struggle and persecution, the stan-
dard of the fleur-de-lis was firmly
planted in Spain.
Madame des Ursins, to whom
so large a portion of that success
must be attributed, was herself
already a grandee of Spain. She
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLIV.
now received, in company with the
Duke de Vendome, the title of Her
Highness, and the order of the
Golden Fleece, with a promise of a
sovereign principality in the Low
Countries.
In the year 1711 everything
turned to the advantage of Philip
V. : the Archduke, his rival, was
elected Emperor. His allies were
not inclined to confer upon Austria
that aggrandisement which they
had refused to France, and to create
another empire like that of Charles
V. ; they consequently refused to
make further efforts in his behalf.
Marlborough, whose scientific blows
had nearly laid helpless the French
monarchy, fell into disgrace, and
was recalled ; and in 1712, the
French, under Villars, were en-
abled to win the battle of Denain,
and to lay down the basis of the
Peace of Utrecht.
Madame des Ursins, however,
though her great work was achiev-
ed still remained in Spain, direct-
ing reforms, administrative and
financial, of the Colbert character,
with the aid of the industrious Orry,
and fighting with the Inquisition.
Nevertheless the Inquisition was
still too strong for her; for, says
Llorente, 1574 persons were burnt
in the reign of Philip V., and
11,750 subjected to penitential
punishment. But the power of
the Church in Spain was enormous.
. " The abuses of the clergy," wrote
1 Macau az, a jurist employed by
Madame des Ursins to fight her
battles, and made by her a member
of the Despacho, " have weakened the
royal power. The ecclesiastic immu-
nities only serve to favour usurpa-
tion and disorder. The churches
are become the refuges of criminals,
and the right of asylum has been
extended from these sacred edifices
to adjoining houses, to shops, and
whole neighbouring quarters. The
ecclesiastics, the monks and the
nuns, encroach yearly on the rights
of the King by continual acquisition
of secular property, which forth-
with becomes exempt from taxa-
2G
430
The Princesse des Ursins.
[April
tion. The clergy have in the State
more subjects than the King. The
ambition of some ministers has
tolerated these abuses to give them
the opportunity of enriching their
families with the goods of the
Church." Dangerous words these
in the days of the Inquisition, when
its name made men's blood still
run cold with terror, and its power
was sufficient to lodge the greatest
grandee in its dungeons. The
documents in which it was spoken
of were consequently kept pro-
foundly secret ; and the very
Council of Castille first resolved to
adopt the precaution, in their pro-
ceedings against the Inquisition, of
voting by ballot. The Inquisitors,
it was argued, could not seize on
the whole Council at once ; yet even
then the Council was afraid. The
Inquisitors, working on the relig-
ious prejudices of the people, got
up a popular commotion at Madrid;
and Philip V. himself, and all his
Council, were too terrified at the
awful power they were confronting
to follow the energetic advice of
Madame des Ursins and Orry, and
abolish it. So the Inquisition still
remained unshorn of much of its
terrible power ; yet the struggle of
Madame des Ursins with it was not
wholly fruitless. She had found
a vigorous and firm ally in Eng-
land, who, since the Peace of
Utrecht, had maintained an am-
bassador in Madrid ; and it was
decreed that the palace of the
English ambassador, and every En-
glish ship in a Spanish harbour,
should be exempt from the power
of the Inquisition. The British
flag and the British nationality,
owing to Madame des Ursins,
alone braved the Inquisition in the
soil of Spain, and offered protec-
tion to every victim.
But the reign, as it may be called,
of the Princess was drawing to an
end. Her young protectress and
friend, the Queen of Spain, who
joined to the affection of a daughter
the deepest respect for her great
intelligence, died at the age of
twenty-five in 1714. The heroic
Marie Louise, who had given a soul
to her weak-minded husband — who
had been a wanderer with him in
his rapid and forced flight amidst
the rugged mountains of the Astu-
rias, where she had often to be con-
tent with the bed and fare of a
peasant and a mountaineer, worn
out with ten years of difficulty,
and sometimes of privation, during
which she was subject to the moral
distress of seeing her own father,
the faithless Duke of Savoy, ranged
among her enemies — was no more,
and Madame des Ursins was left
alone with Philip V.
The position of Madame des Ur-
sins was now necessarily extremely
delicate ; and in the ten months
which intervened between the death
of Marie Louise and the second final
disgrace of the Princess, her conduct
was not of a nature to disarm jeal-
ousy and to avert the venomous force
of scandal. She should have exer-
cised greater precaution, since she
well knew that she was detested
by the priests, and that the gran-
dees and ministers of the Spanish
Court were not attached to her, but
only tolerated the ascendancy of
this audacious French old lady, who
was satisfied with nothing in Spain,
who carried her reforming mania
into everything, and had even vio-
lated the most inviolable rules of
Court etiquette. Louis XIV., who
detested all meddling of women in
politics, moreover, had also only
tolerated her as being for a time in-
dispensable, and had been highly
indignant that Philip V., out of
gratitude to the Princess, had sup-
ported, with the allies, her claims
to a sovereign principality in Fland-
ers, in return for her services, with
such pertinacity, that he delayed
the signing of the Peace of Utrecht.
Madame des Ursins, however, in
all the pride of her conscious supe-
riority, continued governing Spain
with a high hand. She exiled one
of her chief ministers from motives
of personal discontent — she impris-
oned two of the greatest grandees —
1870.]
The Princesse des Ursins.
431
broke with all whom she considered
1 er enemies, or even lukewarm
friends— set the Duke of Berwick,
who was sent to a military com-
mand in Spain, at defiance — and
treated even Madame de Maintenon
with haughtiness.
Being now close upon eighty,
and Philip V. only thirty-two, she
may have imagined scandal could
make nothing of their relations,
and she kept the King in leading-
strings, and hardly let him out of
Ler sight. At the palace of the
Duke of Medina Celi, to which she
transferred the King from the
I'.uen Retiro after the death of his
queen, she had a corridor made
between the monarch's apartments
a ad her own. This corridor gave
rise to immense scandal in Madrid.
Yet Madame des Ursins, it must
be remembered, was not only chief
political adviser of the King, but
the governess of his children, who
lived in her apartments ; and the
constant society of the young
princes was the chief consolation
of Philip V. for the loss of Marie
Louise.
Nevertheless the evil tongues of
Madrid made much of the corridor.
The Jesuit confessor of Philip one
day during an interview confided
to him that, both in France and
Spain, people thought he meant to
marry her. " Moi Vepouser!" re-
plied the King ; " oh ! pour cela,
n<m /" Fatigued at last, however,
ho said to Madame des Ursins,
" Cherchez-moi unefemme; nos tetes-
a-tetes scandalisent lepeuple."
There was at this time at Madrid,
in the service of the legation of the
Duke of Parma, an intriguing,
restless, ambitious Italian priest,
Alberoni by name, who had been
brought originally to Spain by the
Duke of Vendome. He was him-
self a Parmesan by birth, and
tlie son of a gardener. The great
role which Madame des Ursins
played in Spanish affairs stimulated
his ambition, and he was destined
to outdo her and to take her place.
He saw the part which a foreigner
might play in Spanish politics. He
allied himself at first with the
Grand Inquisitor, the Cardinal del
Guidice, and offered his services
secretly to defend the Inquisition
against the assaults of the camerera
mayor. Then the wily Italian
broke apparently with Del Guidice,
and paid his court to Madame des
Ursins.
The Princess of Parma happened
to be among the number of prin-
cesses who were considered as eli-
gible for marriage with the Spanish
king. She was, as her subsequent
history proved, one of the most
intractable, imperious, and domi-
neering of ladies — a royal virago.
Madame des Ursins was naturally
anxious that the new queen should
be of a precisely opposite character.
Alberoni, from being at the Court
of Parma, was acquainted with
the character of the princess, and
on being personally consulted by
Madame des Ursins as to the char-
acter of the Princess of Parma,
assured her that the princess was
one of the most docile of creatures,
and that she would have no diffi-
culty in establishing an empire
as complete over her as she had
held over the late Queen of Spain.
Madame des Ursins was ravished
at this false account of the Princess
of Parma, and despatched Alberoni
forthwith to negotiate the mar-
riage. Some expressions, however,
of the satisfaction of her enemies
at the step she had taken reached
her. After further inquiry she be-
came aware that Alberoni had de-
ceived her, and she endeavoured to
stop the marriage by sending a
courier. The courier arrived at
Parma a day or two before the mar-
riage. The Court of Parma got wind
of his errand, and had him seized
and threatened with death if he
divulged a word of his mission.
Madame des Ursins set forth from
Madrid to meet the new queen as
camerera mayor. One of the last
acts of this remarkable woman be-
fore she went to encounter the
fiery young princess who was
432
Tlie Princesse des Ursins.
[April
to annihilate her political exist-
ence, was the establishment of
an academy at Madrid, framed
after the model of the Academic
Franqaise. She had some warn-
ings of the fate which awaited
her ; but she despised all. Every-
thing, however, had been arranged
for her overthrow. The King
himself had, with consummate
cowardice and treachery, and with
palpitating uxoriousness, sent his
wife full powers. Everything had
been arranged by a conspiracy of
the King and his bride, and the
Inquisition, and the old aristocracy
of Spain, for dismissing into in-
stantaneous exile an aged lady who
had laboured unceasingly for fifteen
years in the desperate cause of the
Spanish monarchy. The Queen-
Dowager, the widow of Charles
II., an aunt of Elizabeth Farnese,
had an interview with the new
queen at Saint-Jean-Pied-de-Port,
as she approached Spain. The
Queen-Do wager was not only a per-
sonal enemy of Madame des Ursins,
but she had been thoroughly
tutored by the Grand Inquisitor,
Del Guidice, who was residing like
herself at Bayonne, as to the advice
she should tender to the Queen.
Alberoni saw the latter alone at
Pampeluna, and with consummate
art roused the fury of the young
virago to an unnecessary pitch of
exasperation.
Madame des Ursins, as camerera
mayor, had organised the Queen's
household. It was arranged that the
royal marriage should take place at
Guadalaxara. She had a last inter-
view alone with the King at that
place, on the 22d of December, and
advanced to meet the bride at
Quadraque, a small village seven
leagues further on. The Princesse
des Ursins had not the slightest
notion of what was awaiting her
— even the cruel brow and scorn
of the vixenish young Eliza-
beth Earnese as she received her
obeisance were insufficient to pre-
pare her for what was to come.
There are various accounts of what
took place; but the most trust-
worthy report relates that when
left alone with Elizabeth Farnese,
the latter burst forth in a torrent
of reproach on the whole of her ad-
ministration, accused her of the
death or exile of all the great
grandees who had been her ene-
mies, and finally, lashing herself
into fury, screamed for Don Antonio
Amazaga, the officer of the body-
guard, and told him " to put that
mad woman out of her room" — to
arrest her, and not to leave her till
he had put her into a carriage.
She then called for the groom of
the royal equipages,, and ordered
him to get ready a carriage and to
take the Princesse des Ursins off
at once to Bayonne by Burgos.
Amazaga represented that the King
of Spain alone had the power to
give such orders. She demanded
with haughtiness if he had not
orders from the King to obey her
in everything ; and Philip had in-
deed had the ingratitude and cowar-
dice to give such orders, knowing
full well what was intended.
A strange but a veritable object
for commiseration was now the Prin-
cesse des Ursins. It was night, the
eve but one before Christmas, and
bitterly cold as it is only cold in cen-
tral Spain and Siberia when the earth
is covered with ice arid snow. The
driver of the Princess lost a hand
with frost-bite before morning.
Nevertheless Madame des Ursins,
in her eightieth year, with her grey
liairs, in her grand Court dress, was
bundled into a carriage and started
without a change of raiment, with-
out being allowed to alter her cum-
bersome head-dress, without money,
and without a single means of pro-
tection against the cold. Never
was disgrace in the world more
unforeseen, and hardly ever more
undeserved. What must not the
towering pride of the high-born
lady, with her quick and vast in-
telligence, have suffered in that
long and terrible Siberian ride, de-
prived as she was of every neces-
sary ! This was the end of the
J 870.]
The Princesse des Ursins.
433
service of kings, — to be rolled off at
a minute's notice through a night of
arctic severity, seated between two
body-guards, without a mantle to
wrap round her, and without a ves-
tige of food or a single restorative.
"What emotions must have passed
through the brain of this extraor-
dinary woman during that bitter
night ! We may imagine, but can-
not know; for she never spoke a
word to either of her guards till the
morning, when they stopped to re-
fresh the horses. And so across
Spain — across desert, hotelless
Spain, where at that time neither bed
nor food was to be had beyond such
as were fit for muleteers — travelled
the Princess. Her resignation was
astonishing : her guards remember-
ed it with admiration to their dying
clays. This dreadful journey lasted
three weeks — three weeks of every
kind of privation — till she reached
Saint- Jean-de-Luz, on the 14th of
January ; and yet not a tear, not a
single regret, not a single complaint
at all the hardships and suffering
she underwent, or at the ingrati-
tude and rigour of the King or his
new Queen, escaped her.
Such was her exit from Spain,
which she had entered ten years
before in triumph and in the full
blaze of summer, when every town
on the road from Madrid to Burgos
was full of spectators assembled
from the capital, and indeed from
all parts of the country, to clap
their hands, to wave sombreros, and
to shout her a welcome back to
Spain, — when the King and Queen
themselves advanced two leagues
from the capital to meet her and
embrace her with affection.
What need to relate the subse-
quent neglect she met with from
the moribund Louis XIV. and Ma-
dame de Maintenon on her arrival in
France 1 She who had lived in royal
state in Madrid, with guards in her
antechamber and about her car-
riage, was reduced at Versailles,
whither she went to have a solitary
audience with the King, to lodge
with the wife of a clerk of the office
of foreign affairs.
She finally retired to Eome, the
congenial retreat of fallen greatness,
where she received immense respect
from the Pope and cardinals; where,
too, she received some tokens of
consideration from Philip V. as
atonement for the past. There she
lived in intimacy with the exiled
and discrowned race of Stuart ; and
there ultimately she came face to
face with both Del Guidice and
Alberoni, the authors of her dis-
grace, both vagrant and in exile ;
and there she died, with her lucid
intelligence vigorous and active, in
1722, in her eighty-seventh year.
The pages of St Simon, where
he describes his interviews with
Madame des Ursins, are among the
most curious of his Memoirs ; and
although not personally inclined
towards her, on account of his rela-
tions with her enemy the Regent,
who had been guilty of treason-
able plots against the throne of
Philip V., yet he does full justice
to her courage, her powers of appli-
cation, and her wonderful intelli-
gence ; and declared that " her life
deserved to be written, since it
would hold a place among the most
curious portions of history of the
time in which she lived."
434
John.— Part VI.
[April
JOHN. — PART VI.
CHAPTEK XVII.
FOE some days after the fire, John
continued in a sadly uncomfortable
state both of body and mind. The
two, indeed, were not dissimilar.
He was much burnt, though super-
ficially, and suffered double pangs
from the stinging, gnawing, unre-
laxing pain. His spirit was burnt
too — scorched by sudden flames ;
stiff and sore all over, like his
limbs, with points of exaggerated
suffering here and there, — a thing
he could not take his thoughts from,
nor try to forget. He was very
unmanageable by his attendants,
was with difficulty persuaded to
obey the doctor's prescriptions, and
absolutely refused to lay himself
up. " The end'll be as you'll kill
yourself, sir, and that you'll see,"
said his landlady. "Not much
matter either," John murmured
between his teeth. He was smart-
ing all over, as the poor moth is
which flies into the candle. It
does the same thing over again next
minute, no doubt ; and so, prob-
ably, would he : but in the mean
time he suffered much both in
body and mind. He would not
keep in bed, or even in-doors,
notwithstanding the doctor's or-
ders; and it was only downright
incapacity that kept him from ap-
pearing in the temporary offices
which had been arranged for the
business of the bank. Mr Crediton
had come in from Fernwood at
once to look after matters ; but on
that day John was really ill, and
so had escaped the visit which
otherwise would have been inevit-
able. Mr Whichelp came that
evening to bring his principal's
regrets. "He was very much cut
up about not seeing you," said the
head-clerk. " You know your own
affairs best, and I don't wish to be
intrusive ; but I think you would
find it work better not to keep him
at such a distance."
"I keep Mr Crediton at a dis-
tance ! " said John, with a grimace
of pain.
"You do, Mr Mitford. I don't
say that he is always what he might
be expected to be ; but, anyhow,
no advances come from your side."
" It is not from my side advances
should come," John said, turning
his face to the wall with an obstin-
acy which was almost sullen ; while
at the same time he said to himself
at the bottom of his heart, What
does it matter 1 These were but
the merest outward details. The
real question was very different.
Did a woman know what love
meant? — was it anything but a
diversion to her — an amusement 1
was what he was asking himself;
while a man, on the other hand,
might give up his life for it, and
annul himself, all for a passing smile
— a smile that was quite as bright
to the next comer. Such thoughts
were thorns in John's pillow as he
tossed and groaned. They burned
and gnawed at his heart worse than
his outward wounds ; and there
were no cool applications which
could be made to them. He did not
want to be spoken to, nor to have
even the friendliest light thrown
upon the workings of his mind. To
be let alone — to be left to make the
best of it — to be allowed to resume
his work quietly, and go and come,
and wait until the problem had
been solved for him, or until he
himself had solved it, — it seemed
to John that he wished for nothing
more.
" That may be," said Mr Which-
elo ; " but all the same you
don't take much pains to concili-
ate him — though that is not my
business. A man who has had a
1870.]
John.— Part VI.
435
number of us round him all his
life always anxious to conciliate —
as good men as himself any day,"
the head-clerk added, with some
heat, "but still in a measure de-
pendent upon his will for our bread
— it takes a strong head to stand
such a strain, Mr Mitford. An
employer is pretty near a despot,
unless he's a very good man. I
don't want to say a word against
Mr Crediton "
"It will be better not," said
John, with another revulsion of
feeling, not indisposed to knock
the man down who ventured to
thrust in his opinion between
Kate's father and himself ; and Mr
Whichelo for the moment was
silent, with a half-alarmed sense
of having gone too far.
" He is very grateful to you for
your promptitude and energy," he
continued : " but for you these
papers must have been lost. It
v/ould have been my fault," said
Mr Whichelo, with animation, yet
in a low tone. There was even
emotion in his words, and some-
thing like a tear in his eye. • If he
had been a great general or a dis-
tinguished artist, his professional
reputation could not have been
more precious to him. But John
was preoccupied, and paid no at-
tention. He did not care for hav-
ing saved Mr Whichelo's charac-
ter any more than Mr Crediton's
money, though he had, indeed,
risked his life to do it. He Was
in such a mood that to risk his life
was rather agreeable to him than
otherwise, not for any "good mo-
tive," but simply as he would have
thrust his burnt leg or arm into
cold water for the momentary re-
lief of his pain.
" Don't let us talk any more
about it," he said ; " they are safe,
I suppose, and there is an end of
it;. But how I got out of that
place," he added, turning himself
once more impatiently on his un-
easy bed, "is a mystery to me."
" You have your friend to thank
for that," said his companion, with
the sense that now at last a topic
had been found on which it would
be safe to speak.
"My— what?" cried John, sit-
ting suddenly upright in his bed.
" Your — friend, — the gentleman
who was with you. Good God !
this is the worst of all," cried poor
Whichelo, driven to his wits' end.
And, indeed, for a minute John's
expression was that of a demon.
He had some cuts on his forehead,
which were covered with plaster ;
he was excessively pale ; one of his
arms was bandaged up ; and when
you have added to all these not
beautifying circumstances the dim
light thrown upon the bed under
its shabby curtains, and the look
of horror, dismay, and rage which
passed over the unhappy young
fellow's face, poor Mr Whichelo's
consternation may be understood.
" My — friend ! " he repeated, with
a groan. He could not himself
have given any reason for it ; but
it seemed at the moment to be the
last and finishing blow.
"Yes," said Mr Whichelo, "so
they told me. He found you lying
in the passage with the engines
playing upon you, and dragged you
out. It was very lucky for you he
was there."
John fell back in his bed with a
look of utter weariness and lassi-
tude. " It doesn't matter,' ' he said.
" But is anybody such a fool as to
think that I should have died with
the engines playing on me *? Non-
sense. He need not have been
so confoundedly officious : but it
don't matter, I tell you," he
added, angrily ; " don't let us
speak of it any more."
" My dear Mr Mitford," said Mr
Whichelo, " I don't wish to inter-
fere ; but I am the father of a
family myself, with grown-up sons,
and I don't like to see a young
man give way to wrong feeling.
The gentleman did a most friendly
action. I don't know, I am sure,
if you would have died — but — he
meant well, there can be no doubt
of that."
436
John.— Part VI.
[April
"Confound him!" said John
between his closed teeth. Mr
Whichelo was glad he could not
quite hear what it was; perhaps,
however, he expected something
•worse than "confound him" — for a
sense of horror crept over him,
and he was very thankful that he
had no closer interest in this impa-
tient young man than mere ac-
quaintanceship— a man who was
going in for the Church ! he said to
himself. He sat silent for a little,
and then got up and took his hat.
"I hear you have to be kept
very quiet," he said ; "and as it is
late, I will take my leave. Good
evening, Mr Mitford ; I hope you
will have a good night ; and if I can
be of any use "
" Good - night," said John, too
much worn to be able to think of
politeness. And when Mr Whichelo
was gone the doctor came, who
gave him a great deal of suffering
by way of relieving him. He bore
it all in silence, having plenty of
distraction afforded him by his
thoughts, which were bitter enough.
"Doctor," he said, sitting up all
at once while his injured arm was
being bandaged, " answer me one
question : I hear I was found lying
somewhere with the engines play-
ing on me ; could I have died like
that?"
" You might — in time," said the
doctor, with a smile, "but not just
for as long as the fire lasted ; un-
less you had taken cold, which you
don't appear to have done, better
luck."
"But there was no other dan-
ger?"
" You could not have been burnt
alive with the engines playing on
you," said the doctor. "Yes, of
course there was danger : the roof
might have fallen in, which it did
not — thanks, I believe, to your
promptitude ; or even if the parti-
tion had come down upon you, it
would have been far from pleasant ;
but I should think you have had
quite enough of it as it is."
"I want to make sure," said
the patient, with incomprehensible
eagerness, " not for my own sake —
but there never was any real
danger 1 you can tell me that."
" One can never say as much/' was
the answer. " I should not myself
like to lie insensible in a burning
house, close to a partition which
fell eventually. At the least you
might have been crippled and dis-
figured for life."
A groan burst from John's breast
when he found himself alone on
that weary lingering night. How
long it seemed ! — years almost since
the excitement of the fire which
had sustained him for the moment,
though he was not aware of it. He
put his hand up to his eyes, and
found that there were tears in
them, and despised himself, which
added another thorn to his pillow.
He had nobody to console him;
nobody to keep him from brooding
over the sudden misery. Was it a
fit revenge of fate upon him for his
feeling of right in regard to Kate ?
He had felt that he had a right to
her because he had saved her life.
Was it possible that he had taken
an ungenerous advantage of that 1
He went back over the whole mat-
ter, and he said to himself that,
had he loved a girl so much out of
his sphere, without this claim upon
her, he would have smothered his
love, and made up his mind from
the beginning that it was useless.
But the sense that he had saved
her life had given him a sense of
power — yes, of ungenerous power
— over her. And now he himself
had fallen into the same subjection.
Another man had saved his life ;
or, at least, was supposed by others,
and no doubt would himself believe
that he had done so. This thought
scorched his heart as the flames
had done his body. It caught him
like a fiery breath, and shrivelled
up his nerves and pulses. Fred
Huntley, whom she had taken into
her confidence, to whom she had
described the state of the affairs
between them, whose advice al-
most she had asked on a matter
1870.]
John.— Part VI.
437
which never should have been
breathed to profane ears — Fred
Huntley had saved his life. He
groaned in his solitude, and put up
his hand to his eyes, and despised
himself. " I had better cry over it,
like a sick baby," he said to him-
self, with savage irony ; and oh to
think that was all, all he could do !
Next morning John insisted on
getting up in utter disobedience to
his doctor. He had his arm in a
.sling, but what did that matter?
and he had still the plaster on the
cuts on his forehead. He tried to
read, but that was not possible.
He wrote to his mother as best he
could with his left hand, telling her
there had been a fire, and that he
had burned his fingers pulling some
papers out of it — " nothing of the
least importance," he said. And
when he had done that he paused
and hesitated. Should he write to
Kate 1 He had not done it for
.several days past. It was the
longest gap that had ever occurred
in their correspondence. His heart
yearned a little within him not-
withstanding all its wounds, and
then he flung down the pen and
shut himself up. Why should he
write1? She must have heard all
about it from Fred Huntley and
from her father. She had heard, no
doubt, that Fred had saved his life
— and she had taken no notice.
Why should she take any notice ?
It did not humiliate a woman to
be under such an obligation, but it
did humiliate a man. John rose
and stalked about his little room,
which scarcely left him space
enough for four steps from end to
end. He stared out hopelessl}' at
the window which looked into the
little humble suburban street with
its tiny gardens ; and then he went
and stared into the little glass over
the mantelpiece, which was scarcely
tall enough to reflect him unless he
stooped. A pretty sight he was to
look at; three lines of plaster on
liis forehead, marks of scorching on
Ids cheek, dark lines of pain under
Ms eyes, and the restless, anxious,
uneasy expression of extreme suf-
fering on his scarred face. He was
not an Adonis at the best, poor
John, and he was conscious of it.
What was there in him that she
should care for him 1 She had
been overborne by his claim of
right over her. It had been un-
generous of him ; he had put forth
a plea which never ought to be
urged, and which another man now
had the right of urging over him-
self. With a groan of renewed an-
guish John threw himself down on
the little sofa, and leaned his head
and his folded arms on the table
at which he had been writing his
mother's letter. He had nothing
to fall back upon : all his life and
hopes he had given up for this, and
here was what it had come to. He
had no capability left in his mind
but of despair.
It was, no doubt, because he was
so absorbed in his own feelings and
unconscious of what was passing,
that he heard nothing of any arri-
val at the door. He scarcely raised
his head when the door of his own
little sitting-room was opened. " I
want nothing, thanks," he said,
turning his back on his officious
landlady, he thought. She must
have come into the room more
officious than ever, for there was
a faint rustling sound of a woman's
dress, and the sense of some other
persons near him ; but John only
turned his back the more obsti-
nately. Then all at once there
came something that breathed over
him like a wind from the south,
something made up of soft touch,
soft sound, soft breath. " John,
my poor John ! " said the voice j
and the touch was as of two arms
going round that poor wounded
head of his. It was impossible —
it could not be. He suffered his
hands to be drawn down from his
face, his head to be encircled in the
arms, and said to himself that it
was a dream. "Am I mad?" he
said, half aloud ; " am I losing my
head 1 — for I know it cannot be."
"What cannot be? and why
438
John.— Part VI.
[April
should not it beT' said Kate in
his ear. " Oh, you unkind, cruel
John ! Did you want me to break
my heart without a word or a mes-
sage from you1? Not even to see
papa ! not to send me a single line !
to leave me to think you were dying
or something, and you not even in
bed. If I were not so glad, I should
be in a dreadful passion. You hor-
rid, cruel, brave, dear old John ! "
He did not know what to think
or say. All his evil thoughts slid
away from him unawares, as the
ice melts. There was no reason
for it ; but the sun had shone on
them, and they were gone. He took
hold of, and kept fast in his, the
hands that had touched his aching
head. " I do not think it is you,"
he said ; " I am afraid to look lest
it should not be you."
" I know better than that," said
Kate ; " it is because you will not
let me see your face. Poor dear
face ! " cried the impulsive girl, and
cried a little, and dropped' a sud-
den, soft, momentary kiss upon the
scorched cheek. That was her tri-
bute to the solemnity of the occa-
sion. And then she laughed half
hysterically. " John, dear, you are
so ugly, and I like you so/' she
said ; and sat down by him, and
clasped his arm with both her
hands. John's heart had melted
into the foolishest tenderness and
joy by this time. He was so happy
that his very pain seemed to him
the tingling of pleasure. "I can-
not think it is you," he said,
looking down upon her with a
fondness which could find no
words.
" I have come all this way to see
him," she cried, " and evidently
now he thinks it is not proper.
Look, I have brought Parsons with
me. There she is standing in the
window all this time, not to in-
trude upon us. Do you think J
am improper now?"
" Hush !" he said, softly; " don't
blaspheme yourself. Because I can-
not say anything except wonder to
feel myself so happy "
" My poor John, my poor dear
old John!" she said, leaning the
fairy head against him which ought
to have had a crown of stars round
it instead of a mite of a bonnet.
Kate took no thought of her bon-
net at that moment. She sat by
his side, and talked and talked,
healing his wounds with her soft
words. And Parsons drew a chair
quietly to her and sat down in the
window, turning her back upon the
pair. " Lord, if I was to behave
like that," Parsons was saying to
herself, " and somebody a-looking
on ! " And she sat and stared out
of the window, and attracted a bar-
rel-organ, which came and played be-
fore her, with a pair of keen Italian
eyes gleaming at her over it from
among the black elf-locks. Parsons
shook her head at the performer ;
but her presence was enough for him,
and he kept on grinding " La Don-
na 6 Mobile " slowly and steadily,
through her thoughts and through
the murmuring conversation of the
other two. Neither Kate nor John
paid any attention to the music.
They had not heard it, they would
have said ; and yet it was strange
how the air would return to both of
them in later times.
" I see now you could not write,"
said Kate ; " but still you have
scribbled something to your mo-
ther. I think I might have had a
word too. But I did not come to
scold you. Oh, that horrid organ-
man, I wish he would go away!
You might have sent me a message
by papa."
" I did not see him," said John.
" Or by Fred Huntley. You saw
him, for he told me John ! what
is the matter1? Are you angry]
Ought I not to have come1?"
Then there was a pause ; he had
drawn his arm away out of her
clasping hands, and all at once the
tingling which was like pleasure be-
came pain again, and gnawed and
burned him as if in a sudden endea-
vour to overcome his patience. And
yet it was so difficult to look down
upon the flushed wondering face,
1870.]
John.— Part VI.
439
the eyes wide open with surprise,
the bewildered look, and remain
unkind to her. For it was unkind
to pull away the arm which she was
clasping with both her hands. He
felt himself a barbarian, and yet he
could not help it. Huntley's name
was like a shot in the heart to him.
And the organ went on with its
creaks and jerks, playing out its
air. "That organ is enough to
drive one wild," he said, pettishly,
and felt that he had committed
himself and was to blame.
" Is it only the organ ] " said Kate,
relieved. " Yes, is it not dreadful 1
but I thought you were angry with
me. Oh, John, I don't think I
could bear it if I thought you were
really angry with me.';
" My darling ! I am a brute," he
said, and put the arm which he had
drawn so suddenly away round
lier. He had but one — the other
was enveloped in bandages and
supported in a sling.
" Does it hurt1? " said Kate, laying
soft fingers full of healing upon it.
''I do so want to hear how it all
happened. Tell me how it was.
They say the bank might all have
been burned down if you had not
seen it, and papa would have lost
such heaps of money. John, dear,
1 think you will find papa easier to
manage now."
" Do you think so1?" he said, with
a faint smile ; " but that is buying
his favour, Kate."
" Never mind how we get it, if
-we do get it," cried Kate. " I am
sure I would do anything to buy
Ids favour — but I cannot go and
save his papers and do such things
for him. Or, John, was it for me ? "
she said, lowering her voice, and
looking up in his face.
"No, I don't think it was for
you," he'answered, rather hoarsely ;
'• and it was not for him. I did it
because I could not help it, and to
escape from myself."
" To escape from yourself ! Why
did you want that 1 " she said, with
an innocent little cry of astonish-
ment. It was clear she was quite
unaware of having done him any
wrong.
" Kate, Kate," he said, holding
her close, "you did not mean it;
but why did you take Fred Huntley
into your confidence — why did you
speak to him about you and me 1 "
She gave him a wondering look,
and then the colour rose into her
cheek. " John ! " she said, in a
tone of amazement, " what is this
about Fred Huntley 1 Are you jeal-
ous of him — jealous of him ? Oh, I
hope I am not quite so foolish as
that."
Was that all she was going to
say ? No disclaimer of having
given him her confidence, nothing
about her part in the matter, only
about his. Was he jealous1? the
question sank into John's heart
like a stone.
" I don't know if I am jealous,"
he said, with a falter in his voice,
which went to Kate's impression-
able heart. " It must be worse to
me than it is to you, or you would
not ask me. To have said anything
to anybody about us, Kate ! "
" I see," she said, holding away
from him a little; "I see," — and
was silent for two seconds at least,
which felt like two hours to them
both. And the man went on play-
ing "La Donna e" Mobile," — and
Parsons, very red in the face, kept
shaking her head at him, but did
not attempt to leave her post. Then
Kate .turned and lifted her pretty
eyes, full of tears, to her lover's
face, and spoke in his very ear.
" John, it was very silly of me, and
thoughtless, and nasty, I see. But
I have had nobody to tell me such
things. I have never had a mother
like you; I say whatever comes into
my head. John! I am so sorry "
Could he have let her say any
more 1 he ended the sweet confes-
sion as lovers use ; he held her to
him, and healed himself by her
touch, by her breath, by the soft-
ness of her caressing hands. He
forgot everything in the world but
that she was there. She had meant
no harm, she had thought no harm.
440
John.— Part VI.
[April
It was her innocence, her ignorance,
that had led her into this passing
error, and foolish John was so happy
that all his sufferings passed from
his mind.
" His old remembrances went from him
wholly,
And all the ways of men, so vain and
melancholy."
Everything smiled and brightened
before him ; the organ-grinder
stopped and found out from poor
Parsons's perpetual gesticulations
that pennies were not to be expect-
ed; and something soft and tranquil
and serene seemed to steal into the
room and envelop the two, who
were betrothing themselves over
again, or so they thought. " Papa
says you are to come to Fernwood.
You must come and let me nurse
you," Kate whispered in his ear.
" That would be too sweet," John
whispered back again ; and then she
opened the note to his mother and
wrote a little postscript to it, with
his arm round her, and his poor
scarred face over her shoulder
watching every word as she wrote
it. " He looks so frightful," Kate
wrote, " you never saw any one so
hideous, dear mamma, or such a
darling [don't shake my arm, John].
I never knew how nice he was, nor
how fond I was of him, till now."
This was how the day ended
which had been begun in such mis-
ery ; for it was nearly dusk when
Kate left him with the faithful
Parsons. "Indeed you shall not
come with me," she said, " you
who ought to be in bed " but,
notwithstanding this protest and
all his scars, he went with her till
they came within sight of the bank,
where the carriage was standing.
Of course it did him harm, and the
doctor was very angry; but what
did John, in the delight of his
heart, care for that 1
CHAPTER xvirr.
A day or two after this visit John
found himself at Fernwood.
It was not perhaps a judicious
step for any of them. He came
still suffering — and, above all, still
marked by his sufferings — among a
collection of strangers to whom the
bank, and the fire, and the value of
the papers he had saved, were of the
smallest possible consequence, and
who were intensely mystified by his
heterogeneous position as at once the
betrothed of Kate Crediton and a
clerk in her father's bank. Then there
was a sense of embarrassment be-
tween him and Mr Crediton which
it was impossible either to ignore or
to make an end of — John had done
so much for the man who was so
unwilling to grant him anything in
return. He had not only saved the
banker's daughter, but his papers,
perhaps his very habitation, and the
bulk of all he had in the world, and
Mr Crediton was confused by such
a weight of obligations. " I must
take care he don't save my life next,"
he said to himself ; but, notwith-
standing this weight of gratitude
which he owed, he was not in the
least changed in his reluctance to
pay. To give his child as salvage-
money was a thing he could not
bearto think of; and when he looked
at John's pale face among the more
animated faces round him, Mr Cre-
diton grew wellnigh spiteful. "That
fellow ! without an attraction ! " —
he would say to himself. John was
not handsome ; he had little of the
ready wit and ready talk of society ;
he did not distinguish himself
socially above other men ; he was
nobody to speak of — a country
clergyman's son without a penny.
And yet he was to have Kate !
Mr Crediton asked himself why
he had ever consented to it, when
he saw John's pale face at his
table. He had done it — because
Kate had set her heart upon it —
because he thought Kate would be
fickle and change her mind — be-
cause—he could scarcely tell why,
1870.]
John.— Part VI.
441
but always with the thought that it
would come to nothing. He would
not allow, when any one asked him,
that there was an engagement.
" There is some nonsense of the
kind," he would say, " boy and girl
trash. I take it quietly because I
know it never can come to anything.
Be saved her that time her horse ran
away with her, and it is j ust a piece
of romantic gratitude on her part.
If I opposed it I should make her
twice as determined, and therefore I
don't oppose/' He had said as much
to almost everybody at Fernwood,
though neither of the two most im-
mediately concerned had the least
idea of it. And this was another
reason why the strangers were
mystified and could not make out
what it meant.
As for Kate, though she had been
so anxious for his coming, it cannot
be said that it made her very happy;
for the first time the complications
of the matter reached her. She
was not, as when she had been at
Fanshawe, a disengaged young lady
able to give up her time to her
lover, but, on the contrary, the
mistress of the house, with all her
guests to look after, and a thousand
things to think of. She could not
sit and talk with him, or walk with
him, as she had done at the Rectory.
Be could not secure the seat next
to her, or keep by her side, as, in
other circumstances, it would have
been so natural for him to do. He
got her left hand at table the first
day of his arrival, and was happy,
and thought this privilege was al-
ways to be his ; but, alas ! the next
day was on the other side, unable
so much as to catch a glimpse of
her. " I am the lady of the house.
I have to be at everybody's beck
and call," she said, trying to smooth
him down. " On the contrary, you
oight to do just what you please,"
suid foolish John; and he wandered
about all day seeking opportunities
to pounce upon her — for, to be sure,
he cared for nobody and nothing
at Fernwood but Kate, and he was
ill and sensitive, and wanted to be
cared for, even petted, if that could
have been. He could not go out to
ride with the rest of the party on
account of his injured hand, but
Kate had to go, or thought she
must, leaving him alone to seek
what comfort was possible in the
library. No doubt it was very self-
ish of John to wish to keep her
back from anything that was a
pleasure to her, but then he was an
eager, ardent lover, who had been
much debarred from her society,
and was set on edge by seeing
others round her who were more
like her than he was. To be left
behind, or to find himself shut out
all day from so much as a word with
her, was one pang; but to find
even when he was with her, that he
had little to say that interested her,
and to see her return to the common
crowd as soon as any excuse occurred
to make it possible, was far harder
and struck more deep. He would
sit in a corner of the drawing-room
and look and listen while the con-
versation went on. They talked
about the people they knew, the
amusements they had been enjoy-
ing, the past season and the future
one, and a hundred little details
which only persons "in their own
" set " could understand. John
himself could have talked such talk
in college rooms or the chambers of
a friend, but he would have thought
it rude to continue when strangers
were present ; but the fashionable
people did not think it rude. And
even when he was leaning over her
chair whispering to her, he could
note that Kate's attention failed,
and could see her face brighten
and her ear strain to hear some
petty joke bandied about among
the others. " Was it Mr Lunday
that said that 1 it is so like him,"
she said once in the very midst
of something he was saying. And
poor John's heart sank down —
down to his very boots. That he
did not himself find any companion-
ship among the fashionable people
was of very much less consequence.
What did that matter? He had
442
John.— Part VI.
[April
not gone to Fernwood to make fine
acquaintances. He had gone to see
her — and there was not five minutes
in the day when he could have her
to himself ; and even in these five
minutes her attention would go
away from him, attracted by some
nonsense spoken by some one who
was nothing to her, and whose talk
was not worth listening to. What
a fate for him ! And then she had
a hundred things to do in concert
with these insipidities. She sang
with one, and John did not sing,
and had to look on with the for-
lornest thoughts, while a precious
hour would pass, consumed by duet
after duet and such talk as the fol-
lowing:— "Do you know this?"
" Let us try that." " I must do
something to amuse all those
people," she would say, when he
complained. She was not angry
with him for complaining, but al-
ways kind and sweet, and ready, if
she gave him nothing else, to give
him one of her pretty smiles.
" But I shall be gone directly,
and I have not had ten minutes of
you," he said, bitterly.
" Oh, a great deal more than ten
minutes/' said Kate ; " you unkind,
exacting John ! When I was at
Fanshawe I had all my time on
my hands, and nobody but you to
think of ; — I mean, no other claims
upon me. Don't you think it hurts
me as much as any one, when they
all sweep round me, and I see your
dear old face, looking so pale and
glum, on the outside 1 Please don't
look so glum ! You know I should
so much, much rather be with you."
" Should you ?" said John, mourn-
fully. Perhaps she believed it;
but he found it so very hard to be-
lieve. " Dear, I don't mean to be
glum, and spoil your pleasure," he
said, with a certain pathetic hu-
mility ; " perhaps I had better go
and get to my work again, and wait
for the old Sunday nights when
you come back."
" That will look as if you were
angry with me," she said. "Oh,
John, I thought you would under-
stand ! You know I can't do what
I would do with all these people
in the house. What I should like
would be to nurse you and take
care of you, and be with you al-
ways ; but what can I do with all
these girls and people 1 I hate
them sometimes, though they are
my great friends. Don't go and
make me think you are angry. It
is that that would spoil my plea-
sure. Look here! come and get
your hat, and bring me a shawl ;
there is time for a little walk before
the dinner-bell rings."
And then the poor fellow would
be rapt into paradise for half an
hour under shadow of the elm-trees,
which were beginning to put on
their bright-coloured garments. His
reason told him how vain this
snatch of enjoyment was, and gave
him many a dim warning that he
was spending his life for nought,
and giving his treasure for what
was not bread ; but at such mo-
ments John would not listen to the
voice of reason. Her hands were on
his arm — her head inclining towards
him, sometimes almost touching
his sleeve — her eyes raised to his —
her smile and her sweet kind words
all his own. She was as kind as
if she had been his mother — as
tender and affectionate and forbear-
ing with him. " You are so cross,
and so exacting, and so unkind.
Because I am fond of you, is that
any reason why you should tyran-
nise over me?" said Kate, with a
voice as of a dove close to his ear.
And how could he answer her but
with abject protestations of peni-
tence and ineffable content ?
" It is because I hunger for you,
and I have so little of my darling,"
said repentant John ; " what do I
care for all the world if I have not
my Kate?"
"But you have your Kate, you
foolish boy," she said ; " and what
does anything matter when you
know that ? Do I ever distrust
you 1 When I see you talking to
somebody at the very other end of
the drawing-room, just when I am
1870.]
John.— Part VI.
443
wanting you perhaps, I don't make
myself wretched, as you do. I
only say to myself, Never mind,
ho is my John and not hers ; and
I am quite happy — though I am
sure a girl has a great deal more
cause to be uneasy than a man."
And when John had been brought
to this point, he would swallow
such a speech, and would not allow
himself to ask whether it was pos-
sible that his absence at the other
end of the drawing-room could
irake Kate wretched. Had he put
the question to himself, no doubt
Reason would have come in; but
why should Reason be allowed to
come in to spoil the moments of hap-
piness which come so rarely ? He
held the hands which were clasped
on his arm closer to his side, and
gave himself up to the sweetness.
.A nd he kept her until ever so long
after the dressing-bell had pealed
its summons to them under the
silent trees. It was the stillest au-
tumn night — a little chill, with a
new moon which was just going to
sot as the dining-room was lighted
up for dinner — and now and then a
leaf detached itself in the soft dark-
ness, and came down with a noise-
less languid whirl in the air, like
a signal from the unseen. One of
these fell upon Kate's pretty head
a.s she raised it towards her lover,
and he lifted the leaf from her
hair and put it into his coat. " I
will give you a better flower," said
Kate ; " but oh, John, I must go in.
I shall never have time to dress.
Well then, just one more turn :
and never say I am not the most
foolish yielding girl that ever
was, doing everything you like to
ask — though you scold me and
threaten to go away."
This interview made the evening
bearable for John ; and it was all
the more bearable to him, though
it is strange to say so, because
Fred Huntley had returned, and
sat next him at dinner. He had
hated Fred for some days, and
was not yet much inclined towards
him ; but still there was a pleasure
in being able to talk freely to some
one, and to feel himself, to some
extent at least, comprehended, po-
sition and all. He was very dry
and stiff to Huntley at first, but by
degrees the ice broke. " I have
never seen you since that night/'
said Fred. " My heart has smote
me since for the way in which I
left you, lying on those door-steps.
In that excitement one forgets
everything. But you bear consid-
erable marks of it, I see."
" Nothing to signify," said John ;
and Fred gave him a nod, and be-
gan to eat his soup with an indif-
ference which was balm to the
other's excited feelings. Finding
thus that no gratitude was claimed
of him, John grew generous. " I
hear it was you who dragged me
out; and I have never had a chance
of thanking you," he said.
"Thanking me — what for1? I
don't remember dragging any one
out," said Fred. " It was very hot
work. I did not rush into the
thick of it, like you, to do any
good; but I daresay I could give
the best description of it. Have
they found out how much damage
was done"? — but I suppose the
bank is still going on all the
same."
"Banks cannot stop," said John,
" unless things are going very badly
with them indeed."
" That comes of going in for a
special study," said Huntley; "you
always did know all about politi-
cal economy, didn't you 1 No, it
wasn't you, it was Sutherland —
never mind ; if you have not stud-
ied it theoretically, you have prac-
tically. I often think if I had gone
in for business it would have been
better for me on the whole."
" You have less occasion to say
so than most men," said John.
"Because we are well off? — or
because I have got my fellowship,
and that sort of thing ? I don't
know that it matters much. A man
has to work — or else," said Fred,
with a sigh, swallowing something
more than that entree, "he drifts
444
John.— Part VI.
[April
somehow into mischief whether he
will or no."
Did he cast a glance at the head
of the table as he spoke, where Kate
sat radiant, dispensing her smiles
on either hand 1 It was difficult
to imagine why he did so, and yet
so it seemed. John looked at her
too, and for the moment his heart
failed him. Could he say, as she
herself had suggested, " After all,
she is my Kate and no one's else,"
as she sat there in all her splen-
dour 1 What'could he give her that
would bear comparison 1 Of all
the men at her father's table, he
was the most humble. At that
moment he caught Kate's eye, and
she gave him the most imperceptible
little nod, the brightest moment-
ary glance. She acknowledged him
when even his own faith failed him.
His heart came bounding up again
to his breast, and throbbed and
knocked against it, making itself
all but audible in a kind of shout
of triumph. Then he turned half
round to his companion, with
heightened colour, and an anima-
tion of manner which was quite
unusual to him. He found Hunt-
ley's eyes fixed upon his face, look-
ing at him with grave, wondering,
almost sympathetic interest. Of
course Fred's countenance changed
as soon as he found that it was per-
ceived, and sank into the ordinary
expressionless look of good society.
He was the spectator looking on at
this drama, and felt himself so much
better qualified to judge than either
of those more closely concerned.
" How do you like Fernwood 1"
Huntley began, with some precip-
itation. "It is rather too full to
be pleasant while you are half an
invalid, isn't it? Does your arm
give you much pain 1 "
"It is very full/' said John,
" and one is very much alone
among a crowd of people whom
one does not know."
"You will soon get to know
them, " said Fred, consolingly ;
"people are very easy to get on
with nowadays on the whole."
" I am going away on Thursday,"
said John.
" What! the day after to-morrow1?
before your arm is better, or — any-
thing different1? Do you know,
Mitford, I think you stand a good
deal in your own light."
" That may be," John said, hotly,
" but there are some personal mat-
ters of which one can only judge
for one's self."
Fred made no answer to this ; he
shrugged his shoulders a little as
who should say, It is no business
of mine, and began to talk of poli-
tics and the member for Camelford,
about whose election there were
great searchings of heart in the bor-
ough and its neighbourhood. An in-
quiry was going on in the town, and
disclosures were being made which
excited the district. The two
young men turned their thoughts,
or at least their conversation, to
that subject, and seemed to forget
everything else ; but whether the
election committee took any very
strong hold upon them, or if they
were really much interested about
the doings of the man in the moon,
it would be hard to say.
The drawing-room was very bright
and very gay that evening — like a
scene in a play, John was tempted
to think. There was a great deal
of music, and he sat in his corner
and looked and saw everything,
and would have been amused but
for the sinking of his heart. Kate
was in the very centre of it all, guid-
ing and directing, as it was natu-
ral she should be. The spectator
in the corner watched her by the
piano, now taking a part, now ac-
companying, now throwing herself
back into her chair with an air of
relief when something elaborate
had been set agoing, and whisper-
ing and smiling behind her fan to
some favoured being, though never
to himself. The drawing room was
long and lofty, with an open arched
doorway at either end leading to
the anteroom on one side and the
boudoir on the other. It was at
the latter end that John sat ; and
1870.]
John.— Part VI.
445
now and then people would go past
him into the small room to bonder,
or otherwise amuse themselves ;
and in his weariness his eyes some-
t inies followed these passing figures,
not that he was attracted by them,
but only, as weary watchers have a
way of doing, that he might per-
haps see some change that should
be more pleasant to him when his
eyes returned to their natural
centre. When they did so, how-
over, he saw something which
llushed him with a sudden pang
and heat. It was Fred Huntley, to
\vhom Kate was speaking. He
%vas stooping down over her, lean-
ing on the back of a chair, and
Kate's face was raised to him and
half screened with her fan. Their
talk looked very confidential, very
animated and friendly ; and it
•seemed to John (but that must
have been a mistake) that she gave
him just the tips of her fingers as
she dismissed him. Fred rose from
the chair on which he had been
half kneeling with a little move-
ment of his head, which Kate recip-
rocated, and went off upon a me-
undering passage round the room.
tShe had given him some commis-
sion, John felt — to him, and not to
me, he said bitterly in his heart,
und then tried to comfort himself,
not very successfully, with the
words she had taught him, " After
ull, she is my Kate and not his/'
Was she John's ? or was it all a
dream and phantasmagoria, that
might vanish in an instant and
leave no trace behind 1 He felt
that if he closed his eyes for a mo-
ment, he might find, on reopening
them, that all the lights and the
brightness had vanished, that the
music had resolved itself into some
chance bourdonnement of bird or
insect, and that he should know
himself to be in fact, as he was
in spirit, alone. And he did close
his eyes in the caprice of a heart
very ill at ease. When he opened
them again he found that some-
thing had happened more disen-
chanting than if the light had
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCUV.
turned into darkness and the gay
sounds into nothing. It was that
Fred Huntley was approaching
himself, and that this was the mis-
sion with which Kate, giving him
the tips of her fingers, had intrust-
ed the man whom of all others it
most revolted him to be put in
charge of. Fred managed the
business very cleverly, and would
have taken in any unsuspicious
person ; but John, on the contrary,
was horribly suspicions, looking
for pricks at all possible points.
The ambassador threw himself into
a vacant chair which happened to
be handy, and stretched himself
out comfortably in it, and said
nothing for a minute. Then he
yawned (was that, too, done on
purpose 1) and turned to John.
" Were you asleep, Mitford 1 " he
said : " I don't much wonder. It's
very amusing, but it's very mono-
tonous night after night."
" I have not had so much of it
as you have, to get so tired of it,"
said John.
" Well, perhaps there is some-
thing in that ; but, after all, there
are some nice people here. The
worst for a new-comer," said Fred,
poising himself lazily in his chair,
" is, that everybody has made ac-
quaintance before he comes ; and
till he has been there for some time
and gets used to it, he is apt to
feel himself left out in the cold.
Of course you can't have any such
sensations in this house — but 1 have
felt it; and Ka — Miss Crediton,
though she is an admirable hostess,
can't be everywhere at once."
" But she can send ambassadors,"
said John, with a faint attempt at
a smile.
" Oh yes ; of course she can
send ambassadors," said Huntley,
confused, " when she has any am-
bassadors to send. I wanted to
ask you, Mitford, about that archae-
ological business your father takes
so much interest in. I hear they
are to visit Dulchester "
"Did she tell you that?" said
John. " My dear fellow, say to me
2 H-
446
John.— Part VI.
[April
plainly, I have been sent to talk to
you and draw you out. That is
reasonable and comprehensible, arid
I should not be ungrateful. But
let us talk since we are required to
do so. When are you likely to be
at Westbrook ] I want to go home
one of these days ; and my mother
would like to see you, to thank
you "
" To thank me for what ? " said
Fred, with much consternation.
" For dragging me out of that
fire. I don't say for saving my
life, for it did not come to that —
but still you have laid me under a
great obligation/' said John, with
a setting together of his teeth
which did not look much like gra-
titude ; and then he rose up sud-
denly and went away out of the
corner, leaving Huntley alone in
the chair, and not so happy as his
wont. As for John himself, he was
stung to exertions quite unusual
to him. He went and talked poli-
tics, and university talk, and sport-
ing talk, with a variety of men. He
did not approach any of the ladies
— his heart was beating too fast for
that } but he stood up in the door-
way and against the walls wher-
ever the men of the party most
congregated. And he never so
much as looked at the creature
who was at once his delight and
his torment during all the long
weary tedious evening, which look-
ed as if it never would come to an
end and leave him at peace.
CHAPTER XIX.
Next morning John packed him-
self up before he saw any one. He
had not slept all night. It is true
that the incidents of the past even-
ing had been trifling enough — not
of sufficient consequence to affect,
as his sudden departure might do,
the entire complexion of his life.
It was only as a climax, indeed,
that they were of any importance
at all; but as such, they had wound
him up to a point of resolution.
The present state of affairs, it was
evident, could not go on. Had he
been a mere idle man of society, he
said to himself, in whose life this
perpetual excitement might supply
a painful-pleasant sensation, then
it might have been possible ; but
he could not, love as he might,
wear away his existence in watch-
ing a girl's face, or waiting for such
moments of her society as she might
be able to give him. It was impos-
sible : better to go away where he
should never see her again ; better
to give up for ever all the joys of
life, than wear out every vestige of
manliness within him in this hope-
less way. He had been born to
higher uses and better purposes
surely, or where was the good of
being born at all 1 Accordingly he
prepared all his belongings for in-
stant departure. He did not enter
on the question, what should come
after, or whether any result would
follow. He was not breaking off
anything, he said to himself. Kate
was still dearer to him than any-
thing in earth or heaven, he acknow-
ledged with a sigh ; but unless per-
haps time or Providence might
arrange the terms of their inter-
course on a more possible footing,
that intercourse for the present
must be suspended. He could not
go on. With this resolution in his
mind he went down-stairs ; and
looked so pale, that he attracted
the attention of the lady who sat
next to him at the breakfast-table,
where Kate, who was so often late,
had not yet appeared.
"I am afraid you are ill," she
said ; " I fear your arm pains you
more than usual. I think I knew
your mother, Mr Mitford, a thou-
sand years ago. Was not she a
Miss Olive, of Burton ? Ah, yes !
I remember — one of the prettiest
girls I ever saw. I think you
are a little like her," said this bene-
volent woman, with a slight hesita-
1870.]
John.— Part VI.
447
don. And then there was a titter at
:he table, in which John did not
feel much disposed to join.
"Oh no," cried Kate, who had
just come in ; " it is not him that
is like Mrs Mitford, but me. I
illow he is her son, but that does
not matter. I was at Fanshawe
Regis ever so long in summer. Mr
John, tell Lady Winton she was like
ne when she was a girl, and I shall
be like her when I am an old lady.
You know it is so."
And she paused a moment just
beside him, with her hand on Lady
Winton's chair, and looked into
John's pale face as he rose at her
appeal. Something was wrong —
iiate was not sure what. Lady
Winton, perhaps, had been annoy-
ing him with questions, or Fred
Huntley with criticism. It did
not occur to her that she herself
could be the offender. She looked
i nto John's face, meaning to say a
thousand things to him with her
eyes, but his were blank, and made
no reply.
" She was prettier than you are,
Kate," said Lady Wiiiton, with a
(-mile.
" Nay, " said John, unawares.
He had not meant to enter into
1 he talk — but to look at her stand-
ing there before him in her fresh
morning dress, in all her perfection
of youth and sweetness, and to be-
Jieve that anybody had ever been
more lovely, was impossible. At
that moment, when he was about
to leave her, he could have bent
down and kissed the hem of her
dress. It seemed the only fitting
thing to do, but it could not be
done before all these people. Kate
was still more and more perplexed
what he could mean. His eyes,
which had been blank, lighted up
all in a moment, and spoke things
to her which she could not under-
stand. What was the meaning of
the pathos in them — the melan-
choly, the dumb appeal that almost
made her cry ? She gave a little
liugh instead, much fluttered and
disturbed in her mind the while,
and nodded her head and went on
to her seat at the head of the table.
" When one's friends begin to
discuss one's looks, don't you think
it is best to withdraw 1 " she said.
" Oh, thanks, Madeline, for doing
my duty. It is so wretched to be
late. Please, somebody, have some
tea."
And then the ordinary talk came
in and swept this little episode out
of sight.
When breakfast was over, and
one after another the guests began
to disperse to their morning occu-
pations, Kate, turning round to
accompany one of the last to the
morning room, where all the em-
broidery and the practising and the
gossip went on, had her uncom-
fortable thoughts brought back in
a moment by the sight of John
standing right in her way, holding
out his hand. "I am obliged to
go away," he said, in the most calm
tone he could muster. " Good-bye,
Miss Crediton ; and thanks, many
thanks."
" Going away ! " cried Kate,
standing still in her amazement.
" Going away ! Has anything hap-
pened at Fanshawe Regis Your
mother— or Dr Mitford 1 "
" They are both well," he said.
" I am not going to Fanshawe, only
back to the town to my work.
Good-bye."
"I must hear about this," said
Kate, abruptly. "Please don't wait
for me, Madeline ; I want to speak
to Mr Mitford. Go on, and I will
join you. Oh, John, what does it
mean1?" she cried, turning to her
lover, almost without waiting until
the door had closed on her compan-
ion. By this time everybody was
gone, and the two were left alone
in the great empty room where
five minutes ago there had been so
much sound and movement. They
were standing in front of one of the
deeply-recessed windows, with the
light falling direct upon them as
on a stage. He held out his hand
again and took hers, which she was
too much disturbed to give.
448
John.— Part VI.
[April
" It is nothing," he said, with a
forlorn sort of smile, " except just
that I must go away. Don't let
that cloud your face, dear. I can't
help myself. I am obliged to go."
"Is any one ill?" she cried; "is
that the reason 1 Oh, John, tell
me ! are you really obliged to go 1
Or is it — anything — we have
done ? "
" No/' he said, holding her hand
in his. "It is all my fault. It
does not matter. It is that I can-
not manage this sort of life. No
blame to you, my darling. Don't
think I am blaming you. When I
am back at my work, things W7ill
look different. I was not brought
up to it, like you. You must par-
don me as you would pardon me
for being ignorant and not knowing
another language ; but it is best I
should go away."
" John ! " she cried, the tears
coming with a sudden rush into
the clear wondering eyes that had
been gazing at him so intently,
" what have I done 1 "
"Nothing — nothing," he said,
stooping over her hand and kissing
it again and again. " There is only
myself to blame. I can't take
things, I suppose, as other people
do. I am exacting and inconsid-
erate and Never mind, dear.
I must go away ; and you will not
remember my faults when I am
gone."
"But I never thought you had
any faults," cried Kate. " You
speak as if it were me. I never
have found fault with you, John —
nor asked anything more — nor — I
know I am silly. Tell me, and
scold me, and forgive me. Say as
papa does — it is only Kate. I
know I did not mean it. Oh,
John, dear, if I beg your pardon,
though I don't know what I have
done "
"You have done nothing/' he
cried, in despair. " Oh, my Kate !
are you my Kate ? or are you a
witch coming into my arms to dis-
tract me from everything? No,
no, no ! I must not be conquered
this time. My love, it will be best
for both of us. I cannot go on see-
ing you always within my reach
and always out of my reach. I
would have you always like this —
always here — always mine; butr I
can't have you; and I have no
strength to stand by at a distance
and look on. Do you understand
me now 1 I shall go away so much
happier because of this five minutes.
Good-bye."
"But, John!" she cried, cling-
ing to him, " don't go away ; why
should you go away ? I will do
anything you please. I will —
make a change; don't go and leave
me. I want you to be here."
" You break my heart ! " he
cried; "but I cannot be here.
What use is it to you 1 And to
me it is distraction. Kate! don't
ask me to stay."
"But it is of use to me," she
said, with a flush on her face, and
an expression unlike anything he
had seen before — an uneasy look,
half of shame and half of alarm.
Then she turned from him a little,
with a slight change of tone. " It
is a strange way of using me," she
said, looking steadfastly at the car-
pet, " after my going to you, and all ;
not many girls would have gone to
you as I did ; you might stay now
when I ask you — for my sake."
" I will do anything in the world
for your sake," he said; "but,
Kate, it does you no good, you
know. It is an embarrassment to
you," John went on, with a half-
groan escaping him, "and it is
distraction to me."
Then there followed a pause.
She drew her hand away from his
with a little petulant movement.
She kept her eyes away from him,
not meeting his, which were fixed
upon her. Her face glowed with a
painful heat; her little foot tap-
ped the carpet. " Do you mean
that — other things — are to be over
too ? " she said ; and twisted her
fingers together, and gazed out of
the window, waiting for what he
had to say.
1870.]
John.— Part F7.
449
Sach a question comes naturally
to the mind of a lover whenever
there is any fretting of his silken
chain ; and accordingly it was not
novel to John's imagination — but
it struck upon his heart as if it had
been a blow. " Surely not — surely
not," he answered, hastily; "not
so far as I am concerned."
And then they stood again — for
how long ? — side by side, not look-
ing at each other, waiting a chance
word to separate or to reunite them.
Should she be able to bear her first
rebuff 1 she, a spoiled child, to whom
everybody yielded 1 Or could she
all in a moment learn that sweet
philosophy of yielding in her own
person, which makes all the differ-
ence between sorrow and unhappi-
ness? Everything — the world it-
self— seemed to hang in the balance
for that moment. Kate terminated
it suddenly, in her own unexpected
way. She turned on him all at
once, with all the sweetness restor-
ed to her face and her voice, and
held out her hand : " Neither shall
it be so far as I am concerned/' she
said. "Since you must go, good-
bye, John ! "
And thus it came to an end.
When he was on his way back to
Camelford, and the visit to Fern-
wood, with all its pains and pleas-
ures, and the last touch of her
hand, were all things of the past,
John asked himself, with all a
lover's ingenuity of self -torment,
if this frank sweetness of reply
was enough ? if she should have let
him go so easily ? if there was not
something of relief in it ? He
drove himself frantic with these
questions, as he made his way back
to his poor little lodgings. Mr
Crediton had looked politely in-
different, rather glad than other-
wise, when he took his leave.
" Going to leave us 1 " Mr Credi-
ton had said. " I am very sorry ;
I hope it is not any bad news.
But perhaps you are right, and
perfect quiet will be better for
your arm. Never mind about
business. — you must take your
own time. If you see Whichelo,
tell him I mean to come in on
Saturday. I am very sorry you
have given us so short a visit.
Good-bye." Such was Mr Credi-
ton's farewell ; but the young man
made very little account of that.
Mr Creditors words or ways were
not of so much importance to him
as one glance of Kate's eye. What
she meant by her dismay and dis-
tress, and then by the sudden change,
the sweet look, the good-bye so
kindly, gently said, was the ques-
tion he debated with himself ; and
naturally he had put a hundred
interpretations upon it before he
reached the end of his journey. It
was still but mid- day when he
reached the little melancholy shabby
rooms which were his home in
Camelford. The place might be
supportable at night, when he came
in only for rest after the day's la-
bours, though even then it was
dreary enough ; but what could be
thought of it in the middle of a
bright autumn day, when the young
man came in and closed his door,
and felt the silence hem him in
and enclose him, and put seals, as
it were, to the grave in which he
had buried himself. Full day, and
nothing to do, and a little room to
walk about in, four paces from one
side to the other — and a suburban
street to look out upon, with blinds
drawn over the windows, and plants
shutting out the air, and an organ
grinding melancholy music forth
along each side of the way : could
he stay still and bear it 1 When he
was at Fernwood his rooms looked
to him like a place of rest, where
he could go and hide himself and
be at peace. But as soon as he
had entered them, it was Fernwood
that grew lovely in the distance,
where Kate was, where there were
blessed people who would be round
her all day long, and the stir of
life, and a thousand pleasant mat-
ters going on. He was weary and
sick of himself, and sick of the
world. Could he sit down and
read a novel in the light of that
450
John.— Part VI.
[April
October day — or what was he to
do?
The end was that he took his
portmanteau, which had not been
unpacked, and threw it into a pass-
ing cab, and went off to the rail-
way. He had not gone home since
he came to his clerkship in the
bank, and that was three months
since. It seemed the only thing
that was left for him to do now.
He went back along the familiar
road with something of the feelings
of a prodigal approaching his home.
It seemed strange to him when the
porter at the little roadside station
of Fanshawe touched his cap, and
announced his intention of carry-
ing Mr John's portmanteau to the
Rectory. He felt it strange that
the poor fellow should remember
him. Surely it was years since he
had been there before.
And this feeling grew as John
walked slowly along the quiet coun-
try road that led to his home.
Everything he passed was asso-
ciated with thoughts which were as
much over and past as if they had
happened in a different existence.
He had walked along by these hedge-
rows pondering a thousand things,
but scarcely one that had any refer-
ence to, any relation with, his pre-
sent life. He had been a dreamer,
planning high things for the wel-
fare of the world ; he had been a
reformer, rousing, sometimes ten-
derly, sometimes violently, the in-
different country from its slumbers ;
sometimes, even, retiring to the
prose of things, he had tried to
realise the details of a clergyman's
work, and to fit himself into them,
and ask himself how he should per-
form them. But never, in all these
questionings, had he thought of
himself as a banker's clerk — a man
working for money alone, and the
hope of money. It was so strange
that he did not know what to make
of it. As he went on, the other
John, his former self, seemed to go
with him — and which was the real
man, and which the phantom, he
could not tell. All the quiet coun-
try lifted prevailing hands, and
laid hold on him as he went home.
It looked so natural — and he, what
was he ] But the country, too, had
changed as if in a dream. He had
left it in the full blaze of June, and
now it was October, with the leaves
in autumn glory, the fields reaped,
the brown stubble everywhere, and
now and then in the clear blue air
the crack of a sportsman's gun.
All these things had borne a dif-
ferent aspect once to John. He
too had been a little of a sports-
man, as was natural ; but the dog
and the gun did not harmonise
with the figure of a banker's clerk.
The women on the road, who stared
at him, and curtsied to him with
a smile of recognition, confused
him, he could not tell why. It was
so strange that everybody should
recognise him — he who did not
recognise himself.
An das he approached the Rectory,
a vague sense that something must
have happened there, came over
him. It was only three days since
he had received a letter from his
mother full of those cheerful de-
tails which it cost her, though he
did not knowit,so much labour and
pain to write. He tried to remind
himself of all the pleasant every-
day gossip, and picture of things
serene and unchangeable which she
had sent him ; but still the nearer
he drew and the more familiar
everything became, the more he
felt that something must have hap-
pened. He went in by the little
garden -gate, which opened noise-
lessly, and made his way through
the shrubbery, to satisfy himself
that no cloud of uttermost calamity
had fallen upon the house. It was
actually a relief to him to see that
the blinds were up and the win-
dows open. It was a warm genial
autumn day, very still, and some-
what pathetic, but almost as balmy
as summer. And the drawing-
room window stood wide open
as it had done through all those
wonderful June days when John's
life had come to its climax. The
1870.]
John.— Part VI.
451
lilies had vanished that stood up
in great pyramids against the but-
tresses ; even their tall green stalks
were gone, cut down to the ground ;
and there were no roses, except here
and there a pale monthly one, or
a half-nipped, half-open bud. John
paused under the acacia-tree where
he had so often placed Kate's chair,
and which was now littering all
the lawn round about with its
leaflets — to gain a glimpse, before
he entered, of what was going on
within. The room was in the
shade, and at first it was difficult
to make oat anything. The dear,
tender mother ! to whom he had
been everything — all her heart had
to rest on. What had she to
recompense her for all the tender
patience, all the care and labour
she took upon herself for the sake
of her Saviour and fellow -crea-
tures ! Her son, who had taken
things for granted all this time as
sons do, opened his eyes suddenly
as he stood peeping in like a stran-
ger, and began to understand her
life. God never made a better,
purer woman ; she had lived fifty
years doing good and not evil to
every soul around her, and what
had she in return 1 A husband,
who thought she was a very good
sort of ignorant foolish little wo-
man on the whole, and very use-
ful in the parish, and handy
to keep off all interruptions and
annoyances ; and a son who had
gone away and abandoned her at
the first chance — disappointed all
her hopes, left her alone, doubly
alone, in the world. " It is her
hour for the school, the dearest
little mother," he said to himself,
with the tears coming to his eyes ;
"she never fails, though we all
fail her ; ;; but even as the words
formed in his mind he perceived
that the room into which he was
gazing was not empty. There she
sat, thrown back into a chair ; her
work was lying on the floor at her
feet ; but John had never seen
such an air of weariness and lassi-
tude in his mother before. He re-
cognised the gown she had on, the
basket of work on the table, all the
still life round her ; but her he could
not recognise. She had her hands
crossed loosely in her lap, laid to-
gether with a passive indifference
that went to his heart. Could she
be asleep 1 but she was not asleep ;
for after a while one of the hands
went softly up to her cheek, and
something was brushed off, which
could only be a tear. He could
scarcely restrain the cry that came
to his lips ; but at that moment
the door, which he could not see,
must have opened, for she gave a
start, and roused herself, and turn-
ed to speak to somebody. " I am
coming, Lizzie," John heard her
answer in a spiritless, weary tone;
and then she rose and put away
her work, and took up her white
shawl, which was lying on the back
of a chair. She liked white and
pretty bright colours about her,
the simple soul. They became
her, and were like herself. But
when she had wrapped herself in
the shawl, which was as familiar
to John as her own face, his mother
gave a long weary sigh, and sat
down again as if she could not
make up her mind to move. He
had crept quite close to the win-
dow by this time, moved beyond
expression by the sight of her, with
tears in his eyes, and unspeakable
compunction in his heart. " What
does it matter now 1 " she said to
herself, drearily. She had come
to be so much alone that the
thought was spoken and not merely
thought. When John stepped into
the room a moment after, his mo-
ther stood and gazed at him as if
he had risen out of the earth, and
then gave a great cry which rang
through all the house, and fell upon
his neck. Fell upon his neck — that
was the expression — reaching her
arms, little woman as she was, up
to him as he towered over her; and
would not have cared if she had
died then, in the passion of her
joy-
"Mother, dear, you are trem-
452
John.— Part VI.
[April
bling," John said, as he put her
tenderly into her chair, and knelt
down beside her, taking her hands
into his. " I should not have been
so foolish startling you; but I could
not resist the temptation when I
saw you here.'7
" Joy does not hurt," said Mrs
Mitford. " I have grown so silly,
my dear, now I have not you to
keep me right; and it was a sur-
prise. There — I don't in the least
mean to cry; it is only foolish-
ness. And oh, my poor John, your
arm ! "
" It is nothing," he said ; " it is
almost well. Never mind it. I am
a dreadful guy, to be sure. Is that
what you are looking at, mamma
mia ? " In his wan face and fire-
scorched hair she had not known
her child.
" Oh, John, that you could think
so," she said, in her earnest matter-
of-fact way. " My own boy ! as if
I should not have known you any-
where, whatever you had done to
yourself. It was not that. John,
my dear ? "
" What, mother 1 "
"I was looking to see if you
were happy, my dearest, dearest
boy. Don't be angry with me.
As long as you are happy I don't
mind — what happens — to me."
John laid his head down on his
mother's lap. How often he had
done it ! — as a child, as a lad, as a
man — sometimes after those soft
reproofs which were like caresses —
sometimes in penitence, when he
had been rebellious even to her;
but never before as now, that her
eyes might not read his heart. He
did it by instinct, having no time
to think ; but in the moment that
followed thought came, and he saw
that he must put a brave face on
it, and not betray himself. So he
raised his head again, and met her
eyes with a smile, believing, man
as he was, that he could cheat her
with that simulation of gladness
which went no further than his
lips.
"What could I be but happy?"
he said ; " but not to see you look-
ing so pale, and trembling like this,
my pretty mamma. You are too
pretty to-day — too pink and too
white and too bright-eyed. What
do you mean by it 1 It must be
put a stop to, now I have come
home."
"WThat does that mean?" she
asked, with tremulous eagerness.
He was not happy; he might de-
ceive all the world, she said to
herself, but he could not deceive
his mother. He was not happy,
but he did not mean her to know
it, and she would not betray her
knowledge. So she only trembled
a little more, and smiled patheti-
cally upon him, and kissed his fore-
head, and shed back the hair from
it with her soft nervous hands.
" Coming home has such a sound
to me. It used to mean the long
nice holidays ; and once I thought
it meant something more; but
now — — "
" Now it means a week or two,"
he said ; " not much, but still we
can make a great deal out of it.
And the first thing must be to look
after your health, mother. This
will never do."
"My health will mend now,"
she said, with a smile ; and then,
afraid to have been supposed to
consent to the fact that her health
had need of mending — " I mean I
never was better, John. I am only
a little — nervous — because of the
surprise ; the first thing is to
make you enjoy your holiday, my
own boy."
" Yes," he said, with a curious
smile. Enjoy his holiday ! — which
was the escape of a man beaten
from the field on which he had
failed in his first encounter with
fate. But I will not let her know
that, John said to himself. And
I must not* show him that I see it,
was the reflection of his mother.
This was how they met again after
the great parting which looked like
the crisis of their lives.
1370.]
Chatterlon.
453
CHATTERTON.
IN the middle of last century, in
the year 1752, there was born, in
tiie old town of Bristol, a child,
pirhaps the most remarkable of his
e:itire generation, called Thomas
Cbatterton. He was a posthumous
child, brought into the world with
all that natural sadness which at-
tends the birth of an infant de-
prived, from the very beginning of
its days, of one-half of the succour,
love, and protection to which every
child has a right. The father might
not be much to brag of — might not
hive done much for his boy; but
s* ill there is nothing so forlorn as
such an entrance into the world.
And it was a hard world into which
the boy came, full of the bitter
conditions of poverty, with little
to soften his lot. His mother was
poor, and had to work hard for her
living and his. She had no time
to spare for him, to understand
what kind of a soul it was which
she had brought into the world.
If nature even had given her capa-
city to understand it, the chatter
of her little pupils, the weary toil
of her needlework, absorbed the
homely woman. The family to
which she belonged was of the
lowest class, and yet possessed a
certain quaint antiquity and flavour
of ancient birth. As ancient as
many a great family of squires or
nobles were the Chattertons. The
only difference to speak of between
them and the Howards was, that
while the representative of the one
held the hereditary office of Earl
Marshal of England, the other held
only that of gravedigger of St
Mary Redcliffe — but with a hered-
itary succession as rigid and un-
broken. For a hundred and
twenty years which could be
clearly reckoned, and no one could
tell how many more which had
escaped in the darkness of time,
Thomas had succeeded William,
and William Thomas, in that lu-
gubrious office. The pedigree, such
as it was, was complete. They had
buried all Bristol, generation after
generation. The race, however, was
perhaps beginning to break up in
preparation for that final bloom
which was to give it a name among
men, for Chatterton's father had
not held the hereditary place. It
had passed in the female line to a
brother-in-law, and he had made a
little rise in the social scale, first
as usher, and then as master of a
free school close to the hereditary
church of St Mary Kedcliffe. Such
a position implies some education,
though probably it was neither
profound nor extensive. He held
the office of sub-chanter in the
cathedral at the same time ; and
was a member, it would appear, of
the jovial society of tradesmen,
deriving a certain taste for music
from the choral services of the
cathedral, which probably many of
them had taken part in, in their
boyhood as choristers, which as-
sembled in those days in certain
well-known taverns. The most
noticeable fact in his life, however,
so far as his son is concerned, is
his share in a kind of general rob-
bery perpetrated by the community
upon the muniment - room of St
Mary Eedcliflfe, where a number
of old papers had been preserved
for centuries in certain ancient oak
chests. These chests were broken
open in order to find some deeds
wanted by the vestry, and were
left, with all their antique contents,
at the mercy of the gravedigger's
family, or any other that could ob-
tain access to them. The parch-
ments were carried off in boxfuls,
to answer all kinds of sordid uses.
Chatterton : a Biographical Study.
I ondon. 1870.
By Daniel Wilson, LL.D. Macmillan,
454
Cliatlerton.
[April
It was the usage of the eighteenth
century. No doubt if any accident
had befallen St Mary's itself, the
citizens would have carted off the
stones to repair their garden-walls
with. Chatterton the schoolmaster
carried off the old parchments, cov-
ered copy-books with them, and
kept the records of medieval life
like waste paper about his house,
ready to serve any small emer-
gency. It was no such dreadful sin
after all, to have been followed
by so strange and solemn a pun-
ishment. Was it that the ghosts
of citizens whom a Thomas Chatter-
ton had buried, came clustering up,
a crowd of angry spirits, to avenge
the liberty thus taken with the
yellow forgotten records of their
wishes and hopes 1 The school-
master, thinking little of the ghosts
or their vengeance, left his house
full of those stolen documents, and
thus left behind him, without
knowing it, the fate of his unborn
boy.
The widow was young — not more
than one-and-twenty — when this
child of tears was born. She was
left, as is all but inevitable in such
circumstances, penniless, to strug-
gle for herself as best she could.
When such a necessity happens to
a poor lady, our hearts bleed over
the helpless creature ; but it is
common, too common, to demand
any particular comment among the
poor. Mrs Chatterton took up a
little school, and took in needle-
work. She had a little daughter
older than her boy; she had women-
friends about her working with her,
helping her to keep her head above
water, and probably, after all, was
not so very much to be pitied for
the loss of her jovial husband, who,
according to the record, kept his
good-humour for his cronies out of
doors. But her boy was a wonder
and a trouble to the poor young
woman. Probably it was her hope
and longing from his birth that he
should be educated as became the
son of a scholar ; and it broke her
heart to find that " he was dull in
learning, not knowing many letters
at four years old." These were the
days of infant prodigies — for this
stupidity on the part of the little
Chatterton does not strike us with
the same dismay as it struck his
mother. There were, however,
other puzzling peculiarities about
the child. " Until he was six years
and a half old, they thought he was
an absolute fool," says his mother's
most intimate friend who lived in
the house. He was sent back upon
her hands by his father's successor
in the free school, somewhere about
that early age, as an incorrigible
dunce. Poor little bothered melan-
choly boy ! he would sit alone cry-
ing for hours, nobody knew why —
and the sense of disappointment so
natural to a female household find-
ing out to its dismay that the little
male creature belonging to it was
not (as it hoped) a creature of over-
whelming ability, does not seem to
have been concealed from the child.
" When will this stupidity cease ? "
his mother cried when " he was
in one of his silent moods." She
had little pupils of her own, brisk
little girls, learning their lessons, no
doubt, with all the vivacity of town
children kept alert by the tide of
ordinary life going on around them ;
and the contrast must have been
very galling to the young mother.
At seven years old, we are told,
' 'he would frequently sit musing in a
seeming stupor; at length the tears
would steal one by one down his
cheeks — for which his mother,
thinking to rouse him, sometimes
gave him a gentle slap, and told
him he was foolish." No doubt
it must have been very trying to
the poor soul : her only boy, the
son of a great scholard,and nothing
more than this coming of him !
One can forgive Mrs Chatterton
for giving that gentle slap to the
weeping child over the fire. It is
hard upon a widow to be driven
to confess to herself that there is
nothing more than ordinary — nay,
perhaps something less than or-
dinary— about her fatherless boy.
1370.]
Chatterton.
455
This dulness, however, lasted
but a short time. With a certain
curious wasteful Vandalism which
seems to have been peculiar to the
a,*e in small things as well as great,
Mrs Chatterton, who made thread-
papers of the old parchments out of
St Mary's, tore up for waste paper
an old music-book of her husband's.
The moody child, sitting by, was
suddenly attracted by the capital
letters, which were illuminated, the
story goes ; so that it must have
been a valuable book which his
mother was thus destroying. This
was the first step in his education.
He learned to read thereafter from
a black-letter Bible, and never could
bear to read in a small book. In
this quaint way the first difficulties
weregotover. One would think that
to acquire modern English after-
wards would have been almost as
difficult as learning a new language;
and the reader is tempted to won-
der how anyone in that homely igno-
rant sempstress -household should
have been sufficiently at home in
the black-letter to make a primer of
it. Such, however, are the recorded
facts. And what with the illumi-
nated capitals and the black-letter
book, the little fellow left off moon-
ing, and woke up into the light of
common day. "At seven he visibly
improved, to her joy and surprise;
and at eight years of age was so
eager for books that he read from
the moment he waked, which was
e;irly, until he went to bed, if they
would Jet him."
So early, it would appear, as this
age, the child had appropriated to
himself a lumber-room in which,
among other rubbish, were the
boxes into which his father's spoils
of old parchment had been turned;
a: id here he was accustomed to shut
himself up with such treasures as
pleased him most. He had a turn
for drawing, not unusual in chil-
dren; and, instead of more ordinary
playthings, he had collected "a
great piece of ochre in a brown pan,
pounce-bags full of charcoal -dust,
which he had from a Miss Sanger,
a neighbour ; also a bottle of black-
lead-powder, which they once took
to clean the stoves with, making him
very angry." With these materials,
and the unceasing supply of parch-
ments to daub them on, what deli-
cious begrimings the little artist
must have made ! Here, for tbe
first time, the child becomes intel-
ligible— perhaps an infant poet al-
ready, as some assert ; but, what is
better, an eager little boy, blacked
all over with his hideous pigments,
and making, no doubt, horrible
pictures upon his parchments and
his walls and his floor. They could
not get him out of the room in
which abode all this precious dirt.
Sometimes the key was carried off,
out of anxiety for his health, and
his clothes, and his little grimy
face ; but then the little man fell
to kissing and coaxing till he got
it back again. So long as he re-
mained in Bristol this garret was
the refuge and comfort of his life.
When Chatterton was nearly
eight years old he became a scholar
of the Bluecoat School of Bristol,
an institution called Colston's
Hospital, founded by a merchant
of Queen Anne's time, and there-
fore still in its youth. The dress,
but unfortunately nothing else, was
copied from that of Christ's Hos-
pital. Bristol had already a gram-
mar-school, and the supplementary
institution was for poor children,
and not by any means intended as
a ladder to help them to ascend.
They had the blue gown and yel-
low stockings, and funny little
round cap, called, apparently, a ton-
sure, in the Bristol school ; but
they had not the liberal education
which has made the London Blue-
coat School so famous. The chil-
dren were to be " instructed in the
principles of the Christian religion
as they are laid down in the Church
Catechism," and not demoralised
by Latin and Greek. Twice a- week
this grand epitome of doctrine was
to be expounded and brought down
uto the meanest capacity" accord-
ing to the rules of the Hospital :
456
Chatterton.
[April
poor fare enough for the little
genius whom poverty shut out from
any better training. The child, we
are told, was elated at his election,
"thinking," says his foster-mother,
"he should there get all the learn-
ing he wanted ; but soon he seemed
much hurt, as he said he could not
learn so much there as at home."
Thus curiously came the first check
upon his precocious hopes. No
doubt the vague fame of his fa-
ther's learning had been long held
up before the boy, and it is equally
certain that many of the old doc-
uments with which he had sur-
rounded himself must have been
in Latin, puzzling and tantalising
him in his childish eagerness. Per-
haps, with a child's confidence in
his own powers, he had felt equal
to the task of puzzling out the
dead old solemn language by him-
self amid his ochre and his charcoal
in the lumber-attic; and to come
to nothing but the Catechism was
hard. To be sure a certain amount
of reading and writing must have
accompanied the theology, and the
life does not seem to have been a
particularly hard one. Every Sat-
urday he had holiday, and came
home rejoicing at noon to rush up
to his attic and lose himself in his
old dreams. When he came down
to tea he was all over stains of
black and yellow. There, at least,
he must have been happy enough
— though it was hard to get him
to meals ; and even tea-time, fond
as he was of tea, was not so at-
tractive as his parchments and
his ochre. Yet the boy apparently
was at this time, to all spectators,
an ordinary enough boy, with no-
thing moody or abstracted about
him. He is described as a round-
faced rosy child, with bright grey
eyes, light hair, and dimples in
his cheeks ; very frank and friend-
ly, making acquaintances with a
natural ease scarcely to be ex-
pected from his other peculiarities,
very affectionate at home, though
impatient by moments, a charac-
teristic not unusual in a school-
boy; and with every appearance of
entering quite cheerfully, without
any clouds brooding about him,
upon the course of a commonplace
life.
There is, however, one wonder-
ful influence to be taken account of
in his education, which had little
to do with the training of his con-
temporaries. Mrs Chatterton's lit-
tle house was opposite to the noble
church of St Mary Redcliffe, and
from his earliest infancy her boy
had been accustomed to totter about
that wonderful place. His uncle
was sexton, and no doubt the natu-
ral pride of descent, pride common
to all classes, had early made him
aware that his ancestors for cen-
turies had been its servants. It
opened its great aisles to him full
of whispering stillness, full of weird
effects of light, with all those
stately combinations of exquisite
form and colour which the age was
too prosaic to appreciate, but which
went into the very depths of the
young muser's heart. He was born
with a thirst upon him for every-
thing that was noble and stately and
splendid ; and here was his palace,
where nothing narrow confined
his imagination, and nothing mean
distressed his fine sense of beauty.
What a wonderful refuge — what a
home for the dreamy childish ima-
gination which had no words to
explain itself, and nobody to un-
derstand, could it speak ! " This
wonder of mansyons/' he called it
in later days, when he got utter-
ance ; and the very title is signifi-
cant, for it was the boy's mansion
— his house in which he lived and
mused. There a silent population
— not mean and imperfect beings
like the homely folks that walked
and talked out of doors, but stately
splendid images saying nothing,
leaving all to an imagination rich
enough to make up every defic-
iency— was around him; mailed
knights, and ladies in veil and wim-
ple— faithful mates lying solemn
side by side through all the silent
ages, names once so full of mean-
1370.]
Chatterton.
457
it g, now significant only to the
Ibtle watcher with big eyes full of
thought that brooded over them.
He is supposed to have made a
little picture of this house of his
dreams, representing himself in his
blue-coat dress, led by his mother,
in the midst of that familiar scene.
Even earlier than the blue-coat
e;-a, the little fellow, when missed
from home, would be found seated
by the tomb of William Can-
ynge in the great silence. And
here, there can be little doubt, arose
tlie first beginnings of that vision-
ary friendship which was the soul
of all his after-life, his favourite
illusion, and, as severe critics have
tiiought, his crime. We have but
to turn to our own nurseries, if in-
deed the remembrances of child-
hood are too far past to be recalled
with a still more personal force, for
an explanation of that first germ
of Rowley which, one cannot tell
when or how, dawned upon the
mind of Chatterton in his child-
hood. Such dreams can scarcely
be called rare among children.
The present writer has by his side
at this present moment a healthy,
sturdy little boy, not overcharged
with imagination, who lived for
several of the first years of his life in
constant communication with an
imaginary friend, a very splendid,
princely individual, whose sympa-
thy consoled him in many a baby
trouble. This child was free to
talk of his beloved companion, who
gradually disappeared behind the
growing realities of existence, and
iiow is as a dream to its creator. But
iu is easy to realise how such a lonely
little dreamer as the boy Chatterton
would cling to and expand into ever
fuller and fuller being the image
which he loved. While he sat by
Canynge's tomb, in the speechless
desolation of childhood, all alone,
knowing that there was nobody in
all the world with sufficient leisure
to consider his wants and console
liis despondencies — nobody that
could divine what he meant, or
the warmth of sympathy about
his little life, — what wonder if the
kind shadow which had full leisure
for him and all his affairs — time to
weave histories for him, to beguile
him out of the present, to fill his
ears with melodies which seem to
come across the ages— should grow
and grow as the boy grew, strength-
ening with his strength ? All these
long imaginary conversations which
we suppose every intelligent child
holds with a little crowd of inter-
locutors, a mere expenditure of
superabundant fancy, must have
been concentrated by little Chatter-
ton into the one person of the kind
priest, who was the companion of
his soul, an ideal father to him, a
teacher such as he could never
have in the flesh. How the forlorn
little fellow must have brightened
unawares as he felt the soft steps of
his visionary friend coming down
the long stately aisle from the veil-
ed altar! Had he just been saying
a mass for William Canynge's
Christian soul ? Did he come
with the serious calm upon him
of those uncomprehended mys-
teries 1 When Priest Rowley ap-
peared out of the religious light, the
little dreamer was no longer alone.
To any ordinary child, Rowley,
in all likelihood, would have had
existence only as the consoler, the
depositary of childish grievances,
the sympathetic listener to all
trouble. But to Chatterton he
was more. The boy did not know
in these early days that he was
himself a poet ; but he felt by in-
stinct that the friend was who bent
over him in visionary intimacy and
consolation. When he was called
back unwillingly to his little mean
home, to the meals which he was
not hungry enough to care for, to
the monotonous hum of the lessons
and litter of the dressmaking, and
to the mother and sister, who were
all too busy to do more than scold
him for his absences, sometimes
good-humouredly, sometimes sh arp-
ly, but never with any sense of the
unseen world, which was reality to
him — what wonder if the boy was
458
Chatterton.
[April
like a being dropped from another
sphere? The women at their work
were not to blame. How were
they to divine, as they sat and cut
out their old-fashioned sleeves and
bodices from patterns made out of
the parchments of the muniment-
room, that these were Kowley's
parchments, written all over with a
poetry yet illegible, but destined to
grow clear in time 1 They would
give him "a gentle slap" to rouse
him, as they passed ; they would
be driven to momentary impatience
by his meaningless silent tears.
What did it all mean1? when would
this stupidity cease ] But perhaps
there was a wedding order on hand —
perhaps the doleful black, which it
was still more needful to get finished.
They had to sit up into the night
working for him, to mind their
business, to thread those weary
needles, and stitch those long, long
lines of endless trains, or get
through miles of frilling before
night. It was no fault of theirs,
poor souls ! They gave him all they
had to give, and did not even re-
fuse the indulgence of that attic
solitude, where Priest Rowley
lived as much as he lived in
the church, and where such tales of
wonder waited the tingling ears of
the little lonely boy.
It is hard to realise the possi-
bility of a very severe intellectual
disappointment at eight or even
nine years old ; but yet the differ-
ence between the practical and the
ideal, between the enthusiasm of
learning into which he was pre-
pared to plunge and the routine of
the merest schoolboy -life, seems
to have restored something of the
despondency of his early child-
hood to this strange little scholar.
His mother and her friends began to
grow anxious about him again when
he shut himself up in his attic
through the long holiday summer
afternoons when every other Blue-
coat boy was enjoying the air and
sunshine. They made him angry
by attempts to invade his solitude.
"I wish you would bide out of the
room — it is my room," he cried, in
boyish rage, thrusting his parch-
ments out of sight. The women
even alarmed themselves with the
curious fancy that his ochre and
charcoal were intended to stain
his own face in order that he might
join the gipsies — the strangest no-
tion, considering the habits of the
studious boy ; but " when he be-
gan to write poetry he became
more cheerful," his sister testifies.
All through that childhood which
represents youth in his short life
he. had been struggling with the
silence round him, a little soul in
prison known to no one but his
Rowley; but when the gift of
utterance came his chains began to
break. When he was only ten he
seems to have been confirmed, a
curious instance of seeming matur-
ity; and following on that event
which appears to have roused in
him all the half-real half-fictitious
solemnity so often seen in children,
he wrote his first poem, or at least
the poem first published — a little
"copy of verses" upon the Last
Day, which is only remarkable as
the beginning of his poetical ef-
forts. It was published in ' Felix
Farley's Journal,' a local paper,
which afterwards received many of
his productions. From that mo-
ment his restless pen was never
still. A few months later he dis-
covered with all the glee of a
schoolboy that he could make it
a weapon of offence, and immedi-
ately rushed at his foes, or at the
innocent persons whom he chose
to set up as adversaries. The temp-
tation of irreverent youth to assail
local dignities of all kinds, and to
reap the quickly-got satisfaction of
parochial stir and commotion, is
always very potent ; and a poet of
eleven would have been a stoic in-
deed had he been able to with-
stand it. He fell upon " Church-
warden Joe," who had pulled down
a beautiful cross in the churchyard
of St Mary, and upon Apostate
1870.]
Chatterton.
459
Will, a less distinguishable butt,
with wild delight. These early sa-
tires reveal to us all at once a whole
little local world beyond Mrs Chat-
terton's house and the lumber-room
on the one hand, and the grand
aisles of St Mary's on the other.
Tii ere are the bustling parish
authorities, scorned yet feared,
and all the babbling bee-hive of a
school, and the masters, some de-
pi ?ed and some beloved. And there
is the half-seen audience of the
parish behind reading the paper
and chuckling over the allusions
which everybody can understand;
the whole stirred up and set into
motion by the boy in his yellow
stockings, about whom already there
are strange rumours afloat, and
who hugs himself in his secret,
ard feels, no doubt, a certain judi-
ciary power of life and death, now
the paper is open to him, and all
Bristol lying helpless ready to be-
come his victims. It says a great
deal for Chatterton's better nature
that a temptation so overwhelming
at his age, and so potent on the
untrained intelligence at all times,
should have at least temporarily
passed away from him. It was
his priest who drew him into the
gentler, more harmonious, regions
of the past.
He was only twelve, say vari-
ous witnesses, when he took to an
usher called Phillips, his favourite
in ister, a curious manuscript poem,
which he had found, he said, among
tha parchments taken by his father
from St Mary's. Phillips was a
kind master, sympathetic and be-
loved \ and he is said to have had
so me poetical knowledge and faculty:
but he was not learned in ancient
MSS. He gazed at this curious
production with mingled consterna-
tion and curiosity. A schoolfellow
who was present, and who after-
wards attained some small local emi-
nence as a poet, describes the event
with something of the contempt of a
man who knew himself to be quite
as good as Chatterton. " For my own
part/' he says, " having little or no
taste for such studies, I repined
not at the disappointment. Phil-
lips, on the contrary, was to all ap-
pearance mortified — indeed much
more so than at that time I thought
the object deserved — expressing his
sorrow at his want of success, and
repeatedly declaring his intention
of resuming the attempt at a future
period." The MS. this informant
asserts to have been the ballad of
" Elinoure and Juga," certainly a
very extraordinary production for a
poet of twelve, and which was not
published till five years later. It is
one of the so-called Rowley poems,
and if not the first written, was at
least the first submitted to any eye
but his own.
Probably up to this time no de-
finite idea of the dangerous course
upon which he was entering had
come into the schoolboy's eager
mind. We cannot imagine for an
instant that any deliberate de-
ceit was intended. It was one of
the innocent mystifications, strange
purposeless webs, half of pure ima-
gination, half of mischievous in-
tent to bewilder, which are so com-
mon among children. By this time
his visionary companion had de-
veloped into clearer and clearer
proportions. Nothing in life had
come to him with sufficient force
or vividness to withdraw him from
the society of his gentle, unreprov-
ing, always sympathetic, spiritual
associate. When even the mother
was unkind, and the good school-
master hard upon him, Rowley's
countenance was never averted.
From the first germ of the benign
shadow in the great silent church
whole histories had grown. The
boy's imagination had worked out
every accessory of the picture. The
principal figure was Thomas Row-
ley, a parish priest, not a friar — the
name probably seized upon at hazard
from some chance roll of ancient
names — the story made out bit by
bit, — a friend of noble Master Can-
ynge's, he of the great tomb— nay,
460
Chatlerton.
[April
more than a friend — a brother dear-
ly beloved. And then Caiiynge,
too, found his place on the canvas.
In short it was no canvas, but a
magic mirror, into which those mys-
tic figures floated, now one by one,
now in a stately crowd. Natu-
rally the priest became a man of
letters, because in the mind of the
dreaming boy there was nothing so
high or honourable ; and Canynge
grew by his side into the enlightened
patron, the head of the gentle com-
pany. What things they did, what
witty conversations they held, what
stately masques and splendid revels
were heard before them ! Chatter-
ton was one of them as he mused.
He saw the correspondence of his
visionary friend with the abbots,
and canons, and even bishops, who
loved song like himself, and were
ready now and then to throw in a
supplementary lay. He assisted at
the performance of " The Tragical
Enterlude," and many another pri-
vate drama represented before the
refined society of Rudde House,
William Canynge's dwelling. Not
only names came easy to his fancy,
but he was ready to invent a
whole lineage, build a special con-
vent, construct a new world, if
needful, to justify the existence of
the various personages who were
grouped round Rowley. His whole
mind and leisure must have been
occupied by this wonderful dream.
It saved him from all boyish and
poetic yearnings after some one to
love, respect, and honour in the
outside world. He had Rowley
for all these higher uses of the soul,
and he was free, accordingly, to
treat with a frank contempt the
actual visible, but not half so real,
men whom he saw around him
every day.
None of the critics who have ex-
amined into the strange problem
of this double existence, seem to
have realised the phenomenon as
in fact a sufficiently common one,
elevated out of resemblance to the
ordinary only by the genius of the
boy. He was in the midst of a per-
petual drama, daily spreading fur-
ther and further round him. His
imagination was delighted with a
constant succession of beautiful
and curious visions. In his garret,
all by himself, he was in the midst
of the finest company. One fes-
tivity led to another. There were
tournaments of arms and tourna-
ments of song, and a thousand
pageants, which swept him with
them in their splendid passage.
No doubt the first daring touch by
which he made Rowley's poetry into
actual verse, gave a certain thrill
to the boy. The actual and the
visionary clashed, and that tender
fiction of the heart appeared, as it
were, out of doors, where men, with-
out any just powers of judging,
might call it falsehood and forgery.
But he was so young that this fear
could not have appalled him much
— twelve years old ; and no doubt
he felt a certain longing to make
known to somebody what a splendid
world he had possession of — how
much wiser and cleverer he was
than his neighbours — and what a
horde of secret treasure he had
upon which he could draw at will ;
a desire which was all mixed up
and blended with a child's romanc-
ing, its uncertain sense of the
boundary between the false and
the fanciful, and love of everything
dramatic and marvellous. This,
according to every canon of human
nature, and especially of a child's
nature, seems to us the natural in-
terpretation of the wonderful fiction
of Rowley's poems. Rowley, no
doubt, had come into being years
before, to the much consolation of
his little companion's soul.
We are not told whether he in-
terpreted to Phillips the wonderful
MS. which so much puzzled him ;
nor, indeed, has anything but the
date of its first exhibition, and the
" mortification ;' of the usher when
he found himself unable to make it
out, been preserved to us. A little
later Chatterton distinguished him-
self by a piece of fiction of a less
innocent but more amusing kind.
1870.]
Chatterton.
461
At the foot of the bridge which he
had to cross every Saturday on his
v/ay home, was a pewterer's shop,
kept by two men called Catcott and
] hirgum. They were not of the mo-
dern race of shopkeepers, prone to
\illas in the country and a discreet
silence as to their means of income.
They were men not ashamed of the
counter, ready to hold their own
with any comer ; important in their
own eyes, and not unnoted among
their townsfolk. Burgum. was the
less elevated of the two, not born
a citizen of Bristol, and possessing
Kttle education, but much vanity.
Catcott, a clergyman's son, was a
man of good connections, such as
\vould scarcely be consistent nowa-
days with the pewterer's shop. His
brother was a clergyman in the
town, and he would seem to have
bad a certain place in society; but
Ms love of display and notoriety was
known to everybody. He was so
fond of self-exhibition that he rode
his horse over the planks of a half-
built bridge, in order to have the
honour of being the first to cross it ;
and, with equally silly daring, had
himself hoisted up to place a pew-
ter tablet under the crowning stone
of the new church steeple, by way
of preserving the record of his name
to all posterity. Such a pair would
seem to have been marked out for
the tricks of any mischievous school-
boy ; and Chatterton was full of
mischief and delight in his own
skill and powers of mystification.
No doubt the boy was known to
both of them, as everybody, even
a charity-boy, becomes known in a
limited local circle. One day, when
iu is supposed he was about four-
teen, he suddenly entered the shop
Le had passed so of ten, and disclosed
a great discovery he had made. He
liad found the De Bergham pedi-
gree amongst those wonderful inex-
haustible papers of his. The shop
was in the process of rebuilding;
and Burgum, poor soul ! was prob-
ably worn out by builders and
painters and their lingering work-
men when this wonderful news
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLIV.
was brought him. He fell at once
into the snare. No wondering
sense that a Bluecoat boy was an
unlikely person to make such dis-
coveries seems to have crossed his
mind, any more than it did those
of greater critics at a later period.
He accepted the De Bergham pedi-
gree for gospel, and begged a sight
of it. Within a few days he re-
ceived " an old piece of parchment
about eight inches square, on which
was the shield, blazoned and full of
quarterings, of the great family to
which he was said to belong, and
a first instalment of the pedigree.
This document was one of the
most extraordinary kind. It set
forth the arrival in England with
the Conqueror, of a certain knight
called Simon de Seyncte Lyze or
Seriliz, whose marriages and great
deeds are described with solemn
gravity. It had a heading in
large text to the effect that it
was an " Account of the Family
of the De Berghams from the Nor-
man Conquest to this time, collect-
ed from Original Records, Tourna-
ment Rolls, and the Heralds of
March and Garter's Records, by
Thomas Chatterton." It was en-
riched with marginal references,
done in the very irony of mischief.
"Roll of Battle Abbey." " Ex-
stemma fam. Sir Johan de Leve-
ches":— Stowe, Ashmole, Collins,
Dugdale, Rouge Dragon, Garter,
Norroy, and the Rowley MSS. being
quoted as authorities. The lad even
went so far as to cite " Oral ch.
from Henry II. to Sir Jno. de Berg-
ham," as one of the sources from
which he had drawn his materials.
There were Latin notes to this
wonderful document, which, as at
present to be seen, are translated
in the handwriting of Barrett, the
author of a history of Bristol, one
of the leading antiquarians and
virtuosi of the neighbourhood.
These translations mark the curi-
ous fact that a man of some learn-
ing, and pretending to some ac-
quaintance with the real antique,
was actually taken in by the pedi-
2i
4G2
Chatterton.
[April
gree, with its circumstantial records
and dazzling blazonry. As for
Burgum, who had no learning at
all, he conceived no doubt on the
subject ; but with his heart beating
proudly in his breast, presented the
boy with five shillings for his timely
and wonderful discovery. Never
was there a more successful prac-
tical joke ; and Chatterton must
have left the shop swelling with
fun and triumph, with his crown-
piece in his pocket and delight in
his heart.
He had not, however, done with
the pewterer. The pedigree thus
miraculously found brought down
the family of De Bergham only to
the thirteenth century, between
which and the time of Henry Bur-
gum there might be many slips.
And accordingly, the discoverer,
too lavish in his fertile powers of
invention to cut any thread short
which he could spin out, caught up
the uncompleted tale, and gave its
continuation with a still more lavish
hand. What so easy as to sow dis-
tinguished personages into the roll
which could be subjected to no test
but that of imagination ? Accord-
ingly he pauses in the commonplace
record of knights and ladies to in-
terpolate a certain Master John de
Bergham, a Cistercian monk, who
" was one of the greatest ornaments
of the age in which he lived/' a poet,
and^ranslator of the 'Iliad/ whose
talents had been fully recognised
in his own century, though grown
somewhat dim in the eighteenth.
" To give you an idea of the poetry
of the age/' said this strangest of
heralds, " take the following piece,
written by John de Bergham in the
year 1320." And here follows the
" Komaunte of the Cnyghte," one of
the most archaic of all the poems,
which, as well as a Latin letter from
the University of Oxford, commend-
ing the high qualities of Friar John,
is introduced into the very heart of
the pedigree. We do not need to
add that the Latinity of this letter,
as well as sundry other scraps
which shall follow, was of the most
doubtful kind. The second part
of the De Bergham pedigree pro-
duced another crown for Chatter-
ton's empty pockets, and no doubt
he felt himself thoroughly well
paid for the moment. A great deal
of quaint indignation has been
wasted on this piece of most elabo-
rate nonsense. Such a trick, if per-
formed by any public-school boy of
the present day, would meet with
more laughter than reprobation ;
but Chatterton's critics have made
it out to be " indescribably ignorant
and impudent/' and no better than
a piece of swindling. Poor fourteen-
year-old boy ! It was indescribably
clever and mischievous, and, no
doubt, would have been punished
by a hard imposition had such a
trick been discovered by a strong-
minded master at Eton or Har-
row ; but poor Chatterton was not
permitted the privileges of his
boyhood. " It may console the
reader who sympathises in such
virtuous indignation," says Dr Wil-
son, who entertains other notions,
" to know that the pedigree did not
after all prove a bad investment.
The copy-books, containing along
with it and its " Romaunte of the
Cnyghte," some of the earliest tran-
scripts of the Rowley poems, were
ultimately disposed of by the family
to Mr Joseph Cottle for the sum of
five guineas." So thorough, how-
ever, was the belief of the descend-
ant of the De Berghams in his new-
found pedigree, that he actually sub-
mitted the document to the College
of Heralds for confirmation — a step
which, however, it is supposed was
not taken till after Chatterton's
death.
By this time the boy had begun
to make friends out of his own
sphere. The antiquarian Barrett,
who was labouring busily at a his-
tory of Bristol, which has been
covered with confusion, yet almost
introduced to fame, by the fact that
half its assertions are made on the
authority of the Rowley MSS., be-
gan to traffic with him for his won-
derful stock of papers, and " used
1870.]
Chatterton.
463
often to send for him from the
charity-school, which was close to his
house, and differ with him in opin-
ion, on purpose to make him in
earnest, and to see how wonderfully
his eye would strike fire, kindle, and
light up." At one time a hope of
studying medicine under the care
of this gentleman, who was a doc-
tor, seems to have crossed his
mind ; and it is evident that he was
permitted to read many medical
works, and to pick up some super-
ficial knowledge of the science. Bar-
rett is much blamed by Dr Wilson
for his want of insight into the poet's
character, and for having repulsed
his confidence and lost the oppor-
tunity of leading him safely into
the paths of greatness. But not-
withstanding all the sympathy we
feel for Chatterton, it cannot be
denied that he hoaxed his friends
all round with charming impartial-
ity, and afterwards satirised them
with a plainness of speech at which
it is natural enough to suppose they
must have winced. Had anybody
been able to foresee the blackness
of darkness so soon to overtake him,
the wild despair and miserable fate
of a boy so full of exuberant life
and power and prodigal energy, who
can doubt that Barrett and Catcott
and the rest, would have used their
possibilities of help in a different
way ? But nobody ever foresees such
wonderful and tragic breaks upon
the ordinary routine of existence ;
and the boy in his rash precocity,
and the men in their commonplace
indifference, went their way, roused
by no presentiment. A certain
wonder, one would think, must have
grown about the lad who could pro-
duce such treasures at a moment's
notice ; but it does not seem to have
affected the minds of his school-
fellows, who dabbled in small verses
themselves, and were, each boy to
his own consciousness, as good men
as he. It is curious to find that
none of the admiring devotion
with which every gifted schoolboy
in a higher class is regarded by some
at least of his comrades, seems to
have attended Chatterton. Proba-
bly this is explained by the lower
range of breeding and training, and
that strange insensibility to personal
influence, and high esteem for self,
which make the tradesman -class
everywhere the one least subject to
any generous weakness of enthusi-
asm. The Bristol men who were
boys with Chatterton were all in-
dignant at the mere suggestion that
Rowley and he were one. They
were affronted by the idea. It was
a personal injustice to them that
their schoolfellow should be made
out a genius. They had no objec-
tion to his acknowledged writings,
which they considered no better
than their own. But Rowley's
poems, they were sure, with an in-
dignation which had a touch of
bitterness in it, were no more his
writing than theirs. He had friends,
but he had nobody who believed in
him — a curious distinction of the
class in which he was born. Had
he been a gentleman's son, no doubt
a young guard of honour, school-
fellows, college friends, half of the
youth he came across in his career,
would have been ready to risk their
life in proof of his genius. And
the chances are, that in these cir-
cumstances the lad himself would
never have been tempted to the
fierce satire and bitter scorn of
many of his youthful productions.
But it is necessary for us to accept
him as he is, a poor charity-boy
among a set of young apprentices,
Bristol tradesmen in the bud, all
confident of being as good as he
or as any one, and capable of no
worship of the greater spirit in
their midst.
After the era of the pedigree,
Chatterton seems to have gone on
with a still stronger flight. He
cannot have been more than fifteen,
for he still wore the dress of his
school, when he met with the other
partner in the pewterer's firm.
No doubt Burgum had exhibited
proudly to his partner the proofs
of his own splendid descent, and
pointed out the passing schoolboy
464
Chatterton.
[April
to whom he owed it ; and Chatter-
ton probably was attracted towards
Catcott by the achievement above
recorded, his crossing of the half-
built bridge upon planks laid from
pier to pier, with a daring-do worthy
of any knight of romance. This
event took place in June 1767; and
in July of the same year the lad
left school, and put off his yellow
stockings and tonsure-cap ; so it
must have been on one of the sum-
mer days intervening that the two
first met. Mr Catcott was walking
with a friend in Redcliffe Church
when he was informed of the fact
that several ancient pieces of poetry
had been found there, and were in
the possession of a " young person"
known to his informant. This news
prompted him to seek Chatterton,
perhaps to call him in as he went
past, into the shop already so well
known to him, which contained
such a monument of his skill. The
boy showed not the least reluctance
to speak of his discoveries ; and,
according to Catcott's statement,
gave him at once "The Bristowe
Tragedie ; or the Deth of Sir Charles
Bawdin," and several of the smaller
poems. Probably they were but
submitted to his criticism and ap-
probation. He was a man with a
library, and every possibility of
getting at books was precious to
the boy; and this was the com-
mencement of a curious kind of
friendship, in which there seems to
have been little regard on the one
side or the other, but a consider-
able attempt at mutual profit. In
Catcott's hands many of the MSS.
remained after Chatterton's death,
and he does not seem to have made
a generous use of them ; nor did
any gleam of insight into the strange
story occur to the eyes of the self-
occupied shopkeeper. He too re-
ceived Rowley with undoubting
faith. The boy was but a charity-
boy — one of the many blue- coated
urchins that swarmed past the shop-
windows all the year round, and
broke the panes, and got in every-
body's way. Genius ! Mr Catcott
would have laughed at the idea.
The boy was old Chatterton's grand-
son, the gravedigger, and no doubt
had got at the poems exactly as he
said. Not the remotest suspicion of
a hoax seems to have disturbed the
composure or self-conceit of these
shallow men. And thus the boy
went and came — to Barrett, who pro-
bably gave him an occasional half-
crown for the bits of curious infor-
mation about old Bristol which he
brought him from time to time, and
who liked to see the light flash up in
his great grey shining eyes ; to Cat-
cott, who received his MSS. with
pompous pretended knowledge;
and by-and-by to Catcott's clergy-
man brother, and other worthies of
their set, no doubt with a wonder
growing in his mind that no one
divined the real source of all these
marvels. One can imagine the lad's
half-trouble, half-delight, in thus
bewildering so many — and at the
same time the wistful sense of un-
comprehended power which must
have grown upon him and driven
him back to his visionary associates.
We are told even that he tried more
than once to confide in Barrett, fal-
tering forth an admission that the
fine and vigorous poem called the
" Battle of Hastings," which he pre-
sented to the antiquary in his own
handwriting, was actually his own
composition, and "done for a
friend." Barrett, wise man of the
world, not to be taken in by such
fictions, laughed at the boy. He
pressed him to produce the rest of
the poem, which was accordingly
done at intervals, in fragments, as
they could be composed ; and pres-
sed him still further for the original
MS., which the lad — amazed, disap-
pointed, and yet filled — who can
wonder 1- — with a certain mischiev-
ous contempt for the man who swal-
lowed every fiction he chose to bring
yet laughed at the truth — instantly
began to fabricate. His docility in
such a case is very comprehensible.
All the fun of his schoolboy nature,
and all the scorn with which an in-
experienced young soul looks upon
1870.]
Ckatterton.
465
stupidity and intellectual blind-
ness, must have moved him to fool
his patron to the top of his bent.
It was the man's sin, if any real sin
was in it, and not the boy's.
In July 1767, Chatterton was
transferred from school to the office
of an attorney, to whom he was
bound apprentice, the fee being
supplied by the Hospital. He was
to have no wages, but to be clothed,
lodged, and maintained by his new
employer, a Mr Lambert — to take
his meals with the servants and
sleep with the footboy ; an arrange-
ment which was supposed by all
parties very satisfactory for a Blue-
coat boy. So far as we are in-
formed, he himself does not seem
to have been any way revolted by
it as we are ; for it must be re-
membered that Chatterton as yet
had only a boy's glorious sense of
being able to do almost anything
he tried — the first and perhaps the
most delicious sensation of genius —
without knowing what was his own
real standing among all the owls
and bats who were so much more
important in the world's eye than
he. His office hours were from
eight o'clock in the morning till
eight in the evening, with an hour
in the middle of the day for dinner,
and he was expected to return to
his master's house every night by ten
o'clock. Two hours in the even-
ing were thus all he had for re-
creation of any kind, and these he
almost invariably spent at his
mother's house. During the two
years he remained with Mr Lam-
bert he was only once late in re-
turning. These facts effectually
dispose of all the insinuations made
against the poor boy's character.
He never drank, avoiding even
the most modest potations — was
fond of tea, and not, it would seem,
without an innocent liking for con-
fectionery, simplest of all the tastes
of youth. Twelve hours in the
solitude of the office, where now
and then the footboy or a maid from
Mr Lambert's would come on some
pretended errand to make sure that
he was there, for the attorney him-
self was almost always absent ; two
hours in the evening spent with his
mother among her shreds and
patches, or in the beloved retire-
ment of his lumber-room. Never
did monk observe a severer routine
of duty ; and yet the poor boy was
called a profligate : no imputation
was ever more unjust or untrue.
But it would be wrong to sup-
pose that this intermediate period
was a loss to Chatterton. Mr Lam-
bert's business seems to have been
a very light one, and his appren-
tice must have been as much office-
boy as clerk — " he had little of his
master's business to do, sometimes
not two hours in a day," says his
sister; and though he was supposed
to be " improving himself in pro-
fessional knowledge " by copying
precedents during the remainder of
the long lonely days, there was
plenty of time left for more con-
genial work. "Nearly four hun-
dred closely- written folio pages "
of these precedents are left to prove
that he did not neglect even this
musty work — which is no small
tribute to his sense of duty; for the
master was absent, and there was
no one to keep him to the grind-
stone, and so many inducements to
drop away. The office contained,
besides a library of law-books, a
complete edition of Camden's * Bri-
tannia;' and his friends whom he
supplied with a succession of won-
ders lent him books at least, which
was some small return. A number
of dictionaries of Saxon and early
English, Speght's ' Chaucer,' and
various old chronicles, fed his mind
and formed his style. We are told
that he compiled from these autho-
rities for his own use an elaborate
glossary in archaic and modern
English, which was his constant
companion. There can be no doubt,
as Sir Walter Scott suggests, that
to master a style so cumbrously and
artificially antique must have taken
almost as much time as the learn-
ing of a new language ; but yet
there is a great deal in the trick of
4G6
Chatterton.
[April
such a mode of writing, and we are
inclined to believe that the real
labour must have been in the com-
pilation of the glossary, which made
the rest easy enough — especially
as the antiquity of the Rowley
poems is entirely artificial; and the
young poet does not seem to have
felt that any study of the senti-
ments or forms of expression natural
to the period was required to give
an air of truthfulness to his pro-
ductions, greedily and unhesitat-
ingly as they were swallowed by all
the authorities round him. The fact
seems to have been that a certain
impetuous, almost feverish, haste
and impatience had come upon the
lad unconsciously to himself. The
silent moments flew over him
as he laboured in that dreary
little office. Something in him,
something instinctive, inarticulate,
incapable of giving any warning of
what was to come, had been im-
pressed by a sense of the shortness
of the time and the quantity of
work to do. We are informed re-
peatedly that the attorney on his
visits to the office tore up pages of
poetry which he found in his clerk's
handwriting, and which he per-
ceived was not law-work, nor with-
in his range of comprehension ; so
that it is perfectly probable that
a much larger quantity of the
Rowley poems was produced than
those which have reached us. In
his ignorance and innocence most
likely the boy was swept along by
an eager desire to set Rowley, and
his time and ways and everything
surrounding him — the friends and
citizens and noble knights who
were so much kinder, nobler, and
more true than anything in the
eighteenth century — fully before
his audience. He wanted, with a
certain human longing at the bot-
tom of all his childish trickery and
intrigue, to convey to others some
glimpse of that splendid visionary
world which, from his earliest years,
had surrounded himself. And he
thought he had succeeded in doing
so, poor, brilliant, foolish boy of ge-
nius ! He thought his painfully-
selected, uncouth words, and won-
derful spelling, were no masquerade,
but gave a real representation of the
life he wanted to make apparent to
the world. Nothing could show
more clearly his unsophisticated sim-
plicity ; for he believed in their
truth himself as fervently as the
most 'credulous of all his dupes, —
not in their truth of fact as the
poems of Rowley, for that, of course,
was impossible ; but in their truth
to the period they professed to re-
present, and real faithfulness to its
characteristics — a belief which only
shows how little educated, how
simple and unacquainted with the
history of the ages, and the dif-
ference between one and another,
was the boy poet. The masquerade,
transparent as it is to us, was re-
ality to himself.
In 1768, when Chatterton was
sixteen, after he had been a whole
year in Mr Lambert's office, the new
bridge, over which, when half built,
Catcott had ridden with so much
silly braggadocio, was formally
opened ; and on occasion of this
ceremony, Chatterton tried his hand
at a mystification of the general pub-
lic. He sent an extract to a local
paper out of Rowley's wonderful
stories, in which, it appeared, every
kind of illustration appropriate to
every variety of experience might be
found. " The following description
of the Mayor's first passing over
the Old Bridge, taken from an old
MS., may not at this time be unac-
ceptable to the generality of your
readers," he says, signing himself
" Dunelmus Bristoliensis," to * Far-
ley's Bristol Journal;' and the ac-
companying extract was given with
all formality as it is quoted. The
reader will perceive how, under the
strange and over-elaborate marks of
antiquity, are forms of expression
audaciously modern, and a general
air of to-day, by which no true an-
tiquary could ever be deceived : —
" On Fridaie was the Time fixed for
passing the newe Brydge : Aboute the
Time of the Tollynge the tenth Clock,
1870.]
Chatterton.
467
Master Greggorie Dalbenye, mounted
en a Fergreyne Horse, enformed Master
Maior all Thyngs were prepared ; when
two Beadils want fyrst streying fresh
t-tre, next came a Manne dressed up as
follows : Hose of Goatskyn, erinepart
outwards, Doublet and Waystcoat also,
over which a white Robe without
sleeves, much like an albe, but not so
longe, reeching but to his Lends; a
girdle of Azure over his left shoulder,
i echde also to his Lends on the Ryght,
:md doubled back to his Left, bucklying
with a Gouldin Buckel, dangled to his
knee; thereby representing a Saxon
Elderman. In his hande he bare a
shield, the Maystrie of Gille a Brog-
t;on, who paincted the same, repre-
sentyng Saincte Warburgh crossynge
t,he Ford. Then a mickle strong
Manne, in armour, carried a huge
anlace ; after whom came six clary ons
and Minstrels, who sang the Song of
Saincte Warburgh ; then came Master
Maior, mounted on a white Horse,
dight with sable Trappyng, wrought
about by the Nunnes of Saiucte Kenna
with gould and silver. Next followed
the "Eldermen and Cittie Broders" all
fitly mounted and caparisoned; and
after them a procession of priests and
friars, also singing St Warburgh's Song.
"In thilk Manner reechyng the
Brydge, the Manne with the anlace
stode on the fyrst Top of a Mound,
yreed in the midst of the Bridge ; then
want up the Manne with the sheelde,
after him the Minstrels and Clarions ;
and then the Preestes and Freeres, all
in white Albs, makyng a most goodlie
shewe ; the Maior and Eldermen
standyng round, theie sang, with the
sound of Clarions, the Song of Saincte
Baldwyn : which beyng done, the
Manne on the Top threwe with greet
Myght his anlace into the see, and
the Clarions sounded an auntiant charge
and Forloyn : then theie sang againe the
Songe of Saincte Warburgh, and pro-
ceeded up Chryst's Hill to the Cross,
where a Latin Sermon was preached by
Ralph de Blundeville. And with sound
of clarion theie agayne went to the
Brydge, and there dined ; spendyng the
rest of the Daie in Sportes and Plaies :
the Freeres of Saincte Augustine cloeyng
the Plai.e of the Knyghtes of Bristowe,
making a greete Fire at Night on Kyn-
wulph Hyll."
This bit of supposed antiquity
caused a considerable sensation in
the town. It had been brought to
the printing-office by a stranger,
and it was only on his return with
another communication of a similar
character that his identity was dis-
covered. Catcott, to whom the nar-
rative was doubly interesting on
account of his recent exploit, had
made eager inquiries about the
source from which it came, and was
no doubt confirmed in his belief in
llowley by finding that this won-
derful piece of narrative proceeded
from the same inexhaustible stores.
The boy appears to have been rather
roughly handled by the printing-
house people. "His age and ap-
pearance altogether precluded the
idea of his being the author;" and
when peremptorily questioned as
to where he got it, he drew back
within himself, and became as ob-
stinate as his questioners were
surly. It was only when they soft-
ened, and begged for the informa-
tion which he alone could afford,
that he yielded. He gave the same
reply that he had already done to
Catcott and Burgum — that this was
one of the many MSS. which his
father had taken from the muni-
ment-room at Redcliffe Church. At
the very same time, however, he
showed to a certain John Rudhall,
one of his comrades, with boyish
imprudence, the process by which
he prepared his parchments and
imitated the ancient writing. No
doubt the publication of this scrap
of history gave fresh energy to his
dealings with Barrett, whom he
served in the strangest way, hum-
ouring his longing for original doc-
uments, and inventing, as he went
along, with a miraculous appropri-
ateness to the need of the moment,
which one would think must have
excited some suspicion in the mind
of the historian. Authorities do
not generally drop down from
heaven upon a writer exactly when
he wants them in this lavish way.
But no doubt seems to have crossed
the mind of the antiquary. " No
one surely ever had such good for-
tune as myself," he cried many years
after ecstatically, " in procuring
MSS. and ancient deeds to help
468
Chatterton,
[April
me in investigating the history and
antiquities of this city." It does
not seem ever to have occurred to
the self-absorbed compiler that there
was anything remarkable in the
fact of the lad Chatterton being
able to decipher and identify such
documents, even had his possession
of them been fully explained. He
took everything for granted with
the most admirable imbecility, and
made the fullest use of them, as
will be seen from the following ac-
count of his work, which we quote
from Dr Wilson : —
"If the reader turn from the bio-
grapher's pages to those of the historian
and antiquary of Bristol, for informa-
tion about William Canynge the elder,
merchant and mayor of Bristol in the
age of Chaucer, when Edward III. and
his grandson Richard reigned ; or for the
facts concerning the younger Canynges
of the times of the Roses ; of Sir Symon
de Byrtoune, Sir Baldwin Fulford, or
even of the good priest Rowley, — he
suddenly finds himself involved in the
most ludicrous perplexities. Mr Bar-
rett was, in earlier days, an undoubted
believer in Rowley, and continued to
welcome with unquestioning credulity
the apt discoveries which were ever
rewarding the researches of Chatterton
among the old parchments purloined by
his father from Redcliffe Church. Did
the historian attempt to follow up his
first chapter of British and Roman Bris-
tol, with its Roman camps, roads, and
coins, by a second, treating in like
manner of Saxon and Norman Bristol,
his meagre data are forthwith aug-
mented by the discovery of an account
by Turgot, a Saxon ecclesiastic, who
lived not long after the time assigned
by Camden for the origin of the city,
' Of auncient coynes found at and near
Bristowe, with the hystorie of the fyrst
coynynge, by the Saxon nes, done from
the Saxon ynto Englyshe, by T.
Rowlie.' From the same veracioxis
pen follows an account of * Mayster
Canynge, hys cabinet of auntyaunte
monuments ; ' the same being a won-
drous library and antiquarian museum
of Bristol in the days of Henry VI.
Did Leland fail the historian, painfully
assiduous in researches into early eccle-
siastical foundations : an old MS. of
Rowley fortunately turns up. with valu-
able notes on St Baldwyn's Chapelle in
Baldwyn's Street; the Chapelle of St
Mary Magdalen, in the time of Earl
Goodwyne ; Seyncte Austin's Chapelle,
with its * aunciauntrie and nice car-
vellynge ; ' and other equally curious
and apocryphal edifices.
*' So it is throughout the volume."
It seems to have been only when
he had thus fully convinced all the
authorities round him — and of
course such men as the Catcotts and
Barrett were, till he saw through
them, great men to the attorney's
apprentice, the charity-boy and de-
scendant of gravediggers — that
Chatterton began to dream of fame
and fortune. No doubt it must
have been every way bad for the
boy to fathom so speedily, and find
out the narrowness and meanness
of the only people he had to look
up to. When he perceived with
his clear eyes how utterly deceiv-
able they were and yet how self-
ish, taking from him what they
wanted without any attempt to help
him, or the slightest appreciation
of his powers, it is not wonderful
if the natural impulse of arrogant
youth to despise its pottering com-
monplace seniors, grew stronger and
more bitter within him. He took
these small luminaries as a type of
the critics and teachers of the world —
as indeed, to a certain extent, they
were — and trimmed his pinions to
a loftier flight. As he had taken in
the wiseacres at home, no doubt he
could take in the others outside the
little world of Bristol, and make a
stepping-stone of them, and dash
forth upon a universe where surely
— grand final hope which represents
some faith still in an ideal human
nature — somebody was to be found
who would know what all those
hieroglyphics meant, and decipher
the strange language and hail the
new poet. There is the strangest
mixture of simplicity and cunning,
belief in the credulity of others,
and pathetic credulity on his own
part, in Chatterton's first attempt
upon the larger world. He wrote
to Dodsley the publisher, offering
" several ancient poems, and an in-
terlude, perhaps the oldest dramatic
1870.]
Chatterton.
469
work extant, wrote by one Rowley,
a priest in Bristol, who lived in .
the reigns of Henry VI. and Ed-
ward IV." Receiving no answer
to this letter, after an interval of
two months he wrote again, a piti-
ful epistle, giving an account of the
tragedy of " Ella/' and asking for
" one guinea to enable him to pro-
cure permission to copy it." Poor
boy! The extreme poverty to
which one guinea is a matter of
importance has something pathetic
in it, which drops a merciful veil
over those little meannesses, by
none more bitterly felt than by
those compelled to do them, which
need produces. Whether he re-
ceived any answer at all to this
painful application there is no
way of knowing. But shortly
after, he made another and more
dignified effort. Horace Wai-
pole, who is so well known to us
all — a man of much greater cali-
bre than the Catcotts and Barrett,
yet who probably in the same
circumstances would have been as
easily deceived, and as little con-
scious of Chatterton's real qualities
as they — was, at the distance from
which alone the Bristol boy could
regard such a potentate, as a god
among men. Distance, alas ! has
an immense deal to do with many
reputations. A vague dilated idea
of the noble gentleman, who, though
already in the highest place which
fortune could bestow, yet conde-
scended to write, to take an inter-
est in art, and to bestow a glorious
patronage upon its professors, was
the young poet's conception of the
dilettante of Strawberry Hill. He
was a patron worth having — a man
whose notice would open an entire
world of honour and gladness to
the ardent boy. He too, even, had
sinned, if it could be called sin, in
the same splendid way. Chatter-
ton was Rowley; but was not Wai-
pole the Baron of Otranto, able to
understand all these quaint delights
of antiquity, half simulated, half
real— to see through the disguise,
and recognise the real poet? Such,
no doubt, was the poor lad's dream
• — and such a dream has aroused,
one time or another, every poetical
youthful imagination. A sudden
exhilaration seems to have filled
his mind when this project dawned
upon him. He could not, would
not, doubt its success. " He would
often speak in great raptures of the
undoubted success of his plan for
future life," says his sister. "His
ambition increased daily. His
spirits were rather uneven, some-
times so gloomed that for days
together he would say but very
little, and apparently by constraint ;
at other times exceedingly cheerful.
When in spirits he would enjoy his
rising fame : confident of advance-
ment, he would promise my mother
and me that we should be partakers
of his success."
Strangely enough, however, this
pure impulse to seek a higher
sphere and a patron more likely
to comprehend him, was carried
out by another of those amazing
fictions to which his mind had
grown familiar. He approached
Walpole not as a young poet seek-
ing to make himself known, nor
even as the discoverer of a poet,
but with a long, quaint, very ab-
surd, and, to our eyes, very trans-
parent account of a multitude of
medieval painters, immortalised
by Rowley, which might be used
(he suggests) in a future edition of
Walpole's 'Anecdotes of Painting' !
Nothing more daring than this
sudden creation of a Bristol school
of painters, as numerous as the
Umbrian or Venetian, and to all
appearance quite as distinguished,
could be conceived; and it shows
the wonderful simplicity of the
poor boy, and his unconsciousness
of the fact that history did exist
independent of Rowley, and that
his wonderful statement could be
put to its test. In the note which
accompanied this extraordinary pro-
duction he introduced himself to
Walpole as a brother dilettante.
"Being versed a little in antiqui-
ties, I have met with several curi-
470
Chattei-ton.
[April
ous MSS.," he says. No doubt this
mode of approaching the great man
seemed to the youth the perfection
of craft and prudence; and when he
received in return a courtly letter,
complimenting him upon his learn-
ing, his urbanity, and politeness,
and couched in the terms due from
one stately student to another, it is
not wonderful if he felt his hopes
almost realised. The poor boy
wrote again, not abandoning his
grandiloquent pretences as to Row-
ley, but bursting into a little per-
sonal history as well. He told his
splendid correspondent that he was
" the son of a poor widow who sup-
ported him with great difficulty ;
that he was still an apprentice to
an attorney, but had a taste or
turn for more elegant studies ;
and hinted a wish," says Walpole,
who is our only authority as to the
words of this letter, " that I would
assist him with my interest in emerg-
ing out of so dull a profession by
procuring him some place in which
he could pursue his natural bent."
With this letter Chatterton enclosed
no more nonsense about painters,
but several of the Rowley poems,
and awaited the result with, it is
too easy to imagine, a beating
heart.
The result was such as might
have been anticipated. The cour-
teous reception of a doubtful anti-
quity from a brother virtuoso, which
involved nothing more than civility
and a learned correspondence, was
one thing; but to take bodily upon
one's shoulders the charge of an
uneducated and penniless lad, with
a fardel of very suspicious MSS.,
was a totally different matter. Our
friend Horace was taken much
aback. He had no way of knowing
that it was a matter of life and death
to his correspondent ; and even had
he done so, it is doubtful whether
he would have thought the despair
of a Bristol apprentice anything like
so important as his own comfort
and equanimity. But he was still
courteous, even kind in his way.
He submitted the poems to Gray
and Mason, whose opinion against
their genuineness was stronger than
his own, and he wrote very civilly
to the young unfortunate. " I un-
deceived him," he says, " about my
being a person of interest, and
urged him that in duty and grati-
tude to his mother, who had strait-
ened herself to breed him up to a
profession, he ought to labour in
it that in her old age he might
absolve the filial debt. I told him
that when he should have made a
fortune, he might unbend himself
with the studies consonant to his
inclinations." Pitiless words ! yet
not meant badly by the fine gentle-
man, to whom, no doubt, it appear-
ed quite possible that a budding
attorney might one day make some
kind of dirty little fortune. Poor
Chatterton, stinging and tingling in
every vein, yet keeping his temper
with a miraculous effort, replied in
defence of his MSS., upon which his
correspondent had thrown a doubt.
" I am not able to dispute with a
person of your character," cries the
poor boy, who, even in this bitter
moment, cannot refrain from some
circumstantial fibbing about his
Rowley, whose productions he
copied, he says, " from a transcript
in the hands of a gentleman who
is assured of their authenticity."
But he concludes with a burst of
indignant but not undignified feel-
ing. " Though I am but sixteen
years of age, I have lived long
enough to see that poverty attends
literature. I am obliged to you,
sir, for your advice, and will go a
little beyond it, by destroying all
my useless lumber of literature,
and never using my pen again but
in the law."
Poor hot-headed disappointed
boy ! no doubt there were bitter
tears in his eyes as he wrote these
words, so full of indignant mean-
ing, so real in feeling, and yet so
impossible. Twice after he had to
apply to Walpole for the return of
his MSS., Horace having gone to
Paris to enjoy himself for six weeks
in the mean time, and forgotten all
1 870.]
Chatterlon.
471
about his petitioner. They were
finally returned without a word to
apologise for the delay. And thus
tmded poor Chatterton's dream —
the only project with any real foun-
dation to it which had yet entered
his fertile brain.
But yet it would be cruel to im-
pute any serious blame to Walpole.
Advice is an unpalatable substitute
for warm support and champion-
ship ; but there was no reason why
be should accept the task of setting
up this boy in the world, and mak-
ing a career for him. No doubt
he was sorry afterwards if it ever
occurred to him that his repulse
bad anything to do with Chatter-
ton's fate. But we cannot believe
that it had actually anything to do
with it. The boy's energies were
quite fresh and unbroken, and the
sting of a great disappointment is
quite as often a spur as a discour-
aging blow. Probably the cutting
off of his hopes had something to
do with the sharp and angry satires
produced during his last year in
Bristol, and which seem to have
been chiefly directed against his
friends. One of these, Mr Catcott
the pe wterer, received his castigation
in such a Christian spirit, or rather
with such unexampled vanity, as to
annotate and preserve it, evident-
ly with an idea that fame is fame,
and that to be celebrated in satiric
verse is better than not to be cele-
brated at all. But his brother the
clergyman, with whom Chatterton
had become intimate, received it
in quite another fashion, and broke
off all intercourse with the rash
boy — a fact which would seem to
have startled him — the first pun-
ishment of his unsparing ridicule.
By this time he seems to have be-
come very well known in Bristol.
He had a bowing acquaintance, his
sister tells us, with almost all the
young men ; and his strange ways,
his fits of silence, his abstruse occu-
pations, and no doubt in such an
age his unusual temperance, made
him an object of some wonder to
the common crowd. He was like
nobody else in that little world.
He was known to be already a man
of letters, contributing to the news-
papers and magazines; and that of
itself was foundation enough upon
which to attribute to him all man-
ner of oddity. Wondering looks
followed as he went on his dreamy
way from Mr Lambert's house to
his office — from the office to his
mother's humble little dwelling.
That was the utmost extent of his
locomotion on week-days ; but on
Sunday he made expeditions into
the country, and would bring home
drawings of village churches which
had taken his fancy ; or beguiling
a half -reluctant companion to the
river -side, would throw himself
down on the grass and read to him,
probably to the great bewilderment
of his faculties, one of Rowley's
poems ; or in a gayer mood would
join the gay crowd in the public
promenade, where the girls went
to show their finery. He had
many friends among those "girls,"
the pretty blossoms of their genera-
tion, who perhaps were less hard
upon him than wiser folk — and
wrote verses to them, and promised
to write them letters when he went
away ; but these friendships were
such that he could send his mes-
sages to them through his mother —
a harmless mode of correspondence.
These are the higher lights of
Chatterton' s life. But all this time
it must be remembered that the lad
who had been permitted to discuss
theology with the clerical Catcott,
and give information to the anti-
quarian Barrett — who had corre-
sponded with Walpole, and seen
himself in print in a London maga-
zine— and who had formed a thou-
sand dreams more splendid than
any reality — was still the bedfellow
of Mr Lambert's footboy, eating
his spare meals in Mr Lambert's
kitchen with the maids, and with
no place of refuge from these com-
panions except in the office, where
sometimes Mr Lambert himself
would appear furious, seizing upon
his cherished labours, and scatter-
472
Chatterton.
[April
ing the floor with the fragments of
his lost poetry. He was boarded
and clothed by this harsh employer,
but had not a penny even to pro-
vide himself with paper, except
the chance half-crowns which Bar-
rett or Catcott bestowed upon him
for his MSS. If he was " moody
and uneven in spirits," what won-
der? With such associates round
him continually, it would have been
strange if he had not been subject
to " fits of absence." And as he
grew and developed, the yoke be-
came more and more irksome. He
was apprenticed to Mr Lambert
for seven years, only two of which
were gone, and to get free was the
object of his constant longing. He
would run away, he said, in despair,
in the evening hours which he
spent at home, and which were
often spent, no doubt, in those an-
xious pleadings with him for pa-
tience on the part of the troubled
women, and wild complaints on his
side, which are unfortunately so
common. One knows the very
arguments the poor mother would
use, praying her impatient boy,
with tears in her eyes, to put up
with it a little longer. What was
to become of him] — what was to
become of them all if he threw
away this only certain sustenance 2
There are few of us who have not
seen such scenes ; but not many
discontented boys nowadays have
such foundation as had poor Chat-
terton, thus beset on every side,
and shut out from any possible
consolation or even privacy in his
life.
It is hard to say whether the
accident which cut short his bond-
age was the result of careful ar-
rangement on his part, or if it was
simply chance ; probably a little of
both. There is a mixture of levity
and reality in the strange docu-
ment called his will, which seems
to bring before us too clearly for
any artifice the workings of the
strange double mind — one all school-
boy insolence, the other deepen-
ing into a pathetic sense of all the
mysteries of life — which inspired the
lad. This curious production be-
gins with satirical addresses to his
friends Burgum and Catcott in verse,
and breaking off abruptly with a
reference to the usual burial-place
of suicides, continues thus: —
"This is the last Will and Testament
of me, Thomas Chatterton, of the City
of Bristol ; being sound in body, or it
is the fault of my last surgeon. The
soundness of my mind the Coroner and
Jury are to be judges of, desiring them
to take notice, that the most perfect
masters of human nature in Bristol dis-
tinguish me by the title of the Mad
Genius ; therefore if I do a mad action,
it is conformable to every action of^my
life, which all savoured of insanity.
" Item, If after my death, which
will happen to-morrow night before
eight o'clock, being the Feast of the
Resurrection, the Coroner and Jury bring
it in lunacy, I will and direct that Paul
Farr, Esq., and Mr John Flower, at
their joint expense, cause my body to
be interred in the tomb of my fathers,
and raise the monument over my body
to the height of four feet five inches,
placing the present flat stone on the top,
and adding six tablets.
" On the first, to be engraved in Old
English characters —
" Vous qui par ici passez
Pur 1'ame Guateroine Chatterton priez ;
Le Cors di oi ici gist,
L'ame receyve Thu Crist.— MCCX.
"On the second tablet, in Old Eng-
lish characters —
"Orate pro animabus Alanus Chatter-
ton, et Alicia Uxeris ejus, qui quidem
Alanus obict X. die mensis Noverab.
MCCCCXV., quorum animabus propine-
tur Deus. Amen.*
" On the third tablet, in Roman char-
acters—
"Sacred to the Memory of
THOMAS CHATTERTON,
Subchaunter of the Cathedral of this city,
whose ancestors were residents of St Mary
Redcliffe since the year 1140. He died
the 7tli of August 1752.
"On the fourth tablet, in Roman
characters —
The French and Latin are given as Chatterton wrote them.
1870.]
Chatterton.
473
" To the Memory of
THOMAS CHATTEHTON.
Reader, judge not : if thoti art a Chris-
tian, believe that he shall be judged by a
superior Power ; to that Power alone is
he now answerable."
This wonderful jumble of the
imaginary and true, fictitious an-
cestors and but too real father and
son, is not more remarkable than
the sudden drop in a moment
from the false levity of all that pre-
cedes it to the touching and pathetic
words which have since been in-
scribed on Chatterton's monument
— a momentary gleam of the better
and truer soul. The will then re-
lapses into satire, as the boy be-
queaths his " vigour and fire of
youth/' his humility, his modesty,
his spirit and disinterestedness, his
powers of utterance and his free-
thinking, to various of his friends,
patrons, and enemies in Bristol.
Then he pauses, with once more a
recollection of something better, to
make a kind of apology to the Cat-
cotts for his sins against them. " I
have an unlucky way of railing,
and when the strong fit of satire is
upon me I spare neither friend nor
foe/' says the poor fool of genius,
divided between real regret for his
cruelties, and a certain sense that it
is a fine thing to have talents and
impulses which are too strong to be
resisted. " I leave all my debts,"
he concludes, "the whole not five
pounds, to the payment of the gen-
erous Chamber of Bristol. . . .
I leave my mother and sister to the
protection of my friends, if I have
any. Executed in the presence of
Omniscience, the 14th of April
1770." This wonderful melange of
flippancy and solemnity is endorsed
as follows : "All this wrote between
eleven and two o'clock, Saturday, in
the utmost distress of mind." Poor
boy ! wearing his charlatan habit
with such a tragic truthfulness !
He meant it every word, and yet he
meant it not. He was playing with
that cold-gleaming remorseless wea-
pon of death; touching the axe
with his finger, jesting over it,
shooting sharp shafts under cover
of its presence, and laughing at the
twinges of his victims ; yet wonder-
ing, wondering all the time when
the moment came how it would
feel.
He left this composition, written,
as most of his productions were, in
a copy-book, upon his desk ; and by
chance or by design it fell into Mr
Lambert's hands. The attorney
had been already scared by another
trick of the same kind, and was too
much alarmed any longer to run the
risk of finding a dead drudge in his
office some day instead of a living
one. His alarm was so great that
we are told the indentures were im-
mediately cancelled, and the dan-
gerous apprentice dismissed. He
was as glad to be rid of Lambert as
Lambert must have been to get rid
of him; and went back to his
mother, carrying trouble and con-
sternation into the dressmaker's
humble household, but full of con-
fidence himself. " Would you have
me stay here and starve 1 " he asked,
when the weeping women tried to
dissuade him from his project of
going to London; and then he
chattered to them of the great fu-
ture that was coming, and of all the
grandeur he would surround them
with. He talked away their fears,
or at least talked them silent — no
rare occurrence; for here again is
no exceptional feature in a poet's
life, but one of the perennial chances
of humanity — the confident boy,
fearing nothing, eager to dash into
the fight and dare all its perils — the
older, sadder souls that have them-
selves been wounded in the battle,
weeping, doubting, deprecating,
and yet not without a feeling in
their hearts that for him an excep-
tion may be made which goes
against all experience, and that such
bright hope and courage and con-
fidence cannot altogether fail.
And in this moment of necessity
his friends stepped in to help.
They made up a purse for him to
pay his expenses to London and
give him a start in his new career.
The amount is not known, and pro-
474
Chatterton.
[April
bably was not very great ; but it
was enough to send the boy away
in the highest spirits, in the basket
and afterwards on the top of the
coach, where he " rid easy," as he
writes to his mother. He wrote
the first morning after his arrival
a long letter with a complete itin-
erary of his journey. He had got
into London at five in the evening
on the 25th of April, and had at
once proceeded to visit the book-
sellers with whom he had already
some kind of connection, through
his contributions to the Town and
Country and other magazines. He
had, he says, " great encourage-
ment from them all ; all approved
of my design." He had seen vari-
ous relations in London and had
received a kindly welcome ; and
altogether was in high hope and
excitement, feeling himself on the
verge of a brilliant fate.
Chatterton established himself
in lodgings in Shoreditch — a curi-
ous locality, considering all the fine
company which he immediately
declared himself to be keeping. So
far as personal comfort went he
would not seem to have much im-
proved by the change, ior again we
find he shared his room with a
nephew of his landlady's, a young
plasterer, whose peace must have
been strangely disturbed by his
new bedfellow. "He used to sit
up almost all night in writing and
reading," says the plasterer's sister;
" and her brother said he was
afraid to lie with him, for to be
sure he was a spirit and never
slept ; for he never came to bed
till it was morning, and then, for
what he saw, never closed his eyes."
And, however late he had been, he
invariably got up when the young
workman did, between five and six.
The same feverish restlessness
seems to have distinguished him
through all the remainder of his
brief life. His letters are like the
utterance of a man in a breathless
hurry. He is writing this and that
• — he is sought for here and there.
Wilkes is anxious to see him ; Beck-
ford the mayor is going to make
his fortune. He knows all the wits
at the coffee-houses ; he meant to
have called on the Duke of Bed-
ford, but could not, as he was ill.
All these startling intimations of
exalted fortune hurry from his
pen as if he had no time to take
breath. And he must indeed, dur-
ing the first month he spent in
London, have been busy enough,
though not to much profit. He had
papers in the ' Middlesex Journal,'
the 'Freeholders' Magazine,' the
1 Town and Country Magazine,' the
'Annual Register;7 and even the
' Gospel Magazine ' received contri-
butions from him, " for a whim " as he
tells the anxious watchers at home.
" I get four guineas a-month by one
magazine," he wrote a fortnight
after his arrival, " and shall engage
to write a History of England and
other pieces, which will more than
double that sum. Occasional essays
for the daily papers will more than
support me. What a glorious pros-
pect ! " He promises his sister
" two silks during the summer,"
she has only to choose the colours ;
and does manage somehow or other
to send his mother a box containing
a half-dozen cups and saucers, two
fans, and some British herb snuff
for his grandmother — a touching
proof of the boy's tender thought
of his own people, the humble, sim-
ple, anxious family who were re-
joicing with trembling in the little
Bristol house.
Amid all this big talk, however,
he allows himself to complain, in a
letter to his sister, that the political
essays or letters which he had begun
to write did not pay. It was the age
of Junius, and the ambitious boy
had set himself up as a kind of
rival to Junius under the title of
Decimus. But he found that
" essays on the patriotic side fetch
no more than what the copy is sold
for," and that on the other side
they fetch nothing at all. " You
must pay to have them printed," he
says with curious shrewdness, " but
then you seldom lose by it." " If
1870.]
Chatterton.
475
money flowed as fast on me as
honours," he adds, " I would give
you a portion of £5000." There
does not seem to have been any
foundation for all these boasts ; yet
the brag which was made to keep
up the spirits of his mother and
sister, and conceal from them his
privations, surely deserves to be
called at least a pious fraud, and
must not be too sharply criticised.
He kept up the farce almost to the
end, describing himself on the 20th
July, only a month before his
death, as having " a universal ac-
quaintance : my company is courted
everywhere ; and could I humble
myself to go into a compter, could
have had twenty places before now ;
but I must be among the great :
State matters suit me better than
commercial," says the boy, in what
must have been the half-delirious
self-assertion of a spirit approach-
ing the final margin of despair. A
little later he tries to obtain a re-
commendation from Mr Barrett for
a situation as surgeon in a ship
going to Africa, a wonderful prac-
tical contradiction to his boasts
which must have confused the
minds of his friends. Barrett re-
fused to give it, as was natural.
And then the darkness seems to
have closed in around the unhappy
lad. The last visible sign we have
of him in this world is a letter to
Catcott, mostly about the architec-
ture of Redcliffe Church, and the
improvement of the Bristol streets.
" Heaven send you the comforts of
Christianity ; I request them not,
for I am no Christian," he says.
These are almost his last words out
of the gathering shadows. They
are dated the 12th August, but
twelve days before his death ; but
not a word is in them to lead to the
inference that the writer's heart
and hopes were failing, that he was
nearly at the end of all his devices,
beginning to starve among stran-
gers. Shortly before this he had
changed his lodging, for no reason
that is told to us, but probably
that he might hide his growing
poverty, the beginning of utter want
and destitution, from people who
knew him. A relative of his own
lived in the house in Shoreditch,
and must have found out his priva-
tions— and the poor proud boy pre-
ferred to hide his misery and suffer
alone.
There is little to be learned about
his last days. He had stolen away
like a wounded animal to hide what
he had to bear. For the first time
in his life he had his poor room to
himself. It was in the dusky
neighbourhood of Holborn, in the
midst of the fullest din of London,
and nobody who knew him was
near to win the unhappy one back
to hope. He had written night
and day, using all his young strong
faculties to the utmost, dispensing
with sleep and food and all the
ordinary supports of mortal men ;
and this, no doubt, had undermined
his health, so that despair had so
much the easier mastery of him
when, after valiantly fighting the
wolf at the door for four long
months, it at last broke in. The
publishers, according to his own
calculation, were owing him eleven
pounds — enough to give so frugal a
being bread for some time to come ;
but he could not get the money
that was owing to him, and that
bitter doubt and distrust of man
which lay in the depths of his
nature broke forth in full force,
adding a double pang to his other
sufferings. With that horrible
doubt and sense of wrong came
the pride which is their natural
companion. Humble overtures of
kindness made by the humble
people about him, who saw that
the boy was starving, were rejected
with scorn. Once only the pre-
tence of an oyster-supper tempted
him to eat in the house of a kind
apothecary in his new neighbour-
hood. This, it is supposed, was
his last meal. When his landlady
begged him to share her dinner
with her in the last awful days,
the poor boy, mad with hunger
and despair, resented the Chris-
476
Chatterton.
[April
tian charity. He kept himself all
alone " a prisoner in his room "
with such thoughts as only the
eye of God could see. Between
the unhappy child (not eighteen)
in his despair, and those tenderest,
most pitiful, all-comprehending eyes
of the Father in heaven, it is not
fit that any man should interpose
his vain judgment. On the 24th
of August the boy's fortitude or
his mind gave way. It is possible
that he had the poison in readiness
for some such emergency, or else
that he staggered forth, all weak
and ghastly, to get it when nature
could bear no more. It was arsenic,
mixed with water, we are told,
which was the means of death he
chose. Next morning, when the
frightened people of the house
broke open his door, he lay among
a thousand fragments of the papers
he had torn up wildly before dying,
in all his young beauty, the bright
eyes dim, the strong limbs power-
less, like a young oak-tree felled,
while all its strength was yet to
come. This was the end of his
struggles, his indomitable courage,
his wild tender boastings of good
fortune which had *never been.
The sleepless soul had perished in
its pride. The great career which
ought to have been was annulled
for ever.
We have not attempted any criti-
cism of Dr Wilson's careful and
sympathetic study of this short sad
life. The ground has been often
gone over, but never with more
painstaking labour or truer feeling;
and this book is not burdened, as
are almost all others on the same
subject, with elaborate discussions
about the comparative wickedness
of literary forgeries, or the forgot-
ten arguments of the Rowley con-
troversy. Dr Wilson's interest is
with his hero — to whom he has ren-
dered the calm yet generous justice
which is scarcely ever attained by
contemporaries, or even by critics
of the generation immediately fol-
lowing— and not with mere literary
discussions or dilettante arguments.
We have refrained, too, from the
Rowley controversy, and also from
the Rowley poems, as things of in-
ferior and temporary moment in
comparison with the story of their
author. The first is dead, as all
such absurd discussions must come
to be as soon as remorseless Time
has laid his hand upon them. The
poems, if not dead, are sadly buried
under the rubbish of artificial anti-
quity with which it pleased their
author to encumber them. Under-
neath are to be found rich tints of
beauty and power, the scatterings
of a splendid and prodigal genius ;
but we have no space to enter into
criticism. We are told, in all Chat-
terton's earlier memoirs, with the
unfailing set moral of the eighteenth
century, that had he but waited
a while all would have been well
with him. Did not Dr Fry of St
John's College, Cambridge, go to
Bristol very shortly after to inves-
tigate into the Rowley poems and
their discoverer? "Poor Chatter-
ton ! he might have grown to be a
perfect man, and become a happy
poet and a Christian philosopher,"
says one of his anonymous biogra-
phers. But, after all, there is no-
thing certain in Dr Fry nor in
the justice of the world; and the
only conclusion we have the heart
to put to this saddest chapter of
literary history, is that which he
himself appointed to be placed over
his grave : " Reader, judge not. If
thou art a Christian, believe that
he shall be judged by a superior
Power: to that Power alone is he
now answerable." There is nothing
more to be said.
1870.]
Blue Laws.
477
BLUE LAWS.
THOUGH the world — especially
that part of it which speaks English
— must, according to all present ap-
pearance, resign itself, as best it
may, to the government of mere
numbers, there is no reason why
the minority should worship the
majority, or extol its decrees as the
perfection of wisdom. Vox populi,
vox Dei, never was a true saying,
and never will be, unless the mul-
titudes become very much wiser
and less selfish than they have
ever yet shown themselves, in any
part of the world, since the begin-
ning of time. The voice of the peo-
ple was for Barabbas, not for Jesus.
'Punch and Judy' is a more attract-
ive performance to our masters —
" the masses" — than ' Hamlet ' or
' Macbeth '; and if the whole world
were counted, Christianity itself
would be found to be in a minority
as compared with Mohammedanism
or Buddhism. There is sometimes
a chance under the rule of a single
despot that the many may escape
oppression — for a despot may be
mild, equitable, and conscientious ;
but mere majorities, however much
it may be in our day the fashion to
defer to them, are often very virulent
and unjust, and, worst defect of all,
are either wholly unendowed with
a conscience, or, possessing a con-
science, consider it their duty to
consign to the stake or the scaffold
all the wiser people who disagree
with them. And when a minority
that has ever been persecuted or
savagely treated finds itself, in the
course of time and by the progress
of events, converted into a majority,
it is very apt to better the lessons
which it has been taught in the
days of its tribulation, and do to
others even worse than it has
been done by. All history is full
of the struggles and sufferings of
minorities, and of the insolent op-
pression of majorities, and will pro-
bably continue to be so until the
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLIV.
happy days, which Dr Gumming
expects to see so soon, when the
lion shall lie down with the lamb,
and when men, studying war no
more, shall turn their swords into
ploughshares and their spears into
pruning-hooks, and every one shall
be as wise as Solomon, and as in-
nocent as Adam on the day of his
creation.
In England and America, im-
mediately after the Reformation
had gone through its first phases,
the tyranny of majorities took a
turn that was mainly religious, and
to a smaller extent political. The
Puritans, at one time in a minority,
suffered, there can be no denial of
the fact, a great amount of injus-
tice for conscience' sake, and made
the world their debtors for very
much of the subsequent liberty
which it has enjoyed ; but they
nevertheless, when it came to their
turn to be in the majority, inflicted
upon their opponents fully as much
persecution as they themselves had
endured. They had their first great
triumph in England and their
second in America, and in both
countries did their utmost to draw
upon themselves not only the
hatred but the ridicule of the non-
Puritanic community. But though
they might incur ridicule, it was
impossible, in those who suffer-
ed from their ascendancy, to de-
spise people with such fiery zeal,
and such grim and disagreeable
earnestness as they manifested in
all their dealings with their oppo-
nents. Lord Macaulay, in a well-
known passage of his History, very
graphically describes their doings
in Old England, before New Eng-
land was handed over to their
mercies : —
" Against the lighter vices the ruling
faction waged war with a zeal little
tempered by humanity or by common
sense. Sharp laws were passed against
betting. It was enacted that adultery
2K
478
Blue Laws.
[April
should be punished with death. The
illicit intercourse of the sexes, even
where neither violence nor seduction
was imputed, where no piiblic scandal
was given, where no conjugal right was
violated, was made a misdemeanour.
Public amusements, from the masques
which were exhibited at the mansions
of the great down to the wrestling
matches and grinning matches on vil-
lage greens, were vigorously attacked.
One ordinance directed that all the May-
poles in England should forthwith be
hewn down. Another proscribed all
theatrical diversions. The playhouses
were to be dismantled, the spectators
fined, the actors whipped at the cart's
tail. " Rope - dancing, puppet - shows,
bowls, horse-racing, were regarded with
no friendly eye. But bear-baiting, then
a favourite diversion of high and low,
was the abomination which most strong-
ly stirred the wrath of the austere sec-
taries. It is to be remarked that their
antipathy to this sport had nothing in
common with the feeling which has, in
our own time, induced the Legislature to
interfere for the purpose of protecting
beasts against the wanton cruelty of
men. The Puritan hated bear-baiting,
not because it gave pain to the bear, but
because it gave pleasure to the spectators.
Indeed he generally contrived to enjoy
the double pleasure of tormenting both
spectators and bear."
When the reaction against Puri-
tanism in England had set in so
strongly as to threaten to bring
about the persecution of the per-
secutors, these sturdy zealots be-
thought themselves of the New
World, whither many of their co-
religionists had long preceded them.
They resolved, when they could
no longer have their own way at
home, to shake the dust of their
native land from their feet, and
try their fortune on that new
soil where they were unlikely to
find any other enemies than the
savages and the wild animals of the
forest. So, packing up their worldly
goods, and by no means forgetting
to carry their intolerance along with
them, they settled in various swarms
upon the rugged shores of Massa-
chusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode
Island, and resolved to govern
themselves on principles more thor-
oughly theocratic than had ever
been brought into practice since
the days when the Jews grew weary
of the strict discipline of the pro-
phet Samuel, and resolved to have
a king to rule over them like other
nations. They applied the laws
given by Moses to the Jews in the
wilderness to a people who were
not Jews, and who were not pass-
ing through the wilderness towards
a promised land, but who already
possessed another Land of Promise,
and had been nurtured in a very
different kind of civilisation from
that of the Pentateuch.
These laws, far more Judaical than
Christian, had been in operation,
socially more than legally, in New
England for several years, when, in
1646, it was resolved by the General
Court of Connecticut, of which the
jurisdiction included a wider range
than the present limits of that
State, to make a collection of all
the laws then in force that differed
in any respect from the laws of Eng-
land, and that they should be re-
vised, digested, and incorporated
into one code. Mr Roger Ludlow
of Hartford, one of the magistrates
of the colony, was intrusted with
the task. He spent four years over
it, laboured very industriously, and
in 1650 presented the code to the
General Court, which approved of
it as the Law of the Connecticut
Colonies. This code remained in
operation until 1686, when Sir
Edward Andros, the new Governor
sent out by King James II., sus-
pended the Charter of the Colony,
as well as the Puritanic laws, and
for a time re-established the laws
of England.
The laws so codified by Roger
Ludlow were the famous " Blue
Laws." The Americans, always
happy in the bestowal of nicknames,
gave them this appellation in deri-
sion, and it has adhered to them
too tightly to be ever shaken off.
The phrase was suggested by the
old English phrase of "the blues,"
and " blue - devils," and the com-
mon vulgarism " to look blue,"
under sorrow, disappointment, or
calamity. These Blue Laws were
of five kinds — general, theological,
1870.]
Blue Laws.
479
municipal, commercial, and person-
al. It is only the latter that offer
any peculiarity, or that need any
description ; for the former kinds
were mainly of the same character as
the laws of all civilised countries of
the time, and were closely founded
upon the written and unwritten
laws of England. Their whole gist
and purpose were summarised in
one significant paragraph by Roger
Ludlow : —
"It is therefore ordered by this
courte, and by the authority thereof,
that noe man's life shall bee taken
away; that noe man's honor or good
name shall be stained ; that noe man's
person shall be arrested, restrained,
bannished, dismembered, nor in any
way punished ; that noe man shall be
deprived of his wife or children ; that
noe man's goods or estate shall be taken
away from him, nor any ways endam-
maged, under color of law or counte-
nance of authority, unless it bee by the
virtue or equity of some express law of
the country warranting the same, estab-
lished by a generall courte and suffici-
ently published ; or. in case of the defect
of a law in any particular case, by the
Word of God."
By "the Word of God" the
Puritans meant the Old Testament
rather than the New, as will appear
from the sanguinary severity of
their enactments against offences
which the New Testament would
have treated more leniently, and
as contrasted with the charity and
mercy exhibited by the Saviour to
the woman taken in adultery. The
adulterer and the adulteress were
both to be put to death, and even
the incorrigible Sabbath - breaker
was to be subjected to the same
penalty, though we believe there is
no instance on record of its having
been inflicted. A few extracts
from this by no means Christian
code will show alike the spirit of
the Blue Laws and the authority
upon which they were founded.
" I. If any man, after legall convic-
tion, shall have or worship any other
god but the Lord God, hee shall bee put
to death (Deut. xiii. 6; xvii. 2; Exod.
xxii. 20)."
"III. If any man shall blaspheme
the name of God the Father, Sonne, or
Holy Ghost, with direct, express, pre-
sumptuous, or high-handed blasphemy,
or shall curse any one in the like man-
ner, hee shall bee put to death (Lev.
xxiv. 15, 16)."<
" VIII. If any person committeth adul-
tery with a married or espoused wife,
the adulterer and the adulteress shall bee
surely put to death (Lev. xx. 10 ; and
xviii. 20)."
"X. If any man stealeth a man or
mankinde, hee shall bee put to death
(Exod. xxi. 16).
" XL If any man rise up by false
witnesse, willingly and of purpose, to
take away any man's life, he shall bee put
to death (Deut. xix. 16)."
"XIII. If any childe or children
above sixteene yeares old, and of suffi-
cient understanding, shall curse or smite
his or their natural! father or mother,
hee or they shall bee put to death, unless
it can bee sufficiently testified that the
parents have beene very unchristianly
negligent in the education of such chil-
dren, as to provoke them by extreme
and cruell correction, that they have
been forced thereunto to preserve them-
selves from death (or) maiming (Exod.
xxi. 17-25; Lev.)
' ' XIV. If any man have a stubborn
and rebellious sonne of sufficient yeares
and understanding — viz., sixteene years
of age — which will not obey the voice
of his father, or the voice of his mother,
and that, when they have chastened
him, will not hearken unto them, then
may his father and mother, being his
natural! parents, lay hold on him, and
bring him to the magistrates assembled
in courte, and testifie there that their
sonne is stubborn and rebellious, and
will not obey their voice and chastise-
ment, but lives in sundry notorious
crimes, such a sonne shall bee put to death
(Deut. xx.)"
As regards penalties that were
not capital, for minor offences the
Blue Laws pressed very heavily on
the right of private judgment. The
Old Puritans, though enemies of
drunkenness and excess, were by no
means disinclined to allow either a
rich man or a poor man a fair modi-
cum of good liquor, if his head were
hard enough and his stomach capa-
cious enough to bear it. It was
ordered, for instance, that no inn-
keeper should allow any of his
guests or customers to drink ex-
cessively; that is to say, above half
a pint of wine for one person at one
time ; or, to continue tippling for
480
Blue Laws.
[April
above half an hour together ; or
tippling at all, " after nine of the
clock in the evening." The penalty
for drunkenness was ten shillings —
a large sum in those days. If a per-
son were thrice fined for drunken-
ness, a whipping was to be substi-
tuted for the fine on all subsequent
occasions, accompanied by a public
exhibition in the stocks.
Lying, as distinguished from
perjury, was punished severely in
all persons above the age of four-
teen years, especially if the lies they
told were injurious to the public
weal, or to the character of any
particular person. A fine of ten
shillings was imposed for the first
offence ; for the second, twenty
shillings, or a whipping on the
naked body ; for the third, forty
shillings, or an extra allowance of
stripes; and so on in a continu-
ally increasing proportion, both of
money penalty and physical pain.
Smoking was not in favour
among the Blue Law givers. It
was ordered that noperson under the
age of twenty-one years, nor any
other (however old) who had not
already accustomed himself to the
use of tobacco, should be permitted
to smoke or snuff or chew, unless
he brought a certificate from a
physician that it was useful for his
health. Any one who smoked either
in his own house or publicly on the
streets, was to be fined sixpence for
each offence on the testimony of a
single witness. It was ordered also
that " such fines should be paid
without gainsaying."
This law remained in operation,
so far as it applied to smoking in
the public streets, until within liv-
ing memory in the city of Boston
and elsewhere, the fine for dis-
obedience having been raised from
sixpence to a dollar.
Slander was punished by fine,
whipping, and imprisonment. Un-
chastity in man or woman was
punished by whipping through
eleven towns. After a time, when
it was found that the penalty of-
fended the conscience of the people
as being too severe, it was reduced
to whipping through three towns
only. The Scottish vagrant of a
more recent time, who had been
whipped through all the towns of
Scotland at one period or other
of his life, was never whipped in
more than one town at a time, and
objected most of all to the "lang
toon o' Kirkcaldy." Had he added
slander to vagrancy in Connecticut,
the " lang toon o' Kirkcaldy " might
have seemed a desirable place in
comparison.
Burglary and highway robbery
were treated in a peculiar manner.
Any person who committed these
crimes was for the first offence to
be branded on the forehead with
the letter B. For the second offence
he was to have a second letter B
imprinted indelibly on his front,
and to be severely whipped. If he
fell into the offence a third time, he
was to be put to death as incor-
rigible. If the first offence were
committed on the Lord's Day, the
offender, in addition to the brand-
ing, was to have one of his ears cut
off. If the second offence were in
like manner committed on the "Sab-
bath," the remaining ear was to be
cut off.
Contempt of court is an offence
in all civilised countries, but it was
left to the Puritans to make con-
tempt of a preacher, or of his ser-
mon, a crime to be severely dealt
with. It was ordered in the Blue
Laws that if any one within the
jurisdiction of Connecticut "should
beare himself contemptuously to-
wards the word preached," or to-
wards " the messengers (ministers)
that are called to dispense the same,
he should for the first offence be
publicly and severely reprimanded
by the magistrates, and bound
over for his good behaviour ; and
for the second or any subsequent
offence, he should either pay a fine
of £5 to the public treasury, or in
default "stand for two hours openly
upon a block or stoole foure foot
high, with a paper fixed upon his
breast, written with capital letters,
1 an open and obstinate contemnerof
God's holy ordinance,' in order that
1870.]
Slue Laws.
481
others might feare and bee asham-
ed of breaking out into the like
wickedness." Under the same
clause it was ordered that any per-
son who, without just and neces-
sary cause, withdrew himself from
attendance at public worship, should
be fined five shillings for every such
offence.
The denial of the authenticity or
authority of either of the books of
the Old or the New Testament — all
of which were set forth and enu-
merated— or the throwing of doubt
upon them as the true and infallible
word of God, was punishable with
banishment for a first, and with
death for a second, offence. A
Colenso in New England would
have suffered martyrdom.
Profane swearing, or the use of
imprecations against one's self or any
other person, was punishable by a
fine of ten shillings. This has been
cited as a remarkable instance of
lenity on the part of the Puritans,
inasmuch as in England the penalty
was more severe ; and any irrever-
ent allusion to the Deity in a play
was punished by a fine of .£10.
Possibly the Puritans, had they per-
mitted stage plays, would have
judged such irreverent allusion to
be as fully deserving of death as
filial disobedience or other crimes
and offences to which they adjudged
the same penalty.
The records of many convictions
under these laws are still preserved
in Connecticut ; and in Massachu-
setts, where a very similar, if not
in all respects identical, code was
adopted. The worthy Justice Lud-
low, to whom was intrusted the
task of codification, was shortly
after its completion publicly called
" Justass Ludlow," by one Captain
Stone, to whose taste the laws were
too "blue" to be agreeable. For
this offence the Captain was fined
£100, banished from the colony,
and prohibited to return without
the Governor's permission, under
pain of death.
Among other convictions, the fol-
lowing that took place before the
arrival of Sir Edward Andros and
the establishment of a milder code
of government, may serve as speci-
mens of Blue justice : —
Nicholas Taner, servant to Mr
Perry, was publicly whipped for
being drunk and abusing his mas-
ter.
Isaiah, Captain Turner's son, was
fined £5 for being drunk on the
Lord's Day.
William Bromfield was set in the
stocks for profaning the Lord's Day,
and stealing the wine of Mr Malbon,
his master.
David Anderson was publicly
whipped for being drunk; and
Goodman Leone was whipped and
sent out of the plantation, being
not only a disorderly person him-
self, but an encourager of others to
be drunk.
George Spenser being profane and
disorderly in his whole conversa-
tion, and an abettor of others to
sin, was whipped and sent out of
the plantation ; and John Proute,
Henry Brazier, and William Brom-
field, for joining in a conspiracy
with the said Spenser " to carry
away the Cock to Virginia," were
also sentenced to be whipped, but
not banished. Bromfield, being
an old offender, was sentenced to
" weare irons during the magis-
trate's pleasure."
Thomas Parsons, servant to Elias
Parkmore, was whipped for his sin-
ful 1 dalliance and folly with Lydia
Browne.
John Lobell, the miller, for sin-
ful dalliance with a little wench of
Goodman Hall's, was whipped.
Kuth Acie, a covenant servant to
Mr Malbon, was whipped for stub-
bornness, lying, stealing from her
mistress, and yielding to dalliance
with William Harding.
Martha Malbon (daughter of Mr
Malbon), for consenting to go in
the night to a venison-feast with
William Harding, and yielding to
dalliance with the said Harding,
was whipped.
Goodman Hunt and his wife, for
keeping the counsels of the said
William Harding, baking him a
pasty and a plum-cake, and keep-
482
Blue Laws.
[April
ing company with him on the Lord's
Day, and she suffering Harding to
kiss her, were ordered to be sent
out of the town within one month
— "yea, in a shorter time if any
miscarriage (misbehaviour) be found
in them/' It would be interesting
to learn what was the ultimate fate
of this Don Giovanni Harding, but
the records of the colony are silent
on the subject.
Josias Plaistowe, for stealing
four baskets of corn from the In-
dians, was ordered to return them
eight baskets, to be fined £5,
and hereafter to be called Josias
Plaistowe, and not Mr Josias Plais-
towe as heretofore.
Philip Ratcliffe, a servant to Mr
Craddock, being convict of most
foul and scandalous tenets against
the Church and the Government,
\vas sentenced to be " whipped, to
have both his eats cut off, to be
fined £40, and to be banished the
plantation." "All of which were
forthwith executed."
Thomas Petit, for suspicion of
slander, idleness, and stubbornness,
was ordered to be severely whipped,
and to be kept in hold.
John Wedge wood, for being in the
company of drunkards (sic), was
ordered to be set in the stocks.
John Kitchen, for showing books
which he was commanded to bring
to the governor, and forbidden to
show to any other, was fined ten
shillings.
In the matter of dress — although
in this respect the Puritans were by
no means peculiar, and might have
found abundant precedents in the
practice of the English sovereigns
up to and during the reign of
Elizabeth— they objected to the ex-
travagance of servants, and forbade
them to attire themselves like their
masters and mistresses. A New
England ordinance of the year 1651
declared, —
' ' That intolerable excesse and bravery
hath crept in upon us, and that it was a
matter of detestation and dislike that
men of mean conditions and callings
should take upon them the garb of
gentlemen by wearing gold or silver lace,
or buttons, or points at their knees, to
walk in great boots ; or women of the
same ranke, to wear silk or tiffany
hoods or scarfs ; which, though allowable
to persons of greater estates or more libe-
ral education, was intolerable in persons
of suchlike condition."
In the Blue Laws of New Haven,
which were not, however, drawn
up or codified by the State of Con-
necticut, it was ordered that no
one should " travel, cook victuals,
make beds, sweep house, cut hair,
or shave on the Sabbath-day; that
no woman should kiss her child on
the Sabbath or Fasting-day; that
no one should keep Christmas or
Saint days; and that every male
should have his hair cut round ac-
cording to a cap." To " make any
motion of marriage to any man's
daughter or maid-servant, not hav-
ing first obtained leave and consent
of the parents or masters so to do."
was made punishable "either by
fine or whipping, or both, at the
discretion of the bench," and ac-
cording to the gravity or aggrava-
tion of the offence.
Such were the Blue Laws. They
disappeared long ago from America,
as they had previously disappeared
from England and Scotland ; not,
however, without leaving behind
them, on both sides of the Atlantic,
some traces of the ancient spirit —
some embers, as it were, of the old
fire of intolerance, that might on oc-
casion be fanned into a blaze. The
" unco guid and the rigidly right-
eous"— "the wise in their own
conceit" — the "holier than thou"
people — the well-meaning humani-
tarians, doctrinaires, and theory-
mongers, who would rule the world
as they would rule a school or a
nursery, and who would thrust the
action of government into the do-
main of private life, and make
everybody good, virtuous, temper-
ate, and well-behaved by Act of
Parliament, — never seem to fail
among the English-speaking races,
under whatever sky they may estab-
lish their homes. The progress of
civilisation, and the happy removal
of theological unbelief and every
1870.]
Blue Laws.
483
form of religious dissent from the
category of offences which it is the
duty of the State to punish, have
greatly circumscribed the sphere of
action left to those uneasy spirits
who would reform the world on
the principle that because they
are virtuous, or claim to be so, there
shall be no more cakes and ale.
But there is still a wide domain
left to them ; and within that do-
main they are as active, as restless,
as insatiable, and as conceited, as
their Puritan predecessors.
The forms which the old intoler-
ance assumes in our day are princi-
pally confined to what is wrongly
called " Sabbath " observance and
to total abstinence from fermented
liquors, both of which it is sought
to enforce by the action of the Le-
gislature and the hand of the civil
magistrate. There are, it is true,
some minor armies of coercion in
the field. One of these hates to-
bacco-smoke as much as others
dislike Sunday recreation, and an-
other would wage as fierce a war-
fare against the consumption of
animal food as their fellow-intoler-
ants wage against the abuse, and
even the use. of wine, beer, and
spirits. But the anti-nicotian cru-
saders, and, more especially, the
vegetarians, who see nothing but
a vice in beef and mutton, and
nothing but virtue in cabbage and
potatoes, are in such woeful minori-
ties, and so little able to make head
against "le ridicule qui tue" as
scarcely to need even this passing
notice of their little eccentricities.
The Blue- Law Sabbatarians and
Total Abstainers are, however, a
much more formidable class. They
have got law and custom partially
on their side, and are continu-
ally striving to make the law more
Blue, and the custom more imper-
ative. In the case of Sabbath ob-
servance, the very name of which
is Jewish and not Christian, it is
the old Puritanic idea revived in
non - Puritanic days, and the old
Puritanic spirit waxing fierce to
wrath — a spirit that, not con-
tented with the liberty to do as
it pleases in the matter in dispute
between itself and society, makes
itself miserable because it cannot
compel others to wear sackcloth
who would prefer fine linen, or to
eat thistles and hay when bread
and grapes would be more agree-
able. The ultra-Sabbatarians talk
and act as if they would, if they
could, prevent the sun from shin-
ing, the birds from singing, and the
streams from flowing, on their fa-
vourite day. But failing the power
to stop the great timepiece of Na-
ture altogether, they do their best
to convert the day, which should be
one of peace on earth, goodwill to
men, rest from unnecessary toil,
and innocent enjoying of God's
beautiful world, into a day of gloom,
acerbity, and bitterness, and shut
up the poor and the suffering in
the fetid alleys and pestilent lanes
of over-crowded cities, rather than
allow a railway train to start upon
the land, or a steamer to run upon
the rivers, to convey them to the
fresh air that our modern civilisa-
tion denies them in their homes.
Public opinion, however, within the
last few years, has ceased to favour
the " bitter " observance of the Sab-
bath, and to content itself with
striving for the " better" observance
of the Lord's Day ; and a vast in-
terval of time, if measured by the
progress of thought rather than by
years, has passed since the days, at
the beginning of the present cen-
tury, when a magistrate of Glasgow
was fined for walking on the "Green"
on the " Sabbath' ' with some London
visitors, and showing them the
lions of the city, instead of going
quietly to the kirk. The English-
speaking race has, ever since the
Reformation, been greatly inclined
to favour Blue legislation on the
subject of the day of rest ; but the
Blueness is no longer so Blue as it
used to be, and has received such a
tinge of yellow sunlight, that a ver-
dure of increased life and joy has
been the result of the admixture.
Yet the old intolerance dies hard ;
and though the law allows the classes
who have no day to call their own
484
Slue Laws.
[April
but one in seven, to look at the pic-
tures in Hampton Court Palace on
Sunday, it will not allow them to
look at the better pictures belong-
ing to the nation in the National
Gallery, or the wonders of art and
nature in the British Museum. The
distinction partakes far too much
of the old Blue spirit to be logi-
cally, or even morally, defensible ;
yet the ultra-Sabbatarians seem wil-
ling to fight to the death rather than
make this small concession to the
spirit of the age.
But while the Sabbatarians are
growing weak in numbers, though
pugnacious as ever in temper,
the Total Abstainers, the friends
of Permissive Compulsion in the
matter of the poor man's drink,
are growing numerically strong,
and besieging the doors of Par-
liament with their Maine Liquor
Laws and their Licensing Bills.
They advocate measures such as
these, not for the sake of mak-
ing us all temperate, which is a
consummation very devoutly to be
wished, if law could bring it about,
but for the sake of preventing all
but those prosperous people who
can stock their wine-cellars at will,
from procuring any drink but water,
not only on Sunday, but on every
other day of the week, if a majority
of householders and rate -payers,
composed of the comparatively rich
and comfortable, shall in any city,
borough, or town, take it into their
heads that nobody shall procure
wine, beer, or spirits within the
limits of the same who cannot for
lack of money and household
conveniency buy their liquor by
wholesale and store it for daily use.
This, stripped of verbiage, and re-
duced to the bare skeleton of their
purpose, is the true and ultimate
meaning of their Permissive Bills
and Maine Liquor Laws, and the
object of all the machinery which
they strive to set in motion for
wholly preventing or greatly re-
stricting the sale of the beer or
spirits, which are the only stimu-
lants within the reach of the great
bulk of the people in the British
Isles, as in all countries that pro-
duce no wine.
Is it right to deprive poor people
of their beer ] is an old and very
pertinent question on a very sore
subject. Some well-meaning philo-
sophers, who perhaps drink Chateau
Margaux, Veuve Clicquot, or old
Port, answer " Yes ! because the
poor never know when they have
enough, and are not to be safely
trusted with the means of intoxi-
cation." Other philosophers, who
perhaps reconcile practice with
theory, and confine their potations
to tea or to water, also reply in the
affirmative, because, with the strong
faith of zealots, they are intolerant
of all difference of opinion, and
would without hesitation enforce
by the strong arm of authority
wherever they failed to persuade.
But the people most interested —
the multitude of hard-working men
and women, not only in Great Bri-
tain, but in all northern countries
— indignantly deny the right of Gov-
ernments, municipal or general, or
of any body of their fellow-citizens,
to dictate to them what they shall
eat or drink, or what they shall
avoid. They insist that beer is
necessary to their health, not only
as a wholesome stimulant, but as
an article of diet ; and as medical
science, as well as experience, proves
that it is the abuse and not the use
of stimulating liquors that does the
mischief, the poor claim that they
have as much legal and moral right
as the rich to drink what they can
afford, in such quantities as suits
their health and fancy — paying the
penalty of excess exactly as the rich
do, and which outraged nature
exacts with merciless impartial-
ity. The truth is, that the aposto-
lic recommendation, " Let every
man be fully persuaded in his own
mind," applies as thoroughly to
this question as to all other points
of social or religious practice and
belief in a land of civil and reli-
gious liberty, and is not to be
weakened in its relevancy or autho-
rity by the assertion that drunken-
ness is an evil or a crime from
1370.]
Blue Laws.
485
which the mass of mankind re-
quires to be guarded. Gluttony is
an evil, if not a crime ; but who
would make a Blue Law against
over-indulgence in turtle or veni-
son, or any other edible that gour-
mands or gourmets love ? Habitual
uncleanliness and filthiness of per-
son is an offence of the individual
against himself, as drunkenness
is. It is also an offence against
society, inasmuch as it may tend
to spread contagious diseases j but
are we to have a Blue Law
against dirt on the person, and
compel every man to bathe himself
every day, or to be thrown into a
tank or into a river by the police
in the interest of public safety ?
The evils of intemperance in drink
are not to be disputed. We have
all heard the stale old arguments
a thousand times. We have all
been bored and dosed ad nauseam
with the incontrovertible but weary
statistics, which prove to the satis-
faction of the stolidest amongst us
that drunkenness fills our jails, our
workhouses, and our lunatic asy-
lums, and that it is the cause of
infinite private misery, as well as
of public disgrace and cost. To
set forth all these things is but to
slay the slain. We all know them,
and we all deplore them ; and if
the total abstainer pins us in a cor-
ner, and shouts in our ears that
drunkenness is an impoverishing,
selfish, degrading, brutalising, and
maddening vice, we admit the fact,
and decline to argue further with
him until he suggests the remedy.
But when Parliament is asked to
support or to consent to a Blue
Law either to punish the fools who
drink too much, or to prevent peo-
ple who are not fools from drink-
ing in moderation, it becomes the
duty of every friend of liberty to
take care that wrong is not done,
and that laws are not passed which
it will be impossible to enforce,
even if they do not tend to increase
the very evils which they are in-
tended to remove.
A hundred years ago, and even
much more recently, drunkenness
was the especial vice of the upper
classes in this country. It was the
fashion to be ultra-convivial. The
man who could not carry " a proper
skinful of wine " was considered a
poor mean creature, and he lost
caste accordingly. The three-bottle
man was a hero, the six-bottle man
all but a demigod, in the estimation
of such roystering bacchanalians as
our grandfathers and great-grand-
fathers. It was, doubtless, very
shocking and very degrading — and
had there been any professional
philanthropists in those days — any
dealers in " isms," and any preach-
ers and spouters of " progress" — it
would have been very easy to have
got up a striking case for Parlia-
mentary interference with the rich
and the aristocratic in their favour-
ite indulgence. It might have
been shown — in the words which
we proceed to borrow from the Re-
port of a Committee of Clergymen
of the Church of England, pre-
sented to the Lower House of Con-
vocation of the province of Canter-
bury, in February 1869 — "that
loss of health and intellect, decay
of strength, disease in its most
frightful forms, and premature
death, were the usual products of
intemperance " — " that the temper
was soured, the passions inflamed,
the whole nature brutalised by it ;
in short, that there was no enor-
mity of blasphemy in language and
cruelty in action of which even
persons naturally gentle and well
conducted were not capable, and
to which they were not impelled,
when under the influence of drink.
The family affections were blunted
or obliterated, the tenderest rela-
tions were outraged and set at
nought — husbands were neglected
by their wives, wives were sub-
jected to revolting cruelty and vio-
lence by their husbands — and the
sin of the parent was visited on a
stunted, sickly, and debilitated off-
spring."
These eloquent words were ap-
plied by their reverend authors
to the drinking habits of the poor
a year ago; but they would have
486
Slue Laws.
[April
equally well applied to the drink-
ing habits of the rich in the eight-
eenth century, had legislation been
attempted at that day with the view
of enforcing sobriety on the offend-
ing upper classes. Nothing was
done, however — nothing was pro-
posed ; no impediments were put
in the way of the squire or the rec-
tor, or the wealthy landowner, mer-
chant, or professional man, to pre-
vent him from buying wine and
brandy, or from making a beast
of himself. " To be as drunk as a
lord," became at last the common
remark of the poor when one of their
own class fell into the vice which
afflicted those above them. Yet
without the aid of law — without
repression — without interference
with the trade of the wine -mer-
chant— without even the denuncia-
tions of the pulpit, — for the parson
of the olden time loved his bottle
quite as well as the squire, — this
disgusting vice became unfashion-
able, and died out among the rich.
It died out so thoroughly, that a
drunken man in the position and
rank of a gentleman is a spectacle
rarely seen ; and, when seen, marked
by the reprobation of every one
among whom the offender is wont
to find his friends and companions.
The reverend gentlemen, from
whose Report to Convocation in
1869 we have already quoted, ad-
mit this improvement in the man-
ners of the rich. They state, —
' ' That while the evil of social intemper-
ance has of late years greatly diminished
in the upper and middle ranks of society,
no proportionate improvement has taken
place, amongst the labouring classes of
our people ; on the contrary, that drink-
ing prevails amongst them in onr com-
mercial, manufacturing, and agricultu-
ral districts, and in both the army and
navy, to a frightful extent, — and this
notwithstanding the multiplied efforts
of religion and philanthropy, and the
many agencies employed during the last
quarter of a century to counteract this
baneful habit. It would also appear
that the vice of intemperance is not
confined to the male population, or to
persons of mature age, but is spreading
to an alarming degree among women
and the young. Indeed, it appears that
in many parts of the country the evil be-
gins at the earliest age, and that youths
and children may be found amongst its
victims ; and thus the physical, moral,
and spiritual life of our people becomes
infected at its source."
Do not these facts, for facts they
unfortunately are, warrant the true
friends of temperance — who com-
prise millions of people — who are
neither total abstainers nor advo-
cates of a Maine Liquor or any other
Blue Law, in doubting — whether
perfect liberty, together with educa-
tion of the mind and morals, are not
the only adequate remedies for ha-
bitual intemperance 1 The rich have
not been molested by law, or by
the intermeddling of organised phi-
lanthropy, but have been converted
from gross intemperance into decor-
ous sobriety by their own sense of
right and propriety. The poor, on
the contrary, have been lectured at
and preached at, and prevented by
the law — as far as the law was able
— from obtaining, more especially
on Sundays, the drink they re-
quired, and to which they were
accustomed like their ancestors be-
fore them ; and the result has been
an increase of drunkenness ! It
seems to follow, as a logical deduc-
tion from these facts, that the less
the law meddles with the rich, the
less the rich drink; and that the
more the law meddles with the
poor, the more the poor drink.
Such are the facts, let the true ex-
planation of them be what it may.
It should be borne in mind that
the increase of intemperance among
the poorer classes is by no means
peculiar to the British Isles, that
it prevails among the Americans
quite as much as among ourselves,
and that the Americans, like us, are
afflicted with two evils— the want
of cheap, good, nourishing and un-
intoxicating wine ; and that, like
us also, they are seriously afflicted
with the fussy intermeddlesome-
ness of well-meaning but imperti-
nent philanthropists, who, seeing
nothing but the abuse of God's
1870.]
Blue Laws.
487
bounty, seek by Blue Laws and
otherwise to prohibit or to punish
its use. The tone of American
society has not universally attained
that high pitch which it has as-
sumed in Great Britain, and which
ostracises habitual offenders against
sobriety from the company of ladies
and gentlemen, and sends them to
Coventry. And all the efforts of
the Blue Law givers, where such
laws have been introduced, with a
majority at their back, have only
resulted in transferring the public
sale of small quantities of intoxicat-
ing liquors from the wine and spirit
merchant to the apothecary, leaving
the wholesale trade to the free use
of all who are wealthy enough to
keep the keys of their own wine-
cellars. People will drink beer and
spirits both in Great Britain and
in America, where wine is scarce ;
and will not drink to excess in
France, Italy, Spain, and other
southern countries, where wine is
cheap, and as much a necessary of
life as bread, and no one thinks of
unnecessary indulgence in either
the one or the other.
A comparison and study of all
these facts lead to the conclusion
that law, Blue or otherwise, is of
no efficacy in the enforcement of
sobriety, and that the real remedies
for intemperance are to be found
in a totally different direction from
that recommended by the weak
people who, afraid that their own
moderation and that of the poor,
whom they treat as babes and suck-
lings, is not to be depended upon,
think it wiser and safer altogether
to avoid the temptation, which they
might not be able to resist, and to
prevent everybody else, including
people of stronger will and sense
than their own, from running into it.
The true remedies are to be sought
by the poor, and the friends of the
poor, where they have been found
by the rich — first, in social efforts
for raising the standard of moral-
ity, so that the poor labourer's
wife as well as the duchess shall
set herself against drunkenness in
her lover, husband, son, or brother,
as the one degrading vice and sin
which she will neither forgive nor
tolerate ; and, second, in providing
for people of small means really
genuine and wholesome liquor,
which they may drink at their
meals with their families, without
running any more risk of intoxica-
tion than the richer man does when
he drinks his pale ale or his claret
in moderation, and consumes them
not for the sake of stimulating
hilarity, but as articles of diet, as
healthful as his bread or his beef.
In one great and essential respect
the poor have not the same means
for protecting themselves against
knavish dealers and retailers as the
rich have. The rich man has the
pick of the market, as well as some
knowledge of the purity and gen-
uineness of the article which he
desires to purchase. The poor man
must deal where he can, not always
where he would — and is, to an in-
finitely greater extent than the
rich, the victim of the fraudulent
traders, who first put water in his
ale or beer to increase its quantity,
and afterwards, to disguise its con-
sequent weakness, infuse tobacco-
juice, cocculus indicus, and other
noxious drugs in it, to make it
strong again. It is this stuff which
poisons and sometimes maddens
the poor ; and it is against the rob-
bers and the assassins — for they are
no better — who resort to such
practices in order to grow rich the
sooner, that the terrors, not of
Blue Laws, but of rational and
well-considered enactments which
it is possible to enforce, should be
relentlessly invoked. The penal-
ties against this and other kindred
crimes committed by small retail-
dealers in the food and drink of the
helpless multitude are far too leni-
ent. An occasional fine of twenty
shillings to a man who plunders
to the extent, perhaps, of double
that amount per diem — to say
nothing of the superadded poison-
ing, is but a small matter — a mere
feather's touch on the mangy back
488
Blue Laws.
[April
of a scurvy scoundrel, instead of
the forty lashes with the cat-o'-nine-
tails, which would be his more ap-
propriate punishment.
To elevate the tone of moral feel-
ing among the poor; to teach the
young girls who are afterwards to
be the wives and mothers of poor
men how to cook the poor man's
food, so that one shilling in their
instructed hands may go as far as
two shillings in the hands of the
ignorant, — so that the wives of Eng-
lish working men may be as good
housewives and cooks as the wives
of the working men in France,
Belgium, Holland, Germany, and
other countries — which they cer-
tainly are not, and never have been ;
to give the poor equal facilities
with the rich for procuring unadul-
terated liquors, and to wage a war
of extermination against the rapa-
cious villains who, to disguise their
robbery, do not hesitate to poison ;
• — these, and such diffusion of edu-
cation among the very humblest
as would teach them that drunken-
ness is a greater crime against them-
selves than it is against society,
would be far more efficacious in the
disinebriation of the people than
all the Blue Laws and Maine
Liquor Laws that the wit of man
can devise. And it is a cheering
fact for the consideration of those
who think that " a bumper of good
liquor will end a contest quicker
than jury, judge, or vicar/' and
who are of opinion with some of the
wisest, best, and most temperate
men who ever lived, that the mode-
rate use of wine and beer is condu-
cive to health of body and of mind,
that intemperance does not keep
pace with the increase of popula-
tion, but that it is steadily on the
decline among the industrious poor.
Intemperance, though it is a vice th at
forces itself upon notice wherever
it exists, is not the vice par excellence
of our age, our people, or our coun-
try ; and possibly might be even less
so than it is, if the law interfered
as little with the poor man's liquor
as it does with his beef or bread.
The great vice of our age is one of
which the poor are the victims, and
not the agents — the vice, or rather
the crime, which eats into the heart
of modern commerce, both whole-
sale and retail, but especially the
latter, and which leads the dealers,
in almost every imaginable article
that the necessity or the luxury of
man requires, to defraud the pur-
chaser, either by short weight or mea-
sure, or by deleterious, scandalous,
and often murderous adulteration.
Wine, beer, spirits, bread, butter,
tea, coffee, sugar, are but a few of
the articles in the purchase of which
the poor and the middle classes are
shamelessly defrauded by many
villains who would invoke all the
terrors of the law against any one
who should lay violent hands upon
their tills, or pick their pockets of
sixpence or a handkerchief, and who
do not seem to know that the rob-
beries which they themselves com-
mit are among the worst and most
cowardly of all, inasmuch as they
are treacherously committed upon
the helpless, and sometimes not
only involve the loss of substance,
but of health, and even of reason.
The burglar or the highwayman
risks his own carcass when he
commits his crimes; but the sys-
tematic adulterator of the poor
man's food and drink runs no
risk to his person, and very little
to his purse. If Blue Laws, after
the fashion of those of Connec-
ticut, could ever be reintroduced
into a civilised community at the
present day, we think they might
be very fairly and wholesomely tried
upon offenders such as these ; and
that the prevention or condign pun-
ishment of such crimes would be
truer philanthropy, and far more
conducive to the greatest happiness
of the greatest number, than the
stopping of Sunday locomotion, and
the depriving the poor man of his
beer from the public-house, while
allowing the rich man his wine in
his own club or dining-room.
1870.]
On the Government Scheme of Army Reform.
489
ON THE GOVERNMENT SCHEME OF ARMY REFORM.
THE oracle has spoken. After
twelve months' incubation, Mr
Cardweli has produced his long-
promised army egg ; but we are not
quite sure if he is doing " as well
as could be expected."
In a speech of considerable length,
lucidity, and power, but of great
dulness, the War Minister has un-
folded his scheme for the regener-
ation of the army. He promises
a reduction of £1, 069,000 in the
estimates, and of 12,000 men in the
force of the regulars ; but this, he
says, is to be accompanied by an
increase, not a decrease, in effective
power. He brings forward the first
part of a measure evidently intended
as a feeler on the path to the aboli-
tion of purchase. He sweeps away
our existing depot system, and in-
troduces a new one in its place.
He has united all the civil depart-
ments under the heads of Control
and Finance. He proposes to bring
together the disjointed fragments
of our regular and reserve forces in
remoulded military districts. In a
gentle, timid, and hesitating way, he
has even had the courage to ask our
Volunteers to be so very good as — if
it would be quite agreeable to them
— to become a little more efficient
(a proposal for which they have
snubbed him in the most unmerci-
ful manner); and he has brought
forward a new scheme of enlist-
ment, which, if carried out, will
wholly revolutionise our army.
There is enough here to deserve
some passing attention even from
those who take no particular inte-
rest in the army, but regard it
merely as one of the great branches
of the public service.
I. It is always more pleasant to
praise than to blame, and we has-
ten to express our agreement with
Mr Cardwell's scheme of recasting
the whole of the army service into
the three great departments of the
Commander-in-Chief for all execu-
tive duties ; of the Control depart-
ment for all administrative ones;
and of Finance for all monetary
ones. If these great divisions can
each be represented in Parliament,
the service will gain, and the hands
of the War Minister be lightened.
His desire to get quit of the double
set of establishments, now kept up
by a system of mutual distrust as
a check upon each other, and to
substitute for it a system resting
on the principle of a fair division
of the work to be done, under a
single direction, amongst the neces-
sary departments, who are to work
together with mutual confidence,
under the check of real but undivid-
ed responsibility, we regard as de-
serving of all praise as a real and
great step in administrative pro-
gress.
II. In regard to the new depart-
ment of Control, much difference
of opinion exists amongst military
men. We have always strenuously
supported it, on the ground that the
fusing of all the disunited, semi-
hostile branches of our civil ad-
ministrative system into one must
be attended, if properly executed,
with a great economy of time,
labour, and money. And such we
still believe has been the result.
Of course the transfer from one
system to another cannot be effect-
ed without difficulty, jars, and
heartburnings; but time will di-
minish these. There is, however,
one rock ahead upon which we fear
that the Control department is in
much danger of striking — and that
is, the desire of extending its power
beyond its own proper purely civil
and administrative functions, to tJie
executive and military ones of the
army. There seems to be an
inclination in it to emancipate
itself from military control, and
to absorb within itself the whole
490
On the Government Scheme of A rmy Reform.
[April
of the executive duties of the
Quartermaster- General's depart-
ment. A more fatal mistake, and
one more certain to bring ruin on
a force on the field, could not be
made. In peace the Adjutant-
General's, in war the Quartermaster-
General's department, is the most
important of the executive branches
of the service. Strategy is the art
of moving troops, and on skill in it
depends the fate of war. Now any
attempt, however disguised, to take
the direction of this out of military
and put it into civilian hands, would
be simple ruin to a force. It is the
first and most important duty of the
military Staff to arrange in all its
details the whole movement of the
troops on the theatre of war ; it is
the equally important but entirely
subordinate duty of the Control
department to see that they are pro-
perly supplied with every necessary
during the movements thus arrang-
ed and ordered by the military Staff.
But for this purpose the whole or-
ders of the army in the field, of every
kind, must pass from the general
commanding, through his chief of
the Stajf, to the two subordinate de-
partments of the Army Staff on the
one hand and the Control Staff
on the other. Any attempt to
break through this chain of re-
sponsibility by putting the head
controller of the army in the field
in direct personal relations with
the general commanding, and so
rendering the chief of the Staff
irresponsible for the due execution
of military movements, would entail
nothing but certain destruction
upon any force handled on princi-
ples so fatal. We trust that the
reported tendency of the Control
regulations in this direction has
been either misstated or exaggerat-
ed. In so far as the Control depart-
ment has consolidated the existing
civil departments, it has done un-
mixed good ; in so far as it may
encroach upon the military duties
of the executive Staff, it will cause
unmixed evil.
III. Mr Cardwell's plan of di-
viding the country into tolerably
equal military districts, and plac-
ing the whole forces — line and re-
serve, regulars, pensioners, militia,
yeomanry, and volunteers — in each
entirely under the supervision of
the general commanding, is a great
step in administrative progress,
and one which will add much to
the war-strength of the country.
It will tend to unite the different
branches of the land -service to-
gether, and will cause the warlike
resources of the State to be organ-
ised on somewhat of a uniform sys-
tem, and with a uniform end in
view.
IV. "We wish we could give as
unqualified a support to Mr Card-
well's proposal to reduce the army
by 12,000 men. Last year about
the same number were reduced.
It is easy to calculate at this rate
when all anxiety about the army
estimates will cease from the army
itself having vanished away. No-
thing is more simple than to show
a decreasing estimate by a steady
perseverance in disbanding troops.
But this is not what Mr Cardwell
professes to do. He says our dis-
posable force at home will (includ-
ing our reserves) be stronger in
the regular army than ever. We
fear this assertion rests upon a very
transparent fallacy. He ignores
the fact that ( I ) the troops in the
colonies, though not so quickly got
at, were just as really useful as
those at home ; and (2) that our
colonies are now left utterly unde-
fended. Had we simply withdrawn
the regular troops from the col-
onies, and not reduced them, then
our force would really have been
greater, because, though only the
same in numbers, our army would
have been in a more concen-
trated and handy position. But
to bring regiments home from
the colonies, or break up regi-
ments in the colonies, and then
reduce our numbers at home by
an equivalent amount, is simply
1870.]
On the Government Scheme of A rmy Reform.
491
to weaken by so much our regular
army.* For it must be clearly borne
in mind, that since we have adopt-
ed the principle of leaving all our
colonies (properly so called, as con-
tradistinguished from military for-
eign stations) undefended, and con-
centrating our force in these islands,
the moment a war breaks out a
much greater demand than former-
ly will fall upon the home-force.
It will have to provide at once for
( 1 ) a defensive army to hold Great
Britain and Ireland ; (2) an offen-
sive army to be able to strike any
required blow ; and (3) for the
military reoccupation of such of
our colonies as may be in danger.
It is perfectly absurd to say
that because the home-force is
not diminished, our war-power is
therefore not decreased ; when the
real fact is, that we have brought
this result about by simply dis-
banding numbers equivalent to all
the troops by which we formerly
held military possession of our
colonies, and leaving them utterly
defenceless — a prize to whoever will
put out his hand to take them.
Again, in the matter of the exist-
ing reserve there is a complete fal-
lacy. The reserve consists of two
parts — a real bond fide reserve of
2000 men, and a nominal reserve of
10,000 militiamen who have be-
come bound to transfer their ser-
vices to the line when called on.
These Mr Cardwell hopes to raise
this year to 3000 and 20,000 men
respectively. Take them at these
hoped-for but not realised numbers,
and you will find that the only real
addition to your effective force con-
sists of the 3000 men of the first
reserve — trained soldiers ready to
resume their places in the ranks.
The 20,000 of the militia reserve
are a mere myth, as they are obtain-
ed simply by taking that number of
their very best men away from the
militia, and by utterly emasculating
that force. In other words, you
will paralyse 80,000 tolerable mili-
tia to get 20,000 not very good
half-drilled recruits for the line.
The real practical result of Mr
Cardwell's reform is, that in two
years you have reduced the regular
forces by 24,000 men, to balance
whom you will have a real reserve
of 3000 ; in other words, you have
diminished your force by 21,000
good soldiers. We do not object
to this result if it is what the
country wishes, only let there be no
mistake about it. Let the country
know that it is diminishing expense
and efficiency at the same time.
V. Mr Cardwell proposes to re-
duce our regular regiments at home
to 500 rank and file each — that is,
to one-half their present strength.
They will therefore be in fact mere
skeletons, not battalions capable of
taking the field themselves. But
this cadre, he says, we can at once
raise to its full war-force and put
in the field by filling up the vacan-
cies by 500 men from the militia
reserve. Now let the nation dis-
tinctly understand this. A regi-
ment so composed will for a year
to come be utterly untrustworthy
as an instrument of war. Could
you, like the Prussians, reinforce it
by 500 thoroughly-trained soldiers,
who had been embodied for three
years continuously, who had not
been for more than that time absent
from the ranks, and who had all
been trained in that very regiment,
then you would have at once a
powerful battalion. But what you
will really have will be a cadre of
500 men, one-half of whom, at the
* In the year 1869-70, the number of troops in the colonies was 34,502, in the
year 1870-71, the number in them will be 23,561 — the reduction in the numbers
stationed in the colonies will therefore be for this year about 11,000 (see Mr
Cardwell's speech in bringing forward the Army Estimates). But the numbers
proposed to be reduced for this year are 12,308.— See Army Estimates for
1870-71, p. 3.
492
On the Government Sclieme of Army Reform.
[April
least, will be very young soldiers ;
and amongst these you will thrust
a rabble of 500 raw militiamen,
taken from different regiments,
knowing nothing of one another
or of the corps to which they come,
never having even seen before the
officers and non-commissioned of-
ficers under whom they are to
serve, and whose sole training can
have been only about, on an aver-
age, three months' drill spread
over as many years. Will any sane
man who has ever seen men con-
tend together in battle venture to
assert that a regiment so composed
could be trusted to engage with
anything but a corps in an equally
lamentable state of inefficiency1? It
would take at least a year's em-
bodiment and steady drill to trans-
form such a heterogeneous mob
into a battalion of trustworthy dis-
ciplined soldiers.
VI. But one of the most fatal of
all Mr Cardwell's economies has
been the destruction of our depot-
battalion system, and the substitu-
tion for it of a mode of affiliation
of depots with regiments, of which
it can only.be said, that if it had
been devised by the worst enemy
of Britain for the express purpose
of destroying its regimental system,
it could not have been done more
successfully. Under the present
arrangement, the depots of regi-
ments were kept united in depot-
battalions in fixed quiet quarters,
where they were employed exclu-
sively in training the recruits for
the service-companies under a staff
of officers selected for their special
aptitude for this purpose. Now
this whole system is to be broken
up. Only one depot-battalion is to
be retained, and every depot be-
yond what it can contain is to be
tied like a millstone round the neck
of some unfortunate corps at home,
which is to go through its period of
home-service dragging this incubus
about with it wherever it goes, —
loathing it, of course, as Sinbad
loathed the old man of the moun-
tains.
Now the power of an army de-
pends upon its regimental system-
destroy that, and you destroy all;
and how can you expect the recruits
of a corps to be cared for, to be
drilled, to be trained, to be disci-
plined, to have that anxious careful
watch kept over them by which
alone the feeling and spirit of sol-
diers can be instilled, if they are to
be attached to a strange corps, and
dragged about with it in all its
ceaseless changes, like a heavy shot
chained to a convict's leg? Will
the colonel and staff of a regiment
devote themselves to the interests
not of their own but of an alien
battalion ? Will they take a per-
petual charge of its records, a never-
ending care of its drill, an untir-
ing interest in its interior econo-
my 1 The question is so ridicu-
lous that it requires merely to be
stated to be answered. There
is only one point about it which
consoles us. It is in itself so utterly
absurd, and is freighted with con-
sequences so fatal, that we are per-
fectly certain that, unless it is in-
tended deliberately to destroy the
army, it must be abandoned ere
eighteen months elapse. We were
perfectly petrified when we heard
that such a proposal had received
the sanction of military authority.
We have heard it hinted, we know
not with what truth, that matters
had come to this alternative, that
a choice was given either to disband
a number of regiments, or to reduce
the depot-battalions. If this was
so, it may have been on the whole
the wisest policy to retain the
cadres of the regiments ; but heavy,
indeed, must be the responsibility
which the War Minister took upon
himself when he laid such an alter-
native on the military authorities —
when he called upon them to choose
between the ruin of regiments or
of a system ! between destroying
our strength in the present, or
dooming it to destruction in the
future !
VII. On Mr Cardwell's scheme
for the fusion of the ranks of lieu-
1870.]
On the Government Scheme of Army Reform.
493
i enant and ensign, with a compen-
sation for the regulation value of
the lieutenancy only, and a decided
non-recognition of the claims of
officers to the over-regulation price
actually paid, we had intended to
*,ay much, but we will now say
nothing. In obedience to the
clearly-marked sense of the House,
«ind the unanimous feeling of the
c.rmy, he has withdrawn his pro-
posal, and announced the intention
of Government to submit the whole
question to the investigation of a
lloyal Commission. The House of
Commons has shown itself to be
not yet advanced enough in demo-
cratic injustice to sanction a proposal
for the pure and simple confiscation
of the property of British officers.
VIII. But by far the most import-
ant of all Mr Card well's proposals
i.i the change which he desires to
make in the mode of enlistment in
the army. This in reality amounts
to a complete revolution in it ; and
iu is well that the country should
clearly understand what is demand-
ed of it before it finally sanctions
tliis scheme. What Mr Cardwell
soems to propose is, to give up a
professional army, and to substitute
for it a force composed of young
men who come to amuse themselves
by playing at soldiers for a few
years in the ranks.
This is a great and momentous
change, and not one to be taken
lightly and without a full considera-
tion of all its consequences. The
old professional army of Brit-
ain which carried it successfully
through the wars of Marlborough
aad Wellington, through the long,
hard, fitful struggle in the Penin-
sula, through the great duel of
Waterloo, through the doubtful
chances of the Crimean contest,
tli rough the deadly peril of the
Indian mutiny, is not a reed to be
lightly cast aside.
But we wish to be perfectly fair
to Mr Cardwell ; and we will there-
fore quote his own words in expla-
nation of, and in justification for,
the changes he desires to make : —
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLIV.
"I pass from our regular forces to
another subject, on which I know that
many of those who hear me take a
greater interest than they do in even the
regular forces. I speak of the reserves.
Last year we had a good deal of con-
versation in this House about the best
method of concentrating our reserve
forces, and I think it was agreed that
the mode by which we could best ac-
complish that object was getting men
to enter the army for a short service
and then passing them back into the
community of civilians, with the under-
standing that they should be ready to
assist in defending the country in case
of emergency. This is not an easy sub-
ject, it is not to be doubted that it is a
very difficult subject, and I will not
conceal from the Committee that some
of the most experienced soldiers do not
expect such a plan to succeed. Their
reason for that opinion was this, — they
thought that when persons of the hum-
ble condition in life of ordinary recruits
entered the army, they did so with the
view of spending the best part of their
life in it, and of acquiring a pension for
their old age. We have no conscription,
and therefore anything we do in this
way must be done with the consent of
the recruit. I have a great respect for
the opinion of the experienced men to
whom I have alluded ; but my answer
to this objection is, that I hope for
better things. I look forward to seeing
the broad line of demarcation between
the army and civil life in some way
diminished. We have adopted the
system of allowing soldiers to learn
trades, of permitting them to spend
their spare time in some useful labour,
and I think we may expect to see many
of the young men of this country pass-
ing through the army, learning trades
in it, and afterwards returning into
civil life, to be ornaments and advan-
tages to those around them, and at the
same time to be ready to contribute
to the defence of the country in case of
emergency. Our plan is this, — that the
enlistment should be for tivelve years, but
that if the regiment be about to go abroad
— to India, for instance — the actual
period of service with the standards
should be for six years. In the case of
regiments likely to remain at home — say
regiments just returned from India — -
the period of actual service with the stan-
dards might be still further reduced. I
think there would be no difficulty in
reducing it to three years. We propose
that after the period of service with his
regiment the soldier should be permitted
2L
494
On the Government Scheme of Army Refo
[April
to re-enter civil life, but to be called
out as the Royal Naval Reserve men
and the men of our present Army Re-
serve are called out. While under this
obligation he will receive a payment
of 4d. a-day, which is about as much
as the soldier serving in the army re-
ceives of money paid direct. There
may be re-engagement, but that will be
optional on both sides. There will be
no claim to re -engagement, but it will
not be prohibited. There are constitu-
tions which cannot stand the climate
of India for more than a short period,
but there are constitutions for which a
long period of service in that country
is suitable, so that in all probability we
shall have men anxious to re-engage for
service in India. Soldiers would not,
of course, have any claim to pension for
the short engagement that we propose,
but we think this engagement from its
nature will be the means, if it succeed
at all, of drawing into the army a large
number of men who otherwise would
never join it. We do not propose,
after their period of service with
the standard, to have them drilled in
the manner regular troops are drilled.
During six years of actual service in the
army they will have learnt sufficient to
do them for the remaining six years of
their engagement. We propose that
after leaving their regiments they shall
have the same sort of training as the
Volunteers — drill in the evening —
which will not oblige them to leave
their ordinary employment. While
proposing this plan, we, do not pretend
to altogether give up our present mode of
enlistment, because, as we cannot be cer-
tain that we shall succeed, we must have
the means of falling back on the existing
system. But to the experienced soldiers
who say that we shall not get recruits
under our new plan, because the recruit
joins the army with the intention of
spending most of his life in it and of
looking to a pension, I make this an-
swer : ' You and I are talking of two
different persons. You are speaking of
the man who now joins the army. I
admit that he wants a longer service
and a pension ; but 7 speak of the man
who does not now join the army, but
whom we wish to induce to join it ; of
the young man who is reluctant to spend
all his life away from his own village ;
who may wish to contract marriage, but
who would give a good deal for the ad-
vantages of training in the army for a
few years. ' There must be inducements
to men of that kind to enter the army,
for they do not enter it now. The plan
I have described does not apply to the
cavalry or the artillery." *
Mr Cardwell is plain and frank
here. He wishes to get quit of the
professional soldier, and to substi-
tute in his place the young man
who wants to marry ^ and is reluc-
tant to spend his life away from his
oivn village; to get quit of the
man who would live and die for
his profession, to obtain in his
place one whose heart will never
be in it, who will look on it only
as a means to an end, who will
come to it not as the object of a
life, but as the plaything of an
hour. And that profession to be
so treated is war — war, the most
earnest, the most engrossing of all
professions ; for in all others a man
is only called on to give his time,
his labour, his thought : in it he
must give, without stint, all that
he holds most dear — his life.
It seems almost like irony to talk
thus of the soldier's bloody trade —
to imagine you will find a willing
food for cannon in the respectable
young man of the middle classes,
careful of his life, prudent of his
means, looking back on his village
home, looking on to his peaceful
wedding.
Were these, could these be, the
ideas of the stern ruthless men who
carried with a devoted faith the
name and the glory of England to
the uttermost parts of the earth —
who planted her standards on the
green mounds of Torres Vedras,
and bore them in triumph through
the hills of Spain — to the tread of
whose conquering footsteps the
streets of Paris and the capitol of
Washington, the palaces of Luck-
now and the Bala Hissar of Caubul,
the ramparts of Pekin and the
rocky summits of Magdala, have
rung H Were these the men who
went forth to the wild storm of
Badajos, and when the breach ran
red with gore, rather than give
Times ' of 4th March 1870.
1870.]
On the Government Scheme of Army Reform.
495
back, sank on the chained sword-
blades, and there died ] Were these
the men who, as the sun went down,
stood, few, wounded, and victorious,
on Albuera's fatal hill 1 Were these
the iron veterans of the light divi-
sion, who, rather than see their ene-
mies escape, marched through the
lonely valleys of the Pyrenees till
" they frothed at the mouth and
died'"? Were these the men who
gave their souls to God, that the
star of England should not sink
beneath the hug of the Russian
bear on the misty neck of Inker-
man1? And they are the men you
would reject for the careful, cau-
tious, prudent, well-behaved sons
of the middle classes — thinking of
their marriage and their fortunes,
and of the happiness of their homes
to come !
The enfants perdus of the world
are your best soldiers — the men
who have lost all taste for civil life,
who are no loss to civil society,
who have weighed life in the bal-
ance and found it wanting — men
of wrecked prospects and ruined
hopes — men who seek in the wild
excitement of the strife an escape
from the memory of bright days gone
by — from the thought of fortunes
once fair, now fallen and blasted —
from the broken dream of faith in a
woman's love. Such men filled the
ranks of the Zouave battalions of
France during the Crimean war —
such men were to be found in num-
bers in the European regiments of
the Old Company's service in India,
— men very hard to hold in peace,
but harder still to fight in war.*
Apart, however, altogether from
the fault which we think Mr Card-
well makes in seeking to recruit the
army exclusively from a class not
suited to its requirements, we are
convinced that his scheme will
break down from not being adapt-
ed to the conditions under which
alone you can hope to attract re-
cruits in our complicated state of
society.
We are quite as anxious as Mr
Cardwell for the formation of a
really powerful and efficient reserve;
but we do not wish to ruin the
regular army in the pursuit of that
object. We desire to see at once a
regular army of real soldiers and a
strong reserve of thoroughly-drilled
men in the prime of life ; and we are
convinced that there is only one way
in which you can obtain this result,
and that is, by giving to the enlisted
soldier the option either of continu-
ing on in his trade as a profession
for life, or of quitting it, after a few
years' training, to pass into the re-
serve. By this means you will at
once secure the present class of pro-
fessional soldiers, and also attract
the young men of the middle classes,
who are so much the object of Mr
Cardwell's aspirations.
As we have elsewhere fully
stated,t we do not believe that you
will ever get men voluntarily to
engage in an occupation in which
they are expected to spend the first
and most valuable years of their
lives, and then to be turned out in-
to the cold to begin the battle of
life again. They will only, on the
one hand, join a profession in which
they can remain if they like it, and
from which they can derive a
livelihood ; and, on the other, they
are unwilling to bind themselves
by an engagement from which they
cannot recede. What they desid-
erate is, the power of remaining in
their trade if they like it, combined
with the possibility of quitting it
if they do not do so.
In other words, " You must, on
the one hand, attract the soldier by
* This view, on the one hand, is as much an extreme one as Mr Cardwell's
"moral young man about to marry" is on the other. The average quality of
good recruits are those who, having no turn for the hard continuous labour of
civil life, prefer to take, instead of its chances to rise, the certainty of a life of
comparative ease, devoid of care, and with a good deal of excitement.
t "On the Limitation of Enlistment and Army Reserves," in ' Black wood's
Magazine ' for September 1869, p. 282-89.
496
On the Government Scheme of Army Reform.
[April
holding out to him, as the reward
of good and long service, the cer-
tainty of a pension. You must,
on the other, give him every facil-
ity to quit the regular army, on
condition of joining the reserve,
should he be so inclined, after he
has been once thoroughly drilled
and disciplined. These are the two
corner-stones on which the system
should rest."*
This will show how very nearly
we coincide with Mr Cardwell's
scheme, and yet how completely
in principle we differ from it.
Mr Cardwell proposes to enlist
the men for twelve years ; to that
we cordially agree. He next pro-
poses— and here is the gist of the
whole scheme — to turn tliem out of
the regular army after about three
years' service if in a regiment at
home, or six years if in one abroad,
and pass them into the reserve, —
that is, back into civil life, with a
reserve-pay of 4d. a-day. Now, had
Mr Cardwell, instead of making
it compulsory for the men to quit
the regular army and pass into the
reserve, given them the option and
every encouragement so to do, we
should have given it our most cordial
support. It is the fatal mistake of
compelling the men to give up the
army whether they like it or noty and
go back into civil life, that seems
to us the decisive objection to his
plan, and that because, if univer-
sally enforced, it would at one blow
destroy the army as a profession —
cast forth from its ranks all those
who are most valuable in them,
and would try to replace them by
the prudent, thoughtful young men
anxious to marry, and dreaming
of their homes, who form Mr Card-
well's beau ideal of the soldier of the
future. It is evident that what
Mr Cardwell desiderates is an army
pleasant to command in quarters :
unluckily, what war requires is one
that will die hard in the field.
But the prudent young men
will never come. They know too
well how hard a thing it is to get
on in any trade even with the con-
stant earnest devotion of a life.
They will never consent to throw
away the best and most valuable
years of their existence in an un-
remunerative profession. To talk
as Mr Cardwell does of the advan-
tages which a training in the army
confers on a man about to enter life
is absurd. In civil life a man above
all things requires self-dependence
— he has to think of everything for
himself, to do everything by him-
self. In the army he is entirely
dependent on others — everything
is provided for him, everything is
prearranged for him. " What ser-
vice in the army develops is reli-
ance on others: what civil life re-
quires is dependence on one's self."
Were it not for the power which
the War Minister retains in his own
hands to fall back upon our present
mode of enlistment, in the event of
his new method failing, we should
look upon his proposal with undis-
guised alarm. As it is, we are
happy he has brought it forward,
because it will bring, once for all,
to the test of actual experience the
vexed question of what the wishes
really are of those classes from
whom our recruits must be drawn.
And that is the all-important point
to decide in a community where
the conscription does not and can-
not exist.
If Mr Cardwell's new plan suc-
ceeds, we shall willingly confess we
have been wrong. If it fails, we
trust those whom we have opposed
so strongly on this point will
equally frankly confess their error.
We regret Mr Cardwell's propo-
sal for one reason only, and that is,
because we think it will hinder the
speedy formation of a good reserve.
Unless we are much mistaken, the
result will be that so few men will
come forward to enlist under the
new rules, that the old mode of en-
* "On the Limitation of Enlistment and Army Reserves," in
Magazine ' for September 1869, p. 286.
Black-wood's
1870.]
On the Government Scheme of Army Reform.
497
listment will have to be almost at
once reopened. You will thus
practically come to have two sys-
tems of enlistment going on at
the same time, and the recruit
will have to choose under which
one he will join the army ; but
his choice, once made, will be irrevoc-
able.
This we regard as a great mis-
fortune. It will keep many from
coming to the army who would
very willingly do so if they thought
that after three or six years they
would be at liberty to choose whe-
ther they would go on with a mili-
tary life or return to civil life under
the obligation of reserve - service.
A man is in a better position to
judge of a matter which he has
tried than of one of which he is
ignorant, and it will discourage
many to be forced to make their
final election before trying the ser-
vice at all.*
To sum up our opinion of Mr
Card well's proposed reforms in a
few words. In so far as he pro-
poses to unite under one system
and under one head the regular and
reserve forces, and to place them all
in military divisions under military
command, we entirely agree with
him ; and we regard this determi-
nation as one conferring increased
strength and additional warlike
power upon the country. In so far
as he proposes to get quit of that
system of distrust which has created
double establishments to be a check
upon one another, and to substitute
for it one of " well-defined respon-
sibility, simplicity, and reasonable
confidence/' by recasting them
into the three great divisions of
military administration, supply,
and finance, we cordially go along
with him.
But here our agreement ceases.
1. We regard his new depot sys-
tem as one of the very worst ever
devised — so bad, indeed, that, if
persevered in, it will sap at its
foundation our whole regimental
system. 2. We look upon every
attempt to extend the power of the
Control department from the purely
civil administration to the military
executive duties of the army as
unmixed evil — as certain to entail
ruin on real service. 3. We object
in the strongest way to his reducing
the regular regiments to mere cadres
of 500 strong, so long as no real
reserve of trained soldiers (and no
man who has not served continu-
ously for three years in the ranks
can be called such) is provided
wherewith to raise them in time of
need to the war-strength. 4. We
regard his plan of a militia reserve
as a bad makeshift. Taking it at
the very best, it will provide 20,000
not very good recruits for the line
by depriving the militia of its very
best men ; for it cannot be too
much insisted on that the value of
these men will be much greater in
* Whilst these lines were passing through the press, the following explanation
and modification of his original scheme (see the 'Times ' of the 19th March) has
been given by Mr Cardwell in answer to a question from Colonel Lindsay : — "It
is proposed that the engagement shall be for 12 years, of which a fixed number in
each case will be with the standards and the remainder in the reserve. If, when
the short service is coming to an end, the soldier is willing to re-engage, and her
Majesty's Government are willing to accept his services, he may re-engage for the
rest of the 12 years, and similarly afterwards again for nine, making in all 21.
It will be a reciprocal choice on the part of the authorities and the soldier, and
not an option on the part of the soldier alone. It is proposed to have only a certain
proportion of men of longer service in the army. The object of training these men
is to incorporate them, when an emergency arises, into battalions already exist-
ing. " From this it is evident that the Minister at War still adheres to what we
look on as the objectionable part of his proposal — that of not giving to the soldier,
in good health and of good character, the option of making the army his profes-
sion. Also, that he is desirous of reducing to a small number the proportion of
real soldiers, even in the wasted ranks of the existing cadres.
493
On the Government Scheme of Army Reform.
[April
their own regiments of militia where
they know and are known, than in
the line battalions to which they
will come as strangers.* 5. We
are reconciled to his proposal to
turn men compulsorily out of the
service after three or six years'
training, solely because we believe
it will prove so unworkable that it
will necessitate a recurrence to our
present mode of enlistment. Were
it a positive, not an alternative
scheme, we should regard it as the
destruction of our old professional
army, and as an attempt to recon-
struct a new one on a principle
which is impracticable without a
conscription.
We would have the country
clearly understand the real drift of
the army scheme now before it. It
proposes large reductions in money
and in numbers, and the one is
nearly proportional to the other. If
the country desires a cheap and a
weak army, it will have it. In two
years it will have reduced the esti-
mates by over £-2,000,000, and the
regular army by over 20,000 men.
That result is clear and intelligi-
ble, and we have nothing to say
against it if the country so will.
All we desire is, let there be no
deception about the matter — no
mocking delusion that you have
reduced expenditure and gained
strength. Let the country clearly
understand that we have not now
a single regiment of infantry which
could be raised to the war footing
and with safety trusted in the field,
under, at the very least, nine
months' assiduous drill; and that
we have not a battery or a squadron
fit in numbers for immediate ser-
vice. And let no fanciful idea that
we have a mighty army of volun-
teers behind, upon whom we can
rely as on a tower of strength, be
hugged with flattering unction to
the soul. There is no one who
really knows the composition of
our volunteers, and who has studied
the necessities of the class from
whom they come, who will suppose
that it would be possible to put
into the field and keep there for
six weeks 40,000 of them. It is
good sometimes to look realities
in the face, and not to sleep on in
the happy ignorance induced by
pretty tables of military statistics
neatly drawn up.
We have no idea that anything
we can say will produce the least
impression on the public. We are
well aware that their one idea is
that a man clothed, armed, and in-
structed in the goose-step, is a per-
fect warrior, and that so long as
we have a goodly array of these we
are fit for the strain of war. It is
those only whom bitter experience
in the hour of trial has taught, who
know the true value of a disciplined
soldier, and of how difficult and
slow a growth he is. May the time
never come when this country will
awake from its delusion ; for if it
does, it will be when it is too late
— amidst the ruin of a people and
the crash of a falling empire !
* Many will say Waterloo was fought with regiments hastily filled up Avith
militiamen — and this is true ; but they were filled up with militiamen who came
from regiments which had been almost continually embodied for nearly fifteen years.
In other words, in all except actual experience in the field, they had had longer and
more careful training than the linesmen amongst whom they went. The militia-
men who form our reserve are men who have gone through two or three trainings of
a month each. Now a good regiment of disciplined soldiers would easily receive a
couple of hundred such men into its ranks without losing efficiency ; but a weak
cadre of 500 would be overwhelmed by an equal force of such recruits being poured
into it.
1870.]
Cornelius O'Dowd.
499
CORNELIUS ODOWD.
THE TIPPER A RY ANSWER.
THE persistence of certain Irish
politicians in returning as a member
of the House of Commons a person
declared by the law to be ineligible,
is one of those instances in which
logical force has had to give way
before the power of a strong senti-
ment. The men of Tipperary never
imagined for a moment that O'Don-
ovan Rossa was to be summoned
from his " bit of oakum," as he
calls it, to take his place in the
House. They did not suppose that
the writ to serve as a Knight of
the Shire could efface the sentence
of a solemn tribunal, or that the
emergency which called for his ser-
vices in Parliament could obliterate
the memory of his conviction. No-
thing of the kind. These dwellers
on the slopes of the " Galtees " are
very shrewd-witted and clever fel-
lows. They meant simply to make
a protest against the representation
of their country being committed
to the hackneyed hands of a trad-
ing politician. What they desired
to assert was this : " Kather let us
declare for a man whose extreme
opinions have cost him his liberty,
than take some lawyer of the law-
yers, who pronounces for us to-day
that he may prosecute us to-mor-
row."
It was firing blank-cartridge, it
is true. No matter for that. The
aim was steady, and the direction
showed what would have happened
had there been a bullet in the bar-
rel. I don't expect Englishmen to
see the thing in this wise. They
will doubtless set the whole down
as an Irish blunder, one of those
bulls like that of the people, who,
in '98,used to burn Beresford's notes
by way of breaking his Bank — a
great mistake, doubtless, financi-
ally ; but, testing it on the score of
feeling, it is well to remember that
the men who did this knew that
they were destroying what could
have enriched themselves, but who
in their patriotism preferred to ruin
an enemy to Ireland.
As I have just said, this will not
be the English judgment in the
matter. They will say, "Pat has
been making another bull : he has
elected a man who cannot sit, and
he has had his trouble for nothing."
Had 0' Donovan Rossa, however,
been free to enter the House and
take his place below the gangway,
is it quite certain that any measure
he might have moved, or any bill he
might have initiated, should have
become a law 1 Is it quite sure that
he could have carried a confiscation
bill or a repeal of the Union, or any
other great national boon, in the
same sense 1 Would not the very
utmost that could be expected from
him be some protest, angry and in-
dignant if you like, against the
cruelty and injustice of English
rule in Ireland, and the avowal
that, though not actually able at
the moment to resent it, the Irish
people would continue to treasure
up the score of their wrongs, wait-
ing for the day and the hour to
acquit the debt of their vengeance 1
and when he had done this, ably
and powerfully, as some think, he
could have done it, he would sit
down, the world no more influenced
by the declamation than if he had
been passing his time in the tea-
room. The "protest," however,
would have been made.
In exactly the same spirit has
Tipperary acted. What they have
declared amounts to this : Rather
than any more Whig-Radical jobbery
for Ireland, give us — the impossible !
They have had more than enough
of what Mr Bright calls "tinkering "
— a trade, by the way, for which he
himself has of late shown some
aptitude. They desire to be dealt
500
Cornelius O'Dowd.
[April
with as a national party, not the
following of a priesthood — men far
more imbued with patriotism than
Popery.
I know well this announcement
does not represent them as more
manageable as a party; and I can
imagine the dismay of the Chief
Secretary for Ireland if called upon
to treat with these men of strong
convictions and unswerving pur-
pose, in lieu of those mitred
Macchiavellis whose demands will
always be tempered by the spirit
of the hour they are made in,
and whose nice tact teaches them
to appreciate the difficulties of a
friendly administration.
The people of Ireland have taken
to Fenianisin pretty much as a man
takes to quackery, when he suspects
that the regular doctors have been
destroying his constitution. I don't
mean to say they were right, but
I feel that what they have done
was logical. They know well that
they and their grievances were never
thought of by any section in the
State till some exigency of party
called for the aid of Irish mem-
bers ; and that then the English
mind took no other measure of
Irishmen than some boon to the
Catholic Church — some concession
or some flattery to Romanism.
If the Pope can help you to go-
vern Ireland, engage him by all
means. I know there are certain
bargains where the benefit to be
acquired is dearly bought. The
Whigs, however, are well accus-
tomed to these dealings, and they
are skilful in drawing up their con-
tracts, and need no hints of mine as
to evasive clauses. The question,
however, is : Can the Pope do now
what he might have done fifty years
ago1? Is Ireland as priest-ridden
to-day as it was at the beginning of
the century 1
He can condemn secret societies,
it is true; he can anathematise
Fenians, and refuse them the rites
of the Church ; but for the matter
of that he has been cursing all Italy
since the day of the Sicardi laws,
and I have not heard that any one
has advised their repeal ; and it was
only when Victor Emmanuel caught
a fever the other day that he re-
membered he was excommunicated.
In the fasting regulations for
Lent, read out a few Sundays back
in all the chapels of Ireland, there
was inserted a clause that ran
thus : —
" 9. As secret societies are the cause
of great evils, tend to promote impiety
and infidelity, and are injurious to the
public good, the Roman Pontiffs, Bene-
dict XIV., Pius VII., Leo XII., and
others, have excommunicated all who
engage in them. Hence, Catholics, if
Freemasons, Ribbonmen, or Fenians,
cannot be admitted to the sacraments.
Our beloved Holy Father Pius IX., by
a decree of the Holy Office of the 12th
January of this year, has expressly de-
clared that the Fenians are subject to
the same censures which have been en-
acted by his predecessors against Free-
masons ; so that no Fenian can be ab-
solved or receive the sacraments of the
Church until he shall have renounced
all connection with the Fenian organ-
isation, and abandoned all attempts to
promote or assist it. It is to be hoped
that all who are engaged in secret so-
cieties, availing themselves of the facil-
ities afforded by the present jubilee,
will abandon their evil connections and
reconcile themselves with the Church
of God, out of which they cannot be
saved."
The reply to this was given at
Waterford and Tipperary. The
answer of the people has been in
Ireland what it has been in Italy.
We are heart-sick of priestly dom-
ination, and though it is possible
we may be coerced into submis-
sion, we refuse to be cursed into it.
I would meanwhile ask of Eng-
lishmen to distinguish between
Fenians and those who are the
authors of what is called " agrarian
outrage." People never confounded
Garibaldians with brigands in Italy,
and why should there be any diffi-
culty in making the distinction in
Ireland 1 I am no apologist for re-
bellion— I want to make no case
for those who plotted the scheme
of insurrection in Ireland, — all I
would say is, arraign them on the
1870.]
On some Rash Investments.
501
indictment that applies to them,
and do not confound the men who
are traitors to England with those
who are traitors to all humanity.
The Catholic priesthood in Ire-
land are either able to put down
landlord -murder or they are not.
If the former, and if they will do
so, they are worth all the conces-
sions you can make them. As re-
gards rebellion, England is surely
able to deal with that, and needs
neither the Cardinal's curses nor
censures ; and as to Freemasons,
the perils to be apprehended from
them are not so appalling or so
proximate as to affright us. What
we do not see our way to suppress —
what our judges declare to be on the
increase, and what our police admit
to be beyond their power of detec-
tion— are threatening notices and
murder. These crimes, carried on
with a secrecy and a uniformity that
imply organisation, have made Ire-
land a land of terror to live in. They
are all more or less concerned with
the question of land-tenure. The
idea of what can be done by menace
has got a fatal hold on the peasant
mind of Ireland. It is full time to
disabuse men of this impression.
None could lend abler assistance
to this work of undeception than
the Catholic priest, but he has not
yet offered you his aid in this di-
rection. He has denounced Free-
masons and Fenians, it is true;
but it would conduce more to the
peace of Ireland if he would censure
the threatening letter-writer, and aid
in bringing the assassin to justice.
Once more then I say, do not con-
found together two things essenti-
ally different. You would not blend
up an action on a bill of exchange
with a breach of the Game-laws;
and do not confuse Fenianism with
" land murder." They are by no
means identical, and this " Tippe-
rary answer" might help you so
far to the distinction as to show
that Romanism only guides you in
Ireland, where you know the way
yourself ; but where the path be-
comes difficult, and the track un-
certain, it extinguishes the lantern,
and leaves you to grope on how
you can ! To tell a man with a
fractured thigh-bone, " I am not
going to put splints on your femur,
or ' set ' your limb, but I am about
to present your domestic chaplain
with a new set of vestments/'
is poor comfort after all, and yet
it is very like Whig rule in Ire-
land ; and it is to such quackery
Tipperary has replied; so that if
you say, " I'll give you something
you don't want," Tipperary answers,
"I'll send you somebody that can't
go to you."
ON SOME RASH INVESTMENTS.
A certain Ruffo Scilla has been
swindling his countrymen at Naples
to pretty purpose. This man con-
trived to persuade a number of
simple-minded people that capital
might be so advantageously em-
ployed as to yield a safe return
of nearly cent per cent; and by
this bribe induced many persons
of limited means to trust him with
their little hoards, legacies, be-
quests, or savings, on the faith of
his being able to give them this
liberal interest. For a while all
seemed to go on prosperously. The
lenders not only received their large
dividends with punctuality, but
when minded to withdraw their
capital, experienced neither diffi-
culty nor delay. The regularity
and exactitude of his dealings so
far succeeded in silencing all the
objections and warnings of the press,
that gradually the class of lenders
extended from the humble people
who at first embraced this hope of
gain, to small shopkeepers and clerks,
till it reached a more well-to-do
order of men in professions and
high employ, and finally engaged
a large number of titled persons,
whose fortunes, though unhappily
502
Cornelius O'Dowd.
[April
not their desires, might have ex-
empted them from this pursuit of
gain. In fact "Society" — since
that is the name for it — entered as
eagerly into this wild lottery as the
very neediest beggar who deposited
his copper investment in weekly in-
stalments.
M. Scilla was never called on to
explain by what employment of
capital such interest could be re-
turned. No one presumed to ask
in what industry, or to what specu-
lation, the sums he borrowed were
devoted. His theory, so far as he
gave it to the world, was : The bank-
ers, who yield you some three or four
per cent for your money, are rogues
and swindlers ; they grow rich upon
your foolish trustfulness, or your
ignorance of financial operations.
Money has a far more rapid growth
than they like to own to, and I am
here to prove it. Give me your
ten carlini, and in a year you
shall have back twenty. He point-
ed to Rothschild, Galliera, or Sala-
manca, and asked, Who has enrich-
ed these men, if not that credulous
public, who, satisfied with a mere
fraction of what was their own,
have consigned the bulk of their
profits to these crafty financiers 1
It was a pleasant theory ; and
when only once satisfied that it was
a safe one, who could doubt that it
would be popular 1 Such was the
success in the present case, that the
discoverer was regarded as the
benefactor of his country.
Now there is this peculiarity
about delusions, that if they only
endure for a certain time they be-
come respectable, whereas if they
be short-lived they are swindles.
The fallacy that has come down
to us mellowed by time and tradi-
tion, we can afford to treat ten-
derly, and when we refute it, we
do so without passion or exaggera-
tion, but calmly, decently, and de-
corously ; whereas, if the trick be
discovered at once, we have no
language strong enough in which
to denounce and decry it. M.
Scilla's roguery was a " short-time
bargain;" could he have insured
it a life of years, he might have
rested under a monument raised
by the gratitude of his countrymen.
His balloon, however, was only a
soap-bubble, and it burst almost
as it was blown.
One fine morning it was discov-
ered that the bank had disappeared.
M. Scilla had fled. All Naples
had been cheated, and three mil-
lions sterling abstracted from, in a
great degree, the most indigent class
of a very pauperised capital.
Of course there is much and
well-merited condemnation of his
dishonesty. The newspapers are
filled with piteous tales of the ruin
he has caused ; and a number of
suicides bear witness to the despair
that has befallen his victims. On
such sad occasions, that large class
who may be known as the " I-told-
you-so people" reap a rich harvest ;
and every possible warning that
could come after an event is par-
aded with an amount of force and
circumstance actually overwhelm-
ing. If I desired to speak of M.
Scilla, I should give him as many
hard names as my neighbours are
doing. Indeed I do not know
what language can compass the
almost infinite baseness of such
deliberate rascality. It is not,
however, of him I am thinking :
I am rather directing my thoughts
to those poor deluded people, who,
with all the pity bestowed on their
misfortunes, are not escaping some
very pungent little sarcasms on
their ignorant credulity, their in-
ordinate lust for profit, and their
covetousness.
Not that I am prepared to rebut
a single item of these allegations.
They were as greedy and as credul-
ous as you like to make them. It
is the old story, however — the
"populus vult decipi" experience
that none of us need look surprised
at. All that I would say on this
head is, that money is not the only
investment in which men dream of
centuple profits ; that even in our
own hard-headed thrifty land, men
1870.]
On some Rash Investments.
503
are lending out their beliefs on just
as slight security as these poor
lazzaroni did their coin, and cal-
culating on inordinate returns for
the investment, with this important
difference, however, that as the de-
lusion will last longer, it will be
eminently respectable.
Take, for instance, one of our
latest delusions — that, by what is
called " fixity of tenure," the Irish
peasant was to be established in
the place of the landlord, and be
endowed with all the rights of pro-
prietorship : a dissolving view that
is already dispelled, though with
what consequences from the dis-
enchantment we have yet to see.
For my own part, I'd rather face
the most savage Neapolitan with
the explanation of the fraud prac-
tised on him, than meet Paddy with
this tale of disappointment.
I will not say that the Govern-
ment Land Bill is not generous or
just. I will not say that it has not
considered the case of the tenant
with all the leniency that is due to
the poor man. I will not deny the
evident anxiety to give everything
to the tiller, save the absolute rights
of property that belong to the owner
of the soil. I will enter into no
question whether it were possible
to have screwed another, and what,
privilege out of the landlord. I
will only say that Pat has not got
that cent percent the Ruffo Scillas of
politics had promised him, and that
all the cash he has invested in ball-
cartridge has gone for nothing ; and
for any thing the Cabinet have done
for him, he need never have shot a
landlord nor " peppered" an agent.
M. Scilla would have had but
few followers had he limited him-
self to offering legal interest on
loans ; and the present Administra-
tion would not have received such
an accession of Irish votes to their
party, had they frankly admitted
that they did not mean to con-
fiscate Irish property, but only, by
frightening the landlords, make
them amenable to moderate conces-
sions, and accustom them to think
themselves lucky if their estates
were left to them. The " cent per
cent " was, however, held forth in
the speeches of agitators and the
letters of placemen. " Ireland was
to be ruled in an Irish spirit."
" Landlord felonies " — whatever
they were — "were to be suppres-
sed ; " " the poor man was to be
secured in the fruits of his labour."
A number of other very vague
pledges were given — all to be re-
deemed by what 1 by some con-
temptible assurance that the tenant
must riot expect to hold land with-
out paying the rent, and that for
all the purposes of property the
landlord was nearly where he was
before. To be sure there was a
grand field for litigation to be
opened. There were to be cases for
quarter sessions and arbitration,
and valuations of improvements, and
fierce disputes — to end, doubtless,
occasionally, as such disputes do in
Ireland, in the suppression of one
of the disputants ; but all this,
though gratifying in its way, and
probably in what the Cabinet would
call " an Irish spirit," is still very
far from confiscation, and from that
" cent-per-cent interest " the invest-
ors bargained for.
We are told that the exceptional
tenderness with which the Irish ten-
ant-farmer is to be treated is al-
ready exciting the jealousy of the
English and Scotch farmers, who
grumblingly ask, Why are they to
be denied the benefits of this pro-
fitable legislation 1 Do these dull
men not perceive that discontent
is not sufficient 1 They must do
more than murmur if they want
relief. They must have what the
French call " the courage of their
opinion," even to the extent of a
capital felony, if they want any
confidence in their sincerity.
When the benevolent lady, who
had once established a Magdalene
Asylum in Dublin for repentant
" unfortunates," was once applied to
for admission by a simple-looking
young woman of modest air and
decent appearance, the patroness
504
Cornelius O'Dowd.
[April
asked some particulars of^her fall,
and heard with astonishment that
she had not lapsed from virtue.
"In that case," said she, " you have
no claim for admission here. If you
want to be received, you must go
and qualify." This is what we say
now to the Scotch and English til-
lers of the soil. How many of you
have shot your landlords ? Let us
see the man amongst you who has
put slugs in a bailiff. What a
sneaking set of petty larceny knaves
they will exhibit themselves, skulk-
ing from crime, and actually tremb-
ling at the thought of transportation !
Who wonders, then, if Ireland be
discontented, and that Tipperary is
as indignant as Naples ? There is
to be no confiscation after all. It
is only the Irish Church is to be
ruined ; the landlords are to be
merely put upon half-pay, and this
is what is called a message of peace !
All I can say is, I don't envy the
man that brings it !
DULL AS DITCHWATEK.
The world is very dull just now.
If it had not been for the Prince
Pierre Buonaparte, and a celebrated
trial in England, we should really
have nothing to talk of ; and now
that we have said all the possible
things on these two subjects, we
are thrown back upon ourselves,
with nothing to interest, nothing
to stir us. I take it that these sea-
sons of especial dreariness for the
world at large are the blissful pe-
riods of life for those in power.
The happiness of the nations that
have no history is a proverb ; and
from such data we may in a meas-
ure compute the enjoyment of
those rulers of men who see the
machine of Government do its work
at half -boiler power, with little
friction and scarcely any wear.
On the Continent of Europe there
is a quiet almost like a lethargy.
The alarms of war have subsided,
not exactly because a better under-
standing has succeeded, but that
each feels that he who should be
the first to break the peace must
array the public opinion of Europe
against him ; and now that the
newspapers repeat themselves so ex-
actly that the press of Prussia is
reproduced in Spain, and that the
same sort of appeal is heard on the
Neva and on the Tiber, there is a
uniformity in the popular judg-
ments of Europe that has never
been seen heretofore.
In France, perhaps, the state of
insecurity still prevails. The ex-
periment of constitutional govern-
ment is yet on its trial ; or rather
it is still to be seen how far the
Emperor will continue his experi-
ment. The great question being,
Will he so replace the old machin-
ery by the new, as to make a re-
turn to the old mode of progres-
sion impossible1? or is he merely
using the Ollivier Ministry as an
auxiliary screw, to be lifted and
stowed away when he has worked
off from the ugly lee-shore of a
revolution, and is M. Rouher only
waiting for ample sea-room to take
the helm and command the ship 1
Of the two courses I should not call
the latter the less probable. To
carry on the government of France
without official candidates seems
like abrogating the empire, where
the first of official candidates is the
head of the State. In the present
temper of France there are few
Imperialists would like to subject
the Emperor to the hazard of a re-
election; and yet to abolish" official
candidature" is going a very long
way in this direction. To withdraw
from the conduct of affairs the will
of him who has hitherto directed
the State, and to accept the not
very well defined or clearly express-
ed wishes of dissatisfied millions
as to how they would like to be
ruled, is an experiment of unques-
tionable danger.
The French Emperor, however,
1870.]
Dull as Dilckwater.
505
has a taste for " surprises," as strong
as though he were a popular drama-
tist ; and he loves " a transformation
scene " with all the ardour of a pan-
tomimist; and although a coup d'etat
is not always sure of full success on
repetition, he is too clever a mech-
anist not to vary the machinery and
present totally new effects at the
fall of the curtain ; and I should be
very sorry to lay heavy odds that
M. Daru might not yet make a
sea -voyage in company with M.
Rochefort, or that M. Ollivier him-
self might not be the daily compan-
ion and associate of Ledru Rollin,
linked to him by ties even stronger
than those of party. In Prussia
all is expectancy. M. Bismark is
said to be " waiting/' He is wait-
ing for South Germany to pronounce
— waiting for Russia to declare her
policy — waiting for the completion
of a Prussian fleet — waiting for
France to be embroiled with the
Imperials — waiting for Italy to lose
patience about Rome, and treat de-
fiantly with the Tuileries — and
waiting for Austria to be so terri-
fied about her Slavac population,
that she will consent to forget the
treaty of Prague, and only bargain
for a little present succour.
If Prussia is waiting for much,
Austria is waiting for everything.
All her reforms have come so
rapidly and unexpectedly, that the
Minister of Justice does not well
know what is law; nor can the
Minister of War determine whether
there is or is not an army : while
as to the Church, there is not a
member of the Cabinet could tell
you whether they have or have not
thrown off the Pope, or how far the
Concordat is a law or a lie in the
empire !
As for Italy, she waits " for Rome."
For many years she waited for
Venice — sighed for it — sung for it
— imposed fresh taxes, and went to
war for it ; and yet when she got
it, what has she done for it, or done
with it 1 If it was ruinous under
the Austrians, what is it now ? Did
it ever present an aspect more
desolate and deserted ; was its
poverty ever greater, its wretched-
ness more pitiable ? Its crumbling
palaces are covered over with bills,
"To belet ;" and the only movement
in the thoroughfares is the passage
of some American tourists !
In England, too, we are waiting —
waiting for almost all that a nation
can want or wish for. Waiting to
be educated — to be fed at home or
sent abroad — waiting for an army
and a fleet — waiting for the ballot
— waiting for a Tory leader in the
Lords, and a little obedience to
law in Ireland. This attitude of
expectancy, to which anxiety im-
parts no zeal nor eagerness lends
any interest, seems the especial
temper of the time. There is no
excitement, but there is no ease.
There is not the warmth and glow
of contest, nor is there the peaceful
sense of tranquillity and repose.
The dulness of Europe is like the
d ulness of old age — the gradual in-
disposition to be amused as we once
were amused — to take pleasure in
the objects that interested us of old.
Even the old alarm-cries no longer
excite us ! We hear without terror
that Russia is creeping on towards
northern India; and we listen to
Dr Cumming's predictions about
the seventh vial with something of
the same indifference.
In fact the world is dull as —
a dinner-party ! and with the self-
same dulness ; for in our epide-
mic dreariness we are all labouring
with the same symptoms, and each
of us experiences in himself the
apathetic weariness he sees in his
neighbour. And is this your experi-
ence of dinner-parties, Mr O'Dowd1?
I think I hear you ask; and I an-
swer frankly, I am afraid it is.
There is a dreary cloud over the
world just now, and even the pleas-
ant people seem so conscious of its
influence that they no more try to
dispel "it by any effort of agreea-
bility than would a pyrotechnist
attempt a display of fireworks in
a fog.
Were I composing a prophetic
506
Cornelius O'Dowd.
[April
almanac at this moment, I should
certainly say, "Expect nothing live-
ly about this time. There will be
few jokes current. A new edition
of ' Proverbial Philosophy' will be
announced, and there will be a
petition against Bernal Osborne's
return for Waterford."
A PROTESTANT RELIEF BILL.
If I were disposed to turn agita-
tor— a line of life for which I feel
little vocation — I should certainly
seize the present opportunity to
endeavour to raise a cry in favour
of Protestant Emancipation in Ire-
land.
I know well that 'the moment
is not propitious. I feel that the
sympathies of Englishmen are not
just now strongly enlisted on their
side ; and I can see that amongst
the needs of the party at present
in power, is the great necessity of
petting Romanism, and discourag-
ing, if not disparaging, the mem-
bers of the Reformed Church.
It is not, certainly, at the mo-
ment when a Government is hourly
weakening the ties of connection be-
tween the two countries, that the
merits of those who were strenuous
to maintain the union could be
advantageously insisted on. Nor
is it a time when one of the difficul-
ties of a Cabinet consists in how far
they may weaken the Queen's rule
in Ireland without absolutely con-
fessing that country to be ungov-
ernable, that one would reasonably
hope for merciful consideration for
those who, insulted, neglected, or
outraged, still professed to believe
that there were benefits in the con-
nection with England. But yet I
do think some at least of the preju-
dices entertained against Protest-
ants might be fairly met ; and that,
looking to the patient submission
they have shown under the dis-
favour they have incurred, the un-
complaining spirit in which they
have seen themselves passed over in
promotion, their religious disability
being used as the means of exclud-
ing them from office or advance-
ment— I say I do think that the
natural kind-heartedness of Eng-
lishmen, and their love of fair-play
together, would dispose them to in-
quire, at least, what there is in the
Reformed Faith that should shut
men out from the high rewards of
public life 1 why a Protestant should
not be a judge or a magistrate? or
what peculiarity in his belief should
suggest distrust of his loyalty, or a
doubt of the undivided allegiance he
offers to his Sovereign 1 It was not
till after a very long struggle, main-
tained by some of the ablest men of
the age, that the Catholic Relief Bill
was carried. The measure confess-
edly was yielded at last rather from
the difficulty of further opposing it,
than from any distinct admission
that the claim had been made out.
Let us, then, take the points alleged
against the Romanists, and see if
they do not admit of the same
honest construction when applied
to Protestants, and let ns see if
there would be a real peril to the
Crown or the Constitution in ad-
mitting the followers of the Estab-
lished— or rather disestablished —
Church, to places of honour or trust
under the monarchy. First of all,
we are told that by concessions to
the " Protestants " we are endanger-
ing the condition of the Catholic
Church; and I at once fall back
upon Lord Plunkett, and ask. What
is this apprehended danger? Is
it in Parliament or out of Parlia-
ment ? Do you believe that any
number of persons let in would be
strong enough to overrule the Cath-
olics, and pull down their Church ?
" These apprehensions," he adds,
" are not the fruits of wholesome
caution, but the reveries of dis-
ordered brains." I conscientiously
believe this to be true. The most
ardent propagandist of Protestant-
ism no longer speculates on the con-
1870.]
A Protestant Relief Bill
507
version of his Roman Catholic coun-
trymen ; and I believe that Cardinal
Cullen might travel in Dr Tresham
Gregg's company from Fairhead to
Valentia without any attempt on
his theological virtue.
The next argument after this was,
that " the people of England were
against the measure ;" and here
Lord Plunkett says, that by the Act
of Union the Catholics of Ireland
were led to expect that greater fa-
cilities would be accorded to them.
This is just my case for the Pro-
testants ; for they were not only led
to expect, but taught to believe
and to rely on the assurances of
England, that they should not be
deserted, nor left in the minority to
struggle against the overwhelming
force of a tyrant majority.
One of Pitt's arguments for
the Union was, that an English,
because a Protestant Parliament,
would have less difficulty in deal-
ing with the Catholic claims than
an Irish Parliament, where the
nation was Catholic, and only the
governing class Protestant. Even
Pitt, however, did not foresee the
time when both the numbers and
the ruling power should stand on
one and the same side.
The conduct of the Roman Cath-
olics was resorted to as a reason
against concessions. So, too, have
we heard how certain humble men
walking in procession — some reviv-
al of a memory, where their fathers'
gallantry had signalised their devo-
tion to the Crown of England —
have been adduced as grounds for
their repression, and sufficient argu-
ment to show how dangerous might
be such loyalty ; and, of course, it
cannot be denied that these men
are but little attentive to the signs
of the times — that they are but care-
less observers of the altered spirit
of England towards them, and
rather live in the memories of what
their forefathers had achieved, than
in the consciousness of the neglect
into which they themselves have fal-
len. Good taste and moderation are
not the invariable characteristics of
popular demands ; and these poor
people — once petted and pampered,
now slighted and insulted — may
have occasionally given way to ex-
pressions more consonant with in-
jured pride and outraged feeling
than with consummate state-craft ;
but then, as Lord Plunkett observed
before, " All these things are im-
putable to the conduct of the Go-
vernment ; you have compelled
these men to rally round constitu-
tional privileges, and make common
cause." " If this measure," he con-
tinues, " be utterly inadmissible,
you are bound to say so " — bound, I
would add, not to amuse the Pro-
testants with the idea that they are
to be longer tolerated, or that their
Church, crippled and maimed as it
is, will be supported even with that
modified subsidy which, like the di-
vidend in a bankruptcy, only serves
to furnish materials for calculating
the original debt. You are bound
to suppress that fever of the public
mind that comes of alternate hope
and fear, and let them know that
by governing Ireland according to
Irish ideas you understand the
ignoring of all that is not Roman-
ist, or that attaches any value to
English connection, or any love
or affection for England.
Once more my Lord Plunkett :
" This is no subject for compromise.
Either this claim is forbidden by
some principle too sacred to be
tampered with, or it is enjoined by
a law of justice which it is oppres-
sion to resist." I repeat it : the
Irish Catholics — I mean the Irish
Protestants — have not been fairly
dealt with. The Government has
not in any instance come into
amicable contact with them. It
has not consulted, soothed, nor
directed them. It has addressed
them only in the stern language of
the law, in State prosecution, and
charged them with the anger which
has been kindled by such treat-
ment. It has confiscated their
Church, accused their once ascend-
ancy— in other words, their loy-
alty— as the bane of Ireland, de-
508
Cornelius O'Dowd.
[April
nounced their fidelity as an aggres-
sion, and called their influence an
insult to national feeling. Is it
likely, said the great advocate of
the Catholic claims, that these men
should exercise any fastidious deli-
cacy in the selection of their friends ?
And so do I ask, Why wonder if
you have such men as Mr Johnston
as the representative of an Orange
constituency 1 Is not the very
choice a wild cry of angry defiance
— a passionate shriek from the brave
crew you have deserted and aban-
doned, and who prefer any chances
rather than those of trusting to
your mercy 1
All that was once imputed to the
Roman Catholic, on the ground
of his allegiance to the Pope, is
now ascribed to the Protestant
on the supposed plea of " ascend-
ancy." It is this ascendancy that
has insulted the Church of the ma-
jority, rack-rented the peasantry,
excited them to acts of crime and
vengeance, and finally driven them
to rebellion. Of course this is not
very difficult to assert, nor very
hard to dilate upon. Still, if the
allegation were as true and well
founded as it is notoriously false,
the thing exists no longer. Every-
thing that claimed to be Protestant
in the land has been placed under
proscription : the Church abolish-
ed ; the rights of property, largely
Protestant, invaded ; the University
founded under a Protestant charter,
and maintained chiefly by grants of
Protestant donors, menaced with
confiscation. Where, then, is there
any remnant of that terrible ascend-
ancy which has haunted the dreams
of Romanist bishops and made the
Irish peasant a Fenian 1
We were often warned of the dan-
gerous discontent of those who saw
not alone themselves, but also the
" nati natorum et qui nascuntur ab
illis," stigmatised as a caste, and
to be for ever excluded from hon-
our, station, and confidence — surely
we might recognise some peril for
those who have been deposed from
their places of honour and trust, and
told to " stand by " as persons at-
tainted and discredited, and for no
other reason than that their loyalty
has become offensive to men who
give fewer guarantees for their
fidelity, and who only acknowledge
"a conditional attachment" to Eng-
lish rule.
I dc propose, and I have no more
eloquent words than Plunkett's to
do it in, to " take the brand from
these men's foreheads, and the bit-
terness from their hearts, and the
debasement from their minds. Do
not drive your Protestant brother
from the bar as a sulky discontented
outcast." I do not claim for him
the highest offices of the State. I
am not vain enough to hope he
may be a Lord Chancellor, nor have
I the pretension to expect that he
will be chosen by any constituency
as their representative. To take
Sydney Smith's words : " Keep
them from Parliament if you think
it right, but do not therefore ex-
clude them from everything else
to which you think they might be
admitted without danger ; and as
to their discontent, there is no sort
of reason why it should not be les-
sened, though it cannot be re-
moved." And again : " A distinc-
tion is taken by one of the most
feeble noblemen in Great Britain
between persecution and the depri-
vation of political power, whereas
there is no more distinction between
these two things than there is be-
tween him who makes the distinc-
tion and a booby. What nonsense
is this ! Degradation is as great
an evil as bodily pain, or as severe
poverty." It is by no means im-
possible that to be deprived of his
office as a sheriff, and to be removed
from the bench as a magistrate,
may be regarded by a country gen-
tleman as a degradation, and all
for no graver reason than the ex-
pression of his opinion on the wis-
dom of certain acts of the Govern-
ment. Surely in a country like
ours, where so much is conceded to
the press, some little latitude might
be permitted to spoken opinion ;
1870.]
The State, the Poor, and the Country.
509
not to say that where the fierce
language of the ' Nation ' and the
Irishman ' are tolerated and en-
dured, a little forgiveness might be
extended to the warmth of one
whose greatest error was to have
forgotten that his loyalty had grown
old-fashioned. After all, it will
take some time to convince the
province of Ulster that " The Boyne
Water " is not a rebel ballad.
I ask for leniency in dealing
with these men's derelictions, be-
cause they are foolish enough still
to fancy themselves the friends of
British connection, and supporters
of the monarchy ! A little time
will of course teach them their
error. Meanwhile, if the Protest-
ant is neither to be raised to the
Bench nor promoted to high place
at the Bar — if he is to be sparingly
chosen for the Legislature, and
grudgingly selected for any posi-
tion of trust — let the profession
of medicine, at least, be open since
law is closed and divinity sup-
pressed ; and, in the humble walk
of a dispensary doctor, let not his
belief in the Thirty-Nine Articles
be a bar to his dealing with the
pharmacopoeia !
I know that there are prejudices
against these concessions, and I can
feel all the force of those who ar-
gue against the impolicy of disturb-
ing that blessed peacefulness that
now pervades Ireland, and shaking
the confidence of those who are
with such heartfelt sincerity recip-
rocating " our message of peace."
Still I would say, in your present
treatment of what you call ascend-
ancy, you are simply " flogging a
dead horse ; " and it is but a sorry
reason to insult the Protestants of
Ireland, that they cared so much
for British connection that they
actually quarrelled with their own
countrymen to maintain it.
THE STATE, THE POOR, AND THE COUNTRY.
THE British nation has entered
upon a new political era. And
every such period, ere it passes
away, leaves a memorable record of
its existence in new, important,
and it may be startling acts of legis-
lation. A new power has been in-
troduced into our political system,
— new forces are at work within the
pale of the Constitution. The Gov-
ernment has become National in
the fullest sense of the word ; and,
with the change, a new breath of
life is stirring Society. New views
are rapidly forming ; new hopes
and aspirations are entering into
the heart of the masses. The rule
of the Middle Classes, established
by the Reform Bill of 1832, has
come to an end ; and the doctrines
which regulated the legislation of
that period are now being tested
and considered from a different,
indeed opposite, point of view. For
nearly forty years the prime object
VOL. CVTI. — NO. DCLIV.
of our legislation has been the inte-
rests of the Consumers; now, we
shall soon have the masses advocat-
ing their own interests as Produ-
cers. What is more, the State has
now become simply the Nation it-
self, acting through a chosen body
of administrators ; and it is easy to
discern that under the new regime
the Government will be called upon
to adopt a very different policy in
domestic affairs from that repre-
sented by the principle of the
Whigs and Doctrinaires, which
has been paramount since 1832.
That principle well suited the in-
terests of the wealthy and com-
paratively fortunate classes, who
needed no help from the State,
yet who got all they asked for, by
the abolition of all customs-duties
which shackled their business.
But will that principle keep its
ground now that the weaker classes
also have a voice in the Govern-
2 M
510
The State, the Poor, and the Country.
[April
merit ? Will they not maintain
that they, as an integral part of the
Nation, have a claim to be fully
considered in the policy of the
Government; and that, if they can
point out any system of Govern-
mental action which will benefit
them, . without doing injustice to
the rest of the community, no doc-
trinaire limitations upon the action
of the State shall be allowed to
stand in the way1? The maxims of
the Liberals, which have been pre-
dominant since 1832, will be thrown
into the crucible, and tried anew.
Already, in vague murmurs which
.ere long will become distinct and
earnest speech, the masses are be-
ginning to say that the principles
which have been in vogue during
the rule of the Middle Classes will
not suit them. "Our interests,"
they say, " are those of Producers,
not of Consumers. We also are
poor, and you are wealthy ; we are
weak, and you are strong : with us
employment is a far more precari-
ous thing than it is with you, and
we have but small savings to fall
back upon when out of work.
State -help, though not needful
to the middle classes, is needed at
times by us; and we shall never
rest contented until that principle
is acknowledged and properly ap-
plied/'
Unless we misinterpret the signs
of the times, our Statesmen are
entering upon a trying period, and
one in which they will find more
work on their shoulders than they
have been accustomed to. It is a
time — a crisis — which will sift the
chaff from the wheat, and discern
sharply and clearly between the
two classes of men commingled in
every Ministry — between men
whose only merit is skilful debat-
ing power, and those who really
possess the gift of statesmanship.
It is not without uneasiness that
we regard the political crisis now
drawing near, — the ripening crop
of new views, interests, and aspira-
tions, backed by the still-unused
power of the masses. In regard to
the movement itself — the awaken-
ing of the masses to political thought
and their entry upon political power
— so far from dreading it, we hail it
as an event as desirable as it is
inevitable, — as a healthy action of
the national mind, and one which,
by compelling us to test and recon-
sider our legislative principles from
a new point of view, will greatly
assist the ever-desirable work of
shaping the Administration of the
country in a manner most conson-
ant with the fair claims and just
wants of the nation as a whole. It
is natural and self -flattering to think
that our past and still-existing
legislation has all been framed in
this manner, — and we certainly do
not believe that our legislators have
ever consciously done otherwise ;
but we cannot lay the flattering
unction to our souls, that our domes-
tic policy has not been mistaken in
some respects when viewed in con-
nection with the interests of the
nation as a whole, and, still more,
eminently defective, leaving undone
many things which a rightly-con-
stituted State ought to have done.
We should be false to the opinions
again and again expressed in the
Magazine if we hesitated to say
this frankly, and also unjust to the
Conservative party, whose tradition-
al policy has been to uphold the
National interests in opposition to
the doctrinaire system of policy
established by the Whigs, and now
adopted by the main body of their
Radical allies.
What are the cries which are
now heard among the working
classes — the vast section of the
community now at length admitted
to a direct share in the government
of the country 1 What are the ques-
tions which they are pondering,
and which ere long they will rea-
son out for themselves, and press
upon the attention of Parliament ?
Foremost among these are the
Colonial question, Emigration,
the Poor-laws, and " Free-trade
with Reciprocity." How often
have these questions been dealt
1870.]
The State, the Poor, and the Country.
511
with in the Magazine ! How often,
especially, did the late Sir Archi-
bald Alison, in these pages, earnest-
ly and eloquently advocate these
questions in the interests, not of
any class or party, but of the Na-
tion at large ! The whole current
of the time was against him. The
doctrinaire system of the Liberals
was then supreme : but honestly
and manfully he advocated his views,
developing a truly Imperial policy,
by which the Colonies were to form
a real part of the empire, held to
the mother country by a system of
reciprocal advantages ; by which a
State system of Emigration was to
relieve the labour-market at home,
reducing also the burden of Poor-
rates, and ceaselessly adding to the
population and resources of the Col-
onies, who have ever been our best
customers, the largest consumers of
our exported manufactures. We need
not speak of his long and steady ad-
vocacy of the interests of the Pro-
ducing classes in this country, as
endangered by the extreme and one-
sided system of so-called Free-trade
established by the Liberals. He
maintained that in Free-trade, like
everything else, there are limits
beyond which the ad vantages which
it confers on some classes are more
than counterbalanced by the loss
which it inflicts on others. Normust
we forget the warm interest which
he ever took in the interests of the
Working classes and of the Poor; so
much so, that even in his great
History, while depicting the Reign
of Terror when at its worst, he
pauses in his narrative of crime and
horrors to praise Robespierre for the
" noble spirit" of his proposed Poor-
law--
Emigration and the state of our
Poor-laws are naturally the foremost
questions in the thoughts of the
working classes at the present time.
The lamentable depression of trade,
and consequent want of employ-
ment, which have recently prevail-
ed, have now reached a most se-
rious magnitude in many of the
larger towns, and most of all
in London and its far-spreading
suburbs. The intensity of the
distress in the metropolitan dis-
tricts has not been equalled in re-
cent times. And the break-down
of our Poor-law system, despite all
the efforts of voluntary associations,
has been absolutely appalling in its
results. Not a week passes with-
out several cases of " deaths from
starvation," duly attested by the
verdict of coroners' inquests, where
the medical and other evidence re-
veals an amount of unaided wretch-
edness and starvation which one
would suppose impossible in a civi-
lised country. Men, women, and
children dying from sheer famine
in the heart of the wealthiest city
of the world ! — how inadequate
must our Poor-laws be when so
shocking a spectacle is of frequent
recurrence ! And what does the
Government do 1 What measures
does it take to remedy, or even
mitigate, this unusually severe and
widespread distress among the
lower classes ? None at all.
Even when directly appealed to in
Parliament, the Government ad-
heres to the vaunted Liberal doc-
trine of laissez-faire. It prates
about the "established principles
of economical science" (what are
they ?) It takes credit for leaving
everything to be settled by "the
law of supply and demand," — as if
that "law" (of which we have heard
so much during the last thirty-five
years of Liberal rule) ever brought
help to the helpless, clothes to the
naked, or a morsel of food to men
* " Fas est et ab haste doceri " is Alison's remark after stating the provisions of
the proposed law. And he adds : "The true principles of the management of
the poor are to be found in this Report of the Committee of Public Salvation ; and
regular Governments will never act so wisely for their own as well as for their
people's interest, as when they take this leaf out of the book of their enemies." —
History of Europe, vol. iii. p. 292 (8vo edition, 1859).
512
TJie State, the Poor, and the Country.
[April
dying of starvation. We remember,
during the terrible famine in Orissa,
that when some of the Government
officials acted on the so - called
" established principles of economi-
cal science," and left the people to
die in hundreds, they were cen-
sured in the strongest (yet not
too strong) terms by the Indian
Government, and were condemned
unanimously by the English public.
Yet is not our own Government
now culpable in the same way1?
Surely the break-down of the Poor-
law in this case ought to have in-
cited the Government to the adop-
tion of prompt measures of relief,
even if those were of an exceptional
kind. Yet nothing will move them ;
and even a direct motion in Par-
liament for State-help to alleviate
the widespread distress by means
of emigration, has been repelled by
the whole force of the Govern-
ment.
The argument for State-help to
the working classes, in the present
dilemma, is peculiarly strong ; for
the Government itself has greatly
swelled the number of the unem-
ployed, and at this moment is add-
ing several thousands more to the
list. Since the present " Liberal "
Ministry came into power, it has
dismissed several thousands of
workmen from the National dock-
yards, has largely reduced the men
employed in the Navy, and has
likewise dismissed, or is in process
of dismissing, upwards of twenty
thousand men hitherto employed
as soldiers. All these able-bodied
men — many of them with families
dependent upon them — have been
thrown out of work by the Govern-
ment at a time when the labour-
market is wholly overstocked, and
when an unusual amount of dis-
tress prevails among the working
classes. We do not think that all
these reductions are desirable ; and
even if desirable, there was certain-
ly no necessity for making them at
the present moment. But then the
Gladstone Cabinet desire to make
an ostentatious display of their
" economy " by showing a large
surplus in the Budget. What good
will that do to the unemployed
and starving workmen ? None
whatever. What help will a reduc-
tion of the income-tax and the tea
and sugar duties afford to the un-
employed who have barely money
to buy bread] Nay, even as re-
gards the working classes as a body,
how small will be the fraction of
gain that will reach them ! What-
ever it be, it certainly will not com-
pensate them for the depression in
the labour-market produced by the
competition of the thirty thousand
able-bodied men recently, or now
in the process of being dismissed
from the Government service.
The recent Parliamentary debate
and division on the Emigration
question appear to us in almost
every respect unsatisfactory, alike
in the interests of Government and
of the masses of our population.
The so-called Liberal Cabinet, in
adhering to the old principle of
the Whigs on the Emigration ques-
tion, are supported by the Man-
chester school of politicians, who
in this matter have two objects
in view — namely, a desire to sever
the Colonies from the mother coun-
try (thereby reducing England to a
helpless position among the great
Powers of the world, so as to com-
pel us to adopt a permanent policy
of peace at any price), and also to
keep down wages in this country by
retaining a redundant population.
It is a significant fact, that the mo-
tion in favour of State-help to emi-
gration was supported entirely by
the younger politicians on either
side of the House, in conjunction
with representatives of large urban
constituencies ; and the speech of
the evening was unquestionably
that of Lord George Hamilton, the
member for Middlesex, and the
most promising of the juniors of
the Conservative party. This fact
of itself is worthy of notice. The
older politicians in the House are
either content with the present sys-
tem of things, which has been so
1870.]
The State, the Poor, and the Country.
513
long established under the rule of
the Whigs and Liberals, or at least
they are so indifferent on this sub-
ject as to refrain from opposing it by
their votes, or even questioning it
in debate. They appear to be blind
to the new forces at work, and to
the new spirit which ere long must
be infused into the Government of
this country, if that Government is
to remain stable and the masses
contented.
In old States with a large pop-
ulation, Emigration is the great
safety-valve by which poverty and
discontent are prevented from ac-
cumulating to an extent dangerous
to the welfare of the community.
In our own little islands this has been
notoriously the case. Population
will increase among the poorer
classes quite as much as among the
upper and middle classes. This is
a fact which must be accepted — it
cannot be prevented. And as the
area of our islands is small, it
is impossible that Employment
can go on increasing in the same
ratio as population does. Hence,
but for Emigration, ere this our
country would have been burdened
by a mass of poverty and discon-
tent which would not have failed
to produce most calamitous con-
sequences.
The whole policy of the present
Government towards the Colonies
shows plainly that the idea of State-
aid to Emigration never once en-
tered their thoughts. It is also
well known that the leading mem-
bers of the Cabinet — Gladstone,
Bright, and Lowe — adhere firmly
to the principle of their Whig
predecessors. These two facts
naturally cast a doubt upon the
genuineness of the excuses, and
upon the impartiality of the argu-
ments, by which they defended
themselves during the recent de-
bate. One of those excuses was,
that the Colonies were averse to
receive any emigrants sent out by
State-help. But was this project
ever fairly brought before the Co-
lonial Governments'? It was not
• — it could not have been. Indeed,
with what face could a Cabinet
which is doing its best to throw off
the Colonies, which is withdrawing
from them every regiment and ship,
and telling them as plainly as it
dare do that we want to get rid of
our Colonies altogether as a burden
and an expense, — how could such
a Cabinet enter upon negotiations
with the Colonial Governments on
this important question of Emigra-
tion 1 The project, in fact, runs
counter to the Colonial policy of
this Ministry, and also to the selfish
doctrines of the Manchester school.
By the recent successful division,
the Cabinet has got rid of the ques-
tion for the moment ; but it will
not be for long. And we sincerely
trust that Parliament will duly con-
sider the matter betimes ; for if this
is not done, the result will be a
great popular movement which will
be most dangerous to the rights of
property at home.
Holding the views above ex-
pressed, we greet with satisfaction a
recently-published work, which, in
brief compass, treats very fully of
the duties of the State in regard to
the social and material interests of
the country.* It is an expression
of the new school of ideas and
principles relative to the Govern-
mental action of the State. It de-
velops a wide scheme of work for
the State, not merely in relation to
the working classes and the poor,
but also in relation to the general
interests of the Nation as a whole.
In his ' Science of Finance/ Mr
Patterson has shown himself a re-
solute opponent of all unnecessary
interference of the State in affairs
of private industry and enterprise,
— because such affairs do not come
within its province, nor is the State
well fitted for their administration.
He holds that the State should not
* ' The State, the Poor, and the Country : including Suggestions on the Irish
Question.' By R. H. Patterson, author of the ' Science of Finance,' &c.
514
The State, the Poor, and tlie Country.
[April
engage in any business nor under-
take any duty which can be equal-
ly, or even approximately, well
done by the public. Nevertheless
there are many cases in which the
intervention of the State is not
only justifiable, but urgently need-
ed, for the sake of the moral and
social wellbeing of the community.
" The object of a Government," he
says, "is to do for a community
what the community cannot do for
itself." In these few words we
have the whole and sole raison
d'etre of a Government. Mr Pat-
terson evidently does not accept
the doctrine of " every one for him-
self and the devil take the hind-
most." Such a state of matters
may prevail in rude and barbarous
countries ; but it is a principle
wholly out of place in a civilised
country, in the organised life of
a rightly -constituted Nation. It
is quite alien in such communities,
— it is wholly opposed to the Social
principle, — it is, in fact, its an-
tithesis, and in practice its worst
enemy. " A Nation is a unit : all
classes alike must share its burdens
in proportion to their means."
"Mutual aid," he says again, "is
the fundamental basis of every
rightly-constituted society." " It
should be with society as with the
body, ' If one member suffers, all
suffer.'"
We cannot follow our author
through the various plans which
he proposes for accomplishing his
double project of (l) developing the
productive power of the People (or,
as he otherwise puts it, " making
every man of our labouring class in
the future worth two in the past"),
and (2) of augmenting the natural
resources of the Country. Some of
his proposals under the first head
appear to us to be conceived in too
hopeful a spirit as regards the
character of our working classes,
and to be too difficult to be realised
in the present state of society. But
they are all desirable per se; and it
is possible, nay probable, that the
difficulties which seem to render
some of them impracticable at pre-
sent, will ere long be lessened or
disappear. We have only to look
back upon the past progress of
society and civilisation in order to
perceive how many things which
are difficult, and appear almost
" Utopian" to one age, are ere long
easily accomplished in the onward
and upward progress of humanity.
If Mr Patterson's views upon emi-
gration and the treatment of the
poor remind us of those so elo-
quently and powerfully advocated
in these pages by the late Sir Archi-
bald Alison, his views upon the
question of Railways for Ireland
not less forcibly recall to mind the
statesmanlike proposals of the late
Lord George Bentinck (then leader
of the Conservative party in the
House of Commons) upon the same
subject. The Liberals succeeded in
defeating Lord George Bentinck's
proposal, — just as, alike in previous
and past years, they have ever op-
posed State-help to the working
classes by emigration. In like
manner, also, they have done their
best — and now more than ever —
to cast off our splendid colonial
empire, the grandest and most
wonderful product of England's
life and enterprise, and to reduce
the British empire to the limit of
our own little isles. Had the Con-
servative party been predominant
during the last forty years, as the
Whigs and Liberals have been,
we make bold to say that ere
this the Mother Country and the
Colonies would have been firmly
united by the bonds of mutual ad-
vantages,— forming a vast empire,
with well-arranged political rela-
tions, and commercially united as a
Zollverein, which in treaty for free-
dom of trade with other countries
could by its very magnitude obtain
equal reciprocal advantages, instead
of giving all and getting nothing, as
has been the case under the doctrin-
aire system of the Liberals. The
old Tory policy of maintaining the
National interests above all, and
of fostering the growth and re-
1870.]
The State, the Poor, and the Country.
515
sources of our empire (Home and
Colonial) as a unit, might still have
remained in force ; whereas under
the theorising and doctrinaire sys-
tem of the Whigs, the splendid
fabric of British power has been
loosened, until it now has little
more cohesion than a rope of sand.
" Give the Political Economists (so
self-styled) an empire of granite,"
said the great Napoleon, "and they
will quickly reduce it to powder ! "
What words can more fittingly de-
scribe the result of thirty -eight
years of Liberal ascendancy upon
the fortunes of the British empire 1
•The " political economy " which
the Whigs have taught England
to worship is a bastard progeny, a
crabbed offshoot of the true science,
— a science which must ever be
based upon the actual circumstances
of the country to whose govern-
ment it is applied, and not a mere
set of theories which the Liberals
apply indiscriminately, and whose
operation they scorn to subject to
any limitations, — even though the
practice of every other country in
the world warns them that in so
doing they are wrong.
In his earnest advocacy of the
schemes of Governmental action
which he sets forth, Mr Patterson
appeals to all parties in the State
alike. He says with emphasis that
it is no party question, but a " Na-
tional question in the fullest mean-
ing of the term." In one sense we
agree with him. A scheme of State-
action for extending the area of
employment, and augmenting the
natural resources of the country, is
really a National question. But to
what party must the country look
for the carrying out of such a pol-
icy ? Will it, can it, ever be done by
the Liberals 1 who would make the
Government a body by itself, stand-
ing aloof from the interests of the
masses, leaving the helpless and
the unemployed (even those of its
own making) to struggle on as they
best may, and turning with disdain
from every proposal for State-ac-
tion, the adoption of which would
combine help for the unemployed
with a permanent benefit to the
country at large. In marked con-
trast to this heartless school of
political doctrinaires stand the Con-
servatives, whose traditional policy
is that of supporting the great Na-
tional interests of the country, —
whose special aim and desire is to
confer material benefits upon the
people, while the grand stock-in-
trade of the Liberals is sentimental
and sectarian grievances.
It is in the general history of a
party that the essential spirit of its
policy is best manifested, and we
have shown from the evidence of
the past how widely the admini-
strative policy of the Tories and
Conservatives upon great national
questions has differed from that of
the Whigs and Liberals. But even
take this beau-ideal of Liberal Cab-
inets which now reigns in Downing
Street, and rules supreme in the
House of Commons. What care do
they take of National interests, or
of those of the toiling masses of
the population 1 We have already
spoken of their conduct towards
the Colonies, and need not recur to
it. But see what " political econo-
my" is doing for us at home. For
years, for generations, the State has
fostered economy among the lower
classes by taking care of their sav-
ings, even at some small expense to
itself. And alike in spirit and in
principle (although the details may
have been imperfect) this system is
as wise as it is generous, for there-
by many hundreds of our popula-
tion have been saved from coming
on the poor's-roll. But the present
Chancellor of the Exchequer desires
to put an end to this small help to
the lower classes. In obedience to
" the established doctrine of econo-
mical science," he would reduce the
rate of interest at present paid to
depositors in the Savings Banks. He
says the loss to the State by the
present system is £120,000 a-year.
But this statement gives a most
erroneous view of the facts of the
case. Nine-tenths of this loss is
516
The State, the Poor, and the Country.
[April
not due to the present rate of in-
terest, but represents the interest
on the " loss " incurred in the old
Tory times, when the Government
did not shrink from favouring
economy among the working classes
even at some small expense to the
State. Let any one examine what
has been the interest on Consols
during the last quarter of a cen-
tury, and he will find that, at the
present rate of interest (3j per
cent) paid by the Savings Banks,
the " loss " (so to call it), to the
State could not be more than
,£lO,OOOa-year at the most ; and as
a set-off against this, must be placed
the £400,000 of balances in the
hands of the State, and for which
it pays no interest ! Moreover, if
it were thought right to allow a por-
tion of the Savings Banks' deposits
to be invested in the State-debt of
India, there would be no loss at
all. Yet, for the sake of avoiding
this almost nominal loss, the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, by reduc-
ing the rate of interest on the sav-
ings of the poorer classes, would
throw a damper on the self-denying
economy of the very class among
whom economy of any kind is most
rare, yet is most of all to be desired.
It is not merely the loss of interest
to these poor depositors that has
to be taken into account, but the
moral effect of the change, the dam-
per thrown upon them. Unques-
tionably they will think themselves
unfairly, or at all events harshly
dealt with, and in resentment will
abandon their present habits of sav-
ing. This is " political economy,"
as understood and worshipped by
the Liberals ! For the sake of mak-
ing a gain to the State of £10,000
a-year, or less, this beau-ideal of
Liberal Cabinets would wrench this
sum from the most deserving por-
tion of the poorer classes, and, as a
necessary consequence, would in-
crease the Poor-rates to a far greater
extent. The Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer defends this proposal of
his by saying, that he "does not
know any principle by which one
portion of the community should
pay for the benefit of another"
Why, then, should there be any
Poor-rates at all ? Still more, why
any Education-rate ? Such reason-
ing is really too preposterous.
Look, too, at the mode in which
the Government has dealt with
the large dismissals of men by the
Admiralty and the War - Office.
We do not object to any reduc-
tion in the national defences that
is proved to be necessary. In
the present case, we believe that
the reductions in the national ar-
maments, and in the Government
offices also, have been carried too"
far. And in regard to the time and
manner in which those curtailments
have been effected, there is hardly
an unprejudiced man in the country,
whether Tory or Radical, who can
approve of the Government policy.
By withdrawing our ships and regi-
ments from the colonies and other
parts of the empire, and at the same
time declaring them unnecessary at
home, and by wholesale dismissals
of workmen from our national
dockyards, thirty thousand able-
bodied men have been thrown out
of the public service, and cast forth
upon the ordinary labour-market
of the country ; and this at a time
when the labour-market is wholly
overstocked, and thousands even
of skilled workmen seek vainly for
employment of any kind, and have
to beg bread for themselves and for
their families at the Workhouse.
What chance, then, have these thou-
sands of men dismissed from the pub-
lic service of getting employment "?
We may say roundly, None what-
ever. And in so far as they do find
employment, it can only be at the
cost of the whole working classes,
by the reduction of wages which
the competition of those thousands
of new suppliants for work will
necessarily produce in a labour-
market already grievously over-
stocked.
Not one of the soldiers and sail-
ors thus dismissed could have left
the public service of his own accord.
1870.]
The State, the Poor, and the Country.
517
They were bound to serve the State
for a period of years, and they
could not have released themselves
from this engagement in order to
enter upon other work and engage-
ments, however profitable these
might be. The engagement, in fact,
between the State and our soldiers
and sailors, is what lawyers call
" unilateral :" it binds the men, but
not the State which has engaged
their services. The State keeps
them remorselessly to the engage-
ment as long as it pleases, — it can
keep them whether they like or
not. In such circumstances, sure-
ly, the State is morally bound to
exercise its power of dismissing
these men with some little conside-
ration for their interests. We hear
a great deal at present about "fixity
of tenure," " compensation for loss
of occupancy," &c., for the Irish ;
and Irish tenants, though free to
throw up their farms whenever they
please, are to be granted an enor-
mous " compensation " whenever a
proprietor chooses to make a change
in the occupancy of his farm, even
though he should simply take it
into his own hands. This is "jus-
tice to Ireland." But surely some
respect should be paid by the Gov-
ernment itself to this principle,
when dealing with its own em-
ployes, especially those to whom it
denies the right of leaving its ser-
vice except at long intervals. The
State, in fact, takes a long lease of
the soldiers and sailors whom it
employs, yet holds itself at liberty
to break that lease whenever it
suits its own interests to do so.
We do not object to this state of
things, for we do not see how
it can well be remedied. But
we repeat most emphatically that
the right of the State to make
wholesale dismissals of those men
ought to be exercised with some
respect to moral obligations and
fair-play, as between man and man.
And we maintain that to summarily
dismiss some thirty thousand men
from the public service — especially
at a time of distress like the pre-
sent— is an act which would require
to be supported by reasons of State
necessity of the very strongest kind,
such as certainly do not exist in the
present case. We make bold to
say that the conduct of the Gov-
ernment in this matter is far more
tyrannous and transgressive of
moral duty than any evictions of
Irish tenants which they can point
to in support of their Irish Land
Bill.
It is acknowledged that the
artisans in the dockyards worked
at lower wages than are usual in
private establishments, being con-
tent to do so out of regard to the
comparative permanency of em-
ployment in the public service.
The same thing is true to a far
greater degree in the case of the
clerks in the Admiralty and other
Government oifices. The supposed
permanency of the employment has
hitherto induced men to enter the
service at a lower rate of pay than
is usual in private offices. More-
over, there is a fixed rate of increase
for their salaries in proportion to
their length of service : and surely,
to summarily dismiss those men,
and thereby prevent their attaining
the future increase of pay which
formed one of the terms of the en-
gagement, is a breach of moral obli-
gation only excusable upon grounds
of urgent State - necessity. Mr
Childers boasts that he has saved
.£32,000 by summarily dismissing
124 clerks from the Admiralty. But
does he think that the nation con-
gratulates itself upon such a gain ?
Does he think that this paltry sum
gained for the tax-payers will com-
pensate for the loss and suffering
inflicted upon these six score clerks
and their hapless families 1 Does he
think that the penny per head thus
saved to the tax-payers can possibly
give satisfaction to them when they
think of the misery of the poor
clerks by whose dismissal this ad-
dition to the year's surplus has
been obtained ?
It is important to take note at
once whither this " Liberal" policy
518
Tlit State, the Poor, and the Country.
[April
is leading us. Get a large surplus :
that is the sole maxim of the pre-
sent Cabinet. A large surplus,
suffer who may. And what are
the means by which this object is
attained 1 In the first place, the
ordinary revenue-payments are fore-
stalled : the public have now to pay
for what they have not used. More-
over, the taxation is made onerous
out of proportion to its amount, by
being levied in large sums, instead
of being, as hitherto, spread over the
year. So much for the new Liberal
mode of assessment. Next observe
what section of the nation specially
suffers from the financial policy
of the present Ministry. It is the
working classes, — and next to them
the lower section of the middle
class. The enormous reductions of
the army and navy (dockyards in-
cluded) fall mainly upon the work-
ing classes ; the reductions in the
Government offices fall mainly upon
a portion of the middle class. The
proposed reduction in the rate of
interest paid by the Savings Banks
likewise falls upon the same classes.
Even the pitiful economy by which
no successor is to be appointed to
Mr Tidd Pratt, is likewise made at
the expense of the working classes,
to whose interests he rendered great
service by supervising (so far as his
powers extended) the condition of
the Benefit Societies, to whose
keeping the working classes intrust
by far the greatest part of their
savings. The working classes al-
ready feel acutely the result of
these State-economies ; and they
would be dull indeed if they did
not take note of the remorseless
spirit of the Liberal policy, when
they see their Benefit Societies left
unheeded, and the Savings-Bank
rate of interest reduced, for the
sake of a gain to the State which
is absolutely pitiful. Moreover,
when, in their present distress,
they earnestly petition the Govern-
ment for some small help to emigra-
tion, the whole force and eloquence
of the Government are exerted to
obtain from the House of Commons
a refusal of their prayer and a con-
demnation of the principle of State-
help involved in it.
Now, we ask, what will be the
upshot of this vaunted " Liberal "
policy? The Government say, Our
sole duty to the country is to reduce
the amount of taxation, leaving
every class to profit or suffer from
it as they may. What is the corol-
lary which the working classes will
append to this maxim 1 Reduce —
nay, wholly abolish the duties upon
tea, sugar, &c., and the working
classes will still be great losers by
the Government policy. Not to
speak of the open neglect of their
interests shown by the measures of
the Chancellor of the Exchequer
above mentioned, the loss of wages
to the working classes in conse-
quence of the competition of the
thousands of men dismissed from
the Government service in a period
of unusual lack of employment, will
exceed by a hundred-fold any sav-
ing to be made by the reduction in
the price of tea and sugar. They
will say : " We object entirely to this
system of State-economy : we ob-
ject entirely to the principle that
the only duty of the Government
is to reduce taxation, — for it is we
who specially suffer from the eco-
nomies by which the Government
is enabled to make their reduc-
tions." And what will follow 1
The working classes will say :
" If the State is to economise
chiefly at our expense, and even with-
draw the little favours and general
consideration which have hitherto,
and only justly, been accorded to
us ; and if the State is to proclaim
that its duty is to do nothing ex-
cept reduce the taxation, leaving
every class, the weak as much as the
strong, to shift for itself: if, in short,
the national system of taxation is
to be the only form in which any
State-help is to come to us, either
in good times or in bad — then we
say that the national system of tax-
ation must be entirely remodelled."
Remodelled! — revolutionised would
be the fitter word. But how ?
1870.]
The State, the Poor, and the Country.
519
There can only be one answer to
that question. By a graduated
.system of direct taxation. The
lower section of the middle class
•will join with the working class in
this question, and the popular cry
will be not only that the income-
uax should be graduated from bot-
tom to top, but that all the other
direct taxes (poor's-rate, house-tax,
&c.,) should be graduated in similar
fashion. This is the goal to which Mr
Lowe's "clever" finance is leading,
And strange to say, it will come as
the consequence of his fanatical en-
deavours to establish the very op-
posite principle. He says, — " I can
see no reason why one section of
the community should pay to bene-
fit another section;" and on this
ground he remorselessly insists
upon making a trumpery gain to
the State by reducing the rate of
interest paid by the National Sav-
ings Banks, as also by repelling
every proposal for State-aid to emi-
gration. Was there ever such
blindness ? And the whole Cabi-
net shares the mental short-sight-
edness of the Chancellor of the
Exchequer.
We want a different policy alto-
gether. A reduction of taxation is
but a means to an end, — and that
end is the comfort and contentment
of the nation as a whole. A tru-
ly national system of government
must ever pay full and careful re-
gard to the lower classes, the
weaker and less fortunate members
of the community. It must ever
shape the action of the State and
the tenor of its legislation in conson-
ance with the wants of the nation
as a whole. Above all, it cannot
ignore the ever-recurrent periods
of distress among the labouring
masses. And it is impossible, nor
is it to be desired, that any system
of administration of the public
affairs which runs counter to this
principle can be lasting. It will
provoke a recoil of sentiment, and
a great popular movement which
will sweep away such a system of
narrow, heartless, and erroneous
administration ; and in such a case
the remedy, hastily adopted, is too
likely to create evils of an opposite
kind, perhaps as much to be depre-
cated as those which it supplants.
Mark the difference between the
goal to which the present Govern-
ment policy is leading and that which
is offered by the national system of
policy which Mr Patterson proposes,
and which in the main we heartily
support. Let the State combine
the interests of the poor with those
of the country at large. Let it
adopt a system of State works which,
carried out gradually, will give em-
ployment for our able-bodied poor,
instead of wasting their labour in
the unproductive tasks and demo-
ralising influence of the work houses.
As the best boon to Ireland, and as
a relief to the now overstocked la-
bour-market, let it co-operate (by
guarantee which will cost but a
trifle at the outset, and which ere
long will be repaid) in the con-
struction of cheap railways, open-
ing up the solitudes and develop-
ing the agricultural resources of the
sister isle. Let it also make en-
gineering surveys of the vast waste
lands of Ireland, with a view to the
gradual reclamation of those waste
lands during those periods of distress
among our labouring classes which
are unfortunately only too sure to
recur at intervals. Under such a
system of administration, the ne-
cessity for State-help to emigration
would be greatly diminished, espe-
cially as the working classes have
little desire to expatriate themselves
if they can find work at home ; but
whenever such a necessity arises,
let it be promptly met, as the
sole means then left for preventing
the accumulation of a pauperised
and discontented population, per-
manently feeding upon the reven-
ues, and disturbing the peace and
comfort of the nation.
We advocate this policy upon the
permanent grounds of justice and
wise statesmanship. But the man
is short-sighted indeed, who does
not mark, in the signs of the times,
520
The State, the Poor, and the Country.
[April
the approach of a crisis in our do-
mestic legislation which renders
the prompt consideration of these
views especially urgent. The weaker,
poorer, but most numerous section
of the nation, is now suffering under
a widespread distress ; and not only
is that distress seriously augmented
by the thousands of men thrown
out of employment by the Govern-
ment, but the appeal to the Gov-
ernment to mitigate this suffering
of their own making, by helping
a few hundreds of the sufferers to
emigrate, is summarily and decis-
ively rejected ; and even the little
favours which the lower classes
have been in the habit of receiving
from all former Governments, both
as regards the National Savings
Banks and their own Sick and Bene-
fit Societies, are ruthlessly taken
from them. It needs no seer to
predict the end of such a system of
administration as this — namely, a
popular movement which will es-
tablish, probably in a most unwise
form, a principle the very opposite
'to that which the present Ministry
is now carrying to an extreme. To
what Party, then, in the country —
to which side of the House — are we
to appeal 1 We are waved back
scornfully from the Ministerial
benches. The vast phalanx of
Liberals of all 'shades who support
the policy of the Prime Minister
and the Chancellor of the Exchequer
turn a deaf ear to our proposals.
They support the maxim of their
leaders that the poorer classes
must shift for themselves, and that
the sole object of Government in
such matters is to reduce taxation,
without taking any steps to miti-
gate the distress among the lower
classes, which this policy of theirs
is so greatly augmenting. But
may we not turn with confidence to
the Opposition, and appeal to the
weakened but still powerful Con-
servative party to inaugurate a
rival policy, and save the country
from the perils into which the doc-
trinaire system of the Liberals isnow
leading us ? The system which we
advocate is essentially that of the
Conservative party. It is National
in the truest sense of the term; it
is practical, founded upon the wants
of the community, as opposed to
the theoretic system of government,
which finds favour with the Lib-
erals. It offers material benefits,
not mere remedies for sentimental
grievances. It deals with the na-
tion as a whole, and makes the
benefits which it confers upon the
weaker classes a mean of equally
and permanently improving the
condition and resources of the coun-
try at large. If this be not a policy
worthy of the Conservative party,
and specially accordant with their
principles, then all the political
thinkers and leading writers of that
Party have been wrong, and the
world must wait to learn anew
what the policy of that party is.
It is true that any proposals of
this kind made by the Conserva-
tives in Parliament will not for the
present be successful. But what of
that? The fortunes of any party
are determined in the long-run by
the wisdom and justice of its pro-
posals. Let a party show itself
possessed of the high qualities of
statesmanship — of the power and
ability to initiate a policy in har-
mony with the sympathies of the
time and the actual requirements
of the country, and it matters little
whether or not immediate success
attend its efforts. The Conserva-
tives, when in office, never fail to
distinguish themselves as able and
popular administrators. But for
more than twenty years they have
been placed at a great disadvantage
compared with their rivals, by the
fact that they have been so little
in office, and thereby have been
prevented doing justice to their
powers of statesmanship. But, let
us ask, have they not magnified that
disadvantage for themselves, by
abandoning the initiation of mea-
sures whenever they were relegated
to the Opposition benches ? We
acknowledge the important duty
which the Conservatives have at
1870.]
The State, tJie Poor, and the Country.
521
present to discharge, in oppos-
ing or seeking to improve the
measures brought forward by the
Liberal Cabinet. But no party
can win a solid reputation simply
by work of this kind. In order
to become strong, and increase its
numbers, a party must show itself
capable of initiating good and states-
manlike measures in harmony with
the growing wants and changing
condition of the country. Believing,
as we do, that the Conservatives
are still faithful to their traditions
us the great National party, we com-
mend to their attention the follow-
ing words of one of the most recent
and not least distinguished Conser-
vative writers : — ''By acting on
large views of social and economical
truths, and of the good of the whole
nation, as opposed to narrow class
interests, the Conservatives may add
to their county strength great rein-
forcements from the middle classes
in towns, and from the working
classes whom they have helped to
enfranchise, and form on a wide
basis a progressive and powerful
Conservative party."*
But the momentous character of
the subject with which we have
been dealing, and of the issues at
stake, make us unwilling to close our
remarks in the language of party.
Believing, as we do, that England
is on the threshold of a crisis in her
domestic affairs, we would appeal
even to the Government itself to re-
consider the mistaken course which
it is so fanatically pursuing, and
not to repel into a dangerous chan-
nel popular forces, which, if wisely
directed, might be made the means
of improving alike the social and
industrial condition of our country.
Surely the country has had enough
of the pitiful sectarian fights and
squabbles which engage so largely
the time and attention of the House
of Commons. How strange is the
bitterness, how unsatisfactory the
importance, attached to University
Tests Bills, Edinburgh Annuity-
tax Bills, and the like, when the
great wants of the nation are wait-
ing for consideration. The relations
between the State, the Poor, and
the Country, are really the grand-
est question of the times, and one
which will increase in magnitude,
if not also in difficulty and in peril,
with every delay. If Parliament
does not deal with this question
promptly, we fear the solution of it,
when it comes, will not take the
form, nor be conceived in the spirit,
to be desired by every well-wisher
to the commonwealth. Despite the
doctrinaire creed of the present
Cabinet, there must be State-aid
for the lower classes in times of
distress, and a better as well as less
wasteful poor-law system ; and we
should be glad indeed if it be
possible to combine the attain-
ment of these objects with a sys-
tem of administration which would
simultaneously develop the pro-
ductive powers of the people, and
augment the national resources of
the country.
* ' English Parties and Conservatism. ' By R. Dudley Baxter. An excellent,
impartial, and instructive review of the history of our political parties.
522
Count Charles de Montaletribert.
[April
COUNT CHAKLES DE MONTALEMBERT.
THERE is something very sad in
the dying out of a generation of the
leaders and rulers of the world.
Nothing marks so clearly the pas-
sage of time, the succession of one
age to another, as this dropping,
one by one, of the familiar names
which have been sounds of autho-
rity and pre-eminence for half or
quarter of a century. New neces-
sities, new difficulties, new com-
binations of circumstances, have
stolen upon us unawares, and we
are conscious, practically, that new
men have come in to guide the
fortunes of nations ; but nowhere
are the epochs of contemporary his-
tory so clearly marked out as by
graves. One cycle has ended, an-
other has begun. The old men
who linger like leaves upon the
topmost branches, but emphasise
the universal passing away of all
with whom they have been asso-
ciated. The old order changeth,
giving place to new.
In such a case as that of Count
de Montalembert the ending has
been softened by a long prelimin-
ary chapter of retirement from the
world — softened to his friends,
not to himself. And yet to how
many of his friends will the closing
up of that chamber in the Rue du Bac,
which was the abode of so much pain,
yet of so much vivacious interest
in the world, and animated discus-
sion of all its affairs, be like the ex-
tinction of a friendly light in the
midst of the darkness. For a great
part of these years, the little simple
bedroom which the author of the
' Figaro ' described the other day to
his readers, with a particularity more
American than French, has been
an audience - chamber to which
crowds have nocked. Like a
dream, the writer recalls, as he
writes, the half-mournful half-smil-
ing conversation of two or three
gentlemen, all of European name,
who were waiting in the large
drawing-room, which formed a kind
of antechamber to Montalembert's
reception, one afternoon now nearly
three years ago. The room was
darkened because of the summer
glare outside, and the animated
voices came as from ghosts half
seen. They were talking of Cousin,
then not long dead; discussing those
peculiarities which are defects in a
man as long as he lives, but after
his death become, as being habits
of his, more dear to his friends
than the highest qualities of his
character. Are they talking now
more sadly, yet with the smile of
recollection already beginning to
break up the heaviness of grief, of
Montalembert ? No doubt — re-
minding each other of his out-
breaks of characteristic impatience
and energy, of his sharp sayings, his
keen wit, his genial kindness. But
it is early yet for such softened
thoughts ; now and then a sob must
come in, a pang of farewell, and
that intolerable sense that nothing
more can be said to him, nothing
more heard from him, which is the
soul of grief. Was it only the other
day that he wrote, "let me hear
often from you " 1 and careless life
went on, and a world of petty
affairs prevented the response.
What matter ? one would do it to-
morrow or to-morrow; and now
in all heaven and earth there is
no way of doing it, no means of
answer. There is no sadder con-
sciousness in life.
It was in the winter of '65-'66
that Montalembert's last illness,
from its beginning a very painful
one, first attacked him. He was so
ill in the spring of '66 as to be com-
pelled to give up for a time the
work on the completion of which
he had so much set his heart, his
great and favourite work, ' Les
Moines d'Occident.' Early in '67
1870.]
Count Charles de Montalembert.
523
he described himself as " in a very
sad and precarious state ; " and
before the summer of that year his
physicians had dreaded that his
malady, if cured at all, must yet be
a very lingering one. His strength
was then so far reduced that he had
to be carried to his carriage on the
days he was permitted an airing ;
but still every day about five o'clock
in the afternoon, his room was full
of guests, friends of his life, who
called the worn statesman and
author by his Christian name, and
could enter with him into full dis-
cussions of all his life-long pursuits
and convictions; and, on the other
hand, strangers from all quarters,
whom his illness and suffering did
not prevent him from receiving
with all the courtly kindness and
genial grace of his nature. " Your
countrymen do not come to see me
as much as I could wish," he wrote
not three months before his death,
notwithstanding the numbers who
sought him continually. His inter-
est was as fresh in everything that
everybody was doing, while he lay
there on his weary couch, with the
close-capped sister in constant at-
tendance upon him, as if he had
still been in the full current of life.
It was a relief and help to this
rapid, ever-active intelligence, thus
suddenly confined within four walls,
and shut out from personal exer-
tion, to participate, at least by
way of sympathy, in the work and
thought of others. His ear was
open to everything that was sug-
gested to him ; his mind as ready
and vivacious as that of any youth
— nay, far more so : for youth
is too much occupied with its
own affairs to give such full un-
hesitating attention to those of
others. Whatever might be the
special interest of his visitor, Mon-
talembert had always some light to
throw upon it, some stray glances
out of the wonderful treasures of
his own knowledge or experience,
or at the best, a courteous in-
terest, an unfeigned sympathy.
The first feature in him which
struck the stranger was this gracious
gift of courtesy. His manners were
just touched with the elaboration
of the old regime, as became the
son of an emigre, the inheritor of
centuries of courtly French breed-
ing. But we do not think that
this impression of extreme personal
benignity and politeness was, after
the first encounter, the aspect of
Count de Montalembert's character
which made most lasting impres-
sion upon the mind of a recent ac-
quaintance. It was rather the
keenness of perception, the rapid
vision, the sharp wit, never failing
in absolute grace of expression,
but leaving the less ready insular
intelligence, with a puzzled sense
of discomfiture, miles behind. He
took the slow Englishman up,
who was saying something probably
sensible enough, and cast a gleam-
ing coil of wit round him, and ex-
tinguished his half-said perplexed
reasonings on the spot — an opera-
tion which caused a certain sensa-
tion of fright, by no means without
foundation, to thebystanders. This,
however, was in his days of health
and unbounded activity, while yet
the inherent impatience of a lively
and impetuous nature survived in
certain glimmers and sparkles of sar-
castic vivacity, such as even perfect
politeness could not quite annihilate.
The enthusiasm of his character,
and its intense love of beauty and
appreciation of everything noble and
generous, did not, we think, show so
plainly in his conversation as this
intellectual brilliancy and speed.
Keen as daylight, sharp upon any
pretence as the steel of Ithuriel's
spear — instantly conscious of the
presence of polite simulation, and
pitiless to it — it was rather the clear-
ness of his judgment than his poetic
character which struck the observer.
His was the kind of mind one could
have supposed quick to sift every
belief, less moved by imagination
than by reason, more familiar with
the processes of thought than the
524
Count Charles de Montalembert.
[April
visions of faith. The reader who
knows him only by his works will
be startled by such a view of his
character. But nobody who knew
Count de Montalembert will be
disposed to deny a fact which adds
tenfold to his weight and influence
as a believer, and which makes it
so much the more difficult to un-
derstand many features in his creed
and many portions of his work.
There could not be found any more
clear-sighted observer, or shrewd
and able man of the world. In
things temporal and intellectual
he took nothing for granted, and
was the last in the world to ac-
cept a specious theory or visionary
tale. To add after this, as we are
inclined to do — and yet he was a
fervent Roman Catholic, accepting
a hundred things as absolutely true
which to us seem mere fables of
a fond and excited fancy — would
have been to himself but another
instance of " unconquerable British
prejudice in respect to anything
Roman;" yet it is difficult to
restrain the expression of this
wonder, be it prejudice or be it
justice. The attitude in which at
this moment he appears to us
as a protestant against the last
great attempt at self-assertion on
the part of the Papacy, has a cer-
tain composing effect upon the
general aspect of his religious char-
acter ; and we have to recall to our-
selves that it is the young Christian
knight who in the pride of his
youth gave up at a word from the
Church one of the most cherished
of his prospects — that it is the bio-
grapher of St Elizabeth, the histo-
rian of the monks, of whom we are
speaking. Not a miracle in all
those saintly lives, not a prodigy
recorded in the ages of faith, dis-
turbed his power of belief. He
accepted them with the full and
frank confidence of the simplest
believer. He, with his keen wit
and quick perceptions, his learn-
ing and sagacity, an accomplished
writer and brilliant man of the
world, tingling to his finger-points
with the new sap and modern
vigour of his century, yet received
everything which the hoary past
brought to him in the name of reli-
gion with the tender faith of a child.
Such a phenomenon is to be seen
now and then in the world, and
when it appears it is always full of
attraction, full of interest — one of
the finest yet strangest combina-
tions of human character. And
such was Charles de Montalembert.
It is not yet time to enter upon
any full account of his life or esti-
mate of his influence. The exist-
ence which has just ended must be
a little further off before it can
" orb into the perfect star " of
completed being. He had lived
about sixty years in the world,
when he was suddenly called out
of it. For thirty of these years his
life was full of activity, and spent
very much in the eye of the public.
During this time many changes had
taken place in France, and none
greater than those religious changes
into which he threw himself heart
and soul. In the spring of '67, the
writer, then in Paris, attended by
his advice several conferences of
the Retraite des Hommes, in Notre
Dame, during the holy week — a
most impressive and wonderful
sight, such as it would be difficult
to find any parallel to in this
country, with all its boasted gravity.
Somewhere about four thousand
men, a dark mass, but faintly light-
ed by great flambeaux of gas
placed here and there, were closely
packed in the great central aisle of
the Cathedral, listening with rapt
attention to the preaching of Pere
Felix, who, though a very popular
preacher, is no orator by right
divine, nor capable by his own
attraction only of calling so great a
multitude together. The chanting
by this mass of men, in plain
song, of the Stabat Mater on
Holy Thursday, and of the shorter
hymns of the Church at the con-
clusion of the other services — the
1870.]
Count Charles de Montalembert.
525
great thunder of so many male
voices in unison — was such a strain
as we never remember to have
heard before, and which no one
could listen to without emotion.
M. de Montalembert's face bright-
ened when he heard the impression
made by this wonderful scene up-
on the mind of the writer. When
he began his career, he said with a
certain gleam of high satisfaction
in his eye, it had been considered
a wonder in France to see a young
man enter a church, or to hear him
avow any charity towards Christi-
anity. These were the days when
Charles de Montalembert, a youth
half English, or rather half Scotch,
and whole enthusiast, speaking
French with a taint of insular ac-
cent, and with ideas not yet whol-
ly Continental, made acquaintance
with the young Henri Lacordaire.
They had met, and joined them-
selves together, and set their young
wits to work on the grandest patri-
otic problem — how to lead France
back to Christian faith and a religi-
ous life, cherishing all her liberties,
all her privileges, the residue of
good left behind by the devastating
torrent of the Revolution, at the
same time. What they had suc-
ceeded in doing, in one point at
least, we had learned in the crowd-
ed nave of Notre Dame during
those rainy chilly April evenings,
and on the bright winter morn at
the early communion. It was a
sign of accomplished work which
might well have cheered any
reformer. This was one of the
great objects of Montalembert's
life — one which does not show
largely in ordinary history : he
had helped to make religion pos-
sible, helped to make it real, in his
country ; and if ever the his-
tory of the revival of religion in
France during the last forty years
should be written — and there could
be no more interesting chapter of
modern history — the name of Count
de Montalembert would take its
natural place there, side by side
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLIV.
with that of his friend. He poured
the whole force of his young life
into this highest scheme ; he threw
himself into plans of public instruc-
tion in every way in which it was
practicable to him. His first step
in public life was taken when he
joined himself to Lamennais and
Lacordaire in the management of
their paper called ' L'Avenir.' A
year later the Christian Liberals
found themselves aux prises with
Rome, as they had already got into
contact with civil law at home. The
spiritual authority was more diffi-
cult to struggle with than the tem-
poral ; and it was only after a long
process of deliberation and anxious
thought that the two friends, La-
cordaire and Montalembert, made
up their minds what was their
highest duty. The story is told
by Montalembert himself in his
life of his friend. There he de-
scribes Lacordaire as wandering
and musing about the memory-
haunted ruins of Rome, pondering
many things which are not written
there to the common eye. He un-
derstood, from all he saw around
him, " not only the inviolate
majesty of the supreme Pontifi-
cate, but its difficulties, its long
and patient plans, its adoption
of necessary expedients (menage-
ments indispensables} for the gov-
ernment of men and things here
below." " The weakness and in-
firmities inseparable from the mix-
ture of human things with divine
did not escape him." In short, the
devout and enthusiastic yet rea-
sonable mind of the young French
priest, recognised that perfect modes
of working were not to be found in
human society : that the support
of the Papacy, the greatest of spi-
ritual institutions, was far more
likely to advantage a great religi-
ous work, than any wild fight for
independence which he could adopt.
He recognised what many men in
all churches have always recognis-
ed, that something must be swal-
lowed, something endured, in re-
2N
526
Count Charles de Montalembert.
[April
turn for the great spiritual support
of a universal church behind you,
with all its popular traditions, and
fundamental hold, however obscured
now and then for a moment, upon
ancient Christendom. We may ac-
cept this description written by
Montalembert of his friend, as his
own creed. He, too, bowed his head
to the Pope's bull, when it came,
forbidding the immediate work in
which they were engaged. They
yielded to it, both knowing that
they had more important matters
in hand, which forbade the possi-
bility of schism or sectarian oppo-
sition, and thus their lives were
decided in obedience to Rome ;
while Lamennais, in some respects
a greater figure than either, mis-
took or declined the lesson, and
giving up Rome, gave up at the
same time, as happens so often,
along with his faith in the Pope,
his faith in Christianity.
In Germany, where the young
Montalembert wandered after his
unsuccessful mission to Rome, and
where he again encountered Lacord-
aire, the materials for his beautiful
Life of St Elizabeth, one of the finest
idylls of Christian literature, were
collected. It was published in the
year 1836, his first work of import-
ance. On his return to France he
threw himself into political life, and
lived and laboured with all the en-
ergy of his nature, taking part in
all the events and all the important
movements of the time. " It was
the heroic age of our religious and
liberal struggles," he says, in his Life
of Lacordaire ; and everything that
belonged to that enlightened and
conservative liberalism, which is the
natural creed of all eclectic politi-
cians, moved him with more than
merely political ardour. Justice, free-
dom, purity, and not party names or
party objects, were with him the
recognised aims of legislation. His
code was that all men should be
free to do well, to say what good
was in them, to make such efforts
as they were capable of for the
advancement of the world; but
yet there was in him, it must
be allowed, a certain reserve as
to what constituted political well-
doing, and inclination to set up an
arbitrary standard of his own. It
was good for France to be free and
united, but he did not see that the
same necessity held for Italy. And
there are other inconsistencies in
his political creed. He was in
favour of the expedition to Rome,
though Poland and Ireland (which
he always classed together) filled
him with indignant sympathy. In
short, he was no perfect man, but
one full of individual partialities
and prejudices, and laden with the
defects as well as the virtues of his
opinions. Although he speaks of
the " odious injustice and unpar-
donable uselessness" of the Revolu-
tion of '48, his political career lasted
beyond the coup d'etat. He even
made an effort to submit himself to
what was inevitable as long as his
own honourable, upright, straight-
forward spirit could do so. The
spoliation of the Orleans princes
was, it is said, the point which
brought his patience to an end.
But he continued to sit in the
Chamber until 1857, when he was
defeated in his own department,
and retired from active political
life, though not from such sharp
usage of his pen as brought him,
on various occasions, into contact
with the authorities, and exposed
him to trials and vain sentences of
imprisonment, which the Emperor
was wise enough never to permit to
be carried out. His opinion of the
present Government of France was
very low, and touched with an in-
dignant bitterness. The inevitable
and fast-growing triumph of de-
mocracy was his favourite horror.
With a contemptuous vehemence
which no hearer could forget, he
would describe the hatred of me-
diocrity for anything superior to
itself, which was, in his opinion,
the true essence of democratic sen-
timent. It was not only rank, or
1870.]
Count Charles de Montalembert.
527
wealth, or temporal advantage,
which the mob resented, but,
above all, the superiority of mind
and sway of intelligence. Epicier
France was glad to be free of ces
ff ens-let, — the.Guizots, the Thiers,
the liberal statesmen and men of
talent who had been the leaders
of their generation. It was a relief
to the surging and heaving popular
mass to throw off the sway of every
one better than themselves, and to
be ruled by men of nothing. Even
his politeness was scarcely proof
against any rash approval of abso-
lute power; and the sentimental
English fancy, or profession of a
fancy, for theoretic Caesarism, irri-
tated him to a high degree. " Why,
for heaven's sake," he writes, in
respect to a review of his own
touching Memoir of General Lamo-
ricierej " do you incline towards
M. Carlyle's theory of autocratic
government1?" The mere sugges-
tion stirred him to a sharpness keen
and angry ; and so did the English
admiration for the Emperor, which
was once more lively than now.
This sentiment stung him as a poor
man might be stung by commenda-
tions of poverty made by a rich and
easy neighbour. " It is well for you
to applaud a rule which you would
not have for a single day," was his
indignant comment, often repeated.
Not only the actual evil, but the
reproach upon France, the impli-
cation of her indifference to those
liberties which he prized so much
for her, wounded him to the quick.
And with this feeling was mingled
all the contempt, half expressed but
always understood, of the old noble
fits des croises for a parvenu court.
He, too, was impatient of ces gens-let, ;
and still more impatient, still more
contemptuous, was the high-born
household which surrounded him.
Montalembert's generous, liberal,
unfactious spirit, made it at the
same time difficult for him to main-
tain full amity even with the Cath-
olic party, to which he had done,
one time and another, immeasur-
able service. It was not in him
to adopt unhesitatingly a certain
party, with its drawbacks and
advantages. He could not bind
himself, whatever the penalties
might be, to the paltry and untrue.
He who had made the beginning
of his career extraordinary by bow-
ing his head, in all the youthful
fire of his genius, under the yoke
of the Papal decree — who for the
best part of his life was incessantly
occupied in serving the interests of
his Church, and by all the force of
his talent and influence aiding her
progress — became such a mark for
the arrows of the Ultramontane
party as no profane person could
have been. " There is amongst the
English Catholics," he writes in
April 1866, " as well as amongst
the French, a party of violent, de-
nunciating, and persecuting people,
who are unfortunately in posses-
sion of almost all our periodical
press. They look upon me as more
than half a heretic (as may be
seen in M. Veuillot's last produc-
tion, ' L' Illusion Liberale'), on ac-
count of my liberal and concili-
ating opinions ; and if my views,
moderate as they are, were to be
attenuated in the English text,*
all those who are now barking
against Dr Newman (on account of
his strictures on certain forms of
worship of the B. Virgin), and
many others, would cover me
with needless obloquy." It is
unnecessary for us to add any
description of the fulness and fer-
vour of his faith. He considered
himself tolerant to the last de-
gree— and was so in all practical
ways, there can be no doubt ; but
yet his friends who were heretics
could not but recognise in his tone
* This was in reference to the English translation of M. de Montalembert's great
work, 'Les Moines d'Occident,' which he was most anxious should be rendered
with absolute fidelity — a point on which he was fully satisfied.
528
Count Charles de Montalembert.
[April
a certain something — a slurring
over of any reference to a common
faith, a courteous silence in respect
to religious convictions out of the
pale of the Church, which showed,
as it does so often in the most
amiable and tender-hearted Catho-
lics, either a rooted doubt of any
good being possible, or a compas-
sionate reluctance to do or say any-
thing which might disturb that con-
dition of invincible ignorance in
which is a heretic's only hope. Of
this, however — or rather of the
individual heretic's perception of
it — the chances are he was quite
unconscious. " If you meet with
any expressions," again in refer
ence to ' Les Moines d' Occident/
*' which may wound your relig-
ious or patriotic feelings," h&
writes, " remember how very prev-
alent the most painful language
on that matter is with your coun-
trymen and countrywomen. This
ought and will, I am sure, make
you indulgent to me. I have had
to undergo, during my journey in
Spain, all the bigoted outbreaks of
Mr Ford in Murray's handbook, at
every step, against all that Catho-
lics are taught to venerate and be-
lieve. Sorry and ashamed should
I be if anything calculated to
offend, in such a way, the belief of
Protestant Christians, had ever
fallen from my pen."
In this country there can be no
doubt the name of Montalembert
is more closely identified in the
popular imagination with the de-
fence and championship of the
Church of Rome than with any
other principle : and the impres-
sion is a perfectly just one. The
State and its liberties were much
to him all his life, but the Church
was more. He would have sacri-
ficed anything for France, but more
than anything for Rome. He had
survived the failure of many politi-
cal hopes, but the hopes of religion
could never fail ', and all his heart
was in the work of re-evangelising
his beloved country. Knowing how
entirely this was the case, it strikes
us with a certain inexpressible in-
dignation to read, as we write, in
the news of the day, the expressions
of absolute satisfaction with which
the information of his death was
heard in Rome. " What good for-
tune ! " the Pope is reported to have
cried. What ingratitude ! He who
had stood by the great Dominican
Lacordaire and the great Jesuit
Ravignac, supporting their efforts
with all his talent, his influence,
and popular fame, while they
won back France to the Church,
to be thus rewarded by that
Church for the devotion of a
lifetime ! The Church had given
him little at any time of his
career, except the satisfaction of
labouring for what he believed to
be the cause of God. She had laid
him open to the sneers of men out-
side her pale, who were incapable
of comprehending his faith — and to
the poisoned darts of men within,
who were equally incapable of un-
derstanding his love of freedom
and the candour of his nature ; she
had stolen from him his child, the
one of his family, it is said, most
like himself. The writer cannot
forget the look on his face, the
glimmer of tears in his eyes, as he
held up the light to exhibit a por-
trait of his daughter, taken before
her entrance into the order of the
Sacre Cceur, in all the pretty pomp
of dress which became her youth,
and told the story of her self-dedi-
cation— "a ma grande desolation!"
said the father, who had paid so
severe a tax for his devotion to his
Church. And his Church has re-
warded her noble knight as she has
rewarded many another — by depre-
ciation of his virtues while he lived,
and by an unseemly cry of triumph
over his honourable grave.
But yet the very position in
which he stood towards Rome at
his death is instructive to us of a
fact which we are very apt to for-
get, though perhaps less likely now
than in periods of greater ecclesiasti-
1870.]
Count Charles de Montalembert.
529
cal calm — that the Church of Rome
is, no more than our own, a blank of
bigoted unanimity ; but contains
in her ample bosom many shades of
sentiment, and is full of faithful
souls, strong in all the fundamental
truths of Christianity, who accept
the superfluities of Romish faith
often without the slightest hesita-
tion, and even with fervour, as
matters rendered sacred by educa-
tion and the prepossessions of na-
ture, but without ever placing the
secondary on the same level with
the primary objects of faith. It is
not within our present purpose to
inquire how far this was the case
with Montalembert. He was the
truest of Romanists, receiving with-
out doubt or difficulty much which
it would seem to us impossible for
such a man to receive ; but he
never surrendered his intelligence
in matters which he considered
within the scope of human reason.
And it is strange and sad to find
him, after his many struggles, dy-
ing at last while in the very act of
delivering a stroke of the conse-
crated lance, with which for forty
years he has tilted against her ene-
mies, at the pretensions of Rome.
But not of his Rome — the great
traditionary See which through a
hundred storms had kept the life-
blood warm in the inmost heart of
Christendom, and prolonged its
rule over all these centuries by
higher means surely than by mere
self-assertion, and shutting out of
external light. That wider, more
universal Church of his fathers,
which a foolish Pope and narrow
hierarchy may encumber with still
more unnecessary dogmas, but
which no man nor set of men can
altogether deprive of the ever-re-
viving power of Christianity, will
yet do justice to the stainless
memory of Charles de Montalem-
bert.
The great literary work upon
which he had set his heart had
been long interrupted, and it is
now some time since he recognised
as hopeless the possibility of bring-
ing it near a conclusion. " I leave its
completion to younger and happier
hands," he wrote but a few months
ago, with a sadness that every his-
torical student will understand.
]&ven the sober age at which he
undertook, and the conscientious
and laborious care with which he
carried on, his history of ' Les
Moines d' Occident/ have not suf-
ficed to withdraw a certain tender
light of sacred romance and en-
thusiasm from that work. For
with all his keen wit and practical
know] edge of men, with all his
experience of the craft of politics
both secular and ecclesiastical, and
insight into the meaner minds
arid less elevated thoughts which
fill up the general mass of human-
ity, this last^/s des croises vindicated
his descent with a distinctness sel-
dom seen in the most rigid gene-
alogy. He was a man of the nine-
teenth century, a constitutionalist,
a parliamentarian, full of modern
ways and thoughts ; and yet he
was as true a crusader as ever took
the cross. That cross upon his
shield, however, is not more sig-
nificant of the noble enthusiasm
of his character than is the motto
which doubtless some other clear-
sighted, sharp - witted Montalem-
bert, pursuing a visionary object
with keenest practical good sense,
and brave indifference to its per-
sonal result, handed down out of the
silent ages. " Ni espoir, ni peur,"
says the proud legend. It is the
fullest comment upon the just con-
cluded life. For himself he has
sought nothing, looked for nothing,
desired nothing. But for God, and
for the Church, and for his coun-
try, how great have been his
hopes, and how manifold his ef-
forts ! How sadly, with an echo
from that perennial disappoint-
ment which is the burden of all
human melodies, may we write the
same words upon his grave ! A
certain still despair lay at the bot-
tom of his heart in the declining of
530
Count diaries de Montalembert.
[April 1870-
his life — France and the world
seemed to him trembling within
the vortex of overwhelming fate —
God was still holding the great
balance, so that somehow at the
last, if even as by fire, salvation must
be certain ; but his hope had grown
feeble of any temporal deliverance,
or re-establishment of a noble social
order. It is said that the recent
changes in France brightened a
little to his dying eyes the prospects
of his nation ; but this faint clear-
ing of the skies at home could have
done little to counterbalance the
gloom of the storm-clouds which
were gathering over the still dearer
sanctuary of his heart and wishes
at Rome. Death has brought him
rest from many sufferings — it is the
one incident in a good man's life
which we feel sure must be accom-
panied by fullest satisfaction and
perfect content ; but there is no-
thing sadder to the age than thus
to mark its onward way by signs
of the extinction of another and
another light. France and the
world are so much the poorer by all
the brightness of one brilliant in-
telligence, and all the sympathy and
warmth of one most genial heart.
Printed by William Blackwood <L- Sons, Edinburgh
BLACKWOOD'S
EDINBURGH MAGAZINE.
No. DCLY.
MAY 1870.
VOL. CYII.
OUR POOR RELATIONS.
CAN any one fancy what this
world would be like if inhabited
by no other animal but man ] — the
earth without its four-footed and
its creeping things, the sea and the
river vacant of their shy silvery
gleams and far -darting shadows,
the air void of the choral hum of
insects and the song of birds'?
What a dismal hush in creation !
what a multitudinous charm and
delight wanting to the woods, the
fields, the shallows, and the deeps !
What glory lost to the grass with
the spotted ladybirds, the mail-clad
beetles, and the slender grasshop-
pers ! What splendour gone from
the flower with the bronzed and
fire-tipt bee that fed on its heart,
and the painted butterfly that hov-
ered above its petals ! How dull
had been Eden for Adam with no-
thing breathing but Eve, and all
the rest of creation inanimate — no
voice but that of the wind or the
thunder — no motion but the flow
of the stream, the floating of the
clouds, the waving of the trees !
The earth would have been silent
as a picture ; the forest and the
plain, the mountain and the lake,
forlorn, tremendous, insupportable
solitudes — solitudes that none
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLV
would have sought, since there
could have been neither hunters
nor fishers, herdsmen nor shep-
herds.
In far other measure has the
gift of life been poured forth upon
the earth. All the generations of
all the tribes of men are but a
handful to the myriads of creatures
which to-day, to-morrow, and every
day, haunt land, air, and water, till
inanimate nature teems with the
sentient vitality that lends it all its
interest and all its significance. A
leaf holds a family, a clod a com-
munity, and there is material for
the speculations of a lifetime in the
tenants of the neighbouring mead-
ow, and of the brook that waters it.
The unclouded heavens would be
oppressive in their vastness and
loneliness but for those frequent
travellers high in air, the rook, the
raven, or rarer heron, that flap their
untiring way onwards till they melt
again into the blue depths out of
which they grew upon the sight.
The bare white cliffs are no longer
barren when their clangorous pop-
ulation of chough and kittiwake
and daw are abroad in the sun-
shine; and the black storm-cloud,
coming up on the blast behind its
2o
532
Our Poor Relations.
[May
veil of rain, gains a beauty which
before it had not, as it throws into
relief the white wing of the sea-
gull. Nay, in some countries where
calm and sunshine are more per-
manent conditions of the atmo-
sphere than here, we learn that
the regions of air are not only
a highway, but a home. Sir
Samuel Baker observes that when
an animal is slain in the Nubian
wilderness, within a few seconds a
succession of birds, hitherto invi-
sible, descend on the prey, and
always in the same order. First
the black-and-white crow arrives,
then the buzzard, then the small
vulture, then the large vulture,
lastly the marabout stork. " I be-
lieve," says Sir Samuel, "that
every species keeps to its own par-
ticular elevation, and that the at-
mosphere contains regular strata
of birds of prey, who, invisible to
the human eye at their enormous
height, are constantly resting upon
their widespread wings and soar-
ing in circles, watching with tele-
scopic sight the world beneath."
It is like a tale born of Persian or
Arabian fantasy to hear that above
the traveller in the desert hangs a
huge mansion, " impalpable to feel-
ing as to sight," with its basement,
its first and second floors, its attics,
and its turrets ; or (to vary the
image) that the social system of the
atmosphere comprises its lower
orders, its middle classes, and its
upper ten thousand.
It is a pleasant, if somewhat ex-
travagant, fancy, to figure to one's
self man dwelling amid his fellow-
tenants of the earth in completest
harmony, the friend and companion
of some, the protector of others,
the harmer of none, the intelligent
observer of all. Who shall say
what new unforeseen relations
might not have been established
between us and our humble friends
on this basis of confidence and
affection? Who shall say that
they might not have revealed to us
that secret which they have guarded
since the creation — the secret of
their instincts and their ways ;
what their notions are of the world,
of each other, and of man ; and
how far they look before and after ?
It was one of Hawthorne's prettiest
wild fancies, that Donatello, the
descendant of the old Fauns, and
the partial inheritor of their sylvan
nature, still held kinship with the
untamed creatures of the woods,
and could draw them into com-
munion with him by the peculiar
charm of his voice. Every one who
has domesticated some strange shy
creature can testify to the wealth
of character which it came to dis-
play in the ripening warmth of
intimacy ; and several naturalists
(by which term we are far from in-
tending to signify the dissectors of
frogs, the scientific experimenters
on the nerves and muscles of dogs,
or the impalers of beetles and but-
terflies) have recorded their pleasant
experiences of these connections.
Thus one of them, in spite of ancient
prejudice and proverbial adjectives,
has elicited fine social qualities in a
bear ; another has owned a beaver
of such intelligence that it might
almost have been persuaded to
become a Christian; while Mrs
Southey, whose taste in this parti-
cular we respect rather than like,
kept a toad (a practice which we
had thought to be peculiar to old
ladies who are in league with the
devil), and grew so fond of the un-
promising associate as to celebrate
its virtues in verse. What diver-
sity and distinctness of character
in the poet Cowper's three hares !
Could any amount of hare-soup,
civet de lievre, jugged hare, or roast
hare, that ever figured at a century
of city feasts, have made amends
to the world for the want of the
affectionate record of their social
qualities 1 Yet many a Puss,Tiney,
and Bess, as full of whim and play
and individuality as they, perishes
unappreciated in every day of cover-
shooting, or is run into, in the
open, by heartless and indiscrimi-
nating beagles. Especially in their
early youth 'are the four-footed
1870.]
Our Poor Relations.
533
peoples lovely and of good report —
not to mention such obvious ex-
amples as the soft graces of kittens,
the pretty stiff friskings of lambs,
like toys in motion (all the lamb
family are as full of quaint fun as
Charles himself), and the clumsy
geniality of puppies, the rule will
be found elsewhere of pretty gene-
ral application. Young pigs are
delightful — their gambols, and
squeaky grunts, and pokings in the
straw, and relations with their
mother and brethren, are marked
with a grave facetiousness all their
own, though the spectator who
would enjoy them must be careful
to ignore the sensual aldermanic
life of the mature porker. Young
donkeys, on the other hand, are by
so much the more charming, as
being invested with the pathos
(quite awanting to the pigling) of
the future hard existence that is
pretty certain to await each mem-
ber of the race as a poor man's
drudge. Foxes, in private life, and
apart from their public merits as
main supporters of a great national
institution, are full of estimable
qualities, as many a poacher who,
watching for other game, has noted
Mrs Reynard unbending in the
moonlight with her young family,
might testify; and a little fox, with
his face full of a grave sweet intel-
ligence which is as yet undebased
by the look of worldly astuteness
conspicuous in after-life, is one of
the prettiest sights in the world.
Domesticated, they develop, in ad-
dition to their native sagacity, a
most affectionate attachment to
those who are kind to them: and
though, owing to personal peculi-
arities, their society is most agree-
able when the visitor approaches
them from windward, yet acquaint-
ance with a fox will aways repay
cultivation. Going further afield
for examples of unobtrusive me-
rit, what a wealth of humour is
comprised in the phrase, " A wil-
derness of monkeys " ! What end-
less fun, what fresh comedy, what
brilliant farce, what infinity of by-
play and private jesting, quite be-
yond the reach of our most popular
comedians, is being for ever enacted
in those leafy theatres where they
hold their untiring revels! How
little are they dependent on the
stimulus of a sympathetic audience,
how free from the vulgarity of play-
ing at the gallery, how careless
about splitting the ears of the
groundlings, how careful always to
hold the mirror up to nature and
to man ! Hamlet could have given
them no advice that would have
been of service. On the contrary,
they would have been spoiled by
being "sicklied o'er with the pale
cast of thought" — a metaphysical
monkey, mooning over his barren
philosophy, would sit in dismal
discord with the surrounding fun.
Even in captivity the merry race
cultivate the drama, and the au-
diences about the great cages in the
Jardin des Plantes or our own
Zoological are never disappointed
in the performance. It was on a
Sunday last summer, that we wit-
nessed, in the monkey-house in the
Regent's Park, a piece, the serious
cast of which was, on Shakespearean
principles, relieved by passages of
lighter matter. Perched on their
poles engaged in mutual friendly
investigation, or swinging airily on
ropes, the community was unusu-
ally quiet, while a female monkey,
not the least of whose attractions
was a roseate flush which spread
itself over part of her else russet-
gray person, was engaged in deep
flirtation with a cavalier whose
nether -monkey was of a tender
green shading into gold. The im-
passioned Romeo, chattering volu-
ble protestations, followed the coy
but loquacious Juliet, while that
lasciva puella pelted him in retiring
with orange-peel, nutshells, and
straws, till they arrived beneath a
branch along which lay extended
another monkey, who watched the
pair attentively. He may have
been a rival, like the County Paris,
or a dissatisfied relative, like Tybalt,
or possibly he may have resented
534
Oar Poor Relations.
[May
as an injury and a slight any pre-
ference of other attractions to his
own, for he presented to the curi-
ous eye some embellishments of
brilliant azure. Be that as it may,
without the slightest warning he
dropped like a plummet on the en-
amoured pair, and, seizing Romeo,
bit him in his gorgeous hinder
parts. The injured swain, turning
with an appalling grin, grappled
his assailant. Juliet fled shrieking,
and her outcries, mingling with the
noise of combat, conveyed the tid-
ings of the strife to all the cage,
and "spread the truth from pole
to pole." Thereupon all the other
monkeys, leaving their own pri-
vate concerns, vaulted from rope
and perch towards the scene of ac-
tion, where, with shrill clamour, they
precipitated themselves on the com-
batants, and joined in a general
fray ; — while an elderly and morose
baboon, delayed by age and infir-
mity, arrived rather later, and, arm-
ed with a stick, belaboured all in-
discriminately who came within his
reach. Shortly after, we beheld, in
a neighbouring cage, a monkey, of
dark attenuated figure, clinging
with hands and feet, like a gigantic
hairy spider, to the wire roof, ap-
parently absorbed in meditation,
while his tail hung perpendicularly
down to the length of about a yard.
This appendage offered irresistible
attractions to a friend upon a neigh-
bouring rope, who, after long ear-
nestly surveying it as he swung,
reached it in one wild leap, and,
grasping it with both hands, pro-
ceeded to use it as the vehicle of an
animated gymnastic performance.
The sage above, noways discompos-
ed, slowly turned his head, and,
after a patronising glance at the
pendent acrobat, resumed the thread
of his meditations. Possibly this
was intended as a practical illustra-
tion of the feat known to logicians
as " j umping at a conclusion." But
whether grave or gay, the charm
of undomesticated animals is, that
they show us their nature fresh
from the Fashioner, unmodified by
education, or the opinion of others,
or any influence which might make
them wish to seem other than they
are; and they follow their sports,
their matings, the shaping of their
abodes, their parental cares, the
purveying of their food, their slum-
bers and flights and perambula-
tions, their relations to their fellows,
whether gregarious or solitary, with
absolute independence of all im-
pulses except those which inspired
the first of their race.
The idea of a paradise of animals
who move without fear round the
central figure of man is not alto-
gether fanciful, for something like
it has been witnessed from time to
time by lost crews, or storm-driven
mariners, who reach, Crusoe-like, a
haven in some hitherto unexplored
province of Ocean. Birds of strange
plumage come out to welcome the
solitary figure in the boat, to perch
on the prow, and to herald its pro-
gress ; it nears the shore of the far
antarctic region amid a crowd of
gamesome seals, like the car of
Amphitrite conducted by a proces-
sion of Tritons. On the sands sit
sea-lions, gazing with their solemn
eyes at man, like conscript fathers
receiving a foreign envoy ; penguins
waddle in his path ; the greater and
lesser albatross come floating by,
turning a bright fearless glance on
him. Or, in warmer regions, dol-
phins are. his avant couriers; at
his approach, turtles broad of back
scarce quit their eggs in the sand
to crawl into the water ; the gaudy
parrots and creamy-crested cocka-
toos scream inquiry, not indigna-
tion, from the branches ; the wood-
pecker scarce pauses in his tapping ;
the shining dove ceases not to woo
his mate ; the apes chatter a wel-
come, and grin not less affably than
many a host and hostess who de-
sire to give the guest a hospitable
reception. We have ourselves, in
the depths of Canadian forests,
amid pines " hidden to the knees "
in snow, seen the white hare pause
to look at us as she hopped past a
few yards off; the tree-grouse glanc-
1870.]
Oar Poor Relations.
535
ing downward from a branch close
by with an air of courteous in-
quiry ; and the spruce - partridges
never disturbing the order in which
they sat on the boughs as our snow-
shoes crunched the crisp surface
underneath — a confidence but ill
requited, for an Indian, who guided
us in those trackless woods, ascend-
ing the tree, and beginning with
the bird that sat lowest, plucked
off, by means of a stick and a noose,
several in succession, passing the
fatal loop round their necks with
a skill worthy of Calcraft. Not to
us does this kind of tameness seem
shocking, as it did to lonely Crusoe,
but rather delightful, because proof
of the innocence that imagines no
evil ; and very touching, because it
betrays the simple creature which
one might think it ought to pro-
tect.
In fact, the relations between
man and his co-tenants of the globe
would have been altogether delight-
ful but for one unlucky circum-
stance— a circumstance which, far
from being inevitable or natural, is
one of the insoluble problems of
the earth, and has caused a terrible
jar and discord in creation — name-
ly, the fact that one animal is food
for another. No doubt, as matters
stand, beasts and birds of prey
must follow their nature ; the tear-
ing of flesh and the picking of
bones are the correlatives of fangs
and grinders, beaks and talons ;
and the comparative anatomist is
compelled to coincide with that
practical Yankee, who, being told
that in the days of the millennium
the lion and the lamb will lie down
together, said, "he expected the
lamb would lie down inside the
lion." Nor is there any sign of
relaxation in the vigour with which
man continues to devour fish, flesh,
and fowl ; and no individual hu-
man stomach reaches maturity
without sacrificing whole hecatombs
of victims by the way. If we (the
present writer) were to make any
pretence to a virtuous distaste for
flesh, we should justly be rebuked
by the thought of all the slayings
and cookings that our presence in
the world has caused, and will yet
cause. All the yet unborn, unlit-
tered, and unhatched creatures that
will be trussed and jointed, skew-
ered, basted, roasted, boiled, grilled,
and served up, to keep our single
soul and body together, might very
properly low, bleat, grunt, gobble,
quack, cackle, and chirp us the lie in
our throat. In particular might we
be haunted and humbled by the
memory of our carnivorous desires
on that evening when, having toiled
all day on foot from Martigny up
the Great St Bernard, we sat, hungry
and weary, a solitary guest, with one
sad monk for host, in the huge din-
ing-hall of the Hospice. We were
hungry with the hunger of those
snow-clad altitudes ; succulent vi-
sions of stew and cutlet floated be-
fore our fancy ; and when an attend-
ant bore into the twilight hall a
tray with many dishes, we blessed
the pious memory of the sainted
Bernard. Our gratitude cooled a
little with the soup, which seemed
to be compounded of grass and
warm water : the remains of some
cold pudding, of a kind suitable for
infants, followed; then some slices
of potato fried in oil ; then a ragout
of the green products of the Italian
ditches; till at length, in the grow-
ing darkness, a plate was placed
before us on which glimmered some
small brown patches which might be
diminutive cutlets, or sliced kidneys,
or possibly bits of baked meat.
Into the nearest we plunged our
fork — shade of Dalgetty, it was a
stewed prune ! A dried apple, we
believe, concluded the repast, but
we did not eat it. As to grace, Amen
stuck in our throat ; and we had
rather not repeat the epithets which
we breathed to our pillow that night
in honour of the canonised founder
of the feast. Nor among our gas-
tronomic recollections should we
omit the time when, on a foreign
strand, where we had subsisted for
some days chiefly on the cabbages
of the country, and were lying, sick
536
Our Poor Relations.
[May
and jaundiced and void of all desire
for food, in our tent, we were driven
by some strange perverse impulse
to devise an infinite number of bills
of fare, composed of the choicest
viands, to be partaken by the choic-
est guests, whenever we should
again sit in the cheerful warmth of
a certain club in Pall Mall ; visions
since in great part realised. When,
therefore, we argue that the jux-
taposition of the words " animal
food " expresses a disastrous con-
dition of our existence, the candid
reader will understand that we
make no pretence to have discover-
ed an alternative, or to be exempt
from the common misfortune.
To a race of vegetarian men sur-
rounded by vegetarian animals —
herds from which they demanded
only milk, flocks whose sole tribute
was their fleece, and poultry which
supplied nothing but eggs to the
board — the idea of depriving crea-
tures of life in order to eat them
would probably seem monstrous
and repulsive. But custom will re-
concile us to anything ; the Fans
feast on their nearest relatives with
as little disgust as we on a haunch
or a sirloin ; and if bills of fare pre-
vailed among that interesting peo-
ple, a rot of aged grandfather, an
entree of curried aunt, or sucking-
nephew's head en tortue, would be
as much matters of course as our
ordinary dishes. But, notwith-
standing the omnivorous conforma-
tion of the human teeth, and the
all- assimilative faculty of the hu-
man stomach, it is scarcely to be
imagined that man, placed in a
paradise of roots and fruits, herbs
and grain, honey and spices, milk
and wine, would have originated of
himself the idea of killing and eat-
ing animals. He may have been
first corrupted by the bad example
of the carnivora. The spectacle of
a tiger rending a kid, or an eagle a
pigeon, may have habituated him
to connect the ideas of slaughter
and food ; next, his imitative pro-
pensities may have kindled the de-
sire to perform the process himself ;
and, the imagination thus depraved,
any remaining scruples would speed-
ily vanish, in time of dearth, before
the impulse of a craving stomach.
But however the custom may have
arisen, we are not left in any doubt
as to the dietary habits of our prim-
eval ancestors. The earliest trace of
man on the earth is the flint wea-
pon with which he slew the bear,
the deer, and the beaver, whose
bones strew the site of his dwellings.
His first garments were torn from
the backs they grew on. His first
business was the chase. Natural
philosophers tell us that a habit, ac-
cidental at first, grows, in the course
of transmission, into the nature, and
becomes a characteristic. It was
perhaps in this way that the germ
of destructiveness, implanted by
instant and ever-pressing necessity
in the aboriginal breast, struck
such deep root that, in all succeed-
ing ages, every corner of the inhab-
ited earth has been a shambles, and
the rest of animated creation has
been compelled to accept from man
either subjection or persecution —
persecution often pushed even to
extermination. In the pride of that
power which, through the faculty
of speech, man possesses, of com-
bining forces and transmitting
knowledge, he has exercised ruth-
lessly his dominion over the beast
of the field and the fowl of the air.
Wherever he has held sway, there
have all other creatures drawn their
painful breath in subjection, un-
championed and unpitied. If in that
imaginary paradise of animals we
have already sketched, we simply in-
troduce the figure of a NATIVE, the
whole scene changes. That lean,
low-browed, flat-nosed caricature of
humanity, more like a painter's lay
figure than a sculptor's model — full
of propensities much viler than those
of the animals around him — selfish,
remorseless, faithless, treacherous —
is monarch of all he surveys. The
birds have learnt the power of the
poisoned arrow — the beasts have a
wholesome dread of the ambush
and the snare. That bronze-colour-
1870.]
Our Poor Relations.
537
ed being, distinguished from the
ape chiefly by superior malevolence
and articulate speech, walks sur-
rounded by a wide circle of fear.
The creatures around him have
learnt, and taught their young, the
lesson that he is as malignant as he
is powerful. Only give him time,
and he will depopulate whole re-
gions of their animals. The gigan-
tic Moa no longer stalks over the
hills of New Zealand. The moose
disappears from the east of the
American continent as the buffalo
from the west. South Africa, that
used to teem with wild herds,
crowding the wide landscape up to
the horizon, and astounding the
traveller with the magnificent
spectacle of tribes of antelopes,
zebras, and giraffes hiding the plain,
elephants and rhinoceroses brows-
ing securely amid the clumps of
trees, and hippopotamuses swarm-
ing in the rivers, has, since the
negroes were supplied with guns,
been almost swept of its game, and
in some parts not only have the
birds disappeared, but the very
moles and mice are growing scarce.
In fact, in all lands the savage
gluts himself with slaughter. Nor
is his civilised brother behind him
in the propensity to destroy, which
nothing but the interest of pro-
prietorship avails to check. Every-
where it is absolutely a capital
crime to be an unowned creature.
Darwin tells us that " when the
Falkland Islands were first visited
by man, the large wolf-like dog
(Canis antarcticus) fearlessly came
to meet Byron's sailors, who, mis-
taking their ignorant curiosity for
ferocity, ran into the water to avoid
them ; even recently, a man, by hold-
ing a piece of meat in one hand and
a knife in the other, could sometimes
stick them at night" Beautiful
attitude of humanity ! In those
parts of America where game-laws
do not exist the game has almost
disappeared ; in France the small
birds have been destroyed, to the
great joy and prosperity of the in-
sects and caterpillars ; in England
the interests of game -preserving
have proscribed the owl, the falcon,
the eagle, the weasel, and a host of
other tenants of the woods. Gen-
erations ago the bustard had van-
ished from our downs, and within
the memory of man the last pair of
wheatears were shot in Sussex.
The act which has of late come to
be stigmatised as " bird-murder/'
still, in rural districts, casts a halo
of glory round the perpetrator ; and
we frequently read how " Mr James
Butcher, gamekeeper at Longears,
lately shot a fine specimen of the
golden eagle ; " or how " our
respected fellow - townsman, Mr
Noodle, killed, last Wednesday,
the only hoopoe that has visited
this part of the country for many
years." Nightingales, so common
in the south of England, have not
spread so far westward as Devon-
shire ; and an idiot once wrote to
the papers to announce that he had
just succeeded in killing one which
had been guilty of straying within
the confines of that county, " as it
was singing on the top of a thorn."
Sometimes, in distant seas, new
tracts of coast have been discover-
ed abounding in seals, and straight-
way crews of enterprising mariners
have arrived armed with spears and
clubs, who have wallowed in slaugh-
ter, never ceasing to stab and strike
till all that hapless and harmless
life was extinct, no tenants again
for ever lending cheer to those
desolate shores, the grey lonely sea
no more rippled by their sports.
Wherever there is no law for the
river or the lake, the inhabitants
of the flood disappear — even the
countless tribes of the ocean are
being rapidly thinned by the in-
satiate rapacity of man.
But not for his bodily needs
alone has the human animal been
so lavish in destroying others.
His spiritual interests have also
demanded much of that kind of
prodigality. A devil, under one
name or another, lies at the root
of many religions ; and many, in
their infancies, have recognised the
538
Our Poor Relations.
[May
duty of propitiating the unseen
powers by sacrifice. Deeply con-
vinced, and with good reason, of
the tremendous power of evil in
human affairs ; feeling in his own
lot 'how irresistible is the force
of malignant influences, how fu-
tile his efforts to evade them, —
man has soon learned to associate
the supernatural power which he
dreads, with delight in inflicting
pain ; and, accustomed to slay crea-
tures for his own wants, he next
conceives the idea of slaying them
for the satisfaction of his sangui-
nary gods. In most lands the
supplications of the savage to his
deity are written in blood ; and his
petitions, often foolish and often
wicked, are thought to be more
palatable if they ascend in the
smoke of burnt-offerings. As civi-
lisation advances, sacrifice grows
more ceremonial — butchery be-
comes a priestly function ; and the
ancient world was filled with
blood-stained altars, the mytho-
logy of its peoples with prescribed
modes of reverential slaughter,
and the assignment to particular
deities of particular victims. It
was natural that the idea of pro-
pitiation by vicarious suffering
should extend till it included man
himself; and had the oxen, and
lambs, and kids, and birds, whose
fellows bled so constantly as votive
offerings, been capable of sharing
the strictly human gratification of
revenge, they would have found
ample opportunity for exulting in
the spectacle of men sacrificed by
their fellows. " Moloch, horrid
king," has been worshipped, though
not always under that name, in
many lands, and in many ages ;
his grinning image has looked down
on Druids with their wicker idols
filled with victims, and on Aztec
priest laying hearts yet beating on
his altar-stone. Even in our day,
his votary the Thug makes assassi-
nation the chief article of religion,
and the king of Dahomey floats his
consecrated canoe in human blood.
There was a profound meaning,
and one applicable to the history
of our race, in Hogarth's represen-
tation of different stages in atrocity,
where the hero, beginning with
cruelty, ends with murder.
Nevertheless, in all his slayings
and his sacrifices, man has had
standing between him and reproba-
tion the plea of the hard conditions
of life, which rendered his acts na-
tural and necessary, and therefore
not degrading. Even when the
chase, as in the great huntings of
the Asiatic monarchs, left the plain
laden with carcasses, this was still
only the excess of a propensity easy
to be justified. But perhaps, in
course of time, the habit of looking
on the whole animal world as abso-
lutely subject to the convenience of
man,;and of regarding the infliction
of death with indifference, devel-
oped a latent germ in our mysteri-
ous nature, whereupon a new human
quality — namely, CRUELTY — sprang
up and greatly flourished. No doubt
it had, in the congenial soil of indi-
vidual human breasts, in all times
found its habitat : natures partak-
ing so much more of the demon
than the god as to find enjoyment
in the contemplation of pain, must
always have been but too plentiful.
But in course of time this poi-
sonous offspring of a bad heart
came, in gardeners' language, to be
"bedded out" in national institu-
tions, such as the Flavian and other
amphitheatres, our own bear-bait-
ings, bull-baitings, badger-baitings,
rat - killings, and cock-fights, the
arenas of Eastern princes, and the
bull-rings of Spain ; and whole
peoples were trained in the main
doctrine of devil-worship — namely,
that it is delightful to inflict or to
witness agony. All the aid which
grandeur of architecture, pomp of
ceremonial, the sanction of author-
ity, and the keen expectation and
high-strung interest which are en-
gendered in the holiday assemblies
of multitudes, could lend to develop
cruelty and quench humanity, was
afforded by these great spectacles.
Rome transferred to the huge circus
1870.]
Our Poor Relations.
539
on these occasions her statecraft,
her priesthood, her beauty, her lofty
patrician airs and graces, her jolly
plebeian merriment ; fresh garlands,
new togas, gay girdles, splendid
robes, and brilliant gems, made the
wide sweep of the amphitheatre
a circle of splendour. Into the
sand-strewn space below crowded
the bewildered inhabitants of the
forest and the desert — the slow-
stalking elephant, the giraffe with
its towering form and gentle eyes,
the sleek slinking tiger, the sturdy
undaunted boar, the plumed os-
triches hurrying hither and thither
in search of an outlet. Brilliant
thus far the spectacle — but interest-
ing to " those bold Romans " only
for its promise of slaughter; and
their enjoyment was incomplete till
the bright fur was dabbled in blood,
the huge forms still in death, the
feathers strewn on the sand ; and
then, from fall and grateful hearts,
they applauded the imperial pur-
veyor of the sport, the good old
monarch Tiberius, who went home
to spend the evening in torturing
some slaves, or the most sweet
youth Domitian, who had been kill-
ing flies in his palace all the morn-
ing. And in the Plazas de Toros
of Honda, Seville, or Madrid, the
modern spectator may realise no
small portion of the magnificence
of the amphitheatres of the old
world, and may see, joyous and
eager as ever, the spirit that delights
in blood. This consecration of
cruelty could not but react on the
people ; torture was a refined, and
at the same time a cheap, pleasure.
Poverty itself, debarred from such
luxuries as elephants and ostriches,
could at least procure cats, rats,
birds, and frogs ; and wherever
there was a defenceless animal and
a few ingenuous youth, tJiere was
a small Colosseum. It was natural
that a people thus trained should
demand, for the full satisfaction of
their desires, the blood of gladiators
and captives.
No longer sacrificing to the an-
cient gods, we still lay living offer-
ings on the shrine of the chief
divinity in modern mythology —
namely, Science. The most virtu-
ous among us agree (not without a
certain air of pious satisfaction at
the supposed necessity) that it is
lawful to dissect live animals for
the benefit of humanity. Where
the sanctioning law is to be found
we know not, and it was certainly
made without reference to the par-
ties principally concerned, which
seems hardly consonant with the
spirit of modern legislation. It
may, however, be granted that when
some great discovery is the result,
the wrong may be, if not justified,
excused — that, when Bell succeeds
in demonstrating the functions of
the brain, we may agree not to in-
quire too closely into the number
of living creatures whose nerves of
motion and sensation were laid bare
and pricked with needles during
the investigation. Neither can we
altogether condemn that discoverer
when we find him preparing to pro-
cure a monkey on which to prac-
tise the operation that goes by his
name (Bell's, not the monkey's) for
the cure of squinting — though, of
course, the monkey would not care
though the whole human race
squinted. But after excepting a
few great names, we fear there are
still throughout the surgical and
veterinary professions numerous
diligent inquirers, who, without the
intellect necessary to penetrate the
secrets of science, are engaged in
the pursuit of delusions, or of
crotchets, or of matters unimportant
if true, and on such grounds do
not hesitate to submit animals to
the most prolonged and horrible
tortures. The professional gentle-
man who is known to be engaged
in such practices may very fairly
be suspected of indulging a taste
under the sanction of a duty; for
it is hardly to be believed that any-
body who did not enjoy vivisection
for its own sake would submit his
nature to what would be such vio-
lence, unless under the pressure of
a very exceptionally powerful mo-
540
Our Poor Relations.
[May
tive. The miscreants of the vete-
rinary colleges of Lyons and Alfort,
for example, who habitually per-
formed many most terrible opera-
tions, some of them of no possible
application as remedies, on the
same living horse, and who warmly
resented interference, must have
found a horrid relish in their vile
vocation. In a letter published in
a journal devoted to the interests
of animals, we find one of the prin-
cipal surgeons of the Hotel Dieu,
M. le Docteur M (we are sorry
we cannot give his honourable
name) reported as saying that
studies and experiments are always
made on living animals ; and that
there is a class of men who live by
catching stray dogs and selling them
to be operated on, five or six ope-
rations being often performed on
the same animal. "Sometimes,"
said the doctor, " I have taken pity
upon the poor brutes; they showed
so much intelligence, and seemed
to think I was operating upon them
to do them good. In such cases I
have occasionally kept them, but
usually I turn them into the street."
Is it uncharitable to hope that the
next dog operated on may be rabid,
and may bite this scientific inquir-
er ? There is a well-known piteous
case, too, of an English vivisector
who operated on his own dog while
it licked the hand that continued
to dissect it.
But there is yet another class
of these votaries of science, called
Naturalists, to whom no kind of
creature that can be classified comes
amiss as a victim, from a butterfly
to a hippopotamus. Armed some-
times with a rifle, sometimes less
expensively with a pin, they go
forth into strange lands to collect
what they call the "fauna." Mil-
lions of moths, before they have
fluttered out half their brief exist-
ence in the sunshine, are secured
by these sportsmen, and impaled
in boxes. Lizards and other rep-
tiles suspected of differing from
the rest of their race, are put to
death without mercy. The rarity
of various birds, and the splendour
of their plumage, are held to be
sufficient grounds for their execu-
tion. So earnest in their pursuit
are these gentlemen, that we have
sometimes, when reading their own
account of their doings, suspected
that they would have scrupled little
to add a stray Native now and then
to their collection, provided they
did not thereby expose themselves
to the penalties of murder. We
will here give some extracts from
the recent work of a naturalist,
which is in many respects agreeable
and entertaining, premising that
the " Mias " who figures in them is
a gigantic ape (the orang-outang,
we believe), a native of Borneo,
living for the most part inoffensive-
ly on the products of the woods ;
and that only a single case is quoted
in the book of any of the race hav-
ing injured mankind, in which one
that was intercepted in its retreat
to a tree, and stabbed with spears
and hacked with axes, resented
these playful aggressions so far as
to bite one of its assailants in the
arm. This is the account of the
result of a great many shots fired
by the naturalist at a Mias who was
making off through the branches of
the tall trees : — " On examination
we found he had been dreadfully
wounded. Both legs were broken,
one hip-joint and the root of the
spine completely shattered, and two
bullets were found flattened in his
neck and jaws ! Yet he was still
alive when he fell."
Another of these subjects of
scientific investigation was thus
treated : —
"Two shots caused this animal to
loose his hold, but he hung for a con-
siderable time by one hand, and then
fell flat on his face, and was half buried
in the swamp. For several minutes he
lay groaning and panting, and we stood
close round, expecting every breath to
be his last. Suddenly, however, by a
violent effort, he raised himself up,
causing us all to step back a yard or
two, when, standing nearly erect, he
caught hold of a small tree, and began
to ascend it. Another shot through the
1870.]
Our Poor Relations.
541
back caused him to fall down dead. A
flattened bullet was found in his tongue,
having entered the lower part of the
abdomen, and completely traversed
the body, fracturing the first cervical
vertebra. Yet it was after this fearful
wound that he had risen and begun
climbing with considerable facility."
This was the fate of another of
these unfortunates : —
"We found a Mias feeding in a very
lofty darion tree, and succeeded in kill-
ing it after eight shots. Unfortunately
it remained in the tree, hanging by its
hands ; and we were obliged to leave
it and return home, as it was several
miles off. As I felt pretty sure it
would fall during the night, I returned
to the place early the next morning,
and found it on the ground beneath the
tree. To my astonishment and pleas-
ure, it appeared to be a different kind
from any I had yet seen."
Perhaps the reader whose sensi-
bilities are as yet unaffected by
science, may think that these are
very shocking penalties for the
crime of being a Mias, and of pos-
sessing an anatomical structure
much coveted by museums; and
may feel disposed (parodying
Madame Roland) to exclaim, **O
Science, what deeds are done in thy
name ! "
In those days (says an Oriental
fabulist in the least known of Ms
apologues which we have taken the
trouble to translate from the ori-
ginal Arabic), when certain sages
were acquainted with the language
of animals (an accomplishment
which they inherited from Solomon,
who is well known to have added
this to his other stores of wisdom),
it naturally came to pass that, not
only did men know something of
the thoughts of birds and beasts,
but to birds and beasts were im-
parted some of the ideas of men,
and, among others, that of a devil
or malignant power who is the
source of evil. Much impressed
with the reality of the ills of life,
and the expediency of lessening
them, the fowls and brutes resolved
to seek some means of propitiating
the being who exercised over them
so baleful an influence. Accordingly
they held a convocation to debate
the matter, and it being necessary,
as a first step, to gain a more defin-
ite idea of the nature and attributes
of this malevolent power, different
classes of animals were called on to
describe the ills they chiefly suf-
fered from, that their misfortunes
might thus be traced to a common
source. The Lion, as the repre-
sentative of beasts of prey, declared
that he would have nothing to com-
plain of, game being plentiful, were
it not for the accursed hunters with
their devices, which left him no
peace. The Antelope said that the
class of wild creatures to which he
belonged would be content to match
their own vigilance and swiftness
against the craft and strength of
their four-footed persecutors, but
that they could not contend with
the terrible ingenuity of man, who,
in his pursuit of them, had even
called other animals to his aid ; and
that, whereas a beast of prey mo-
lested them only for the satisfaction
of his individual needs, man was
insatiate in slaughter. The Birds
were of one consent that they feared
little the hostility of animals, but
that snares and traps rendered their
lives a burden by causing them to
distrust every mouthful they ate.
The Sheep, as the mouthpiece of a
large class of domestic animals, de-
clared that he was well cared for,
fed, and protected from harm, but
that be paid a heavy price for these
favours by living in constant Ex-
pectation of the inevitable and ex-
tremely premature moment when
he . would become mutton. The
Horse averred that he also was
well cared for, and that, moreover,
his life, unlike the sheep's, was in-
sured so long as he had health and
strength, but (motioning with his
muzzle towards the saddle-marks
on his back and the spur-galls on
his flanks) that his life was deprived
of savour by being one of perpetual
slavery. The Dog said that his lot
might perhaps seem the happiest of
all, in being the companion of his
542
Our Poor Relations.
[May
master, but that in reality he had
more to lament than any of them,
since protection was only granted
to him on condition that he should
aid in the destruction of his fellow-
brutes. A great mass of informa-
tion having been accumulated in
this way, the assembly seemed still
as far as ever from discovering the
object of its inquiry, when an an-
cient Raven, of vast repute for wis-
dom, hopping to a loftier branch,
desired to speak. " My friends,"
he croaked, " what we are seeking
lies under our very noses. I per-
ceive what this power of evil is,
and how futile will be all attempts
to propitiate it, for it is clear that
Man, insatiate Man, is our Devil!"
Yet, in truth, is Nature often no
less harsh than man in dealing with
her inarticulate offspring. To them
(as indeed to us; she shows fitful
favour, capricious severity. In one
zone animal life seems all happi-
ness, in another all misery. It is
a pleasure to a care-laden, tax-ham-
pered citizen merely to think how,
under certain conditions of adapta-
tion to climate, whole tribes of crea-
tures, countless in number, revel in
the opulence and prodigality of food,
of air, of sunshine, and of sport ; —
the task of supporting life is so easy
as to leave them infinite leisure for
enjoying it; — they are as Sandwich
Islanders, into whose simple un-
taught methods of making exist-
ence pleasure no missionary can
ever introduce the jarring element
of a half-awakened conscience. As
Shelley heard in the notes of the
skylark "clear, keen joyance,"
" love of its own kind," and " ig-
norance of pain/' and exhausted
himself in sweet similitudes for the
small musician that " panted forth
a flood of rapture so divine " — so,
had we his gift, we might discern
elements as rare in the lives of vari-
ous races, but which, owing to the
accident of wanting a grammatical
language, they are unable to reveal
to us. What a descriptive poem
must the Eagle have in him, who,
sailing in ether, miles beyond our
ken, sees earth beneath him as a
map, and through gaps in the clouds
catches blue glimpses of the ocean
and yellow gleams of the desert!
Often, while resting on his great
pennons in the serene blue, has he
seen a thunderstorm unroll its page-
ant beneath him, and watched the
jagged lightning as it darted earth-
ward. (Tom Campbell was once
taken up by an eagle near Oran,
and, coming safely down, described
what he had seen in immortal verse).
Those hermit birds which live by
lonely streams in wild valleys, like
the ousel and the kingfisher, must
be full of delicate fancies — fancies
very different from those, which
must be very delicate also, that
visit the nomads of the air, such as
the swallow, the cuckoo, and the
quail, with their large experience of
countries and climes and seas. How
delicious, how ever fresh, how close
to nature, the life of a sea-fowl
whose home is in some cliff fronting
the dawn, and who, dwelling al-
ways there, yet sees infinite variety
in the ever-changing sky and sea —
flapping leisurely over the gentle
ripples in the morning breeze —
alighting in the depths which mir-
ror the evening sky so placidly as
to break into circles round the dip
of his wing — piercing, like a ray,
the silver haze of the rain-cloud —
lost in the dusky bosom of the
squall — blown about like a leaf on
the storm which strews the shore
with wrecks — and, next day, rising
and falling in the sunshine on the
curves of the swell ! Turning from
air to earth, the very spirit of Tell
— the spirit of independence bred of
the pure sharp air of mountain soli-
tudes and the stern aspect of the
snow-clad pinnacles — must live in
the Chamois who seeks his food
and pastime on the verge of im-
measurable precipices. Grand al-
so, but infinitely different, the soli-
tary empire of some shaggy lord
of the wilderness, on whose ease
none may intrude, and who stalks
through life surrounded by images
of flight and terror— glowing al-
1870.]
Our Poor Relations.
543
ways with the gloomy rage of the
despot — a despot careless of heredi-
tary right, elected by nobody's suf-
frage, relying on no strength but
his own. and absolutely indifferent
to public opinion. Below these
lofty regions of animal grandeur,
but quite within the circle of com-
fort and happiness, dwell an infi-
nite number of creatures, some find-
ing their felicity in flocks or herds,
some in retiring into strict domes-
tic seclusion with the mate of their
choice, some in exercising the con-
structive faculties with which they
are so mysteriously and unerringly
endowed. The conies are but a
feeble folk, yet they may have their
own ideas of household suffrage in
those close burrows of theirs, and
could doubtless chronicle much
that would be valuable to parents
while bringing up about fifteen
families a-year. Rats and mice and
such small deer lead lives of great
variety, observation, and adventure,
though precarious and mostly tra-
gical in their ending, the poison
and the steel being as fatal to
them as to the enemies of the Bor-
gias, or claimants to disputed suc-
cessions in the middle ages. And,
again, beneath these, too insignifi-
cant to excite the hostility or cu-
pidity of man, dwell an infinite
number of creatures, creeping and
winged things, whose spacious
home is the broad sunshine ; so
that, viewed from a favourable
standpoint, every nook and corner
of the world, its cellars, garrets,
lumber-rooms, and all, seem to over-
flow with busy delight or quiet
happiness.
But who would recognise in this
kind and liberal mother, so lavish
of pleasures to her offspring, the
stern power that makes the lives of
whole races sheer misery 1 Can
any one fancy what it must be to
have habitual dread forming an
element of life, and transmitted
through countless generations till
it finds expression in habits of
vigilance, of stealth, and of evasion,
that we take for peculiar instincts ?
This power of communicating the
results of experience, and of circu-
lating throughout a whole species
the fear of a known evil, is one of
the most inexplicable faculties of
unreasoning and inarticulate crea-
tures. A naturalist, well qualified
to form an opinion, believes, we
are told, that the life of all beasts
in their wild state is an exceed-
ingly anxious one ; that " every
antelope in South Africa has liter-
ally to run for its life once in every
one or two days upon an average,
and that he starts or gallops under
the influence of a false alarm many
times in a day." Our own fields
and woods are full of proscribed
creatures which must feel as if they
had no business in creation, and
only draw their breath by stealth,
vanishing in earth, or air, or water,
at the shadow of an imagined ene-
my. In those lands of the sun
where vegetation is most luxuriant,
and food consequently most as-
sured, there is yet a kind of pri-
vation as terrible as hunger. " At
Koobe," says Livingstone, describ-
ing his experiences in Africa,
" there was such a mass of mud in
the pond, worked up by the wallow-
ing rhinoceros to the consistency of
mortar, that only by great labour
could we get a space cleared at one
side for the water to ooze through
and collect in for the oxen. Should
the rhinoceros come back, a single
roll in the great mass we had
thrown on one side would have
rendered all our labour vain. It
was therefore necessary for us to
guard the spot by night. On these
great flats, all around, we saw in the
white sultry glare herds of zebras,
gnus, and occasionally buffaloes,
standing for days, looking wistfully
towards the wells for a share of the
nasty water." And in other parts
of the African continent, when the
fierceness of the summer has dried
up the rivers, the amphibia, great
and small, collect in uncongenial
crowds in the pools left along the
deeper parts of the channel ; and
the land animals, the deer, the
544
Our Poor Relations.
[May
apes, the birds, stoop hastily and
furtively to snatch insufficient
draughts from the depths where
lurk so many ravenous foes. Then,
in colder lands, what wretchedness
does winter bring — when the snow
puts an end to the livelihood of all
the tribes which seek sustenance
on the earth, and the frost mocks
the misery of those whose food is
in the marsh or the pool ! The
frozen-out woodcock taps in vain
for a soft spot in which to insert
his slender bill — his larder is locked
up and the key gone. In one long
frost all the snipe perished in parts
of Scotland, and have never been
plentiful since. Now and then
comes a winter so sharp that the
naturalist misses, next summer,
whole species from theiraccustomed
haunts. A rural poet, Hurdis, who
caught no inconsiderable portion
of Cowper's inspiration, has the
following passage on the condition
of birds in winter, which took such
effect on our boyhood as to save
many a blackbird and starling from
our "resounding tube," and which,
on reading it again after the not
brief interval now separating us
from that golden time, still seems
to us much more genuine poetry
than many elegant extracts of far
higher pretension : —
" Subdued by hunger, the poor feathery
tribes,
Small dread of man retain, though wound-
ed oft,
Oft slain, or scared by his resounding tube.
The fieldfare gray, and he of ruddier wing,
Hop o'er the field unheeding, easy prey
To him whose heart has adamant enough
To level thunder at their humbled race.
The sable bird melodious from the bough
No longer springs, alert and clamorous,
Short flight and sudden with transparent
wing
Along the dyke performing, fit by fit.
Shuddering he sits, in horrent coat out-
swoln.
Despair has made him silent, and he falls
From his loved hawthorn of its berry
spoiled,
A wasted skeleton, shot through and
through
By the near-aiming sportsman. Lovely
bird,
So end thy sorrows, and so ends thy song ;
Never again in the still summer's eve,
Or early dawn of purple-vested morn,
Shalt thou be heard, or solitary song
"Whistle contented from the water}' bough,
What time the sun flings o'er the dewy
earth
An unexpected beam, fringing with flame
The cloud immense, whose shower-shed-
ding folds
Have all day dwelt upon a deluged world :
No, thy sweet pipe is mute, it sings no
more. "
The picture which follows, and
which less obviously aims at ex-
citing sympathy, is none the less
effective for that : —
" High on the topmost branches of the
elm,
In sable conversation sits the flock
Of social starlings, the withdrawing beam
Enjoying, supperless, of hasty day."
How mournful for these poor
starvelings the fact, apparently so
insignificant, that the temperature
has fallen below freezing-point !
What misery is approaching them
in the leaden gloom of the north-
east ! And in those circles of the
earth where the reign of winter is
prolonged, hunger is the insepar-
able associate of life, lying down
with it in its shivering sleep, rising
with it in its gloomy waking, and
tracking its footsteps always along
the ice-bound circuit of its weary
quest.
But if the vicissitudes of climate
are fraught with suffering, so are
the vicissitudes of age. The in-
fancy of many animals is as helpless
as babyhood. Few hired nurses, it
is true, are so patient, so provident,
so watchful, so untiring in care, as
the dams, feathered or furred, who,
in nest or lair, watch over their
young. But then the lives of these
guardians are terribly precarious,
and innumerable are the orphans
of the animal world. The boy with
his snare or his stone — the game-
keeper with gin, or net, or gun — the
watchful enemies who swoop from
the air or spring from the ambush —
are very apt to make the nurslings
motherless. In how many an eyrie
have sat gaping eaglets expectant
of the broad food-bringing wings
that will never more overshadow
them — the said wings being then
1870.]
Our Poor Relations.
545
indeed outstretched on a barn-door,
nailed there by that intelligent high-
priest of nature, the keeper ! In
how many burrows starve, before
ever seeing the light, litters of
young whose providers lie dead in
the wood, or hang from a nail in
the larder ! In how many nests of
sticks, swaying on the pine-tops,
scream the unfeathered rooks, while
the old bird is suspended as a scare-
crow from a stick in the distant
corn - field ! Every wet spring
drowns in the holes they have
never learnt to quit a multitude
of small helpless creatures — every
storm of early summer casts innume-
rable half-fledged birds premature-
ly on the hard world to cower and
scramble and palpitate and hunger,
till inevitable doom overtakes them
after a more or less short interval.
This perilous season of infancy past,
however, the youth of animals is,
compared with that of man, secure
and brief, and their maturity is
generally free from morbid or dis-
abling accidents. But then comes
the time of old age and decay — old
age such as man's would be if want-
ing all which Macbeth truly says
should accompany it, in order to
render its many infirmities toler-
able — " honour, love, obedience,
troops of friends." As the activity
necessary to procure food dimin-
ishes, and the joints stiffen, and
the flesh recedes, leaving to the
bones the task of sustaining the
wrinkling skin, the sunshine grows
less warm, the wind more bitter ;
and if the worn-out creature is
neither made prey of by its enemies,
nor put to death (as is the instinct
of many races) by its friends, it
withdraws to some secret spot to
die in solitude. In this unprofit-
able stage of existence, the protec-
tion of man is accorded to domesti-
cated animals on principles strictly
commercial. Those which are ex-
pected to pay the expenses of their
keep, are pretty certain to find an
execution put in by their inexorable
creditors as soon as they become
bankrupt of their services, and
those only are suffered to live whose
existence is matter of luxury. The
old bullfinch is allowed to drop off
his perch in the course of nature,
and to pipe his own requiem — the
old parrot dozes quietly away after
forgetting half his phrases, and
mixing up the rest in a confusion
which may, perhaps, be his way of
" babbling of green fields " — the old
lapdog is recovered by medical aid
out of many apoplexies before sub-
mitting to the final stroke — the old
spaniel lives on to meditate on the
happy hunting-grounds of the past,
and perhaps to dream of those of
the future; but for the old horse
(unless his master be rich as well as
kind) there is no interval of rest in
old age, wherein to prepare for
those other pastures whither he
may be hastening, or to reflect on
the busy portion of his well-spent
or ill-spent life. Necessity gener-
ally compels the owner to make an
end of a life that will not repay its
maintenance. The veteran, ** lin-
gering superfluous on the stage/'
asks for bran and gets a bullet ; it
is only his corn that he wants
bruised when the knacker arrives
with the pole-axe.
Perhaps no case of royalty in re-
duced circumstances is so sad as
that of the lion in his latter days.
Frequent as are, in our times, the
vicissitudes of monarchs, neither
the deposed Queen of Spain at
Bayonne, nor the exploded Bomba
in Rome, nor, to look further back,
Louis Philippe appearing suddenly
in this country as Mr Smith, with
a carpet-bag and cotton umbrella,
is so melancholy a figure of fallen
greatness as the King of the Soli-
tudes in his old age. The first stage
of his decline is marked by the in-
ability any longer to spring on the
nimble antelope, or to cope with
the sturdy buffalo ; and, against
his better nature, the leonine Lear,
still grand and imposing of aspect,
but bereft of his power, is driven
to watch for stray children going
to the well, or old women picking
sticks in the forest. It might be
546
Our Poor Relations.
[May
imagined that the sable philoso-
phers of the bereaved tribe would
regard this abduction of aged fe-
males as praiseworthy, or would at
least consider the eating of them
as a sufficient punishment for the
offence. Not so, however ; a lion
once known as a man, woman, or
child eater, is by no means en-
couraged, even in Africa, in the in-
dulgence of his tastes ; and what
with constant interruptions, and the
necessity for increased vigilance
against his foes, he seldom enjoys
a meal in peace. As his teeth fail
and his joints stiffen, he is no
longer able to capture the feeblest
crone or to masticate the tenderest
virgin; and in the "last stage of
all, that ends this strange eventful
history," he (as we learn from com-
petent authority) catches mice for
a subsistence, gulping them like
pills, and ekes out the insufficient
diet with grass. Imagine this in-
carnation of absolute power, this
rioter in the blood of swift and
powerful beasts, this emitter of the
roar that causes all the hearts in the
wilderness to quake, driven, in what
should be a majestic old age, to pick
his own salads and to turn mouser !
The number of times that, with his
large frame and corresponding ap-
petite, he must perform for each
scanty meal the degrading act of
watching for and pouncing on a
mouse, must ultimately deprave his
whole character ; daily he must
sink lower in his own esteem ; re-
formation and suicide are equally
denied him ; till, happily, the
savage who comes upon his track,
knowing by signs that he has been
forced to graze, knows also that his
feebleness is great ; and finding him
not far off, stretched out beneath
a bush, in the sleep of exhaustion
or the torpor of self-contempt, con-
siderately hastens with his assagai
to drawn a veil over the painful
scene.
Were we to stop here, our dis-
quisition would be little other than
a Jeremiad — an empty lament for
misfortunes without prospect of
remedy — a crying over spilt milk,
which would be equally foreign to
our natural character and our ac-
quired philosophy. But evil as has
been the hap of the animal world,
there are visible signs of hope for
it. Its relations with us are mani-
festly and rapidly improving, and
this is owing to a manifest and
rapid improvement in ourselves.
Whether, amid all our boasts of the
progress of the species, man has
really succeeded in redressing the
balance of good and evil in his na-
ture, may be matter of unpleasant
doubt. Sometimes, when a very
reprehensible or lamentable failing
of some vanished generation is set
very pressingly before us — some
horrid persecution, political or re-
ligious— some triumph of unreason
— some huge injustice practised by
a despot on a people, or by a people
on themselves, — we being at the
time, perhaps, in especial good
humour with the world around us,
in which those particular evils are
not possible, take heart, and would
fain believe that humanity is get-
ting on. But presently, when we
notice how our contemporaries form
what they imagine to be their con-
victions, what sort of idols they
worship, what kind of progress it
is which is least disputable, and of
which they are most proud, we lose
courage again, and feel as if man
were doomed for ever to revolve in
the vicious circle of some mael-
strom, some system inside of which
all is delusion, while outside of it
all is doubt. Surveying mankind
with extensive view from the pre-
historic ages to Parliamentary com-
mittees on education, we fancy that
we see much of our gain balanced
by corresponding loss, and that we
have made room for many of our
most valued characteristics only by
discarding qualities which have
rendered whole races for ever
famous. As we grow more prac-
tical, we decry magnanimity —
ceasing to be superstitious, we for-
get to be earnest — vigour, born of
enterprise, is smothered in luxury
1870.]
Our Poor Relations.
547
— and the cuckoo science ousts the
sparrow faith. But all the time,
various as are the aspects of various
ages, the elements of humanity re-
main unaltered, however disguised
by their changing vesture ; even as
while the landscape varies, in one
period a wood, or swamp, or heath,
in the next a farm or a city, the cen-
tral fires are still glowing beneath,
and still betray their presence at
times in an earthquake or a volcano.
Scrape a man of science, or a man
of progress, or a man of fashion,
and you still get a savage. But
nevertheless, in striking the balance
between old and new, there is an
item that must stand to our credit
absolutely, without deduction. Our
relations with the races which share
the earth with us are so changed,
and the change is still so progres-
sive, that a new element would
almost appear to have been devel-
oped in our nature. All the authors
not only of antiquity, but of modern
times, down to a few generations
ago, may be searched without the
discovery of a dozen passages indi-
cative of that fellowship with our
co-tenants of the globe which is
now so common a feeling. That
the good man is merciful to his
beast — that the ewe lamb of the
parable drank of its owner's cup
and lay in his bosom — that Chau-
cer's prioress was so charitable as
to weep for a trapped mouse — that
the poor beetle which we tread
upon feels a pang as great as when
a giant dies — that Dapple was the
cherished friend of Sancho — are
chief among the few cases which
occur to us, where regard for ani-
mals is implied in the best known
books of the past. Princes and
heroes have had their favourites,
four -legged or feathered, hawk or
horse or hound, and the coursers
of Achilles, the dog of Ulysses, and
the Cid's steed Bavieca, have their
place in romance and in history ; but
their favour was born rather of
pride than of affection, and these
are but slight instances to set against
so many ages of mere chattelage.
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLV.
But what a wealth of pleasant com-
panionship do we now enjoy in the
society of those four-legged familiars
without whom no household seems
complete ! and how largely do their
representatives figure in the litera-
ture and art of the present century !
the affectionate portraiture by pen
and brush being both the natural
result of that kindlier feeling, and
the means of rendering it deeper
and wider. Looking backward to
the now remote beginning of the
vista of life through which we have
journeyed, the best -loved books
of our childhood were those in
which regard for animals was di-
rectly or indirectly inculcated ; the
indirect lesson being, however, much
the most impressive. Thus when
^Esop, desiring to satirise or in-
struct mankind through the medium
of animals, represents his lions, dogs,
foxes, monkeys, and cranes, as not
merely conversing, but delivering
didactic discourses and holding po-
litical debates, it is impossible for
the reader who possesses the ardent
faculty of belief and the plastic
imagination which are the choicest
endowments of childhood, not to
invest real animals with some of
the faculties imputed to the crea-
tions of the fabulist. Fairy tales,
too, resort largely to the animal
world for machinery, and the gri-
malkin on the hearth-rug rises im-
mensely in the estimation of the juv-
enile student of ' Pass in Boots' as a
possible personator of the agent of
the Marquis of Carabas, and an art-
ful plotter, greatly superior to mere
men in the devising of stratagems.
The little bright-eyed nibblers be-
hind the wainscot have something
of " the consecration and the poet's
dream" reflected on them by the
rhymed history of ' The Town and
Country Mice/ The solemn ape,
surveying mankind from the top of
an organ, or meditating gloomily
in his cage in a caravan, may well
be suspected of being other than
he seems, considering that, in the
same form, a Calender, a king's
son, was once disguised by powerr
2P
548
Our Poor Relations.
[May
fill enchantment. The hare, dart-
ing from a clump of fern at the
approach of the feminine intruder
in white frock, blue sash, cotton
socks, and bare calves, is invested
with most pathetic interest in the
eyes of the wondering gazer, by
the recollection of that other hare
whose many friends so utterly fail-
ed her in the hour of need. Far,
indeed, from looking on birds and
beasts as " the lower animals," the
youth whose childish sentiments
of wonder and companionship have
been thus cultivated regards the
creatures around him with affec-
tion not unmixed with respect,
as the possessors of many facul-
ties which he does not share,
the thinkers of many thoughts un-
known to him, the pilgrims in
many paths apart from his ; while,
nevertheless, they have so much in
common with him as to constitute
ground for intimacy and friend-
ship. Children of this stamp, of
whatever degree, going forth to
their sports, whether on the well-
kept lawn or the village green, are
pretty sure to be accompanied by a
dog — perhaps a skye with a blue rib-
bon, perhaps a nondescript cur in a
leather collar, made by the paternal
hand of the cobbler, — while the
youngest of the party bears with
him a great tomcat, whose eyes are
seen patiently winking between
his uncomfortably upstretched legs
over the bearer's pinafored shoul-
der, and whose tail (from the
equality in their stature) drags on
the ground ; and, in such cases,
Vixen and grey Tom, far from be-
ing mere passive appendages to the
amusements of the hour, are looked
on as sage confederates, of great
experience in the art of rightly
spending a holiday. As a childhood
of this kind merges into youth, its
progressive literature still aids in
nourishing that love for animals
which has often been a distinguish-
ing characteristic of the men of
genius who stamp their spirit on
the age. Scott's great hounds —
Fang, the gaunt friend of Gurth
the swineherd; Roswal, guardian
of the standard for Kenneth of
Scotland; Bevis, companion of Sir
Henry Lee; and Luath, beloved of
the Lady of the Lake — are magnifi-
cent ; and as for small dogs, has he
not given to the whole tribe of
Dandie Dinmonts a local habita-
tion and a name? Bulwer's Sir
Isaac is a careful and reverential
study, by a great master, of a
highly but not preternaturally gift-
ed dog. Dickens has doubly and
trebly proved himself a dog-fancier,
by his portraits of Diogenes, the
enemy of Mr Toots ; and Gyp,
adored by Dora ; and Boxer, the
associate of John Peerybingle, who
took an obtrusive interest in the
baby : besides which he has de-
voted a whole paper of his ' Un-
commercial Traveller' to dogs,
especially those who keep blind
men, and has added to his animal
gallery a capital pony and a mira-
culous raven. George Eliot has
given Adam Bede's friend, the
schoolmaster, a female dog of great
merit, and has bestowed a vast
amount of affectionate skill on the
portrait of the ape Annibal, in the
' Spanish Gypsy.' Then what rev-
erence for the wearers of fur and
feathers is implied in the works of
Landseer! — what sympathy with
them in the popularity of those
world-famous pictures ! — though we
could wish that some incidents had
remained uncommemorated by Sir
Edwin's brush, such as the fox
sneaking up to prey on the dead
stags locked in each other's horns,
and the transfixed otter writhing
round to bite the shaft of the
spear, which are simply abominable.
Nor, amidst the many delineators
of animals who adorn the age —
the Bonheurs, Ansdells, Coopers,
Weirs, Willises — must Leech be
forgotten. What arrogance in his
fat lapdogs, what fun and mischief
and frank good-fellowship in his
Scotch terriers, what spirit in his
hounds and horses ! The youth
thus sustained in his finer tastes
by great examples, enters manhood,
1870.]
Our Poor Relations.
549
and passes through it, in constant
friendly communion with relations
and dependants and associates of
every kind. His horses are his
trusted familiars ; if a sportsman,
he is cordial with his dogs, rides
well forward to hounds (though
never to the extreme distress or in-
jury of his good steed), and with
his whole life gives the lie to those
maudlin humanitarians who insist
that cruelty constitutes the pleasure
of sport. His mother instilled, and
his sisters share, his sympathies for
the inarticulate races. How in-
finitely does that girl add to her
attractions who thinks more of her
spaniel or her collie, her super-
annuated pony or antediluvian
macaw, than of the most cher-
ished inanimate possession, not
excepting the mysterious struc-
ture of her back hair ! Memory
and imagination come in to en-
hance affection : the old donkey
in the paddock, as he approaches
her for his daily crust with his ex-
alted ears bent forward, reminds
her of the childhood which she still
recollects with delight, though not,
as yet, with regret. The trills of
her blackbird in his wicker cage,
placed there because he was found
in the wood with a broken wing,
cause her to think of the Spring,
when a young maid's no less than
a young man's fancy " lightly turns
to thoughts of love." The gay
parroquet, in its gilded palace,
suggests to her, in its rich green,
the foliage of tropical forests, in
its splendid scarlet the flowers
which glow amidst the leaves ;
md when its form of grace and
beauty is lifeless, it is consigned
co its garden-tomb with tears which
well become the eyes whose glances
many lovers watch for. If her
nets of charity to the featherless
l)ipeds around her are many, not
iewer are those which benefit the
unfortunate and the helpless who
have no language wherein to speak
their complaints ; and when she
has children, she teaches them, as
u lesson not inferior to any to be
found in Dr Watts, or Dr Paley, or
Dr Newman, or any other Doctor
whatsoever, that
" He prayeth well who loveth well
Both man and bird and beast."
We will now, after the manner
of great moralists, such as he who
depicted the careers of the Indus-
trious and Idle Apprentices, give
the reverse of this picture, in the
horrible imp of empty head and
stony heart, who has been trained
to regard the creatures around him
as the mere ministers of his plea-
sure and his pride, and who, in
fact, represents in its worst form
the former state of feeling respect-
ing animals. Provided, almost in
his cradle, by his unnatural parents,
with puppies and kittens whereon
to wreak his evil propensities, he
treats them, to the best of his
ability, as the infant Hercules
treated the serpents, and, when
provoked to retaliate with tooth or
claw, they are ordered, with his
full concurrence, to immediate exe-
cution. A little later he hails the
periodical pregnancies of the ill-used
family cat as so many opportunities
in store for drowning her progeny.
The fables, so dear to lovable
childhood, of lambs and wolves,
apes and foxes, are rejected by his
practical mind as rubbishy lies.
All defenceless animals falling into
his power are subject to martyrdom
by lapidation. Show him a shy
bird of rare beauty on moor or
heath, in wood or valley, and the
soulless goblin immediately shies a
stone at it. Stray tabbies are the
certain victims of his bull-terrier ;
and the terrier itself, when it re-
fuses to sit up and smoke a pipe, or
to go into the river after a water-
rat, is beaten and kicked without
mercy. He goes with a relish to
see the keeper shoot old Ponto,
who was whelped ten years ago in
the kennel, and comes in to give
his sisters (who don't care) appre-
ciative details of the execution.
As a sportsman he is a tyrant to
his dogs, a butcher on his horse,
550
OUT Poor Relations.
[May
and, sitting on that blown and
drooping steed, lie looks on with
disgusting satisfaction when the
fox is broken up. Throughout
life he regards all his animated
possessions (including his unhappy
wife) simply as matters of a certain
money value, to be made to pay or
to be got rid of. Not to pursue his
revolting career through all its
stages, we will merely hint that
he probably ends by committing a
double parricide ; and being right-
eously condemned to the gallows,
is reprieved only by the inap-
propriate tenderness of the Home
Secretary.
To one who considers the sub-
ject, it will be apparent that the
influences at work in favour of
animals are of a nature to gain in
force, and that their friends, con-
stantly increasing in number, will
end by shouldering their foes alto-
gether to the shady side of public
sentiment. It is now a very old
story thjat a law exists for the pre-
vention of cruelty to animals, who
thus for the first time acquire a
legal footing in the world. But
laws are often inoperative, unless
it is the interest of somebody to
enforce them ; and as the injured
parties cannot in this case apply to
the nearest magistrate for a war-
rant, in order to help them in the mat-
ter certain worthy men and women
long ago formed a Society, which is
increasing in prosperity every year.
Many deeds of cruelty are still done
which cannot be punished or de-
tected ; but in thousands of cases
which would formerly have escaped
even reprobation, wronged animals
now appear in court by " their next
friend " (one of the Society's officers),
and make the perpetrators pay in
purse or person. Not only is a
check thus imposed on small pri-
vate atrocities, like the bruising and
lashing of horses by brutal waggon-
ers, the martyrising of cats and
dogs by blackguard boys, and the
battering of donkeys by ferocious
costermongers, but heavy blows
are also dealt at such organised
cruelties as the crowding of animals
on rough sea voyages in unfit ves-
sels, the transmission of others on
long journeys by rail without food
or water, the shearing and starving
of sheep in winter, the setting of
steel traps for wild creatures, and
the wanton destruction of sea-fowl
and rare birds. A society having
the same objects exists in France,
and in that country, as well as in
Australia and several States of the
American Union, stringent laws
protect many kinds of birds. Kin-
dred societies with special objects
have also been formed among us —
drinking-troughs for animals in hot
weather abound in the metropolis,
and a Home has been established
for Lost Dogs. No kind of animal
misery is more common or more
lamentable than that of these out-
casts, who may be seen any day in one
or other of our London thorough-
fares, purposely lost in many cases
by owners who are unwilling to pay
the five-shilling dog-tax, though a
single day's abstinence from drun-
kenness, or a very brief sacrifice of
pleasure or comfort in each year,
would suffice to retain the old
companion. The first stage of being
thus astray in the wilderness of
London is marked by a wild gallop-
ing to and fro, with an occasional
pause to gaze down cross-streets.
At length, hopeless and wearied,
the lost one sinks into a slow trot,
occasionally lifting his hollow an-
xious eyes to scan an approach-
ing face, and almost seeming to
shake his head in despair as he
lowers them again. Then comes
the period of ravenous hunting in
gutters and corners for chance
scraps, of gazing fixedly down kit-
chen areas, of sleeping coiled up
on door-steps, and of pertinacious
haunting of neighbourhoods where
some hand has once bestowed a
morsel. All those avenues of stone
which we call streets are, to the
poor starveling, more barren of food
than the desert, but he knows how
the interiors abound in meat and
drink ; he knows, too, that any
1870.]
Our Poor Relations.
551
chance passenger, whose face at-
tracts his canine sympathies, may
introduce him to one of these scenes
of plenty, and he attaches himself,
for a time, humbly and wistfully,
to some one whose visage hits his
fancy, and who, perhaps, is never
aware of the thin shadow which
follows his footsteps. At last both
appetite and strength have depart-
ed, the recollection of his home has
become an uncertain dream, and
he retires into a corner to die, un-
less, in some slum, the interesting
family of the rat-catcher, the coster-
monger, the dog-stealer, or the
sporting cobbler, seizing him joy-
fully as their lawful prey, proceed
to ascertain by experiment what
capacity, not for nourishment but
for agony, may be still left in him.
By recent regulations the police are
authorised to conduct to their nearest
station these unfortunates, and to
transmit them from thence to the
Home at Holloway. We once visited
the retreat, situated in a courtyard
in the outskirts of that fashionable
suburb. Our entrance was signal-
ised by the hasty withdrawal of a
number of cats, whose stealthy pro-
files were presently seen on the sur-
rounding walls, wearing all the
aspect of guilty evasion, for, in
fact, their enterprise had been pre-
datory, and directed against the
dogs' food. The dogs themselves,
seated in rows on the floor and on
benches, were few in number and
choice in kind — high-bred deep-
jowled bloodhounds, whose home
had been the castle-yard of some great
seigneur — poodles who would have
Leen ornaments to the bench of
any court of judicature — weak-eyed,
jdnk-nosed, querulous Maltese in
blue ribbons — toy-terriers in splen-
did collars like orders of knighthood
— pugs with muzzles so short that
one wondered where their tongues
could be — and intelligent sky es who
whined and frisked at the approach
of well-clad visitors ; all of them at
that moment being doubtless sought
for throughout London by young
men of good character, in genteel
liveries, whose places were en-
dangered by the carelessness which
had caused the loss of the favour-
ites. On inquiring where the com-
moner sorts of dogs might be, we
found that, as regarded them, the
Home might have been properly
described as their long home, inas-
much as all who were not likely to
be claimed were immediately put
to death and buried. It seemed
dubious whether the animals thus
permanently relieved from want,
would, if consulted, regard this
method of disposal as a high fa-
vour j and, moreover, so very in-
expensive a provision did not seem
to call for large contributions.
Later inquiries, however, have pro-
duced answers describing a more
favourable arrangement ; and it
seems that only those whose life
may be considered a burthen to
them are now destroyed, the rest
having situations procured for
them of a kind that was not quite
clearly apparent to us ; farmed out,
perhaps, like parish apprentices,
and, let us hope, at least as well
cared-for.
It would seem, then, that the
fancy in which we indulged at the
beginning of this paper, of more
genial relations being established
between the dominant and the less
fortunate races of the earth, is not
without prospect of realisation.
The Societies we have mentioned
may in course of time be extended
till they cease to be separate soci-
eties any longer, by including all
the right-minded and right-hearted
of the human race, each of whom
will be as vigilant as any official to
prevent and detect cruelty. To
lead " a dog's life of it ;; may come
to mean universally a not unpleas-
ant state of existence — " slaving
like a horse " will denote a whole-
some and moderate share of labour
— and " monkey's allowance " may
represent a fair amount of half-
pence in proportion to the kicks.
As time goes on, the enthusiast
may perhaps begin to catch glimp-
ses of the renewal of that other
552
Our Poor Relations.
[May
period which tradition and fable
point to in the past, when the close
kinship existing between the ar-
ticulate and inarticulate sylvan
races led to a deeper mutual
understanding and more intimate
communion. In times when the
doctrine that all classes ought to
be represented in Parliament is
favourably received, the next step
would obviously be to elect mem-
bers for brute constituencies, or
at least to agitate for that result.
The effect of a great cattle -meet-
ing in Smithfield, conducted with
much lowing and bellowing, and
followed by large processions of
horned animals through our prin-
cipal thoroughfares, could hardly
fail to produce important constitu-
tional changes. A charge of cab-
horses out on strike, conducted by
some equine Beales against the
park-palings with a view to pas-
turing inside, might extract large
concessions from a weak Cabinet
— while a monster-meeting of ag-
grieved dogs under the clock-tower
at Westminster, howling their com-
plaints to the moon, and vocifer-
ously invoking " a plague on both
our Houses," might be attended
with legislative results not inferior
to those which Mr Bright antici-
pated when he advised the coercion
of Parliament by a like expedient.
Later, when progress shall happily
have brought us to government by
pure majorities, that epoch may
commence which ^Esop seems to
hint at in the fable where the lion
talks of turning sculptor and re-
presenting the beast astride of
the man. Once, while pursuing
this somewhat fantastic train of
thought, we beheld in a kind of
vision, such as visited Bunyan and
Dante, a scene of imaginary retri-
bution awaiting the human race at
the hands of the oppressed. Mul-
titudes of human beings were sys-
tematically fattened as food for the
carnivora. They were frequently
forwarded to great distances by
train, in trucks, without food or
water. Large numbers of infants
were constantly boiled down to
form broth for invalid animals.
In over-populous districts babies
were given to malicious young cats
and dogs to be taken away and
drowned. Boys were hunted by
terriers, and stoned to death by
frogs. Mice were a good deal oc-
cupied in setting man-traps, baited
with toasted cheese, in poor neigh-
bourhoods. Gouty old gentlemen
were put into the shafts of night-
cabs, and forced to totter, on their
weak ancles and diseased joints, to
clubs, where they picked up fashion-
able young colts, and took them, at
such pace as whipcord could ex-
tract, to St John's Wood, to visit
chestnut fillies. Flying figures in
scarlet coats, buckskins, and top-
boots were run into by packs of
foxes. Old cock -grouse strutted
out for a morning's sport, and came
in to talk of how many brace of
country gentlemen they had bagged.
The fate of gamekeepers was appal-
ling ; they lived a precarious life in
holes and caves ; they were per-
petually harried and set upon by
game and vermin ; held fast in
steel traps, their toes were nibbled
by stoats and martens; finally,
their eyes picked out by owls and
kites, they were gibbeted alive on
trees, head downwards, when pole-
cats mounted sentry over them,
favouring the sufferers with their
agreeable presence till the termin-
ation of their martyrdom. In one
especially tragic case, a corpulent
and short-sighted naturalist in
spectacles dodged about painfully
amid the topmost branches of a
wood, while a Mias underneath,
armed with a gun, inflicted on him
dreadful wounds. A veterinary
surgeon of Alfort was stretched on
his back, his arms and legs secured
to posts, in order that a horse might
cut him up alive for the benefit of
an equine audience ; but the gen-
erous steed, incapable of vindictive
feelings, with one disdainful stamp
on the midriff crushed the wretch's
life out.
Though these visions are but
1870.]
Our Poor Relations.
553
such stuff as dreams are made of,
yet, nevertheless, is their fabric not
altogether baseless. Besides the
signs which we have enumerated
as indicating that the relationship
of the tribes of the earth with the
human family are more conscien-
tiously recognised than of old, ani-
mals have lately achieved the im-
portant success of acquiring their
own especial organ in the press.'*
We do not mean that animals per-
form the part either of editor or con-
tributors to this periodical — we
wish they did. What a poem would
the ostrich write with his claw on
the sand of the desert, and how
priceless, compared with the verses
even of laureates, would be the
transcript thereof ! " Me* Larmes,
by a Crocodile" — sensational, no
doubt, beyond French or English
precedent, excelling Sand, or Sue,
or Braddon — would, as a serial,
make the fortune of any magazine.
Could the lion translate for us that
far gaze of his, which, disregarding
the Sunday visitors in front of his
cage, is fixed on some imaginary
desert horizon — what extract from
ancient or modern poetry could
compete with it 1 What a variety
of subject and of style would thus
open on us, far beyond the diversi-
ties of human authorship — lyric,
epic, dramatic, descriptive — de-
fiant outburst and passionate la-
ment— life in innumerable phases,
domestic, romantic, gloomy, rap-
turous, cynical, and cheerful ! Even
without such aid we constantly,
though unconsciously, acknowledge
their kinship with humanity. The
fox, the bear, the bee, the eagle, the
lion, the hog, the serpent, the dove,
are all types of men and women.
Prophetic language calls the worm
our sister; and aphilosopherof these
times defines the Frenchman of the
Revolution as a "tiger-ape." We
have ourselves heard an indignant
lady characterise a too insinuating
swain as " that crocodile ; " and
lately, at a civic feast abounding
in calipash and calipee, we ob-
served, or fancied we observed, that
many of the guests combined, as in
Byron's line, " the rage of the vul-
ture " with " the love of the turtle."
And do we not stand in almost
humiliating relation to the inevi-
table crow, who spends so much of
his valuable time in imprinting his
autograph on the corners of all our
eyes, seeming thereby to mark us
for his own ? Deeply impressed
with the closeness and reality of
these connections, and deriving no
inconsiderable share of the pleasure
of life from our keen sense of them,
it has been to us not only a plea-
sure but a solemn duty, often post-
poned, indeed, but never aban-
doned, thus to break ground in the
corners of a great subject, and to
record with pride the sentiments
of affection and respect which we
entertain for OUR POOR RELATIONS.
* 'The Animal World. A Monthly Advocate of Humanity.' Published by
the Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals, 105 Jermyn Street.
554*
Trade-Unions.
[May
TRADE- UNIONS.
MUCH has been written and spoken
about Trade-Unions, and yet pub-
lic opinion has not settled down
into a positive and definite opinion
respecting their nature and policy.
They are actively at work over the
whole country. They possess an
enormous organisation, which is
every day extending itself more
and more over the working popula-
tion of the nation. They wield a
power which can vie with almost any
other existing in modern society,
and not unfrequently is even supe-
rior to that exercised by the law.
Their path is marked always by a
great exhibition of power, and often
by the most illegal and formidable
violence. They move vast masses
of men with the discipline and con-
centration of an army ; and they
carry out a system of government
which coerces large numbers of the
people. Though unprotected, and
even forbidden by the law, they
have again and again broken the
peace of society by outrages rang-
ing from every form of coercion
up to murder. They have measured
their strength with the Crown and
with Parliament, and, strange to
say, have not yet come off defeated.
When the whole country was shud-
dering over the recollection of
deeds of crime, they extorted from
Parliament a special enactment in
their favour. Statesmen have stood
aghast at their proceedings ; they
appointed a Royal Commission to
inquire into their nature and
their conduct. That Commission
uttered an ambiguous voice, and the
Thornecliffe union answers by deeds
that the power of the Unions is un-
shaken. Men of great intellectual
ability have tried to grapple with
the phenomenon ; economical and
social science has brought its light
to bear on the examination of its
character ; and still no final judg-
ment has been pronounced on the
great question, whether its exis-
tence is compatible with the welfare
of society. No one disputes that
the Unions apply to large bodies of
men who owe them no allegiance
a coercion which flagrantly defies
the first principles of liberty;
and yet that coercion goes on un-
checked and unpunished. Their
continued existence is itself a mys-
tery. It is obvious that bodies which
break out into such conduct, and
yet not only sustain themselves,
but expand in strength and num-
bers, cannot be made up of pure
evil. They must possess some-
where in their organisation prin-
ciples of good, which give them
vitality and endurance. They must
command a sympathy which is
strong enough to bear them on ; and
that they do possess such a hold
on the minds of many good and
able men is revealed by many indi-
cations. Political economists of the
first rank defend their principles.
Statesmen, whose love of order and
liberty is undeniable, nevertheless
support their cause with warm and
unflinching energy. The problems
raised by their existence are debat-
ed with genuine power and zeal
on both sides j but neither scien-
tific authority nor political philos-
ophy has discovered their solution.
Like thunder-clouds, they advance
against the wind, and can boast of
converts of the class of Mr Mill.
They present a battle-field of con-
fusion, contradiction, and perplex-
ity. Political opinion knows not
what to do with them.
The welfare of a whole nation
demands that this perplexity and.
hesitation should cease. Some
practical decision must be adopted ;
either the Unions must be effectu-
ally controlled, or the dominion of
the whole working classes of the
country must be surrendered into
their hands. The call for a thorough
examination of the problem is more
urgent than ever. The report of
1870.]
Trade-Unions.
555
the Royal Commission is no final
judgment, it is not even a complete
re-view of all the elements of the
problem. It avowedly eschews the
discussion of some of the most im-
portant economical principles in-
volved in the objects aimed at by
Trade - Unions. It fails to cover
the whole of the ground in dispute.
It does not furnish, therefore, the
full information which the public
mind requires for pronouncing a
decision. The contest, therefore,
between the friends and the ene-
mies of Trade-Unions, rages on with
unabated vehemence amidst pro-
tricted uncertainty on the part of
the Government, the Parliament,
arid the public. We cannot help
being convinced that this perplex-
ity arises in no small measure from
the want of a precise statement of
the economical, and, so to speak,
natural elements of the problem.
The economical principles, we freely
admit, are not the only ones that
must be weighed in the solution.
There are other considerations,
drawn from the very nature of
social life, as it exists in a free and
civilised community, which must
be largely taken into account. To
be guilty of bad political economy,
if such a charge could be success-
fully proved, assuredly would not
be conclusive of the right of Trade-
Unions to exist ; but no fair man
would deny that if the definite con-
clusion was established in the pub-
lic mind that Trade-Unions pro-
moted creeds which were founded
upon real error, and were highly
injurious to the wealth and pros-
perity of the people, the disposition
to tolerate the proceedings by which
they seek to accomplish their ob-
jects would be rapidly changed in
character. We are not affirming
liere that the political economy of
tae Trade-Unions is unsound and
mischievous ; we only assert that
it is of the highest importance that
its true character should be ascer-
tained. A Trade-Union is an in-
stitution strictly belonging to the
domain of political economy. It
seeks to carry out by practical
measures results which are dis-
tinctly economical. It aims at im-
proving the social condition of the
working classes : it seeks the high-
est remuneration of labour; and for
this purpose adopts methods which
it conceives will most effectually
accomplish this design. We do
not say that it must stand or fall,
must continue or be suppressed,
according to the verdict which its
doctrines may receive from the tri-
bunal of economical science ; but
since it is, in theory at least, a purely
economical institution, it concerns
the public welfare in the highest
degree, that the ends sought by so
mighty a force, wielding so real a
power over the means, the liberty,
and the mode of existence, of such
immense bodies of men, should be
thoroughly explored.
Influenced, then, by a strong feel-
ing of the necessity for such an in-
vestigation, we proceed to state, to
the best of our ability, and with as
much precision as we can attain,
the determining elements of this
great problem. Trade-Unions have
for their object the attainment of
the highest practicable remunera-
tion for labour. Wages, the com-
pensation given to the so-called
working classes for their toil, is their
specific field of action. They stand
on the distinction between capital
and labour — between the employer
and the workmen ; and they con-
fess that it is with the interests of
the latter exclusively that they con-
cern themselves. The producers of
wealth are thus arrayed by them
into two classes, whose pecuniary
interests are held to be antagonis-
tic. Their aim and intention — their
raison d'etre — is avowed to be, by
the organising of an intelligent
and effective combination, to give
strength to the labourer in his de-
mand for remuneration from his
employer. We need not tarry here
on the well-known truth that this
distinction does not correspond
accurately with facts, and that
most of the employers are them-
556
Trade- Unions.
[May
selves workmen and labourers, and
receive a portion of their remuner-
ation regularly as wages ; and, on
the other side, that most members
of Trade-Unions are capitalists and
possess capital, either as tools or in
some other form. For the practical
part of this discussion, the classifi-
cation adopted may be regarded as
sufficiently accurate. It rests on the
general fact that the employer is the
man who contracts for wages with
the labourer, and owns the product
which results from the application
of capital and labour. Wages, then,
imply a contract entered into for
a certain definite remuneration, and
a contract virtually implies a bar-
gain. Wages and profit, the re-
muneration of both the capitalist
and the labourer, are derived from
one common fund — the gross pro-
duce of the industry carried on by
both; and the bargain thus ulti-
mately becomes the question of its
distribution, its division between
the two parties who concurred in
generating the wealth. We thus
reach the first element of the pro-
blem— the gross produce, and the
obvious interest which each of the
two parties has that it should be as
large as possible. The more wealth
that there is to be divided, the bet-
ter off is the community, taken as a
whole, and the greater are the means
for remunerating the services and
the sacrifices of all. Any policy
or practice, therefore, which tends
directly to restrict the amount of
wealth produced, is so far bad and
injurious. But this principle must
not be interpreted as being, by itself
alone, decisive of any method of em-
ploying capital and labour : it may
easily be limited by considerations
of another order. It is possible, for
instance, that in a particular coun-
try the institution of slavery might
bring out the creation of the largest
quantity of wealth ; yet it would be
justly maintained on the other side
that it was better to be poorer than
to have slaves. It is equally con-
ceivable that in certain states of
society the largest amount of agri-
cultural produce might be raised
by a population living under a low
standard of civilisation, and that a
high civilisation might be accounted
well bought at the price of a lower
agricultural produce. The prin-
ciple, then, of providing for the
largest practicable production of
wealth is not an absolute one, but
it is dominant within its own legiti-
mate range, all other circumstances
being the same. Those regulations
of industry which interfere with
the greatness of its yield are vicious,
and call for removal. They injure
the wellbeing of the receivers of
wages, as well as of the whole peo-
ple generally.
Secondly, the numbers of - the
population are a most determining
factor of this great problem. The
quantity of the wealth produced is
limited : the number of those who
are to partake of it must necessari-
ly largely influence the size of the
share which will ultimately fall to
each. It is substantially a question
of food. It is of the utmost conse-
quence that the true state of the
facts, the real and most positive
law of existence, should be thor-
oughly understood by all. All ani-
mals possess a power of multiplica-
tion which surpasses the power of
the land to provide food for their
sustenance. By one force or other,
their numbers are kept on a level
with the supply of food. If more
are born, they perish by the work-
ing of an inevitable law. Man
forms no exception to this para-
mount necessity : human beings can
be generated in indefinitely larger
numbers than the land is able to
support. The wider expansion of
the population is kept down by a
power which, if its workings are
obscure, is nevertheless inexorable.
Pressure must exist somewhere
under all possible forms of society,
which prevents the unlimited multi-
plication of the race. The opera-
tion of this law is easily disguised
by a state of civilisation such as is
found in England. The relation
of the inhabitants to the supply of
1870.]
Trade- Unions.
557
food is obscured in this country by
the circumstance that a large por-
tion of the food of its inhabitants is
derived from foreign lands ; hence
it is less obvious that the number
of English men and women alive in
England is proportionate to the
power of the land to maintain them.
Yet it is not the less real on that ac-
count. By means of her coal, and
other resources, England is able
to produce commodities for which
other nations will give her food in
exchange ; and, were it not that
science had so enormously extended
tho facilities for the transport of
heavy weights, England would have
seen more clearly than she does
now the close dependence of the
numbers of her people on their
ability to acquire food. On the
other hand, it may be said that
though the numbers of the popu-
lation must ultimately be deter-
mined by the food obtained from
the land, still, many more human
beings might be supported in Eng-
land by a different distribution of
the food available for sustenance.
That is so, no doubt. The rich
consume much more food than is
necessary, and waste a great deal
more besides. It is perfectly true,
therefore, that a rigid allotment of
the quantity of food actually raised
at a given time would provide a
full sufficiency for many who do
not, as it is, procure enough, and
probably also save many from in-
direct but yet real starvation. But
even after this operation had been
completed, the irrepressible law
would assert its power. These
well-fed beings must not multiply
beyond the supply of food, and, if
that remains stationary, must have
no more children than would re-
place the parents, or else a reduction
of comfort, and in the end death, in
one form or other, would inevitably
correct the excess. It cannot be
otherwise : it is the law of existence
imposed on all animals. We do
not say that in such a country as
England many would literally die
of hunger, though this happened
in the past, and happens in our
own day, in Ireland, in Orissa, and
other regions desolated by fam-
ines : but the deficiency of food
would generate want of clothing,
insufficient shelter, fever, and other
maladies destructive of human life.
France furnishes a striking illus-
tration of the working of this law.
That country has often been quoted
by Mr Mill and other political eco-
nomists as an example of success-
ful adaptation of population to
food. But by what process is this
achieved? Dr Barthillon will in-
form us. In the seven departments
surrounding Paris, the death-rate
of infants under one year of age
amounts to a mortality varying
from 288 to 378 in 1000. This
gigantic destruction of human life
may, no doubt, be partly explained
by the action of moral causes, but
these moral causes themselves are
in no small degree affected by the
general wellbeing of the people ;
and, in any case, it reveals how
effectual and how stern is the
limit imposed on numbers by the
never-ceasing action of natural law.
Whatever power aims at dealing
with the distribution of the pro-
duce of industry, above all in the
matter of food — be it the State, or
Politicians, or Philosophers, or
Clergy, or Trade-Unions — all alike
must reckon with this mighty force,
this supreme law, which declares
that the undue multiplication of
human beings will ever be corrected
by death.
The third element of our pro-
blem is founded on a practical, if
not conscious, recognition of this
law. Misery and death are not mere
avengers of evil. Man's nature
has been so constituted by his Crea-
tor, that the penalty which punishes
also calls forth the will and the
effort to arrest the continuance of
the malady. The desire to better
himself, to remove what distresses or
pains, to reach to greater good, to a
higher state, is implanted in the
lowest depths of man's being. From
this great central need all civilisa-
558
Trade-Unions.
[May
tion has sprung. Some few popula-
tions have lived on under such cir-
cumstances of barbarous existence
as never to have learnt progress,
and when they have come in con-
tact with civilisation, to have been
incapable of assimilating its ele-
ments, and to have dwindled by
the side of the superior race. But
it has been wholly otherwise with
the vast majority of mankind. Peo-
ples have been seen to grow and
to expand ; and this fact by it-
self incontestably demonstrates that
they have learnt how to deal suc-
cessfully with the law of popula-
tion. They have lessened the
amount of human suffering, and
by the acquisition of wealth have
risen to a higher standard of
life. The methods by which they
have harmonised numbers with
food have been various. Sometimes
the sovereign power has interfered
in the contraction of marriage ;
sometimes a low morality has sanc-
tioned the destruction of infants;
swarms have emigrated and re-
lieved pressure at home, or else
energetic and intelligent industry
has for a while kept the supply of
food, and the necessaries depend-
ent on food, on a level with the in-
habitants of the land. But a prin-
ciple yet more powerful than all
these has been incessantly at work,
and by its beneficent operation has
effected a still higher harmony be- -
tween numbers and wealth. It is
summed up in the word civilisa-
tion. Its dwelling-place is human
feeling, the habits contracted by
moral and reasonable beings, the
tone of mind of the people, their
ultimate feeling respecting human
life and the conditions which ren-
der it worth the having. It creates
a standard of comfort and enjoy-
ment, however moderate, which
comes into direct antagonism with
the instinct of multiplication as soon
as civilisation has advanced so far
as to adopt such a standard, and to
root it in the feelings of the people.
The tendency to reproduce encoun-
ters a very powerful check in the
thought of the misery which im-
prudence is sure to entail on par-
ents and offspring. Thus the men
reflect before they commit them-
selves to marriage. It accustoms
them to think of what the fate of
their children may be in the fu-
ture ; it inspires the thought in
the young man to wait till he
can acquire a cottage, or have per-
manent employment in a factory,
or can see his way reasonably
against a possible descent into
misery. This power is the result-
ant of many forces, of moral, so-
cial, and physical elements combin-
ed. And precisely as the absence
of this principle, of this desire to
secure comforts rendered neces-
sary by habit, demoralises a man,
and may bring him and his family
down to the margin where the
waves of starvation define the cir-
cle of existence, so its continued
presence tends to generate a pro-
gressive rise in that standard of habit
which is the direct antagonist of
excessive reproduction. A people
which has accustomed itself to live
on wheaten bread, for instance,
will check reckless multiplication
more effectively than one that
consents to live on potatoes only.
Not only does it escape the demor-
alising influence of the long period
of idleness which the scant tillage
required for this root imposes on
those whose sole resource it is ; but
further, also, which is much more
important yet, it admits of a descent
to an inferior food before civilisa-
tion is submerged, and that descent
calls forth energetic exertion and
resistance. The desire to save be-
comes intensified, waste is checked,
the effort to hold on for better times,
and not to plunge into immediate
despair, is called forth into vigor-
ous activity. The disagreeableness
of these operations acts power-
fully on the inclination to marry.
It is well known that in such a
country as England, prosperous
trade multiplies marriages, and
times of depression are marked by
a diminution both of marriages and
1870.]
Trade- Unions,
559
births. The desire to regain the
lost standard of comfort works
powerfully on every class of the
people. The rich apply their wealth
and their intelligence to mitigate
the sufferings of their poorer neigh-
bours ; they spend less on direct
consumption ; they are willing to
apply their wealth to additional
draining, to agricultural labour, and
other reproductive works; they
assist in providing the temporary
relief of emigration. By these and
similar efforts the struggle is carried
on against the depression and its
causes : population is checked on
the one side, on the other the store
of capital is augmented.
Such are the chief processes by
which civilisation, when conducted
on sound and on broad economical
bases, contends against that law of
reproduction which, if uncontrol-
led, is limited by death only. We
have described them at greater
length, because, though well known
to all who have studied this great
subject, they are still sadly unfa-
miliar to a large portion of the pub-
lic, and not least to many of those
who, by such institutions as Trade-
Unions, practically deal with the
problem of the numbers and the
condition of the people.
There remains to be mentioned,
in the fourth place, as a constitu-
ent element of the problem before
us, the motives which act on the
capitalist and the labourer to induce
them to devote their respective ac-
tions to the production of wealth.
The labourer, it is manifest, toils
simply to support life. Under the
ordinary circumstances of humanity,
his power to accumulate capital is
small — indeed can hardly be said
to exist. Individuals amongst the
working classes rise into the class
of capitalists, but the great bulk of
the wage-receiving population are
content if they can but maintain
themselves by their daily labour to
the end of their days. Here the
instinct of reproduction is strong
enough to prevent the accumula-
tion of capital. Men who are
generally satisfied with their con-
dition will people up, to use a
now common expression, to that
limit. Their standard of life may
be raised; but, the standard settled,
numbers will forbid any important
acquisition of capital by the gen-
eral body. At the same time, it
must be borne in mind that the
prospect of acquiring large remu-
neration for labour is a great stim-
ulant to energy and intelligence,
and that energy and intelligence
play an exceedingly prominent
part in the raising of the standard.
This consideration is of great mo-
ment in judging the policy of Trade-
Unions, as we shall see hereafter.
On the other hand, the motive
which determines the accumulation
of capital is the expectation of an
adequate reward for the sacrifice
which it involves. If there is an
increase of capital — if a larger
quantity of the wealth of a nation
is devoted to the promotion of a
new field of industry — it can come
only from saving ; and to save
means not to consume all one's
income, in whatever form it may
be realised, in the way of enjoy-
ment. An augmentation of capital
necessarily implies that present
gratification has been given up for
the sake of future profit. The
man who applies a portion of his
annual wealth to an industrial un-
dertaking, be it draining, or extra
manuring, or the opening of a mine,
or the building of ships and fac-
tories, gives up the pleasure of
spending for the sake of acquiring
greater riches. He will make this
sacrifice of present pleasure the
more energetically just in propor-
tion as the hope of future reward
holds out brighter expectations.
This is not a law of political econ-
omy; it is a principle of human
nature, of which it is the duty of
all sound political economy to take
cognisance. The Highland chief-
tain of the past felt small inclina-
tion to devote his means to the
improved cultivation of his lands.
The prospect of adequate compen-
560
Trade- Unions.
[May
sation in the accumulation of in-
creased wealth was too dark under
the agricultural and social condi-
tions of his day. He preferred to
gratify his pride by doling out a
scanty subsistence to idle followers
who camped on the hillside, and
surrounded his court with the os-
tentatious display of a vast reti-
nue of dependants. Again, before
steam and mechanical science had
enlarged the power of man to give
marvellous productiveness to in-
dustry, in Holland and other coun-
tries the rate of profit on the em-
ployment of capital was so feeble
as greatly to weaken the motive to
divert wealth from unproductive to
productive consumption — to make
men willing to forego present en-
joyment for the sake of increasing
their wealth in the future. If no
skill or effort were able to procure
more than one per cent of interest
on any safe investment — if agricul-
ture had reached the limit at which
additional draining or manuring
yielded no return of importance —
society would have reached the
stationary state when men con-
sume their incomes as they re-
ceive them, when progress in well-
being would have come to an end,
and when industry would be fed
by no higher motive than the fear
of decay and starvation. But we
have only to turn our eyes to a
thriving colony to see the reverse
of this picture. There a virgin
soil yields enormous returns to the
relatively small labour bestowed on
tillage; industry meets ample re-
wards from the abundance of its
produce ; and there every nerve is
strained to devote every possible
saving to the clearing of woods, the
stocking of farms, and the improve-
ment of roads and rivers. Wealth,
as rapidly as it is accumulated, is
applied with eager energy, not to
luxurious enjoyment, but to capital
— to the construction of every kind
of improvement which will secure
the riches that offer themselves to
labour. Profits are so high as to
fill men's minds with incessant
thoughts about building and clear-
ing and stocking.
Such are the elements of the
great economical problem with
which Trade -Unions profess to
deal. They stand forth as the ad-
vocates of one of the parties in
the joint production of wealth.
They proclaim that the workman
requires help for the attainment
of his right, and that help they
propose to give him by means of
combination. Let him not stand
alone, they say ; let him act in
union with his fellow - workmen,
and their joint action will secure for
him his due. Accordingly Trade-
Unions are associated combina-
tions, with the requisite organisa-
tion of government, subordination,
and money. These organisations
are constructed for each trade
separately, but they give great
facility to many trades to act
together for a common purpose.
Moreover, their power, and the
machinery by which it is worked,
are not only directed against the
other sharer in the product of in-
dustry— the capitalist — but are
also made to exercise considerable
pressure on those of their fellow-
workmen who refuse to join the
Union. This is the most grave
feature in this complex machine,
for it obviously comes in contact
with the fundamental principle of
liberty. This pressure frequently
becomes coercion, carried out not
unfrequently by conduct which the
law pronounces to be criminal ; and
it therefore becomes a duty of su-
preme social and political import-
ance to understand clearly the
spirit and the policy of these asso-
ciations.
The ends which Trade-Unions
pursue must be divided into two
classes. First, they seek to obtain
the best possible wages at a given
time and place ; and, secondly,
they have framed a definite policy
for regulating the economical posi-
tion of the labouring classes.
With respect to the first of these
objects, it cannot be disputed that
1870.]
Trade- Unions.
561
a single labourer, acting by him-
self alone, without connection with
his fellow-workmen, is obviously
we.'ik in bargaining with an em-
ployer. The conditions are not
perfectly equal on both sides. The
labourer is in danger of destitu-
tion ; the master may be little,
probably not at all, inj ured by his
refusal to work. Thus stated, the
question must be decided in favour
of combination ; the determination
of the workmen to stand by one an-
other in obtaining adequate wages
is unassailable in respect of prin-
ciple. But then this statement
does not cover the whole case. Is
the working man really single and
un associated ? Does he stand alone
face to face with his rich master,
and has he no support from the
co operation of others 1 No doubt
a master, or group of masters, may
perform an act of tyranny on a
particular man, but such an excep-
tional case is not the one under
discussion. We are dealing here
with an ordinary labourer who
debates with an employer the wage
he shall receive. Is his an isolated
bargain, in which the labourer is
truly and practically alone 1 Orders
have come in to the master, and he
is in need of men ; he offers a spe-
cific wage to the workman, and the
olfer is rejected. What must be
the next step of the master ? — to
seek out another man, and to re-
peat the offer. The offer is again
rejected ; and the question then
becomes, Is there any connection,
conscious or unconscious, between
these two acts, these two refusals
of the two men 1 Manifestly there
is a very real solidarite, an intimate
and true union between them ; and
that union is their common know-
ledge of the state of the market,
their perception of the strength of
the demand for labour compared
with its supply. Both the men
feel it : each knows that the mas-
ter will not get his work done on
cheaper terms, and that, as the
orders must be executed, he will
perforce accept the rate of wages
they ask for. This practical con-
nection of the labourers with one
another is strong enough to raise
wages : they need no help in their
bargaining; when trade is brisk,
wages rise. This is a truth which
even the Trade -Unions acknow-
ledge ; for the account they give of
their action in this particular of
the rise and fall of wages is, that
they are quiet when wages advance,
but that they resist a fall. The
sphere of their action, therefore, in
which they can render assistance
to the individual labourer by com-
bination, is reduced to the case of
trade growing slack, and the mas-
ters offering diminished wages.
Here, we admit at once, the con-
nection of the one workman with
the other is at an end. The
master can without loss discharge
the labourer who holds out for
the old wages, for the supply of
labour now exceeds his wants,
and with hunger staring the la-
bourer in the face, he knows
that the second man will accept
the wages refused by the first.
The labourer may thus stand at
a disadvantage. When trade is
prosperous the master inevitably
must concede the rise of wages
claimed by each man, if that claim
is founded on a true estimate of
the demand; and this information he
may acquire from the feeling of the
market. But when the position is
reversed, he has no means of know-
ing whether the offer of the master
is unjust. If it is an unreasonable
attempt at depression, it cannot be
denied that the assistance from a
Union, which enables him to live,
may furnish him, in concert with
his brother Unionist, with the
means of enforcing justice on the
employer. But the question arises,
Is aTrade-Union the bestmachinery
which can be devised for providing
material support to workmen for re-
sisting a fall of wages ? And then
there is the still more important
question, What means has the Union
for acquiring the necessary infor-
mation on which to ground its de-
562
Trade-Unions.
[May
cree as to the wages to be demand-
ed ? It is always a complicated
question ; each case and each trade
has its own specialties. The know-
ledge must be obtained of a large
number of facts derived from the
most various sources, and generally
most difficult to ascertain and to
appreciate. What warrant does the
organisation of a Trade-Union fur-
nish of the ability to investigate
the causes and the limits of a retro-
gression in a trade ? nay, what secu-
rity does it present that, even if it
possesses the ability, it would also
have the will to exercise it 1 The
evidence before the Royal Commis-
sion has disclosed the principle on
which the Unions act. " They look
only at their own interests ; they
take account of nothing else." Yet
surely the question at issue must be
looked at from the master's point of
view as well as from the workman's.
His position and his education en-
able him to discover more easily
and more surely than the labourer
the causes which have brought
about the slackness of business,
the probability of their lasting, and
the extent to which they may carry
the contraction of the trade. These
are essential elements for the for-
mation of a trustworthy judgment
on the amount of wages which the
business can afford. An employer
who believes that the slackness is
due to temporary causes, will pause
before he drives away valuable work-
men from his factory j on the other
hand, if the drooping orders have a
deeper and more abiding source, a
prompt recognition of the fact, by a
corresponding reduction of wages,
may be the best and kindest intima-
tion to the labourer to prepare for
harder times, or, it may be, for a
change of occupation. It is now
an admitted truth, that the forestal-
lers who buy up corn, when a de-
ficient harvest is ascertained, render
a most valuable service to the poor,
by forcing them to economise in
time. The same principle may ren-
der equally good service in other
trades.
" Oh/; reply the Trade-Unions,
" these nicer calculations are not our
province. We adopt more direct
and more effectual methods. When
wages sink below what we think
right, we have recourse to the only
process which will accurately test
whether the master is honest and ac-
curate in his diminution of wages,
or whether he is seeking to enrich
himself by defrauding the labourers
of their due. In no other way can it
be ascertained what the real facts
of the situation are." In reply to
this we will not urge that such
a mode of making the experiment,
so reckless and so coarse, may often
plunder an employer of his property,
in his unwillingness to encounter
the ruinous loss of a stoppage ; we
will point out rather that a strike
is an exceedingly costly proceeding ;
that the organisation which is pre-
pared in readiness to deliver the
blow, is extremely expensive ; that
the wisdom of the policy which de-
liberately encounters this expense
depends on the assumption that
the reduction of wages proposed by
the masters has no foundation in
the actual state of the trade. If this
assumption is erroneous — if the
business no longer yields the same
profit, and can be maintained only
by consenting to sales at a lower
price — then a strike, with its vast
cost and protracted suffering, has
been a wanton and self-inflicted
calamity. The history of strikes
records endless failures to combat a
fall of wages, which neither masters
nor workmen could avert. Intense
distress has preyed on whole dis-
tricts, huge bodies of men have
been fed out of funds destined for
support in old age and sickness,
the production of wealth has been
interrupted, and the means of all
have been fearfully diminished, and
yet at last the strike has failed to
accomplish its object, the workmen
have been compelled to surrender,
and " the inexorable logic of facts "
has proclaimed that all this misery
and this loss were a pure and wan-
ton waste.
1870.]
Trade- Unions.
563
The advocates of Trade-Unions,
therefore, are called upon to show
that the expense incurred in the
maintenance of the organisation for
carrying out a strike, and the vast
loss occasioned by the cessation of
industry and the support of multi-
tudes in enforced idleness, are pro-
fitable investments of the subscrip-
tions of the Unionists, and are com-
pensated by adequate advantages
which atone for the failure which
often attends their action. The
funds of the Union have vanished,
and its members have endured, so
far as these unsuccessful strikes are
concerned, a large amount of use-
less suffering : where is the gain
which makes up for and justifies
th ese sacrifices 1 Granted that a suc-
cession of defeats is not necessarily
decisive of a campaign ; but where
is the victory that reconciles the
judgment to the destruction which
it has cost to attain it1? Many
strikes are successful, is the reply;
the masters often yield the disput-
ed point, and the constant fear of
a strike effectually conquers the
perpetual impulse of selfishness in
the masters to appropriate an un-
just share of the profits of industry
to the injury of the labourers. We
hold this answer to be insufficient
as a justification of the machinery
of Unions for ascertaining the true
rate of wages. The unsuccessful
strikes are too numerous and too
disastrous to be compensated by
the pecuniary gain won by the en-
forcement of the disputed wages.
There is no reasonable ground for
the presumption that the difference
of wages extorted from masters
bears any proportion to the loss
caused by the great diminution
of wealth caused by a strike. The
waste of the food and clothing of the
capital supplied by the Union to the
mon on strike, and the non-produc-
tion of that wealth which a contin-
uance of work would have created,
constitute unliquidated items which
tho balance-sheets of Unions do
not settle. We heartily wish to
speak with entire fairness on this
VOL. CVJI. — NO. DCLV.
important point. We are willing to
admit freely that if the failure of a
strike shows that the master judges
more correctly the position of the
trade than the men, the successful
strike may demonstrate that the
masters, in some cases, did not give
the men their due. We say " in
some cases ;" because no fair advo-
cate of Unions would deny that
not unfrequently when the men
come off conquerors in the struggle,
the knowledge of the injury done
to their mills and factories by the
cessation of work drives the masters
into submission to demands which
cannot be conceded except at the
sacrifice of profits which are incon-
testably their own. Some deduc-
tion— we believe it to be a consi-
derable one — must be made on the
score of this motive, from the co-
gency of the proof that successful
strikes show that the men were re-
ceiving inadequate wages. There
still remains, we are satisfied, an
immense balance of loss in the cost
of Unions and their strikes which
is not compensated on the profit
side of the account.
The same consideration furnishes
the same reply to the alleged effi-
cacy of the agency of fear. Every
strike is a proof that the masters
are pressed with demands which
they feel to be so unreasonable
as to necessitate resistance ; and
strikes are more than numerous
enough to show that, even in the
opinion of the men themselves, fear
alone of the losses entailed by a
strike is not strong enough to com-
pel their masters to grant the terms
which the men insist upon as their
due. The men strike because the
masters are not sufficiently afraid
of loss to be willing to grant de-
mands which they think intoler-
able. Twelve strikes on an average
occur each year, we are told by the
secretary himself, Mr Applegarth,
in the case of the Amalgamated
Society of Carpenters and Joiners.
Twelve times, then, in each year,
the fear of a strike, in this single
trade, is not powerful enough to
2 Q
564
Trade- Unions.
[May
prevent the masters from incurring
the risks and dangers of resistance.
And on which side does the proba-
bility lie of being right as to the
wages which the business can afford?
It is the masters who buy the raw
material, and who sell the manu-
factured produce, and consequently
are acquainted with the true state
of the market. On the side of the
labourers there is little more than
a dogged determination to fight for
whatever may be got. " It appears
in evidence/' says the Report of
the Royal Commissioners, " that in
many cases leaders of Unions fail
to consider whether the circum-
stances of the trade are such as to
call for or admit of a rise of wages.
It is with them rather a question
of the relative strength of the two
parties." It is a contest between
men who possess information and
men who possess none ; between
those who can assign a reason for
their conduct, and those who refuse
to listen to any reason, but try to
discover by an appeal to brute force,
at the cost of much suffering and
loss to themselves, whether there
is a reason or not. But, replies Mr
Applegarth, at any rate the system
is successful ; " our men agitate in
a very businesslike manner, and
the result has been that they have
got their hours reduced and the
wages increased." Twelve strikes
a-year — a strike a-month — do not
tell of any definite result being
acquired at all. The battle is ever
renewed ; it cannot be said, then,
that a very permanent victory is
won. Wages still alter, and still the
appeal is not to a study of the con-
dition of the trade, but to a trial of
loss and suffering ; and it is certain
that many of these appeals end in
failure, and the misery endured has
been wasted without result. The
incessant recurrence of strikes, by
itself alone, demonstrates the ca-
priciousness and recklessness of
such a method of proceeding.
And what do these strikes sub-
stantially impute to the masters 1
An amount of folly, ignorance, and
perverseness, inconsistent with ra-
tional beings. They imply that
men who are well informed as to
the actual position of the business,
from pure selfishness and avarice,
refuse to their workmen wages
which they can afford, and, conse-
quently, which are due, and prefer
incessant fighting, with infinite in-
jury to themselves, to granting those
reasonable terms which Mr Apple-
garth boasts that the Unions ul-
timately extort. That men who
form no reasonable estimate of
what wages ought to be, and whose
one simple plan is to try by fight-
ing how much they can get, should
rush into strikes is intelligible ; but
that men who understand the sit-
uation, and can compute the cost
of manufacture and the probable
price of sale, should conspire to
withhold what they know to be
due, and encounter, for the chance
of securing an unjust profit, twelve
strikes a-year, is utterly beyond
comprehension. And then the
vastness of the conspiracy which
it is assumed the masters have
formed — a permanent conspiracy,
lasting month after month, year
after year — not to do what is right,
and so to defraud their workmen.
The masters are a class of individ-
uals placed in every variety of po-
sition : is it conceivable that all
should hold out in this nefarious
plot against the constant loss in-
flicted by strikes ; that none should
fall away into ways of rectitude ;
none feel, if not the call of human-
ity, at any rate the promptings of
self-interest ; none prefer the grant-
ing to the labourers that share of
the produce which truly belongs to
them, to the losses and the chances
of a gamble for unjust gain 1
Still, it may be replied, the mas-
ters may not be gamblers or con-
spirators ; but they are men ; and
it is in human nature that they
should be slow to raise wages when
trade is on the rise, and quick to
reduce when orders are slack and
prices are giving way. How can
individual labourers assert their
1370.]
Trade- Unions.
565
rights against such a tendency ?
"What can give the strength which
they are legitimately entitled to
bat some kind of association with
each other, so as to secure joint
action 1 If the Union is so igno-
runt of the true rate at which, un-
der the given circumstances, wages
should be paid, and its action is
little better than blind hazard, it
still remains equally true that the
labourer, under that ignorance, can
never know whether the master
is not taking an unfair advantage
of him. There is reason in this
r<;ply. We do think that the
workman needs help to obtain an
equitable bargain. But then this
does not at once justify Unionism.
It; only raises the question, whether
those Unions are the best machinery
that he can employ for this pur-
pose? But even without any as-
sistance from combination, he does
not stand alone and unprotected.
When trade is brisk he easily per-
ceives the desire of the masters to
procure good workmen. There is
no difficulty in his making good his
claim to better wages. When the
market assumes a falling aspect,
the position is still secure. There
are real guarantees for justice,
though they may sometimes be
somewhat slow in their operation.
If wages fall below the rate which
the business can really afford, com-
petition will certainly spring up
amongst the masters. Some of
tli em will seek to attract the su-
perior workmen into their service,
by a rate of wages above the level
to which the labour-market has
unduly sunk ; and the law of hu-
man life and human action would
be violated if a demand existed for
a commodity at a price higher than
that assigned to it by an arbitrary
decree, whether expressed or under-
stood, and the commodity be unable
to fetch its real value. Nothing
but a monopoly, sustained by force,
could prevent the rise ; and mani-
festly no such monopoly can be
maintained by masters under the
free air of competition. An unjust
depression cannot last long. The
waters which have ebbed away too
fast will be rolled back by a natural
force. The workman who can fur-
nish labour of a higher value will
not be long in recovering his right.
And if redress is certain — but yet
that implies a moderate period of de-
lay— the question resolves itself into
a comparison between the amount
of loss occasioned by this delay and
the amount of the cost involved in
Trade-Unions and strikes. It seems
to us inconceivable that any sane
person should doubt the result of
the comparison. Trade - Unions,
tried by the test of the expenditure
they entail contrasted with the gain
they accomplish, can receive no
other judgment than condemnation.
If no other consideration came to
their aid beyond the gain of time
which they occasionally effect in
establishing the true rate of wages
in the labour-market, they would
long ago have ceased to exist.
There is an additional and peril-
ous foundation on which Unions
sustain themselves in the particular
question which we are now discus-
sing— the position of the labourer
in bargaining for the determination
of the right rate of wages. It is
one of feeling. The labourers are
profoundly conscious that they do
not know whether the masters are
justified in lowering the rate : dis-
trust springs up in their inmost
hearts ; for is it not one of the parties
to the bargain who settles its terms
without consultation with the other1?
and is it not in human nature that
large masses of men, whose fortunes
are thus affected by the action of a
few, should resent this uncertainty,
and feel themselves irresistibly im-
pelled to seek to learn the true state
of the market by actual experi-
ment 1 The proof may be rough
and costly, still it satisfies natural
feeling; and unless some satisfac-
tion is given to such a sentiment,
Unions will be unassailable by law
or reason.
Here we encounter an element
in English trade which has received
666
Trade- Unions.
[May
little, if indeed any, notice from
political economists, although it
exercises an enormous influence in
aiding this painful and injurious
uncertainty respecting the right rate
of wages. England manufactures
for the whole world. Every nation
is a customer at her shops and
warehouses. Her goods are bought
by all countries : she is the shop to
which most nations resort for the
supply of a large portion of their
wants. As a manufacturer and a
shopkeeper, England falls under
the laws which govern every kind
of business. She depends on the
power of buying which her custo-
mers may possess : she shares their
fortunes. If adversity befall them,
they buy little of her goods ; if
their means increase, she finds a
larger and readier sale for her wares.
Every event which acts upon their
wealth rebounds upon her trade.
Thus when civil war consumed the
capital of America, and her cotton-
fields ceased to be cultivated, the
power of'America — one of her very
best customers — to buy in English
markets was fearfully reduced; and,
still worse, the loss of the raw mate-
rial dealt a calamitous blow to Eng-
lish trade all over the world. No
great war can be carried on without
affecting the fortunes of the univer-
sal shopkeeper, for war destroys
wealth, and with diminished riches
come diminished purchases of Eng-
lish merchandise. A bad harvest
in a distant region may weigh on
English commerce as heavily as a
wet autumn at home. The protec-
tionist tariff of America, that evil
offspring of the civil strife, tells se-
verely on English factories ; it les-
sens the production of wealth in
both countries. There are fewer
products of industry created, and
there is less to enjoy on both sides.
No great act of commercial legisla-
tion can well be carried out in any
country without being sensibly felt
in England, for better or for worse.
The adoption of free-trade by a dis-
tant State may stimulate the looms
of Manchester; the backsliding of
a colony into protection may carry
stagnation and ruin to Birmingham.
English trade is essentially trade
exposed to endless vicissitudes of
mind, politics, and weather, on
every part of the globe's surface.
England cannot be the workshop of
all nations without sharing their
fortunes.
It is easy to perceive the direct
and gigantic influence which the
peculiarities of this position exer-
cise over the briskness or flatness
of English trade, and the wages
which it can afford to labour. In
one year large profits and high
wages may be realised with ease,
'amidst the universal satisfaction of
the whole population ; in another,
from causes entirely beyond the
control of either capitalist or la-
bourer, factories may be brought to
working at reduced time, or to
ceasing at others, and wages may
go down, to the great distress of in-
nocent multitudes. But the sting
of this situation lies in its uncer-
tainty; and it is hard to overrate
the mischief which springs from
this source. No calculation can be
made with confidence as to the con-
tinuance of the demand in almost
any large department of business.
Fluctuations, the most unforeseen
and the most violent, may spring
up without notice in every market.
The manufacturer who has built a
new mill may find on its comple-
tion that demand has slackened, or
the raw material has become inac-
cessible, or prices have given way
below the margin of profit; the
workman who has fitted out his
house and married a wife may dis-
cover that he has involved himself
in all the consequences of impru-
dence. Thus a sense of insecurity
diffuses itself throughout the whole
community. No one feels safe ;
all are uneasy at what the morrow
may bring ; all look out for some
protection that shall give stability
to their fortunes. The absence of
the means of judging the true na-
ture of the situation greatly aggra-
vates its evils. The master counts
1870.]
Trade- Unions.
567
up his estimate of the causes that
are at work, and reduces wages ; the
workman is incapable of ascertain-
ing whether his estimate is correct
or hasty, and he looks with pro-
found distrust on a measure which
sterns to protect the master at his
own expense. This uncertainty is
most pernicious in its relation to the
great problem of adapting the num-
bers of the population to a high
standard of comfort. It leaves
the labourers without data for dis-
covering what prudence allows or
forbids. Official documents disclose
to us the rapid increase of marriages
which follow high prices and high
wages ; but what if this impulse
upwards is only the prelude of
collapse 1
This movable and undulating sur-
face, this undulating field of Eng-
lish industry, constitutes the foun-
dation on which Trade-Unions are
constructed. It is the unsteadi-
ness of the markets, involving a
perpetual sliding -scale for wages,
which above every other cause
gives a reason for existence to
Unions, which makes them seem
natural, and invests them with a
hold on public sympathy. This
is the cause which creates the ap-
pearance of a necessity for bargain-
ing, which places employer and
labourer face to face as antagon-
ists in a contest in which it is
impossible to say what right is,
and, consequently, which excites
the feeling that the man who has
hunger in his immediate view is not
evenly matched with his opponent.
It is not so with trades in which
there is a comparative steadiness of
demand and prices. There are no
T Inions for agricultural labourers ;
no effort, we believe, has been made
to form any ; and yet agricultural
vages have surely and permanently
risen. We are assured by Mr Hope
that the rise in Scotland amounts
to 40 or 50 per cent in recent years.
The climate of England, it is true,
is uncertain, and the harvests are
unequal ; yet they are true to a
general average, which admits of
being reckoned on with confidence.
As a fact, therefore, in this field of
labour, population has been able so
to adjust itself to the demand for
labour as to render a permanent
improvement of wages possible.
We grant, then, that this uncer-
tainty of English trade, this obscur-
ity which necessarily arises from
the multitude of countries and
of varying commercial situations
which it covers, furnishes a justifi-
cation for bargaining. There can-
not always be clear proof that a
reduction of wages proclaimed by
masters is based on a trustworthy
knowledge of the real condition
of the trade. Some assistance is
required by the working classes ;
but then the question recurs, Is a
Trade-Union the machinery best
adapted to furnish the help re-
quired 1 It seems to us that this
very uncertainty which we have
described supplies a strong argu-
ment against the employment of
such an organisation. The leaders
of a Union, who direct its move-
ments, know still less than the
masters what are the causes weigh-
ing on the prosperity of the trade ;
they can furnish no security for
the bargain being intelligently and
reasonably conducted. A trial of
strength, experiment by striking,
is the only method with which they
arc acquainted. No one can dis-
pute the excessive expensiveness of
such a mode of proceeding. It is
not too much to say that the labour-
ers lose more than they gain by its
adoption. Then, again, it is a
capital point in this great matter
that the machinery of Trade-Unions
puts vast power in the hands of
leaders, who are obviously exposed
to severe temptation to direct it to
other purposes than mere bargain-
ing. And we address this very
important remark, not to the gen-
eral public, but to the working men
themselves. If the funds of the
Union are raised and applied to any
other end than the enforcement of
legitimate wages by bargaining, it
is their money which is lost, it is
568
Trade- Unions.
[May
they who are the sufferers, it is
their wives and their children who
have to endure the misery. The
combativeness which refuses to sub-
mit to a diminution of reward
which is not seen to be inevitable
is very natural and very intelligible ;
but it is not the less on that account
a ruinous folly if it has no founda-
tion of reason. The leaders possess
the enjoyment of power; their gain
is clear and assured ; and they make
no corresponding stake which can
be forfeited on failure. It behoves
the labourers who may be victims,
and who certainly make the sac-
rifice, to consider whether they
may not test the fairness of the
wages offered to the workers by
some process that shall be at once
cheap and rational. The courts of
arbitration, which have been tried
with success in the Potteries, at
Nottingham and elsewhere, offer
the precise solution of the problem
which, is to be desired. They are
effective if honestly carried out, and
they cost nothing. Composed of
masters and workmen in equal num-
bers, they furnish an opportunity
for discussing on equal terms a pro-
blem of which neither party in
general possesses all the elements.
The noble manner in which Lanca-
shire bore the sufferings caused by
the cotton famine is a striking proof
of the grand spirit in which Eng-
land's workmen can bear ills which
their reason has taught them to be
unavoidable. Courts of arbitration
are peculiarly adapted to convince
the labourers of the real truth
of the situation ; and this common
knowledge of the facts by both
parties is the only solid and trust-
worthy guarantee for harmony and
peace. Irresponsible leaders of a
vast organisation, disposing of large
funds, and enjoying the pleasures
of authority and command, are very
different persons from representa-
tives chosen simply to confer. Rea-
sonable conduct may be expected
of the one, the ways of force
are natural to the other. But
for the successful working of such
courts, two conditions are indis-
pensable. The whole trade, mas-
ters and workmen alike, must be
thoroughly imbued with a fair and
equitable spirit; and, secondly, the
labourers must have imbued them-
selves with the great economical
truth, that it is not within the
compass of their power to fix an
arbitrary rate of wages — to procure
at pleasure, under the fluctuating
circumstances of English trade, " a
fair day's wages for a fair day's
work." When prices have given
way, or demand is slack, or raw
materials have become scarce and
more difficult to obtain, to insist
on a particular rate of wages as the
natural due of the workman, is
simply to eat up the capital and
fortunes of the master. No bar-
gaining can avert the inevitable re-
moval of his wealth from industry
by the capitalist, and the conse-
quent ruin of the workman. He
will not receive the wages that he
desires; for wealth will cease to be
produced, and there will be no
fund from which he can procure
them.
But, reply Trade-Unions, we do
not stand solely on the need which
the workmen have for help in bar-
gaining for wages with their mas-
ters ; we admit that the problem is
complex, and must be met by the
application of wider principles. We
take up economical ground, we
assert economical doctrine, and our
institutions carry out economical
principles by rules which aim at
the permanent improvement of the
condition of the working classes.
This language brings us to the
second division of our subject.
In our first we have laid before our
readers the general principles of the
relation which wages bear to capi-
tal ; we have stated the fundamen-
tal laws which govern this relation.
We have shown that there are forces
at work which require controlling,
natural powers which must be reg-
ulated by knowledge, intelligence,
and self-denial. In this great and
universal struggle, the methods by
1870.]
Earl's Dene.— Part VI I.
5C9
I
which the combat must be carried
or, are very diverse ; and it is of
the utmost importance that those
only should be employed which
will bear the scrutiny of sound and
severe science. The Tra.de- Unions
profess to stand upon economi-
cal science : they allege that they
aim at right ends, and that they
seek to accomplish them by pro-
cesses which good political econo-
my will ratify as legitimate and
efficient. They have adopted rules
for the regulation of the numbers
of apprentices, for the use of ma-
chinery, for the controlling indi-
vidual exertion, and the subordi-
nating it to a general law. They
thus interfere with the personal
liberty of the workman, and they
contend that the welfare of the
whole class is promoted by the in-
terference. We propose, on a fu-
ture occasion, to test the correct-
ness and policy of these doctrines
and proceedings by the standard
of political economy. None are
more deeply concerned to know
than the working classes them-
selves whether they are sustained
or condemned by the impartial
judgment of science.
EARLS DENE.— PART VII.
CHAPTER IV.
THERE was once upon a time
a certain philosopher who, by the
mere exercise of his will, could die
whenever he pleased ; could put
himself into a state of trance, dur-
ing which his soul, like all living
souls, retained its own individual-
ity, but wandered at large into in-
finite space and infinite time, where
there are no special conditions of
life and energy ; where there are
no parts or atoms, but all things
are merged in one vast whole. We
realise much the same kind of sen-
sation whenever we enter the great
city of all great cities.
In every other place we live.
Every other spot of earth has an
individuality of its own ; and when
we are in any other spot than this,
\\e also have ours, consciously felt
by ourselves and recognised by
those about us. Every other place
is a place of traffic, of pleasure, of
history, of study, of torpor, or of
some one of a hundred other things,
a.; the case may be ; and every in-
hibitant of it is more or less
in keeping with its characteristic
quality in an understood and ap-
preciated degree— in a word, can
feel himself, and feel and be felt
by others, so as to have a se-
parate existence from the mass.
But London has, of all places in
the world, the power of absorbing
existences, and of merging them in
its own. It is more a city of plea-
sure even than Paris ; more of
traffic than New York ; more of
history than Home ; more of study
than Oxford ; more of torpor than
Denethorp. And it is all this, and
the opposite to all this, and a great
deal else besides, at one and the
same time. No one can possibly
feel his own individual existence.
On entering the universal city he
is lost in the whole, like a rain-
drop in the sea ; like the soul of
Hermotimus in the soul of the uni-
verse itself.
Doubtless it is a glorious sensa-
tion, even though it may consider-
ably diminish our self-conceit, to
quit the small for the great ; to
exchange our own narrow bodies
for the vast body of humanity
itself. But it is not quite so glo-
rious a sensation when this vast
body, as multiform in its aspects as
Proteus himself, chooses to assume
to us its most evil guise ; when it
wears the aspect of infinite hunger
and of infinite cold. Then a man
would fain still farther imitate the
570
Earl's Dene.— Part VII.
[May
philosopher in question by recover-
ing once more his separate, his in-
dividual life, however narrow and
confined it might be, and however
miserable ; for it is better to feel,
if starve one must, that one at least
starves as a man, and not as a mere
atom of a vast starving machine.
It need scarcely be said that Felix
was not among those to whom a
return to his old life was possible.
He had chosen to follow his fate to
London ; and now he must drain
whatever cup he might find there,
whether of gold or of gall, and whe-
ther he chose or no.
Certainly luck had so far been
against him ; for his present posi-
tion could not be called altogether
the result of imprudence. Had
the theatre not been burned, he
with his few wants and solitary
manner of existence could have
lived on as well, in a pecuniary
sense, as he had lived in Paris,
and have dreamed of future fame
and thought of Angelique as well
here as there. As time went on,
too, his position would doubt-
less have improved, for he was
really a skilful and promising mu-
sician ; and if merit seldom " suc-
ceeds" by its own force, it seldom
altogether fails. But now he was,
by the destruction of the house at
which he was engaged, entirely
thrown out of work ; for engage-
ments are by no means so plentiful
as those who require them — at least
they were not so in those days,
whatever the case may be now.
Besides, he had of course long since
spent the small sum of money that
he had brought with him from
Paris. He had saved nothing ; he
had lost his violin ; and he had
made no friends who could be of
any assistance to him.
Of course there were many others
worse off than he. He was not
burdened with a wife and a dozen
children ; he was not in feeble
health ; he was not seventy years
old. Surely, he thought to himself
that night, as hundreds and thou-
sands of young, healthy, and un-
burdened men have thought before
him, there must be some way of
getting a living, even if in order to
do so he should have to desert his
profession for a while ; and before
he fell asleep, as he did, and sound-
ly, he had come to grieve for his
violin, not as for a good instru-
ment, but as for a dear friend ; for
its own sake, that is, far more than
for the daily bread which it repre-
sented. None but the artist can
tell how dear to the heart that
mysterious thing called a musical
instrument may be which use and
association have endowed with what
seems like sympathetic life ; with a
soul made up of all the fancies and
all the passions and all the thoughts
with which its strings have trem-
bled since it first was made to
speak. But there is consolation
in thinking that a not inglorious
death has saved what we love from
danger of desecration : whatever
might prove to be the fate of the
master, the soul which his hands
had made was safe among the stars.
And, now that he was put to it, and
with this thought for a consolation,
after all, he came to think also,
there are many worse hindrances
in the way of winning the world's
battle than that of having nothing
to lose. Must not the man inev-
itably conquer who has to choose
between victory and death ? With
Angelique true to him, what would
he not do 1 Love and the instinct
of self-preservation — the poetry and
the prose of life — came to his aid,
and filled him with the full courage
which is the last thing that a man
should lose. Nor did the morning
bring about a reaction.
But, alas ! courage, youth, health,
and independence are not talismans.
Even they, united, cannot without
external aid obtain employment at
a day's notice ; nor, very often, for a
great many days. And then Felix had
disadvantages. He could scarcely
speak English, and he had lost the
only instrument that he knew how
to handle. And so, after three or
four days of ineffectual search and
1370.]
Earl's Dene.— Part VI I.
57J
exertion, he began to feel his courage
ooze away with his physical strength.
Love and fame, indeed ! He was
fast reaching a condition in which
he would forfeit the highest throne
in the palace of art, and Angelique
to boot, for bread, and yet be nei-
ther the worse artist nor the worse
lover. " Omnia vincit amor," say
the poets; but they are wrong, as
those who have known what the
v/ord hunger really means know
well. Omnia vincit fames, they
should say ; only it would not be
pretty — and, besides, it would not
scan.
After all, to say this is not to
prove so guilty of treason to ro-
mance as might at first be thought.
In these days Love has ceased to
hold a monopoly of romantic mate-
rial. Poverty competes with it on
terms which, to say the least of it,
are fully equal ; even as the story
which the winter forest has to tell,
which brings no tears indeed, but
fills the heart with barren deso-
Iition, is to the full as effective
as the song of a spring flower.
Hunger, as the handmaid of po-
verty, has a romance of its own —
and a terrible one too.
There is a well-known natural
impulse that leads men to the
scenes of their great disasters as
well as to those of their great
(rimes. Thus it happened that,
; fter having spent the greater part
of the next day in aimlessly wan-
dering about the streets, Felix, to-
Avards evening, found himself once
more in front of the debris of the
theatre. Nor did.he find himself
there alone; for the impulse that
had brought him thither had
brought many of his companions
in misfortune to the same spot. He
con versed with several of them, and
more than once had occasion to re-
gret on their account — though not,
as yet, for a moment on his own —
that he had refused the charity that
had been offered to him last night.
The very few shillings that he had
still about him were very soon his
own no more; and he began to long
for the purse that he had scorned.
While talking with one of the most
unfortunate of the victims of the
fire, and thinking this very thought,
he felt a slap upon his shoulder ;
and on looking round suddenly
and rather angrily, saw the easily-
remembered form of Barton him-
self, as fresh from his hearth-rug
as a child from its cradle.
" Why, man alive ! " said the lat-
ter, " do you mean to say you've
been standing on this very spot
ever since yesterday ? "
Felix, wholly unversed in English
types, and remembering the inci-
dent of the purse, not unnaturally
took Barton for some eccentric mil-
lionaire. It is true that the man
was shabby in appearance ; but
then there is nothing incompatible
in general seediness with million-
airism — rather the other way. If
a man is particularly well dressed,
it is far more likely that he carries
his capital upon his back than when,
by carelessness about dress, he im-
plies that he has no need to culti-
vate personal appearance. So he
made him a polite answer, and, in
the course of a conversation that
followed, took occasion to explain
to him the case of his companion.
In a trice, Barton's hand was in his
pocket, which, it will be remem-
bered, contained just ten guineas
besides the contents of Mark War-
den's purse. In another second it
was as empty as when he left Shoe
Lane. The unfortunate scene-
shifter stared at the gift, as well he
might ; but, not having the same
scruples as Felix, did not for a
moment refuse it. He was about
to express his gratitude, when Bar-
ton interrupted him.
" Damn you !" he said, fiercely, "if
you say a word I'll pitch you among
the bricks. Come,'; he said to
Felix— "come and drink. That
infernal prig Warden made me mix
my liquors last night. A bad habit,
that ; it makes one so dry in the
morning. What shall it be 1 The
customary small beer1? Or what
do you favour on such occasions 1
572
Earl's Dene.— Part VII.
[May
I myself always take a hair of the
dog." So saying he took Felix by
the arm, and led him to a bar
close by, to which the tire had
brought a considerable increase of
custom.
Barton asked for brandy, and
made his companion have some
also, whether he would or no. Then
he had some more. Then he en-
tered into general conversation with
the other customers, and treated
them liberally, never forgetting
himself. At last he put his hand
into his pocket in order to pay.
" By the daughters of Danaus ! " he
said to Felix, " cleaned out again !
Just lend me half-a-crown, will you 1
Felix felt in his, also ; but he
knew beforehand that the search
would be vain, and so it proved.
" No good, is it 1 Never mind.
Just step outside ; and, when you
see me come out, do as I do. Tom
— another go."
The barman turned to execute
the order ; and scarcely had Felix
passed the door when Barton dashed
out at full speed, calling to him to
follow. He did so mechanically,
until his new friend, having dodged
round several corners, suddenly
stopped, and broke into a boister-
ous laugh.
" Give me your hand," he said ;
" we're brothers, though you are a
Frenchman. I always swear bro-
therhood with a man whose pockets
are empty. Bad policy, no doubt ;
but I never knew a good fellow
yet who hadn't empty pockets, or a
man with empty pockets who wasn't
a good fellow, in one way or another.
I think we gave them a good view
of our heels just now. Well, well
— it won't hurt them for once ; I've
paid them many a long score in my
time. But I say, old fellow, I am
positively cleaned out. My name's
Barton, — called Dick Barton by his
few friends, and something else
Barton, which I wont tell you, by
his many enemies — of whom some
say he is himself the worst. But
that's neither here nor there.
What's yours?"
" Felix Creville."
" All right. I like to know what
a man likes to be called. For the
rest, the fewer questions one asks
any man the better. Where shall
we go now 1 I feel prodigiously
inclined for a steak ; but my credit's
run dry just now. How are you
off for that useful commodity1?"
It was lucky for Felix that he
was quick at guessing, for Barton's
English Was not well suited to un-
practised foreign ears. " I know
no place/' he answered.
" I thought every fiddler got tick
as a matter of course — as drunk as
a fiddler, you know, all over the
world ; that's because a fiddler can
get his liquor for a tune, and can
drink all day long if he likes for
nothing. But, as you don't know
any place, we must use our wits,
that's all. One can't stand here for
ever. Talking of standing, a good
thought ! Let's take to the road."
"To the road?" asked Felix,
puzzled.
" Yes ; cry ' Stand and deliver!'
— gentlemen in distress, you know
— ha, ha, ha ! Claude Duval was
your countryman, wasn't he 1 Any
way, Turpin was mine — and a name-
sake too, by the way. Which shall
it be — Hounslow or the Scrubbs?
Any way we shall be safe, whichever
way we go. ' Cantabit vacuus cor am
latrone viator.' "
Certainly if Felix had at first
fancied that he had found a million-
aire, he was sufficiently undeceived.
But his heart also was apt to warm
to an empty pocket ; it certainly
warmed towards one who had
shown himself so free-handed when
his pocket had been full.
" I am myself without a sou —
without a penny," he said, " and
I do not know how to get one.
And I must leave my lodging ; my
landlady will need to be paid. But
I have yet a piece of bread in the
cupboard, and perhaps part of a
sausage "
"Well, you are a good fellow,
though you do call yourself a gen-
tleman ! I consent. I'll eat half
1870.]
EarVs Dene.— Part VII.
573
your bread and a quarter of your
sausage ; for needs must when the
devil drives. And then, why, we'll
go forth and conquer or die, like
brothers in arms. What else have
you got besides the bread and sau-
sage?"
" Nothing."
" I don't mean to eat, you know.
A watch, for instance ? "
" No."
" Nor I. Furniture 1 "
" No."
"Nor I. Books? No? Nor I,
b ir my old Horace — but that's to be
b iried with me. But, damn it, man,
you must have something. Every-
body has something. How many
shirts have you ? "
Felix stared considerably, and
coloured also — for his wardrobe was
by no means extensive. " How
many shirts 1 " he repeated.
** Yes, how many shirts — more
than one, I mean 1 Two ? "
" I have two."
" JBene ! One more than I have.
Good condition 1 "
" Nearly new."
" Then, Optime I My one is not
by any manner of means. What
else have you?"
" Some music "
" Not worth a straw."
« A hat ';
" Not worth two straws. Hats
i ever are. Well?"
« A valise "
" That'll do ! "
" And that's all."
" And your violin ? Ah, I for-
got. That fire last night was like
Mantua — nimium vicina Cremonce.
All right. One valise, one shirt —
that'll serve for to-day, with strict
management; and hang to-morrow !
Where do you live ? "
The question was a breach of the
etiquette that considerately treats
PS a sacred mystery the dwelling-
place of a man who has confessed
liimself to be without what is even
more necessary than a dwelling-
place. But Felix answered it.
" Come, then. Let us first con-
hurae the bread and sausage. What
luxury ! to keep two whole shirts
all at once. Lead on. I am
devilishly ready for that bread and
sausage. Well, well, such is life ;
grilled bones and port last night,
to-day a mouthful of sausage and
— porter. Positive yesterday, com-
parative to-day, perhaps to morrow
superlative — who knows ? Any
way, I suppose that at least the
comparative goes, as you say in
France, song dire ?"
" I am afraid it does not, though.
I have shown you the limit of my
hospitality."
" Then a mouthful of sausage
and thirst. For your noblest ele-
ment, as some philosophic ass
called it, I have a certain dislike
that I cannot overcome ; or rather,
I have such reverence for it that I
would put it to no such profane
use as that of drinking. I shall die,
sir, as my grandfather before me."
"And how was that?"
" Sir, my grandfather was an
honest north-country farmer, who
entertained that reverence for water
which I inherit. I may say, in
passing, that I inherit nothing else,
except the name of Barton. He
was a fine old fellow. I was not
born in Lilliput, as you see ; but
he would have beaten me by a head
and neck. One evening, after mar-
ket-day, he was thrown, or possibly
he fell without being thrown, from
his horse upon the road, face
downward. He was perfectly con-
scious, however, and found that
his face had fallen upon a rut, in
which lay two tablespoonfuls of
yesterday's rain — just enough, in
fact, and no more, to cover his lips
and his nostrils. Sir, in order to
breathe as freely as you or I, he had
only to suck up that water and
swallow it — it would not have been
more than half a mouthful. But
no. ' Not a drop of water have I
drunk these sixty years,' he says to
himself, * and I won't bring shame
on my grey hairs by beginning
now/ Sir, the consequence was
that he was literally drowned in
those two tablespoonfuls of water,
574
Earl's Dene.— Part VII.
[May
a martyr to principle. I hope I
shall not choke myself with your
sausage ; but if I do, may I not
prove unworthy of my descent from
my great ancestor. And so — but
here we are."
After having disposed of the con-
tents of the cupboard, Barton took
the valise and the shirt to the
nearest pawnbrokers. Presently he
returned, threw down a shilling or
two upon the table, and then, by
their side, set two bottles of brandy
that he had procured with the re-
mainder of the few shillings that he
had raised.
" And now," he said, " we'll make
a night of it ! "
CHAPTER V.
It was in company with this
strange specimen of a tribe of
Bohemia with which Parisian ex-
perience had not brought him in
contact, that Felix was introduced
to those extreme depths to which
allusion was made in the last chap-
ter. That men do somehow man-
age to exist in those depths without
actually drowning is certain; but
how they do it is a mystery even to
themselves. At one time they only
had one coat between them, so that
when one had occasion to go out,
the other had to stay at home. For
income, Felix managed to earn a
few shillings from time to time
by copying music, and Barton dis-
played great genius in the borrowing
of half-crowns; but then the latter
were generally absorbed by brandy
before they reached .the common
purse. At last even this unsatis-
factory method of supply came to
an end ; for the world will not
keep on lending half-crowns for
ever. The most intimate friend-
ship will not stand it ; and Barton
was not a man who made intimate
friends. And then the brandy be-
gan to run dry also ; and then Bar-
ton, having slept through three
miserable days, without eating or
speaking, woke up, and said —
" I say, old fellow, this will never
do. I've stayed with you because
I liked you, and because you offered
to share your last bite with me, and
because I thought I could help you
up again; and here have I been
knocking under to this damned
liquor, as usual. It won't do, and
shan't. You're a damned good
fellow, and I'm a beast — that's the
fact. So I've been thinking what
could be done. I thought I might
go back to Cambridge, and take
pupils — I don't suppose they've
forgotten my iambics there yet.
But then I know I should infallibly
come to grief there again, just as I
did before ; and, upon my soul ! I
don't think I could stand the place
now, any more than the place could
stand me then. So then I thought
of literature. I've done a little in
that line already; and I know I
could do well enough if I could
only stick to work. So let me have
the coat this morning, old fellow.
Til go and call upon a man I know
at the ' Trumpet,' and one or two
places. I must get hold of a nip of
brandy somehow, just to screw me
up to my day's work, or else I
shouldn't be able to say a word to
any one; but, bar that, I swear I
won't touch a drop for another three
days — unless it's absolutely, neces-
sary, as it is now."
In this way did he talk when he
was sober. But as soon as he did
get some work from the 'Trumpet,'
and had been paid for it, not an-
other stroke of work would he do
till the coin was spent, and he had
slept himself sober again.
But editors and publishers, used
as they were to this kind of thing
in the good old Grub Street days,
still could not be expected to stand
it any more than other employers of
labour when it prevented the labour
being done. Barton's work was
admirable, and even excellent ; but
he soon began to find that less and
1870.]
EarVs Dene— Part VII.
575
less was required of him, until at
la^t he found himself once more on
his last legs, and once more with
nothing to drink.
Felix meanwhile toiled like a
slave, and sought for toil like a free
mm. But though the want of
energy and self-command, which in
Burton amounted almost to a dis-
ease for which he could not be held
responsible, are doomed to fail, it
does not follow that sobriety and
industry, and willingness both to
find work and to do it, are doomed
to succeed. Felix was overwhelmed
by the destiny that had mated him
with such a companion. Why, then,
in the name of that destiny, did he
not free himself from the burden of
one who had no claim upon him,
any more than he upon Barton 1
They were a strange pair to find
themselves in this situation to-
gether. It is true that both were
Bohemians — but this was the only
similarity; and Bohemianism is not
a quality that makes all who pro-
fess it necessarily brothers. And
yet these two, diametrically oppo-
site as were their characters and
circumstances, in all respects save
one, had now been living together
for weeks as though they had been
far more than brothers — that is to
s ly, as though they had been friends.
At first, no doubt, Felix had been
to a certain extent passive in the
matter, and had rather submitted
to than sought the companionship
of a man whom he could not in the
least understand. It was not likely
that the French musician, who
knew nothing of the world save its
artistic side, and that in an un-
English fashion, could comprehend,
fir less appreciate, one to whom
the artistic side of the world was
wholly non-existent ; who classed
all musicians under the generic
title, which he always used con-
temptuously, of "Fiddlers;" whose
whole soul seemed to be absorbed
in Greek, of which his companion
Itad no knowledge — and in getting
brutally drunk, with which he had
no sympathy. Still he not only
endured this comradeship, but could
not help feeling a sort of real affec-
tion for the comrade in his difficul-
ties whom chance had given him.
Besides, every man has his follies;
and Felix, most assuredly, had great
ones. For instance, he knew per-
fectly well that, had Dick Barton
actually been the millionaire for
whom he had at first taken him, as
many of the million pounds as he
pleased would have been his own ;
and that the same would have been
the case had it been a question of
sharing, not a million pounds, but
two farthings. So he committed
the folly of taking the will for the
deed. Again, it was part of his
Bohemian gospel that a man is
quite justified in turning his back
upon a prosperous friend, but that
to desert even a chance comrade
when he is down in the world is as
base a thing as a man can well do.
So he committed the wild folly of
standing by Dick Barton, as he felt
sure that Dick Barton stood by him
in point of goodwill. And so it
was that he had, in effect, to strive
his best to make work, which was
insufficient to support one, support
two — if, indeed, Barton can be held
to count for no more than one. As
for Barton's motives, who can or
need ascribe motives good or bad
to such a man 1 And, after all, far
stranger relations between men
spring up than this — not, perhaps,
in respectable society, where they
associate according to form and
rule, but certainly in that vague
and ill-defined outside world in
which they go against form and rule
by preference.
But still, bravely as Felix toiled,
and bravely as Barton talked of
toiling, it was not long before the
two friends fell into so deplorable
a condition, that a day or two at
most must inevitably see them
numbered among the lodgers of the
hotel a la belle etoile.
" I say, old fellow, this will never
do," said Barton once more, as he
instinctively reached out his hand
to where the bottle of brandy ought
570
Earl's Dene.— Part VII.
[May
— or rather ought not — to have
been.
Felix looked up from his copying.
Assuredly no one could have recog-
nized in the worn face, with its pale
colour, sunken cheeks, and dim
eyes, the development either of the
peasant of the Jura or of the
Parisian art-student. His coming
to London had proved a wild-
goose chase indeed, and something
worse.
" The London press is in the
hands of idiots," Barton went on.
" I could conduct it all single-
handed ten times as well as it is
conducted now; and they know it.
And yet they won't throw me
enough work to keep body and soul
together. The fact is, I'm too good
for them. I should rout out their
damned cliques, and frighten the
fools out of whatever they have in
the place of their wits. The fact is,
a man should never be quite so clever
as his employers, and Fin a long
stretch cleverer than mine. Upon
my soul, I think I shall enlist; and
if I get run through or knocked on
the head by one of your damned
Frenchmen — why, so much the
better for Dick Barton. ' Here lies
Dick Barton, who never did any-
thing because he did everything
too well — Nepiai) oude isasin hoso
pleon hemisu pantos;' that'll do for
an epitaph. By the way, I've got
to go to the theatre to-night."
" The theatre T
"Yes— for the Trumpet. 'To
such base uses may we come at
last !' I, who have criticised Sopho-
cles, am now to criticise Jones 1"
" What is the play ?"
" Hell knows. Something musi-
cal—that's all I know. But I've
got the bill somewhere."
" Musical — and they send you V
11 That's the very reason, I sup-
pose. If it had been a new edition
of Sophocles they'd have sent it to
you. But, after all, what does it
matter 1 A tune's a tune, and a
song's a song, I suppose/'
" Not quite, I should say."
" Well, I confess I never saw any
difference between one tune and
another. But it can only be asses
that read musical criticisms ; and
it's easy enough to tickle their long
ears somehow, so that they mayn't
find out one's ignorance. Tiiat's
my whole theory of the matter."
" And a very detestable one too."
" Not at all. Cast not your pearls
before swine, as somebody or other
says somewhere. But it's time I
was off. Where's the coat ? — oh,
blast it!"
No wonder that he began to
swear, for the coat, which had once
been the undivided property of
Felix, required the most tender and
delicate handling to adapt itself to
the big frame of Barton ; and now,
with a sudden cry, as it were, it
split from tail to collar, and became
an undivided coat, in any sense, no
more.
Barton first looked ruefully at
the result of his attempt, and then
burst into a loud laugh. The mis-
fortune was serious, but was not,
at the same time, without its comic
element.
"There!" he went on; "what
in the devil's name is to be done
now 1 One can't get mine out of
pawn to-night, that's certain — nor
to-morrow, unless I write this re-
view. I know — give me one of
those pens, and a scrap of your
paper. The music-paper will do —
it'll look all the better. I'll give
you another lesson in the art of
criticism."
He placed the play-bill before
him and began to write with his
usual rapidity.
" There," he said at the end of
about half an hour, during which
Felix had been wearily proceeding
with his copying — " There, I think
that'll do for the swine. Just see
that I haven't made any technical
blunders, or called anything by a
wrong name."
So Felix read, "' Theatre.
Last night this house re-opened
under the able and enterprising
management of Mr Green ' "
"A manager is always able and
1870.]
Earl's Dene.— Part VI T.
577
enterprising," interrupted Barton,
"just as a critic is always able and
impartial. That's only common
form business. Go on."
" ' For performances in which the
highest class of music is to hold a
distinguished place/ "
" That's a quotation from the bill.
Go on."
" ' With this view we are glad to
find that he has engaged the ser-
vices of that eminent Parisian com-
poser, Monsieur Louis Prosper' —
Grand Lieu ! Prosper ! Est-il pos-
sible?" And Felix leaped sud-
denly from his seat.
"Why, what's wrong1?" asked
Barton. "It's all out of the bill,
so far."
" Wrong *{ On the contrary it
is all right ! Here — give me the
coat — fasten it together anyhow
— I go to the theatre instead of
you."
" What — and write the review ?"
" Bah ! Never mind the review ;
that'll keep now. You may be an
' able and impartial critic ; ' but you
touch not that which regards Louis
Prosper."
" What — is he a friend of yours 1
Is he good for half-a-crown ?"
" For something better, I hope,
than your half-a-crown !"
And so, from his bare and miser-
able garret, without a shirt to his
back, which was covered only by
the rags of what had once been a
coat, but which now consisted of
little more than rents and pins, the
Marquis de Croisville went forth
to apply for aid to the Jew fiddler,
who was at that moment ruling his
orchestra with a jewelled hand.
CHAPTER VI.
Neither, therefore, of the lovers
of Mademoiselle Angelique Lefort
was just now in a flourishing con-
dition, inasmuch as one was within
an ace of starvation, and the other
had a bullet in his body, at about
as inconvenient a season as can
well be imagined.
Mr Prescot, Lieutenant Moun-
tain, Captain Seward, and the sur-
geon himself, who had acquired
considerable experience of gun-
si lot wounds, not only in the Pen-
insula and the Low Countries, but
in such more accessible and scarcely
less instructive places as Chalk
Farm and Wormwood Scrubbs,
were unanimous in thinking that
IFugh Lester would never open his
eyes again.
Those were not the days when
mere bare human life, even if
bought at the price of honour, was
considered among those who did
regard honour as being of any very
great value in itself; and had such
an opinion yet acquired its full
force, none of these four, who had
seen death in many forms, would
have necessarily been much, if at
all, affected by the sight of one
dead body the more. Not one of
them would have refused to risk his
own life in a similar encounter a
hundred times if necessary. Prescot
had killed his man at least once be-
fore ; and the other three had seen
death wholesale, in the hospital and
in the field. Not one was in the
least likely to be troubled with
morbid misgivings about the ter-
mination of any meeting between
gentlemen, however lamentable it
might be. But, nevertheless, not
one felt very much at ease with
himself just now. It was not
good to see this young man, who
but a minute ago had been full of
health and high spirit, with a long
and prosperous arid, to all appear-
ance, happy life before him, sud-
denly sent out of the world for
having been guilty of an excess of
chivalry. Kemorse is of course too
strong a word; but certainly Mr
Prescot did feel that his satisfaction
had been unsatisfactory. He would
not indeed have retired from the
contest even in order to recall his
opponent to life, for to give up a
578
Earl's Dene.— Part VII.
[May
contest was not in his nature ; but
lie would willingly have paid a
great many thousand pounds, and,
as men go, it is something to be
•willing to do even so much ; and,
if one has the great many thousand
pounds to give, the will to give
them is a great deal more than
something.
In fact, he did what he could by
accompanying the unconscious form
of his late opponent to the public-
house which was not far off, and
where it was laid upon a bed until
it should be removed to Earl's
Dene. Then he went away with
Lieutenant Mountain ; for, though
he had no serious consequences to
apprehend for himself, it was still
necessary that he should at least
leave the immediate neighbourhood
for the present.
It was of course upon Captain
Seward that devolved the most
difficult duty of all— that of telling
Miss Clare that she was now child-
less indeed. He would rather have
been the principal in any number
of duels; but it had to be done;
and besides, he had in his keep-
ing those last five letters of his
own principal, of which one was
for her. So he drove himself,
not too quickly, back to Earl's
Dene, and asked to see Miss Clare
privately.
In all the world there is no more
formidable task than to have to tell
a woman of the unexpected death
of one whom she loves. At all
events Captain Seward thought so
now; for he had never seen Miss
Clare before, and did not know how
she took things — that is to say,
whether she would faint or scream,
or merely burst into tears.
" Miss Clare," he said, with as
much sympathy as he could manage,
" I am Captain Seward of the — th
— at Eedchester, you know. Could
you prepare yourself for news —
you know — most painful — in fact
— if you could — it would be better."
She bowed, as a sign that she
was ready to hear it, whatever it
might prove to be.
The gallant Captain began to
stammer again. At last,
" Damn it, madam," he burst
out ; " my friend, Hugh Lester
— there has been a meeting —
and—"
Miss Clare neither fainted nor
screamed nor burst into tears.
"You mean a duel1?" she only
asked, though in a fever of fear.
" It couldn't be helped, indeed,
I assure you. I did my best — as
his friend you know — but "
Miss Clare suddenly stepped for-
ward, and grasped the mantel-
piece, partly to support herself —
partly because her hands needed to
clutch something.
" And he is dead ! " she said.
Seward remained silent, and only
hung down his head. Thus he did
not see that violent grasp of the
hand, nor the trembling of the
lines of the mouth, which belied
the hard coldness of the words
which he heard.
" I need not ask if he was in the
right, or how he behaved," she con-
tinued in the same strange tone,
after a pause.
" Admirably."
" Then "
She said no more, but only showed
by a slight gesture that she wished
to be alone.
" What a monster of a woman ! "
thought Captain Seward to himself
as, having silently laid the letter
upon the table before her, he left
the room and the house. But he
was wrong, as he would have owned
could he have read her heart. It is
the calm and stern woman who is
to be pitied when a sudden blow
falls upon her far more than her
who is able to find relief in hys-
terics. Unfortunately, however,
this is not the order in which
compassion is bestowed ; and men
forget that the fullest heart is al-
ways the last to overflow.
" Am I never to expiate my sin 1 "
she thought bitterly. " Am I ever
to prove a curse to those whom I
love most 1 — and Hugh "
Then she did break down ; and
1870.]
Earl's Dene.— Part V1L
579
Captain Seward would have called
her monster no more. But she was
one who would have died rather
than shed a tear in the sight of a
stranger. Reserve with her was
both a habit and an instinct, even
in grief ; which is often the case
with those whose pride is genuine,
and not mere affectation. It is ter-
ribly pathetic, this proud modesty
of soul, which is ashamed even in
th'3 sight of sympathy.
Of course the ill news had reached
Earl's Dene of itself as soon as, if
not before, it had been brought
officially by Captain Seward. The
external coldness of Madam Clare
was certainly not imitated either
by her guest or by her household.
On the contrary, the one, without
giving herself time to think or to
realise, rushed to the side of her
hostess, and the others into the
wildest confusion. The kitchen
amply made up, in the matter of
hysterics, for what was wanting in
the drawing-room. But Miss Ray-
mond's impulse to console her
friond was baulked. Madam Clare
was invisible even to her. She
was reading the letter that Hugh
had addressed to her before he
fell.
1 1 was a dreadful revelation to
her, from which not even her infin-
ite sorrow could take away the bit-
terness of disappointment ; and
when she learned, as the reader
will have guessed, that her nephew
was still living, her infinite joy was
unable to make her forget what
she had felt in her sorrow.
And so it was for this that she
had toiled and taken much thought,
and done her duty in her station,
and made friends and foes, and
fought hard, and spent the wealth
of her affection, which was none
the less plentiful, because the trea-
suro-house was old — for this, that
the glory of Earl's Dene should
pass into the hands of a girl little
above the rank of a servant, who
intended to go upon the stage, and
who was a Frenchwoman and a Pap-
ist to boot ! She was quite as preju-
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLV.
diced now as she had been in her
rather wild youth : it was only the
direction of her prejudices that was
changed. And then, too, she was
unconsciously put out by finding
that the penetration of which she
was so proud bad been at fault all
along ; that she had been suspect-
ing Marie, while the true enemy
had been Angelique. But worst
of all was the feeling that Hugh
himself had deceived her in the
matter.
It was not that, like some mothers,
she foolishly and vainly grieved at
finding out that she held only the
second place in her son's affection.
She was much too wise and sensible
for that. On the contrary, she
wished to see him married before
she died, and she wished him to
choose one whom he could love.
But then she was much too fond of
managing everything and every-
body, not to wish to manage that
most important matter with her
own hands. If Hugh had only
seen fit to fall in love with the
heiress of New Court, she would
have been more than satisfied ; and
this for several reasons, one of
which was altogether new.
An election in those days was
not a cheap amusement. No one
except Mr White and Madam Clare
had the least idea of what had to
be spent upon the contest for Dene-
thorp. Of course it had been the
policy of the Yellows to make it a
battle of purses, seeing that that of
their champion was on the whole
the best supplied; and Miss Clare's,
though long, was not inexhaustible.
Her unencumbered estate had for
the first time to learn what is meant
by a mortgage ; and the thought
vexed Miss Clare's soul, who had
set her heart upon leaving it to her
heir in as free a condition as she
had herself received it. Now New
Court "marched" with Earl's Dene.
Even had the owner of the former
not personally been an eligible
match, the two properties seemed
made to be married ; and how
could the pecuniary wounds re-
2R
580
Earl's Dene.— Part VII.
[May
ceived during the contest be more
satisfactorily cured ?
So much for the state of Miss
Clare's mind daring the weary
time that passed while Hugh lay
in the delirium of the fever caused
by his wound, and utterly incapable
of taking the least interest in what
was going on among either his
friends or his foes. Of course
Miss Raymond quitted Earl's Dene
as soon as possible, and carried off
her companion with her, who left
Denethorp willingly. Nothing
more could be done there now ;
and, should Hugh finally re-
cover, the letter that had been de-
livered to her by Captain Seward
would prove by no means a bad
card in the game that she was
playing with Fortune and Miss
Clare.
Meanwhile, in spite of Hugh's
condition, his friends by no means
slackened their exertions in his
behalf. On the contrary, they
worked all the harder for their
wounded chief, out of whose bullet
they coined plenty of telling points.
Of course, Warden now came to
the front more than ever, if pos-
sible; and at last, when the day
came, to the surprise of none but to
the frantic disappointment of many,
the poll closed with an undoubted
majority in favour of Mr Lester.
Thanks mainly to the doctor's son,
Earl's Dene had held its own.
But still it was a tame and un-
exciting end to that long and ex-
citing canvass. Neither candidate
was present tomake his final speech :
to chair the conqueror in his pre-
sent state was of course out of the
question : and the beauty, fashion,
and royalty of Earl's Dene put in
no appearance. Mark Warden from
the balcony of the King's Head
had to receive on the part of his
friend both the cheers of the Blues
and the rotten eggs of the Yel-
lows.
Now, it will doubtless be remem-
bered that the partisans of the
latter colour formed the strongest
mob, and that they included the
mill-hands almost to a man. Under
a system of universal suffrage
Prescot would have been returned
triumphantly. It may, therefore,
be readily imagined that, although
Mark Warden represented the vic-
tor, the rotten eggs were far more
plentiful than the cheers, seeing
that the losing was the popular
side. Had Hugh Lester been able
to show himself, and had Alice
Raymond been there to fill the
market-place with the glory of her
smile and of her blue ribbons, and
had Madam Clare had the good
sense not to accompany her, the
Yellows would, in all probability,
have taken their beating pretty
well ; for they liked Hugh person-
ally, and the smile of a pretty girl
has its influence even with a mob.
But as things stood, smarting as
they were under the sting of de-
feat, deprived of any ordinary way
of letting off their rage, and with
no spectacle of triumph to amuse
them, the beer with which they
were filled to repletion turned sour,
and things began to look ill for the
peace of the town.
But an English mob is slow to
ferment. So long as Mark Warden
was endeavouring from the balcony
to thank the electors of Denethorp
in the name of his friend Mr Lester
for having stood so well by Church
and State, and to congratulate the
town generally upon its new repre-
sentative, his hearers contented
themselves with drowning his voice
in a torrent of groans for himself,
for Lester, and, above all, for Ma-
dam Clare, and of cheers for Pres-
cot, and by assiduously pelting him
with eggs, potatoes, and the other
missiles in use on such occasions,
till he was obliged to make a final
bow and retire. But, when this
little piece of vengeance was over
and there was nothing external to
itself to engage its attention, the
crowd was thrown upon its own re-
sources.
It is rather a strong remark to
make about anything, seeing how
many hideous things there are in
1370.]
Earl's Dene.— Part VII.
581
the world • but still, on the whole,
it may fairly be said that the most
hideous of all is an angry mob. It
is literally a thing, or rather a
monster ; for it ceases to be made
up of men with distinct personali-
ties of their own. Even in the
dullest and quietest of places an
angry mob at once takes the guise
of its fellows in the great cities of
the world. All are alike — alike in
stupidity, in madness and in brut-
ality ; and while an English mob
is certainly not worse than those of
other countries, it is certainly not
batter — except in the matter of
girlie. Now the Mayor of Dene-
tliorp happened to be a man of
sense, and, not liking the look of
things — for he had heard that the
malcontents of Denethorp had been
reinforced by some roughs from
Eedchester and by some more
dangerous roughs from B it-
self who had scented carrion from
afar, with the strange instinct of
their kind — he sent an express to
the Redchester barracks to ask for
the loan of a troop of dragoons for
the night, and then went home to
entertain some of the leading con-
servatives at a dinner of triumph
and congratulation. Mark War-
don did not remain to enjoy his
hospitality, however, but hurried
olF at once to Earl's Dene. By de-
grees all the respectable inhabitants
of the place had left the streets ;
and the worse portion of the crowd
was left to itself.
After a few drunken fights had
taken place, a few black eyes been
given, and a few of those who dared
to wear the colours of victory knock-
ed down and well kicked and tram-
pled upon, the signal for mischief
was given by a very small boy, who,
for mere fun, threw a stone through
one of the windows in the front of
tli e King's Head. In another min-
ute the inn had not a window left un-
broken. After this glorious achieve-
ment the mob, with a cheer of
triumph, marched into the High
Street, and performed the same
Operation upon the shops and
houses at first of those who were
known to be Tories, and afterwards
indiscriminately. At the end of
the High Street it turned to the
left, and soon afterwards, finding
itself in front of Mr Warden's
house, repeated the performance
upon its windows also, including
that which Lorry had at last re-
membered to have mended only
the very day before. The brass
plate was of course torn off, and
far greater damage would, in all
probability, have been done, had
not so*tne one in the crowd sudden-
ly cried out,
" To Market Street ! Let's knock
up Lester's French drab ! "
It was a suggestion exactly cal-
culated to charm a mob already
heated with easy triumphs. To
attack a young girl and a weak old
man is exactly the sport in which
such a Hydra revels, when its
blood is well up. With an evil
shout and a final discharge at the
house of the surgeon, who was
dining with the mayor while poor
Lorry was trembling in the coal-
hole, the crowd turned, and almost
ran to Market Street.
"Twenty- three ! " called out a
dozen of its voices, and it stopped.
But the hospitality of the mayor
had by this time been broken
into by the news of what was
going on in the town. He was by
no means a man of commanding
presence, nor did he possess too
much courage ; but no one could
say of him afterwards, as has some-
times been said of mayors on
similar occasions, that he did not
at all events try to do his duty like
a man. He had already sent a
second express to Redchester, to
hurry the dragoons ; and now, at-
tended by many of his guests, he
gained the window of a house op-
posite to No. 23 by entering
through the back-door, and attempt-
ed to make himself heard.
But it was not likely that he
should succeed in doing what Mark
Warden had failed to do. His
second word was drowned by a
582
Earl's Dene.— Part VII.
[May
yell, and by a crash of stones upon
tbe house of the bootmaker who
was so unfortunate as to have the
Leforts for lodgers. The situation
was so dangerous that the mayor
retired from his exposed position,
and small blame to him.
But Monsieur Lefort came for-
ward to his own window. Mrs Price
had been far more formidable to this
French gentleman than all the can-
aille of the town could possibly be.
He turned very pale, indeed ; but it
was because of the insulting shouts
that reached Marie's ears as well as
his own. Having sent his daugh-
ter, who, brave as she was, was cer-
tainly not too brave to tremble,
with the two children into a back
room, he went straight to the win-
dow and displayed to the crowd
below the barrel of some ancient
weapon of the blunderbuss order.
As an answer to this piece of
bravado went up a roar, half of
anger, half of laughter; and then
a stone went up also, sufficiently
well aimed to hit the old French-
man on the shoulder.
The sting of the stone roused
up the spirit of combat in him
who felt it. Hitherto he had been
a gentleman defying canaille, and
a father defending his children ;
but now he was a Frenchman who
had received a blow. He retired
at once from the window, but it
was only to fill his weapon with
powder and ball.
" Let's rout out the lot of 'em ! "
cried some one.
The mob answered with a con-
fused burlesque of the shouts of
the hunting field, and a charge was
made at the street-door of the
house, which, barred and bolted as
it was, could not resist the rush
for long. In a minute or two it
gave way, and the two or three
men who were immediately press-
ing against it were sent flying into
the entrance passage, and, in a
second, trampled under the feet of
their followers. The shop was
soon in the wildest disorder, and a
few of the invaders, eager for mis-
chief, were beginning to mount
the stairs. Marie was on her knees,
praying to saints and angels with
all her strength ; the bootmaker and
his wife had followed the example
of Lorry.
Suddenly the sound of a shot
was heard, and then a cry from the
street.
Marie sprang from her knees in
wild alarm ; and the mob was
hushed for an instant into silence.
But only for an instant ; for in
another there went up to the skies
such a roar as Denethorp had never
heard. Stones flew like hail and
at random, many recoiling upon
the heads of those who threw
them. Meanwhile not a few of the
rioters, discontented with this bar-
ren mode of attack, rushed into the
house itself, and were, little by
little, and step by step, forcing
those who had already entered it
up the stairs. It seemed only a
question of time whether the se-
cond story itself should be reached ;
whether Marie's own room should
be invaded by this horrible tide.
It was a terrible moment. But,
thank heaven, " when bale is hext,
boot is next" — so it is always.
The longing ears of the Mayor
were at last gladdened by the sound
of the galloping of hoofs upon the
hard pavement, and by the ring of
steel. In another instant, the end
of the street that opened upon the
market-place was filled with a wel-
come vision of shining helmets and
scarlet coats and drawn swords.
" Halt ! "
The sharp word of command
rang through the street, and the
coward heart of the Hydra shrank
and shrivelled. Captain Seward,
who was in command of the troop,
leaving his men where they were,
rode forward alone through the
crowd, as coolly and carelessly as if
it had consisted of so much brush-
wood, towards the house where the
Mayor was beckoning to him from
the window ; and not a man op-
posed his passage. It is nonsense
to say that an English mob has any
1870.]
EarVs Dene.— Part VII.
583
peculiar respect for the law. But
it has a peculiar fear of the law
when reminded of its strength by
the sight of a sword or a truncheon ;
and this goes far to supply the want
of respect. Before the officer had
reached the door the street was
empty.
All was well, then, after all, ex-
cept for the breaking of glass — and,
as his son-in-law was a glazier —
well, it's an ill wind that blows
nobody good !
So thought the Mayor, as he
shook hands with Captain Seward.
But so did not think Marie.
Poor Monsieur Lefort, too proud
to leave the window, had been
struck on the temple during that
last wild storm of stones ; and,
when she emerged from her own
room, she found him dead.
CHAPTER VII.
Hugh's wound had left him in a
very feeble state of convalescence,
so that he was now just in that
condition which a woman, however
much of manliness she may have
in her character, is likely to fix
upon as giving her a good oppor-
tunity for bringing a man to task,
and in which a man is no match
for the weakest of women. For it
is impossible to rebel against an
affectionate nurse, even were it not
a trouble; and, when a Madam
Clare is the nurse, and a Hugh
Lester the patient, the impossibi-
lity is more impossible still.
" Hugh," she said to him two or
three days after he had left his
bed, " you must have been expect-
ing me to talk to you."
He summoned up all the energy
that Mr Prescot and two doctors
luid left him among them, for he
knew what was coming.
"I hope," she went on, "that
your illness has given you an op-
portunity of considering 1 "
He waited for her to continue.
"At least, if you have not con-
sidered, I hope you will now."
" I have considered it," he
said.
" I am glad of that. And now
wo shall understand each other
ODce more."
u Aunt," he answered, " I am
afraid you do not understand."
" But you had considered the
matter, did you not say1?"
" I have," he said gravely — he
had become very much graver of
late, independently of his illness —
" and — I am not changed."
"What? Is it— can it be still
possible "
" Am I not engaged to her ? "
" Engaged ! You must be in-
fatuated."
" But what objection "
" What objection ? I wonder
you can ask such a question."
" She is a lady."
" No, Hugh — she is not a lady ;
and, if she were, that has nothing
to do with it. I cannot argue such
an absurd question."
" My dear aunt "
" No. I do not call her a lady
who has acted as she has done."
" And how has she acted ? What
has she done ? "
"Hugh, your folly goes beyond
all bound."
" I will not argue with you, aunt.
You do not know her."
" Nor do you, it seems."
" But even if I did not trust her,
as I do, and even if I did not — love
her, she has my word. And now,
too, that she has no friend but me
— now that she has lost her only
protector, and lost him on my ac-
count "
" Is the successful candidate
bound to marry every girl who
loses her protector in an election
riot? Surely you are talking the
wildest folly. You cannot love
her — it is impossible. It is a boy's
fancy, of which you ought to be
ashamed."
" It is no boy's fancy, aunt. And
584
Earl's Dene.— Part VII.
[May
it is a question of honour, too. I
could not give her up, even if I
would."
" Oh, Hugh — remember that we
are mother and son. If you did
but know ;'
She took his hand in hers, with
a greater show of affection than he
had ever witnessed in her. Tender-
ness is a better weapon of attack
than pride ; and he was moved.
" My dear aunt — my dearest
mother — I do know — I do remem-
ber. But I know also that I am
doing what is right, and that you
will acknowledge that I am doing
what is right in the end. You
cannot ask me to give up, to break
my word to her I love when she is
most helpless. In this I cannot obey
you, nor could you wish me to. In
everything else "
" Yes," she said, excitedly, " in
everything but in what concerns the
most important step in your whole
life — in everything but just where I
require your obedience most ! That
is not trust — that is not obedience.
Hugh, if you persist in this folly of
yours, we cannot be as we have
always been ; and I shall care about
nothing any more. If you have a
right to choose who shall be your
wife, I have a right to choose who
shall be my daughter. Decide be-
tween her and me. I will speak no
more about it now ; and I pray that
you may see things in a better
light."
And so the conversation ended
for the present, leaving Miss Clare
angry and her nephew exhausted.
Neither recurred to the subject for
some days ; on the contrary, both
studiously avoided it. But the
truce was hollow, and both alike
felt that the great struggle was to
come. Miss Clare was perfectly
sincere in saying that she would be
infinitely distressed by a breach be-
tween herself and her nephew : she
would have been right had she said
that it would have rendered her
heart-broken. It would be far
better for her that he had died than
that they should become estranged.
But to give way was a thing of
which she was incapable. She had
never given way to anybody in her
life ; and it was much too late to be-
gin now, whatever distress her ob-
stinacy might cause herself or any
one else. Besides, she thought with
equal sincerity that it was her
bounden duty not to let Hugh and
Earl's Dene go to the destruction
that she was sure must needs spring
from so gross a mesalliance.
" Hugh," she accordingly said to
him a day or two before he was to
leave for London, " I suppose you
will be seeing Alice Raymond again
before very long 1 "
" Oh, I shall call there at once,
of course. Have you any message
for her?"
" I will give you a letter for her.
What a dear girl she is ! I got
quite to look upon her as my other
child."
Hugh let this pass, and said no-
thing.
" She will make an admirable
wife — and she is so unspoiled and
unaffected. So different from most
other girls."
Hugh began to hum a tune
mildly.
" Do you not think so, Hugh 1 "
" I think she is a charming girl
indeed, aunt."
"It is not every day that one
finds a pretty girl so natural and so
amiable — so good. How delight-
ful it would be if you took it into
your head to ask her to be my
daughter indeed. But perhaps you
have taken it into your head al-
ready 1 If so "
She spoke almost appealingly,
and with a forced smile. Hugh
felt the weight of her suggestion,
in spite of its having been made so
wholly without tact; for, as has
been said, he felt to the full the
influence of all family and social
traditions, and it had always been
the part of Earl's Dene, like "Felix
Austria" to increase itself by mar-
riage. But he was now under the
influence of something much strong-
er than family and social tradition.
1670.]
EarVs Dene.— Part VII.
585'
I
" But the lady herself might have
something to say to that arrange-
ment," he answered, as lightly as
he; could.
Miss Clare's face brightened a
little, with a faint ray of hope.
" Nothing unpleasant," she re-
plied. "I do not fancy that you,
at least, would find the lady of New
Court very cruel."
He saw that his manner had
somehow given her a wrong im-
pression, which it was his duty to
correct at once, especially as it was
evident that her suggestion had
been made seriously and in full
earnest.
" Aunt," he said, gravely, " you
know that such a thing is quite
impossible."
" Indeed I do not know it. Why
should it be impossible ? You are
both nearly of an age, both of near-
ly equal position — the advantage
being yours in both cases — you
both have the same tastes, you like
each other — why in the world
should it be impossible ? "
Hugh was silent ; but his silence
expressed his thought only too well.
"You do not mean, of course,"
she went on, in a low and con-
strained voice, " that you are still
indulging in any folly about — about
her servant1?"
'•About Miss Lefort, you mean?
I do not consider it folly."
Miss Clare was silent in her turn.
The inevitable battle was about to
begin.
"What you say is impossible,"
he continued. " I cannot ask Miss
E lymond to be my wife. I am not
free ; and I would not be free even
if I could."
" And " — this scornfully — " can
you possibly imagine that I should
open my arms and receive Miss
Li fort as a daughter ] "
"I had hoped so — I hope still
that you will."
" You have lost your senses. I
will not see you acting so madly
without doing what I can to pre-
vent it. Earl's Dene shall never
come to this girl."
Hugh understood this threat —
for it was nothing less than a threat
to himself — perfectly well. But he
was nothing if not chivalrous. He
certainly could not give up Ange-
lique now; and even Miss Clare
felt that by her last speech she had
managed to put herself in the
wrong.
"Aunt, I am indeed sorry that
you are so prejudiced against An-
gelique — against Miss Lefort. But
when a man's whole happiness is
concerned "
" That is nonsense. A man's
whole happiness does not depend
upon such things, although a boy
may think so."
" Mine does, however."
" I did not think you were such
a slave to your fancies."
" This is not a fancy."
" You are determined, then 1 "
" Quite."
" Then listen, Hugh." The tears
forced themselves into her eyes.
" I am not angry with you. Of
course I know perfectly well that I
have no real right to prevent your
marrying a beggar out of the street,
or worse ; but I have a right to ob-
ject to know your wife, and to do
with Earl's Dene what I please.
As long as nothing happens I shall
be the same to you as I have al-
ways been ; but if I hear of your
committing this wicked folly, I
will see you no more, and the place
must go to strangers. No — not to
strangers : Alice Raymond shall in
any case be mistress of Earl's Dene.
It will not be the first time of its
going from woman to woman.
Now we understand each other, I
hope ? ;;
" My dear aunt, let the land go
as it will. But let us be friends."
He was not eloquent by nature, and
he was moved more than he cared
to show.
" We cannot, as long as you per-
sist in your folly."
" Then— if it must be so "
"Say nothing, Hugh. Think
quietly of what I say."
" I have thought."
586
Earl's Dene.— Part VII.
[May
" I cannot think so. I will never
mention this subject to you again,
and hope never to hear it mentioned.
I am not angry, as you see ; but I
am quite firm."
So ended the second conversa-
tion, in which Miss Clare had cer-
tainly proved that tact was any-
thing but her strong point. Never-
theless, her policy had not been
undiplomatic. She knew enough
of Hugh to know that he was too
honest to let Angelique marry him
in ignorance as to his circumstances
and prospects, and enough of the
world to feel pretty certain that
Angelique would not marry him if
she was not left in ignorance about
them. Her threat had been aimed
at Angelique rather than at Hugh ;
and she doubted not but that it
would at once drive her enemy
from the field.
CHAPTER VITI.
It is always as well, at least once in
the course of a long story, to take a
short retrospect of how things stand,
especially when changes are immi-
nent, and when, as in the present
case, the process can be managed
in very few words.
Angelique, then, was now be-
trothed to two men at once, neither
of whom she could be said to love,
in any sense of the word, and from
neither of whom could she hope to
get much worldly benefit, seeing
that her first lover was still only a
struggling musician, worse off than
he had ever been, and that her
second ran a very fair chance of be-
ing disinherited for her sake. Hugh
Lester, now member for Denethorp,
had to choose between Angelique on
the one hand, and Earl's Dene on
the other, with a very strong bias
in favour of the shadow over the
substance. Madam Clare had to
decide between the loss of her son
— for such he may fairly be con-
sidered— and the sacrifice of her
own nature ; and Mark Warden
between love, duty, and honesty
on one side, and the success in life
which was his idol — that is to say,
himself. The unlucky Felix seemed
fated to be unhappy ; and Marie
But Marie is to some extent the
heroine of this story, at least pro
tempore; and yet, in the course of
seven chapters, headed with her
name, she has scarcely once ap-
peared.
What in the world was she to do,
with those two poor children de-
pendent upon her, with a bad repu-
tation in the only place that knew
her, and with a husband that was no
husband 1 She could not remain in
the town after what had happened,
that was certain ; and where was
she to go ] Warden could not yet
acknowledge her as his wife, for
he must then resign his fellowship,
and, as it were, own that he had
obtained it and kept it on false pre-
tences ; and, besides, he had no
other means to help himself, much
less her. Nor could she live with
him as his mistress, which, for the
present, would have been an ob-
vious solution of the difficulty.
She would not have done so even
had he proposed it to her, as he did
not. And even, keeping his fellow-
ship, he could do but very little for
her. He must manage to get to the
bar ; and that he could not do, at
the soonest, in less than a long five
years — it was not so quick and easy
a proceeding as it is now — during
which he would have to defray the
expenses of his legal education and
to support himself as a gentleman.
Literature, and such illegitimate aids
to the law student, were not in his
line ; and he was too practically
wise to permit himself to stray from
the plain, hard, straightforward
style of work which had paid him
so well hitherto. He knew that, if
he wished to succeed in the profes-
sion that he had chosen, he must
spend the period of his apprentice-
1870.]
Earl's Dene.— Part VII.
587
ship in learning it. And so it was
plain that, even if he lived with
strict economy, he should require
in effect the whole of his income
for himself. When he had paid a
hundred pounds to the special
pleader in whose chambers he in-
tended to read, another hundred
for his chambers, his furniture, his
books and other expenses inciden-
tal to his student life, and another
hundred — he could not reckon it
at less — for his clothes, his food,
«rind his daily expenses, it was plain
that it would be absurd to talk of
leaving a margin in his three hun-
dred a-year, at least for the present.
He might borrow a little money on
the strength of his income, it is
true ; but he would not be able to
do so except upon hard terms, and
lie was much too sensible to eat all
his cake at once. And so Marie
must needs do something to keep
herself until better times should
come in the far-off future, to feed,
clothe, and educate the children,
and to aid Angelique in bringing
herself before the world, which
would doubtless welcome such tran-
scendant genius with open arms.
There, indeed, Miss Raymond would
doubtless prove useful ; but even
Miss Raymond, kind and generous
as she was, could not be expected
to support a whole family. Mon-
sieur Lefort had left nothing behind
him but debts.
And so, after much talk with
Warden, who certainly was honestly
anxious to do all he could for her
from his own point of view, it was
decided that she also should pass
through the trance of Hermotimus
and become another drop of water
In the great city, in order to attract
to herself as many smaller drops in
the shape of pupils as possible.
Let not her husband, however, be
blamed overmuch. The sacrifice
of his whole career by a man for a
woman's sake is one which no one
in the world has a right to expect
from another, even if he himself is
one who is capable of making it ;
nor is it by any means certain that
such a sacrifice — romance apart —
is one that a man is even justified
in making under almost any given
circumstances. Whatever is best
in the brain and in the arm of a
man is not his own to put under the
feet of a woman ; it belongs to
the world ; and sacrifice is quite as
often the consequence of cowardice
and of weakness as of strength or
of courage. The whole world was
open to Warden now. Great things
were expected of him by others,
and he felt himself capable of doing
great things; and he had just gained
the influence of Earl's Dene to help
him to do them. All this, all the
purposes of his whole heart and life
he would have to forfeit by a pre-
mature acknowledgment of his mar-
riage, or even by privately treating
Marie as his wife; and he would
have to commit worse than suicide
by settling down into the life of an
obscure country parson for the re-
mainder of his days. It does not
even follow that he would gain with
his parish and his wife the consci-
ousness of having done his duty, or
that if he did, such consciousness
would afford him the least satisfac-
tion, for conscience is always much
more ready to sting than to console.
The leopard can change his spots
sooner than one like Mark Warden
can change his nature ; and a life of
repose, spent in the fulfilment of
uncongenial duty, would, with him,
simply mean a life of vain longing
and lasting regret. Marriage, once
more, is not the life of a man as it
is of a woman ; and, when a man
sacrifices himself and his true life
for its sake, it seldom happens that
either his life or himself is worth
very much.
At the same time, to prevent any
misconception, it ought to be added
that a sense of duty consecrates all
things; and that the higher form
of love, or rather of sympathy,
which so few can even understand,
comprehending as it does all things,
is more than worth the sacrifice
of them all, and does more than
consecrate any act that is com-
588
EarVs Dene.— Part VII.
[May
mitted in its name. But with these
remarks Mark Warden has nothing
to do ; and it is only made to fix
a limit to the scope of those which
do refer to him. His was not the
nature of a martyr to duty, far less
was he capable of the higher love.
In this respect he resembled so
many that it is impossible to blame
him without blaming the world at
large. He had talent and energy,
but not genius, and it is only genius
that can afford to sacrifice itself and
yet live.
And yet it may be that in spite
of all this the reader may insist in
setting down this man, who was
determined to make the most of his
talents, as a selfish and cold-blooded
creature, altogether beyond the sym-
pathy of all brave and honest men,
and his apologist as at best but a
devil's advocate. So be it. His
defence has been made ; and if it
has failed, so much the worse for
him. Marie, at all events, never
thought of blaming or doubting
him. Whatever might become of
her, he must be my Lord Chief-
Justice before he died. She, too,
was a little ambitious — for him.
Of herself she had never thought
since she was born.
There are some things upon which
it is almost, if not quite, too pain-
ful to dwell ; and one is the part-
ing of a woman from the home in
which she was born, when she leaves
it both for the first time and for
ever. It is equal in its intensity to
grief for the dead, and draws forth
as many tears. And it is about the
most unselfish and the purest of all
sorrows. When Marie had to leave
Denethorp — where, since she knew
no other, her life had not on the
whole been the less happy because
it had been dull and poor and soli-
tary— this natural grief was ren-
dered the more poignant by the fact
of her having to bid farewell to her
native place with a stained reputa-
tion— for in places like Denethorp,
when a good name is once breathed
upon it is gone for ever — and of
her father having died without
learning the one secret of her life.
This thought was the bitterest of
all. How often will it be neces-
sary to speak of the bitterness that
lies in the words " Too late " ? It
is, indeed, impossible without it to
speak of the daily life of any man
or woman under the sun.
Far less is it necessary to speak
of the visit of the Coroner to that
house in Market Street to which
we must now at last bid farewell, or
of the judicial inquiry into the riot
and the murder at Redchester,
where Marie had to appear as a
witness. Warden's heart was filled
with pity, and with a return of the
old passion, when he saw how this
girl, so dependent upon others as
she was by nature, strove to bear all
things, and how, for his sake and
for the sake of the children, now
wholly dependent upon her, she
did somehow contrive to bear it all,.
Had it been a time to speak freely
of anything but of trouble and sor-
row, even he must have been im-
pelled to declare himself her pro-
tector. But he did not do so ; and
at last the final wrench was made,
and Marie woke from the night-
mare in which she had been living
since the election to find herself in
London lodgings with Ernest and
Fleurette, ill, indeed, in body, but
supported by the feeling that she
must not dare to give way. And,
after all, to know that her husband
was within three miles of her was
something.
Of course, for present needs, she
was not absolutely penniless, for
Warden, with all his claims, was
not unable to prevent that. Miss
Raymond, too, was generosity itself.
It might be thought, too, that Miss
Clare, under the circumstances,
would have done something to help
the orphans ; but, as has been said,
if she loved her friends, it was with
an almost perfect hate that she
hated her enemies, and it was
among the latter that she included
the Leforts. Nor did her mistake
1870.]
Earl's Dene.— Part VII.
559
about Marie in the least affect her
prejudices. And yet she was a
good woman too ; and the worst
of it is that it is precisely good
women who are most subject to
the tyranny of prejudices of this
nature.
Still, in spite of the help that
she received, it was very evident
that Marie would have to work hard,
not only for her own daily bread,
but for that of Ernest arid Fleu-
rette. Had she been alone, she
might have thrown herself vaguely
upon the world as governess or
companion ; but this, with her
" incumbrances," as the advertise-
ments say, was out of the question.
She must become a mother to her
brother and sister. Her views,
formed under the advice of War-
den, into which Angelique ap-
parently entered — though doubt-
less for private reasons — were
these : that the latter should place
herself under her old master, Mon-
sieur Prosper, in order to become
a public singer, for which purpose
it would be necessary that she
should quit the service of Miss
Kaymond — this, perhaps, was a
rash step, but then genius must
not be lost at any price — and that
the two cousins should meanwhile
form one household with the chil-
dren, and maintain it by means of
the daily pupils whom they hoped
to obtain through the recommenda-
tions of Angelique's late mistress.
]3ut still all this was very vague and
uncertain at the best, especially as
Marie herself was so utterly ignor-
jint of the world, while Angelique
was used to luxury, and would have
to devote herself rather to study
than to earning money, which must
for the present be the duty of the
former. Nevertheless, it seemed
the least unpromising plan that
could be adopted.
Monsieur Prosper was quite will-
ing to receive back his old pupil,
and to undertake to do what he
could for her. But he was not so
pleased for the sake of Felix, who
had heard nothing of her now for
a long time ; and so he took care
neither to mention her to him nor
to let them come across each other
at his lodgings. But one day Dick
Barton, who was reading the ' Trum-
pet/ said :
"So I see they've hanged that
man at Eedchester for the Dene-
thorp riot. Poor devil ! I dare-
say it was only his fun after all —
and he only mistook his man. If
they had only potted my friend
Warden, now, he might have had
his joke, and been knighted on the
spot into the bargain, if it was the
fashion to treat men according to
their deserts."
Felix was no reader of news-
papers, but the word " Denethorp"
struck his ears. He questioned
Barton, and learned from him all
that was known to the country at
large about the Denethorp riot,
the murder of Monsieur Lefort and
the trial of some of the rioters, of
whom the Government, being de-
termined to make an example, had
caused two to be hanged, — in the
teeth, it must be owned, of very
doubtful evidence. But then poli-
tical trials in those days were poli-
tical with a vengeance.
Of course Felix cared nothing
for that — he cared only for the
matter so far as it regarded An-
gelique. Now that the return of
Monsieur Prosper had enabled him
to walk the streets in decent clothes,
he, the very next morning, called
at the house where Miss Kaymond
stayed when in town, and inquired
after Miss Lefort. But the gor-
geous footman who opened the door
to him, and felt insulted, no doubt,
at having had to leave his own
occupations for such a purpose, only
told him that Angelique was no
longer there, and either would not,
or could not, give him any farther
information on the subject. His
appearance was anything but cre-
ditable in the eyes of his informant,
or rather non-informant, who snub-
bed him as a gentleman in livery
590
EarVs Dene.— Part VII.
[May
so well knows how to snub a fellow
who is out at elbows.
But it was inevitable that he
should find her out before long.
The next time that he called he
asked to see Miss Raymond herself,
who easily remembered him as the
deputy of Monsieur Prosper at
Madame Mercier's. He made his
own desire to obtain pupils and
engagements in London his osten-
sible reason for seeing her; but he
managed easily to learn all that he
wanted to know about Angelique,
and her family and her circum-
stances.
It was a terrible shrug of the
shoulders that Monsieur Prosper
gave when Miss Raymond made in-
quiries of him about Felix, and ex-
prsssed herself willing to become
his patroness also. But, seeing
that Miss Raymond's patronage was
worth having, he could not deprive
his friend of the chance of obtain-
ing it; and so, much against his
will, he gave Felix the best of char-
acters, both from an artistic and
from a moral point of view.
" After all," he thought to him-
self, " I am not the fellow's guar-
dian ; and if he didn't go to the
devil in this way, I have no doubt
he would in another. But I'll
never pick up a wayside genius
again."
It need not be said that, for his
part, Felix had flown on the wings
of love, as the phrase goes, to the
house where the two girls were
lodging. But neither was at home,
so that his patience had to be exer-
cised once more. By the time that
he reached his own room, however,
he found a note that, to him, was
full of exciting matter, although it
was only a request from Miss Ray-
mond that he would attend a "soiree
musicale" as she chose to term it,
that was to be given at the house in
Portman Square the very next even-
ing. A great prima donna was to
sing, and Mademoiselle Lefort was
to make a sort of private debut.
1870.]
Cornelius O'Dowd.
591
COKNELIUS O'DOWD.
ON SANDING THE SUGAR.
MR BRIGHT lately took pains to
IE form us that what we complained
of as adulterations in our food and
spurious additions to articles of our
diet, were nothing more nor less
than the " ordinary efforts of com-
petition in trade ;j; and that, when
\ve drank chicoried coffee and
sanded sugar, we were simply sub-
mitting to that law by which rival
shopkeepers struggle to outbid each
o:her for public favour.
It is not a pleasant theory — nor^
parhaps, altogether creditable as
coming from a great social refor-
mer. If when asking for bread
we receive a stone, we feel all the
bitterness of disappointment, added
to all the pangs of hunger ; but if
when buying what we believe to
be a penny loaf we are treated to
a mixture of coarse meal, potato-
flour, carbonate of lime, and alum,
t ;ie mischief goes further ; and be-
sides the grief of disappointment,
we have the misery of indigestion ;
and this, I contend for it, is the
greater wrong of the two. The
man who utterly denies me all help
in my destitution is not so much
my enemy as he who, assuming to
benefit me, undermines my health
by adulterated diet and corrupt
articles of food, and who, pretend-
ing to strengthen and support, in
reality is but exhausting the re-
sources and impairing the vigour
of my constitution.
To be told that the sausage com-
pounded of decayed horse, or the
mulligatawny made of a diseased
donkey, are only the natural and
reasonable products of commercial
rivalry, and that, as the spurious
article can defy competition on the
s-core of cheapness, it is the pur-
chaser's business to see whether he
prefer his health or his money,
und that the State has no other
concern with the matter than to
take care that he gets his due mea-
sure of liquorice and sloe juice
when he calls for port wine, and
that his proper pound of black-
thorn leaves are meted out to him
for tea, the supervision of the
State going no further than the
scales or the pint-pot, perfectly in-
different as to what may be the
contents of either, — all this, I say,
is a great evil, arid I am only as-
tonished at its escaping with so
little of reprobation or rebuke. I
cannot but think, however, that the
great submission with which we
have received as an explanation
what is little short of an insult to
our understanding, is the natural
result of that indolent patience we
have lately acquired in accepting,
as the representatives of Liberal
opinions, the most insolent and
oppressive class of men who have
ever dictated their own notions, and
as a consequence their own supre-
macy, to the country.
When I am told that the religion
of a nation will be best consulted
by the destruction of its Church,
and that the rights of property will
be strengthened by taking away all
the protections to possession — when
I am assured that, in a period of
trade depression and discontent, a
large dismissal of artisans and la-
bourers will promote satisfaction
and contentment, I am in a mea-
sure prepared for cabbage-water as
catsup, and to accept effervescent
rhubarb as champagne ; and I am
all the more submissive since I am
informed that legislation of this
kind is the natural result of com-
petition, and that the only way in
which the Whigs can outbid the
Tories is by a little spurious ad-
mixture of something unwholesome.
If competition by adulteration could
have been limited to the licensed
victuallers, it had been well for us.
592
Cornelius O'Dowd.
[May
Mock food and make-believe liquors
are not pleasant things to think of,
but they are infinitely preferable to
fraudulent legislation or equivocal
statecraft ; and if loyalty has been
sapped, if sincere love of country
has been lessened in our day, we
owe these losses to the hourly in-
creasing distrust in our public men,
to the growing want of confidence
in those who rule us, and to the in-
creasing conviction that the game
of party, like that of trade-compe-
tition, is pushed to an extent that
rejects no amount of roguery to se-
cure an ascendancy. Statesmanship
has resolved itself into an auction,
where rival traders bid against each
other. " Anything after ten-pound
household — going at this, gentle-
men— positively going at ten-pound
household — last time — only think
of the sacrifice — a constitution that
has lasted for centuries, a system
that has challenged the whole of
Europe — will no gentleman make
any advance 1 "
"Household suffrage!"
" Thank you, sir ; household suf-
frage, and twenty-one years of age.
I think the gentleman said no-
thing after this." " To Mr Disraeli,"
whispers he to his clerk ; and then
aloud, " A valuable lot, sir, and sold
for a song!"
" Concessions to the Catholics,"
mutters his successor, " a very
grand step." Are we quite sure
England is ripe for that? Man-
ning, indeed, is more cautious than
Wiseman, but those Irish zealots
are not very manageable. Conces-
sions, too, imply subsidies ; and
who is to push a money vote through
the House ? No ; this is not to be
thought ; still, if we cannot exalt
the Papist we can pull down the
Protestant. Let us level the Irish
Church. It rings well — the "alien
Church," " the Badge of conquest,"
"the standing insult to the con-
science of Irishmen!" Can the
priests resist this, or can they fail
after it to secure us the Irish elec-
tions? Oh, what a deal of tall talk
is uttered about bribery and corrup-
tion when done in ten-pound notes,
and how little attention it attracts
when carried on as a wholesale traf-
ffic by the policy of an Administra-
tion.
These are, however, the legiti-
mate exercises of "competition,"
and, as Mr Bright tells us, nothing
more than the ordinary efforts of
rival dealers to secure clients and
customers.
Popery and Radicalism are the
adulterating ingredients of politics
— they are the sand to the sugar
of statecraft ; and by their subtle
admixture the rival dealers are
able alternately each to outbid and
undersell the other. How long
will the consumer be satisfied with
either ? is the question that many
are asking, and may continue to
ask until he can show a shop where
they deal more honestly.
The sarcasm that called us a
nation of shopkeepers has received
a terrible confirmation in the con-
duct of our rulers, all the more
damaging to our reputation since
we are told that shopkeeping means
fraudulent dealing, vending adul-
terated articles, and selling spuri-
ous wares. When by shopkeeping is
understood that competition in
trade that calls in knavery to sus-
tain a rivalry, and trusts to under-
sell an opponent by the deprecia-
tion of the article sold, the idea
of a nation of such ingredients is
not at all reassuring or comfortable.
When it is borne in mind that the
whole tone of modern statesman-
ship, the whole temper of Govern-
ment, is concession, — that each
party that succeeds to power comes
in pledged to give something, to
yield something, to surrender some-
thing that its rival has not the will
or the courage to concede, it is
easy to imagine, not alone how am-
bitious men may be tempted by
this auction for popular favour,
but how they may be led on in
their eagerness to think less of the
benefit they can do their country,
1370.]
On Sanding the Sugar.
593
than the damage they can inflict
on a rival, and ultimately how im-
possible they make any return to
power to him and to his fol-
lowers.
As the party who diminish the
effective forces of the nation, who
raduce the orders for supplies, and
sell off the reserved stores of our
magazines, can always throw upon
their successors the cost of repair-
ing their own waste, and thus
charge them with the increase of
the estimates, so can they, by a
system of lenity, and a slipshod
administration of law, encourage a
turbulence and outrage that must
ultimately demand repression, and
render the task of those who come
after them one of severity and harsh-
ness. Thus the game of party goes
c>n with something of the integrity
and honesty of Mr Bright's compe-
titive dealers !
As we are rapidly coming to that
condition in matters of principle
that Italy has arrived at in matters
of finance, living as we do on our
capital, and as the number of things
which remain for us to concede to
popular demand daily decreases, it
•would be well if we were to bethink
us how long our stock of boons will
last us, and what — after giving up
the Church and the Colonies, the
Landed Interest, the Universities,
the Army, and the Peerage — will
remain to us except the Monarchy,
find how long is it likely that will
c ndure afterevery buttress that sup-
ported it has been withdrawn.
It is a very significant sign of the
times that the national conscience
lelt no shock — at least no appreci-
able shock — at this bold declaration
of Mr Bright ; that is to say, we
have been, from long habit and an
acquired taste, so accustomed to' our
brandied port and our chicoried
coffee, that when we were told the
t-ame system of adulteration went
on in all around us, that our tea was
" warehouse sweepings," our bitter
beer a "decoction of bullock's liver,"
our butter " a preparation of Thames
mud tempered with lard," famili-
arity had so accustomed us to all
these flavours, it may become a
grave question how far the unadul-
terated article could compete with
the spurious or corrupted one.
Just, then, what these fraudulent
licensed-victuallers have done with
us in food, have the Liberals done
with us in national sentiment.
They have cheapened public life,
vulgarised the rewards of theCrown,
lowered the prestige of the great
seats of learning, and, by an affec-
tation of equality in all the condi-
tions of life, they have, like the
nefarious tea-dealers, concocted a
compound that no human stomach
can digest.
Mind! I do not say they have
not made a very marketable com-
modity. I know they have. The
late elections and the present House
of Commons abundantly prove that
there is a " roaring trade " in Kadi-
calism just now, and that for the
few " lots " that are likely to suit
the market, such as the " Ballot,"
the "no Bishops in the Lords,"
" no Colonies," &c., there will be a
lively contest. Still, it is just pos-
sible all this may be pushed too
far. They may by chance discover
that they have over "sanded the
the sugar," fand though certainly,
as the advertisements say, "they
are enabled to defy competition,"
it is just " on the cards," that the
public might take a turn for a
cleaner life and a healthier diet,
and discover that though shoddy
is a cheap ware, it gets shabby very
quickly, and will not bear brush-
ing. If so, and if this happy day
were to arrive, the only misgiving
I have is, "Would there be a house
in the trade to deal with ? "
594
Cornelius O^Dowd.
[May
THE MESSAGE OF PEACE.
Some one has lately, and some-
what ungenerously, remarked that
every distinct boon conferred by
the British Parliament on what is
called the National party in Ireland
has been invariably followed by re-
newed turbulence, and more than
ordinary lawlessness in that coun-
try.
Now, it is well to remember that
Mr O'Connell, who for so long a
time " educated " not only his
"party," but the whole popular
mind of Ireland, never laid such
stress on any point as this — that
no matter what concessions Eng-
land might make — no matter to
what extent she might carry her
measures of conciliation, the Irish
people should accept them only as
part payment of a long-running
debt, or as he phrased them him-
self, " instalments " of what our
claim embraces.
As, however, every concession,
from the Relief Bill downwards,
has been, so to say, won from Brit-
ish rule by lawlessness and that
spirit of defiance which have made
the country wellnigh ungovernable,
it was not easy to persuade a peo-
ple, flushed with the successes of
turbulence, to return to habits of
law and order, all the more since
what they had received was but a
small instalment of what was due
them, the great body of the debt
remaining over for future payment.
But there was also another ele-
ment in operation. The Catholic
party — for so the plaintiffs in this
suit really were — became hourly
stronger by each verdict in their
favour — they grew in wealth almost
as rapidly as in ambition, and be-
came every day better able to press
their demands upon the State, and
enforce the payment.
From the time that the late Duke
of Wellington most unfortunately
declared that he conceded the Ca-
tholic claims rather than risk a civil
war, it has been the habit in Par-
liament to use the same sort of lan-
guage, and many availed themselves
of the opportunity of showing that
they could be as indiscreet as a
great man.
Looking at the matter from the
" National " point of view, who can
be surprised that the Irish should
persist in a policy which had never
failed them1? When shooting the
parsons decided the question of
tithe.s, even a less logical people
would have discovered that similar
treatment might be advantageously
tried on land tenure. " Help your-
self, and Parliament will help you,"
seems to have been the tacit maxim
of the National party ; and if suc-
cess be a test, there is little reason
to call in question its wisdom.
So far as I know, Irishmen of
every class had very few delusions
as to the soothing virtues of what
is so pathetically called the " Mes-
sage of Peace." The message of
peace was doubtless glad tidings at
the palace of Paul Cullen, Cardinal,
and might have been heard with
joy in the den of that old Lion of
Judah, vulgarly called MacHale ;
but the people — the masses — were
about as much interested in it as
though it were a law of interna-
tional copyright with Japan ; and,
in consequence, its healing virtues
were only illustrated by showers of
threatening letters, menaces to mur-
der, and some more than menaces
also.
This was, of course, very disap-
pointing to Englishmen. They had
been hopeful, even to confidence,
what this measure would effect.
They worked themselves up to a
white heat of enthusiasm by their
own high-sounding phrases of "alien
church," " Badge of conquest,"
and the rest of it, and actually
believed that they were stimulating
the expression of a great national
feeling, which would soon display
itself in a burst of national grati-
tude. Irishmen knew better. Irish-
1870.]
The Message of Peace.
595
men saw that the message of peace
was about as small a dividend — a
mere one-and-sixpence in the pound
— as ever was flung to a creditor.
Scarcely had the parsons been
sentenced than the cause of theland-
iords was called on, and the Na-
tionalists, flushed with success, and
well knowing besides that when
John Bull is in a giving humour
nothing balks him, they deter-
mined to take the tide at its flood.
It was, they were given to believe,
to be a case of " ask and have," and
they were not going to be very
mealy-mouthed in "asking/' Ul-
ster tenant-right, compensation for
improvements, claim on eviction,
;md suchlike, would do well enough
in ordinary times, but these were
by no means ordinary times. They
had fallen upon a happy era, with
a Parliament that fancied it was
^oing to inaugurate a millennium
of popular rights, and a Minister
who believed in a " message of
peace."
I am almost ashamed to say it,
but I feel it is true, that Paddy's
humour is never more thoroughly
tickled, nor his sense of drollery
gratified, than when he laughs at a
dupe. How he must have enjoyed
the present situation, and with what
a racy chuckle he must have heard
of the " message of peace," I leave
any one who knows Ireland to
imagine.
When a bland landlord puts his
head inside the door of a room
where a convivial party is assem-
bled, and says, "Order what you
like, gentlemen — the gentleman
next door pays," the feeling of joy
is usually unbounded, but the sense
of moderation is less developed.
" What shall it be, boys 1 " was
now the cry throughout the land.
<k Long leases, fixity of tenure, re-
duction of rents ? or shall we go in
for all at once, and say, No rents —
no landlords 1 "
While these different opinions
were being urged and discussed
there came in other men, who, pro-
bably, having little land and less
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLV.
religion, cared very little about
landlords or Churchmen. Their
cry was : " Down with these traf-
fickers ! Down with these mess-of-
pottage patriots! Accept nothing
from England till she liberates the
Fenian convicts. We want no
boons, we crave no favours — we
demand justice for Ireland!"
Well might the Cabinet acknow-
ledge themselves puzzled and dum-
founded. Could inconsequence
go farther than this 1 It was like
saying to an hospital surgeon, " If
you want to cure that man's dropsy
in No. 4, you must lithotomise the
patient in No. 3." Now, whether
our great State operator did not see
the logical force of this proposi-
tion, or had his misgivings about
its efficacy, and whether, as some
have opined, he was getting gene-
rally out of temper with " messages
of peace," he demurred to the sug-
gestion. At all events, he deter-
mined in a true spirit of courtesy
to make his reply in the tone of the
demand ; and, to show that he could
be as little bound by logic as the
petitioners, he said, "I shall liber-
ate these men who are under sen-
tence for treason-felony whenever
some other people elsewhere give
up shooting their neighbours."
I do not know if this was a
" message of peace," but certainly
— and I leave the explanation to
wiser heads than mine — it was the
only reply I ever heard to an Irish
demand that proved unanswerable.
The blow was so thoroughly Irish,
the Bull was so like the native
article, Paddy went down under ifc
at once.
The success obtained on this me-
morable occasion only suggests to
us the regret that, instead of " mes-
sages of peace," the Minister should
not have limited himself to such
rejoinders as this. " Si sic omnia,"
might we exclaim; and if Irishmen
were not persuaded into peace, it is
possible they may be puzzled into
it! If Pat had been told that
these men were not fit subjects for
royal mercy, that reasons of justice
23
596
Cornelius O'Dowd.
[May
as well as reasons of policy alike
opposed their liberation, that no-
thing in their conduct implied re-
gret for the past or promised sub-
mission for the future, he would
have asked nothing better than to
discuss and demolish each and all
of these pleas in one of his news-
papers. He was ready to encounter
the want of clemency, the want of
sentiment, the want of generous
trustfulness and hope ; but what
he was not, could not be, prepared
for, was the want of logic. This was
like a blow below the belt, and it
floored him completely.
A very easy illustration will show
the logical force of this reply. When
Garibaldi lay a prisoner, after the
disastrous day of Aspromonte, the
Liberal party made many attempts
to move the Government to an act
of clemency. They certainly were
able to urge their suit with reasons
and on grounds which the most
ingenious of Irishmen would find
difficult to apply to O' Donovan
Rossa. M. Kattazzi demurred to
the arguments, however, and show-
ed that even the great services of
a great patriot could not establish
a claim to convulse the nation he
had once aided to establish, and
subvert the monarchy ; but he as-
suredly never told the petitioners
that Aspromonte should be for-
gotten when brigandage was sup-
pressed in Calabria, or that Gari-
baldi should be liberated whenever
Ninco-Nunco was captured !
THE TWO SAFE CAEEEES.
There are two roads to popular-
ity in England, which, I believe,
never fail — that is, never fail when
walked by intelligent and skilful
travellers. One or other of these
suffices for the ambition of most
men, though now and then we do
see some glutton of the world's
favour taking a " spell " at both of
them. To be successful in the age
we live in, you must be AN ECONOMI-
CAL KEFOEMEE Or AN INJUEED MAN.
I have not done wisely in writing
them in this order, since I believe,
for great success — for lasting, pro-
fitable, effectual success — it is bet-
ter to be " injured " than " econo-
mical." I know it is more difficult
as a rdle. The part demands
many qualities. A grievance is not
difficult to find ; any three-volume
novelist would provide one as easily
as a plot. The way of urging your
misfortune on the world, of show-
ing that you have a grave case
against humanity, of which each
who listens to you is, in a measure,
a party in cause, with this added
embarrassment, that he is occasion-
ally in the dock and occasionally
in the jury-box, — this is what de-
mands address. I have said that
the injured man should have many
qualities. He must be " insistant ; "
no matter what the world is think-
ing of — a Russian war, a cotton
famine, a Fenian rising, or a " wo-
man righting" — the injured must
be heard amidst them all, if not
overtopping the din, taking every
favourable moment of stillness to
scream out about his wrongs. Next
he must be " plausible/' I do not
say logical, because the mass of his
hearers attach little value to logic ;
but he must be of that persuasive
order which knows how, by enlist-
ing probabilities to do duty for
facts, and making inferences mount
guard for just conclusions, to make
a strong case for the world. He
must know how to skip or slur
over any inconvenient or damag-
ing circumstance, or how to class
it with those low calumnies that he
could not stoop to refute. He must
be by nature of a haughty temper,
so that the amount of the humility
with which he makes his appeal to
the public may show what a price
1870.]
The Two Safe Careers.
597
lie attaches to human sympathy.
This painful yielding to fate can be
made very effective. It is like the
low bow of a man with the lumba-
go ! who would rather wrench his
loins than risk your favour.
He must be picturesque, so as
never to place details ill or incongru-
ously, and to have no false lights.
He must be passionate, but with
the subdued vehemence of a man
v/hose breeding restrains him, and
\vho would no more think of vio-
1 iting the decorous quietudes of so-
ciety than he would interrupt a
preacher in the pulpit. He must,
amidst much sadness and sorrow,
l-e trustful, fully reliant on the
jistice that, though long in com-
iig, is sure to come at last; and in
this sort of "time bargain" with
his hearers he is able to insinuate
that, though it take long to make
them his partisans, they will live
to become such. Lastly, he must
exhibit that quality of impatience
which is tempered by pride, and
seems to say, " It's your verdict I
care for ; show me that you see how
Siiamefully I have been wronged
and outraged, and take your own
time about the damages." Now
the world is very fond of a man
of this sort, and rarely grudges a
sentimental satisfaction when not
pressed for more.
Now it will be seen, even by this
pissing glance, that to be an in-
jured man one should have what
Henry Grattan used to call " great
variety;" and in this it is distin-
guished from that other career with
\\hich I have associated it, the
economical reformer, who really has
no variety whatever.
Surgeons, I believe, are well
agreed in regarding amputation as
the reproach and not the triumph
of their art ; and that the man who
rescues one limb from the necessity
oi the knife stands immeasurably
higher than he who has successfully
amputated some hundreds. I wish
that our political physicians could
learn a little of this philosophy,
especially our economists, who are
all for the knife. No, simple as
such State surgery is, it is of all
others the most sure to achieve
success. It demands, you will
say, no high exercise of genius to
reduce the army by ten thousand
men, to place eight ships of war
out of commission, to recall the
garrison of a colony, or dismiss the
shipwrights of a dockyard. All
this is easy knife-work, and it
smacks of boldness and decision —
two qualities we in England hold
in very high repute. "I like Dr
Childers," I think I hear some
one say; "he doesn't go humming
and hawing — he says it must ' come
off.' Crutches or a wooden leg are
sorry contrivances, I know; but
remember," says he, " what a deal
you'll save in shoe-leather! With
only one leg you'll not have that
taste for long walks, those excur-
sions which cost you so much for-
merly. You'll not be an Alpine
Clubbist, nor even an excursionist
in Wales ; and it is wonderful how
you will reconcile yourself to a
little toddle over a grass plat, and
come to find it agrees with you
besides." It would not have been
easy to persuade John Bull of all
this formerly. He was strong
and hearty, and he had rather
a pride in showing the foreigner
that he was both. You would
never have persuaded him against
kicking the fellow that insulted
him on the ground of the damage
it might do his boots. Now, how-
ever, that line of argument has
attained a triumphant success. If
I, as an economical reformer, ap-
peal to the British tax-payer in
this shape, and say, Now, Mr
Briggs— we shall call him Briggs,
because * Punch ' calls that man in
the punt who is always fishing but
catches nothing, Mr Briggs — now,
Mr Briggs, I would ask you, do you
want the Cape of Good Hope, or
does Mrs Briggs positively insist on
Gibraltar ? Would you not rather
have an outing at midsummer, and
598
Cornelius O'Dowd.
[May
take the Misses Briggs to Inter-
lachen, than retain the ninety-some-
thing regiment at New Zealand ?
You may not think so ; but I'll
show you, I'll prove to you, that if
you don't keep colonies you might
keep a coach. Now, wouldn't you
rather have a pony- chaise than
such share as you possess in the
Channel Islands? And as to warlike
armaments, tell me candidly, are
they toys that amuse you ? French-
men like them, and Russians like
them. It is, as Dr Watts says,
" their nature to." But how can
it appeal to you to care for them 1
— you whose insular position — not
to speak of the volunteers — secures
you from attack ; and who, so far
from ambitioning increase of terri-
tory, only want to know who would
take Malta off your hands, when
you have disembarrassed yourselves
of Gibraltar]
" I'll tell you how to make two
hundred a -year," said an Irish
Chief Baron, of caustic memory, to
a barrister of no very lucrative prac-
tice. " To save is to gain : and what
I advise you is, Never go circuit."
Now, in this philosophy all the
present schemes of our rulers are
comprised. Our economies consist
in how much we can give up. Nor
is there anything the nation loves
to hear better than the number of
things it can do without. By the
degree in which any one recom-
mends these savings is he called a
reformer or a revolutionist. The
former cries out against second
majors in the army; the last de-
clares for no monarchy in the State.
And it is wonderful what notoriety
a man will gain simply by doing
either.
Our gifted reformers are only
plagiarists of the Irish judge ; and
the grand secret of their policy is,
"doing without." In telling peo-
ple this great truth, there are vari-
ous opportunities for sly flatteries
which the nation is rather fond of
hearing : — how enlightened she is !
how superior to what she was in
former times, in those barbarous
days of Blenheims and Waterloos !
What a noble conquest it is when
a people can proclaim a victory
over their pride, their military
glory, their ascendancy among the
nations, and simply say, We are
mere shopkeepers, and we aspire
to be no more ! we declare that we
have a mission — in Sheffield goods
and printed cottons, but none
other.
This is a line of life that asks
for a very small intellectual capital.
" Non contiget cuique " to conduct
India to prosperity, or Ireland to
peace \ but any man can cut down
the estimates. It requires no
genius to put admirals on the re-
tired list, or dismiss every third
clerk in a public department. It
is all easy surgery ; and with this
advantage over the doctor's art,
that there is no need to look after
the wounded arteries, nor care for
the spilt blood.
If all horticulture consisted in
cutting down, gardeners would be
as plentiful as blackberries, and
about as profitable.
1870.]
Our Diplomatic Service.
599
OUR DIPLOMATIC SEEVICE.
Whenever the English people is
very certain of anything ; when-
ever the great newspapers have
made a stock subject of any griev-
ous abuse; when the whole nation
has become so imbued with the
tlieme that we accept it, whatever
it be, as something to be endured
and put up with like the impurity
of the Thames or the tiresomeness
of Martin Tupper, — then, I say, we
are sure to hear that some one has
moved for a special committee in
tiie House to examine witnesses
and report on it, and we have a
very lively little squabble in Parlia-
ment over the people who ought or
ought not to serve on that com-
n dttee — though what they have to as-
certain, what to discover, develop,
or disclose, beyond what the world
is already fully possessed of, there
is no man on either side of the
House could propound.
Some years back there was a
special committee to inquire into
the constitution and working of the
diplomatic service. It had always
been a stock subject of attack by
Iladical members, partly because
they believed, or assumed to be-
lieve, it was a " caste," and that its
followers were a sort of Brahmins,
who guarded the entrance against
all plebeian competitors ; and partly
because they deemed that all inter-
national questions should be dis-
cussed in Parliament, and never be
treated by what they called secret
d iplomacy.
As to the first of these two allega-
ti ons, a mere glance at any Foreign
Office List is the speediest refuta-
tion ; and as regards the second, a
very passing consideration of the
class of questions which are dealt
with by envoys and ministers will
si LOW that they are most commonly
of a kind that could not be ad-
vantageously submitted to open
discussion without the gravest in-
convenience, or sometimes even
peril ; and that the friendly relations
which are maintained in a great
degree by the courteous observ-
ances and the forbearance which
characterise the intercourse of
gentlemen, would be often en-
dangered by the freedoms which
are inseparable from debate, and the
rash imputations which honest, but
not always well-informed speakers,
will throw out in the heat of a dis-
cussion.
If the lovers of what is called
open diplomacy have not been con-
verted by what they lately wit-
nessed in the case of Mr Reverdy
Johnson, they must be men of
stubborn powers of resistance. No
one can doubt that, with the good-
will of which he was the bearer,
and with the amicable disposition
he was himself inspired by, the Ala-
bama question might have received
at the time of his visit to England
a safe and satisfactory solution.
There was everything to favour such
a belief. The moment was one in
which each country was well dis-
posed towards the other. The acri-
mony which the press has so often
stimulated was happily dormant.
There were no travellers or tourists
on either side with their personal
grievances developed into national
indictments, and their small misad-
ventures made chargeable against
the manners of the land they were
visiting ; and yet with all these to
aid him, a very genial and well-
intentioned gentleman, by simply
taking the public into his confi-
dence in a case that demanded wise
and delicate, and, above all, confi-
dential treatment, so mismanaged
the negotiation as to make agree-
ment impossible, provoke his own
recall, and actually bequeath to his
successor an issue a hundred times
more difficult than ever it was be-
fore. The indiscretion of his pub-
lic utterances not only were such as
to alarm his own countrymen, but
600
Cornelius O'Dowd.
[May
actually to suggest to ourselves the
fear that this genial warm-hearted
gentleman was . crowing over the
easy success he had obtained over
us, and how willingly we had suf-
fered ourselves to become the dupes
of his pleasant flatteries and his
seductive address. Now, had he
only kept his blandishments for
Lord Stanley, there would have
been no harm done. The greatest
grumbler amongst us, though he
might have demurred to the con-
ditions of the settlement, would
never have questioned the modes of
the persuasion. We would, in fact,
all of us have made every allowance
for soft-sawder ; what we only ob-
jected to was, that the sawder should
have been heated before our eyes.
The whole success of a diplomatic
negotiation lies in the character of
the confessional that envelops it.
The on-honour consciousness with
which the negotiators treat is not
at all inconsistent with the conduct
of men who, differing as they may
do on some points, are eagerly bent
on ascertaining how far some of
the items of agreement may not
outbalance those of distance and
estrangement ; and all this has to
be done with candour and fairness
and integrity, not with the shrewd
reserves or the petty equivocations
of a small lawyer — and done, too,
with a consciousness that the result
come to will have to undergo the
judgment of the press not alone of
one country, but possibly of Europe.
Surely these are not the cases that
call for popular discussion and .the
rough usage of open debate, where
hard terms are bandied and ugly
motives alleged, and where the
chief actors, only known through
the mention of newspaper corre-
spondence, will often be handled
with scant courtesy, or scant regard
to fact. We are not very delicate
in discussing our own public men,
and when opposed to us we cer-
tainly treat them with unsparing
candour ; but all this frankness is
the refinement of reserve compared
to the mode in which we talk of
foreigners. Messrs Beust, Bismark,
Gortchakoff, and Antonelli could
tell us, if they would, how pleasant
it would be to conduct a platform
negotiation in Trafalgar Square,
with probably Mr Beales for the
reporter, or Mr Odger to draw up
the protocol.
There are fully as many reasons
for delicacy in dealing with the ills
of nations as with the maladies of
individuals, and there are cases
where the safety of either would
be gravely compromised by expos-
ure; and it is for such cases that
we need the services not only of
the most skilful and adroit men
amongst us, but also of the most
confidentially - reserved and cau-
tious-minded men, fully impressed
with the fact that the success
of all negotiation is mainly depen-
dent on the extent to which they
inspire confidence themselves and
exact it from others; and herein
lies the greatest gift of the best
negotiator.
There is another point on which
the public is not unfrequently led
astray with regard to the qualifica-
tions meet for this service. There
is a considerable number of persons,
of whom a late writer of a letter to
the ' Daily News' has made himself
the spokesman, who would like to
reduce the diplomatic service to the
state of a clerkship, and assume all
its requirements to be fulfilled when
provided with a certain number of
gentlemen who wrote good round
legible hands, were accurate copy-
ists, and punctual in observance of
office hours. Now, all of these are
admirable and excellent qualities,
and no mission could dispense with
their absence ; but surely they do
not sum up the duties of an envoy
at a foreign court. The most care-
less reader of his newspaper cannot
fail to see that the present condition
of Europe is far from settled ; that
the vast changes called into exist-
ence by late wars have not yet re-
solved themselves into finality, or
1870.]
Our Diplomatic Service.
601
even a passing state of repose; and
if we are not at this moment specta-
tors of a great war on the Continent,
it is simply because they who should
stand out as adversaries have not
been able to consolidate the alli-
ances on which they might rely in
the day of a reverse. France and
Prussia are both angling with the
^ame bait ; and, up to this, Russia
und Austria, and even Italy, are re-
luctant to pledge themselves with
either. Now, so linked are the for-
tunes of each State of Europe with
the other, that no movement can
lake place in one without corre-
sponding changes elsewhere. The
uprising of France will threaten
the independence of Belgium, the
.safety of Northern Germany, the
Rhine border, and the small States
contiguous to it — not to speak of
Italy, which may become either ally
or enemy, as the French determine
by their occupation of, or departure
from, Rome. The movement of
Russia implies the re-opening of
the Eastern question — that is, the
actual existence of Turkey.
It can scarcely be said that to
these events, and the great conse-
quences that may follow on them,
we are indifferent. The Scheldt
a French river, and Constantino-
ple a Russian dock, are not insig-
nificant eventualities; and though
our envoys abroad might not be
able to avert the wars that might
menace such results, they might
neutralise the combinations and
modify the alliances that should
influence them. They might, by
judicious representations, delay ac-
tion and give time for more peace-
ful counsels ; and they certainly
could always not only apprise us
at home of the coming danger, but
enable us to determine on the course
most suited to our national advan-
tage. Now it is not assuming too
much to say that the men most
Jitted to obtain this knowledge, and
to sift the evidence on which it
is founded ; to test the sources of
information, and to draw correct
inferences from what they glean in
their personal intercourse with col-
leagues and persons in office, — are
not usually of the class of mere
departmental clerks, but should be
men of considerable natural acute-
ness, aided by trained habits and
well-drilled faculties. Th ey should
be consummate observers, fortified
by travel to enable them to distin-
guish between national habits and
modes of thought or expression
and traits that had a deeper signi-
ficance— men of the world enough
to make their intercourse agreeable
and easy, and with that social tact
that invites confidence by the very
evidence of its honourable under-
standing to respect it — men of
great discretion, who, mixing freely
in society, disarm distrust by per-
sonal loyalty of character, and yet
do not compromise their position by
a rash utterance. They should be
statesmen, in comprehending the
bearing of great questions and trac-
ing the results that might come of
them ; and courtiers, to render their
intercourse with sovereigns accept-
able and satisfactory. And, last of
all, they should be able writers —
men capable of conveying their in-
telligence clearly, briefly, and un-
mistakably— able to set forth in a
despatch the whole details of a
question with simplicity and deci-
sion, and to show the reasons for
any judgment they have come to
with force and perspicuity. These,
in brief, are but some of the quali-
fications of an envoy ; but are even
these to be looked for in a mere
clerk?
Now, when it is borne in mind
that these men are the Preventive
Police of Europe — that it is to their
activity and to their efficiency we
owe, in a great measure, the peace of
the world — and that five days of war-
like preparation would cost more
than a fifty years' maintenance of
the whole diplomatic service of the
Continent, — surely it is not too much
to say that they are worthy public
servants, and justly deserving of
602
Cornelius O'Dowd.
[May
the high place we accord them.
It is suggested, as a measure of
economy, that we should suppress
some of the smaller missions, and
withdraw our ministers from Stutt-
gart, Brussels, Munich, &c. There
can be no question of the saving.
If you can dispense with so many
persons of your household, you are
gainer by the added amount of
their salaries. Now the writer to
the ' Daily News ' served himself
in diplomacy, and thoroughly well
knows that at these smaller courts
there is a vast amount of informa-
tion obtainable which could not be
procured at larger centres, and that
as the fortunes of the larger States
involve the fate of the smaller, these
latter are the first to take alarm at
casualties whose course they can
little influence, while the results
may be vital to themselves. If
inquired into, it would be found
that some of the earliest warnings
of great events abroad have come
from the smaller missions ; and the
French are so well aware of this,
that to such places as Baden, or
Berne, or Coburg, they invariably
send secretaries who have shown
promise of future distinction. To
call this " espionage," or any other
hard name, is easy enough — and in
the platitudes that men utter about
openness and fairness, of course
such a mode of attack has its suc-
cess ; but in that Spanish marriage
intrigue, by which M. Guizot in-
tended to outwit us, and by which
he lost his master his throne, it
was the artful employment of such
agency discovered the intrigue ;
and the same active skill enabled
us to anticipate M. Thiers in '41,
and bring the Pacha to terms before
the wily Minister had made Egypt
a French province.
That Austria was not very ably
served at Berlin prior to the late
war in Germany, nor France well
seconded in Italy when M. Use-
dom cemented the Prussian alliance,
are converse evidences of what
diplomacy may or may not do ; but
that the moves of the great Cabi-
nets are very often to be discovered
at the smaller Courts, is known to
all persons in the service ; and
Lord Malmesbury has lately de-
clared that it was from Hanover and
Switzerland he- first heard that the
Austrians had passed the Ticino,
and that the French Emperor had
contracted for the surrender of
Savoy to France.
Though, of course, I am prepar-
ed to hear the " cui bono1?" cry to
this assertion, and to be told that
whether we knew of these facts on
a Monday through an envoy, or on
Wednesday from our ' Times,' was
not a matter of much moment. In
certain cases this would doubtless
be true ; but there are others in
which it would be of immense im-
portance that a Minister should be
in possession of information before
it had reached the press, and be-
came the subject of comment and
discussion. Nor would it be diffi-
cult to quote instances in which
this early acquantance with pro-
jected moves was employed to in-
terfere with the accomplishment of
a diplomatic success that would
have been totally impossible if the
contemplated action had once at-
tained publicity, and entered the
domain of that public opinion
which, with all its advantages, has
the occasional demerit of pronounc-
ing on scanty evidence, and very
hurriedly also. I do not augur
hopefully for the present com-
mittee, who seem rather bent on in-
quiring what an attache can live
on, than what a Minister should do.
At all events we shall learn some-
thing, even though it only be the
price of lodgings at St Petersburg,
or the cost of washing at Bogota !
1870.]
The Difficult Precept.
603
THE DIFFICULT PEECEPT.
Of all the Christian virtues we
;tre enjoined to cultivate, I know
of not one so difficult as " to love
one's neighbour."
It is not to the amount of the
iffection I would take exception,
though I am aware that in the
height of the standard lies a great
difficulty, and that there must be
few men comparatively in the world
who could transfer the stock of
their self-love to the account of
their neighbour. The really great
iifficulty of the precept is in the
fact that he is your neighbour.
Why is it, and to what is it
owing, that we have a natural an-
tipathy to a Frenchman? I will
not stop to dispute the proposition,
which I sincerely trust no thorough
Englishman will contest ; but ask
simply, for what other reason do
we dislike him but that he is our
neighbour1? The man who lives
next door to me must be hateful to
me. I see too much and I know too
Little of him not to detest him.
His hours of going out and coming
home — his calls of business or
pleasure— the errands of his man-
servant and his maid-servant, and
the visits of the stranger within his
gates — will, in spite of me, invade
my leisure. If his pursuits are like
my own, he jars on me with a
rivalry ; if his road in life lies quite
ipart, he revolts me by outraging
tny sympathies; if he deals with
ray tradesfolk, I suspect him of
being better treated than I am,
that he gets honester measure in
his coals, and more cream in his
milk; if his acquaintance runs in
an humbler current than my own,
[ inveigh against the vulgar con-
tact of his associates ; if they who
frequent him are of an order supe-
rior to my own friends, my dislike
is heightened by a sense of envy.
N"ow, had he only lived in the next
street instead of next door, I had
known none of these things, and
his new liveries had never cost
me a pang, nor had that splendid
haunch of venison I saw carried in
but yesterday disgusted me with
my own tough mutton at dinner.
It is in the points of contact that
are never touches of cohesiveness,
lies all the antipathy. That we
are ready to forgive Russians, Ger-
mans, and Italians, scores of things
we cannot put up with in the French-
man, none will deny. It comes to
this, that the man next door is
positively odious from the number
of times every day some feature of
his life will obtrude itself on our
own, and seem, out of sheer imper-
tinence, to insist on occupying a
share in our attention. The very
people who ring at our bell in mis-
take for his are an offence ; and our
identity — that dear thing we cling
to through all our mishaps in the
world — is outraged at being con-
founded and mistaken for another's.
And as for the little compliments
and courtesies of life that, intend-
ed for him, have by an accident
been left at our door, they are the
dregs of all bitterness in our cup of
disappointment. How came it ever
to my imagination to ponder over
the insignificance of my lot if it
were not for that card from Buck-
ingham Palace which a blundering
messenger had dropped with me
instead of next door ]
That inveterate dislike that exists
between Whigs and Tories is solely
felt because they live in the same
street, and are next door to each
other ; while neither has the same
antipathy to the Eadical, who
dwells in the "stable -lane round
the corner" — a vulgar dog if you
like, but not a bad sort of fellow at
bottom; and this is the judgment
solely founded on the fact that his
ways and doings are not in hourly
contact with our own.
The rancour of party hatred
never reached its climax till we
604
Cornelius O'Dowd.
[May
saw the two rival factions contend-
ing to carry the same measures —
that is, till they came to live side
by side. In the old days of op-
posite views and objects they fought
their battles boldly, bravely, man-
fully, but there was no acrimony,
for their houses were not next door.
It was only in our own day that it
occurred to them to become neigh-
bours, and we see what has come
of it.
So long as each hunted his own
line of country, one might say that
his neighbour's dogs were slow to
find, and ran wildly ; or the other
might retort, that his pack were
mostly mongrels, and never gave
voice together. Still each could
follow his sport without interrup-
tion, and on the whole no very se-
rious bad feeling came of it. But
now that they are driven to draw
the same cover, and have only one
fox between them, there's nothing
too bad for each to say of the other.
Mr Disraeli declares the fox was
his fox, and that if he had not
hunted him before, it was because
he was employed teaching some
friends to ride — " educating them,"
he called it, to take fences and
ditches they weren't used to. Mr
Gladstone denied this ; that the fox
had strayed out of his cover; and
that he felt the unsportsmanlike
conduct of his neighbour so acutely,
that he would rather dispose of his
pack and give up hunting for the
season.
Nothing of this would have hap-
pened had each kept to his own
county. All the bad feeling came
of propinquity; for, be it remarked,
neither of them was displeased
when the Radicals came out and
took a run with them.
They tell us that the law of pri-
mogeniture makes a man little af-
fectionate to his eldest son, but
full of love for his grandchild;
and here it is, once more, the next-
door neighbour there is no forgiv-
ing, and even he a little farther off
is preferable to him ! As for that
old adage of the Romans, that de-
clares "loving the same and hating
the same" constitutes true friend-
ship, I take it there never was a
greater fallacy. Real sympathy is
the sense of enjoyment I feel when
I see my friend delighted by some-
thing I don't care for. If any one
disputes my definition, let him think
how inconvenient the converse
would prove in our courts of divorce,
and that even the most gushing
heart is not bound to like a Co-
respondent.
Whose dog keeps me awake all
night 1 whose daughters' duets
drive me distracted half the day 1
whose duns come thundering at my
knocker? whose telegrams startle
me from my sleep 1 whose whole
life is it that will run Rhone-like
through the placid Geneva-Lake of
my existence, and by its strong
current mar the grand tranquillity
of my days "? — My neighbour's.
When I read of the projects for
bridging over the strip of sea be-
tween Dover and Calais, or the plans
for tunnelling a road beneath the
waters ; when I hear the specula-
tions of those who believe that, by
what they call " drawing closer to
France," we shall cultivate more
surely the relations of friendship,
and more effectually combat the
mistrusts and prejudices that beset
the relations between strange peo-
ples,— when, I say, I see and hear
these things, I ask myself, Where
have they lived who enunciate these
doctrines ? What experiences have
they had of life 1 What lesson has
the world taught them, if it be not
this, — That where there is no com-
mon bond of interest to bind men,
no unity of pursuit or object, there
is no more sure promoter of bicker-
ing, bad feeling, and dislike, than
too close proximity.
I have occasional twinges of gout;
lobster mayonnaise, with cucum-
ber, washed down with iced Mosel-
cup, do not agree with me as well
as it used to do; nor are my morning
recollections of anchovy sandwiches
1870.]
Personal and Peculiar.
605
and "bishops" as free from repin-
ings as once they were. " Tempera
mutantur," and digestive organs
" cum illis;" and there do come mo-
ments when life is crape-covered, an d
when in my discontent with the
world I include myself, and have
to own that there is not a grievance
-,ior an ill that assails me for which
I am not personally responsible, and
that for every hard turn of fortune
I have been an aider and abettor.
At such moments as these — and
of late years they have a habit of
coining oftener than I care for, —
at such moments as these — when I
am soured with life — when I see,
or think that I see, Fortune has
dealt me all the small cards of the
pack, and never a trump — when
I feel myself walking the world's
stage without a part in the comedy
— scarcely a supernumerary — rather
a creature that has strayed in from
" the flats," and like enough to be
hooted off if discovered, — at such
periods of existence as these, I do
believe I like my neighbour pretty
much like myself, and I wish him
joy of the affection.
PERSONAL AND PECULIAR.
Fate — for reasons I do not care
to question or find great fault with
— gave me very wandering habits
early in life, and later on made me
a resident at some part or other of
the Continent. So far as personal
advantage, and what are called the
successes of life, are concerned,
there is not much to be said for
this choice. As regards enjoyment
— I mean such enjoyment as usually
comes within the scope of humble
men of small ambitions and smaller
fortunes — the case is not so bad a
one. At all events, the tide of life
runs less strongly than with us at
home ; and for a bad swimmer this
is something. At another oppor-
tunity I shall perhaps return to
this theme, whose pros and cons
require some care in their treat-
ment. My business is now with a
— " case of conscience," I was going
to call it : not that exactly ; but
it is a case sufficiently doubtful to
make it a burden on my own mind ;
and I would therefore be thankful
for any friendly counsel that might
help me to a conclusion.
In appealing thus broadcast to
the world for advice, I am not pre-
sumptuous enough to imagine that
I have established any claim upon
my readers which would entitle me
to this freedom. I am simply,
however, following a custom which
has a certain currency in the times
we live in, and is, as I see, much
followed in Ladies' Magazines, — I
mean, of submitting a case for an
opinion, hoping that the next num-
ber may bring the reply. Thus, in
a journal before me, I read — " I am
applied to for the payment of a
pair of silk stockings, which I paid
for, but have lost the receipt. Am
I bound to pay, or can I resist the
demand1?" — " Tom kissed me twice
yesterday evening, and said he
wished I were his wife. Would
this enable me to recover damages
if he should not marry me yet 1 " —
" My father was a Finlander, and
my mother a Greek. Can you say
if this gives me a claim to American
citizenship 1 " — " I have been con-
siderably hurt by a peg in my right
boot, and kicked the bootmaker in
consequence. Is it true that the
Chief-Justice has ruled this to be a
justifiable violence ?" — " My father
has obtained a decree nisi against
my stepmother. If it should be
made a rule absolute, can I marry
her — and how soon ? "
I take these at random as speci-
mens of what doubts beset the
British mind ; nor is it without a
sense of pride that I see the natu-
ral desire of pure-intentioned indi-
viduals to distrust their own im-
pulses, and throw themselves upon
606
Cornelius O'Dowd.
[May
their fellow-men for guidance and
direction.
To return to myself. Mine is a
much smaller difficulty than any of
these. Indeed I do not know if
it would present what could be
called a difficulty to any mind
versed in the complex questions
of busy life.
Here is my case. Long a resi-
dent abroad, it has been my custom
to make occasional visits to Ireland
• — that is to say, I have rarely suf-
fered three or four years to pass
without going there for at least
some weeks. These visits were
about the very pleasantest incidents
of my life. I liked the country, and
I liked the people. There were
scores of things in their ways, their
sayings and doings, that pleased me
better than all I met elsewhere.
There was so much cordiality, so
much frankness, so little reserve
about anything, and there was so
little seriousness even in the grav-
est occupations of life, it was im-
possible not to feel the same relief
from care amongst them that one
feels when amused and carried away
by a well-acted comedy.
As I have said, these chance
visits were very delightful to me,
not the less so that I was always
the guest of an old schoolfellow
who had never married, and whose
humour it was to keep a capital
house a short distance from Dub-
lin, and give the pleasantest din-
ners in the world. His house was
charmingly situated at the foot of
the Dublin mountains, with some
old timber to shelter it, and a view
of the bay and the islands, that,
seen on a summer morning, will
give a more flat rebuke to Mr Dis-
raeli's "melancholy ocean" than any
poor words of mine. My friend
O. was well off as regarded fortune,
and had all that popularity that
a genial nature, a fine temper, good
manners, and a hospitable board
have a right to secure a man.
' He had a passion for giving din-
ners, and he became an adept in
the art — that is, he knew how much
to do, and what to leave undone.
He felt that for the cook and the
cellar he was wholly responsible,
and he did not shirk the burden.
Long experience, however, had
taught him not to be over-careful in
"packing" his company. His great
secret was, no detrimentals — no
people positively obnoxious ; be-
yond this he tried nothing. There
was, in consequence, no strain — no
effort anywhere ; no man had any
mission to tell something himself,
or make another tell it ; neither
was there any political colour detec-
table. Tories, Whigs, and Radicals
hobnobbed and jested together ;
and as the claret passed round, it
seemed to rivet a chain that bound
men in hearty good-fellowship,
while leaving them to think their
own thoughts on many things too
grave to be dealt with passingly.
My friend Ogle — why should I
hesitate about naming one whom
so many must recognise already? —
need I say it? — was no small element
in the pleasure these visits yielded
me ; nor need I conceal that I was
an honoured guest. Not that I could
cut any conspicuous figure amidst
that clever company he drew around
him — the pleasant officials fresh
from the gossip of the House and
the season, the smart lawyers with
only enough business to ballast their
agreeability, and, better than either,
the pretty women ; for, be it known,
my friend affected a " croquet lawn,"
and sprinkled his dinners with
" muslin." And here let me say, in
parenthesis, that three or four wo-
men in a party of twelve is perfec-
tion ; they must be somebody 's wives,
doubtless, but no disadvantage is it
if they be there without their hus-
bands. Of that aide-de-camp who
is on service, or of that Attorney-
General who is in his place in Par-
liament, or, better still, of that colo-
nel of hussars who is bronzing his
cheeks at Benares, and boring the
Horse Guards to send him home —
these, with a young widow to lead
1870.]
Personal and Peculiar.
607
the way, and take the fences before
them, are the moral truffles that
impart zest and bouquet to the feast.
Time was when the end of my
journey brought me to such joys
f.s these, cheered with the j oiliest
of welcomes, and heart- warmed by
the sight of the scores of things rich
in pleasant memories. I make no
scruple of owning that I did my ut-
most to requite — to what the French
call payer de ma personne — all these
amenities. I brought over good
store of that sort of social gos-
sip which serves to purposes of
talk what the doctors entitle in
their jargon " the vehicle." I had
my budget of stories and drolleries
warranted new — the little equivo-
cal narratives which, in my charac-
ter of a foreigner, were permitted
me ; these, with sketches of life
and character in other latitudes,
were, so to say, specialties in which
I dreaded no rivalry. I had, be-
sides, in those days, good spirits,
though what has become of them
now I know no more than what
lias become of the hair of my head.
I can only vouch for it, they have
both left me, and I have neither
fun nor "forelock." Nor were
little flatteries wanting to fill the
measure of my enjoyment. " I was
asked to meet you, Mr O'Dowd,"
would say a soft voice. " We were
to have left for town on Wednes-
day, Mr O'Dowd, but when we
heard that you were certain to ar-
rive," &c. &c. Or in rougher tones :
" Corny, old fellow, I have risked
an arrest for this dinner ; and
there's O'Hagan has lost the first
day of the assizes for it." Alas
and alack ! I am to hear no more
of such as these ; and if my chair
is empty now at the table-dhote at
the "Angel," the landlord chuckles
over my absence with a laugh
like the sound of five shillings in
copper.
But I must finish. I cannot bear
to recall memories that half over-
whelm me. From one cause or an-
other, my visits "home" — I used to
call them — grew rarer and rarer;
and though Ogle, who hated let-
ter-writing, pressed me repeatedly
and warmly to come over, I gave
up my wanderings, and it is now
fully five years since I crossed St
George's Channel for what I feel to
be the last time. Now, my question
is this : I have been reading over
the debate on the Irish Land Bill,
and amongst its provisions I find
one — I don't know whether it be
" Ulster custom," or some new de-
vice of clever statecraft — whether
it owes its origin to Gladstonian
ingenuity, or the prolific sugges-
tions of Mr Bright — but I say I
find something that seems to say,
when you have been long on a
man's land, and made a good thing
of it, but that you are minded to
quit the place and go elsewhere, it
is the owner's duty to requite you
for that caprice, or necessity, or
whatever it be; and if not his,
somebody else's duty, whenever he
succeeds you in that locality. I
hope I am not going to make any
claim upon the host who has fed
and housed me so long, whose claret
I have drunk, whose cobs I have
ridden, whose no end of sixpences
I have won at whist ; but will any
legal friend inform me — Have I not,
under the new Act, a just claim
against the man who succeeds to my
holding, or could I not legally dis-
pose of my vested right to so much
turtle and champagne as it was my
proud privilege once to enjoy there 1
Is not this the custom of Ulster 1
God bless it ! for it seems a very
charming usage. Surely some Q.C.
of my acquaintance will kindly in-
struct me what are my rights here,
and how may I enforce them.
Mind — and I desire not to be
misunderstood — I make no claim
for improvements. I neither pre-
tend that a good story of mine
lingers in the air, or that a flash of
my imagination lights up a corner
of the dining-room. I set up no
claim for the night I made the
archbishop laugh, or persuaded Mr
608
Cornelius O'Dowd.
[May
Solicitor to imitate himself in
his opening speech in Parliament —
great successes, but still under the
head of improvements, of which the
tenant enjoyed the value. All I
pretend to is, what Ulster has now
made into a law, that I should be
empowered to dispose of something
that is not mine, when I have no
further wish for its temporary en-
joyment.
When the Prime Minister admits
his inability to define the " custom
of Ulster," I shall certainly not
undertake the task. I find it, how-
ever, in a recognised organ of public
intelligence, stated to be something
in this wise : " One man wants to
give up a tenure, another desires to
possess it j but before the transfer
takes place, the incoming must pay
to the outgoing for what is called
the ' goodwill.'" The definition is
loose enough, but still sufficiently
distinctive to enable me to ask, Does
it apply to my case ? May I hope
to profit by its provisions'? That
I am in possession of the " good-
will," I have little reason to doubt ;
whether I can dispose of it to an-
other, is the question.
There are men who take a life-
time to establish a habit. They re-
quire years to engrain a custom
into them. This is not so with me.
I have a positive genius for rou-
tine ; and it is much harder on a
man like myself to surrender some-
thing he has grown used to, than
for one of those flippant, volatile,
inconstant spirits, whose great ne-
cessity is variety. Should I not,
therefore, have claim to a higher
measure of compensation than one
of these nomad creatures who does
not care where he lives or how he
dines ?
Again, the " stupid party," as it
is the polite phrase now to call the
Conservatives, will inveigh against
this measure as a violation of the
law of contract — as if there was ever
such a thing as free contract in
Ireland ! Ask any Irishman you
like — I don't care of what party or
religion — has he secured the posi-
tion, has he obtained the office, he
desires in life 1 has he taken the
farm at the rent he would have
wished 1 has he married the woman
he wanted to marry ? What, in a
word, has he ever done to his com-
plete satisfaction 1 Is not every-
thing that takes place in that coun-
try what the Italians call " alia
meglio" ] and is it not in this spirit
the Prime Minister says to the
landlord, There's a poor devil who
has been living ten years on your
estate, and he is tired of the place,
and sick of paying rent — give him a
few hundred pounds for the trouble
of being turned out, and perhaps
he'll go quietly 1
It is into this category I desire
to come. I want to be paid for
giving up something I have long
enjoyed as a privilege, when it is
no longer my pleasure to practise
it. That is the " custom of Ulster,"
I am told ; and when once it gets
a wider acceptance in life, the
world will be altogether far plea-
santer to live in — at least, for men
as poor as
CORNELIUS O'DowD.
1670.]
John.— Part VII.
609
JOHN. — PART VII.
CHAPTER XX.
KATE was very much perplexed
by her interview with her lover,
and by the abrupt conclusion of his
visit. She was very sweet-temper-
ed and good-natured, and could not
bear to vex any one ; but perhaps
it pained her secretly a little to be
brought in contact with those very
strong feelings which she scarcely
understood, and which did not bear
much resemblance to her own ten-
der, affectionate, caressing love. She
wis very fond of John ; at bottom
ste knew and felt that of all the
men she had ever seen, he was the
man whom she preferred trusting
her life and happiness to. Had she
been driven to the very depths, and
power given her to express her feel-
ings, this would have been what
she would have said } and when
opportunity served she was very
willing to give him her smiles,
her sweet words, to lean her head
against him, caressing and depend-
ent, to bestow even a soft unim-
passioned kiss; but to think of
nothing but John, to resign any
part of her duties as mistress of
the house, or to neglect other peo-
ple, and make them uncomfortable,
on account of him, would never
h;ive occurred to her. And there
was in her mind at the same
time something of that fatal cu-
riosity which so often attends
power. She wanted to know how
lar her power could go : it gave her
a thrill of excitement to speculate
upon just touching the utmost
borders of it, coming to the verge
of loss and despair, and then mend-
ing everything with a touch of her
h md or sudden smile. By nature
K ate seemed to have been so com-
pletely separated from all tragi-
cal possibilities. She had never
wanted anything in all her life
that had not been procured for
her. Everything had given way to
her, everything conspired to give
her her will. And what if she
should give herself one supreme
pleasure to end with, and skirt the
very edge of the abyss, and feel
the awful thrill of danger, and go
just within a hair's-breadth of de-
struction 1 Kate's heart beat as
the thought occurred to her. If
she could do this, then she might
sip the very essence of tragedy,
and never more be obliged to
despise herself as ignorant of in-
tense emotions — while yet she
would still keep her own happiness
all the time to fall back upon. Such
was the thought — we cannot call it
project — which gradually shaped
itself in Kate's mind, and which
accident went so far to carry out.
"So he has gone," her father
said to her ; "we have not paid
our deliverer sufficient attention,
I suppose."
" Papa, you know I will not have
him talked of so/' cried Kate ; " he
went away because he chose to go.
I am dreadfully sorry ; and it makes
me think a great deal less of the
people who are staying here, not of
John."
" How do you make that out ? "
said her father.
"Because they did not under-
stand him better," said Kate, with
flashing eyes; "they took their cue
from you, papa — not from me —
which shows what they are ; for of
course it is the lady of the house
who has to be followed, not the
gentleman. And he did not see
anything of me, which was what he
came for. I only wonder that he
should have stayed a single day."
" That is complimentary to us,"
said her father, and then he looked
her keenly in the face. " It is not
much use trying to deceive me," he
said. "You have quarrelled with
Mitford ; why don't you tell me so
610
John.— Part VII.
[May
at once 1 You have no reproach to
expect from me."
" I have not quarrelled with Mr
Mitford," said Kate, raising her
head with an amount of indignation
for which Mr Crediton was not
prepared.
" No, by Jove ! you need not ex-
pect any reproaches from me ; a
good riddance, I should be disposed
to say. The fellow begins to get
intolerable. Between you and me,
Kate, I would almost rather the
Bank had been burnt to the ground
than owe all this to a man I "
" Papa," said Kate, loftily, " the
man you are speaking of is engaged
to be married to me."
Upon which Mr Crediton laugh-
ed. This cynical Mephistophelian
kind of laugh was not in his way,
neither was it usual with him to
swear by Jove ; but he was aggra-
vated, and his mind was twisted
quite out of its general strain. No
doubt it is very hard to have favours
heaped upon you by a man whom
you do not like. And then he had
the feeling which embittered his
dislike, that for every good service
John had done him, he had repaid
him with harm. As a recompense
for his daughter's life, he had placed
her lover in the dingy outer office —
a clerk with more pretensions and
less prospect of success than any of
the rest. As a reward for the de-
votion which had saved him his
property, he made his house, if not
disagreeable, at least unattractive to
his visitor, and now felt a certain
vigorous satisfaction in the thought
of having beaten him off the field.
" That fellow ! " he said, and nat-
tered himself that Kate too was
getting tired of him. John had
not even taken his preferment
gratefully and humbly, as would
have been natural ; but insisted
upon taking possession of Kate
whenever he could monopolise her
society, and looked as black as night
when she was not at his call. In-
stead of being overjoyed with the
prospect of going to Fernwood at
any price, he had the assurance to
resent his cool reception and to cut
short his visit, as if he were on an
equal or even superior footing. Mr
Crediton was very glad to get rid
of him, but yet he was furious at
his presumption in venturing to
take it upon himself to go away.
It was a curious position alto-
gether. He dared not be rude
to the man who had done so
much for him ; everybody would
have called shame on him had
he attempted it ; and yet he
began to hate him for his ser-
vices. And at the same time he
had the substantial foundation of
justice to rest upon, that in point
of fact John Mitford was not a
suitable match for Kate Crediton.
It was in this mood that he ac-
costed Kate, almost expecting to
find her disposed to respond in his
own vein.
"There is many a slip between
the cup and the lip," he said oracu-
larly, and left her standing where
he had found her, almost diverted
from her own thoughts by indigna-
tion and that healthful impulse of
opposition which springs so natu-
rally in the young human breast.
" There shall be no slips in John's
cup," she said to herself, with a
certain fury, as she turned away,
not thinking much of the unity of
the metaphor. No, nothing should
interfere with John's happiness ; at
least nothing should permanently
interfere with it. The course of
true love should certainly be made
to run smooth for him, and every-
thing should go right — at the last.
That, of course, was all that was
necessary — the most severe critic
could not demand more than a
happy conclusion. " Papa is very,
very much mistaken if he thinks
he can make me a traitor to John,"
Kate said within herself, indignant-
ly, and hurried off" to put on her
habit, and went out to ride with
a countenance severe in conscious
virtue. She was pleased that it was
Fred Huntley who kept most close-
ly by her side all the way. For
one thing, he rode very well, which
1870.]
John.— Part VII.
611
is always a recommendation; and
then she felt that she could speak
to him of the subject which was
most in her thoughts. It was true
tb at she had almost quarrelled with
her lover on Fred's account, and
tLat there had been a moment when
her mind was full of the thought
that her choice must lie between
the two. But Kate forgot these
warnings in the impulse of the
moment, and in her longing for
confidential communion with some-
body who was interested in John.
" Papa has been making himself
so disagreeable to-day," she said.
" No, I know I have not much to
complain of in that way; generally
he is very good ; but this morning
— though perhaps I ought not to
say anything about it," Kate con-
cluded with a sigh.
"It is a way our fathers have,"
said Fred, " though they ought to
know better at their time of life ;
but Mr Crediton is a model in his
way — small blame to him when he
has only to deal with "
" Me," said Kate ; " please don't
pay me any compliments ; we don't
really like them, you know, though
we have to pretend to. I know I
am sometimes very aggravating; but
if there is any good in a girl at all,
she must stand up for anybody
who — who is fond of her : don't
you think so, Mr Huntley? What
could any one think of her if she
had not the heart to do that ?"
" I am afraid I don't quite fol-
low," said Fred ; " to stand up for
everybody who is fond of her? but
in that case your life would be a
sories of standings -up for some-
body or other — and one might have
too much of that."
" There you go again," said Kate ;
" another compliment \ when that
is not in the least what I want. I
^ant backing up myself. I want
— advice."
"Indeed, indeed," said Fred. "I
am quite ready to give any quantity
of backing up — on the terms you
have just mentioned ; or — advice."
" Well," said Kate, with a certain
VOL. CVIT. — NO. DCLV.
softness in her tone — she could not
help being slightly caressing to any-
body she talked confidentially with
— " you know we have been friends
almost all our lives ; at least I was
a very small little girl when I first
knew you ; we used to call you Fred
in those days — Minnie and Lizzie
and I "
" Minnie and Lizzie call me Fred
still," said her companion, dryly;
and he brought his horse very close,
almost too close, to her side.
" Of course, they are your sis-
ters," said Kate ; "but that was not
what I meant. I meant that it was
natural I should talk to you. I have
not got any brother to advise me,
and papa has been so disagreeable ;
and then, besides knowing me so
well, you are quite intimate — with
— poor John."
" Do you know," said Fred, with
apparent hesitation, " I meant to
have spoken to you on that subject.
I fear Mitford does not like it. I
don't blame him. If I had been as
fortunate as he is — pardon the sup-
position— I don't think I should
have liked you — I mean the lady —
to talk to any other man of me."
Kate did not answer for some
minutes. She went along very
slowly, her head and her horse's
drooping in harmony; and then
she suddenly roused herself as they
came to a level stretch of turf, and
with a little wave of her hand went
off at full speed. Such abrupt
changes were familiar to all her
friends, but Fred had a feeling that
the caprice for once was policy,
and that she wanted time to re-
cover herself, and make up her
mind what kind of answer she
would give. Perhaps she had an-
other notion too, and had half
hoped to shake off her attend-
ant, and pick up some one else
who would not tempt her into
paths so difficult. However that
might be, the fact was that she did
not shake Fred off, but found him
at her side when she drew rein and
breath a good way ahead of the rest
of the party.
2T
612
John.— Part VII.
[May
"That was sudden/' he said,
with a smile, stopping as she did,
and timing all his movements to
hers with a deference that half
flattered, half annoyed her. And
Kate was silent again. Her spirit
failed at this emergency — or else,
which was more likely, she had not
made up her mind that it was an
emergency, or that now was the
moment when any decision must
be made.
"I don't understand why you
should feel like that," she said, all
at once. " It is natural to talk
about people one — cares for; and
who should one talk of them to
but their friends ? I told you papa
had been dreadfully disagreeable
all this time — to him ; I am sure
I can't think why — unless it is to
make me unhappy ; and I am —
whenever I think of it," Kate add-
ed, with a candour of which she
herself was unaware.
" I think I can understand quite
well why," said Fred. "It is nat-
ural enough. I daresay he hates
every fellow that ventures to look
at you ; and as for a man who hopes
to take you from him altogether — I
don't see how the best of Christians
could be expected to stand that."
" Oh, nonsense," said Kate. " All
the books say that our fathers and
mothers are only too glad to get rid
of us. I don't think, however, it
would be true to say that of papa.
He would be very lonely. But in
that case, don't you think the thing
would be to make very good friends
with — poor John ?"
Fred shook his head with every
appearance of profound gravity and
deliberation. " I do not think
my virtue would be equal to such
an exertion," he said, with great
seriousness, " if I were your papa."
" You are very absurd," said
Kate, laughing; "as if you could
be my papa ! Yes, indeed, it is
easy to laugh ; but if you had as
much on your mind as I have, Mr
Huntley "
" You said you used to call me
Fred."
"That was only with your sis-
ters," said Kate. We are too old for
that now ; and, besides, if you were
my real friend, and felt for me, you
would not talk nonsense when I tell
you how much I have on my mind."
" Am I talking nonsense 1 " said
Fred ; and just then, as ill luck
would have it, their companions
overtook them and interrupted the
conversation, just, Kate said to her-
self, as it began to be interesting.
And she had not really been able
to obtain any advice from this old
friend of her own and of John's,
who was, she reflected, of all people
the right one to consult. John
had been impatient about it, but
of course it was simply because
John did not know. He thought
Fred was intruding between them,
attempting to take his own place,
which was, oh, such folly ! Fred
of all men ! who never even looks at
me ! said Kate. And then her con-
science smote her a little, for Fred
had surely looked at her, even this
very day, more perhaps than John
would have approved of. However,
he was perfectly innocent, he was a
man who never had been fond of
any girl — who was a fellow of a
college, and that sort of thing. No
recollection of the moment when
they had both stood by her in the
Fanshawe garden, and she had felt
herself driven, as it were, to make
a choice between them, came back
to Kate's mind now. She wanted
to talk about the circumstances and
discuss the matter with somebody ;
and Fred, who was John's friend,
was the first who came in her way.
This was the innocent, natural ex-
planation,— most natural, most in-
nocent; and how odd, how strange,
how unkind it was of John to have
objected to it ! Though she would
not really have vexed John for the
world, yet somehow his unreason-
able dislike to Fred rather stimu-
lated than prevented her from seek-
ing Fred's advice. Why should she
give in to an injustice 1 And surely
in such a matter it was she who
must know best.
1870.]
John.— Part VII.
613
As for Fred Huntley, there was
a curious combat going on within
him which he concealed skilfully
from everybody, and even labo-
riously from himself. He pre-
tsnded not to be aware of the
1 ttle internal controversy. When
Us heart gave him a little tug and
i itimation that he was John Mit-
ford's friend, and ought to guard
I is interests, he acquiesced without
allowing that any question on the
natter was possible. Of course he
was John's friend — of course he
would stand by him ; and he only
saw with the tail of his eye, and
took no notice of, the little imp
which in a corner of his mind was
gibing at this conscientious resolu-
tion. And then he said to himself
Low pretty Kate Crediton looked
to-day, when she suddenly woke
out of her reverie, and gathered
up her reins and went off like a
wild creature, her horse and she
one being, over the level turf. He
could not but allow it was very odd
that he had never remarked it be-
fore. He supposed she must have
been as pretty all these years, when
lie had seen her growing from sum-
mer to summer into fuller bloom.
But the fact was that he had never
taken any notice of her until now ;
tmd he did not know how to ex-
plain it. But even while the
thought passed through his mind,
it appeared to Fred as if the lit-
tle demon, whom he could just
perceive with the tail of the eye
of his mind, so to speak, made a
grimace at him, as much as to say,
I know the reason why. Imperti-
nent little imp ! Fred turned and
looked himself full in the face, as
it were, and there was no demon
visible. It was only to be seen
with the tail of his eye, when his
immediate attention was fixed on
other things.
And thus the day passed on at
Fernwood, with the ride and the
talk ; and at night the great dinner,
which was like a picture, with its
heaps of flowers on the table, and
pretty toilettes and pretty faces
round it — a long day for those who
had no particular interest, and a
short day for those who were better
occupied. Lady Winton, who had
known Mrs Mitford when she was
a girl, yawned over her dressing,
and told her confidential maid
drearily that she could not think
why she had come, and wished she
might go, except that the next place
would be just as bad. But Fred
felt in his calm veins a little thrill
of excitement, as of a man setting
forth in an unknown country, and
found Fernwood much more inte-
resting than he had ever done be-
fore. " They have always such nice
people — Lady Winton for one/' he
said to the man who sat next him
after dinner ; for Lady Winton was
a very clever woman, and rather
noted in society. Such was the
fashion of life at Fernwood, when
John sat down in the shadow of his
mother's lamp at Fanshawe Eegis,
and did his best to make the even-
ing cheerful for her, for the first
time for three months.
CHAPTER XXI.
The conversation above recorded
was, it may be supposed, very far
from being the last on so tempting a
subject. In short, the two who had
thus a topic to themselves did with
it what two people invariably do
with a private occasion for talk,
— produced it perpetually, had little
snatches of discussion over it, which
were broken off as soon as any
stranger appeared, and gradually
got into a confidential and myste-
rious intimacy. Kate, to do her
justice, had no such intention.
None of the girls about her knew
John sufficiently well to discuss
him. They had seen him but for
these two days, when he had been
distrait, preoccupied, and suffering ;
and indeed her friends did not ad-
614
John. —Part VI T.
[May
mire her choice, and Madeline Win-
ton, who was her chief intimate,
had not hesitated to say so. " Of
course I don't doubt Mr Mitford is
very nice," had been Miss Winton's
deliverance ; " but if you really ask
my opinion, Kate, I must say he
did not captivate me.7' " I did not
want him to captivate you/' Kate
had answered, with some heat.
But nevertheless it is discouraging
to have your confidences about your
betrothed thus summarily checked.
And on the whole, perhaps, it was
more piquant to have Fred Hunt-
ley for a confidant than Madeline
Winton. He never snubbed her.
To be sure, with him it was not
possible to indulge in very much
enthusiasm over the excellences of
the beloved; but that was not in
any case Kate's way ; and the mat-
ter, without doubt, was full of dif-
ficulties : how to overcome Mr
Crediton's passive but unfaltering
resistance — how to bring the father
and the lover to something like an
understanding of each other — how
to satisfy John and smooth down
his asperities and make him con-
tent with his position. " It is not
that he is discontented," Kate said,
with an anxious pucker on her
brow, on one of those evenings
when Fred had placed a chair for
her just at the corner of the boudoir,
where she could see all that was
going on in the great drawing-room,
and be able to interpose should
amusements flag. John would
never have thought of such a clever
contrivance, which kept her mind
easy about her guests, and yet left
her a little freedom for herself.
" It is not that he is discontented,"
she repeated ; " I hope he is too
fond of me for that — but "
" I don't understand how such
a word as discontent could be
spoken in the same breath with his
name," said Fred — " a lucky fellow !
No, surely it cannot be that."
" I told you it was not discon-
tent," Kate said, almost sharply ;
" and as for lucky and all that, you
always make me angry with your
nonsense — when we are talking
gravely of a subject which is of so
much importance ; at least it is of
great importance to me."
" I think you might know by
this time," said Fred, with soft re-
proach, " that everything that con-
cerns you is important to me."
She looked up at him with that
soft glow of gratitude and thanks
in her eyes which had subdued
John, and half extended to him the
tips of her fingers. " Yes, indeed,"
she said, " you are very, very kind.
I don't know why I talk to you
like this. I can't talk so to anybody
else. And I do so want some one
to feel for me. Is it very selfish ?
I am afraid it is."
" If it is selfish, I hope you will
always be selfish," said Fred, with
a fervour which was out of place,
considering all things, and yet was
natural enough ; and though he
could not kiss the finger-tips with
so many eyes looking on, he squeezed
them furtively in the shadow of her
dress. And then for one moment
they looked at each other and felt
they were going wrong. To Fred,
I am afraid, the feeling was not
new, nor so painful as it ought to
have been ; but it sent the blood
pulsing suddenly with a curious
thrill up to Kate's very hair, start-
ling her as if she had received an
electric shock. And then next mo-
ment she said to herself, " Non-
sense ! it is only Fred ; he is fond
of me as if he were my brother.
And how nice it would be to have
a brother!" she added unconscious-
ly, with a half -uttered sigh.
" Did you speak 1 " said Fred.
" No ; I was only thinking how
nice it would be — if you were my
real brother," said Kate. " How I
wish you were my brother ! You
have always been so kind ; and
then you would settle it all for me,
and everything would come right.
It would have been so nice for papa
too to have had a son like you. He
would not have minded losing me
so much ; and he would have been
so proud of your first class and all
1370.]
John.— Part VII.
615
that. What a nice arrangement
it would have been altogether ! "
she ran on, beginning to see a
little fun in the suggestion, which
even in her present anxious state
was sweet to her. " I wonder, you
know — I don't mean to be wicked,
but I do wonder — why Providence
shouldn't think of such things. It
would have been so very, very nice
both for me and for papa! "
To this Fred made no reply : he
even looked a little glum, if the
truth must be told, and wondered,
after all, was she laughing at him
as well as at the rest of the world 1
and the general company, as it hap-
pened, wanted a little stirring up
j ast at that particular moment, and
Kate had darted off before he was
aware, and was here and there
among her guests looking as if vex-
ation of any kind had never come
near her. Fred asked himself, did
she mean what she said — was she
really moved by the difficulties that
lay in John Mitford's way, or did
she care anything about John Mit-
f ord ? and what was still more im-
portant, what did she mean about
himself 1 — did she mean anything 1
— was she playing with him as a
cat plays with a mouse 1 or was it
all real for the moment — her anxie-
ties, her friendship, all her winning
ways 1 — for they were winning ways,
though he did not feel sure what
faith was to be put in them ; and
Fred felt a certain pleasant weak-
ness about his heart at the very
thought of her — though she was
not his but another man's Kate,
and though he had no desire to be
her brother. The magic had work-
ed so upon him that he kept still in
that corner waiting and wondering
whether she would come back, and
more satisfied with that absurd oc-
( upation than with the ordinary in-
tercourse of society, which he might
have had, had he chosen. There
were various men within reach with
whom he could have talked plea-
santly enough in other circum-
stances ; and there were women
whom he liked — Lady Winton, for
instance — who was very clever, and a
great friend of Fred's. Yet instead
of consoling himself with any of
these resources, he sat in his corner,
going over and over the foolish
little conversation which had just
passed, watching Kate's movements,
and wondering if she would come
back. The time was — and that not
so very long ago — when he would
have thought Lady Winton's com-
pany worth twenty of Kate Credi-
ton's ; though Lady Winton was as
old as his mother, and as free from
any thought of flirting with her son's
friend. But something had sud-
denly made the very idea of Kate
Crediton much more captivating
than her ladyship's wit and wis-
dom. What was it 1 Is it quite fair
to Mitford 1 Fred even asked him-
self faintly, though he gave himself
no answer. At the last, however, his
patience was rewarded. Kate came
back after a long interval, after she
had suggested " a little music/' and
had herself sung, and successfully
started the performances of the
evening. She came back to Fred,
as she had never gone back to John,
— partly, perhaps, because Fred was
not much to her, and John was a
great deal, — although by this time
the confidential intercourse between
Fred and herself had begun to catch
the general eye. But neverthe-
less she came back, and slid into
the easy-chair again, and threw her-
self back, and gave herself up to
enjoyment of the music. " This is
so sweet. Please don't talk to me
— any one," she said, audibly. And
Fred did not talk ; but he sat half
behind her, half concealed by her
chair and dress, and felt a curious
beatitude steal over him. Why1?
But he could not tell, and he did
not ask ; — he felt it, that was all.
" Do you know," Kate said, with
a certain abruptness, in the middle
of a bar, " that I think everything
might come right, Mr Huntley, if
you would really use your influence ;
if you would represent to papa how
good he is ; and if you would only
be patient with him, and show him
616
John.— Part VI 7.
[May
how much better things might be.
You men are so queer. If it were
me, I would put on any look, it
would not matter. Could there be
anything wrong in putting on a
look just for a little while, when it
might be so useful with papa 1 Any
girl would do it naturally," Kate
continued, in a slightly aggrieved
tone. " I know you men are hon-
ester, and superior, and all that ;
but when one has not a bad motive,
it can't be any harm to make-believe
a little, for so short a time."
" I think I could make-believe
as much and as long as you liked,"
said Fred, "if you would conde-
scend to ask me."
"Everybody does it — a little —
in ordinary society," said Kate. " Of
course we all smile and say things
we don't mean. And wouldn't it
be all the more innocent if one had
a good motive 1 You men are so
stiff and so strange. You can put
on looks easily enough when it is
for your own ends ; and then, when
one wants you just to be a little
prudent "
" Happy Mitford ! " said Fred.
" I should stand on my head, if you
took the trouble to ask me."
" That is not the question," said
Kate, giving her pretty head a little
shake, as if to shake off the suspi-
cion of a blush which had come
against her will ; " why should I
ask you to stand on your head ] but
it might be of so much use to us,
if John could make up his mind
to conciliate poor papa."
" I see the difference," said Fred,
drawing back, with not unnatural
bitterness. " Pardon me, Miss
Crediton, for thinking of my own
readiness to obey you, when you
were thinking of something so much
more important."
" Now you are vexed," said Kate,
turning to him with her natural
sweetness. " What have I done ?
I am sure I did not mean to vex
you. I was only thinking of —
poor John."
Fred was silent. He had almost
betrayed himself, and it was hard
to make any reply. He swallowed
his vexation as he best could, and
represented to himself that he had
no right to be vexed. Of course it
was John she was thinking of. He
gave a sudden glance back on John's
past life, making a rapid compari-
son. He had not been so successful,
nor had he distinguished himself, as
Fred had done. The good things
had hitherto been his, and not John
Mitford's. He had outstripped the
other in the race again and again ;
and now for the first time here was
a race which had not been to the
swift. That fellow ! he said to
himself, as Mr Crediton had done ;
though even in saying so he was
aware that he was unjust. And,
to be sure, he had known that John
was more interesting to Kate than
he was; yet he felt it hard. He
drew back a little, and bit his lip,
and twisted his thumbs, and looked
black in spite of himself.
" Don't, please ! " said Kate, car-
ried away by her desire of smooth-
ing things down and making every-
body comfortable. " I have nearly
quarrelled with papa. Don't you
quarrel with me too."
" I quarrel with you ! " cried
Fred, leaning forward once more,
and gazing at her with eyes that
made Kate quake ; and then he
paused and added, in restrained
tones that had a thrill of passion
in them, "Do anything with me
you like. I will try not to shrink
from anything you want me to do.
But Kate, Kate, don't forget I am
a man — as well as John."
It was a great relief to Kate that
Lady Winton came up at that mo-
ment and took a seat near her, and
put an effectual stop to any more
whispering. Perhaps it would be
nonsense to say that she was very
much surprised by this little out-
break of feeling. It is common to
admire and wonder at the unf athom-
ableness of women ; and, like most
other common and popular ideas, it
is great nonsense ; for women are no
more mysterious to men than men
are to women, and both are equally
3870.]
John.— Part VII.
617
incomprehensible. But perhaps
the sentiments of a young woman
in respect to the man who pays
court to her, are really as curious
things as are to be found within
the range of humanity. The girl
has no intention to be cruel — is no
coquette — and would be astonished
beyond measure if she could fully
realise what she is herself doing.
And yet there is a curiosity, an in-
terest, in admiration for itself — in
love (still more) for itself — which
draw her on unawares. It requires
& strong mind, or an insensible
heart, not to be interested in this
investigation unawares, and some-
t imes to the point of cruelty. When
she knows what she is about, of
c ourse a good girl will stop short,
f.nd do what she can to show the
infatuated one " some discourtesy,"
as Sir Lancelot was bidden do to
Elaine ; but there are some women,
like Lancelot, who cannot be dis-
courteous, whatever is the cost ;
and with a mixture of awe, and won-
der, and poignant gratification which
ishalf pain, the womanlookson while
that costly offering is made to her.
It is cruel, and yet it is not meant
to be cruel. Such were Kate's feel-
ings now. Was it possible that
Fred Huntley could be coming to
1he point of loving her — the col-
lected, cool, composed being that
he was 1 What kind of love would
his be 1 How would it move him ]
Would it be true love, or only a
pretence at it ? These questions
iilled her with a curiosity and de-
sire to carry on the experiment,
\vhich were too strong to be re-
sisted. She was glad of Lady
Winton's approach, because when
it comes to plain speaking, it is dif-
iicult to pursue this subtle inquiry
without compromising one's self.
But she turned half round and gave
him a wondering, anxious look.
You poor, dear fellow ! what can
you mean ] was what the look said ;
and it was not the kind of glance
which discourages a lover either
secret or avowed. And then she
turned to Lady Winton, who had
established herself at Kate's other
side.
"I have scarcely seen you all
day," she said. " Madeline told
me you were too tired to talk, and
that it was best to leave you
alone."
" That was very true," said Lady
Wiuton, "but I am better now,
and I have something to say to
you before I go away. Mr Huntley,
will you fetch me my fan, which I
have left on the piano1? Thanks.
Now we have got rid of him, my
dear, I can say what I have to
say."
"But probably he will come
back," said Kate, with a thrill of
fear.
"I don't think he will. Fred
Huntley has a great deal of sense.
When I send him off with a com-
mission like that, of course he
knows we don't want him here ;
and I am so glad he is gone, Kate,
for it was to speak of him I came."
" To speak of— him ! "
" Yes, indeed," said Lady Win-
ton. " Tell me frankly, Kate, as
one woman to another, which is it
to be 1 "
11 Which is what to be ]— I don't
understand you," said Kate, flush-
ing crimson ; " which of which 1
Lady Winton, I can't even guess
what you mean."
" Oh yes, you can," said her
new adviser. " My dear, it is not
permitted by our laws to have two
husbands, and that makes two
lovers very dangerous — I always
warn a girl against it. You think,
perhaps, there is no harm, and that
one of them will be wise enough
not to go too far ; but they will go
too far, those silly men — and when
they don't, we despise them, my
dear," said the experienced woman.
" A woman may shilly - shally,
and hold off and on, and make an
entertainment of it — but when a
man is capable of that sort of
thing he is not worth a thought;
and so I ask, which is it to be ? "
It will be seen from this that
Lady Winton, like so many clever
618
John.— Part VII.
[May
women of her age, was deeply
learned in all the questions that
can arise between men and women.
She had studied the matter at first
hand of course, in her youth ; and
though she had never been a flirt,
she had not been absolutely de-
void of opportunity for study, even
in her maturer years, when the
faculty of observation was enlarged,
and ripe judgment had come ; and
accordingly she spoke with author-
ity, as one fully competent to
fathom and realise the question
which she thus fearlessly opened.
As for Kate, she changed colour a
great many times while she was
being addressed, but her courage
did not fail.
" Mr Huntley is my friend," she
said, facing her accuser bravely :
" as for which it is to be, I intro-
duced Mr Mitford to you, Lady
Winton "
" Yes, my dear, and that is what
makes me ask ; and a very nice
young fellow, I am sure — a genu-
ine, reliable sort of young man,
Kate "
" Oh, isn't he 1 " cried that
changeable personage, with eyes
glowing and sparkling; "dear Lady
Winton, you always understand —
that is just what he is — one could
trust him with anything and he
would never fail."
"You strange girl," said Lady
Winton, "what do you mean? Why,
you are in earnest! and yet you
sit and talk with Fred Huntley a
whole evening in a corner, and do
everything you can to break the
other poor fellow's heart."
"The other poor fellow is not
here," said Kate, with a half-alarm-
ed glance round her. If it came
to that, she felt that after all she
would not have liked John to have
watched her interview with her
friend and his : and then she per-
ceived that she had betrayed her-
self, and coloured high, recollecting
that she was under keen feminine
inspection which missed nothing.
" Don't trust to that," said Lady
Winton; " you may be sure there is
somebody here who will let him
know. I don't say much about
Fred Huntley's heart, for he is
very well able to take care of that ;
but, Kate, for heaven's sake, mind
what you are about ! Don't get
into the habit of encouraging one
man because another is absent and
will not know. Everybody knows
everything, my dear ; there is no
such thing as a secret ; you forget
there are more than a dozen pairs
of eyes in this very room."
" Lady Winton," said Kate, " I
am not afraid of any one seeing
what I do. I hope I have not
done anything wrong ; and as for
Mr Mitford, I know him and he
knows me."
"Well, well— let us hope so,"
said Lady Winton, with a prolonged
shake of her head ; " and I hope he
is more philosophical than I gave
him credit for ; I should not have
said it was his strong point. But,
however, as you are so very sure,
my dear "
" Perfectly sure," said Kate, with
dignity; and the moment she had
said it, would have liked to throw
her arms round her monitor's neck
and have a good cry ; but that was
quite impossible in the circum-
stances ; and Fred Huntley from
afar seeing the two ladies draw im-
perceptibly apart, and seeing their
conversation had come to an end,
approached with the fan, and took
up his position in front of them,
and managed to bring about a gen-
eral conversation. He did it very
skilfully, and contrived to cover
Kate's annoyance and smooth her
down, and restore her to self-com-
mand ; and that night Kate was
not only friendly but grateful to
him, which was a further step in
the downward way.
1870.]
John.— Part VII.
619
CHAPTER XXII.
Fred Huntley was a man of con-
siderable ingenuity as well as cool-
ness of intellect ; and it was im-
possible that he could remain long
unconscious of what he was doing,
or take any but the first steps in
any path without a clear perception
of whither it led. And accordingly,
before he had reached this point he
had become fully aware of the situa-
tion, and had contemplated it from
every possible point of view. No
feeling of treachery to John weighed
upon him when he thought it fully
over. He had not been confided
in by Kate's accepted lover, nor ap-
pealed to, nor put upon his honour
in the matter ; and John was not
even a very intimate friend that he
should give in to him ; nor did it
occur to him to stifle the dawning
love in his own heart, and with-
draw from the field, even for Kate's
sake, to leave her tranquil to the en-
joyment of her first love. Such an
idea was not in Fred's way. To
secure his own will and his own
happiness was naturally the first
thing in his estimation, and he had
no compunctions about his rival.
There seemed to him no possible
reason why he should sacrifice him-
self, and leave the field clear to
John. And then there were so
many aspects in which to consider
the matter. It would be much
better for her, Fred felt, to marry
himself. He could make appro-
priate settlements upon her; he
could maintain her in that posi-
tion to which she had been accus-
tomed; he could give her every-
thing that a rich man's daughter
or rich man's wife could desire.
His blood, perhaps, might not be
so good as John Mitford's blood, if
you entered into so fine a question ;
but he was heir to his father's
money, if not to much that was
more ethereal. And money tells
with everybody, Fred thought ; it
would tell with Kate, though per-
haps she did not think so. Of all
people in the world was not she
the last who could consent to come
down from her luxurious state, and
be the wife of a poor man, with
next to no servants, no horses, no
carriage, and nothing but love to
make up to her for a thousand
wants 1 Fred Huntley was in love
himself, and indeed it was love
that was the origin of all these
deliberations ; and yet he scoffed
at love as a compensation. He did
not understand how it could recon-
cile Kate to the difference between
this luxurious house of her father's
and the poor little dwelling which
was all Mitford was likely to be
able to offer her ; and when, on
the other hand, he represented to
himself what it would be in his
power to do — how he could surround
her with as good or better than
anything she now possessed — his
heart swelled with a sensation
which was partly mean and partly
lofty. It was so far fine that there
was in it a natural gush of that feel-
ing which would dedicate every-
thing to the one beloved; and it
was mean because he calculated on
his power of vanquishing his rival,
and tempting Kate's affections in
this way. He could give her a
bouse nearly as good as her father's
to start with, and eventually better
than her father's ; he could bestow
upon her everything that heart
could desire ; he could take her
everywhere she would care to go —
withhold no pleasure from her;
whereas the best that Mitford could
do would be to depend on her
father's favour, and climb upwards
by that means, without one thing
to offer to her which he could call
his own. By dint of thinking,
Fred got himself to believe that
it was really an unprincipled thing
on John's part to seek her at all,
and that any man would do a good
deed who should deliver her from
his hands. He had reached to this
point by the next evening after the
620
.— Part VII.
[May
one whose events we Lave just re-
corded. Kate had not ridden out
that day ; she had been little visible
to any one, and Fred had not more
than a distant glimpse of her at the
breakfast-table and in the twilight
over the -tea, which called together
most of the party. Madeline Win-
ton and her mother had gone away
that morning; and Madeline was
Kate's gossip, her confidential
friend, the only one with whom
she could relieve her soul. She
was somewhat low-spirited in the
evening. Fred looked on, and saw
her languid treatment of everything,
and the snubs she administered to
several would-be consolers. He
kept apart himself with conscious
skill ; and yet, when he happened
to be thrown absolutely in her way,
was very full of attention and care
for her comfort. He placed her seat
just as he thought she liked it,
arranged her footstool for her with
the most anxious devotion, and was
just retiring behind her chair when
she stopped him, struck by his
melancholy looks. "Are you ill,
Mr Huntley 1 " she said, with some-
thing like solicitude; and Fred
shook his head, fixing his eyes on
her face.
" No," he said, " I am not ill ; "
and then drew a little apart, and
looked down upon her with a cer-
tain pathos in his eyes.
" There is something the matter
with you," said Kate.
" Well, perhaps there is ; and I
should have said there was some-
thing the matter with you, Miss
Crediton, which is of a great deal
more importance."
" Mine is easily explained," said
Kate ; " I have lost my friend. I
am always low when Madeline goes
away. We have always been such
friends since w.e were babies. There
is nobody in the world I am so in-
timate with. And it is so nice to
have some one you can talk to and
say everything that comes into your
head. I am always out of spirits
when she goes away."
. " If the post is vacant I wish I
might apply for it," Fred said, with
exaggerated humility. " I think I
should make an excellent confidant.
Discreet and patient and ready to
sympathise, and not at all given to
offering impertinent advice."
" Ah, you ! " cried Kate, with a
sudden glance up at him. And
then she laughed, notwithstanding
her depressed condition. " I won-
der what Lady Winton would say ? "
she added merrily, but the next
moment grew very red and felt
confused under his eye ; for what if
he should try to find out what
Lady Winton had said 1 — which, of
course, he immediately attempted
to do.
" Lady Winton is a great friend
of mine. She would never give
her vote against me," said Fred,
cunningly disarming his adversary.
Upon which Kate indulged her-
self in another mischievous laugh.
Did he but know ! " She is not
like you," said the girl in her teme-
rity ; " she is rather fond of giving
advice."
" Yes," said Fred, growing bold.
" That was what she was doing last
night. Would you like me to tell
you what it was about 1 "
"What it was about?" cried
Kate in consternation, with a vio-
lent sudden blush ; but of course it
must be nonsense, she represented
to herself, looking at him with a
certain anxiety. " You never could
guess, Mr Huntley; it was some-
thing quite between ourselves."
" That is very possible," he said,
so gravely that her fears were quite
silenced ; and he added in another
moment, " But I know very well
what it was. It was about me."
" About you ! "
" I have known Lady Winton a
great many years," said Fred, stead-
ily. " I understand her ways.
When she comes and takes a man's
place and sends him off for some-
thing she has left behind on pur-
pose, he must be dull indeed if he
does not know what she means.
She was talking to you of me."
" It was not I that said so ! " cried
1870.]
John.— Part VII.
621
Kate, who was in a great turmoil,
combined of fright, confusion, and
amusement. It would be such fun
to hear what guesses he would
make, and he was so sure not to
find it out. " When you assert such
a thing you must prove it," she
said, her eyes dancing with fun and
rash delight, and yet with a secret
terror in them too.
" She was warning you," said
Fred, with a long-drawn breath, in
which there was some real and a
good deal of counterfeit excitement,
" not to trifle with me. She was
telling you, that though I did not
show many signs of feeling, I was
still a man like other men, and had
a heart "
" Fancy Lady Winton saying all
that," cried Kate, with a tremu-
lous laugh of agitation. "What a
lively imagination you have — and
about you ! "
" But she might have said it
with great justice," said Fred, very
gravely and steadily, " and about
me."
Here was a situation ! To have
a man speaking to you in your own
drawing-room in full sight of a
score of people, and as good as tell-
ing you what men tell in all sorts
of covert and secret places, with
faltering voice and beating heart.
Fred was perfectly steady and still j
his voice was a trifle graver than
usual — perhaps it might have been
called sad ; his eyes were fixed
upon her with a serious, anxious
look ; there was no air of jest, no
levity, but an aspect of fact which
terrified and startled her. Kate
fairly broke down under this strange
and unexpected test. She gave
him a frightened look, and put up
her fan to hide her face. What
was she to say 1
" Please, Mr Huntley," she fal-
tered, " this is not the kind of sub-
ject to make jokes about."
" Do I look like a man who is
joking ? " he asked. " I do not
complain ; I have not a word to
say. I suppose I have brought it
upon myself, buying the delight
of your society at any price I could
get it for — even the dearest. And
you talk to me about another man
as if I were made of stone — a man
who "
" Stop, please," she said, faintly.
" I may have been wrong. I never
thought — but please don't say any-
thing of him, whatever you may
say to me."
" You are more afraid of a word
breathed against him than of
breaking my heart," said Fred, with
some real emotion ; and Kate sat
still, thunderstruck, taking shelter
behind her fan, feeling that every
one was looking at her, and that
her very ears were burning and
tingling. Was he making love to
her1? she asked herself. Had he
any intention of contesting John's
supremacy1? or was it a mere re-
monstrance, a complaint that meant
nothing, an outcry of wounded
pride and nothing more?
" Mr Huntley," she said, softly,
" if I have given you any pain, I
am very sorry. I never meant it.
You were so kind, I did not think
I was doing wrong. Please forgive
me ; if there is any harm done it
is not with my will."
" Do you think that mends mat-
ters?" said Fred, with now a little
indignation mingling in his sad-
ness. " If I put it into plain Eng-
lish, this is what it means : — I
was something so insignificant to
you, taken up as you were with your
own love, that it never occurred to
you that I might suffer. You never
thought of me at all. If you had
said you had meant it, and had
taken the trouble to make me
miserable, that would have been a
little better \ at least it would not
have been contempt."
And he turned away from her
and sat down at a little table near,
and covered his face with his hand.
What would everybody think ? was
Kate's first thought. Did he mean
to hold her up to everybody's notice,
to demonstrate that she had used
him badly 1 She bore it for a mo-
ment or two in her bewilderment,
622
John.— Part VII.
[May
and then stretched across and touch-
ed him lightly with her fan. " Mr
Huntley, there are a great many
people in the room," she said. " If
we were alone you might reproach
me ; but surely we need not let
these people know — and papa !
Mr Huntley, you know very well it
was not contempt. Won't you for-
give me — when I ask your pardon
with all my heart ? "
" Forgive you ! " cried Fred; and
he raised his head and turned to
her, though he did not raise his
eyes. " You cannot think it is for-
giveness that is wanted — that is
mockery."
" Please don't say so ! I would not
mock you for all the world. Oh,
Mr Huntley, if it is not forgiveness,
what is it 1 " cried Kate.
And then he looked at her with
eyes full of reproach, and a certain
appeal, while she met his look with
incipient tears, with her child's
gaze of wonder, and sorrow, and
eloquent deprecation. "Please for-
give me," she said, in a whisper.
She even advanced her hand to him
by instinct, with a shy half- consci-
ous movement, stopping short out
of regard for the many pairs of
eyes in the room, not for any other
cause. " I am so very, very sorry,"
she said, and the water shone in
her blue eyes like dew on flowers.
Fred, though he was not emotion-
al, was more deeply moved than
he had yet been. Throughout all
this strange interview, though he
meant every word he said, he had
yet been more or less playing a part.
But now her ingenuous look over-
came him. Something of the im-
becility of tenderness came into his
eyes. He made a little clutch at
the finger-tips which had been held
out to him, and would have kissed
them before everybody, had not
Kate given him a warning look,
and blushed, and quickly drawn the
half-offered hand away. She would
not have drawn it away had they
been alone. Would she have heard
him more patiently, given him a
still kinder response ? Fred could
not tell, but yet he felt that his first
effort had not been made in vain.
It was Mr Crediton himself who
interrupted this tete - d, - tete. He
came up to them with a look which
might have been mere curiosity,
and might have been displeasure.
" Kate," he said, gravely, " it seems
to me you are neglecting your
guests. Instead of staying in this
favourite corner of yours, suppose
you go and look after these young
ladies a little. Mr Huntley will
excuse you, I am sure."
" I am so lazy, I am out of spirits ;
and so is Mr Huntley; we have
been condoling with each other,"
said Kate ; but she got up, as she
spoke, with her usual sweet alacrity,
not sorry, if truth were told, to
escape from this unexpected diffi-
culty. " Keep my seat for me,
papa, till I come back," she said,
with her soft little laugh. Mr Cre-
diton did as he was told — he placed
himself in her chair, and turned
round to Fred and looked at him.
While she tripped away to the other
girls to resume her interrupted
duties, her father and her new lov-
er confronted each other, and cau-
tiously investigated what the new
danger was.
"My dear Huntley," said the
elder man, " I am sure your mean-
ing is the most friendly in the
world ; but my daughter is very
young, and she is engaged to be
married ; and, on the whole, I think
it would be better that you did not
appropriate her so much. Kate
ought to know better, but she is
very light-hearted, and fond of being
amused."
" I don't think I have been very
amusing to-night," said Fred.
" Thanks, sir, for your frankness ;
but I am going away to-morrow,
and I may claim a little indulgence,
perhaps, for my last night."
" Going away to-morrow ! " said
Mr Crediton, with surprise.
" Yes, I have no choice. Shall I
say it is sudden business— a tele-
gram from Oxford — a summons
home ? or shall I tell you the real
1870.]
John.— Part VII.
623
reason, Mr Crediton ? " cried Fred,
with emotion. " You have always
been very good to me."
Mr Crediton was startled, not-
withstanding his habitual compos-
ure. He looked keenly at the
young man, and saw what few
people had ever seen — the signs of
strong and highly-wrought feeling
in Fred Huntley's face ; and the
sight was a great surprise to him.
He had thought the two had been
amusing themselves with a flirta-
tion, a thing he did not approve of;
but this must surely have gone be-
yond a flirtation. " If you have any-
thing to say to me, come to the
library after they have gone to bed/'
te said. Fred answered by a nod
cf assent, and the two separated
without another word. Nor did
Kate see the new claimant to her
regard any more that night. He
bad disappeared when she had time
to look round her, and recall the
agitating interview which had
broken the monotony of the even-
ing. It came to her mind when
she was talking, returning again
and again amid the nothings of or-
dinary conversation. How strange
it all was, how exciting ! what a
curious episode in the heaviest even-
ing ! And what did he, what could
he, mean 1 And what would John
think 1 And was it possible that
Fred Huntley could feel like that—
Fred, that man of the world 1 She
was confused, bewildered, flattered,
pleased, and sorry. It was a new
sensation, and thrilled her through
and through when she was rather
in want of something to rouse her
up a little. And she was so sorry
for him ! She almost hoped he
would spring up from some cor-
ner, and be chidden and comforted,
and made more miserable by the
soft look of compassion she would
give him — the "Pardon me!"
which she meant to say ; but Fred
made no further appearance, and
the Pardon me ! was not said that
night.
CHAPTER XXIII.
It puzzled Kate very much next
morning to find that Huntley had
not reappeared. It was not in the
nature of things that she could
avoid thinking about him, and
wondering over and over again
what he could mean, — whether he
was mystifying her — but that was
impossible ; or if it was really, ac-
tually true] The question came
back to her mind again and again,
thrusting itself into all her thoughts.
Could it be true ] And the fact
was that she went down-stairs a
little earlier than usual, with a
great curiosity in her mind as to
bow Fred would look, and whether
she should see any traces in his
f ice of last night's agitation. When
she had taken this trouble, it may
be supposed that it was hard upon
her to find Fred absent; and she
<k did not like " — a new expression
in Kate's vocabulary — to ask what
Lad become of him. She caught
herself looking at the door anxious-
ly every time it opened, but he did
not come. Some one at last reliev-
ed her anxiety by asking the point-
blank question, " What has become
of Huntley ? has he gone away 1 "
It was an idea which never had oc-
curred to Kate. She looked up in
blank dismay at the suggestion, and
met her father's eye fully fixed
upon her, and trembled, and felt
that in two minutes more she must
cry — not for Fred, but because he
was decidedly an exciting new play-
thing, and he had gone away.
" Yes, he has gone away," said
Mr Crediton, "this morning, be-
fore some of us were out of bed.
I have his farewells to make. He
did not know it would be neces-
sary for him to go when he left
us last night."
"I hope there is nothing the
matter at Westbrook," said one of
Fred's intimates ; but Kate did not
624
John.— Part VII.
[May
say a word. The room swam round
her for one moment. Gone away !
Was it so serious as that, then 1
The self-possessed Fred, had mat-
ters been so grave with him that
flight was his only refuge? She
was so startled that she did not
know what to think. She was
sorry, and surprised, and fluttered,
and excited, all in a breath. She
did not pay any attention to the
conversation for some minutes,
though she was sufficiently mistress
of herself to take the usual part in
it, and to go on dispensing cups of
tea. Gone away ! It was very
fine, very honourable, very provok-
ing of him. She had meant to
bring him down to his level very
kindly and skilfully, and cure him
of all hopes, while still she kept
him bound in a certain friendly
chain. And now he had cut it all
short, and taken the matter into
his own hands. It cannot be de-
nied that Kate was a little vexed
at the moment. No doubt, if she
had been left alone she would have
got over it in the course of the day,
and recovered her composure, and
thought no more of Fred Huntley
than she had done two days ago ;
but she was not destined to be left
to herself. The first thing that
happened was that Mr Crediton re-
mained in the breakfast-room till
everybody was gone, and called her
to him. The most indulgent of
fathers was looking somewhat stern,
which was a thing of itself which
utterly puzzled as well as dismayed
the girl whom he had scarcely ever
thwarted in the whole course of her
life.
" Kate," -he said, " you took no
notice when I said Fred Huntley
had gone away, so I suppose he
told you why it was."
" He never said a word to me of
going away, papa," faltered Kate.
"But you know the cause? and
I hope it will be a warning to you,"
said Mr Crediton. "I have seen
this going on for some days, and I
meant to have spoken to you. A
girl in your position has no right
to distinguish a man as you did
poor Fred."
" But, dear papa," cried Kate,
feeling very penitent yet very much
flattered — as if somebody had paid
her a very nice compliment, she
said afterwards — "you cannot think
it was my fault ; I only talked to
him like the rest. If I talked to
him a little more, it was about — Mr
Mitford. And he knew all the
time. How was I to suppose it
could come to any harm ? "
" Don't let me hear of any other
man being taken in by your con-
founded confidences — about Mr
Mitford," said her father, with an
amount of rudeness and contemp-
tuous impatience, such as perhaps
had never been shown to Kate be-
fore in all her life.
"Papa!" she cried, indignant,
drawing herself up ; but Mr Credi-
ton only said " Pshaw ! " and went
off and left her standing by herself,
not knowing whether to cry or to
be very angry, in the great empty
room. He was wroth, and he was
disposed rather to heighten than to
subdue the expression of it. He
wanted her to feel the full weight
of his displeasure, rather a little
more than less. For Fred Huntley
would have suited him well enough
for a son-in-law, if it was necessary
to have such an article. He had
distinguished himself already, and
was likely still more to distinguish
himself. He was thought of by the
borough authorities as the new
Member for Camelford. He was
very well off, and could do every-
thing that was right and meet in
the way of providing for his bride.
He was in her own sphere. " Con-
found that Mitford ! " Mr Crediton
said to himself as he left his daugh-
ter. It was bad enough to contem-
plate the possibility of ever resign-
ing his child to John's keeping ; but
to throw aside a man he liked for
him, exaggerated the offence. He
went out, kicking Kate's favourite
Skye terrier on his way, as angry
men are apt to do. " As if it was
poor Muffy that had done it ! " Kate
1870.]
John.— Part VII.
625
said, with the tears springing to her
eyes. When she was thus left she
(ailed her injured terrier to her, and
hugged it, and had a good cry.
" You did not do it, did you,
Muffy?" she said. "Poor dear
dog ! what had you to do with it 1
If a man chooses to be silly, are we
to be kicked for it, Muffy mio ?
Papa is a great bear, and everybody
is as unkind as they can be ; and
oh, I am so sorry about poor Fred ! "
She got over her crying, however,
and her regrets, and made herself
very agreeable to a great many
people for the rest of the day, and
] >etted Muffy very much, and took
no notice of her father, who, poor
man, had compunctions ; but by
1he time that evening arrived, Kate
began to feel that the loss of Fred
was a very serious loss indeed.
He had timed his departure very
cleverly. If Madeline Winton had
still been there, it might have been
bearable ; for she would have had
some one to open her heart to,
notwithstanding that even to Ma-
deline she had not been able to
speak of John as she had indulged
herself in doing to her "friend" —
John's friend ; somehow that was
not the title which she now thought
< >f giving to Fred Huntley. He had
suddenly sprung into individuality,
and held a distinct place of his own
in her mind. She found herself
thinking of him all through the
evening, missing him a great deal
more than she had any right to
miss him, wondering what he would
have said about this and that, long-
ing to have him to talk to. She
sat down in the same corner where
lie had placed her chair for her on
the previous night, and was very
silent and distraite and abstracted,
not caring what the others did or
said. And as she sat in that posi-
tion, so much the same, yet so very
different, it was impossible to keep
her mind from going over all _ the
particulars of the conversations
which had turned out so important.
Poor Fred ! could it be possible
that he was so fond of her 1 he
who was not at all a tragical sort
of personage, or one likely to do
anything very much out of the
way'for love. What could he find
in her to be fond of ? Kate said to
herself. He was not like John,
who was ignorant of society. Fred
Huntley had seen heaps of other
girls who were very pretty and very
nice ; and why was it that he had
set his affections upon herself, Kate,
whom he could not have ? It seem-
ed such a pity, such a waste of
effort. " Madeline might have had
him, perhaps," she said to herself,
reflecting pensively in her easy-
chair, with her fan at her lips to
conceal their movement. Made-
line as yet had no lover, and she
was very nice, and rather pretty
too. And it would have been per-
fectly suitable, " instead of com-
ing making a fuss over me ; and
he can't have me" Kate added
always within herself, with a sigh
of suffering benevolence. It was
hard he could not have her when
he wanted her so very much. It
was hard that everybody should not
have everything they wanted. And
it was odd, yet not unpleasant,
that he should thus insist upon
throwing away his love upon her-
self, who could not accept it,
instead of giving it to Madeline,
who might have accepted. How
perverse the world was ! Kate
reflected as she sat and mused.
And she was heartily sorry to cross
Fred, and felt the most affectionate
sympathy for him, poor fellow !
It was so nice of him to be fond of
her, though she could not give him
any return. And if he had stayed
and talked it over, instead of run-
ning away, Kate thought of a hun-
dred things she could have said to
him, as to the unreasonableness of
falling in love with herself, and
the good sense of transferring his
love to Madeline. Somehow she
did not quite expect he would have
taken her advice ; but still, no
doubt, she would have set it before
him in a very clear light, and got
him to hear reason. And then he
626
John.— Part VII.
[May
was very pleasant to talk to, and
more amusing than anybody else
at Fernwood. This feeling had
never crept over her in respect to
John. When he went away, she
was sorry because he left her half
in displeasure, and "had not en-
joyed himself ; " but she could not
persuade herself that she had miss-
ed his company, missed a hundred
things he would have said to her,
as she did now. She was in reality
almost relieved to be quit of the
passionate eyes which followed her
everywhere, and the demand which
he made upon her for her society,
for her very inmost self. But
Fred made no such claims. Fred
took what he could get, and was
happy in it. He spared her trou-
ble, and watched to see what her
wants were, and was always ready
to talk to her or to leave her alone,
as her mood varied. Poor Fred !
she sighed, feeling very, very sorry
for him, with a half-tenderness of
pity which young women accord
only to those who are their per-
sonal victims. Perhaps she exag-
gerated his sufferings, as it was
natural to do. She sat and mused
over him all that evening with her
fan half concealing her face. " My
dear, I am afraid you have a head-
ache," one of the elder ladies said
to her; and Kate acquiesced with a
faint little smile. " It is the wea-
ther," she said, softly; and the old
lady, taking her cue, sat down be-
side her, and discussed the same.
" The changes are the worst," she
said—" the thermometer at sixty
one day, and next day below the
freezing-point. And then, in an
English house, it is so difficult to
keep cold out."
" I hope your room is warm,"
Kate said suddenly, remembering
her hostess-ship. " You must tell
me if you find it chilly. There is
such a difference in some of the
rooms ! "
" It is according to their aspect,"
said the old lady ; " mine is very
comfortable, I assure you. It is
you young ones that expose your-
selves to so many changes. If I
were you, I would wrap up very
warm, and keep indoors for a day
or two. There is nothing like keep-
ing in an equable temperature. I
have no confidence in anything
else."
"Thanks," Kate said, with a
feeling of dreariness. Instead of
Fred's conversation this was a poor
exchange. And she grew more and
more sorry for him, and more and
more compassionate of herself as
the evening stole on. Several of
the people who interested her most
had left within the last few days.
There was but the moderate aver-
age of country-house visitors left ;
people who were not remarkable
for anything — neither witty, nor
pretty, nor particularly entertain-
ing— and yet not to be complained
of in any way. She did her duty
to them as became Mr Crediton's
daughter, and was very solicitous
to know that they were comfort-
able and had what they liked ; but
she missed Madeline, she missed
Lady Winton, she missed her acrid
old godfather, who was said to be
fond of nobody but Kate; and,
above all, she missed Fred Huntley
— poor Fred !
A week had passed, somewhat
weakening this impression, when
Fred returned, quite as suddenly
as he went away. He was seen
walking up the avenue when the
party were at luncheon, and Kate's
heart gave a little jump at the
sight of him. "Why, there is
Huntley come back again!" some
one cried ; but he did not make his
appearance at lunch ; and it was
only when he came into the draw-
ing-room before dinner that Kate
had any opportunity of seeing what
change had been wrought in him
by the discovery of his sentiments
towards herself. Fred was play-
ing a part; but, like every other
actor in life who plays his part
well, had come to believe in it
himself, and to feel it real. He
came up to her with a certain con-
fused but melancholy frankness.
1370.]
John.— Part VII.
627
"Miss Crediton," he said, "I am
afraid you cannot like to see me,
but I have come about business.
I would not for the world, for any
other reason, have brought what
must be an annoyance upon you."
And then Kate had lifted to him
a pair of very sympathetic, almost
tender, eyes.
"Indeed I don't know why I
should not like to see you," she
s aid, quietly. " You have always
been very kind to me."
" Kind ! " he had answered,
timing away with a gesture of
impatience, and not another word
passed between them until the
evening was almost over, and all
opportunity past. He was so slow,
indeed, to take advantage of any
opportunity, that Kate felt half
angry — wondering had the man
quite got over it? had he ever
meant anything ] But at the very
lust, when she turned her head un-
thinking, all at once she found his
eyes upon her, and that he was
standing close by her side.
" I suppose I must not ask for
my old situation," he said, softly.
" I have been a fool and forfeited
all my advantages because I could
not win the greatest. You used to
speak to me once — of the subject
most interesting to yourself/'
" I don't think it would be in the
least interesting to you now, Mr
Buntley," said Kate, not without
a little pique in her voice.
"Ah, you don't know me," he
said. " I think I could interest
iryself in anything that was inter-
esting to you."
And then there was silence, in
which Kate began to feel her heart
boat, and wondered if this man
could be an oyster, or if he could
really be so inconceivably fond of
hor as to be thus concerned in all
tliat concerned her happiness. It
sounded like something in a ro-
mance ; and yet Kate knew enough
of life and society to know that
romance sometimes gave but a very
colourless picture of the truth.
" I hope you have heard lately,"
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLV.
he went on, with a voice which was
elaborately and yet not unnaturally
subdued — for, as has been said,
Fred had fully entered into the
role he was playing — " and that all
is going well."
Kate blushed, perhaps, more vio-
lently than she had ever blushed
in her life before. If he were
making this sacrifice of his feelings
for her, surely it was needful for
her to be true and sincere with
him ; and what she had to say was
mortifying to her pride. She looked
at him stooping over her, and tried
to read his face, and asked herself,
with a simplicity that is natural
to the sophisticated, whether here,
once for all, she had found the
friend who is equal to utter self-
abnegation, and of whom in books
one sometimes reads. A more
simple-minded girl, probably, would
not have looked for so self-sacrific-
ing a lover, but Kate had been
brought up with a persuasion of
her own power to sway everybody
to her will. "Mr Huntley," she
said, hurriedly, " I don't think I
ought to speak to you on such a
subject ; but, indeed,! feel anxious,
and I don't know what to do."
" Then do speak to me," he said,
bending over her. " Do you think
I care what happens to myself if I
can be of use to you T'
There are sentiments of this
heroic description which we would
see the fallacy of at once if ad-
dressed to others, which yet seem
natural spoken to ourselves. And
Kate had always been so important
to everybody about her. She looked
up at him again, she faltered, she
half turned away, and then, after
all, she spoke.
" I don't know why I should tell
you. I don't know what it means.
I have not heard a single word from
him, Mr Huntley, since he went
away."
A sudden gleam of light came
into Fred's eyes, but he was look-
ing down, and she only saw a ghost
of it under his lowered eyelids.
" That is very strange," he said.
2u
628
New Books.
[May
" Do you think lie can be ill ?
Do you think anything can have
happened 1 " said Kate.
" He is not ill, he is at home at
Fanshawe, and his burns are get-
ting better. I saw him yesterday,"
said Fred.
" At home ! and he never told
me. Oh, how unkind it is ! It used
to be every other day, and now it
is nearly a fortnight. But why
should you care1?" cried Kate, really
moved with sharp mortification,
and not quite aware what she said.
" I care a great deal," he said,
very low, and sighed. And Kate's
heart was sore, and she was an-
gry, and wounded, and for almost
the first time in her life felt that
she had a little pride in her na-
ture. Did the other despise her
to whom she had given her heart 1
Did he think she was not worthy
even of courtesy? though other
people were so far from thinking
so. The tears began to spring up
and flow apace in Kate's impatient
heart.
NEW BOOKS.
THE art of criticism is going out
of fashion — at least the popular
branch of that art which has or had
the office of directing general pub-
lic opinion in respect to contempor-
ary literature. Perhaps there never
were so many literary newspapers,
so many vehicles of popular criti-
cism ; but the art has sunk into a
bandying of mutual compliments,
an interchange of mutual blows,
the recriminations and reprisals of
a profession from which the gene-
ral reader can derive no guidance,
nor the young writer the least in-
struction. We believe we may
safely say that no one at all behind
the scenes, in respect to literature,
ever does place the slightest reli-
ance upon any criticism of a new
book in the literary journals of the
day ; nor can even the experienced
reader, unconnected with literature,
find himself able to trust to the
professional guides, who ought to
discriminate for him not only what
is good and bad, but what is weak
and what is vigorous, in the flood
of books constantly pouring upon
the English public. This rule, of
course, is not universal, for by
times there comes a book which
carries the world, critical and un-
critical, by storm ; and by times
there appears an unknown name,
neither friend nor foe, which catches
the attention of some journalist at
leisure, and secures an honest no-
tice and real judgment. But the
distrust is so universal, that the
reader does not appreciate this
chance piece of fair-dealing when
he meets it. So-and-so has a friend
on the staff of the * Critic,' therefore
his work is reviewed at length
with the most favourable comment ;
while What's - his - name's book,
which is much better, is passed
over in lordly silence. The trick
is so universal, that even periodical
writers who condemn it, find them-
selves drawn in to the pernicious
habit. We have, at this present
moment, under our eye, a book
possessed of no real literary merit,
and full of the most flagrant of-
fences against good taste and good
feeling, which by dint of this com-
bination of mutual aid, this trades-
union of literary craftsmen, has
been reviewed far and wide, and
attracted a degree of notice which
it as little deserves as the poorest
anonymous publication out of Mr
Newby's or Messrs Tinsley's book-
manufactories. Ourselves, impar-
tial, just, and severe, refrain from
indicating the volume in question
by name, for the very same reason
which has led so many others to
lend it a friendly push into a posi-
tion to which it has no right. The
practice is universal ; and it is not
only intensely unfair to the public,
and to the authors who may happen
to have no acquaintances among
1870.]
New Books.
629
the critics of the press, but it is
also intensely mortifying to those
writers who have already won a
certain place in general estimation,
but who have the humiliation of
knowing, when their books are
favourably reviewed, that this is
no generous and real appreciation,
but a mere friendly puff from A.,
or B., or C., to whose private and
personal regard they owe what
they never might have won without
that backing. C: or A. may really
like, admire, and appreciate the
book he reviews ; but it is n'ot for
that reason that he reviews it, but
because the book is written by D.,
or by D.'s friend, " and one must
say a good word for it." Or per-
haps, when the critic's preparations
ire all made for his work — when he
is just ready to prick the bladder
of fictitious fame, and replace on
its proper level a foolishly-lauded
performance — his editor stands
before him with uplifted arm, like
another Jove. " If you can say any-
thing good of it, do so," says that
awful ruler ; " if not, leave it out ;
for F. is a very good fellow, and I
don't want to vex him." But what
does it matter to you, oh patient
public ! that F. is a good fellow ?
what does it matter to you that Mr
A. is " nice," and Miss B. captivat-
ing'? What you want is to know
what the books are — if you shall
like them ; if they are worth sending
to Mudie's for, or taking up when
you are weary, or studying when
you want information. All this we
promise to inform you of when we
lake pen in hand; we pledge our-
f elves to run over the mass with
experienced professional eye, and
jind you out what is best and
•what is worst, and to allot to the
indifferent and mediocre their nat-
ural secondary place. But what
•vve really do is, to applaud our
friend's platitudes, and tell you
they are full of true philosophy
jmd insight — to present to you a
pretty little commonplace story as
a work of genius — to appropriate
to certain writers certain kinds of
comments, as the right thing to
say — and when we happen to have
a real honest enmity, to fall upon
our brother for whom we entertain
that lively sentiment with corre-
sponding liveliness of assault. Per-
haps of all the prevailing modes of
treatment in criticism this last is the
most justifiable — at least it is the
most human ; for to have a foe, and
to be able to strike a good straight-
forward blow at him, is an enliven-
ing process, and generally calls forth
in the most vivacious manner a
critic's power. How often has the
piteous cry, " If I could but go in
at this book now, what a good
thing I could make of it ! " come to
our ears ! but then other consid-
erations come in which forbid that
delight — considerations totally in-
dependent of the interest of the
public — that he is a good fellow, or
she is a nice woman ; quite valid
reasons to the being who holds
the pen for denying himself his
fling, but not valid reasons for
representing to the public that the
books in question are full of sweet-
ness and light, or any other quali-
ties identified as excellent in the
slang of the day.
We do not intend, after this pre-
amble, to present ourselves before
the public as the Honest Critic ; at
least if we do so, it is not with the
elevated pretensions of a recent be-
ginning, caused, we imagine, by a
similar sentiment to our own, but
sustained by a more perfect con-
sciousness of that divine and per-
petual certainty of being always
right, which characterises Mr Mat-
thew Arnold and his friends. We
do not commence by saying, 11 n'y
a que nous qui ont toujours raison.
The single profession we make is,
that we shall put personal prepos-
sessions in our pockets — will, so
far as lies in human power, be
deaf even to the blandishments
of our editor, and callous to his
threats ; and will say our opinion
honestly, be the book that of a
friend or that of a foe, without fear
or favour. At the same time, we
do not pretend to erect within the
genial enclosure of Maga any tri-
630
New Books.
[May
bunal of judgment in which we
shall sit superior. The Christian
sentiment, that one man is as good
as another, or perhaps better, shall
animate all our comments ; and we
do not refuse to acknowledge the
still higher principle, that authors,
after all, when one comes to think
of it, are as good as critics — that
probably in some cases they know
their own meaning better than we
do ; and that it is worth while, —
not as looking down from above,
which destroys the perspective — but
in friendly equality, on the same
level — or even sometimes from a
step lower, — to look into that mean-
ing, and give our best endeavour to
find it out.
There is something curious in the
simultaneous publication of two
books on the same subject,* which
attracts the attention at the first
glance ; especially as that subject is
one of no immediate or contem-
porary interest, though it has a
great claim, not only upon the
students of art, to whom it pri-
marily commends itself, but upon
all who are interested in the study
of man, of national characteristics,
and of the ways of thinking and
animating principles of the past.
Albrecht Diirer is one of the most
picturesque figures which appear
out of that great, full, vigor-
ous, yet misty Germany of the
fifteenth century, in which the old
and the new were in full conflict,
the medieval reluctantly going out,
— the modern economy defiantly,
sometimes offensively, as is the na-
ture of such invasions, breaking in.
Great things were going on in his
day — great men abounded around
him. The highest radiance of ge-
nius which had ever been devoted to
Art was illuminating Italy, and he
himself in his own person was Art
in Germany, a giant birth spring-
ing to its greatest in its cradle.
He had corresponded with Raffael,
studied with Titian, served the
great Kaiser Maximilian, knew
Erasmus and Melanchthon, and, in
short, held a place in the very cen-
tre of that wonderful outburst of
renewed strength arid vitality which
the world has scarcely ever equalled.
Yet with all this wide and full life
about him, he was, above all things,
a burgher of a petty town, bound
in closest obedience to a narrow mu-
nicipal corporation — living for the
work which he pursued with grave
steadfastness, as if it had been a
trade — making money, and not ap-
parently objecting to make merry
also with his fellow-craftsmen and
city friends. This curious com-
pound of the great and the small
was not rare in his time ; but yet
it is very strange to us in this age,
to which such a development of
mingled splendour and humility is
unknown. We will not assert that
the English or any other public
was at all eager for the story of
Diirer's life. But no doubt it is
one which we are ready to receive
with respect, and with anticipa-
tions of interest. Who that has
ever seen Nuremberg itself, and
read the legend on his tombstone,
and seen the tall, quaint, old house
raising itself stately, yet homely,
over against the Thiergartner
Thor, like an unchanged antique
figure among scores of other pa-
triarchs as unchangeable as itself,
could refuse to be interested in a
book which should set before us
the life which was going on three
hundred years ago in those quaint
streets ] The steep arid lofty roofs
that crowd together, whispering
over the silent ages they have seen ;
the quaint oriels and projections
which glimmer at each other in the
sunshine across the little stream
which traverses the city ; the old
castle — old beyond all counting —
with the tree in its courtyard, which
was a well -grown tree when Al-
brecht Diirer was born; the great
* Life, Letters, and Journal of Albrecht Diirer. By Mrs Heat on. London :
Macmillan.
Life and Works of Albrecht Diirer. By W. B. Scott. London : Longman.
1870.]
New Books.
631
noble churches with their medieval
monuments, and bare, chill, modern
.Protestantism, — everything speaks
to us of a time and a history which
have departed. The traveller is
•without imagination, indeed, who
does not conjure up the fifteenth
century unawares as he wanders
;ibout the stony streets ; — and very
destitute of all religious and philo-
sophical tendencies if he can watch
and contrast the chilled and scanty
gatherings of the children of the
jleformation in the vast old cathe-
dral built for another form of wor-
ship, and the eager and devout mul-
titude in the Frauenkirche, without
feeling his mind stirred by a thou-
sand questions ; — or who can make
his way unmoved out of that very
^ateon which Diirer must have gazed
so often from his balcony along the
long solemn way, lined with the
stations of the Saviour's passion, to
1 he little rude burying-ground, full
of turf-mounds and homely crosses,
where the great painter lies. The
mere sight of the place, and of the
names of its past inhabitants, seems
enough to wake in the most ordi-
nary mind distinctest visions of the
past.
Perhaps this very fact has some-
thing to do with the flatness and
disappointing character of both the
books before us. So much of the
picturesque lies on the surface, that
the subject seems almost overflow-
i ng to a hasty glance ; and we can-
not but feel that the writer who
had thus been tempted into it must
have fallen into a very abyss of dis-
couragement on finding how little
material there was for any novel
chapter of captivating semi-history.
Mrs Heaton has tried very hard to
keep up the lofty strain with which
she sets out from those wonderful
characteristic streets of old Nurem-
1 >erg, but the effort cannot be said
to be very successful. No one, how-
ever great a master or mistress
of the art of word-painting, can go
on for more than a chapter or two
about the high roofs, the quaint
Cables, the antique perfection of
the strange old city. The painter
with such a subject in hand may
permit himself unbounded licence,
but not the writer ; and when the
Diirer-haus, and the Sebald's kirche
and the Lorenz - kirche, Adam
Kraft and Peter Vischer, the Castle,
the Pegnitz, and the streets, have
been exhausted, it is sad to find
how little there is to be said about
the central figure which gives to
this picturesque scene so much of
its interest. Mrs Heaton has treated
the subject picturesquely, and Mr
Scott thoughtfully. The lady, we
presume, is new to literature, but
she writes easily and well, though
perhaps with an occasional redund-
ance of adjectives, and repetition
of "grand old man," or "grand
winged woman," which is slightly
exasperating to the reader. But
she knows what she is about, and
has evidently given much care and
labour to her list of Durer's works
and estimate of them. Mr Scott —
who is a painter himself, and there-
fore has an additional right to
undertake the subject — goes into
this part of it also with conscien-
tious industry and skill ; and as he
is less fond of attributing a mys-
tical uncertainty of meaning, he is
perhaps, on the whole, a more sat-
isfactory guide.
This portion of the work is,
however, thoroughly well done by
both biographers, and nobody can
have any further excuse for not
knowing what are Durer's great
works, either on canvas or copper,
or for lacking some certain percep-
tion of the strange force of melan-
choly meaning and Gothic wealth
of genius which were in the man.
The catalogue is not only clear,
but it is interesting, and it is diffi-
cult to know which of the two ver-
sions of it deserves the preference.
Each writer has a different opin-
ion about the marvellous print
of the " Melinconia," and about
that grim and solemn composition
called, "The Knight, Death, and the
Devil;" but these are subjects on
which critics will differ in opinion
as long as pictures are discussed.
Mrs Heaton's book is the more valu-
632
New Books.
[May
able of the two, however, in so far as
it affords the reader an opportunity
of forming his own opinion, and
brings him to a certain extent into
the personal influence of Diirer
himself by means of the engravings
and photographs with which it is
prof usely illustrated. The "Melin-
conia," for instance, perhaps the
most curiously impressive picture
ever composed in black and white,
is not to be realised from mere
description. No artist in any kind
has ever more wonderfully express-
ed the pause and wistful suspension
of the creative mind in the midst
of its toils and thoughts. The
figure which fills the foreground
is that of a woman, large, ample,
and divinely tall, a great splendid
type of German vitality, nowise
idealised in form, though with more
beauty of countenance than Diirer is
apt to indulge in. Though her dress
is that of any contemporary Frau
in Nuremberg, and she carries purse
and keys at her girdle, this imper-
sonation of musing genius has
wings at her stately shoulders, em-
blems of a power beyond that of
common flesh and blood. Around
her are scattered the instruments
of art, at once in its commoner
and its more mystic forms. She
may have been writing her fancies
in clay or on canvas ; she may have
been brooding over the distant
crucible, making meaner metals into
gold, according to the dream of the
sages ; she may have been measur-
ing the orbits of the stars, and
naming them one by one ; but
now she has dropped upon a
bench with her head bent and
her eyes raised, gazing out of
their deep setting in that wistful-
ness of power which can do so
much, yet never can do all ; which
feels almost everything within its
reach, yet realises the restraint of
that "almost" as smaller spirits
capable of little never .do realise
their heavier bonds. It is not pain
that is in her face ; it is not even
weariness. Near, 'so near the di-
vine secret, but sure never to touch
it, penetrated by the wistful sense
of that vicinity and that impossi-
bility, she gazes forth at awful
nature, at wonderful art, so well
known, deeply fathomed, closely
embraced, yet never to be fully
understood. Of all pictures illus-
trative of human genius, this is
perhaps the most intense and signi-
ficant. It is the first that should
be hung in the study of every poet,
whatever be the form of poetry in
which he expresses himself. Yet it
is not the soft celestial melancholy
of the poets, nor any pensive gen-
tleness of thought, which shines
through it. The creature here pre-
sented to us is not softly visionary,
nor a dreamer of sweet dreams ; she
is not even poetry herself, always
young and always fair, — but the
strong, mature, potential genius
which is stern as well as sweet,
and knows the evil as well as the
good, and the bitterness and sever-
ity and suffering of life. When
she leaves her various and great
labours — labours in which no fa-
culty is left unoccupied, and which
still brood about her as she broods,
filling the air with a certain sense of
energy and force restrained — even
in the stillness the thoughts that
move her are great thoughts. . It is
not despair, for hers is too noble
arid full a being for despair ; nor is
it despondency, nor fatigue, nor
sorrow. It is the sense of that
limit which binds the highest — •
a limit which she does not fret
against, but wistfully gazes at, re-
cognising it, feeling its inevitable
power, against which no resistance
is of any avail, yet ready, when the
mood is over, to arise in greatness,
and set all her glorious strength to
work again. The end will never be
attained, she knows — never in this
world, which is so full of pain and
strife and imperfection ; but never-
theless, while the great mystery
lasts life lasts ; and the best, on the
whole, is, that care and toil should
go on.
Such is not exactly the opinion
of either of Albrecht Diirer's pre-
1870.]
New Books.
633
sent biographers ; but yet their
differing judgments do not stray
very far from this conception. We
M7ill not follow them into any fur-
ther discussion of those wonderful
engravings upon which so much of
the painter's fame rests. We can
but repeat that both have given
the fullest diligence to make out
their list, and that in both cases it
•seems conscientious and reliable —
Mr Scott's information being at
once more detailed and more con-
cise, a thorough guide to the col-
lector and student ; while Mrs Hea-
ton's is more diffuse, and much
more full. This is no small praise ;
md had either or both of these
writers been content to take as the
subject of his or her book the
works of Albrecht Diirer — works
which have been before the world
for three centuries, which are sur-
rounded by as many means of
proving their genealogy as if they
were German archdukes, and which
are capable of many an interesting
digression — their work would have
been most satisfactorily performed.
Both, however, unfortunately, have
been beguiled by the popular mo-
dern notion that a great workman
must also at the same time have a
great life — one which will be of ever-
lasting interest to his fellow-crea-
tures. Never was there a greater
mistake. We look with dismay upon
the heavy Albrecht of Mr Scott, and
the half -commercial, half -dreamy
painter of Mrs Heaton. The few let-
ters which are all that remain to be
quoted, and the account-book jour-
nal of his journey into the Nether-
lands, give anything but an enliv-
ening picture of the man. He was
young when he went to Venice,
and it might be supposed that the
society of so many young painters of
the highest talent — amongst them
Titian and Giorgione — with old Bel-
lini at the head of the community,
beautiful Venice around, and stren-
uous life and energy running high in
theveinsof the young Teuton, would
have called forth some clear expres-
sion of his nature. But his letters
to his friend Pirkheimer are such
as any vulgar burgess might write
to another, full of heavy personal
banter and insignificant details —
letters of the most completely unin-
teresting and commonplace descrip-
tion. Here and there occurs a
sentence only'half intelligible, and
the reader pricks up his ears; but a
second glance is enough to assure
him that the mystery is not worth
solving, and that it is no meaning,
and not wit, which puzzles him.
We do not conclude from this that
Diirer's mind was unworthy of in-
vestigation, or himself without in-
terest, but simply that he was a
man possessed of one mode of utter-
ance, which he used largely and
nobly, but not of a second; and that
it is cruel now, three hundred years
after, to force him before the bar
of public opinion, and compel him
to express himself in words for
which he never had any faculty.
It is as unjustifiable to print poor
Diirer's journal, as it would be to
print the jottings which a modern
traveller, going over the same
ground, puts down in the blank
leaves of his Bradshaw, of his hotel
bills and incidental expenses. Pro-
bably the man of the nineteenth
century, with the help of Murray,
would give us the most informa-
tion. One page of this journal
might indeed have made us gener-
ally aware of the difference between
the Murray -and -Bradshaw -guided
traveller and him of the fifteenth
century, but there can be no excuse
for inflicting so many uninteresting
details upon us. "The impatient
reader can skip if he pleases, but
the weary translator must needs
be faithful," says Mrs Heaton, as
if her last and severest duty was
the reproduction of this dreariest
document. And Mr Scott also in-
flicts it upon us at full length,
though it is very hard to tell why.
The impression left upon the read-
er's mind is that of a methodical
and orderly soul, careful to put
down all his expenses, liberal in his
way, giving presents and receiving
634
New Books.
[May
them, dining out a great deal, and
receiving much friendly homage in
the way of tavern-treats, wine, and
sweetmeats, and sometimes a great
banquet where everybody does him
honour ; a man, too, politic in his
way, not neglectful of just means
of advancing himself, and with a
freat deal of honest curiosity about
im — but without a sentiment or a
thought which might not have come
equally well from Willibald Pirk-
heimer, or from Willibald's clerk.
The only exception to the com-
pletely uninteresting character of
this journal, is an outburst about
Luther, written at the moment when
the Reformer was carried off to the
Wartburg in the middle of his career
— an incident which rouses Diirer to
sudden energy. He throws his cal-
culations aside for the moment, as
he laments the supposed loss of the
man who "so clearly and trans-
parently " set forth the Holy Scrip-
tures, and expresses himself in very
distinct terms as to the misde-
meanours of Rome. He did not,
so far as is apparent, ever separate
himself publicly from the Church,
but the state of his feelings is suffi-
ciently clear from this very earnest
and serious utterance. " Oh God !
is Luther dead ? Who will hence-
forward explain to us so clearly the
Holy Gospel?" he cries, with a
curious painter-like appreciation of
the new light; and then goes on
with quaint simplicity, and that ab-
sence of all sense of humour which
distinguishes the primitive mind, to
call upon Erasmus to take Luther's
place — Erasmus, who is but a little
old manikin, only good for two
years' work at the most, and whom
Diirer exhorts to make a grand use
of these two years, and end as a
martyr, seeing that he cannot live
long anyhow, nor have much enjoy-
ment of his life.
" Oh, all ye Christian men, pray
to God for help," he adds, with
that curiously commonplace tone of
expression which confounds all char-
acteristic differences in the majority
of men when they speak of religious
subjects ; " for His judgment draws
nigh, and His righteousness shall
be made plain. Then we shall see
the blood of the innocent, which
popes, bishops, and monks have
spilt, rise up in judgment and con-
demn them (Apocal.) And there
are the souls of the slain that lie
under the altar of God and cry for
vengeance, to which the voice of
God replies, Fill up the measure of
the innocent who are slain, then
will I judge."
"And I have changed one florin for
living expenses ; I have given the
doctor eight stiver. Item : I have
dined twice with Ruderigo ; I have
dined with the rich Canon," adds
the placid Master, when he has said
his say on the one subject of popular
enthusiasm which seems to have
touched him. Strange, yet quite
flat and uncharacteristic, is the out-
burst— wonderful the sudden drop
down to more familiar everyday
matters. Diirer had another voice,
in which he spoke as no man of his
nation was speaking. Why should
we, or rather why should his his-
torians, demand of the man that he
should have two 1
Another curious feature in these
books is the determined set which
both biographers make at the un-
fortunate Agnes, his wife — a poor,
defenceless, speechless woman, who
absolutely does nothing, so far as
we can see, to deserve the repeated
onslaughts made upon her. We
are told she made him wretched,
forced him to work, exacted a rigid
account of his money, and generally
was the very nightmare of his ex-
istence, notwithstanding that he
describes himself as a very inde-
pendent bourgeois indeed, giving
stivers right and left, making all
sort of purchases, and even playing
and losing, without a word of any
possible scolding from the good
Frau, whom he leaves so often at
home in her inn, with her maid
for company. The sole founda-
tion for these assertions seems to
be a letter written after DUrer's
death by his friend Pirkheimer, in
1870.]
New Books.
C35
which he makes very severe stric-
tures on the wife, about whom it is
evident he had permitted himself
to make some very unseemly sug-
gestions during Durer's absence in
Venice. Pirkheimer seems to have
been a man of well-known licen-
tious character, and Agnes was a
beautiful and severely-proper young
woman ; so that it is not very diffi-
cult to see how a feud might have
arisen between them. Nevertheless
Mr Scott and Mrs Heaton both go
over the same well-worn ground.
They remark (both) that earlier bio-
graphers, unconscious of the exist-
ence of the journal by which it is
proved that the painter was accom-
panied by his wife in his journey into
the Netherlands, have described that
journey as a despairing attempt on
Diirer's part to escape from his do-
mestic unbappiness — without, how-
ever, drawing from this mistake
the natural lesson, that the general
ill report brought up against poor
Agnes rests upon the very slightest
and most unsatisfactory foundation.
Diirer himself does not breathe the
shadow of a reproach. He calls
her (or some one else) his mistress
of accounts in one of his early let-
ters— an expression much relied
upon by Agnes's assailants, but
which was just as probably a title
playfully caressing as reproachful.
And if there is anybody to be found
fault with in the Belgian expedi-
tion it is Herr Albrecht himself,
who contracts with his host for his
own individual dinner, like a very
uncivil and feast-loving husband,
adding, " My wife and her maid
must dine by themselves up-stairs."
Pretty treatment for a poor lady on
a holiday tour ! Yet ** she proba-
bly considered that she had only
done her duty in worrying her hus-
band to death," says Mrs Heaton,
without one single fact or even well-
founded fancy to build the accusation
upon, except Pirkheimer's letter.
Poor Agnes ! the chances are that if
she had flirted with that gross Herr
Willibald, and made herself agree-
able to him, we should have heard
a very different character of her.
Nothing could be more unlike
these two studies of medieval his-
tory, so strong in art, so bare in the
incidents of human life, than the lit-
tle book which came from the press
about the same time — the 'Memoirs
of the Marquise de Montagu.'""" The
scene changes not only from the
verge of antiquity to the bustle of
modern life, but from the quiet of
obscure safety and homely comfort
into the splendour, the misery, the
heartrending chances of that tragic
moment, in which the eighteenth
century ended in France, expiating
its wickedness and levity and gay
hardness of heart in blood and
tears such as have not watered the
soil of any other civilised country.
Some doubt has been thrown upon
the perfect accuracy of the details
of this book, which are very minute,
and in which it may well be that
imagination has slightly filled out
the outlines of recollection. But as
it was first printed for private circu-
lation among the people most cer-
tain to be well informed on the sub-
ject, we cannot suppose that any-
thing considerable has been added
to the Marquise's journals. We
read it for the first time some five
years ago, in a copy covered over
with armorial bearings, in the Fau-
bourg St Germain, the property
of a lady connected with half the
families recorded in its pages. It
was the book of the moment in that
well -informed region ; and having
passed the ordeal of such criticism
as was likely to be given there, we
cannot suppose there can be much
to find fault with in point of fact.
The execution and spirit of the
book are very curious. Its heroes
and heroines are all real figures,
taken from the highest rank of
French aristocracy at a time when
morals were low everywhere, and
* Memoirs of the Marquise de Montagu,
don : Bentle.y.
Bv the Baroness de Noailles. Lon-
636
New J3ooks.
[May
especially low in France — at a time,
in short, when oppression and
misery had driven a whole nation
mad, and its former rulers were
finding out, at once what awful
penalties attended the sins of their
fathers, and what noble qualities
were in themselves — upon the scaf-
fold and in the streets of Paris,
which were red with slaughter — and
more tediously, if less sharply, in
exile and poverty. We have heard,
till we are almost weary of hearing,
how the doomed noblesse sang and
flirted and talked in the prisons up
to the last fatal moment ; when, one
by one, the victims were carried off
in their tragic gaiety to end at once
their mirth and their sorrows. And
even in this volume there are traces
of national customs at which many
a virtuous insular reader will shud-
der. The peasants danced before
the windows of the chateau on the
Sunday evenings — with an awful
profanity, which, we do not doubt,
will still seem to some people to
justify any amount of "judgment"
— under the very eyes of Madame
de Montagu herself. But yet, not-
withstanding this confession, the
atmosphere and spirit of the book
are Puritan in the severest sense of
the word. Madame de Montagu was
an excellent Catholic. One of her
great distinctions in life was, that
she was the means of converting a
German family, hapless children of
the Reformation, to the true faith ;
and yet there was never a lady of
the Commonwealth more Puritan
than she, nor a Low-Church sister
more Evangelical. The very same
strain of piety which is in the reli-
gious biographies — we do not say
of the present day, but of twenty
years ago, when the Evangeli-
cal party was more potent than
now — breathes through this re-
cord of the thoughts and feelings
of the French Marquise of last cen-
tury. Probably Madame de Mon-
tagu would have looked with pity-
ing hopelessness upon the heretic
graces of Hedley Vicars, while to
him she would have been but a be-
nighted Papist. But it is curious
to note how completely the spirit
of both is the same. Naturally, in
the case of the lady, that austere
piety is sweetened and made gra-
cious by a hundred pretty circum-
stances which do not attract us to
the commonplace Protestant saint ;
but the resemblance ought at least
to convey a deeper toleration, if not
to the Catholic reader, at least to
the Protestant, who is not bound
by his faith to excommunicate his
neighbour, even if that neighbour
has a ball on Sunday — the most
curious accompaniment of Puritan-
ism which the English imagination
can conceive.
Madame de Montagu was the
daughter of the Due d'Ayen, of
the noble family of Noailles. Her
mother was a D'Aguesseau, grand-
daughter of the Chancellor. She
was related to half the highest
nobility of France, inheriting the
bluest of blood, and to all appear-
ance destined to the highest for-
tune. The story of her family, no
less than her own individual his-
tory, throws a curious light upon
the constitution of the family in
France as then existing, and still,
we believe, to some extent, in ex-
istence; a constitution which ex-
plains the extraordinary force of
domestic affections — the bond, for
instance, between mother and chil-
dren, which is the one relationship
which is perfect among our neigh-
bours, and held most sacred — not-
withstanding the comparative lax-
ity of the marriage-tie, upon which
it is our theory to believe all the
domestic affections are built. No
doubt the fact that the young
people had little choice in the elec-
tion of their wives and husbands
hindered that prompt alienation
from the old family into the new
which we consider the order of na-
ture in England, but which in Eng-
land, as elsewhere, gives to fathers
and mothers, often enough, a sore
heart. In those days it is evident
that a new husband never dreamt
of absorbing his wife's affections
1870.]
New Books.
637
and withdrawing her from her
family. Such an idea did not
enter into the theory of life. Ma-
dame d'Ayen brought up her five
daughters without any great assist-
ance from her husband. He was
busy with a thousand affairs, a
visitor received with much state
and pomp and appearance of joy,
but noway necessary to the house-
hold. Such seems to have been the
lot of Madame de Montagu herself
to a considerable extent. She, too,
forms her little world about her,
not independent altogether of her
husband, but without any necessary
reference to him. He goes and
comes, always welcome, but never
indispensable ; his duties become
her duties, and she accepts, as a
matter of course, the care and tend-
ance of his father as her natural
share of the family responsibility ;
but her children are hers, and so
are her arrangements. When ne-
cessity makes it desirable to divide
their expenses, she goes her way
to one relation, while her husband
joins another. They are thoroughly
kind, attached friends, with mutual
interests and pleasures, but they
never pretend to have but one life.
The theory is worth consideration,
and, after all, is perhaps not so bad
as it seems ; for, to be sure, a great
many married people find it impos-
sible to have but one life between
them ; and the sensible understand-
ing of the French household that
such a thing can be dispensed with,
without heartburnings or that de-
plorable sense of failure which makes
home miserable, might be worth
cultivating when the other was
not to be had. Thus, it is evident,
arose that pre-eminence of the mo-
ther, which now and then gives a
somewhat sickly character to French
romance, but has, it cannot be
doubted, a wonderfully softening
and elevating effect upon life ; for
the woman is always supposed to
be able to make herself happy with
her children, to find sufficient com-
pensation in them for other wants,
and, above all, to have possession
of them beyond all doubt or ques-
tion. We are not sure, indeed,
whether in his heart of hearts a
Frenchman does not feel it to be
derogatory to a woman to be cap-
able of any but maternal passion.
While we in England proclaim
upon a thousand notes the pre-
eminence of Love, distinctively so
called, the French romancist shrugs
his shoulders, and takes a different
view of the question. His model
woman, his type of purity, adores
only her children. Passion he will
give you in plenty, but not of that
kind which we consider to be made
commendable — nay, to be converted
into the highest of all sentiments —
by the marriage-vow. He does
not realise the force of that mystic
union. His is, no doubt, a lower
theory — the theory of nature in
her inferior forms of being. We
do not applaud nor hold it up for
imitation ; but yet there are cases
in which it works well. Madame
d'Ayen bringing up her children in
content and dignified tranquillity,
with a charming friendly regard for
the husband who comes to see her
now and then, but yet quite able to
do without him when need is, is
surely a more dignified figure than
the deserted wife raving after the
object of her passion, or than the
superior wife who is galled by her
husband's imperfections at every
step she takes. The Frenchwoman
accepts the life she cannot mend as
& fait accompli, and throws herself
contentedly into the young lives,
which she hopes to be able to set
right. So does many an English
wife, no doubt, but she does it
against her theory ; while her Con-
tinental sister has all the support
which can be given by the belief
that such is the natural course of
affairs.
This is a long digression out of
a little book, but there is a certain
interest in observing how any the-
ory of life gets itself into being.
The Duchesse d'Ayen gave herself
up to her five girls. " She em-
braced them affectionately in the
638
New .Books.
[May
morning, and met them on her way
to hear early mass at the Jacobins
or at St Roch ; she dined with
them at three o'clock, and after the
repast she took them to her bed-
chamber : this was a large room
hung with crimson damask, orna-
mented with gold lace, and con-
taining an enormous bed. The
Duchess sat in an easy-chair near
the fireplace, having her snuff-box,
books, and writing materials at
hand, while her daughters were
grouped around her, the eldest
being seated on chairs, and the
younger on stools, a playful strug-
gle taking place between them as to
who should be nearest their moth-
er's chair. While they worked, they
chatted over the lessons of the pre-
vious night and the little events of
the day. Strange peaceful glimpse
of quiet life while the tempest was
brewing and the wild winds rising
outside ! Two of these women were
to perish by the guillotine, inno-
cent expiators of sins not theirs ;
another was to be the wife of La
Fayette, to live through triumph
and downfall, to pine in French
and Austrian prisons ; another to
wander from one strange country
to another in want and misery.
The happy one was the one most
mourned, the early dead who sat
and chattered like the rest, uncon-
scious what doom lay over her. The
house was in the Rue St Honore,
opposite St Roch, and all was still
and bright about the young mother
and her girls. The book is a very
calm, soberly-toned book, but the
reader will find it difficult to look
at this tranquil domestic picture,
the young creatures at their needle-
work, the mother with her soft ad-
visings and reproofs, without feeling
a shudder and thrill run over him
at thought of the approaching fate.
The women thus trained were
equal to the terrible yet high des-
tiny which awaited them. The
eldest bore the. horrors of the Lux-
embourg prison, the Conciergerie,
and the scaffold, with that noble and
sweet composure which prevents
the dreadful story of the French
Revolution from becoming mere-
ly a horror and fear in the pages
of history ; and two at least of
the others acquitted themselves as
gallantly as any of their warlike
ancestors, and with a dauntless
patience and unflagging energy
which might have turned the scale
of national fortune had it been the
men and not the women who pos-
sessed it at that momentous time.
But the women were innocent,
which perhaps was the secret of
their strength. Madame de Mon-
tagu was one of the early emigres
along with her husband and his
father, and was tossed about the
world from England to Germany,
and back again into Holland and
Switzerland, never losing her cour-
age nor forgetting her fellow-crea-
tures in her own troubles. The story
of these distresses, which might
otherwise become monotonous, is
lightened by the person and house-
hold of a delicious, strong-minded
aunt, philosopher and Voltairian,
who offers her pious niece a shel-
ter with genuine kindness ; but
drives her half frantic in the even-
ings, what with novel-reading and
bold discussions of everything in
heaven and earth. This lady,
the Comtesse de Tesse, had been
prudent enough and fortunate
enough to realise a part of her for-
tune before leaving France, with
which she purchased a farm in the
canton of Fribourg, called Lowen-
berg. " She was of a very noble
character," we are told ; but she
was a strange companion for Ma-
dame de Montagu, whose tender
Puritanism and boundless charity
must have received many a shock
from the strange, worldly-mind-
ed, freethinking old lady, whose
imperious manner and philosophi-
cal talk, her nervous twitches, and
her card-playing, and her curiously-
compounded household, are all set
before us with a certain sense
of humour. There was a M. de
Tesse", though his existence seems
quite unimportant ; and there was
1870.]
Neiv Bootes.
639
also, a M. le Marquis de Man, an
old friend, with his son — " a good
conversationist, a skilful player of
cards, very witty, benevolent, and
imperturbably even-tempered." M.
de Tesse " superintended the culti-
vation of the land; when necessary
he went on journeys ; but he did
not occupy much attention nor any
prominent place in the drawing-
room," says the candid story.
Nevertheless the worldly old wo-
man was kind, and though she pro-
fessed to hate the clergy, supported
three poor exiled priests from the
proceeds of her garden. When
Madame de Montagu heard this,
she took to watering the garden
with a zeal which infinitely amazed
her aunt, especially as the poor
young soul, with her head full of
miserable anxiety about her friends
in danger, took special pains to
water the nettles, which were plants
she was not acquainted with. Un-
der Madame de Tesse's roof she
heard of the execution of her own
mother and sisters, of which a
most touching account is given ;
and after that awful crisis accom-
panied her aunt in further wander-
ings, which at length brought them
to the shores of the Baltic. During
this time she had in her humble-
ness originated a gigantic scheme
for the relief of the often starv-
ing emiy?-es, whose fortune she had
herself shared for some years —
and had been at length reunited to
her husband. But the evening talk
and the reading was always a great
trial to her. She sat apart when
she could, and did her knitting, and
thought her own pious thoughts,
taking very little part in the con-
versations. One week they read ' Les
Chevaliers des Cynge,' by Madame
de Genlis ; for a month they were
occupied by * Clarissa Harlowe,'
then ' Tristram Shandy.' And then
folio wed discussions which were still
more hard to bear. When her nieces,
the Demoiselles de la Fayette, joined
the circle, however, the gentle Pu-
ritan could stand it no longer. She
withdrew with the girls, and read
to them while they made and
mended their clothes. " It will be
readily conceived/' says her bio-
grapher, " that she did not read
novels to them, but sermons of
Fenelon, the Book of Job (!),
Bossuet's ' Oraisons Funebres ;' in
fact, all that was fitted to raise
their minds above the misery, and
also above the joys, of this earth."
Poor Anastasie and Virginie ! pro-
bably they would have preferred
the novels.
The book is perhaps a little dull,
or at least mild in its interest ; but
it is a curious and not unattractive
study of French patrician life as
seen not from without but within,
a change of view which makes all
the difference. It does in its way
for the noblesse of the Revo-
lution what the 'Recit d'une
Sreur ' has done for their descend-
ants. It lifts the veil in front of
which we see only the flash and
sparkle of a national gaiety and
vivacity which no trouble can sub-
due, and which we are so apt in
our scornful insular way to call
frivolity ; and shows the delicate
Puritanism and highly - strained
piety just trembling on the verge
of exaggeration, which is almost
always the mournful companion,
watcher, reprover, and expiator of
a reckless and vicious generation.
How often this austere yet gentle
figure, almost warped from percep-
tion of the most natural and in-
nocent joys by the burden of the
sins of its age, stands in the back-
ground behind the libertine and the
oppressor, can perhaps never be dis-
covered by any human power of
reckoning. Its faults can scarcely
be said to be its own, but its vir-
tues are all nobly individual. For-
tunately the story here is so told
that even while he smiles at the
pensive Puritan, who makes her
appearance in the strange disguise
of a French Marquise of the eigh-
teenth century, the reader will feel
more than half disposed at the same
moment to bend his knee to the
pure, courageous, tender, and cha-
640
New Books.
[May
ritable woman, whose intense do-
mestic affections never dim her per-
ception of the wants of others, and
who endures almost every anguish
that life can bring — calamities far
beyond the common level, and petty
worries of the very pettiest and
most exasperating description —
without ever flinching or breaking
down. It is a side of the Revolu-
tion story, that grand tragedy which
no spectator can see or hear of with-
out blanched cheek and bated
breath, which is but little known ;
but, still more, it is a phase of
French and Roman Catholic life,
which it will be well for us, who are
so ready to brand the nation with
levity and the Church with spiri-
tual darkness, to mark and learn.
This is no place to discuss the
chief of recent contributions to the
poetry of the time — the new vol-
ume which Mr Tennyson entitles
' The Holy Grail ;' neither, indeed,
should we think it fair under any
circumstances to criticise a fragment
of a work, or, what is still more, a
collection of fragments, meant to be
judged, not separately, but in their
relative place. It is unfortunate,
however, that the stories contained
in this new volume are precisely
those which least bear individual
inspection, and are most insepa-
rably connected with the great
drama which they complete. Enid
andElaine are quite comprehensible
by themselves, and may rank as
separate romances if the reader so
chooses. But this is not the case
with any one of the new chapters.
They are of the last importance to
the completed cycle of legends, to
which, in fact, they are in some
degree a key. But they do not
take rank by themselves ; they are
inseparably linked with that which
comes before and that which follows
after. The reader who attempts to
take them as independent produc-
tions, will find himself confused
by a perpetual reference to some-
thing out of the book he is reading,
and with the flutter about him of
a hundred threads which must be
attached elsewhere before harmony
can come out of the chaos. This
will probably prolong their time of
probation, and postpone the mo-
ment at which they may be ex-
pected to have found their proper
place ; and indeed it is quite pos-
sible that they never will take
their proper place until the pre-
sent separate editions are exhausted,
and the Arthurian poems finally go
to our grandchildren in the arrange-
ment their author intended. It is
unfortunate for Mr Tennyson's con-
temporaries that this should be so,
even though it will not hinder the
circulation of his new volume, or
prove any drawback to it in a
mercantile point of view — for it
puzzles the popular mind and
troubles the hasty reader ; and are
not the most of us hasty readers in
these quick-moving days 1 There-
fore we will not attempt to say
anything about the 'Holy Grail,'
not having space or opportunity to
discuss it, as it ought to be dis-
cussed, along with the other parts
of the work to which it belongs.
Under the head of Poetry we
turn in the first place to a very
different production, a thing as
small as the other is great — a book
entitled * Poems by Menella Bute
S medley/ * to which our own atten-
tion has been drawn (we confess, with
shame ; for ought we not to have
known better 1) by the newspapers.
In the newspapers we have learned
that a certain dramatic sketch con-
tained in it, called "Lady Grace," is
the first essay at the drama of the
nineteenth century ; a new begin-
ning in dramatic literature, a com-
bination of fine poetry with skilful
plot and high purpose, and a great
many other fine things besides. We
confess, and we are ashamed of it,
that having no previous acquaint-
ance with the writer's name, we were
so simple, so foolish, so forgetful
* Poems l>y Menella Bute Smedley. London : Strahan & Co.
1870.]
New Books.
641
of experience, as to believe in the
newspapers, and send for the book.
And here is another great in-
justice involved in all such unfair
and untrue criticism. The book is
a harmless little book, which, no
doubt, amused the author and
pleased her friends, and demanded
no special notice one way or other,
until it occurred to some injudicious
supporter to write it up. If we
withhold our hand, now that it
lies before us, some other operator
less remorseful will one day pro-
bably have it thrown in his way,
and will not withhold his hand;
so that we silence the compassion
which pleads for the poor little
weakling, as something not de-
serving of any Nemesis. It is
not on Miss Smedley, however,
that Nemesis frowns, but upon
the Superfine Review, and the
Looker-on, and the other influ-
ential vehicles of criticism which
have chosen to present Miss Smed-
ley to the world as a genuine
candidate for poetical honours ;
and not only for the honours of
poetry, but for those of dramatical
literature — a branch of art which
requires very rare qualities, and
is not to be taken up promis-
cuously at the will of any nov-
ice. We grant that Miss Smedley
writes pretty verses; and there is
one thing in the volume, which
has a right in its gentle way" to
be called a poem — a right which
we do not think is possessed by
any of the others. The "Little
Fair Soul " is very sweet, and
tender, and touching. It is the
story of a little human spirit,
which, looking " over the edge of
Paradise," sees a brother striving
to get in. The spirit outside
can find no way of entrance; the
gate is fast, and there is no one
to open; and the little brother
who is safe within is disturbed
in his tranquil bliss. He is not
an evangelical little soul, able to
wrap himself up in his little
white robe, and pull his gold
crown all the more securely on his
brow, and be smugly happy over
his good fortune, while the forlorn
spirit weeps and beats at the golden
gates. It is thus that his pity and
love and eagerness work in behalf
of the petitioner without.
" I cannot move this mighty weight,
I cannot find this golden key ;
But hosts of heaven around us wait,
And none has ever said 'No1 to me.
' Sweet Saint, put by thy palm and scroll,
And come, undo the door for me ! '
' Eest thee still, thou little fair soul,
It is not mine to keep the key.'
' Kind Angel, strike these doors apart !
The air without is dark and cold.'
'Rest thee still, thou little pure heart;
Not for my word will they unfold.'
Up all the shining heights he prayed
For that poor shadow in the cold ;
Still came the word, ( Not ours to aid ;
We cannot make the doors unfold.'
But that poor shadow, still outside,
Wrung all the sacred air with pain,
And all the souls went up and cried
Where never cry was heard in vain.
No eye beheld the pitying face,
The answer none might understand,
But dimly through the silent space
Was seen the stretching of a hand."
This is very touching and sweet ;
it is the only real gem in all the
volume, and we feel that we have
done full justice to Miss Smed-
ley's poetical power when we have
pointed it out to the impartial read-
er who is capable of judging of its
merits for himself. But Lady
Grace is a very different matter.
It is the story of a sentimental
widow whose husband has made a
very ridiculous will, by which he
commits to her charge two of his
wards, a nephew and niece, putting
their fortunes and their future en-
tirely in her hands. The man
must have been insane ; and it is
quite clear that his will could not
have sustained any searching in-
vestigation, for he goes on in a
secret codicil, which nobody knows
of but his lawyer, to ordain that if
his widow marries again, one half
of her fortune shall be forfeited on
the spot, and the other half " shall
be secured to her second husband
for his sole use and benefit." The
642
New -Books.
[May
lawyer who is trusted with this
strange document is as sentimental
as Lady Grace and her early but
unavowed lover ; and it may easily
be supposed what trouble is thus
brewed, and how he stifles his affec-
tions lest he should seem mercen-
ary, after a well-worn expedient of
lovers. The motive of the piece,
therefore, is to disembarrass the
too conscientious solicitor, and so
entrap the lady, that it may be
absolutely for her advantage that
he should interpose. No Minerva
Press heroine ever fell into a snare
more helplessly than does this
gushing and foolish widow. She
adopts the nephew and niece whom
her husband has left to her, wildly
pay ing the debts of the Guardsman,
and taking the girl of the period to
live with her, and offering to be a
mother to them all ; although she
herself all the while, according to
the narrative, is sufficiently young
and charming to suggest very differ-
ent ideas. She is rich, fair, unfet-
tered, party-giving, and popular — as
unlikely a person, according to ordi-
nary principles, to have any thing un-
pleasant happen to her as can be con-
ceived ; but her author means that
she should be ruined socially, and
has to accomplish it as best she can.
The niece Rosa has been beguiled
by a braggart and roue to visit him
at his rooms, in order, as she thinks,
to receive an ornament she has won
from him, but in reality to be exhib-
ited to a party of men assembled for
the purpose, on a bet made by the
Lothario that she will come to him
on a certain day at a certain hour.
Lady Grace knows that her niece
has gone away with Sir George, and
hurries after her in a very high-
flown state indeed, resolving to do
or die in the service of the girl,
who is about a hundred years older
than she is, and a thousand times
more knowing. She arrives when
Rosa, beginning to be frightened,
is prevented from escaping by the
servant, who declines to let her
pass. This famous (and altogether
novel) obstacle quenches all the re-
solution of Lady Grace, who finds
it easy enough to get in, but is
driven desperate by this refusal
to let them go. Fancy any flunky,
however pampered a menial, defy-
ing a matron and lady of fash-
ion, and keeping her locked into
a bachelor's apartments in the
calm respectable streets of modern
London ! Lady Grace finds no bet-
ter expedient than to change cloaks
with Rosa (who, we are already
told, had put on a mantle of her
aunt's to come out in, which makes
the expedient curiously unneces-
sary), and send her away, remaining
in her place. She has then a most
high-flown conversation with the
roue, who has been absent during
this change of visitors. Instead of
denouncing and exposing him, as
it is clearly both her duty and
policy to do, she throws herself
metaphorically at his feet, plead-
ing that he will not betray her
niece, but lets him betray her-
self with the strangest imbecility.
His friends, with whom he has
betted, come pouring into the room,
among them a man, whom, not car-
ing the least for him, she has been
persuaded to accept as her future
husband. And though she is re-
presented to us as a woman suf-
ficiently mature to have some com-
mand of herself, and some percep-
tion of her own dignity, Lady
Grace shrinks and trembles like any
poor governess, suffers the villain
to make some pretence of a chari-
table errand, falters, and "claims
the gentle judgment" of these gap-
ing sneering spectators, and slinks
out with her character irretrievably
injured. This is the sort of thing
which, we are told, is an attempt at
the formation of a genuine drama
of the nineteenth century. It never
seems to occur to the author for a
moment that her heroine behaves
like the silliest school-girl, or that
even the silliest school-girl might
have found something to say for
herself in so outrageous a situation.
The reader shall have this scene,
that he may judge whether there
1870.]
New Books.
643
is any grace of poetry to make up
for its unnatural folly.
"LADY GRACE.
Will you tell your man
To let me pass ? He barred the way before,
According to your honourable orders.
SIR GEORGE.
• Pointing to the vestibule door, and speaking
with an air of confusion.}
The room is full of men.
LADY GRACE.
You can dismiss them.
SIR GEORGE.
Bui how ? They know there is a lady here.
Though you disdain me, I would do you
pleasure
If it were possible. This was a wager.
They know too much to go, not knowing
more.
LADY GRACE.
Know they the lady's name ?
SIR GEORGE.
Not certainly.
LADY GRACE.
Hwear to me that you will not breathe her
name !
Let me pass for her; none will aim at
me, —
1 am wide of all the targets. Ah, be kind !
] will believe you never purposed harm —
Nay, I'll think nobly of you.
SIR GEORGE.
T were loath
To lose my chance of such a thought,
and if
LADY GRACE.
( With her hands on his arm.)
Oh, no, no, no ! set not a traitor ' If '
] between your soul and any gracious act !
You shall not stir till you have promised
me !
SIR GEORGE.
(Turning to her, and taking her hand.)
Nay — there's my promise !
(Enter FITZERSE, RAYMOND, CAPEL, and
LORD LYNTON.)
ALL.
(Speaking as they enter.)
Treason, Sandys, treason !
Where is this lady ? Is the wager lost ?
Or do you mock us ?
SIR GEORGE.
(To them.)
Were you not entreated
To wait my summons ? Do not be amazed.
£-he came upon a charitable errand.
(To LADY GRACE.)
And so, dear lady, having heard your tale,
And helped your client, you will suffer me
To be your honoured escort.
LADY GRACE.
You are thanked
"With all the words I have.
CAPEL.
It is Lady Grace !
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLV.
RAYMOND.
I am struck dumb.
FITZROSE.
If I had met a ghost
I should be less disturbed.
LORD LYNTON.
(Gravely advancing with LADY GRACE'S hat
and cloak.)
Pray you, permit me ;
Your charitable errand being fulfilled,
You may resume your cloak.
(He puts it on for her. She stands in mani-
fest embarrassment.)
The hour is late ;
My carriage can convey you home, unless
Some exigence of charitable duty
Demand a journey with this gentleman.
LADY GRACE.
I claim your gentle judgment, having
never
Deserved a doubt.
LORD LYNTON.
(Conducting hei- to the door.)
I do not judge a woman ;
I trust her — when 1 can.
(RAYMOND, CAPEL, FITZERSE, all draw
back to let LADY GRACE pass. RAYMOND
opens the door for her.)
LADY GRACE.
Thank you. Good-night !
I shall meet you at the ball on Thursday ?
RAYMOND.
Yes;
I book you for a valse.
LADY GRACE.
I do not dance.
RAYMOND.
You did not — all things change — I live in
hope.
LADY GRACE.
{Aside.')
Means he to twit me with my past? I
like not
That phrase of ' change ' and f hope.'
(She turns as she is leaving the room, and
speaks with great dignify.)
My presence here
Is a dark sentence ; pray, decipher it
By the unflinching lustre of my life,
And you shall find the words are— inno-
cent.
(They stand silent. Exit LADY GRACE.)"
If this is the drama of the
future, heaven preserve the poor
actresses and actors! It nevei
seems to occur to Miss Smedley
that a respectable woman might
make a simple explanation to her
friends and lover without any flut-
terings or protestations of inno-
cence, or that a high-bred lady
might have a little more discretion
than a milliner's girl. This is the
2 X
644
New Books.
[May
stuff which the most accredited
organs of popular criticism have
attempted to foist upon us as a
dramatic poem, representing the
new conditions and characteristic
aspects of life in the nineteenth
century ! We beg Miss Smedley's
pardon for having given so pro-
minent a place to a piece of am-
bitious dulness and nonsense like
the above. But it is not our fault,
but that of her too kind reviewers,
who have thus endeavoured to per-
suade the public into receiving, as
something worth its attention, a
very poor and very false piece of
mingled flippancy and sentiment-
ality. Such delusive guidance is
a thing far more dangerous than
dozens of books of so-called poetry,
which harm nobody, and are capa-
ble, we suppose, of being swallowed
and assimilated by the amazing
digestion of youth. Once upon a
time we too remember to have been
able to read and get some modest
pleasure out of the pretty slim
volumes which a young writer with
an admiring circle of friends may
be forgiven, once in a way, for
calling poetry ; but to be requested
to receive such gentle jingle-jangle
as meriting a serious judgment, and
still more to have an absurd story
in broken lines recommended to us
as the drama of the future, is more
than any conscientious reader can
be expected to bear.
Our impatience calms down as
by a sudden peaceful touch, when
we escape out of this babble into the
dreamy quiet of the ' Earthly Para-
dise/ * and see Mr Morris's ancient
travellers seated calm in their great
hall, or out upon the sunny lawns,
with now arid then a leaf dropping
through the soft air, and the young
folk busy with their harvesting,
gathering the ruddy apples on the
ground by the river-side, the great
purple grape-bunches on the ter-
races. The serene maturity of au-
tumn has come into the round, full,
sweet monotony of the verse. No
stir is in it of the livelier younger
year. A haze obscures the blue, the
very air drowses full of a murmur-
pus warmth and sound. Life and
its doings are all as a dream to
those spectators, who see, while the
tale goes on, glimpses of all the
various dreams and deceits of exist-
ence— the joys that are to come to
nothing, the griefs that, when they
are past, will make a joy to others.
This is the key-note of the new
volume. Life is as a tale that is
told. The misery and the delight
are not altogether for their own
sakes, as if any man could appro-
priate his fate to himself, but also
for the use of others, all the world
sharing in the profit and the
pain.
"Both the blind and they who see full
well
Go the same road, and leave a tale to tell
Of interwoven miseries ; lest they
Who after them a while on earth must
stay,
Should have no pleasure in the winter
night,
When this man's pain is made that man's
delight."
As is natural with such a dreamy
philosophical yet sympathetic view
of life, and its strange and melan-
choly chances, the tone of this
new volume is chiefly melancholy.
There is nothing in it like the cheer-
ful vitality of the Man born to be
a king, or the passionate delight of
the story of Pygmalion. The reader
sees everything that passes before
him as the old men see it, who sit
there like gods, knowing good and
evil, with a half sense in their
calm attentive souls that life was
made for them, to keep them sub-
tly, strangely alive with currents
of other men's existence, and re-
flections from other men's thoughts.
The story of the " Death of Paris"
is told to us not so much for itself
as for the effect upon the young
ones which the old men watch,
noting how it swells those same
life-currents in their fountains, and
guides the half-born stream into
the channel, of which in time there
shall come another tale.
The Earthly Paradise. By William Morris. Part III. London : Ellis.
1870.]
New Books.
645
" . . . Good it was for them to note
The slim hand set into the changing
throat,
The lids down drooped to hide the pas-
sionate, eyes
Whereto the sweet thoughts all unbid
would rise ;
The bright-cheeked shame, the conscious
mouth, as love
Within the half-hid gentle breast 'gan
move,
Like a swift-opening flower beneath the
sun ;
The sigh and half-frown as the tale was
done,
And thoughts uncertain, hard to grasp, did
flit
'Twixt the beginning and the end of it —
And to their ancient eyes it well might
seem
Lay tale in tale, as dream within a dream."
Thus the mystic tide floats soft-
ly along from one dreamy tale to
another, each contributing its special
nourishment to the quiet of the old
men's lives. The strain is monot-
onous, but only sufficiently so to
be in perfect keeping with its occa-
sion and purpose. Perhaps the tale
which follows the " Death of Paris,"
— the story called " East of the Sun,
West of the Moon " — is the most
charming in its lingering wistful
sweetness. It is one of those strange
fancies, dear to the Gothic mind,
of a youth passing into an unknown
visionary land through the love of
some spirit-maiden — coming back
again after a vague dreamy interval
— livi ng for love of her as in a dream,
and finally disappearing at the end
mystically in search of the love
without which the world is waste
to him. The hero is John, the least
practical, least useful, of all a nor-
thern farmer's homely large-limbed
sons — the musing poetic youth, full
of dreams and silence, who is so
dear to northern verse ; and his
love is a beautiful weird lady, whose
swan-skin he secures, and who is
consequently bound to him, at first
by fate, and finally by love. The
variety in the tale is, that John's
love is not cruel nor faithless, and
has no swan-husband already, wait-
ing her in her mysterious country,
as is usually the burden of such
dreams ; but is sweet and true, and
only unlike a human maiden in the
wisdom which raises her above his
simple love. But it is the suprem-
acy of this love which is the burden
of the tale ; even after he has gone
from her, and, drawn by human
longing, has come back out of vi-
sionary joy into the real world,
which is as a dream about him, to
see his kindred and his father's
house — his love, when driven des-
perate, has the power of calling her
out of her sweet unknown land
of dreams into visible revelation.
Should he ever do this, she warns
him it will be at the cost of suf-
fering and pain to her, and pos-
sible separation for ever; but there
comes a moment when John can-
not forbear, but gives utterance to
his passionate longing. In a sud-
den access of wild love and impa-
tience he cries —
" 'Ah! what love,
What love/ he cried, ' my heart should
move,
But my own love, my worshipped sweet ?
Would God that her beloved feet
Would bless our threshold this same
night ! ' "
She comes, and John is distraught
with mingled rapture and terror.
In the wild darkness of the Christ-
mas night there is a sound of the
horn without announcing some new
comer.
" Then opened they the door, and strong
The wild wind swept the hall along,
Driving the hangings here and there,
Making the torches ruddier,
Darkening the fires. But therewithal
An utter hush came o'er the hall,
And no man spake of bad or goo J ;
For in the midst of them there stood
A white-clad woman, white as though
A piece of fair moonlitten snow
Had entered the red smoky hall ;
Then sweet speech on their ears did fall,
Thrilling all hearts through :
' Joy and peace
Be on this house, and all increase
Of all good things ! and thou, my love,
I knew how sore desire must move
Thy longing heart, and I am come
To look upon thee in thy home :
Come to me, give me welcome here ! '
He stepped adown, and shame and fear,
Mixed with the joyful agony
Of love and longing, as anigh
He drew unto her loveliness.
A moment, and his arms did press
His own love to his heaving breast,
And for an instant of sweet rest,
'Midst clicging hands and trembling kiss,
Did he forget all things but bliss,
And still she murmured :
646
New Books.
[May
' Now rejoice
That far away I heard thy voice,
And came ! rejoice this night at least,
And make good ending to the feast ! '
Therewith from out his arms she drew,
Yet held his hand still ; scarce he knew
Of where he was, and who were round,
And strange and flat his voice did sound
Unto himself, as now he spake :
' Kinsmen, see her, who for my sake
Has left her mighty state and home,
Fair beyond words, that she might come
With you a little to abide !
How say ye ? are ye satisfied,
Her sweet face in your midst to see?'
Therewith, though somewhat timidly,
Folk shouted ; sooth, they deemed her such
As mortal man might scarcely touch
Or dare to love ; with fear fulfilled,
With shame of their rough joyance chilled,
They sat, scarce moving; but to John
Some sweet familiar thing seemed won
Despite his fear, as down the hall
He led her
Now softly to the fair high seat
With trembling hand he led his sweet,
Who kissed the goodman and goodwife,
And wished them fair and happy life ;
Then like the earth's and heaven's queen,
She sat there beauteous and serene,
Till, as men gazed upon her there,
Joy of her beauty slew their fear ;
Hot grew their hearts now, as they turned
Eyes on her that with strange light burned ;
And wild and eager grew the speech
Wherewith they praised her each to each,
As 'neath her eyes they sat.
If he
Who knew the full felicity
Of all they longed for, hushed at whiles,
Might answer not her healing smiles
With a.ught but sad imploring eyes,
When he bethought him in what wise
She there was come— yet none the less
Amid bewildered happiness
The time went by ; until at last
Night waned, and slowly all folk passed
From out the hall, and the soft sleep
O'er all the marvelling house did creep,
Bearing to folk that night such dreams,
As showed, through wild things, very
gleams
Of heaven and perfect love, to last
Till grey light o'er the world was cast."
The result of this unfortunate call
upon the spirit-bride is, that she
is banished to a land of strange
unconsciousness and insensibility
East of the sun, west of the moon —
where at length, however, her lover
finds her, and arouses her out of her
trance by the same warmth of love
which had wrought her harm. Sweet
and wistful, like the very echo of a
dream, is this strange tale. " The
man who never laughed again " is,
though much more melancholy, of
the same description ; and though
Eastern in manner and vague
splendour of description, is essen-
tially Gothic in its inspiration. The
story of " Rhodope," however, which
is intended to be classical, fails in
many of the points in which, in his
former classical poems, Mr Morris
was so successful. The atmosphere
is not Greek, but northern ; the
house of the priest of Jove might
almost be a farm-steading in the
Norseland, with its grey elms and
" meads with oaks beset," and the
rooks and daws in its pine-woods ;
neither is Rhodope herself a primi-
tive classical maiden, but a much-
musing modern one, thinking upon
her thought, and considering her
fate almost as much as if she had
been the heroine of a new novel.
This is a strange departure from
that curious unquestioning direct-
ness and simplicity, acceptance of
the strangest facts without discus-
sion of them, and matter-of-fact
assent to the wildest conditions,
which Mr Morris so perfectly
caught in several of his classic nar-
ratives in the former volumes.
Atalanta's love, for instance, wins
that troublesome young woman, and
takes possession of her with tri-
umph, without pausing to ask him-
self whether it was " nice " of her
to have outrun and procured the
death of all those unlucky wooers
— which is a question he would cer-
tainly have put to himself had he
been born in the nineteenth centu-
ry; and the skill of the poet could not
be more clearly shown than by thus
acknowledging the utter difference
between the ancient and the modern
mind. But Rhodope must have
been brought into this world some-
where in the eighteen-thirties, we
should say, at the very earliest, and
questions herself about herself as
much as one of Miss Bronte's young
ladies, or any of their free-spoken suc-
cessors. She is more modest a great
deal, but she is not more contented.
Space does not permit us to discuss
the longest tale of all, the story of
Gudrun and her lovers. The volume
1870.]
New Books.
647
altogether is perhaps scarcely up to
the level of the former volumes, and
it has no longer the first freshness
of that novel gift of poetical story-
telling, not philosophical, nor ana-
lytical, nor anything but narrative,
which was such a delight to en-
counter among all the "thought-
ful" and heavy works of the age.
It is a perennial delight, and per-
haps the one of all others of which
the world is least likely to tire ; but
yet Mr Morris must remember that
the sweet monotony and dreamy
harmonious lingering of the strain
is apt to weary the multitude, which
has not time for those subtle fit-
nesses of style and atmosphere
which are the highest enjoyment
of art : and it is for the multitude — •
not for the critic, nor the amateur,
nor that limited class which alone
has leisure and capacity to enter
fully into a poet's finer meanings
— that the poet ought primarily
to write. He must satisfy their
broader, larger, more simple judg-
ment, not neglecting the others ;
for unless it is in him to charm the
common mind as well as the refined,
no poet can reach any real great-
ness.
We feel disposed to remind
several of the favourite writers of
the public in another department
of literature — in that branch which
has, in many respects, taken the
place of poetry among us, the art
of fiction — of a defect not exactly
like that of Mr Morris, but pro-
ducing a somewhat similar effect.
The monotony of repetition is a
different kind of monotony from
that which is correctly expressed by
the word monotone. A man may tell
us a great many stories in monotone,
and yet be always original and varied
in what he tells — in which case the
measure and cadence may distress
us, but not the flatness of concep-
tion, nor any want of material ex-
cellence as distinguished from excel-
lence of expression. But to go over
the same ground and reproduce the
same kind of scene over and over,
is a mistake which sooner or later
will bear its own punishment. It
is not a mistake when the mind we
have to deal with is that of a great
genius, limited in breadth but illim-
itable in depth, like that, for in-
stance, of George Eliot, from whom
we know beforehand we have no
great variety to expect, but only
different developments of a few
characters, the leading figures
which it is evident fill up the fore-
ground of human life to that great
writer, capable of any amount of ex-
pansion within themselves, but not
of addition from without. Such
an author produces comparatively
little, and it is in nature that her
great efforts should be impressed
upon the mind of the world, if
not by repetition, at least by re-
production ; but this is not the
case, for instance, with respect to
Mr Trollope's vivacious and inex-
haustible imagination, from which
out of mere idleness he is throwing
forth upon us the same characters,
the same situations, with a certain
contempt for the public which has
been so faithful to him. Why
should he have abandoned those ear-
lier, sweeter, charming young wo-
men, of whose thoughts and ways
and fancies his comprehension
was so wonderful, to toss us about
with all the doubts and tribula-
tions of a Nora Kowley or a
Mary Lowther, girls whose mar-
riage out of hand to anybody
would rejoice the reader, only to
get rid of their endless fluctua-
tions and rebounds from one to
another 1 Among all the indecen-
cies of the time, there is nothing
more marked than this necessity,
manifested by every young lady in
every novel, to have a lover on
hand at every moment, and to per-
mit no vacuum between one and
another. Mr Charles Reade, to the
wild indignation of half the novel-
readers in England, has just per-
mitted his heroine to contract a
marriage (or supposed marriage)
with a second lover only jive
months after her first one is sup-
posed to 'be killed. And Mr Trol-
lope encourages his heroine to en-
648
New Books.
[May
gage herself to a man she cares no-
thing for in less than that interval
after the breaking- off of her* en-
gagement with the man she loves ;
not to say that he permits her to
throw off the first unfortunate the
moment the other again holds out
his hand to her. We protest against
such utter indecorum. Even though
the exigencies of the tale may seem
to demand it, and the story might
fail altogether but for the interpo-
sition of the impropriety, we object
strenuously to the repeated use of
such a poor expedient. Mr Trollope
is always amusing, always interest-
ing, when he pleases to take the
trouble — and of course he knows it;
but we have no patience with his
Mary Lowthers. If it is to be that
we are never to see Archdeacon
Grantley again, nor enter the
peaceful palace where Mrs Proudie
reigns no more, we hope we know
how to submit without any un-
seemly exhibition of impatience ;
but we decline to put up with the
disagreeable young women who first
accept one man and then another,
and toss, not their hearts perhaps,
but their hands, their kisses, their
proprietorship, from one to an-
other with a painful promiscuous-
ness. We may acknowledge that
the love-tale, which is so short a
chapter in real life, is in reality the
one most interesting to the general
world, and has the greatest gen-
uine attraction both for old and
young ; did we say anything else,
the balance of evidence would,
we fear, be against us : but then it
must be a real love-story. And we
decline to believe that a history of
how Miss or Mr Somebody man-
aged to get married is at all the
same thing. It is hard for us to
say a word against a writer from,
whom we have received so much
amusement \ but we must entreat of
him to consider his ways — to take
a thought and mend — to go back
upon his original canons, and to
free us of the Mary Lowthers. The
less we hear about such people the
better, if there are, as we suppose
there are, such people in the world.
And we have just half-a-dozen
words in passing to say to a young
author who ought not yet for years
to come to have required such an
admonition at our hands. The
author of ' The Village on the Cliff '
is aware that Maga has not been
slow to appreciate her charming
gift. But Maga droops her head
over the little bits of unsustained
and careless work with which she
is suffering a fine talent to be frit-
tered away. A pretty description
of here and there a pretty domestic
scene — an effect of sky, or trees, or
sunny lawn, with a few figures re-
lieved against them — these are very
nice things to hang on the walls of
a boudoir, but they do not even
help to make a great picture. They
are so pretty, and it must be so
pleasant to do them, that the critic
feels harsh and unkind for ventur-
ing upon such a remark. But still
it is true. It is allowable for peo-
ple whose strength is waning, or
for people who have no particular
strength at all, to collect baskets of
fragments for the amusement of
the public, and make use of every
scrap they write. But such a mode
of proceeding is bad for a young
and promising writer. Miss Thack-
eray ought to be able to afford to
let those wayside flowers drop from
her hands, if she likes to produce
them, instead of staking or rather
risking her fame upon a bundle of
little stories which have answered
their purpose. She is capable of
something more, surely — something
better ; and her fame may be as
evanescent as it has been great, if
she leaves it to repose solely upon
the three beautiful little books
which are like a portfolio of the
most charming sketches, but which,
nevertheless, have dipped very little
into the real depths of life and art.
In her last sketches there is just
the dawning of a suspicion that the
pretty pictures are growing fixed
and set, and the spontaneity and
appropriateness going out of them.
This would be so melancholy a con-
clusion to so much promise, that we
cannot but pause on the way to de-
1870.]
New Books.
649
liver one word of warning. Water-
colours are very charming, but life
is deeper than water-colours, and a
writer differs from a member of the
Society in Suffolk Street in a great
many ways. The nature of the pro-
fession is different ; the effect is less
rapidly produced ; the effort has to
be more continuous ; and when the
talent is equal to that of the author
of ' Elizabeth/ perhaps we may be
permitted to say that even out of
plain pen and ink we have a right
to expect a fine result.
Having delivered our conscience,
however, we will wind up with two
books which are not of the usual
character of novels, but may be
described rather as belonging to
the old school of fiction than to
the new. Mr Dasent's ' Annals of
an Eventful Life ' has been so well
praised that we confess frankly to
having approached it with a certain
suspicion. Here, we said to our-
selves, is another book written up.
But, for once, prejudice was wrong
and the newspapers right. It is
not profound, nor touching, nor
eloquent, to speak of, — but it is
amusing; and we read it without
feeling any of that shame of our-
selves which fills us when we look
up from a few hours' absorption in
a book which is all about the self-
made distresses of some pair of
young fools whom personally we
should be disposed to whip and
send to bed, were they in our hands.
We will not assert, either, that the
life is very eventful of which these
annals are written ; but it certainly
has one big plot in it, not at all
badly managed, and is written in
the kind of clever monologue, full
of digressions and allusions of all
kinds, which conveys to us the im-
pression that we have been talking
with a clever agreeable companion,
who is so good as to tell us, not
only his love-story, but a good deal
about the world in general, and
how a man can get on in it. The
hero is sadly weak-minded in the
beginning of his troubles, but he
does not surely deserve the utter
downfall that comes upon him.
His letters are intercepted — a com-
mon enough device, but managed
this time in a sufficiently clever arid
original way ; but he is really very
little to blame in the matter ; and
it is bard upon the poor fellow that
he should thus lose not only his
love and his fortune, but even the
chance of setting himself right with
the kind woman who has been a
mother to him, and who is allowed
to die without knowing how badly
used and simply unfortunate the
silly boy had been. As for Are-
thusa, we cannot say that we regret
the loss of her half so much as we
do that of Aunt Mandeville. She
is another of the young ladies who
make such rapid progress in their
love-affairs, being actually married
to the schemer three months after
the date of her engagement to the
true lover. Everybody, in short,
gives up poor Edward with the
most extraordinary speed. Three
months are enough to shake the faith
of everybody belonging to him ;
even his aunt, who adores him,
gives him up and leaves her fortune
to his enemy, and dies of a broken
heart, all in less than a quarter of a
year. Things do not go so fast in
ordinary life. But notwithstanding
this mistake, the ' Annals of an
Eventful Life ' is a book which
belongs to the same class as those
which rose in the immediate shadow
of Sir Walter — the stories of life
rather than of love, which were the
delight of our youth.
Still more remarkable, though
perhaps not so amusing, nor so
likely to be popular, is the book
called ' Wenderholme.' It is a
story of Yorkshire, with all the
fresh originality about it of an un-
hackneyed and primitive race. The
Ogden family, with its wealth and
its peculiarities, its sound family
affection, and rational, unsentimen-
tal treatment of its difficulties, is as
clever a piece of character-painting
as we have seen for a long time.
It is impossible to go into the story,
which is perhaps of less importance
to the book than a story, strictly
speaking, ought to be ; but the
G50
Neio Boole?.
[May
fresh life and reality of the novel
world thus opened to us, is infin-
itely refreshing after all the love-
making, true and false, and see-
sawing between one man and an-
other, or one woman and another
— or even than the series of experi-
ments how far a young woman can
go without losing her character or
her lover — with which we are per-
petually edified. No lady walks
into any gentleman's bedroom, or
is guilty of any other impropriety,
throughout the whole course of the
book, and thus one fine source of
excitement is thrown away. But
the struggles of Isaac Ogden with
himself in the dreary solitude of
Twistle Farm, may to some people
supply a more intense if graver
kind of interest. There is in it a
certain reflection from the wild
early works of the Bront6 family
in their dealings with the dales-
men ; but it is infinitely less repul-
sive, and more natural. Mr Ham-
erton introduces us not to one pair
of lovers, with a little circle of
spiteful or friendly spectators round
them, existing solely on their ac-
count, but to a whole breadth of
country full of people who are none
of them perfect, but most of whom
have a great deal of good about
them — a picture which is much
more like what we see in the ordi-
nary daylight, and perhaps, on the
whole, more consistent with human
character than the other ideal of
existence. We quote the following
sketch of Jacob Ogden as an ex-
ample of his powers in portrait-
painting : —
"His annual outlay upon literature
was within twenty shillings ; not that
it is to be supposed that he spent so
large a sum as one pound sterling in a
regular manner upon books, but he had
been tempted by a second-hand copy
of Baines's 'History of Lancashire,'
which, being much the worse for wear,
had been marked by the bookseller at
five pounds, and Jacob Ogden, by hard
bargaining, had got it for four pounds
nine shillings and ninepence. After
this extravagance he resolved to spend
no more ' foolish money,' as he called
it, and for several years made no addi-
tion to his library, except a book on
dog-breeding, and a small treatise on
the preservation of game, which he
rightly entered amongst his expenses as
a sportsman. We are far from desiring
to imply that Jacob Ogden is in this
respect to be considered a representa-
tive example of the present generation
of cotton -manufacturers, many of whom
are highly -educated men; but he may
be fairly taken as a specimen of that
generation which founded the colossal
fortunes that excite the wonder, and
sometimes, perhaps, awaken the envy,
of the learned. When nature produces
a creature for some especial purpose,
she does not burden it with wants
and desires that would scatter its
force and impair its efficiency. The
industrial epoch had to be inaugurated,
the manufacturing districts had to be
created — and to do this, a body of men
were needed who should be fresh springs
of pure energy, and reservoirs of all but
illimitable capital ; men who should
act with the certainty and steadiness of
natural instincts which have never been
impaired by the hesitations of culture
and philosophy — men who were less
nearly related to university professors
than to the ant, and the beaver, and the
bee. And if any cultivated and intel-
lectual reader, in the thoughtful retire-
ment of his library, feels himself supe-
rior to Jacob Ogden, the illiterate
cotton-spinner, he may be reminded
that he is not on all points Ogden'<?
superior. We are all but tools in the
hands of God ; and as in the mind of a
writer great delicacy and flexibility are
necessary qualities for the work he
appointed to do, so in the mind of
great captain of industry the most
valuable qualities may be the very
opposite of these. Have we the energy,
the directness, the singleness of pur-
pose, the unflinching steadiness in the
dullest possible labour, that mark the
typical industrial chief ? We know
that we have not ; we know that these
qualities are not compatible with the
tranquillity of the studious tempera-
ment and the meditative life. And if
the Ogdens cannot be men of letters,
neither can the men of letters be
Ogdens.
"It is admitted, then, that Jacob
Ogden was utterly and irreclaimably
illiterate. He really never read a book
in his life, except, perhaps, that book
on dog-breaking. Whenever he tried
to read, it was a task and a labour to
him; and as literature is not of the
1870.]
New Books.
651
least use in the cotton trade, the energy
of his indomitable will had never been
brought to bear upon the mastery of a
book. And yet you could not meet
him without feeling that he was very
intelligent — that he possessed a kind of
intelligence cultivated by the closest
observation of the men and things
within the narrow circle of his life.
Has it never occurred to the reader
how wonderfully the most illiterate
people often impress us with a sense of
their intelligence — how men and women
who never learned the alphabet have
its light on their countenance and
in their eyes ? In Ogden's face there
were clear signs of that, and of other
qualities also. And there was a keen-
ness in the glance quite different from
the penetration of the thinker or the
artist — a keenness which always comes
from excessively close and minute at-
tention to money matters, and from the
passionate love of money, and which no
other passion or occupation ever pro-
duces.
"In all that related to money, Jacob
Ogden acted with the pitiless regularity
of the irresistible forces of nature. As
the sea which feeds the fisherman will
drown him without remorse — as the
air which we all breathe will bury us
under heaps of ruin — so this man,
though his capital enabled a multitude
to live, would take the bed from under
a sick debtor, and, rather than lose an
imperceptible atom of his fortune, in-
flict the utmost extremity of misery.
Even Hanby, his attorney, who was by
no means tender-hearted, had been
staggered at times by his pitilessness,
and had ventured upon a feeble remon-
strance. On these occasions a shade of
sternness was added to the keenness of
Ogden's face, and he repeated a terrible
maxim, which, with one or two others,
guided his life : ' If a man means to be
rich, he must have no fine feelings;'
and then he would add, ' / mean to be
rich.' "
Time does not permit us to enter
more into the novels of the day,
though their name is legion. The
two which we have instanced have
this in common, that they are not
like the novels of the day, but be-
long to a different, and, we are dis-
posed to believe, more wholesome,
if less exciting, class of fiction. On
another occasion we shall return to
the more ordinary tenor of contem-
porary literature, in this its most
fruitful and productive branch —
that literature which is more the
product of the times than its guide
— an indication of what is, rather
than an influence for shaping what
is to be.
652
The Education Difficulty.
[May
THE EDUCATION DIFFICULTY.
THE present movement in the
direction of National Education is
certainly one of the most remark-
able features of the age through
which we are passing. Many of
us are old enough to remember when
the phrase — "The schoolmaster is
abroad" — was used somewhat deri-
sively. It was pointed at the Uto-
pian schemes, as they were then
considered, of a few educational
enthusiasts who wanted to send all
the world to school. Even at an
earlier date, good King George III.
was said to have expressed a wish
that every man in his dominions
should be able to read his Bible
and have a Bible to read ; but,
like another benevolent wish said
to have proceeded from a French
king's lips — that every man should
have a fowl to boil in his pot (and,
we suppose, a pot to boil it in) —
these aspirations, were classed by
the majority of their unsympathis-
ing subjects in the same category
of things impossible. Those who
read the biographies of the earlier
apostles of education, such as
Hannah More and Raikes of Ches-
ter, almost within the present cen-
tury, cannot fail to be struck with
the remarkable contrast between
the state of public feeling on such
points then and now. Church and
State appeared then alike indiffer-
ent to the mental training of their
children. The "National Society
for the Education of the Poor" has
had barely sixty years of existence;
and it was not until the year 1833
that a timid and half-reluctant Par-
liament made the first public grant
of £20,000 for building schools.
As to anything like a demand for
education on the part of those who
were to be educated, not even its
most enthusiastic promoters were
so visionary as to expect it. It
would have been held about as
reasonable to expect from the chil-
dren themselves, when suffering
under measles or hooping-cough, a
demand to be physicked and put to
bed.
We have changed all that now.
While the educational Mahomet
has been making gradual and ten-
tative advances towards the moun-
tain, the mountain has all on a
sudden come to Mahomet ; and
Mahomet, apparently, is somewhat
puzzled and overwhelmed at the
unexpected movement. The work-
ing man, whom philanthropists of
all shades of opinion had so long
been coaxing to come and be
taught, has suddenly — if we may
trust those who profess to represent
his feelings and opinions — risen up
and demanded, not only that he
shall be taught, but that he shall
be compelled to learn.
Such a position of things is, to
say the least, very curious. If the
working classes really wish that
their children should be educated,
what need is there for them to de-
mand an Act of Parliament which
shall compel them, under peril of
fine or imprisonment, to send them
to school? That they should de-
mand help and assistance from the
State for this purpose, one can very
well understand; but what need
of compulsion for those who are
willing 1 As a rule (especially in
the towns, whence we are told the
cry chiefly comes) the class is rather
fond of independence, and looks
with somewhat unfriendly eyes up-
on the interference of the law in
any way with their private and
domestic arrangements. The or-
derly and respectable labourer or
artisan has a very natural and
praiseworthy dislike to being
brought into contact with the law's
representative in a policeman's
uniform ; while the disorderly of the
class maintain a still more jealous
dislike of such functionaries, and
have hitherto stood up stoutly for
those privileges of an Englishman,
1870.]
The Education Difficulty.
653
dear to him long before household
suffrage was thought of, — the right
to " wallop his own donkey/7 and
bring up his children in such ig-
norance as pleases him. Whence
comes this sudden revolution in
~,he national British mind 1
So far as it is real, it may be at-
tributed to the gradual dawning
upon the minds of the uneducated
or half-educated masses of the truth
that " knowledge is power." We
were warned, after the late politi-
cal crisis, half ironically, that we
should have to educate our future
masters ; and all at once our mas-
ters— if such indeed they are to be
— have endorsed the proposition
emphatically for themselves. Some
of the clearer - headed and more
earnest politicians among the work-
ing men have, no doubt, an honest
appreciation, of the fact that the
inferiority of their education places
them at a disadvantage as compared
with the classes above them, in
spite of a nominal equality in their
political rights ; especially as it
effects one of their most cherished
objects, that of placing at least some
few individuals of their own order
among the national representatives
in Parliament.
But this does not explain the cry
for compulsion. There would be
no need for any pressure to induce
men of this type to send their chil-
dren to school. That this cry pro-
ceeds really from any large propor-
tion of working men, may in fact
be more than doubted. It is raised
by a few prominent leaders, and
taken up, as any cry raised by them
would be, by an unreasoning mul-
titude, many of whom would be
loud in their protests against such
compulsion if it had been proposed
from any other quarter, and will be
loud hereafter in their complaints,
if such proposition should ever be-
come law. There are also two
motives which may have consid-
erable share in a demand which,
coming from the quarter it does,
appears at first sight so unaccount-
able. Compulsion, in any direct
form, means free education. It will
be hardly possible for any legisla-
tion to compel the working man to
send his children to school and to
pay for them. It will be quite hard
enough for such a parent, in many
cases, to forego his children's pos-
sible earnings, even if the education
is offered him without cost. Take
the case of a labouring man with a
family, earning, say thirteen shil-
lings a-week, — which is taking by
no means a low average of agricul-
tural wages. Suppose such a man
to have two boys between the ages
of nine and twelve. He can pro-
bably obtain employment for both ;
and a compulsory educational law
is to deprive him of the five or
six shillings a-week which their
united wages would add to his own
earnings, and to oblige him at the
same time to pay the weekly pence
to the schoolmaster. A supple-
mentary Act of Parliament will
have to be passed, somewhat after
the fashion of Jack Cade's legis-
lation, which shall enact " that
seven halfpenny loaves shall be
sold for a penny;" otherwise the
boys are likely to be better
taught than fed. Compulsion, then,
brought to bear upon the day-la-
bourer with his twelve or fourteen
shillings of weekly wage, means
free education, out of the public
pocket, for the son of the artisan
who is earning from thirty to fifty ;
and for whom, we must remember,
such education will have an actual
money-value, in introducing him to
higher branches of skilled labour.
Compulsory education, then,
means free schools ; and free
schools must be established by
rate, and supported by rate ; and
schools so established and so sup-
ported must, it is argued, and
with some show of fairness, be
secular, or as nearly secular as may
be. Therefore the secular party —
unhappily a large and powerful
party in our large towns, and more
than proportionately noisy and ag-
gressive— have helped with all
their energy to swell this cry for
654
The Education Difficulty.
[May
compulsion, in the hope that when
free secular schools have been once
established, they will, in the nature
of things, starve out in course of
time all schools at which any pay-
ment is demanded, and become
the rule instead of the exception
throughout the country.
The moderate and well-considered
measure which Mr Forster has in-
troduced, does not embody either
of these principles. It does not
encourage, though it does not for-
bid, the foundation of secular
schools ; nor does it recognise com-
pulsion except as a last resort, in
cases where the local public opin-
ion would thoroughly support the
application of a remedy which is
sure, primd facie, to be unpopular.
Compulsion left optional with local
boards would, it is admitted on all
hands, be very sparingly exercised.
It might be brought to bear occa-
sionally upon a family whose va-
grant and predatory habits made
the children a nuisance to the
parish, to be abated so far as pos-
sible by the schoolmaster ; quite as
exceptional a case as that which is
quoted as a precedent (surely most
unfairly) by the advocates of com-
pulsory education — the sending
children of the same class, who
have broken out into actual crime,
to a reformatory, and taxing the
parents for their support. But to
suppose that in the rural districts,
boys of ten and twelve years of
age are to be hunted up out of the
fields and farmyards and driven to
school, or that the father of a fam-
ily is to be " had up " before the
nearest squire and fined or impri-
soned for letting them go to work,
when work is to be had and he has
their hungry mouths to feed, im-
plies a faith in the power of law
merely as law, when neither found-
ed on reason nor supported by the
public opinion of those on whom
it acts, which the experience of
past legislation will hardly justify.
This question of compulsion,
however, is one which will answer
itself in the end. If it does not get
itself settled by some fair compro-
mise in a committee of the House,
it will be settled in practice by the
common-sense of all classes alike.
The parson — who is generally
credited with all disagreeable duties
which concern the education of the
poor in country places — will not
be found an eager ally of the law
which substitutes fine and imprison-
ment for the moral suasion which
he has been used to employ in the
case of recusants ; and the employers
of labour will hardly act as literary
policemen. The real difficulty, and
the present battle-field of parties,
is the religious, or, looking at it
from another point of view, the
" irreligious ;; question.
At present, most schools for the
education of the working classes
have what is called a " denomi-
national " character, — that is, they
are in connection with some re-
ligious body, whether Church of
England, Nonconformist, or Ro-
man Catholic. The penny or two-
pence a-week paid by the parents
for each child, does not supply
more than one-third of the cost of
the education in any efficient school;
and the remaining two-thirds have
to be made up either wholly by
private benevolence, or partly by
a grant from the Committee of
Council. These schools have been
built originally in the same way, — by
private subscription, aided in most
cases by a grant of public money.
The trust-deeds of these schools
have placed them under certain
managers, and they are recognised
as belonging to that religious deno-
mination by whom they were built,
and in whom the management is
vested. Religious instruction is
given in them according to the
creed and discipline of such deno-
mination; guarded, in most cases
where a grant of public money has
been given, by a "conscience clause,"
as it is termed, which allows any
parent who may be of a different
creed to withdraw his child, by
formal notice, from the religious
teaching. Of these elementary
1870.]
The Education Difficulty.
655
schools, the vast majority have been
founded, and are in the main sup-
ported, so far as the voluntary sub-
scriptions go, by members of the
Church of England, though very
largely used by the children of Non-
conformist parents. The reason for
this has lain partly, no doubt, in
the greater wealth of the individual
members of the Church of England,
— partly in the fact that the Non-
conformists have thrown their
efforts rather upon their Sunday-
schools, — but partly also in the
greater importance attached to
general education by churchmen,
as a more generally educated body,
and their consequently more active
zeal in promoting it. The unre-
f ormed Church has been reproached
with a desire to keep the masses in
ignorance ; it is a reproach which
is to a great extent very unfair
even as against the medieval
Church ; but it must be a very
unscrupulous antagonist who would
venture to bring it against the
Church of England of the nine-
teenth century.
Hitherto this concordat in the
matter of religious education has
been very generally acquiesced in.
When the Nonconformists were not
numerous enough, or not rich
enough, to found distinct schools
for themselves, they were content
with the security of the " conscience
clause/' which protected their chil-
dren from the doctrine to which
they objected; or — far more fre-
quently— they were either indif-
ferent in the matter, or had the
good sense to understand that very
iittle distinction could be made, in
the teaching of a child of eight or
ten years old, between one deno-
mination of Christians and another.
Those who were really conscientious
in their nonconformity were con-
tent to leave any distinctive doc-
trines to the Sunday-school and the
chapel; and a very considerable
proportion both of nominal Church-
men and nominal Dissenters were
very indifferent to any such distinc-
tive teaching at all.
When, therefore, by the present
Education Bill, it was proposed to
leave all existing schools unaffected
as to their religious basis, except
so far as to insist henceforward on
the universal acceptance of a " con-
science clause " as an absolute con-
dition of any public money — a step
in favour of the Nonconformists —
to allow schools to be established,
if desired, upon a strictly secular
basis, and to give them an equal
claim to public aid, and to allow
the future " school board " in
any district or parish to choose
their own religious (or nonreli-
gious) basis of management for any
new school to be founded or sup-
ported by public rate, — it might
have seemed, and did seem at first,
that all parties, except Churchmen
of a very uncompromising stamp,
would be as fairly satisfied as it was
possible for parties of such discord-
ant views to be satisfied with any
moderate measure.
But there had been a strong
party already formed, who had laid
down for themselves a programme
of a national education which was
to be compulsory, supported by
rate (supplemented by Government
grant), free of charge to parents, and
— as a necessary consequence — un-
sectarian. These may be briefly
but not unfairly stated as the broad
principles of the Birmingham " Na-
tional Education League ; " because,
although it did not profess to in-
terfere with such denominational
schools as are now in existence, it
must be clear enough to any com-
prehension that in course of time
the free schools would starve out
all schools where payment was de-
manded, in almost every locality.
Different interpretations seem to
have been put by the various mem-
bers of the League on the word
" unsectarian." Some held it to
mean the teaching of something
which was called " Common Chris-
tianity"— a somewhat impalpable
creed, supposed to be entertained
by all apparently because confessed
by none — which would exclude
656
The Education Difficulty.
[May
catechisms and formularies. Others
wished to understand by it the read-
ing of the Scriptures in the school
without note or comment ; others
boldly declared it must correspond
to the word " secular." As a mat-
ter of party tactics, this vagueness
of interpretation has been found
convenient. As Mr Richards, the
member for Merthyr, and one of
the representative men of the
Nonconformists, frankly confessed,
" there was a difference of opinion
among themselves, and they thought
by using the two words they might
get over the difficulty." Accord-
ingly, the alternative explanations
have been given by the different
writers and speakers of the party,
according as the religious dissenter
or the indifferent secularist has to be
propitiated and enrolled. But this
latter section of the party, though
not the most numerous, are the
most outspoken and energetic ; too
much so, probably, in the opinion
of their half-hearted allies. The
cause was not much strengthened
when, at the interview of the
League deputation with Mr Glad-
stone, upon the Minister attempting
to ascertain what were the limita-
tions under which they would ad-
mit the teaching of Holy Scripture,
he was answered from the extreme
left of the party with shouts of
" No Scriptures at all ! " The veil
was lifted, too, rather prematurely,
by Mr Mill at St James's Hall, when
he spoke plainly of his hope of the
"ultimate absorption" of all schools
where distinct religious teaching
was permitted, into " something "
which he and his party "could more
cordially approve," and when he
made the outrageous proposition,
that those who wished to have their
children religiously educated should
be " free to found schools of their
own," while those who would con-
sent to ignore religion altogether
should alone be entitled to national
aid. Even the ' Times ' was roused
to characterise this proposal in
words at least as strong as any we
should care to use, as " a conspicu-
ous illustration of the flagrant one-
sidedness of illiberal liberalism." *
But with such allies as these a
large majority of Nonconformists
have allowed themselves to unite,
simply because they saw, or thought
they saw, an opportunity for crip-
pling the missionary work of the
Church of England. We are told
that no less than five thousand one
hundred and seventy-three Noncon-
formist ministers have petitioned
against the religious clauses of the
Bill, which stand as we have briefly
stated. The movement has been
by no means spontaneous : it has
been entered into with manifest
reluctance by many sections of Dis-
senters, notably by the Wesleyan
Methodists. But Nonconformity
is just at present in a state of
very complete organisation (such
as Churchmen may well envy) for
political purposes, and fresh from
some political triumphs. The order
was passed from headquarters, and
the names were given in. But even
still there are not wanting symp-
toms of some dissatisfaction in
many quarters of the camp, both
with the plan of campaign and the
company in which they are to
march.
The Church party have as yet been
remarkably passive in the question,,
as a body. Some honest and out-
spoken members of it, who have
consistently advocated Church
schools pure and simple, and re-
sisted the imposition of a conscience
clause of any kind, object to Mr
Forster's scheme, because it makes
the adoption of some such clause a
condition hereafter of any money
aid either from Government grants
or local rates. Such men deserve
to be spoken of with all honour, as
having been in many cases conspi-
cuous for their zeal and self-denial
in the work of education. They
form but a small minority of the
clergy, but they number in their
; Times,' March 26.
1870.]
The Education Difficulty.
657
ranks some of its best men. But
they are surely captives to a theory.
The theory is true enough in itself,
and is not very unfairly expressed
in words by the Society of Arts
Commissioner, though that gentle-
man quotes it with evident disap-
Eroval — " that the Church of Eng-
md clergy are the hereditary
instructors of the poor/' There
certainly was a time — and not so
very long ago — when they were at
least almost the only instructors,
and when very few were disposed
to help them, or to dispute their
claim, so long as they were willing
to find the time and the money, and
when Church reformers would have
been loud in their complaints of
negligence against the idle parsons
who neglected this duty in their
several parishes. Those who now
dispute this claim find it convenient
to forget all this, and to forget also
that a national Church is necessarily
older than any phase of Noncon-
formity. There was even an Act of
Parliament which forbade any per-
son to " instruct or teach any youth
before licence obtained from the
archbishop or bishop " of the
diocese. It is true that, prac-
tically, this hereditary right has
lapsed. Yet surely, to this day, the
minister of a national Church enters
upon his sphere of duty in a very
narrow spirit — which might be much
more fitly described as sectarian than
a good deal which goes by that name
— unless he does look upon himself
as the religious educator of every
soul within the limits of his parish.
He is bound to teach them — if they
will be taught. Nay, if he be a
man of any moderate power him-
self, he does educate them, more or
less. He brings out their faculties,
and warms them into activity, even
if it be sometimes in opposition to
himself. Those who never listen to
his teaching are influenced by it
nevertheless. The preaching at the
chapel has to be kept up to the
mark, when the church pulpit is
occupied by a man of any character
and power. If the day ever comes
when we lose the services of an
educated national clergy, and are
handed over to a body of religious
teachers who are formed by "natural
selection," the national religion and
the national character will suffer
grievously from the loss of these
" hereditary " educators. There will
be no longer any mean between
fanaticism and indifference. But
the same theory which claims for
this clergy this duty and privilege
of national education, must rest also
on the parallel assumption, that
schools are built, endowed, and
supported exclusively by members
of the national Church. So long as
this is the case, we suppose that not
even the League itself would object
to the teaching in such schools be-
ing exclusively Church teaching.
But when religious unity has been
broken, and when the funds which
are to support a common education
are to be drawn either by way of
rate or otherwise from the pockets
of those who dissent from the
Church, it is but reasonable that
they should be allowed, if they
please, to withdraw their own chil-
dren from its distinctive teaching,
while they have still a right to avail
themselves of the secular public
education which is thus provided.
The clergyman who still insists upon
looking on his parish, under the
full glare of this nineteenth century,
as an unbroken and harmonious
whole, is far too sublime a theorist
to have much weight in those prac-
tical discussions which must always
have for their object, not the best
conceivable, but the best attain-
able.
But unfortunately, perhaps, in
one sense, for the interests of Church
education, it is this particular school
of opinion which alone seems to
have marked out for itself a distinct
and consistent line of conduct. They
would still object, as they have long
objected, to any limitation of Church
teaching in Church schools. The
far more numerous body who would
be inclined to accept a fair compro-
mise, in the shape of a conscience
658
The Education Difficulty.
[May
clause or otherwise, are too much
divided at present among them-
selves, although the sense of a
common danger from the inroad of
secularism is now beginning, it may
be hoped, to draw the various
shades of opinion so far together
as to admit of common action.
The National Society, which ought
in this matter to represent the
calm and moderate mind of the
Church, has apparently hesitated
as to what course to take, and
seems, from time to time, to shift
its ground. It has taken objection
to points of comparatively little
importance in the present Bill —
such as the withdrawal in future of
any inquiry, on the part of Govern-
ment inspectors, into the religious
instruction of the school, which
may surely be safely trusted in
most cases to its natural guardians,
the parish clergy ; and to the word-
ing of the clause which requires a
parent's objection to any portion of
the teaching to be made " on reli-
gious grounds," " because" (as they
say) " the managers cannot decide
upon the parents' motives ; ;' a
task undoubtedly beyond the powers
of any man, manager or not, and
surely never meant to be imposed :
but once admit the parent's right
to withdraw his child at all, and he
alone must be left responsible for
the sincerity of his objection. The
last manifesto which we have seen
from the Society appears to imply
that such objections will not be in-
sisted on, and directs its opposition
now to the last compromise as to
a conscience clause, as indicated by
Mr Gladstone. A resolution has
been passed declaring that there are
"grave objections to any system by
which religious instruction shall be
confined by a rigorous time-table to
particular hours."
Yet perhaps most moderate men
would admit that, granting the
principle of such a clause itself, the
best way of putting it in operation
really and honestly is by fixing a
definite hour, known to the parent
from the first, at which such teach-
ing is given, so that during that
time the child may, if he desires
it, be wholly withdrawn from the
school. For such a clause will take
effect, in the most numerous in-
stances, in small places where there
is only one school ; in the larger
towns, where all denominations are
strongly represented, there will
probably be distinct schools, each
aided by rate or by a Government
grant, where such a clause will
be almost superfluous. In the
smaller schools there will often be
only one teacher ; and unless the
child has the opportunity of being
altogether withdrawn at certain
times, he can hardly be really sepa-
rated from the teaching; he must
hear it, in many cases, and, as has
been very fairly said, will be apt to
listen all the more curiously if he
understands it is something which
he is not to attend to. The real
objection felt to this " time-table"
clause, as it is called, comes to this ;
that it seems to separate religion
altogether from the regular daily
work, and forbids that atmosphere
of religious tone and feeling which
all earnest teachers would wish to
pervade their school at all hours.
But this may be an unfounded
apprehension. If the teacher is
a religious man, this tone will
be kept up amongst his scholars,
so far as he is able, in spite of
all restrictions upon his definite
teaching ; and if he is not a re-
ligious man, it will not be kept
up even during the positive reli-
gious lesson. But no Act of Par-
liament will ever make it a condi-
tion that all national teachers shall
be atheists, or can guard even
the child of an atheist from the
contagion of a Christian teacher.
The most that can be done for him
is that he shall be exempted from
direct instruction in the truths of
Christianity: its spirit, both he and
the National Society may rest as-
sured, will pervade many a school
during every hour of its time-table.
Are those who advocate exclu-
sively secular teaching in our week-
1870.]
The Education Difficulty.
659
day schools really aware of the de-
structive effects which their system
would have, if it should ever be
carried out into practice 1 In their
zeal for this forced education of the
masses, do they ever calculate the
amount of energy and interest in
the cause of education which they
are positively discouraging and
shutting out 1
It is not merely the money
question — it is not merely the
flow of private benevolence which
will be checked at once by this
dry hard system of rate - estab-
lished schools, though a branch
of educational revenue which has
hitherto contributed at least one-
third of the cost of schools for
the poor is worth consideration,
one would think, as a matter of
political economy — but they will
be sacrificing, besides, what no
money could buy, the warm per-
sonal interest in the cause, the ac-
tive superintendence and encour-
agement which the teachers need
as well as the children — which the
earnest and zealous master looks
for and appreciates, and which the
careless master requires. Mr For-
ster honestly admits that if the ex-
clusion of religion banishes the
clergy from our schools, he, " for
one, should not know how to replace
them," But, it may be asked, why
should not the same or an equal
amount of personal interest and
superintendence be bestowed by
benevolent persons upon secular
schools'? Why should not those
who have the means and the leisure
still put into practice the advice
which the poet gives to his imagi-
nary Lady Clara —
" Go teach the orphan boy to read,
Or teach the orphan girl to sew " ?
Simply because such teaching is
seldom taken up in earnest except
by those who have also a strong
conviction that life was not given,
even to such children, entirely for
reading and sewing ; because those
who are willing to devote their
time and money to such work do,
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLV.
as a rule, undertake it in a reli-
gious spirit ; and because the same
feeling which prompts them to
the discharge of this Christian
duty towards their less fortunate
fellow-creatures, would lead them
also to impress upon those whom
they teach, as the basis of all teach-
ing, their own duties to God and
man. Men may call this fanatical,
sectarian, narrow - minded, or by
what name they will ; but it is this
feeling which has already carried
the light of education into the dark
places of our manufacturing towns
and of our country villages, not as
thoroughly and universally, indeed,
as it would have wished and desired,
but to an extent which would never
have been reached by any other
agency. The sudden awakening
of this secular zeal for enlighten-
ment has something about it which
in a less serious matter would be
actually ludicrous. If education is,
as we are now so loudly told, the
one thing needful, the right and
privilege of every child in the na-
tion, how comes it that up to this
moment it has been left almost
entirely in the hands of the "sects"
and the " denominations " to pro-
mote it 1 Where have the secular
apostles been all this time ? Is it
to their zeal, their self-denial, their
time, or their money, that the
working classes of England are
indebted for such education as
they have had any time this fifty
years 1
But it is not the clergy only who
are the present voluntary educators.
Take the common case of a school
in a country village. Hitherto, un-
der the present system, the rector's
wife, or the squire's daughters, or
both, as the case may be, look in
from time to time. There is very
little dogmatic teaching on their
part. Such religion as they teach
there, is, in a " denominational "
point of view, of a very harmless
character. Indeed, if that very ab-
stract form of religion which is now
in so many mouths as " our common
Christianity" exists anywhere at all
2 Y
660
The Education Difficulty.
[May
in the concrete, it would probably
be found in a Scripture lesson given
by one of these volunteer professors.
Nay, even in some secular branches
of learning, we can conceive that
a rigid observance of formularies
could not be fairly charged against
them. Ladies' arithmetic, for in-
stance, we have generally found to
be of a highly undenominational
character. But there enters into a
school, along with such teachers, an
atmosphere of gentleness and re-
finement which the little scholars
breathe, as they do the physical
atmosphere, without being sensible
of the process or its effects. It is
what not one trained master or
mistress in a thousand, with all
the zeal and good intentions in
the world, can give. There will
be a silent education going on
in every school open to such in-
fluences, which is by no means
limited to the three stereotyped
heads of Government requirement.
It is an instruction which cannot
be supplied out of any rate that
can be levied, and which no min-
utes of "My Lords" of the Privy
Council can secure. It is an educa-
tion of the finer senses, in which
the children of the poor are no more
naturally deficient than our own, but
which are so constantly obscured
and blunted, and often wholly ob-
literated, for want of opportunities
of development and exercise : an
education in gentleness, in self-
control, in truthfulness; an antidote
to the meanness and coarseness of
their hard daily life. It warms them
out of sullenness and shyness, and
awakens those feelings of love and
respect for something higher and
more perfect than themselves, which
is the first step to salvation for every
human soul. Children learn who
their " betters " are, in a way in
which no catechism could teach
them ; and they learn it by the
breaking down of the artificial bar-
rier which seemed to separate their
" betters" from themselves, so that
the " reverence" of which they have
been told becomes a natural and
spontaneous offering, and not an
exacted tribute. Such dim per-
ceptions of womanly delicacy and
purity as the working man's daugh-
ter carries out with her into the
world, she will have caught from
this silent teaching which she has
received at school. Whatever little
refinements of taste may gild the
coarser clay of her nature in days
to come — whatever higher concep-
tions of her duties as a wife and
mother may help to make her house-
hold somewhat different from what
an English labourer's household
too commonly is — she will have
learnt, however unconsciously, un-
der the same instructors. Few
and faint such conceptions may
often be, at the best ; but it is
hardly wise in the advocates of
progress to take any step to extin-
guish them.
It is the quality of such teaching
also that, like mercy,
" It blesseth him that gives, and him that
takes."
It has been a blessing to these vo-
luntary educators as well as to their
poorer neighbours. It has brought
into communication, naturally and
easily, those whose lines of life
would otherwise have lain wide
apart. The spheres of rich and
poor have touched each other at
the single point where a sympathetic
impact was possible — the children.
There may be suspicion and jeal-
ousy of the interference of a super-
ior on many points ; but it is an
unusually churlish nature which is
not won to something like a return
of cordiality towards those who take
a kindly interest in the little ones.
Such teaching as this is not re-
ligion : it is almost secular enough
for the programme of the League.
And cannot this be taught, then,
it may be asked, in strictly secular
schools It Is not all this moral
training, direct and indirect, ex-
actly what we want to have, and
are willing that the State should
pay for, so that it be kept separate
from creeds and formularies ? And
1870.]
The Education Difficulty.
661
cannot the children get it just the
same, under the system which we
advocate 1 No — not until all the
best women in England turn secu-
larists ; and that no Act of Par-
liament, no National League, no
partisan agitation, will ever accom-
plish. Here and there may be
found a benevolent enthusiast who
is better than her creed ; but once
write over a school-door, " Here
religion does not enter," and
Christian benevolence (and there
is very little true benevolence or
self-denial in this country which is
not Christian) will turn aside as
from unholy ground, and go its
sorrowful way, and gather here
and there, in their Master's name,
as it may, at such times and in
such places as God's providence
may permit, the children whom a
Christian Legislature forbids to be
so taught within any walls subject
to its jurisdiction.
But the religious element which is
to be banished from our day-schools
is to have ample scope, we are told,
in the Sunday-school. All things
have their time and place — read-
ing, writing, arithmetic, geography,
history, "useful knowledge" — for
the six days, religion for the se-
venth — for such as choose. Of
the exceeding value of Sunday-
schools there can be no doubt. If
the present Bishop of Winchester
has not long since repented his hasty
and injudicious condemnation of
them, his Nemesis has found him
out now. Those who have talked
about the confinement and restric-
tion inflicted by their means upon
poor children, thus making the
Sunday a misery to them instead
of a rest and refreshment, were
simply talking of what they did
not understand. If the teachers
be kind and intelligent — especially
if they be drawn from the higher
ranks — the Sunday is perhaps the
happiest day, as it ought to be, in
the little scholar's life. If it were
not so, why should they come so
regularly and cheerfully 1 Why
should big boys, glorying in their
independence and emancipation
from the daily schoolmaster, yet
come, Sunday after Sunday, to the
class of the voluntary teacher, and,
except for an addiction to surrep-
titious apples and peppermint, be-
come of their own free will his
docile and obedient pupils 1 Un-
doubtedly, there is a beautiful
theory which is being continually
violated in this case, as in so many
others. That the working-man
and his wife should go to church
themselves, each with an octavo
prayer-book under their arm, fol-
lowed by their small family, two and
two (have we not seen it set forth
in pictures ?) ; that they should, in
the intervals between the services,
sit each on one side of the fire, with
a quarto family Bible, and an array
of smaller editions, on the table,
and hear the little ones read, — it is
this sacred family life which the
parson and the Sunday-school
teacher are accused of breaking up,
and forcing or beguiling their vic-
tims into the ungenial prison-house,
whence they are marched off like
convicts to church. The system, it
has been said, destroys the Sabbath
rest of a Christian home. We have
too much respect and sympathy for
the real difficulties which stand in
the way of the working man to
draw, as it might truthfully be
drawn, the sorrowful contrast be-
tween the ideal picture and the
true. Whatever early religious
training most children of the work-
ing class obtain at all, is obtained
first in the day-school, and supple-
mented and carried out to a more
advanced age in the Sunday-school.
They have little enough, in most
cases, in their homes ; not always
through defect of honest will on
the parents' part — quite as often
from honest inability. Teaching
comes naturally to very few unedu-
cated minds. They may be very
wrong in looking to the schoolmas-
ter and the parson, or their denomi-
national minister, to do this work,
which undeniably should be their
own j but they notoriously do look
662
The Education Difficulty.
[May
to them in this matter. They have
not the quiet roomy home, the
abundant leisure from family cares,
the ready books and helps at hand,
which make it easy for us to teach
and train our little ones. To wash
and dress, and send to school in
decent and comely Sunday trim,
the four or five little ones who are
old enough, is the practical religion
of many such a mother. Are we
all sure that it is a religion of less
love, of less patient self-denial, of
less reality — a service less " accord-
ing to that we have" — than our own
much reading arid many prayers 1
But after allowing all possible
merit to the Sunday-school as a
means of religious instruction, it is
idle to expect that this means alone
will be sufficient. Jt is impossible
to crowd into a couple of hours'
teaching, once a-week, the bare
historical facts of the New Testa-
ment, where the teacher has un-
educated minds to deal with. In
a household where the Bible is
daily read at home, the public
teaching of the Sunday may be
held sufficient; but for the class
with which educational legislation
has to deal, unless the child gathers
in the day-school some substratum,
as it were, of religious knowledge,
most of the Sunday teaching is
lost. Even with this weekly aid,
the ignorance on the part of a
majority of those who come to
the Sunday-school would astonish
most inquirers who were not
familiar with it from long personal
experience. Besides, the class for
whom education is most loudly
demanded are exactly those for
whom Sunday-schools will open
their doors in vain. Dissolute
and careless parents will not send
their children to such places, and
children so unfortunately neglected
will not care to go. It is de-
manded that the day-schools main-
tained by rate shall be wholly
without religious teaching. This is
refusing even the chance of any
such training to those who need it
most. It is declaring — to quote the
words of a Liberal journal which
has taken a nobly independent
line on this question — " that the
vagrant and the destitute shall be
brought up to believe in this world
and no other, and not even learn
in early youth that there is a world
of the first moment within each
child's breast, on the insight into
which the colour of his whole life
must depend."*
Perhaps the most futile of all
propositions, by way of compro-
mise, which have been suggested
on this question, is, that the Bible
shall be allowed to be read in all
schools, but "without note or
comment ; " read, that is, without
being taught. If this is intended
merely as a sop to the ignorance
and bigotry of Christians, thrown
out by their wiser and more en-
lightened secularist opponents, it
is intelligible enough ; otherwise,
it is hardly possible to conceive
such a proposal seriously advocated
by any man who knows what the
education of children of the labour-
ing classes means, — nay, by any
man who has himself any intel-
ligent knowledge of the Bible.
Yet the proposal is made — and
made, no doubt, in all good faith —
by some who ought to know what
they are talking about. JLord
Russell has lent it his advocacy —
the last results of his meditations in
retirement, being somewhat in the
way of a palinode, as he confesses,
on some of his former utterances
— and has been so liberal as to
throw supplementary "hymn" into
the bargain ; which hymn, it has
been very fairly observed, may be
easily made at least as sectarian as
any exposition, and would also, it
may be added, take much deeper
hold of the memory of a child. But
Lord Russell's performances as a
letter-writer have been generally
as damaging to his friends as to
his opponents, and the League
'Spectator,' March 12.
1870.]
The Education Difficulty.
663
would perhaps have preferred that
he had not volunteered his last
two commendatory epistles in their
favour. But the words of another
letter have a ring of eloquent
plausibility, which may seem to
justify the prominent type with
which the ' Times ' has honoured it.
" It is a painful revelation of the
true nature of the sectarian spirit
to learn that men should openly
declare that the divine text of the
Bible, of which they are not the
authors, is nothing, and that the
human commentary, which is all
their own, is everything ; that
they should care so little for what
the Scriptures say, and so much
for what each man may think fit
to make them mean.'; '*.
It may be quite true that to
those who can understand what "the
Scriptures say/' they tell their own
story, and are their own best
interpreters. But what do they
say to the child who reads them
with difficulty, and as a mechani-
cal task 1 It is not a question of
this or that doctrine to be drawn
from them. Do the words them-
selves say anything practically in-
telligible 1 For all the under-
standing that an average child in
an elementary school would have
of them, he might as well read
them, if he could but make out the
letters, in the original Hebrew or
Greek. He would thus be much
more sure of having the actual
words of the "divine text/' without
even the alloy of a human transla-
tion ; and the instruction which
they would convey to his mind
would be very much the same in
both cases. For the perverse mis-
interpretation which even some of
the simplest passages go through
in the mind of such children, is
often more objectionable than a
stolid unconsciousness of any
meaning at all. We will not be
tempted into the quotation here
of the strange interpretations
which even elder scholars, guided
solely by the light of their natural
reason or unreason, will give of
what seem to us the simplest forms
of expression in the Bible. Its
antique phraseology is utterly
different from the language of
their daily life ; even its " un-
common beauty and marvellous
English," to which Mr Forster
referred so happily in his open-
ing speech, present special diffi-
culties of their own to minds
trained in the narrowest groove of
thought and the most limited
vocabulary. The continual refer-
ence to the manners and customs
of a period and a climate so very
different from this modern Eng-
land, the parabolic and symbolic
language which are of the very
essence of the sacred text, require
a continual and careful commen-
tary from the teacher to make
them intelligible to this class of
minds. If such earnest champions
of the undiluted Word as were
Luther and Melancthon declared
that "Scripture could never be
understood theologically, until it
was first understood grammati-
cally/' surely the same truth
applies to the reading of the
Scripture in our elementary
schools, if the reading is to
deserve in any degree the name of
a " religious " exercise. A con-
scientious teacher of such children
will find quite enough to do in
making the Bible lesson fairly in-
telligible in its literal meaning to
his class, without attempting to
found upon it any deductive
teaching, except some lesson of
the simplest and most childlike
character.
Nothing can, in fact, be more
true than the remark made by a
practical schoolmaster at the late
conference held at the Westminster
Hotel, that the religious difficulty
is, after all, neither a teachers' dif-
ficulty, nor a parents' difficulty, but
a " platform difficulty/' It would
never have been heard of, or at least
* Mr Vernon Harcourt, Letter to the ' Times,' April 12.
664
The Education Difficulty.
[May
might have been easily disposed of
by such concessions as reasonable
men of all denominations would
have been ready to make, had it
not been found a convenient engine
for that form of dissent which is
rather political than religious, as
presenting a convenient opportunity
for a side attack on the Church of
England as an Establishment. It
has been the fashion to praise very
highly the speech which Mr Winter-
botham made in support of Mr
Dixon's amendment. It was a
speech of considerable ability, no
doubt ; but the animus which it
openly displayed was hardly of a
dignified character. The watchful
jealousy on the part of Dissenters,
of which he spoke, is no doubt a
natural feeling, and finds its excuse,
to a considerable extent, in that
supercilious tone adopted by some
Churchmen which must be con-
fessed and lamented, and to which
the speaker alluded. But mere
jealousy is not a principle which
commands much respect, or has
much claim to be considered in an
act of legislation which is of immense
national importance. No attempt
was made to show that the pro visions
of the Bill were unfair towards
any denomination ; and the fact
that a majority of the schools which
would be founded under such pro-
visions would probably be Church
schools, was put forth as a sufficient
argument against such even-handed
justice. Had the probable results
been the other way, we should have
had the old argument of the infalli-
bility of the vox populi.
The prejudice against what is
considered the "denominational"
teaching in Church schools is no
doubt often founded upon an honest
ignorance of what that teaching is.
People abuse the Church Catechism,
like Mr Auberon Herbert at Not-
tingham, without any distinct re-
collection of what that dangerous
manual contains. A somewhat
amusing instance of this may be
found in the report of Mr Allen to
the Society of Arts. He quotes
with approbation a passage from a
report by one of her Majesty's In-
spectors as an instance of what he
(Mr Allen) considers "the results of
good teaching of the sort called in
Holland neutral religious teaching,
— that is, of undenominational teach-
ing on the basis of a common Chris-
tianity." Here is the passage —
" ' I cannot,' says the rev. gentleman,
' refrain from giving an instance of
practical interpretation by a boy of
eleven years, living on the banks of the
Thames, which might be profitably
adopted by many persons of riper years
and more exalted station.' 'Tell me
of any state of life to which it may
please God to call you?' 'A water-
man. ' * Well, how would you do your
duty in that state?' 'Take no more
passengers than the licence says. ' ' Well,
anything besides ? ' ' Behave civil to
the passengers.' 'Anything else?'
' Land 'em dry on the other side. ' 'Any-
thing else ?' ' Keep some of the money
for my father and mother. ' ' Anything
more ?' ' Try to lead a good life.' Mr
Brookfield continues : ' I have heard in
my time some lengthy and less com-
plete commentaries on your duty to-
wards your neighbour than undertaking
no more than your boat will carry,
claiming no more than your regular
fare, and landing them dry on the
other side.'" *
Her Majesty's Inspector was quite
right, though one cannot help won-
dering whether he or the boy had
ever read Corporal Trim's famous
exposition of the fifth command-
ment : —
" 'Prithee, Trim,' quoth my father,
turning round to him, ' what dost thou
mean by "honouring my father and
mother ?" '
"'Allowing them, an' please your
Honour, three halfpence a-day out of
my pay, when they grow old.' . . .
' And didst thou do that, Trim ? ' said
Yorick. . . . ' He did indeed, ' replied
my uncle Toby. . . . ' Then, Trim, ' said
Yorick, springing out of his chair, and
taking the Corporal by the hand, ' thou
art the best commentator upon that
part of the Decalogue ;— and I honour
thee more for it, Corporal Trim, than
Supplement to Society's Journal, Feb. 4.
1870.]
The Education Difficulty.
665
if thou hadst had a hand in the Talmud
itself.' "
But, at all events, the Inspector
and the Corporal both knew, what
the " Arts " Commissioner appa-
rently did not, that this " neu-
tral " and undenominational teach-
ing— this common Christianity —
about "doing one's duty in that
state of life to which it shall please
God to call us," was nothing more
or less than the poor old Church
Catechism, and the illustration very
much what any sensible parson,
catechising in his parish school,
would try to draw out of the work-
ing lads in his first class.
Let this also be remembered by
those who would judge the matter
fairly. The parochial clergyman is,
in nine cases out of ten, a gentle-
man. Even those who have enter-
tained no love for the Church of
England as a religious institution,
have been ready to admit this fact,
and to recognise the immense ad-
vantage to the country of such men's
presence and active interest in their
several parishes on that ground
only. If he is a man who takes
any active interest in the parish
school, the chances are even yet
more largely in favour of his having
not only the instincts of a gentle-
man, but a liberal and generous
appreciation of the rights of others
as well as of his own. It is no in-
justice to the average of Noncon-
formist ministers to say that his
notion of his religious duty will, in
one point at least, be not exactly
what they would suppose, nor ex-
actly what their own might be.
Granted that he looks upon all the
children in the school — nay, all the
children in his parish — as his pupils
of right. He does so. But he recog-
nises also another fact, that by the
will of their parents, some of these
children are, through no fault of
his, virtually withdrawn from his
spiritual superintendence. This he
laments ; but in this world he
knows there is often a conflict
of duties. And in an old and
much-abused formulary — which as
yet, however, he is permitted to
teach, at least where the parent
makes no objection — he finds a
short and peremptory, but very
intelligible, bit of " dogmatic teach-
ing," which he has, with more or
less success, been trying to impress
upon these little people, Dissenters
and orthodox alike — " Honour thy
father and thy mother." It would
seem to him a very incongruous
commentary upon this precept to
teach any child specially that his
father and mother's religious views
were wrong • that they were train-
ing him up in the way in which
lie should not go; that in the
one most important point of all,
their wishes, their views, their
opinions were not deserving of his
" Honour." Putting all higher con-
siderations for the moment apart,
his natural sense of delicacy, of
honour, of the duty which one man
owes to another, would seal his lips
against any expression which could
encourage a child to dishonour his
parent. Even supposing that
parent, instead of merely differing
from the teacher himself upon
certain articles of belief or of
Church discipline, were a thief or a
drunkard, surely the teacher would
think himself bound to ignore the
miserable truth as far as possible in
his communications with the child,
and to leave him, so long as might
be, in happy ignorance that the
parent was in any way undeserving
of his reverence and love. For he
would feel that to loosen the natural
bond, which is the first law which
a child can comprehend, would be
but a sorry way of laying the
foundation of the higher obliga-
tions which he is being gradually
taught to recognise. Obedience
and duty, even to a bad parent,
will be a far safer training than
the precocious casuistry which is
always questioning how far obe-
dience is lawful.
No sensible teacher, indeed,
would in any case choose to become
"a subtle disputant on creeds" with
scholars of ten or twelve years old.
666
The Education Difficulty.
[May 1870.
It must be a miserable sectarianism
which would pride itself upon such
proselytes. It seems scarcely pos-
sible that sensible Nonconformists
can really entertain a serious dread
of such a result in schools which
are under the management of
Churchmen. Controversial teach-
ing, with such disciples, is simply
impossible. If they have really
any dread of the influence
which the training in a Church
school may have upon the child-
ren in after life, it must be that
the simple and patient inculca-
tion, from week to week, of the
plainest truths and duties of the
Gospel, the quiet and reverent tone
with which they will hear such
subjects treated, the constant refer-
ence of moral duties to Christian
principle — which are, or ought to
be, the " denominational " doctrines
of a church elementary school —
will not predispose the recipients
of such early teaching to become, in
after life, aggressive enemies of a
church establishment. Such train-
ing may not make them Church-
men : if their other associations lie
outside the pale of the national
Church, it very seldom will ; but it
will save them at least from such
misapprehensions and misrepresen-
tations of its principles and its doc-
trine as we so often hear. If this
result seems to the opponents of Mr
Forster's Bill a thing to be dreaded
and resisted at the risk of crippling
national education altogether, then
there is no more to say. If they
hold that all Christianity consists
in antagonism to the Church of
England, then they will be right in
resisting this Bill by every means
in their power. It is alike too
conservative and too liberal, too
truly national, for such men to ap-
prove.
It has been the wont of Noncon-
formists hitherto to complain that
while they were always willing to re-
cognise in the Church of England fel-
low-workers who were carrying out
the same great purpose by different
means, the Church, on the other
hand, persistently ignored this
theory of parallel action. Noncon-
formist ministers have been wont to
talk much about " holding out the
right hand of fellowship to their
brethren of the Establishment," and
to call on them to unite as against a
common enemy. It will be remem-
bered henceforth, whatever termi-
nation this miserable agitation may
have, that when the question arose
of taking common ground with the
Church against a tide of practical
atheism, — when the Christian edu-
cation of the nation was hang-
ing in the balance, — a majority of
them (not all) were willing to throw
their weight into the scale in
favour of excluding from the daily
life of the children of the poor
all Christian teaching whatever,
rather than see that instruction
given by their " brethren " of the
Church.
Printed by William BlacJcioood & Sons, Edinburgh,
BLACKWOOD'S
EDINBURGH MAGAZINE.
No. DCLVI.
JUKE 1870.
VOL. CVII.
EARL'S DENE. — PART VIIL
CHAPTER TX.
" I THOUGHT you were come
to have a chat," said Monsieur
Prosper, as Felix dropped into his
room on his way to Portman Square.
" But what is it ? " he asked, sud-
denly. "You look like Solomon
in all his glory. Mind, I say, look
like it — for you are not Solomon in
any other sense, my poor Felix.
He was wise, and — well, never
mind for the present. But what
is it ? Can you stay 1 I have a
new duet for piano and violin I
want to show you. It's magni-
ficently difficult."
" Oh, I only just looked in for
& minute on my way. I have an
engagement."
"Keally? I thought I always
knew everybody's engagements."
"It is at your friend Miss
Raymond's."
" The devil ! "
Felix could not help colouring.
•" And why not 1 " he asked.
"Oh, it's all right, of course.
They'll pay you, all safe enough."
" Are you not going ? "
"I] No. I -should have to
hear some of my pupils, and I get
VOL. CVIT. — NO. DCLVI.
enough of them in the day without
wasting my evenings upon them as
well. Besides, I must be at the
theatre. Do you know who's to be
there ? "
" Oh, Catalani's to be the star,
I believe ; and the rest amateurs,
I should fancy."
" Aha ! so my new pupil is not
to be there, then ? "
"By the way," asked Felix,
making a vain effort to change the
conversation, " what do you think
of your new pupil 1 "
"My dear Felix, when I want
my throat cut I will perform the
operation myself."
" Naturally. But does any one
want to cut your throat, then ? "
"Oh yes; half the musical pro-
fession. But you certainly would,
if I said that my new pupil — by
whom I suppose you mean Made-
moiselle Lefort — is not Catalani
and Mara combined. And so I
prefer to hold my tongue."
" You don't speak very warmly
about her."
" There — did I not say that you
would cut my throat 1 No — I
668
Earl's Dene.— Part 7111.
[June-
will leave you to judge for your-
self. I don't suppose you don't
know that you will hear her in
something less than an hour."
" You know how important it
is that she should do well now.
Miss Kaymond was telling me — I
suppose you have heard about her
and her cousin — how she also
wants to do something "
" A cousin too, is there 1 Is there
no end to these women 1 "
"Have yon not heard the
story?"
" I hear so many stories — I dare-
say I have'; but I never listen to
anything but do, re, mi. What is
it?"
" Of the death of Angelique's —
Mademoiselle Lefort's uncle "
" Oh, I remember — at an election.
Yes — this is certainly a free country.
My faith \ I should think so. I
wonder I got alive through the
streets myself. But the cousin ? "
" It is a sad story indeed. He
left a daughter, and two young
children besides, who are depen-
dent on her."
" Eh Uen ! The story is not very
original."
" And how are they to live 1 "
" Sacre cochon ! Am I a prophet
or a millionaire, that you ask me ? "
"Miss Raymond, I can guess
from what she said, must have
been very good to them ; and there
is a Monsieur Lester — I think that
is the name "
" Ah, a Monsieur 1 Is she
pretty, this cousin 1 And yet you
ask me how she is to live ? "
" I wish you would not joke
about it, Prosper."
" Well, I will not, then."
" But Miss Raymond cannot sup-
port them always. And Angelique
is not brought out yet "
" Ah ! liinc illce lacrymce, as
Monsieur Dick Barton would say.
A strange dog, that Dick Barton !
And so they are in London. Ma
foil It is the worst place to find
anything to do."
" But you know everybody — you
might know some one "
" Oh, I know plenty of peo-
ple— plenty; and they all want-
something to do themselves. I
want something to do. But this
cousin — is she in the profession,
then ? "
" I believe not. But Miss
Raymond said that she might
teach children — and you might
know "
" Oh yes, I know. She is the
sort of person, you mean, who will
just give me the trouble of un-
teaching everything when I come
after ; I know the sort of people
who * might teach children/ as you
say. Well, well ; no matter for
one more or less. They are all the-
same, these girls, who think they
can teach off-hand without having
learned."
" But you might keep her in
mind?"
" I might, if I knew her name —
or I might not, which is more
likely."
" Marie Lefort. And" — insinu-
atingly— "when shall I see the
duet?"
" Can't you now 1 I want to-
have it played at Lady Weston's
on Thursday. Would you play in
it if I can get Herr Schwarmer to
take the piano ] Just look at it."
" Oh, I'll try my best with plea-
sure ; and you will not quite forget
to do anything if it conies in your
way ? But I'm afraid I must be off
now."
"Well, if you must — give my
love to Mademoiselle Angelique.
Pauvre garqon /" he added to him-
self, as Felix closed the door be-
hind him ; "just like him — out of
work himself, and then thinking
only how he can get work for
somebody else. And his hanging
after that girl, of all girls. It's
plain enough to see what she is. I
wish people wouldn't call and put
me out. Couldn't anything new
be done, I wonder? People are
getting tired of all the old things.
If I could only get hold of a new
star! I shan't make my fortune
with this Mademoiselle Angelique,
1870.]
Earl's Dene.— Part VIII.
669
I'm afraid. She's pretty, — very
pretty, no doubt, much too pretty
to stick to the boards. She'll be a
flash in the pan, even if she isn't
a fiasco. I wonder why in the
devil's name I ever took her up !
If the skies would but drop me a
new star ! "
And so he sank into a fit of cal-
culation— not of castle-building, but
of real calculation, with pencil and
paper, till it was time for him to go
to the theatre. Meanwhile Felix
carried his violin - case, which had
somehow been replenished since
the fire — no doubt Monsieur Pros-
per could have told how — to the
house in Portman Square, of which
the windows were now brilliantly
lighted. It was not the true season,
but the new Parliament was sitting,
and the town was sufficiently full.
Miss Kaymond, owing perhaps
to the fact of her having spent so
many years of the most impressible
part of her life abroad, was some-
thing of the conventional musical
fanatic; that is to say, she knew
a littlfi music, believed herself to be
a critic, and liked to play the part of
an art -patroness in a small way :
and as her will was law to the
relations who so greatly benefited
by her living with them, she was
able to indulge this as much as she
pleased, as well as her more real and
natural tastes.
This was intended to be to some
extent a concert of distinction ; and
Miss Raymond was good-naturedly
vain of an entertainment at which
she was going to play the part of
art-patroness indeed by introducing
to the world as her own special
protegee and discovery, one about
whom the whole town was at once
to run wild. She was not the hos-
tess nominally, but still she was,
as it were, the presiding genius of
the evening ; and she had no reason
to complain of having gathered to-
gether an audience that was indis-
posed to be indulgent to her whim.
The heiress of New Court was some-
body, even in London. Amongst
the rest Warden, who was now
keeping his first term at the Middle
Temple, was present, and so, of
course, was Angelique, dressed in
deep mourning, which, though it
did not suit her style, had the ef-
fect of making her look interesting.
Marie could not come to hear her
cousin's first triumph ; it was too
soon after her sorrow.
The concert itself was very much
like other concerts where the per-
formers are for the most part mem-
bers of an undistinguished clique,
and the audience is half ignorant
and altogether friendly — that is to
say, it was artistically indifferent,
but socially pleasant; and Ange-
lique was, as a matter of course,
treated as though she had been a
real seraph. It would have been
just the same had her voice been
that of a frog instead of a woman,
and had she been incapable of sing-
ing a single note in tune. Miss
Raymond was in ecstasies ; the
nominal prima donna condescend-
ed to be, or to affect to be, a little
out of temper; and everybody was
satisfied, and nobody could have
told why.
Except Felix. He had gone to
the party, in his ignorance, as so
many, under far less adverse cir-
cumstances, have gone before him,
expecting all manner of gratifica-
tion from meeting once more her
to whom he had a right to look for
what he expected ; he had drawn
a prophetic picture, in which her
eyes sparkled when she saw him,
in which he was constantly by her
side talking of old times and of
things outside and above the crowd,
and in which her triumph was alto-
gether lost in his own. But, like
the hieroglyphics of prophetic al-
manacs, his picture prognosticated
anything but what came to pass.
How could she, the heroine of the
evening, afford to throw more than
just one look of recognition to a
poor fiddler whose allotted position
was behind a cruel red cord, beyond
which he dared not trespass? It
was in times, be it remembered,
when in some far greater, and
670
Earl's Dene.— Part VIII.
[June
therefore, it might be presumed,
more generous nouses than this,
the queens of song themselves were
separated visibly from the guests,
as though their presence was some-
thing dangerous. He found that
he had to content himself with a
distant prospect of her, like that
of the sun from the earth ; and
the prospect was by no means de-
lightful. He had to see others
whisper in her ear, to see others
sit by her side, to see others lead
her to the place where she stood to
sing — and, worst of all, to see
others make her smile ; for she by
no means seemed to receive the
attentions that were paid her as
though her thoughts were as far
away from her as he was. He
was absurd enough to wonder that
absence should have wrought so
great a change in her; and, with
the irritation of his profession and
the passion for equality of his
country, felt the unlucky rope in
front of him grow and extend into
a symbol of all manner of social
wrongs, besides his own — as though
its absence would have made the
slightest difference ! People have
often followed the red flag itself on
grounds more absurd than those
afforded by a red cord. -
" I am an artist," he thought to
himself a hundred times over, " and
above all these people. Catalani
herself is nothing more, after all.
It is only in bourgeois England,
then, that we should be treated so
— that we should be treated like
infected sheep. I will go at once."
But he did not go, of course ; for
jealousy has its own fascination,
and revels in its own wretchedness.
But still jealousy without a spe-
cial object is to be borne, and he
had yet to feel its true sting.
For now it was that a young
gentleman who had arrived late,
having paid his respects to the
ostensible hostess, made his way to
where Miss Raymond was sitting
and listening to Angelique, who
was singing.
The lady of New Court smiled
brightly and gave him her hand,
but laid her finger on her lips. He
sat down beside her in silence, and,
during a pause in the song, Felix
could have sworn that he saw a
glance of recognition pass between
the singer and the new-comer, who
was far too good-looking to please
him. When it was over, —
"Now you may speak to me,"
said Miss Raymond. "What do
you think of her? Is she not
charming?"
The other, recalled to earth, woke
up suddenly to perform his share
of the applause that followed. But
he did not criticise.
" You are well again, then, as I
see 'you here?" asked Miss Ray-
mond. "I wish I could say you
look so, though. I am so glad to
see you again."
" Not so glad as I am to be seen,
"I can assure you. I got sick of
being ill ; or else the doctors would
have had me down at Earl's Dene
this very moment."
" Are you wise, then "
" To be here ? Of course I am.
When one is strong enough to rebel
against two doctors it is high time
to use one's strength. So I tra-
velled up yesterday, and heard from
Warden that you were at home
this evening." He did not, how-
ever, say what else he had heard
from Warden — what, in fact, had
really brought him there. It would
not have been polite to Miss Ray-
mond. " But you do not scold me
for coming to you uninvited ? "
" As if I were not only too glad
you were able ! Of course we
should have asked you if we had
known. So now you are an M.P. !
But how you frightened us all !"
"Yes, I am actually an M.P.,
thanks to Warden, who ought to
be in my place, by rights. Ah, he
is here, I see," he said, nodding
across the room. "But I must
compliment the new prima donna."
And he went at once to the side
of AngSlique, who received him
with a pressure of the hand just
not too long to be noticed by any
1870.]
Earl's Dene— Part VIII.
671
i
one, and a look from her eyes that
seemed to those of Felix to be a
great deal too long.
Nor was this the worst by any
means. Angelique had far too
much tact to let it be noticed by
the room generally, but her old
lover could plainly see that this un-
known acquaintance of hers was in
reality filling the place to which he
had looked forward in vain. He
could see that confidential glances
and communications were passing
between them; and whereas he
had been angry with her hitherto
for the smiles that she had been
scattering around her, he was angry
with her now for not scattering
them any longer.
It was not long before he was
fairly worked into that state of
fever in which impulsive men lose
all mastery over themselves, and in-
variably do the most stupid things
possible. He made up his mind
that, as soon as the concert was
over, he must and would speak to
her — he, who was about as likely to
prove her master as he was to fly
over the moon, or, for that matter,
rather less.
Angelique was sleeping in the
house for a night or two, so that
the stairs and the hall were not
likely to afford him any opportuni-
ties. So he lingered long over
putting up his instrument, waited
till the giving of "good -nights"
was in full progress, and then en-
tered the company part of the draw-
ing-room, full of indignation and
dignity. He watched the manner
in which she parted with Lester,
waited till the latter had left the
room with Warden, and then pre-
sented himself.
"Angelique," he said, "I am
come to wish you good-night."
Miss Raymond, with the mistress
of the house, was standing close
by-
" Ah," said Angelique, suddenly,
and with an air of surprise, " Miss
Raymond, here is Monsieur Felix —
you remember — who gave us some
lessons chez Madame Mercier."
Miss Raymond held out her
hand. " Ah, Monsieur — I have to
thank you for your assistance; I
hope it will not be the last time.
Why did you not come and speak
to me before?"
But Felix, being angry, had not
forgotten the red cord.
" I did not presume, Made-
moiselle/' he said, pointedly.
"Do I look so very dreadful,
then 1 And what do you think of
our new star — your own pupil, you
know ? "
" She has received more valuable
applause to-night than mine could
be, Mademoiselle." Then he added,
turning to Angelique, "Could I
speak to you a moment, before I
goi"
" About my cousins 1 Oh, cer-
tainly," she answered, coldly, and
then led the way to a more retired
part of the now nearly empty
room.
"Well?" she asked.
" And so we meet again at last,
Angelique ! I thought you were
going away for ever." He wished
to speak tenderly, but did not
quite succeed, for the attempt was
too self-conscious.
"Yes — as you say, we meet
again."
" And when can I see you 1 For
I have certainly not seen you to-
night."
" Have you not ? I was very
visible."
"Yes — in the sense that every
one has seen you."
" You speak as if you had some-
thing to complain of. What more
of me could you have seen 1 "
" To complain of ! I should
think so. To have been obliged
to sit in a corner, and to see you
surrounded by all the blockheads
in the room "
Now it may be barely possible
to prove, after a fashion, that Mark
Warden, in so far as he, uncon-
sciously putting in practice the
theories of Monsieur Prosper, did
not allow his career in life to be
spoiled by a woman, had some jus-
672
JEarPi Dene.— Part VIII.
[June
tification for his conduct in its
practical wisdom. But it is mani-
festly impossible to justify this last
speech of Felix. At all events,
Marie had seen nothing wrong in
the one, while Angelique could not
— or perhaps it would be more
accurate to say, would not — pardon
the other ; and she must be taken
to be the best judge. She drew
herself up, and said, —
" I am sorry you have so poor
an opinion of Miss Raymond's
friends, Monsieur Felix."
" Monsieur F&ix ?"
"I beg your pardon — Monsieur
Creville. Thanks for correcting
me. And what could you expect ?
That I should come and sit by you
the whole evening ?"
"No; but I did expect— that
you would at least have known of
my being in the room."
" Oh, I knew it well enough ;
but I do not choose that you
should make me appear conspicu-
ous."
"Ange"lique, you must have
changed indeed."
" I do not know in what way ;
but if I have, I never heard that
a woman might not change if she
pleases."
" ' Bien fol qui s'y fie!' Do
you mean this for a quarrel, Ange-
lique 1"
" Why will you be so unreason-
able 1 No — not unless you force
it upon me. And pray do not speak
quite so loud."
" Mon Dieu! I force a quarrel
upon you !"
" So it seems. And now I think
you had better say good -night.
The room is empty. Good-night,
Monsieur Creville," she added in a
louder tone, so that Miss Raymond
might hear.
He was not in a condition to
speak ; so he bowed to Miss Ray-
mond and left the room.
^ Angelique did not look after
him, but watched the exit of her
lover in the pier-glass, to which
she had turned to see that her
expression was sufficiently com-
posed. "What folly!" she said
to herself : " would he have me
wait ten years for the pleasure
of living in a garret at the end ?
What selfish creatures men are !
If he would only but be reason-
able ! " Then she heaved the
smallest of sighs, and went to bed
as soon as Miss Raymond would
allow her, where her triumph of
the evening did not prevent her
very soon falling asleep. She had
done a very good evening's work
in every way, and had fairly earned
her repose.
For her, too, is any apology
needed 1 Surely not. Where is
the father or mother who would
prefer that his or her daughter
should keep troth with a penniless
fiddler, when she was wooed by
Mr Lester of Earl's Dene 1 Nor—
unless we are very much mistaken
— are there many sons or daughters
who would, in this respect, prac-
tically differ from their fathers
and mothers. It is by majorities
that the world, it seems, is hence-
forth to be governed ; and in the
hands of the majority her case may
be left very safely indeed.
CHAPTER x.
Marie, who was by no means too
much troubled with visitors, was
very much surprised one morning
by being told that a rather oldish
foreign gentleman wanted to speak
to her. She was not in the most
convenient order to receive any
one, for she was giving the children
their dinner in the one little room
that served them for parlour, draw-
ing-room, dining-room, study, and
nursery, and that had therefore the
air of being all at once ; not to
speak of its looking a little ^like
a dressmaker's work-room besides.
But the aspect of the stranger
d870.]
Earl's Dent.— Part VIII.
673
!
•reassured her. He did not look
like one who took notice of such
things.
"Mademoiselle Marie Lefort?"
he asked, rather bluntly.
She bowed nervously, for she
was not used to speaking to stran-
gers. The children neglected their
plates and sat staring.
"You know my name, perhaps,
Mademoiselle ? Monsieur Prosper."
Her face brightened. " With
whom my cousin Angelique is
studying ? "
" The same/' He looked at her
sharply in a way that she did not
like, and that made her colour.
" And I hear/' continued her visi-
tor, smiling at her confusion, "that
you want to do something."
"I do indeed.'7
" Ah ! and these little ones are
the brother and sister of whom I
have heard. And what's your name,
my man ? "
" Ernest — and this is Fleurette."
" Do you like chocolate, you and
Fleurette?" and he produced a
snuff-box half full of bon-bons.
"Catch — that's right. And what
can you do, Mademoiselle? Ah,
you paint a little, I see. Not
much in my way, that. Do you
play at all — sing ? "
" Very little indeed, Monsieur."
" Ah, you are not wise, Made-
moiselle. You should have said
* Yes, a great deal.' You must
learn to play on your own trum-
pet a little. And if you really
play only a very little, I am afraid
you will teach only a very little
too."
" It is my cousin who sings."
"'Who will sing, perhaps,' you
should have said. Well, well ; I
daresay you will do no worse than
half your profession."
Marie was looking very mortified
and small.
"Would you mind letting me
hear your voice, Mademoiselle ? "
He saw her look of terror and
smiled, but sat down at once be-
fore the open piano — a parting pre-
sent from Miss Raymond to An-
gelique. " Now, Mademoiselle ; "
and he struck a chord.
She had never opened her lips
in song before anybody before, and
having to do so before this distin-
guished musician fairly frightened
her out of her wits. A sound, how-
ever, did come out ; and, though it
trembled, it was in tune.
" Now this, Mademoiselle ; " and
so he proceeded for a minute or
two. Then he shook his head,
and shrugged his shoulders con-
temptuously.
"Now play me something," he
said.
She was trembling all over with
nervousness ; but she dared not
disobey.
" Play anything you know best,"
he said.
She sat down, and struck a very
feeble chord. He stopped her.
" Who "has taught you ? " he
asked.
"I have never had any regular
lessons. Sometimes I had a few
at a school in the town where I
lived "
"Hm! well?"
" And Angelique plays so splen-
didly "
" Never mind Angelique. Well,
let me see if you can do anything
at all. Never mind me," he said ;
" I'm not sure that I shall even
listen to you."
He turned away, walked to the
window, and began to amuse him-
self by humming a tune and look-
ing into the street. She began to
play, first absurdly and weakly;
but she gradually gained confi-
dence to such an extent that she
forgot that she was not alone.
Indeed music to her mind suggest-
ed the idea of solitude. When
the piece was over, however, her
misery returned a hundredfold.
He was standing over her.
" You did not tell me the truth,
Mademoiselle. Your fingering is
ridiculous, and you make the most
wonderful blunders besides. It is
plain that your country teacher
was an ass. But fortunately your
674
Earl's Dene.— Part VIII.
[June-
other teacher was anything but an
ass."
" Angelique ? "
" Bah ! what has Angelique to do
with it ? "
"But I have had no other, I
assure you."
" Oh yes, you have ; one who
takes very few pupils — very few
indeed. Tell me — how did you
use to spend your days 1 "
" Oh, I used to get up early, and
if it was fine, and I had time, I
used to go out and walk or sketch
a little. Then I used to make the
breakfast, and when my poor father
went out to his lessons, I used to
teach the children, and mend the
clothes, and go out to buy what
was wanted from the town. Then
we had dinner; and then I did
whatever I had not had time to do
in the morning, or else I amused
myself."
" Ah ! and how did you amuse
yourself ] "
" Generally with the harpsichord.
I was always alone in the after-
noon, so it did not matter what
noise I made. And then when my
father came in I sat with him and
finished mending the clothes till it
was time to go to bed."
"My God, what a life!" said
the energetic Monseigneur Prosper,
who would have gone mad had he
to pass an hour without the excite-
ment in which he lived.
" I was very happy, Monsieur."
" But did you never feel any dis-
content ? Did you never wish to
spread your wings and fly 1" This
was a wonderfully poetic flight for
him, and he emphasised it by imi-
tating the process with his arms.
" Never, Monsieur. I was quite
content, then. And as for my wings
" she smiled.
" Then you played to yourself
almost daily ? "
" Whenever I could. It was, in-
deed, my great pleasure. I do not
know why, I am sure, for I play
very badly, I know, and I never
was taught more than what I told
you ; but somehow, whenever I
found myself alone, and with no-
thing better to do, I used to sit
down and play without thinking
about it. Very often I did not
know what I was playing, or even
whether I was playing at all."
" And what did you play?"
" Oh, anything that came in my
way. Ah, Monsieur, you cannot
think what I sometimes found in
that old harpsichord of ours. I
think I used to find in it every-
thing in the world. I am afraid
you must think me very foolish ;
but when other girls were reading
novels, and talking the nonsense
that we girls do talk among each
other, you know, they never seemed
to get so much as I did, in my own
way. I used to play the same
thing over and over again, and
always seemed to get something
new and fresh out of it. And some-
times I used to seem to understand
everything, and sometimes to feel
everything without understanding
it, and sometimes to lose myself
altogether, and sometimes "
She stopped suddenly, and blush-
ed at the nonsense she felt she was
talking. She had never made so-
long a speech about herself in her
life. But Monsieur Prosper, for a
wonder, neither smiled, nor shrug-
ged his shoulders, nor uttered a
sarcasm. He only took a pinch of
snuff, and said, —
" Could you play anything at
sight, Mademoiselle ?"
She wished the floor to open and?
swallow her.
"Ernest," said Monsieur Pros-
per, "just run down -stairs and
bring up a roll of music and my
violin-case."
What new torture was she to un-
dergo 1
" This is a duet, Mademoiselle,,
that I have just been composing for
violin and piano. Would you seo
what you can make of your part?"
The notes seemed to swim before
her eyes ; but she attacked them
mechanically.
"Ah, slower than that, Made-
moiselle . . . one, two, three, fourr
1870.]
Earl's Dene.— Part VIII.
675-
i
one . . . oh, forte, Mademoiselle,
for the sake of heaven ! . . . that's
it ... one, two . . . faster . . .
lighter . . . the time there — mark
the time, sacre nom de Dieu / . . .
so ... oh, horrible I with grace,
Mademoiselle, with grace ! . . .
oh, misericorde, don't you know
what legato means ] . . . Not the
pedals there, I implore you — are
you mad ] . . . Sacre nom de
Dieu / . . . Now then . . . keep
on so ... oh, faster, faster . . .
prestissimo . . . mille diables . . .
sacre nom . . . tonnerre d'enfer . . .
cent cochons . . . sacr .r.r.r.re!
j)
And so, for a whole half -hour,
which seemed to her to be three
hundred years at least, her ears
were filled, until, what with the
music itself, and the shouting and
stamping and swearing in which
her tyrant indulged when the im-
presario side of his nature was lost
in that of the composer, and what
with her own nervousness, she al-
most lost her senses.
But Monsieur Prosper showed
her no mercy. No sooner had she
struck the last loud chord than he,
having worked himself into that
state so well known to and feared
by the friends of all poets and
composers, in which a man cannot
restrain his appetite for his own
works when he has once tasted
them, began to tune his violin.
It need not be said that she had
to go through it all again with him,
or that this time the scolding she
received was something terrific.
"What do you think of that,
Mademoiselle 1 " he said at last, as
he returned the violin to its case.
She murmured something.
" Ah, I thought you would like
it. That is quite a la Moretti ;
and yet not without originality.
But don't flatter yourself that you
have played it — that is quite an-
other thing. But I must be off,"
he added, looking at his watch,
that was suspended to a gold chain
as large as a cable, " I have to take
it to Herr Schw'armer: I wonder
what he will make of it. Bon jour,
Mademoiselle ; au revoir, mes en-
fans :" and so he hurried off, leav-
ing his victim prostrate with shame
and despair.
" Miss Kaymond has sent me the
wrong cousin, it seems," Monsieur
Prosper said to himself as he left
the house.
Poor Marie ! Her head ached as
though it would split : her brain
was in a whirl ; and it is no exag-
geration to say, though the cause-
may seem slight enough to those
who are not troubled with the
nervousness of diffidence, that
death would have been a relief to-
her. She had not strength enough
left to close the hateful piano,
which stood there an openly ac-
cusing witness of her shame. Had
she but had the moral courage to
refuse to disgrace herself ! But it
was too late now for regret ; she
could but cry with vexation.
But worse was yet to come. An
hour or two afterwards, when she
had become a little more composed,
a note was brought to the door,
directed in a strange hand to Made-
moiselle Marie Lefort.
" 5 STREET, GOLDEN SQUARE.
"DEAR MADEMOISELLE, — A de-
spairing fellow - creature implores
you to grant him a favour. I am
engaged to conduct a concert at
Lady Weston's in Park Lane,,
and I am going to introduce at it
for the first time my duet. M.
Creville will take the violin ; Herr
Schwarmer the piano. Takes, did I
say 1 — was to take ! for the scoun-
drel has sprained his thumb —
would it had been his neck !
"I therefore fly to you, Made-
moiselle, in whose eyes I read a,
compassionate soul. Play it for
me ; and for eternity oblige
" Louis PROSPER.
" The concert is not till the 10thy
so you will have plenty of time to
study it. M. Creville shall bring^
it you to-morrow. And, for the
love of heaven, mind about the
pedals !
676
Earl's Dene.— Part VIII.
[June
"I will take care you shall be
satisfied about terms. An revoir,
etbon debut!"
What ! she asked to play Mon-
sieur Prosper's own work in public
at Monsieur Prosper's own request,
and in the place of a celebrated
professor! Surely there must be
some mistake. But no — the note
was only too clear, and only too
plainly directed to her, and to no
other. What in the world should
she do ?
Her first thought was to refuse at
once. But then how could she dare
offend this terrible Monsieur Pros-
per ? At last, after much unhappy
meditation, she made up her mind
to wait till the morning. Perhaps
by then her persecutor might have
thought better of his extraordinary
request. Would it might prove
so ! Meanwhile — for she was weary
of this new exercise of thinking
about herself — there was nothing
to do but sit down and finish darn-
ing Fleurette's stockings. When
this was finished, she went and
looked at the children and then
went to bed, where the music of the
duet came back to her in the most
terrible form of all. Queen Mab
was not kind to her that night.
CHAPTER XI.
And so Marie entered upon a
week of wretchedness \ for Mon-
sieur Prosper, now that he had
once obtained a hold upon her,
showed his promised gratitude in
a most ungrateful fashion. He not
only made her a slave to the duet,
but treated her as his pupil without
the least reference to what might be
her own views and wishes, or even
consulting her on the matter. Of
course she applied to her husband
for advice; but he, to whom Art
was only a word which conveyed
nothing more than tbe idea of a
womanish amusement with which
he had no sympathy, was unable
to understand her embarrassment,
especially when he learned that she
was to be paid for her trouble.
Besides, his own affairs were
absorbing his attention more and
more. He was bringing the same
industry and perseverance to bear
upon his new study of the common
law of England by which he had
already made Greek and mathema-
tics pay so well. The only differ-
ence in his style of study was that
he found more pleasure in his work
now than at Cambridge, and liked it
better for its own sake. Blackstone
was far more congenial to his prac-
tical nature than either Newton or
Plato.
And so, on the very evening on
which his wife was undergoing the
nervous tortures of her debut, he
sat in his chambers in the Middle
Temple, of which Inn he had be-
come a member, thinking, not about
her, but about himself. He was
taking stock of his position, for
he was practical even when the
Middle Temple port had obliged
him to put off his evening spell of
work for an hour or two, and
thought with a purpose when an-
other would have dreamed ; and
on comparing what he was now
with what he was even so short a
time since as when he had been
Hugh Lester's companion on the
Redchester coach, he was by no
means dissatisfied with the result.
But still there was one hard fact
of which it was impossible to get
rid, which went far to spoil all his
self-gratulation. He was by no
means given to useless regret or to
crying after spilt milk, and certainly
not given to calling himself a fool ;
but now, as he balanced his account
of profit and loss, he could not help
almost thinking himself one.
" It is a hard case that a man
should be punished for the mistakes
that he commits in his boyhood.
I shall now have to go through
life with a burden from which I
1870.]
EarVs Dene.— Part VIIL
677
shall never be free, when freedom
from every kind of burden is abso-
lutely necessary. Luckily she is
not a woman who will interfere
with me more than she can help,
or perversely stand upon her rights.
But that will not prevent my hav-
ing all the disadvantages of having
a wife combined with those of keep-
ing a mistress, without having any of
the advantages of either. I believe
that if I were free and played my
cards decently well, I might try for
the New Court Stakes, and not be
last in the betting. As it is, I sup-
pose the prize will fall, as usual,
to that ass Lester, who seems to
have nothing to do but open his
mouth, and the good things fall
into it of themselves. I don't sup-
pose that he was born richer than I;
and clearly not with more brains.
And yet, without any trouble or
merit on his part, first he becomes
heir to one of the finest estates in
the country ; then, again without
trouble or merit of his own, with-
out even caring about it, he drops
into a seat in Parliament; and then,
without having to look for her,
there is an embodiment of all the
virtues ready made to his hand.
And I, at his age, have had to fight
with fortune to wrest from her some
three hundred a-year. I have borne
the whole heat of a contested elec-
tion for the sake of another, and I
am chained for life — well, to an-
other embodiment of all the virtues.
Perhaps it would be better if she
were not quite so immaculate. Yes,
it is certainly a damned hard case !
If I were only free, I do not see
why the master of New Court
should not be as successful against
Earl's Dene as for it ; and then —
Come in ! "
This exclamation was caused not
by a tap at the door but by a sound
as though the door was being at-
tacked by a battering-ram. He
turned round as he spoke, and, to
his horror, beheld the form of his
old acquaintance, Dick Barton.
" Ah," said the latter, " I guessed
it was your name I saw on the
staircase — ' Mr M. Warden/ as
bright as white paint could make
it. Arid what are you up to now ?
Laying siege to the Woolsack?
Well, if tricks will win the game,
you'll do, I should say. One ought
to keep sober in your company, it
seems, eh ? "
The sudden appearance of a big
and powerful man upon whom one
is conscious of having played a
trick, is not altogether the most
pleasant thing that can happen.
Warden therefore gave a little
laugh, and held out his hand.
" Ah, you mean our wager ? " he
said. " But I think it was you that
got the best of that, wasn't it 1 "
"I see," the other answered,
rather contemptuously, "you con-
sider a contested election to be like
charity. Well, perhaps it is — after
a fashion. ' Sacro nee cedat honori. '
But it always struck me that our
friend Prescot — who, by the way,
was rather taking me up, and now,
of course, has let me drop again
like a hot potato — managed to wing
the wrong bird. Well, well ; let
bygones be bygones. But how's
this? Do you think dry? For
my part, I can't suppose that
' think ' and ' drink ' were made to
rhyme for nothing, any more than
'bibere' and 'scribere.' Any way,
I'm certain that at this moment
Dick Barton rhymes with anything
to drink short of pump-water."
"I'm very sorry. My cellar's
empty, I'm afraid."
" Oh, if that's all, a shilling or
two will set that square. I'll fetch
it. There's a place round the cor-
ner where there's capital brandy.
Perhaps you know it ? No ? Then
you shall in five minutes. I'm
afraid I must produce the coin,
though."
"I'm very sorry, Barton — but
I'm afraid I have an engagement
in half an hour."
" Oh, never mind. I'll go when
she comes. So just lend me half-
a-crown — or say ten shillings, if
you can spare them, and I'll be
back in no time."
678
Earl's Dene.— Part VIII.
[June
" Oh, with pleasure," Warden
answered, on the principle that
the surest way to rid one's self of
an acquaintance is to lend him
that precise sum. Nor did the
loan seem to have been wasted ;
for five minutes after five minutes
passed, and Barton did not return.
Warden sat down to read, and it
was quite late when a knock at
the door made his heart sink
within him. It proved, how-
ever, not to be Dick Barton this
time, but only his friend Hugh
Lester.
" Why, Lester, this is a pleasant
surprise ! What brings you into
this part of the world ] "
"I am just come from Lady
Weston's, old fellow, and thought
I would just smoke a cigar with
you on my way, as I felt bored/ '
"Well, I am delighted to see
you, especially as I was getting
rather bored myself with my own
company. Will you take any-
thing ] "
" Have you such a thing as a
soda-and-brandy ] "
" I daresay I have. There —
now you can help yourself." War-
den could see that his visitor had
something on his mind of which
he had come to deliver himself;
and besides, the Temple is not
exactly on the way from Park Lane
to Bruton Street. " What was go-
ing on this evening ] " he asked.
" Oh, a sort of a concert — a great
bore. By the way, Miss Lefort was
playing — Marie, you know."
" And how did she get on 1 "
asked Warden, with some little in-
terest.
" Oh, she seemed all right. But
I know nothing about that sort of
thing."
"And did the fair Angelique
perform ] "
" No ; but she was there with
Miss Raymond."
" And did not Miss Raymond
keep you from being bored 1 "
' " Did I say I was bored ] The
fact is, Warden, I want your advice
about something."
" Really ] Well, I will give you
the best I can."
" I know you will, old fellow."
"And what is it this time]
Love or war?"
" Why, you see," Hugh was be-
ginning, when a peal of thunder
was heard at the door.
"The devil!" exclaimed War-
den.
" What is it ] "
" I'm afraid I must open. If I
don't, he's just the man to break
in. I suppose he saw the light in
the window."
" But who is it 1 "
" Do you remember Barton of
Tudor ] "
" Of course I do, though I never
met him."
" So much the better for you. I
am extremely sorry, but I'm afraid
I must let him in."
" I am sorry too, for I really
wanted to see you."
And so Barton came in, bearing
a bottle in triumph under his arm.
" Beg your pardon, Warden, for
being so long. Damn it, I can't be
drunk, and yet I see two brandy-
bottles. Or have you been sending
out and taking a mean advantage I
All right — the more the merrier.
We'll make a night of it."
" Really, Barton "
" Oh, you be damned ! Mayn't
a man make himself at home in
another man's rooms ] Why, there
are two Wardens !"
" Indeed there are not. This is
Mr Lester, the member for Dene-
thorp ; and we have business to
talk over. I told you I had an
engagement."
" But where the devil am I to go,
then]"
"Why not go home]"
" Warden, you're a milksop.
Come — be hospitable for once.
The night is young; and, what's
more, I'm damned if I go home !
—there."
"You see]" said Warden to
Hugh in despair. " I know this
fellow, and that it is impossible to
get rid of him."
1870.]
EarVs Dene.— Part VIII.
679
And there was in fact nothing to
be done but for Hugh to make an
appointment to see Warden at his
chambers in the morning, to plead
that he was bad company — as, in
fact, he felt — and to go home, leav-
ing Warden to the mercy of his old
man of the sea.
He returned to the Temple at
about ten o'clock the next morning.
"Why, how's this 1" he said,
on seeing the aspect of Warden's
room ; " you have been having a
debauch with a vengeance."
" It is simply the most terrible
animal I ever heard of," said War-
den, smiling to cover his ill-
humour ; " here he is still, you
see ; " and he pointed to a sofa on
which lay Barton asleep — not like
i man who is working off the effects
of much brandy, but like a child
that has taken nothing stronger
than milk-and-water in its life.
"What in the world are you
going to do with him 1 "
" God knows ! At Cambridge, I
believe, he used to sleep four-and-
twenty hours at a stretch when he
slept at all, without waking. And
where could one send him ? He
told me last night that he has
given up living under a roof alto-
gether."
" Oh, let the poor devil sleep
It out. Shall we go out and talk
somewhere else 1 "
" And leave no one here but this
infernal beast 1 He would smash
everything to pieces to look for
dquor, or bring more in and get
drunk again."
" That is true. Well, he's sound
isleep, and one will know when he
wakes, I suppose ] "
" Trust him for letting us know
•;hat."
" Well, then— but I'm afraid I'm
boring you."
"My dear fellow!"
" It's all about myself, you know
— or rather it isn't. Would you
mind my lighting a cigar 1 "
" A hundred, if you like."
"Thank you. Well, then, you
hee — I daresay you'll think me an
infernal ass — but as you know the
people, and all that, you'll see —
will you take a cigar yourself 1"
" No, thank you."
"Well, then, the fact is— I am
engaged to be married."
" Indeed ! Then let me be the
first to congratulate yourself and
the lady. Am I wrong in guessing
that it is to Miss Raymond 1"
" No, it's not to Miss Raymond,
and that's just the difficulty. You
see my aunt seems to have set her
heart on my marrying Miss Ray-
mond."
Somehow Warden felt relieved,
though of course it could be no-
thing to him.
" Am I to know who the lady
is 1 " he asked.
" Mademoiselle Lefort."
Warden naturally thought of the
election gossip about Lester and
Marie. There must have been
something in it, then, after all.
" The devil it is !" he exclaimed,
but with a meaning very different
from what Hugh supposed.
"And why not V asked the latter,
a little sharply.
" It is impossible you can be en-
gaged to her."
" What do you mean ? It is pos-
sible, because I am."
" Does Miss Lefort know ] "
" How could I be engaged with-
out 1 "
"But it is impossible. There
must be some mistake."
"What in the world can you
mean 1 How could I be mistaken
about such a thing ? "
" I mean that it cannot be."
"But why?"
" Because I . happen to know ;
but I cannot tell you why — I can
only tell you that you must most
certainly be mistaken, though I
grant it is strange that you should
be. I know the Leforts well, and
I assure you, as your friend and
theirs, that it is quite impossible."
Of course it was quite possible,
he thought, that Hugh might have
declared his passion, and that Marie,
in her innocence and stupidity and
680
Earl's Dene.— Part VIII.
[June
shyness, and with the weight of her
secret embarrassing her, might not
have repulsed him in a manner that
he had understood. How he wished
that she had been free not to have
repulsed him at all ! He would
have yielded her to Hugh, or to
any one else, with the best will in
the world. Hugh, knowing what
he knew, could only stare in blank
amazement. If he thought any-
thing, it was that Warden, as his
friend, considered it a friendly
thing to save him from a mesal-
liance.
" Really, Warden, I must know
what you mean. Indeed I have a
right to an explanation — if you
have any to give."
As he spoke another thought sug-
gested itself to him. Warden was
an older acquaintance of the family
than he, and had known Angelique
from childhood. Was it not pos-
sible that he might be a rival ?
Warden saw the thought show it-
self in his friend's face ; and he also
saw that he was himself in a difficult
position. Of course he supposed
that he knew his wife well enough
to assume that Hugh must neces-
sarily be mistaken in thinking
what he did appear to think ; but
still, unfortunately, it would never
do to allow him to remain in his
error. Marie, in self-defence, might
have her secret wrung from her ;
and so he was ready enough to tell
himself that it was his duty to spare
her from persecution, and Hugh
from running his head against so
hard a wall.
" My dear fellow," he said, " you
cannot marry Miss Lefort. I will
tell you why, if you will promise
to respect her secret ; and you will
then see that you must be mistaken
in thinking that she could have
promised to be your wife."
Hugh turned pale.
" It must not be known on any
account. There are good reasons
why, which I am not bound to tell
you, seeing that they affect other
persons ; nor will you therefore ask
me. But I am bound to save you
from an unprofitable pursuit ; and
I will therefore rely upon your
honour not to let what I do say go
farther than ourselves. Do you
promise ? "
Heaven knows what Hugh ex-
pected to hear ; but he nerved him-
self as well as he could to hear his
doom, whatever it might be. Of
course he was equally prepared not
to believe any story that might re-
flect upon Angelique.
"If it is no scandal — if it is
nothing that my speaking may
remove/' he answered.
" Oh, it is no scandal/' Warden
answered, "but the contrary. It
is^ that she is the wife of another
man."
Hugh started forward. "That
she is married? No — that I can-
not believe."
" But when I tell you that I know
it — that it can be proved ? "
" Prove it, then."
" Did I not say that I could tell
you nothing that affects others *? It
is enough for you that I am bound
in honour to say no more."
The word "honour" always act-
ed upon Hugh Lester like a spell.
" But I am not bound to make no
inquiries," he answered. " I am
not going to give her up for a word,
especially as if what you say is true
— if you are not mistaken, I mean
— I should have to believe that it
is she who has deceived me. I will
ask you nothing more ; but I will
go straight to her."
" What ! and force her secret
from her ? "
" Yes, by God ! It seems to me
that I have some right in it also."
Somehow Warden had not calcu-
lated upon this. Perhaps he had
relied too much upon the power of
managing Hugh which he supposed
himself to have acquired.
" Indeed you must do no such
thing."
"WhaU" ,
Hugh spoke more in astonish-
ment than in anger at being thus
addressed by one to whom he was
quite as much a patron as a friend.
1870.]
Earl's Dene.— Part VIII.
681
" I mean that if you do "
Hugh somehow felt that the ad-
vantage was with himself.
"Well— and if I do?"
" I think it very likely that she
would deny it."
" And that I should have to de-
cide between her solemn word and
your word, which you refuse to
prove 1 So that is your reason for
saying that I must not ? Very well
then, I will not ; for I should not
dream of doubting her."
It did not suit Warden to quar-
rel with Hugh, otherwise the last
speech gave him ample opportu-
nity, and, had he been of warmer
blood, would have had its effect,
though, on Hugh's part, uninten-
tionally. The latter had merely
meant to say that he would take
Angelique's word against that of all
the world.
" Then," said Warden, not know-
ing exactly what to say, and speak-
ing slowly to give himself time to
consider, " if you do speak to Marie
—to Miss "
"To Marie?"
" To Miss Lefort, then. If "
" But why did you say Marie 1 "
" Are we not speaking of her 1 "
"My dear fellow!" Hugh ex-
claimed, his face brightening, " do
you mean to say you thought I
meant Marie 1 "
Warden blushed scarlet, for about
the first time in his life. " I did
think so, certainly."
" Good God ! how you frightened
me ! What ! is Marie married 1 "
" You will surely respect her se-
cret now 1 "
" Oh, I will be like the tomb.
But what on earth made you think
I meant Marie ? "
" I suppose I was stupid. So
you are engaged to Angelique 1 "
he added, in a meditative tone.
" That is what I wanted to tell
you," Hugh was beginning; but
Warden scarcely heard him. His
mind was flying off to other things.
" I see," he said at last. "And
Miss Clare objects, I suppose — or
would object if she knew."
" She objects very strongly in-
deed."
" And how can I advise you ] "
"You see I don't want Ange-
lique— Miss Lefort — to marry a beg-
gar. And my aunt is so set against
it, that "
" Then my advice would be to do
nothing in a hurry. Has Miss
Clare — if I may ask — talked to you
about this — told you anything about
what she means to do 1 "
" She is so set on my marrying
Alice Raymond — who I don't sup-
pose would have me if I asked her
— that if I marry as I must and
ought, Miss Raymond will take my
place altogether; and you know
my aunt, that she does not speak
without meaning it. I don't care
about that, you know, only for An-
gelique ; and because I like my
aunt too much, and am too grateful
to her to want to quarrel with her
if I can help it. It's very odd that
she can't see the thing in the same
way as I do."
" Well, certainly, one would think
that marriage is a matter in which
a man should judge for himself.
And if I know Miss Clare, she likes
you too well for things not to come
all right."
"Ah, you don't know her as I
do."
" Of course not. But look here,
Lester. You know that Miss Clare
is for some reason or other inclined
to put some confidence in me 1 "
" Naturally, after what you have
done for us."
" Well then, if I, a disinterested
third person, were to put the thing
calmly before her — I suppose you
have quite made up your own mind
on the matter 3 "
"Quite."
" And I congratulate you on your
choice. Miss Lefort's only fault is
want of fortune ; and what is that
to you ? Then if, as I say, I spoke
quietly to Miss Clare "
"Would you really?"
" Of course I would ; though of
course I cannot tell what the result
would be. By the way, does Miss
•6S2
EarVs Dene.— Part VIII.
[June
Lefort herself know of Miss Clare's
objection 1 "
" Why, no. There was no need,
you see "
"So much the better. There
can be no reason why she should
feel that there is any personal ob-
jection to her on the part of Miss
Clare, if it can be avoided."
"You are the best fellow that
ever lived, Warden."
" Oh, nonsense. I haven't done
anything, and most likely never
shall."
" And are you likely to be going
down to Denethorp soon ? " asked
Hugh, with all the selfish impa-
tience of a man in love.
" I daresay I may be, at Christ-
inas."
"Not before?"
" How can 1 1 "
" Well, I suppose not. Then you
think I'd better not tell Ange-
lique ? "
" I should say certainly not.
You really mean what you say, of
course."
" Certainly. I intend to make
her my wife, whatever may happen."
" Well, ' the course of true love,'
you know. You may feel quite
safe that in the end Miss Clare
will be only too glad to change her
mind."
" Well, you are a good fellow —
and I can't thank you enough. By
the way, why don't you go in for
Alice Raymond yourself — a girl
with no nonsense about her, and a
good fortune besides 1 "
Warden smiled. " What ! a
country doctor's son go in for the
lady of New Court ? "
" Oh, why not ? " It is wonder-
ful how cheap men hold what they
do not want.
"I hope you are not breaking
her heart."
" If I am, you had better heal it."
"Oh, this is my wife," replied
Warden, laying his hand upon a
volume of * Coke upon Littleton.'
" And now, just consider it all right
— and don't make yourself unhappy
by thinking about difficulties."
" You really think it will come
all smooth 1 "
" Of course I do — and of course
it will. Holloa ! What's that ?
By Jove! I had quite forgotten
that guest of mine."
What he had heard was the
creaking of the sofa, caused by the
return to waking life of Dick Bar-
ton, who, after a yawn or two, suc-
ceeded in twisting himself into a
position that was very tolerably
upright.
" The devil ! " he exclaimed, after
another prodigious stretch. "I
say, have you got anything to
drink 1 I'm confoundedly thirsty."
" Soda-water 1 "
" Soda be blowed ! Kunos crine
— a hair of the dog, man."
" I'm afraid you devoured the
dog between you, hair and all, be-
fore you fell asleep," said Lester,
who had recovered something of
his usual good-humour.
"And who the devil are you?
Damn you, Warden, you can't have
drunk the whole of the three bot-
tles to your own cheek."
"Will you have some tea 1 "
"Faugh!"
" Well then, you won't have any-
thing at all," said Warden, who had
begun to guess how his enemy ought
to be treated.
" I call that damned unfriendly
of you. I shall go at once — and
damn me if I ever come here
again. Warden, you're a , and
I always thought so, and now I
know it. By the way," he added,
feeling in his pockets, " I'm cleaned
out. Could either of you fellows
lend me half-a-crown ?"
" And is this the Dick Barton that
was to do such wonderful things ?"
asked Lester, as the door closed.
" How does he live ? "
Warden shrugged his shoulders
contemptuously.
" So much for genius ! " said the
practical man.
" Poor devil ! " said Lester, " one
must try and give him a chance —
what's the good of being in the
house else ? " And so, after a
1870.]
EarVs Dene.— Part VIII.
683
renewal of his thanks, he too left
the room, leaving Warden to ' Coke
upon Littleton.'
Warden did work at ' Coke upon
Littleton ; ' but he also worked at
something else besides.
CHAPTER XII.
Warden had no particular incli-
nation to spend his Christmas at
home : he was not a person of
domestic tendencies ; his father
bored him, and he was not fond of
the society of his father's friends.
Not even did he care to cultivate
the acquaintance of Mr Brown,
even though he was an attorney's
managing clerk. But still, much
to his sister's delight, he announced
at the beginning of December that
he was about to pay them a short
visit. It was nothing more than a
very ordinary sort of coincidence
that Miss Raymond was going to
spend her Christmas at Earl's
Dene. Hugh ought to have spent
his there also : but he was a man
of many engagements, and felt
rather afraid of his visit besides,
for he also felt instinctively that
the breach between himself and his
aunt had practically begun, and
that he should, as it were, be mak-
ing Earl's Dene his home under
false pretences. Moreover, he knew
that his friend was going down,
and fancied that it would be better
for his own cause if he himself
kept out of the way and left the
field clear for the abler strategist.
And so Warden went down ac-
cordingly, listened to his father's
complaints of the rival doctors,
and of the pane of glass through
which the wind still blew, received
the admiring homage of his sister,
heard Mr Brown retail the small
gossip of the place, and dined upon
lukewarm mutton. But he did not
let his domestic enjoyments detain
him from making an early call at
Earl's Dene.
He found Miss Clare not im-
proved in health by any means ;
but she gave him a most cordial
welcome, not only for his own sake,
but because she hoped to get news
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLVI.
of Hugh in respect of the matter
about which she was most anxious.
"You still see something of
Hugh ? " she asked, after a word
or two of greeting.
" Oh, very often. I think I may
consider that we are friends."
"I hope so. I was in hopes
that he would have spent Christ-
mas down here."
"You see he has so many en-
gagements."
" Still I should have thought he
might have been able to spare a
day or two. But this is but a dull
house for a young man to come to,
I know."
Warden looked his protest.
" By the way, I have one visitor,
though — your old acquaintance,
Miss Raymond of New Court."
"Indeed?"
"She, too, has seen something
of you in town, she tells me. By
the way, as we are talking about
Denethorp people, what has be-
come of those Leforts since the
father met with that unfortunate
accident 1 "
" Oh, they are in London, doing
what they can."
"Miss Raymond tells me that
the niece means to go on the
stage."
" Yes : I believe that is so."
Of course she was vainly trying
to get an opening for finding out
whether and to what extent Warden
was in her nephew's confidence.
At last, true to her despotic in-
stincts that never allowed her to
procrastinate or beat -about the
bush, she said,
"I, too, may consider you one
of Hugh's friends]"
"One of his and yours, Miss
Clare."
" I am not going to ask you to
commit a breach of confidence :
684
EarVs Dene.— Part VIII.
[June
besides, I know that you would
not do so, if I did. But has he
ever mentioned these young women
to you ? "
" In what way ? "
"You know there were some
absurd stories about him here ? "
"Oh, at the election. No one
minds election reports."
" You see so much depends upon
the marriage of one in Hugh's
position."
"No doubt."
" It would never do even to run
the risk of Earl's Dene falling
into the hands of an actress — of
a Papist."
" Of course not."
" You see, living as I do, there
are so few people I can trust — and
I suppose that as one gets older
one gets more anxious and nervous
— at least I am anxious that Hugh,
who is as if he were my son, should
do rightly in everything. Now
you, who are his friend, and have
some influence, I know "
"I fear, Miss Clare, you over-
rate my power."
" Oh, no. Men listen often to
their friends when they are deaf
to their mothers — you can talk to
him as men talk. You understand
me?"
" You may be sure that any in-
fluence I may have over Mr Lester
shall be used as you would ap-
prove and for his real good."
" You promise 1 "
"Faithfully."
" Thank you, Mr Warden. You
have taken a weight off my mind.
You will, then — you of all people
will know how — save him from
the danger of — you know what I
mean 1 "
" I promise to do my best."
" You might tell him, in case of
necessity, what I have told him
also — that if he continues to be
bent upon this impossible mar-
riage "
"I would rather hear no more,
Miss Clare."
" But you had better. You know
that I always do what I say j and
if he is obstinate, Alice Raymond
shall be mistress of Earl's Dene.
And you may tell Miss Lefort so,
also. I imagine that she, at least,
will not be obstinate when she hears
that."
That she was perfectly in earnest
was sufficiently proved by her for-
getting her pride so far as to take
one of her subjects into her private
confidence in order that she might
work with greater certainty. But
it must, nevertheless, have been a
•bitter pill for her to swallow.
" Surely, Miss Clare, you cannot
be speaking seriously 1 "
" But I am, indeed. And after
all it is not likely that he should
really be guilty of such madness."
" Most unlikely, I should say."
"But still you will remember
what I have said ; you will watch,
warn, save him, if you can — and
that by any means 1 "
"I will do all I can."
"I felt sure that I might rely
upon you ; otherwise I should not
have said what I have to you. Be
sure that we shall not be ungrate-
ful."
" I hope you do not think — is it
not only my duty 1 "
"But we have our duties, too,
and gratitude is among them," she
said, in royal fashion, as she held
out her hand. " And now you
will stay to lunch? I see Miss
Raymond coming back from her
ride."
Miss Clare, as queen of Dene-
thorp, of course considered herself
as only giving orders to, and pro-
moting to high trust and confidence,
one of her subjects who had proved
his devotion to the reigning house
when she gave Warden charge of
the crown-prince, and not as in any
way laying a burden upon him.
She felt gratitude, as she said ; but,
in her eyes, he was doing no more
than his duty to his liege lady in
undertaking to keep her heir from
forming an unsuitable alliance.
What his own private views might
be were nothing to her, nor did
she even remember that he might
as7o.]
EarVs Dene.— Part VIII.
685
possibly have any. And if he had,
what could they matter even to
himself when the interests of Earl's
Dene were concerned ? Neverthe-
less the interview did open out to
him a new and strangely exciting
train of thought, of which the bur-
den was, " If it were not for Marie ! "
Putting her out of the question
altogether — supposing there were
no such person in existence — it
would of course be open to him to
try his chance with Miss Raymond,
as anybody else might, without any
reference to the coming estrange-
ment between Miss Clare and her
nephew. It was true that his birth
was not such as to facilitate his
entry into a county family. But
then would he be the first poor
.gentleman who had, by marrying
an heiress, founded a family of his
own ? Ce que femme veut, Dieu le
vent ; and fortune favours the bold.
His father and sister might be pro-
vided for elsewhere ; and for him-
self, he felt that he could hold his
own were he to marry into the ranks
of the peerage itself. After all, as
the son of a professional man, as a
fellow of his college, as a distin-
guished member of his university,
as a barrister — a word that then
meant far more than it has since
come to mean — as, in the future, a
member of Parliament, and heaven
knows what besides, it would soon
be forgotten that the professional
man whose son he was was only
Doctor Warden of Denethorp, and
that his mother was the daughter
of a Redchester druggist. This he
might have done as a matter of
course \ but now he felt, after his
interview with Miss Clare, that,
were he only free, he might do
something very much more. He
smiled to himself as he remembered
how he felt when he traversed, in
Hugh Lester's company, the stage
of road between Redchester and
Denethorp. If Hugh should marry
Angelique, then Miss Raymond
would be a prize worth the winning
indeed. He knew as well as any-
body that Miss Clare invariably
meant what she said, and he thought
he knew how to manage her, in case
Miss Raymond proved favourable.
If it were only not for Marie !
But as, unfortunately, it was im-
possible to put Marie out of the
question, it was all impossible toge-
ther. Still he was not one to throw
away even the odd ends of string,
the scraps of paper, and the stray
pins that chance affords. " Waste
not, want not "—everything may
come in usefully some day. At all
events, there was no use in being
impolite to Miss Raymond ; and so,
to avoid Charybdis he fell into
Scylla — that is to say, he made him-
self very polite to her indeed. Nor
did the young lady herself object,
for she had a tendency to hero-wor-
ship, and since the contest Warden
had remained the hero of the Tory
part of the country-side.
He enjoyed his lunch very much,
nor did he again remember his
wife's existence until he was half-
way home. And then, when he did
call her to mind, he was angry, not
with himself, but with Circum-
stance, who had treated him so un-
fairly and so unkindly. At last,
like everybody who gets angry with
Circumstance, he began to recollect
certain bits and scraps of consolation
with which men natter themselves
that they are not suchverypoorcrea-
tures after all, but, indeed, rather
the contrary — such as *' Man is the
architect of his own fortune ; " "The
mould of a man's fortune is in his
own hands ; " " Vouloir c'est pou-
voir ;" " The wise man makes more
opportunities than he finds ; " "Aut
inveniam viam autfaciam ; " and a
hundred other similar specimens of
proverbial nonsense.
In a mind like his, no practical
idea that is once sown remains
quite barren. He could not enter-
tain the thought that he might,
under other circumstances, have
become master of Earl's Dene with-
out at the same time entertaining
the wish that it were still possible ;
and he could not entertain the wish
without being led to consider whe-
686
Earl's Dene.— Part VIII.
[June
ther, after all, its fulfilment were
quite as impossible as it at first
sight appeared. " Is, in truth, any-
thing impossible ? " he thought ;
" Napoleon denied the existence of
the word."
People who quote the authority
of Napoleon in this matter, gener-
ally seem to forget that their au-
thority lived to find himself mis-
taken.
" So you've been up at Madam's,
have you?" asked Mark's father,
as they sat over the fire after dinner.
" Quite right. The old lady's been
uncommon civil since the election.
Game, you know, and all that. We
may cut out that ass Smith yet, my
boy. Miss Eaymond's up there
too, isn't she ? Ah, a fine match
that'll be for Master Hugh."
"Ah," winked Mr Brown, "we
know something about that, Mr
Mark; don't we ?"
"Dowel"
"I expect Miss Alice was nigh
losing our member. We know
when. I wonder what's become
of Miss Mary now, up in town?"
Here he gave another wink. " And
I wonder whether our member
knows1? For my part, though, I
always thought 'twas the other one
had most style."
Mark felt a strong desire to kick
him. After all, Marie was his
wife, much as he might wish that
she were not.
" You seem to know much more
about it than either I or Mr Lester,"
he answered, with a coldness that
made Mr Brown stare.
"I wonder when the wedding
will be, and if it'll be at Dene-
thorp ! " exclaimed Lorry. " I
think Miss Raymond so pretty,
Mark; don't you?"
" I know some one prettier," said
Mr Brown, with a leer at Lorry, for
which her brother would have gladly
kicked him again, especially as he
saw that she only blushed.
"By the way, Brown," asked
the surgeon, " that's a bad case up
Gorsley way. Have you anything
to do with it?"
" We, Mr Warden 1 We don't
do criminal business. But what's
the rights of it?"
" Why, hanging's about the rights
of it, I reckon. Man and wife, you
know — tired of her, and keeping
company with another woman. She
won't have him till the wife's dead.
So what does he do, when his wife'*
asleep in bed, but just quietly go to
work with his fingers and thumbs,
you know, till what d'ye-call was
induced, and she went off the hooks.
I made the post mortem with what's
his name of Gorsley — brain con-
gested, lungs gorged, tongue pro-
truding half an inch, no end of
ecchymosis just where it ought to
be, you know — larynx, and conjunc-
tivce, and all that "
"And how did he kill her?"
asked Mr Brown.
" Why, aren't the appearances as
clear as daylight? Throttled her,
of course, and no mistake about it."
" La, how horrid ! " exclaimed
Lorry.
" H'm ! " said Mr Brown ; "marry
in haste, and repent at leisure.
Well, what I always say is, as a
man makes his bed, so he must lie."
Why should Mark Warden, the
scholar and the gentleman, have
felt a half-guilty sensation at the
narration of this brutal and vulgar
crime ? But he did feel it : nor
was Mr Brown's not very original
remark without its sting. After
the quotations from historians and
philosophers in which he had been
indulging, the homely platitude of
the lawyer's clerk was a terrible
piece of bathos ; but it was not
ineffective.
CHAPTEK XIV.
Night brings counsel. "Well,
I suppose I must yield to fate,"
was Warden's first thought when
he awoke the next morning. " But
1870.]
Earl's Dene.— Part VIII.
687
still " he added ; which meant
that he had at all events made up
iiis mind that his friend should
marry Angelique Lefort. He could
not see his way to the end of the
game ; but still that was no reason
•why he should not play such good
cards as he held in his hand.
Something might come of them,
and nothing could come of his
keeping his word to Miss Clare.
Indeed, he had, after all, promised
nothing definitely.
He did not return to London at
once, but was a good deal about
Earl's Dene — making love, any one
would almost have said who did
not know the circumstances. To a
certain extent he was not altogether
responsible for the length to which
he went in cultivating the acquaint-
ance of Miss Raymond \ for the
flirtation naturally gratified the
vanity from which marriage does
not exempt a man, and he thought
he could trust himself not to go
too far. He also made himself
•extremely useful to Miss Clare
herself, and, in spite of his dis-
like for Mr Brown and his fellows,
strove, not unsuccessfully, to make
himself popular among them also ;
at all events, to make them look up
to him, which, with his views, was
more to the purpose than making
himself popular. Meanwhile, it
was characteristic of him that,
while dreaming of shadows, he
never for a moment loosened his
hold upon the substance, for he
never passed a day without read-
ing law for a certain number of
hours.
At last, however, the day came
when it was necessary for him to
return, and of course he called at
Earl's Dene to say good-bye. His
last words to Miss Clare consisted
<of a renewal of his promise to do
what he could to prevent her
nephew's marriage. To Miss Ray-
mond he bade a simple "good-bye"
— spoken, however, in a tone that
meant much, and that made her
think. Nor were her thoughts un-
kindly. She was not likely to fall
in love consciously without being
asked to do so ; but she had got as
far as thinking it by no means un-
likely that she might be asked.
Besides this, she could not help
seeing, with a woman's instinct in
such matters, that Warden was
strong enough to be her master ;
and when a woman sees that, she
is half won already. It need not
be said that her first unreasonable
and unconscious prejudice against
him had taken flight ages ago.
As soon as he found himself once
more in London, it was, no doubt,
his duty to pay his wife a visit ;
but he, thinking no doubt that that
would keep, and that other things
would not, first called at the cham-
bers of the pleader with whom he
was reading, and then went to
Hugh's lodgings in Bruton Street.
" Warden ! what an age you've
been gone ! and what news, old
fellow ? Will you have some break-
fast ? When did you come back ?
Did you see my aunt 1 Did you
say anything to her ? Did "
" I saw Miss Clare," answered
Warden, gravely, in a tone which
made Hugh's countenance fall.
"Well?"
" She says — well, the long and
short of it is, that if I were you I
would just give the whole thing
up."
" Then there goes Earl's Dene—
that's all."
" Why, you don't mean to
say "
" I do, though. I'm sorry, of
course, for her sake, you know ; but
she must make up her mind to
marry a poor man instead of a rich
one : and so that's over."
" But, my dear fellow, just
think " '
"Angelique has more claim on me
now than my aunt, after all. And
my aunt herself wouldn't want me
to be such a cur as to sell my love
and my faith for all the land in the
world."
" Your wife ought to be a proud
woman, Lester."
" Rubbish ! And so there's an
JEarl's Dene.— Part VIII.
[June*
end of it. 1/11 write to my aunt at
once."
Warden laid his hand on his
shoulder. " I have been but a
bad ambassador, I fear," he said ;
« but "
"And I have not thanked you
for troubling you about my affairs.
I only wish I could see my way to
thanking you as I should like to."
" Not a word about thanks, pray !
But, I was going to say, I should
advise you not to write just now."
" But surely "
" I know what you would say.
But had you not better wait until
you have seen Miss Lefort herself?"
" You speak as though you
doubted her."
" Not the least. But "
" But what, then 1 "
" Why, the result would be this :
Miss Clare would probably not an-
swer you. But she would leave no
stone unturned to prevent this
marriage. She would take care to
let Miss Lefort know that by mar-
rying you she was ruining you
for life. And if Miss Lefort is as
generous as I have no doubt she is,
she would refuse to marry you, —
not for her own sake, but for yours.
No ; see her first — this very day,
if you like — and get her promise ;
and then write to Miss Clare as
soon as you please."
" I daresay you are right. Then
I will go to Angelique at once."
Warden considered. It was more
than probable that Angelique, when
she learned from her lover how
matters stood, would throw him
over, not for his sake, but for her
own. It was not from any special
knowledge of the character of An-
gelique that the thought arose, but
rather from a knowledge of what
he himself would have done had
he been in the same situation. In-
deed, would not any man or wo-
man of sense have done so ? So he
had to a slight extent to draw upon
his imagination.
" By the way," he said, " I doubt
if you can see her to-day."
"Why not]"
" I have been at the house, and
she will not be in till evening."
" And in the evening she will b&
at the theatre. It is damned un-
lucky."
" At the theatre ? "
" Yes ;— don't you know ? She-
is going to come out for the first
time."
" The devil she is ! I hope Miss-
Clare won't know that, at all events.
She will object ten times more ifi"
she hears that your wife has ap-
peared on the stage."
" Then it will be all the more for
me not to let Angelique suffer for
so unjust a prejudice," said Hugh,,
loftily. " I will see her this evening,
anyhow, — at the theatre itself, for
that matter. But don't go, old fel-
low. How the deuce is one to get
through the day till then 1 "
"I would stay with pleasure,
only I have an engagement that
I must keep. Shall I look you up-
to-night, after the play is over 1 "
" Do ; — and if I'm not in, wait
for me."
Warden at once caught the first
coach that was passing.
" To Berners Street ! " he said ;.
and then settled himself down to
think; an art that he had of late
been cultivating rather too assidu-
ously in some directions, and ne-
glecting too much in others.
Fortunately, he was not obliged
to lose any time, for Marie was
out and Angelique at home. She
was reading a manuscript, and the
room looked more like a milliner's-
workshop than ever. She rose as
he entered, and smiled graciously.
"Ah, Mr Warden," she said,
" you have come just in time."
" For what ? "
" To-night I make my debut; and
I shall expect you to come and hiss-
me."
"I will come, of course; but-
otherwise I do not intend to be
alone in a crowd. What is the
part ? and where 3 "
" Here is the bill."
" But I don't see your name ? "
" But you see that of Miss March-
1870.]
Earl's Dene.— Part VIII.
689
mont, — we are the same. I play
Donna Inez."
" By the way, I have seen a friend
of ours, who will also come, and
not hiss you, I should say."
" And who is that, pray ] — Miss
Kaymond ] "
" Scarcely, seeing that she is in
shire. Shall you be angry if I
tell you a secret 1 "
She looked at him quickly and
sharply.
" I suppose you mean that you
want to tell me one ] "
" Exactly so."
"And that you have come on
purpose to tell it ] "
" That is so, also/'
She looked a little anxious. " You
had better tell it then, and run the
risk of my being angry. I adore
secrets."
"It is this, then. I have just
come from Denethorp."
"Is that all?"
" Not quite. When there, I did
myself the honour of calling at
Earl's Dene/' She watched his
face, and saw that he was smiling
in a way that half alarmed, half re-
assured her — as, in fact, he intend-
ed. He went on. " I do not know
whether you know that the great
Madam Clare has some belief in my
wisdom 1 "
" You are very mysterious."
"Well, it seems that you have
made a conquest."
She tossed her head. " It is very
possible," she answered.
" So possible that it must be
so. But, I fear, not of the great
lady."
" And why do you say all this to
me]"
"To fulfil a promise. 'To tell
you that she will never consent to
her nephew's marriage."
" Indeed ! I am very much ob-
liged to her. And, in return for
your secret, I will give you a piece
of advice."
" What is that ]"
" Not to meddle with what does
not concern you."
" I beg your pardon. Mr Lester
is my friend ; and what concerns
him, concerns me also."
" Then speak to him, if you think
I am not fit to marry him. I
think it scarcely usual among gen-
tlemen to do as you seem to be
doing. You can know nothing
about the matter. Are you in his
confidence as well as in Miss
Clare's]"
" I am : and I have spoken to
him also."
" And he sent you here ] " She
began to be terribly afraid that her
game was lost — that Hugh had
yielded, and had been ashamed to
tell her so in person. Like Mark
Warden, she was apt to judge of
what other people would do by
what she would have done in their
place ; and she, too, was a person
of sense.
" No— not at all."
" Then why do you come ] "
" To appeal to your generosity
on behalf of my friend."
"Ah, — I begin to understand.
You mean that Miss Clare will dis-
inherit him ] "
" I fear so. Indeed, I am sure
of it, if ." He paused.
"If what]" _
" If he remains true to you ; if
he marries you ; and — if she knows
it." He spoke the last words with
a marked and special emphasis,
which she could not fail to perceive.
He saw that she understood as
much of his thought as he wished
her to understand. But she looked
inquiringly, nevertheless.
" You know how straightforward
he is," he replied to her look.
"That is true. And I, too,
should be the last to advise decep-
tion. You are right. It is not for
me to ruin him."
She spoke so seriously that he
stared at her for a moment in as-
tonishment. Then he smiled.
" You will refuse to marry him,
then]"
She turned away her face.
" If it must be so," she said in a
low tone.
" And about this evening ] " He
690
Earl's Dene.— Part VIII.
[June
did not think it worth while to
waste words of sympathy.
" Let him come to the theatre."
" Of course you will not tell him
that I have told you this ? I have
been acting solely for his interest :
and I should not like him to quar-
rel with me for having acted as his
friend."
" Of course not. And now I dare-
say you will not mind leaving me
to myself. ' If she knows it /'" she
added to herself, with a smile.
" Well, I think I am able to keep
a secret from Madam Clare."
" Well, I have kept my promise,"
thought Warden to himself. " If
Hugh Lester will make a fool of
himself, that is not my fault."
And to a certain extent he real-
ly persuaded himself that it was
not.
CHAPTER XV.
So far as the world at large
was concerned, this was the his-
tory of that evening, according to
the dramatic critic of the ' Trum-
pet ':—
" Last night was produced at this
house, for the first time, a new
musical drama entitled ' Faith's
Reward/ written by Mr , the
music being composed by M. Pros-
per. The plot is briefly this," <fcc.
" The music is excellent," <fec.
"Miss Marchmont, the debutante,
however, must be pronounced a
failure. She is remarkably pretty,
and that is always something ; but,
unfortunately, in her case, that is
all. It often happens that a first
appearance calls for indulgence ;
but when the debutante, far from
showing any symptom of nervous-
ness, gives, by her carelessness of
demeanour and apparent indiffer-
ence to what she is about, the im-
pression that she thinks herself too
good for her audience, for her fel-
low-actors, and for her part, while
her whole style of singing and act-
ing proves that she is very much
mistaken, she deserves the reverse of
indulgence. We are afraid, how-
ever, that an actress so careless of
applause will be equally careless of
censure ; and if that is the case, it
will be unnecessary for us to give
ourselves the trouble of breaking a
fly upon the wheel. We should
say that a few years' diligent prac-
tice of her profession in the pro-
vinces would be extremely bene-
ficial to her, as to many others we
could name whose strength is not
equal to their courage."
The truth is, however, that the
preoccupation of the debutante in
question was very excusable indeed.
She was not like Warden, who
could grasp at shadows without
dropping substances ; nor could she
throw herself into Mr 's comedy
while she was at the same time
playing the principal part in her
own.
Don Perez. — " I go, then, proud
girl ; but if I read woman's soul
aright, thou wilt yet be the bride
of Don Perez."
Donna Inez. — " Never ! Is it thus
thou readest woman's soul 1 Think-
est thou that all Golconda's trea-
sure would buy the heart of Inez 1
Rather will I wander in poverty
with my Ferdinand than dwell in
halls of dazzling light with thee.
" If weeping lips and smiling eyes
Within a mossy dell,
Yet through the roaring of the skies,
Oh bid me not farewell ! —
" Go — and amid thy vassal thralls
Awake the wonder wild ;
But Inez scorns thy dazzling halls,
The free, the gipsy child ! "—
(Exit.)
" Ah, Mr Lester, how you startled
me ! I scarcely thought you would
be here. I am afraid you will not
be very well amused."
" Can you give me a minute or
two presently 1 I have something
to say to you."
1870.]
fiarVs Dene.— Part VIII.
691
" Not quite so loud, please. They
will hear you in the house."
" When can I speak to you ? "
" Oh, now if you like ; only we
had better get out of the way. Now,
Hugh, what is it ? You look very
grave. It is nothing serious ?"
" Indeed it is, Angelique. Have
you to go on again soon 1 "
"Not for fifteen minutes, at
least."
"I fear I have done wrongly,
Angelique, in not having told you
before, that in marrying me you
run the risk of marrying a very
poor man indeed. You were
right when you thought that my
aunt would object to my mar-
riage."
" You come then — to say good-
bye 1 Do not be afraid. I release
you." And she sighed pro-
foundly.
" Angelique ! Can you "
"Good-bye then." She held
out her hand, turned away her
head, and sighed more profoundly
still.
" Do you then not love me ? "
She threw him for answer one
of those glances through the eye-
lids in which she excelled.
" Then do not/' he replied, " let
me hear another word of my being
released, unless you fear poverty."
" Hugh ! »
"Do you think I come to ask
you to release me, Angelique ? Did
you think me so base — so cow-
ardly 1 Did you think that I would
sell you for Earl's Dene 1 "
" Ah, if it could be ! But no— I
cannot consent to be the cause of
your ruin."
"Angelique — I shall begin to
think that you never really loved
me."
" How can you speak so cruelly 1
You know that I have — that I "
" do," she added, in a look.
"Angelique, if you do not love
me, it is I that release you. Tell
me so, and But if you do
love me, there is only one way in
which you can prove your love. I
will accept no other."
"If I thought I could really
make you happy — could really
compensate you for what you
lose "
" Could I be happy without you 1 "
" I do not deserve so great a sa-
crifice."
" It is no sacrifice. Do you think
I care a straw for what I lose when
I think of what I shall gain 1 I
swear by God that I will not have
Earl's Dene without you. In any
case I will refuse it."
" And is all the sacrifice — I must
call it so — to be on your side ?"
"Do you not sacrifice yourself
sufficiently by giving yourself to
me?"
" Ah, Hugh ! you are too noble.
No, I cannot find it in my heart to
struggle against you — against my-
self— any longer. I will then be
everything to you ; my life shall be
spent in trying to give you no
cause for regret."
" Dearest ! " Had she not checked
him, he, forgetting as he did where
they were, would have taken her in
his arms at once.
"But — I must impose a condi-
tion."
" What condition V
*• After all, I feel that I am act-
ing selfishly. Whatever you may
say, I cannot but know that I am
indulging my own heart to your
loss. For my own sake let me, too,
make a sacrifice. I will be your
wife — Heaven knows how gladly !
But I will not, I ought not, unless
you promise me this."
"What is iU"
" A reconciliation with one who
loves you as Miss Clare must love
you is always possible. I will not
let you throw away the chance of
it. I declare to you that my whole
life would be spent in misery if I
thought I had not done all for you
that you will let me do. I would
have refused you now if I could
have done so ; but I could not.
But I will make another effort to
refuse you unless you promise that
Miss Clare shall not know of our
engagement until we are married."
692
Earl's Dene.— Part VIII.
[June
Hugh, looked grave, and almost
frowned.
" I am sorry you wish this, An-
gelique. My aunt has a right to
know. Besides, to conceal it would
look as though I wished to keep
Earl's Dene by deceit — by a sort of
fraud."
" Of course she must not think
that. But I am so afraid — until
we cannot be parted what might
not happen to part us ? If Miss
Clare is so resolved, what might
she not do or say "
" My aunt would never do any-
thing underhand."
" Of course not. But so many
things might happen. You pro-
mise then 1 Then now I am quite
happy."
" But, dearest- " ^
" Ah, there is Monsieur Prosper
coming to speak to me. But don't
go. Monsieur Prosper, this is Mr
Lester, an old friend of mine."
" Monsieur, I am charmed. But
I would speak with you, Made-
moiselle. It is great pity so charm-
ing a young lady should never have
been in love."
Lester stared at so extraordin-
ary a mode of address. Angelique
looked at him and smiled.
" What makes you think I never
have been ?" she asked Monsieur
Prosper. " Is it because I have
never been in love with you 1 "
"Because you sing just as if you
had no heart, Mademoiselle. That
is why. Excuse me, Monsieur:"
and he passed on to resume his post
at the conductor's desk. Lester
smiled in his turn : he felt that he
knew better.
"You know, dearest," he said,
when Monsieur Prosper had left
them, " that I can refuse you no-
thing. But if I yield to you in this,
there must be no delay in our mar-
riage."
She looked at him affectionately,
and suffered him to hold her hand
for a moment ; but not for so long
a moment that the caress could be
observed by any curious eyes.
"We will not talk of that to-
night, Hugh. I must consult with
Marie, you know. Oh dear — I
wish I had not got to go on again."
" And you will not repent joining
yourself to one who will have no
wealth but your love ?"
"How often am I to say no?
You are not like Monsieur Prosper,
are you, and think that I have no
heart?"
" I think so, indeed ! "
And he would no doubt have
said something very much to the
purpose when " Miss Marchmont ! "
was called, and she had to leave the
drama in which she was acting so
well for that in which, according to
the 'Trumpet/ she was acting so
indifferently.
Her lover was of course in ecs-
tasies. He had never doubted her
for a moment; but his triumph was
none the less to hear from herself
that she was willing to share his
fortune whatever it might be. How
he was to support her he did not
know; but his exultation was too
great to be disturbed by a thought
which the life that he had hitherto
led entirely prevented his being
able to bring home to himself. A
man who has never known what it
is to want for anything, has great
faith in the bounty of Fortune. To
couple his own name with that of
want, is as practically impossible
as to seriously and really couple it
with that of death. However it
may be in metaphysics, no one can,
in the actual world of fact, imagine
what he has never known. Now
Hugh had never in his life known
what it was to want a hundred
pounds without being able to get
it; so that, a fortiori, to realise the
probable want of a dinner for two,
was entirely out of the question.
Rich in love and strength, utterly
ignorant of what poverty means,
he even looked forward to all the
pleasures of necessary toil, and for-
got to consider the wearing pains
and bitter disappointments that ac-
company it with no less certainty.
And surely, so it seemed to him,
the strength and energy that had
1870.]
Earl1 s Dene.— Part VIII.
693
sufficed to make him the best man
of his inches in all shire, and
in Cambridge to boot, would suffice
to clear a path through the world
that should be just broad enough
for himself and for one other.
There was time enough yet to de-
termine the precise manner in
which he should exert it, and, at
least for the present evening, suf-
ficient unto the day was the evil
thereof. Of course, Angelique had
no need to indulge in gloomy anti-
cipations. She would indeed be
but a bungler if Miss Clare did not
die in ignorance not only of the
engagement, but of the marriage
also. She knew her own power
over her lover; and as he was
honest and unsuspicious, she was
not afraid of losing it. Besides, is
it not the duty of a good wife to
guard her husband's interests when
he is inclined to destroy them1?
This part of her duty, at all events,
she was resolved to fulfil to the
letter.
The result of her resolution was,
that not very long after the debut
of Miss Marchmont the following
paragraph appeared in the ' Trum-
pet :'—
"Mr H. Lester, M.P. for Dene-
thorp, has accepted the steward-
ship of the Chiltern Hundreds. Mr
M. Warden of Denethorp has issued
an address, in which he professes
himself a supporter of the Govern-
ment, and will, in case of a contest,
be influentially supported. It is
not improbable that Mr Prescot,
who unsuccessfully contested the
borough at the last general election,
will appear once more in the field."
Poor Angelique ! She seemed
to have turned out but a female
Alnaschar after all. The future
Mrs Lester of Earl's Dene, Lady
Lester of Earl's Dene, Countess
of Denethorp, and heaven knows
what besides, woke up to find her-
self Mrs Lester of nowhere, the
wife of a disinherited man who
had not even a profession to fall
back upon. Added to this, she
had the mortification of seeing that
she had been duped most cruelly.
Had it not been for Warden's ad-
vice, for Warden's suggestions, she
would still have been safe; and
who but he could have betrayed
her secret to Miss Clare? The
question, "Cui bono?" was only
too applicable in its proper sense.
It was certainly not herself, and it
was as certainly not her husband,
for the letter which he had writ-
ten to his aunt upon his marriage
she had taken care should not leave
London ; so that, as it turned out,
she had herself made matters worse
by causing Miss Clare to think that
her nephew had endeavoured to de-
ceive her.
Hugh was infinitely distressed,
not by the loss of Earl's Dene, but
by this final proof that she who
had been a mother to him all his
life had withdrawn herself from
him for ever ; for if she had loved
him as a mother, he felt towards
her as a son, and his distress was
embittered by her complete silence.
It needed all his happiness in the
possession of Angelique, and all his
consciousness of having done what
was right and honourable, to recon-
cile him to this great loss. As
to Warden, now that the field
was clear, he was more than ever
haunted by the thought, "If it
were not for Marie ! "
694
Mercer's Journal of Waterloo.
[June
MERCER S JOURNAL OF WATERLOO.
GENERAL CAVALIE MERCER, who
died a short time ago at the age of
eighty-five, was, in 1815, a smart
young captain of horse -artillery.
Having been employed in South
America in the time of the Penin-
sular War, he saw no European
service till the year of Waterloo.
Early in March, the news, which
presently agitated all the world,
that Napoleon had escaped from
Elba, reached Colchester, where
Mercer was stationed, and an order
for him to prepare for immediate
foreign service followed. In April
his troop embarked at Harwich for
Ostend, to join Wellington's army
in Belgium. The English field-
artillery was then, as it is now,
more splendid and complete in
men, horses, and material than any
other in Europe; and "G Troop"
was held, by more than its Captain,
to be the very cream of the cream.
His pride in its appearance was
very suddenly damped by one of
those exigencies of war which fool-
ish officials, dressed in a little brief
authority, may easily exaggerate
into misfortunes when they bring
the misdirected force of their nar-
row faculties fully to bear on them.
No special provision had been made
for conveying the troops from the
ships to the shore. The English
naval officer of the port who boarded
the transports solved the difficulty,
however, in a very simple manner.
The Duke's orders were, he said,
positive that no delay was to take
place in landing the troops and
sending the ships back. He there-
fore directed his sailors to throw
horses, saddlery, and harness into
the sea. The ammunition would
certainly have followed but for
Mercer's earnest remonstrance.
Luckily the subsiding tide allowed
the gunners, stripped for the pur-
pose, to go overboard and bring the
floating matter to land. The scene
resembled a shipwreck much more
than a disembarkation, and the
men of G Troop would have been
proper objects for the charity of a
Sailor's Home. But the paternal
care which had placed them on
shore now suddenly deserted them.
Ostend was a fortress, with an Eng-
lish garrison and commandant ; but
nobody of the Quartermaster-Gene-
ral's or any other department came
with orders or consolation of any
kind. The troop remained drawn
up on the beach amidst heaps of
wet harness, in a tremendous thun-
derstorm, till night came on ; and
the rising tide threatening to wash
them all into the sea, they borrowed
lanterns from the ships, and amid
such a scene as occurs sometimes
on a lee-shore, on which wrecks are
going to pieces, the officers and men
succeeded in saving themselves and
their charge. By the advice of a
chance acquaintance whom he met
on the quay, Captain Mercer now
started with his half-drowned troop,
without a guide, to seek the shelter
of some sheds, situated beyond a
town which he had never before
heard of; and he succeeded in
reaching them about three in the
morning, without other mishap than
the loss of some horses (afterwards
recovered), which had, not injudi-
ciously, made off into the country.
It is evident that nothing which
occurred in the Crimea or the Bos-
phorus could excel this proceeding
in its contempt.of foresight, arrange-
ment, and common-sense; and the
sagacious reader may perhaps infer,
seeing how it took place after long
years of war, and in a district con-
trolled by a great commander, that
Journal of the "Waterloo Campaign. Kept throughout the Campaign of
1815. By the late General CavaliS Mercer, commanding the 9th Brigade Royal
Artillery. 2 vols. "Wm. Blackwood & Sons, Edinburgh and London. 1870.
1870.]
Mercer's Journal of Waterloo.
695
when such blunders are not heard
of, it is not so much because they
are not committed, as because they
are not found out. If a special cor-
respondent had been present in Bel-
gium at that time, the world would
have read a glowing account of the
mismanagement, though, to be sure,
the Duke might possibly have hang-
ed him. The fact is, that the only
way to guard against such mishaps
is to fill all responsible posts with
fit men, and then to allow them
reasonable discretionary power.
Rigid orders, in such cases, are suit-
able only for fools, and fools are
very apt to misapply them.
After this rude baptism by water,
G Troop, however, led for some time
a very pleasant life of it amid the
fertile fields and kindly people of
Belgium. It was literally in clover,
the whole land blushing with the
succulent herbage, which soon re-
stored the horses to bloom and
beauty. In those days, Mercer says,
it was an established theory among
mounted officers that the more flesh
horses could be made to carry, the
more they had to lose, and conse-
quently (such was the logic) the
better would they bear privation.
It may perhaps be doubted whether
soldiers of the Banting type are best
fitted for campaigning ; at any rate,
recruiting has not hitherto been
conducted on that basis ; and what
is sauce for the rider may be sauce
for the steed in this particular.
Nevertheless, the practice of bring-
ing troop-horses as nearly as possible
to the condition of prize oxen was
general, amongst cavalry and artil-
lery, and received the sanction of
the highest authority ; for we are
told that had any officer allowed
his horses to appear thinner than
those of his neighbours, " the quick
eye of the Duke would have seen
the difference, asked no questions,
attended to no justification, but con-
demned the unfortunate victim of
scruples as unworthy of the com-
mand he held, and perhaps sent
him from the army." The conse-
quence was, that, for fear of the
Duke's censure, plundering of the
farmers' fields, which he had strictly
forbidden, was a general practice.
Nothing throughout the campaign
seems to have impressed our diarist
more profoundly than the exacting
character of the Commander-in-
Chief, and his resolution to accept
no excuses, reasonable or not, espe-
cially in the case of the Artillery,,
against which arm he entertained a
violent and irrational prejudice, as
Mercer afterwards experienced to his
cost. The following little incident,
which occurred to a brother officer,
illustrates this weakness : —
" Captain Whinyates having joined the
army with the rocket troop, the Duke,
who looked upon rockets as nonsense,
ordered that they should be put into
store, and the troop supplied with guns
instead. Colonel Sir G. Wood, instigated
by "Whinyates, called on the Duke to ask
permission to leave him his rockets as well
as guns. A refusal. Sir George, how-
ever, seeing the Duke was in a particular
good humour, ventured to say, ' It will
break poor Whinyates's heart to lose his
rockets.' ' D — n his heart, sir ; let my
order be obeyed,' was the answer thun-
dered in his ear by the Duke, as he
turned on the worthy Sir George."
Whinyates's heart, however, sur-
vived both the threatened loss of
his rockets and the other more
serious visitation invoked by his
illustrious commander ; for a dozen
years ago he was a general officer
and commandant of the garrison of
Woolwich.
From Ghent, Mercer's troop was
moved to a village near Dender-
monde, where the men and horses
were quartered in small detach-
ments on the farmers, who received
them not only with toleration, but
hearty welcome; and the Captain
was billeted on a Juge of the dis-
trict, whose business taking him
constantly to the neighbouring
town, left the guest to the care of
the lady of the house, who appears
to have performed her duties ad-
mirably, and with such thorough
goodwill, that when a sudden order
came, early in the morning, for the
troop to march, she testified great
Mercer's Journal of Waterloo.
[June
emotion, even to the shedding of
tears. Although habited just as
she had jumped out of bed, the
costume could scarcely have been
unbecoming ; for, according to
her guest, she was " a fine and
handsome woman, perhaps turned
of thirty, and possessing a degree
of embonpoint which, whilst it added
dignity to her air, detracted no-
thing from the grace of her per-
son ; " and the parting embrace
(consecrated by the presence of the
Juge, an old gentleman of about
sixty, with one eye, who appeared,
half dressed, on the scene), must
have inspired in the recipient some
of the regret at his departure which
was so agreeably expressed by the
lady. In other respects, also, his
quarters had been admirable. He
was lodged in two pleasant airy
rooms, commanding a delightful
view from their numerous win-
dows.
"Three of these in the front command-
ed a pleasant view over the well-wooded
and beautifully-cultivated countiy be-
yond the great Brussels road, which ran
beneath them — the fields more resem-
bling extensive gardens than anything
else. As this part of the house project-
ed beyond the porte cochere, a window in
the side afforded a peep up the road,
terminated by the town of Dender-
monde, which hence appeared embosom-
ed in trees. Two fine acacias in front
of the gateway overshadowed this with
their delicate pensile foliage, and screen-
ed it from tlie hot rays of the afternoon
sun. The remaining two windows in
the back looked into a delicious and care-
fully-kept garden, divided as usual "by
those verdant hornbeam walls into dif-
ferent departments."
His host he suspected of be-
ing a Napoleonist, and the same
sentiments were attributed by the
Juge to the farmers and peasantry
of the district ; yet their reception
of the Emperor's enemies had been
more than cordial. The fact is,
that, like rustic populations in
general, they troubled themselves
very little about politics, caring
neither for Capulet nor Montagu,
so that they were left to till their
fields and gather the produce in
peace.
The point to which G Troop was
now moved, was an old chateau
near the banks of the Dender, along
the course of which the cavalry and
horse-artillery of the British army
were cantoned, for the sake of the
provisions and forage so plenteously
afforded by the rich Pays de Waes,
and which were rendered easily
available by the navigable river.
These advantages, however, were
not unattended by a serious draw-
back. The cavalry was thus col-
lected on the extreme right of the
cordon of troops which guarded the
approaches to Brussels, and at a
most inconvenient distance from
many possible points of action ; a
blot which was hit by the enemy
on the 16th June, when the field of
Quatre Bras was held by Welling-
ton against odds, while no English
sabre struck a blow on it. This
chateau, belonging to the Van Vol-
den family, had been uninhabited,
except by an old gardener and his
daughter, for many years ; and its
aspect at first sight was not invit-
ing, strongly contrasted as it was
with the many comforts afforded
by the mansion of Madame la Juge.
Ancient tapestry and old portraits
hung on the walls, and the vast
spaces of the floors were almost un-
broken by furniture. In such a
chamber was the Captain now in-
stalled, his occupancy presently im-
parting to it a not inconsiderable
air of comfort. The view on the
one side extended over the garden
and woods ; on the other, over a
lawn, surrounded by double rows
of jioble beeches, orchards, and hop-
gardens. Under the windows was
a moat, containing fish (which was
good) and frogs (which was bad); for
the croaking of that teeming popu-
lation was so annoying as to cause
the new lodgers seriously to under-
take, in spite of the opposition of
the gardener, the task of draining
off the water ; — an enterprise which .
though occasioning great loss to
the enemy, resulted in the develop-
1870.]
Mercer's Journal of Waterloo.
697
ment of a stench so terrible, ex-
haled by the mud at the bottom, as
to leave the victors little cause to re-
joice. The requisition for supplies,
issued by the Captain on the neigh-
bouring population, produced those
remonstrances which old campaign-
ors are familiar with, especially in
districts where the people are ac-
customed to the exigencies of armies.
A deputation of the principal in-
habitants came to assure him that,
though the arrival of the brave
English had diffused throughout
the commune the most lively joy,
yet the place was quite incapable
of supporting them, whereas the
surrounding villages abounded in
food. The Captain, however, was
sufficiently an old soldier to disre-
gard this representation.; and the
intimation that, if the supplies
were not presently forthcoming, he
should help himself, was attended
with the happiest results. About
his own breakfasts the diarist ex-
presses himself in rapturous terms :
the land flowed with milk, and
possibly with honey — eggs and but-
ter were beyond praise ; and smok-
ing the cigar of peace after these
comforting meals, under the trees
of the great avenue, he might al-
most have forgotten that he was
anywhere except in specially good
country quarters, and have even, in
time, got to imagine himself the
lawful lord of the chateau where
he exercised so undisputed a sway.
All round him were captains of
other troops, whose lines had doubt-
less fallen in equally pleasant
places. Hew Ross, who died a
field - marshal last year; Gardiner,
afterwards Governor of Gibraltar ;
and Norman Ramsay (whose Chris-
tian name Mercer appears to have
been ignorant of), the hero of Na-
pier's glowing episode at Fuentes
d'Onor, and treated by the Duke
with shameful injustice in the Pen-
insula,— were not far off ; with other
good soldiers whose names have
been less carefully preserved by
time and fate. At this time Mer-
cer had occasion to observe an in-
cident which confirms Talleyrand's
mot about the Bourbons, who had,
he said, in their exile, " learnt no-
thing and forgotten nothing." The
Captain had found a piece of ground
suitable for drill on the other side
of the Dender : —
" Thither, then, we repaired occa-
sionally to practise ourselves, and pre-
vent our people forgetting entirely
their drills. Thither "also came occa-
sionally his Highness of Berri with his
newly-formed corps of cavalry to learn
theirs. We frequently met, and as the
ground was too confined to admit of
both corps working at the same time,
the last comers were obliged to dis-
mount and wait until the others had
done, for we continued our operations
when first on the ground, regardless of
the impatience of the royal drill-
master, who, though he never said
anything to us, did not fail to betray,
by a thousand little pettish actions, the
annoyance he felt at our want of due
respect. One day that they had got in
possession and we were obliged to wait,
I had a good opportunity of seeing this
curious corps and its savage leader.
The former presented a most grotesque
appearance — cuirassiers, hussars, gre-
nadiers a cheval, and chasseurs, dra-
goons and lancers, officers and privates,
with a few of the new garde de corps,
were indiscriminately mingled in the
ranks. One file were colonels, the next
privates, and so on, and all wearing
their proper uniforms and mounted on
their proper horses, so that these were
of all sizes and colours. There might
have been about two hundred men,
divided into two or three squadrons,
the commanders of which were generals.
The Prince, as I have said, was drill-
master. A more intemperate, brutal,
and (in his situation) impolitic one, can
scarcely be conceived. The slightest
fault (frequently occasioned by his
own blunders) was visited by showers
of low-life abuse — using on all occasions
the most odious language. One un-
fortunate squadron officer (a general !)
offended him, and was immediately
charged with such violence that I ex-
pected a catastrophe. Reining up his
horse, however, close to the unhappy
man, his vociferation and villanous
abuse were those of a perfect madman ;
shaking his sabre at him, and even at
one time thrusting the pommel of it
into his face, and, as far as I could see,
pushing it against his nose ! Such a
scene ! Yet all the others sat mute as
698
Mercer's Journal of Waterloo.
[June
mice, and witnessed all this humiliation
of their comrade, and the degradation
of him ^f or whom they had forsaken
Napoleon."
A very singular character re-
sided in the neighbourhood — an
old nobleman of the race of the
Visconti of Milan, who, by right
of his mother, inherited the Belgian
chateau and estate of Gaesbeke.
He had served as an Austrian
hussar against the great Frederick ;
and after travelling, when peace
came, over most of Europe, had
taken such a fancy to the manners
of the Turks, that, on returning to
reside on his Netherlands property,
he preserved the Oriental costume,
and, says Mercer, " in every other
way conformed to their customs."
When some troops had been bil-
leted on the Marquis d'Acornati
(that was his name) without con-
sulting him, he had placed himself
in a state of siege, and armed his
domestics to resist; but on the
commander of the detachment,
who had learnt something of his
peculiarities, addressing him in
such terms as Don Quixote might
have used in parleying,, with an
imaginary constable of a castle, he
received and entertained the visi-
tors with the greatest courtesy.
This old gentleman was enormously
rich, possessing great estates in
other countries, and many fine
houses in Brussels ; but he lived
in the most desolate and: cheer-
less fashion in his decaying cha-
teau, sleeping in a hole which
<{one might have imagined to be
the abode of some poor devil whom
charity had admitted to occupy a
nook in the deserted mansion," and
subsisting on vegetables and water.
There was nothing miserly, how-
ever, in these frugalities, for his
charities and gifts to his relations
were magnificent, and he gave a
splendid fete in Brussels to the
principal officers of the British
army. With the country people
he passed for a magician.
At the end of May there was a
grand cavalry review in the mea-
dows on the banks of the Dender.
Six thousand British horse were
there drawn up, with eight bat-
teries of field-artillery, to await the
arrival of the Allied Field-Marshals,
Wellington and Blucher. But first
the Due de Berri gave them an-
other taste of his quality : —
" The whole line was in the midst of
this business, many of the men even
with jackets off, when suddenly a forest
of plumes and a galaxy of brilliant uni-
forms came galloping down the slope
from Schendelbeke towards the tem-
porary bridge. 'The Duke!' 'the
Duke ! ' ' the Duke's coming ! ' ran along
the lines, and for a moment caused con-
siderable bustle amongst the people ;
but almost immediately this was dis-
covered to be a mistake, and the brush-
ing and cleaning recommenced with
more devotion than ever; whilst the
cavalcade, after slowly descending to
the bridge and debouching on the
meadows, started at full gallop toward
the saluting-point already marked out —
the Due de Berri, whom we now recog-
nised, keeping several yards ahead, no
doubt that he might clearly be seen.
At this point he reined up and looked
haughtily and impatiently about him ;
and as we were now pretty intimate
with his manner, it was easy to see,
even from our distant position, that he
was in a passion. The brushing, how-
ever, suffered no interruption, and no
notice was taken of his presence. One
of his suite was now called up and de-
spatched to the front. What further
took place I know not, but certes ! the
messenger no sooner returned than his
Highness was off like a comet, his tail
streaming after him all the way up the
slope, unable to keep pace with him, for
he rode like a madman, whilst a general
titter pervaded our lines as the report
flew from one to the other that Moun-
seer was off in a huff because we did
not give him a general salute. Many
were the coarse jokes at his expense ;
and I was amused at one of my drivers,
who, holding up the collar from his
horse's chest with one hand, whilst
with the other he brushed away un-
der it, exclaimed, laughing aloud, 'I
wouldn't be one of them 'ere French
fellows at drill upon the common to-
morrow for a penny; if they're not
properly bullyragged, I'm d ' It
turned out afterwards that he had sent
his aide-de-camp to claim the reception
due to a prince of the blood-royal ; but
Lord Uxbridge excused himself by say-
1870.]
Mercer s Journal of Waterloo.
699
ing he had no instructions on that
•head," &c. &c.
When the Marshals, in the course
of their inspection, arrived at G
Troop, it was favoured with their
special commendation : —
"My vanity on that occasion was
•most fully gratified, for on arriving
where we stood, the Duke not only
called old Blucher's attention to 'the
beautiful battery,' but, instead of pro-
ceeding straight through the ranks, as
they had done everywhere else, each
subdivision — nay, each individual horse
— was closely scrutinised, Blucher re-
peating continually that he had never
-seen anything so superb in his life, and
•concluded by exclaiming, ' Mein Gott,
<dere is not von orse in dies batterie wich
is not yoot for Veldt Marshal.'' and
Wellington agreed with him. It cer-
tainly was a splendid collection of
horses. However, except asking Sir
George Wood whose troop it was, his
Grace never even bestowed a regard on
me as I followed from subdivision to
subdivision."
It had been known for some
time that the Duke had made
choice of two positions, in one or
other of which, according to cir-
cumstances, to meet an attack on
Brussels ; that of Waterloo, and
that of Hal, both covering the
junction of important roads from
the French frontier upon the Bel-
gian capital. Mercer tells us that
Wellington, attended only by an
orderly dragoon, frequently visit-
ed these positions, studying them
deeply, and no doubt arranging in
his mind the line of battle at
Waterloo as he afterwards drew it
oip. About the end of May, how-
ever, an idea prevailed that the
army would advance about the
20th June into French territory —
and Mercer, according to the cus-
tom of intelligent young officers,
•drew out a plan of campaign, in
which three battles and sixteen
marches were to conduct them to
-Paris. Nor was this notion of an
offensive campaign confined to un-
. enlightened speculators, for we know
that the Duke himself was actually
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLVI.
sketching one for an Imperial ally
at the very moment when Na-
poleon's army was crossing the
Sambre to attack him. But, at
any rate, the orders for preparation
which had been received foreboded
immediate activity ; and Mercer,
sauntering in his great avenue in
the evening of the 15th June, while
the other officers had " gone to the
ball at Brussels," meditated on his
approaching departure from this
tranquil spot. The "ball" thus
briefly alluded to was the most
celebrated of all balls — that given
by the Duchess of Richmond — and
is doubly secure of immortality by
its place in history and in * Childe
Harold.'
On the 16th June, Mercer was
roused from bed by an order (un-
dated and informal, and doing very
little credit to the administration
of the Staff) to march forthwith
to Enghien. He is the most can-
did of diarists, never extenuating
his own faults, and he now con-
fesses one which caused him great
anxiety and embarrassment, and
which may be useful as a warning.
Mr Coates, a commissary, had been
attached to the troop for the pur-
pose of providing it with rations
and forage, and had collected a
sufficient number of country wag-
gons and drivers ready for a move.
But Mercer's good- nature, inces-
santly wrought on by the farmers,
who wanted their waggons for their
own purposes, permitted these ve-
hicles to return to their respective
farms on receiving a solemn pro-
mise from ' the authorities of the
commune that they should be forth-
coming when wanted. As was to
be expected, the exigency found
him waggonless. His commissary
was sent off in all haste to get the
indispensable baggage and provi-
sion train together. Mercer marched
without it, and he saw no more of
it till the morning after the great
battle.
Arrived at Enghien, he found
himself without orders and in the
SB
700
Mercer's Journal of Waterloo.
[June
midst of cavalry columns, all con-
centrating from their various can-
tonments on the point of assembly.
Applying to General Vandeleur,
commander of a light brigade of
cavalry, for instructions, he got
from that chieftain very little com-
fort or light in his difficulty.
" Whether naturally a savage, or
that he feared committing himself,'7
says Mercer, " I know not ; but
Sir Ormsby cut my queries short
with an asperity totally uncalled
f o-r. fr I know nothing about you,
sir! I know nothing at all about
you!7 'But you will perhaps
have the goodness to tell me where
you are going yourself 1 ' 'I know
nothing at all about it, sir ! I told
you already I know nothing at all
about you f ' " This kind of bear-
ing, expressing in the most dis-
courteous manner the determina-
tion, above all things, to share the
responsibilities of nobody else, was
but too much in vogue in Welling-
ton's army, and is scarcely yet quite
extinct in the service. Following
a right instinct, Mercer continued
to press forward through Braine-le-
Comte, and while halting to water
his horses at a pool, was directed
by Sir Hussey Vivian, the com-
mander of the other light brigade,
an intelligent as well as dashing
soldier, to follow his hussars with
all speed towards the firing, which
was now heard from the field of
Quatre Bras. Passing through
Nivelles, where the scared popula-
tion lined the heights to watch the
smoke of the conflict, and meeting
numerous wounded Netherlander
who had quitted the action in the
care of many unwounded comrades,
and who spread consternation as
they went, Mercer at nightfall, and
at the close of the battle, reached
Quatre Bras. The troop traversed
the field, the tired horses stumbling
over corpses as they moved, and
crossed the highroad, whilst over
it flew the last shot and shells from
Key's artillery. Watering his horses
at the well of the farm, and feeding
them from a patch of green wheat
left standing amid the wreck of the
crops, which had been trampled
down in the battle, Mercer bi-
vouacked there.
The Captain, like his superiors,,
was ignorant that a great battle
had taken place a few miles on
their left, and fancied, as others
did, that a movement in advance
would take place against Ney, who,
though repulsed yesterday, was still
in their front. The orders for re-
treat that presently arrived were
probably at first unaccountable ;
indeed Mercer makes no allusion to
Ligny in his Journal, and may pos-
sibly have remained ignorant that
such a battle had been fought till
after this part of the diary was
completed. To his troop was as-
signed the duty, in conjunction
with the light cavalry, of covering
the withdrawal of the army from
Quatre Bras, an operation involv-
ing much more risk than they knew
of. For Wellington had never in-
tended to fight on the ground where
they stood — there was no position,
there ; his intention had been to
move beyond Quatre Bras to the
aid of Blucher at Ligny, until
Ney's onset forced him to think of
defending himself. And now, with
his forces still scattered, he was-
exposed to the attack of Ney in
front, while Napoleon might fall
upon his flank with the army which
had beaten the Prussians. Behind
him, on the highroad to Waterloo,,
was the bridge and narrow winding
street of Genappe. Anybody can
see how full of peril was such a
position ; but it was exactly in such
cases that Wellington's general-
ship shone. Regiment after regi-
ment was withdrawn from the
centre and marched for Waterloo,
while those on the flanks kept clos-
ing in and maintaining the narrow-
ing front, till at length, the skir-
mishers who had veiled the opera-
tion being called in, nothing but
the rearguard of cavalry and artil-
lery was left on the field. During,
1870.]
Mercer's- Journal of Waterloo.
701
any part of this movement, a se-
rious attack by the enemy must
have produced disastrous confusion.
Luckily it was already completed
when Napoleon, who had remained
in a state of extraordinary inaction
at Ligny, arrived, and seeing his
prey escaping, and irritated at
Ney's delay, himself (as Gourgaud
states) led the pursuit. Mercer
saw the French army descend from
its position, and, as it disappeared
in the hollow, he beheld a sight
which he never forgot, nor would
ever have forgotten had he lived to
the age of Methuselah, for he saw
the Emperor ride on to the ridge
in front of him, followed by some
horsemen, their figures, darkened
by a thundercloud which overhung
them and the British rearguard,
standing out in strong relief from
a background illuminated by sun-
shine. Things were growing criti-
cal ; no time was to be lost. One
discharge from Mercer's guns, and
they vanished, just as the French
chasseurs dashed over the crest
they had stood on ; and then, pelted
by a deluge of rain, which the firing
appeared to have brought down,
and amidst deafening peals of thun-
der and incessant lightning, the
cavalry and artillery — those who
retreated on the one side, and those
who pursued on the other — gal-
loped towards Waterloo. There
was a stand and skirmish at Gen-
appe, where the defile, which might
have been so disastrous, now stood
them in good stead by checking
the pursuit. Halting there, beyond
the town, G Troop silenced the fire
of a French battery ; and the Eng-
lish rearguard, resuming the move-
ment, reached the ground of the
next day's battle. Mercer, march-
ing quite across the position, bivou-
acked in an orchard by the high-
road, not far from the farm of Mont
St Jean.
The engagement had been already
in progress for some time next
morning before he was aware of its
serious character, when at length an
order came, and he was despatched
to the right of the second line.
Nothing can be clearer than his
account of his share in the battle,
and, so far as it goes, its accuracy
is confirmed by the most authentic
narratives. The front of his guns
being thrown back almost at a
right angle, the ridge on which the
right of our front line was posted,
above Hougoumont, was on his left
hand ; and in his front, across a
deep ravine, were the light cavalry
and guns which formed the extreme
left of the French. For some time
he remained here, fired on by the
light French batteries, which did
but little mischief, and occasionally
exchanging shots with them, while
on his left he frequently saw the
enemy's cavalry crowning the ridge,
riding among the solitary batteries
there, and even descending into
the hollow towards him. But so
far, of the general aspect or course
of the action he had no knowledge,
for from his position he could see
nothing of the ground which had
hitherto been the scene of the great
attacks. Very differently, however,
did the day close for him. About
three in the afternoon, Sir Augus-
tus Frazer, commander of the Horse-
artillery, rode up, ordered him to
limber up to his left, and, his
horses' heads thus pointing in the
required direction, led them at a
gallop to the point where they were
needed, the troop flying over the
ground as compactly as if at a re-
view. " That's the way I like to
see horse-artillery move," said the
Duke, as he noticed their advance.
Most impressively does Mercer de-
scribe their approach to the scene
of the main battle. The air grew
suffocatingly hot ; they were envel-
oped in thick smoke ; and amidst
all the thunder of guns and rattle
of musketry a mysterious humming
noise was heard around, like that
which beetles make of a summer's
evening, being probably caused
either by the fragments of shells in
air, or by the jangle of the accoutre-
702
Mercer's Journal of Waterloo.
[June
ments of the great bodies of cavalry
in motion on this part of the field.
The expected onset of one of these
was the cause of Mercer's summons
to the front line. In the space be-
tween Hougoumont and the Charle-
roi road a great mass of French
heavy cavalry, horse-grenadiers and
cuirassiers, had been formed ; and
scarcely had the leading gun of the
battery been placed in action be-
hind a low bank along which ran
a narrow road, when the leading
squadrons were seen coming on
through the smoke. On each side
was a square of Brunswickers, fall-
ing fast, and unsteady from the
cannonade, which, concentrated on
this part of the field in order to
clear the way for the advance of
the cavalry, was of such appalling
intensity as has seldom been equal-
led even in the greatest and hardest-
fought battles. " So thick," says
Mercer, " was the hail of balls and
bullets, that it seemed dangerous
to extend the arm lest it should be
torn off." His first round of case-
shot brought down several of the
enemy; the rest of the guns, as
they came up, poured in their fire
with terrible effect ; the cavalry
still came on, though checked from
a gallop to a walk ; the guns, rapid-
ly served, fired into them at close
quarters, and, as so often happens
in cavalry charges, at the very mo-
ment when the advancing squad-
rons seemed within a stride of vic-
tory, they wheeled outwards and
galloped to the rear. But the re-
treat of so dense a column of horse
is not easy of accomplishment ;
jammed together by the opposite
influences of advance and flight,
they became a stationary, agitated,
struggling mob, into which Mercer's
guns poured a steady fire. It was
then that some despairing of re-
treat, and others carried away by
their ungovernable wounded horses,
dashed through the battery and be-
tween the squares, to be shot down
by the second line. At length the
baffled column withdrew down the
hill, leaving in front of the battery
a rampart of men and horses. Not
for long, however; — their caps
were still seen stationary below
the slope as they re-formed for at-
tack, and their skirmishers, riding
up within forty yards, fired their
carbines into the battery; while
Mercer, on the road which lay be-
tween them and his guns, slowly
patrolled to and fro to steady his
men. When the column had re-
formed, it came on again at a slow
resolute trot, led by an officer who,
as Mercer was afterwards told,
was Ney himself. The battery,
loaded this time with case rammed
home on the round shot, at the first
discharge mowed down nearly the
whole front rank, while the solid
projectiles penetrated throughout
the depth of the column. The same
scene of hesitation, struggle, and
slaughter was renewed — till again
the assailants melted away down
the slope; and, as in the first inter-
val between the charges, the French
artillery covered the retreat with a
tremendous fire upon the squares
and batteries. Another advance of
the discomfited cavalry, but far less
resolute and menacing than the
others, was repulsed as before ;
and as they disappeared, the Duke
rode close by the right of Mercer's
battery, followed by a long line of
infantry— probably Adam's brigade
— the right of which was, at that
stage of the battle, thrown forward
till it rested on Hougoumont, form-
ing an enclosing angle with the
general line.
Hitherto G Troop, though thus
hotly engaged, had fared no worse
than its neighbours — better indeed
than most of them, being in great
degree covered from the enemy's
missiles by the low embankment
over which it fired. But just as
a lull in the fight and lifting of
the smoke afforded to Mercer the
only extended glimpse of the field
which he had obtained, showing
him the dark masses of the enemy
— some stationary on the opposing
1870.]
Mercer's Journal of Waterloo.
703
ridge, some descending into the
valley towards them — his attention
was rudely diverted by a heavy
raking fire of artillery, searching
his battery at very close quarters
from left to right. The guns thus
bearing on him appear to have been
posted on the nearest extremity of
the rising ground, midway between
the two armies, which had been
occupied by French batteries at dif-
ferent periods of the action, and
which the capture of La Haye
Sainte would now have rendered
a secure position for the enemy.
Bringing part of his troop to bear
on these terrible assailants, Mer-
cer was responding to their fire
when an officer in the Brunswick
uniform galloped up to him in
great agitation, representing in
broken English that he was firing
on Prussians. Mercer therefore
ceased to fire — but the hostile shot
continued to pour in, and he again
retaliated till his troop became a
total wreck incapable of further
action, and was only saved from
annihilation by a Belgian battery,
which, enfilading the enfiladers,
drove them off. Out of his two
hundred fine horses a hundred and
forty lay dead or dying ; out of his
six strong gun-detachments only
the numbers barely necessary to
work three pieces were left, and
they utterly exhausted. Blucher
would have altogether failed to re-
cognise " the beautiful battery " in
the bloody heaps of dead and the
few survivors which now repre-
sented it. Strange to say, its Cap-
tain leaves us in some doubt as
to whether it was a Prussian or a
French battery which had so mal-
treated his troop, though, as his men
bivouacked where they stood, it
would have been easy to have as-
certained this next morning. We
think, however, that there can be
no doubt they were French. The
Prussians had not at that time
(about four o'clock) developed their
attack, the direction of which was
not across our front, but in exten-
sion of our left towards Papelotte
andFrischermont; and the presence
of one of their batteries so close to
the Charleroi road at that period of
the day is inconsistent with the
well-known facts of the battle, es-
pecially the capture and occupation
of La Haye Sainte by the enemy,
which was effected when those
charges of the cuirassiers, described
by Mercer, were executed.
It will be seen that the pawn G
Troop played no mean part on the
chessboard in this great game. Its
swift orderly advance in the very
nick of time, and the spirit and
skill which enabled it to pour in so
rapid and destructive a fire, saved
the two Brunswick battalions from
giving way, and this was well known
then and afterwards. Its effective
action was visible to all in the
heaps of dead cavalry lying in its
front. The cost at which it had
maintained its ground was terribly
apparent in its own condition. Sir
Augustus Frazer, the commander
of the Horse-artillery, told Mercer
a few days afterwards at Nivelles,
that in riding over the ground " he
could plainly distinguish the posi-
tion of G Troop, from the opposite
height, by the dark mass which,
even from that distance, formed a
remarkable feature in the field."
It may be thought that praise and
promotion for the troop and its
commander were less a favour than
a right. Yet not only was their
conduct left unnoticed in despatch-
es, and the brevet majority he had
so well earned withheld from their
Captain, but he was actually de-
prived afterwards of a troop of
horse - artillery given him at the
recommendation of his chief, Sir
George Wood, that which he com-
manded in the campaign having
properly another first-captain who
was otherwise employed, and whose
place Mercer filled. Truly, care for
the interests of the men who helped
to win his battles was not the
Duke's strong point, and those
might even be considered happy
704
Mercer's Journal of Waterloo.
[June
who did not incur his hostility. Nor-
man Kamsay, rescued for ever from
the cold shadow of his great com-
mander's displeasure, in despite of
which he was destined to a niche
in history, was lying on the same
field with a grapeshot through his
heart.
The merit of this diary, besides
the pleasant candour and pictur-
esque style which distinguish it,
is, that it illustrates those byways
of war which the historians of cam-
paigns are compelled to overlook,
but which, nevertheless, are often
signalised by occurrences that have
an important influence on the re-
sult. For the general reader the
interest of such narratives is much
greater than that of general exposi-
tions, or scientific accounts, of the
course of campaigns and battles.
The plans and difficulties and suc-
cesses of the chief of an army be-
long to a sphere of thought and
action where few, unless prepared
by long study of such subjects, can
enter; but everybody can sympa-
thise with the cares of the subordi-
nate officer or the soldier. The re-
cognition of this truth, and of the
wide field which was thus opeited
to the military novelist, has led
to the extensive popularity of the
works of MM. Erckmann-Chatrian,
who have painted to the life the
hopes and fears of the French con-
script, and the feelings of the French
soldier, throughout those wars over
which such a blinding haze was for
half a century cast by the splendour
of Napoleon's career. Strangely
enough, in one of those novels, the
details of which are evidently ac-
quired from eyewitnesses, the con-
script who is the hero confirms, from
the opposite side of the field, Mer-
cer's account of his share in the battle.
" Through the smoke I saw the Eng-
lish gunners abandon their pieces,
all but six guns sheltered under the
road, and almost immediately our
cuirassiers were upon the squares,
whose fire was drawn in zigzags.
Now, I thought, those gunners will
be cut to pieces; but no, the devils
kept firing with grape, which mowed
them down like grass." And not
only to the general reader are such
narratives interesting, but they often
throw side-lights, which, for the
military student, help to illumine
what would else be obscure and
unaccountable. However well ac-
quainted with this, one of the best
known and most profusely illustrat-
ed of campaigns, the reader may be,
lie will scarcely fail to obtain a still
closer appreciation both of its lead-
ing events and its particular cir-
cumstances by a perusal of Mer-
cer's diary. Accustomed as we have
been in later times to the sharp
criticisms which military blunders
evoke, it is clear enough that, sub-
jected to a similar scrutiny, the
campaign of 1815 would have af-
forded material for comments no
less severe. The service of the Staff
appears to have been particularly
ill regulated. It is well known that
Wellington remained ignorant of Na-
poleon's advance into Belgium for an
incredibly long time ; and there are
numerous proofs in this Journal
of inconceivable neglect or equally
inconceivable incompetency in the
transmission of instructions on oc-
casions of vital importance. Luckily
for us, the Staff-duties were equally
ill performed in Napoleon's army,
as was exemplified by many inci-
dents, notably by the total failure
of communication between Grou-
chy's wing and the main body.
The system of preserving all the
links in the chain of responsibility,
and leaving each particular set of
duties, from the highest to the low-
est, to be executed by the proper
official, seems to have been but
imperfectly understood by us ;
and we find Lord Anglesea, the
commander of the British cavalry,
exposing himself to imminent risk
of capture, by personally direct-
ing the movements of two of
Mercer's guns during the retreat
from Quatre Bras, The character
of Wellington is seen in much less
1870.]
Mercer's Journal of Waterloo.
705
favourable light in the familiar as-
pect than in the historical view.
While obviously deficient in the
elements of popularity which Na-
poleon could display so effectively,
he could be no less capricious, harsh,
and even unjust, to his subordin-
ates, than his great antagonist. His
prejudice against the Artillery, both
absurd and impolitic, continued to
manifest itself not only throughout
the war, but throughout his life,
and probably had considerable
share in perpetuating the disquali-
fications of officers of this scientific
branch for employment on the ge-
neral Staff", which distinguish our
army, by no means honourably,
amid the military systems of Eu-
rope. The school of Wellington
was formed at a time when intelli-
gence was not deemed of much im-
portance in either officer or soldier,
when the old Prussian system was
still paramount, and when machine-
like movements and machine-like
obedience were held to be the chief
requisites for troops. That school
still has its representatives, who
decry, not unnaturally, science
which they do not possess, and
progress which they cannot under-
stand, and whose opinions, un-
luckily, are in some cases clothed
with greater authority than they
deserve. Mercer was no mere sa-
breur, capable of nothing but mili-
tary duty, and that only in a narrow-
minded way, but a refined gentle-
man and intelligent officer, such as
a member of a highly - educated
corps should be. Amid all the dis-
tractions of the campaign, he had
an eye for men and manners and
scenery, and his very interesting
diary bears all the marks of being
the produce of a mind perfectly
honest and unprejudiced, as well as
cultivated and observant.
70S
Our Ironclad Sliips.
[June-
OUK IRONCLAD SHIPS.
WE can give no better title to
this paper than that of the book we
propose to take under consideration
— Mr Reed's late work on our ar-
moured fleet. * To this gentleman's
facile pen the country is indebted
for a very clear exposition of the
state of our ironclad navy, the value
of which is all the greater from its
issuing forth out of the portals of
the Admiralty enriched from the
many sources of official knowledge
and experience which are inacces-
sible to the outside world. Whether
it is altogether prudent to publish
so fully the details of construction
and equipment of our ships may be
questioned. The public are un-
doubtedly the gainers ; but so are
our neighbours across'the Channel,
and our cousins on the other side
of the Atlantic. However, we may
leave that question to the authori-
ties, and accept Mr Reed's book as
a welcome provision for the wants
of the public in their information
on this subject.
The metamorphosis which our
ironclad fleet has undergone in the
last ten years is as complete as it
has been rapid. The 68-pounders
of the earlier ships have given place
to the 600-pounders of the present
day ; the original 4^-inch armour-
plating has increased to a foot of
solid iron on the sides of vessels
now building; the graceful form
and tapering spars of the Warrior
and her congeners have been suc-
ceeded by ugly ram-bows, hideous
sterns, and stunted masts ; while,
in the method of construction, the
change has been equally great.
To a Conservative Board of Ad-
miralty belongs the credit of the
commencement of our sea -going
ironclad fleet — we do not now speak
of floating batteries ; and it was un-
der Sir John Pakington's admini-
stration of the navy in 1859 that the •
Warrior, the pioneer of the new
type of fighting ships, was designed-
and commenced. Before the close
of the year three other vessels — the
Black Prince, Defence, and Resist-
ance— were laid down, the con-
struction of these ships being called'
for in haste in order to regain our
position with respect to France, who
had taken the lead of us in this
new description of vessel, as she had
done previously in respect of the
floating batteries. Before this time,,
in the construction of wooden shipsr
the proportion of length to breadth
had been gradually increasing, for
the sake of combining a high rate
of speed with capacity for stowage,
until in the Mersey and Orlando
frigates a length of 300 feet had.
been attained, or a proportion to
breadth of 5.8 to 1. When the ne-
cessity for building ironclad vessels
arose, the constructors of the navy
were called upon to design ships
which should carry a certain thick-
ness of armour, steam at a high
rate of speed, and stow a fair
amount of coal. Following the
same general principles which had
governed the construction of our
fast wooden frigates and line-of-
battle ships — the finest of their re-
spective classes in the world— it
was found necessary to give enor-
mous length to the new ships, in
order to fulfil these conditions ; .
and therefore the Warrior and
Black Prince were no less than
380 feet long, or in the proportion
of length to breadth of 6.5 to 1.
Even with these great dimensions, .
the ships were only partially pro-
tected by armour, the bow and
stern being wholly undefended ;
but the promised speed of 14
knots was fully attained, and the
ships, as far as they went, were
* Our Ironclad Ships ; their Qualities, Performances, and Cost.
Reed, C.B., Chief Constructor of the Navy. Murray.
By E. J.
1870.]
Our Ironclad Ships.
707
completely successful. The Defence
and Resistance were of consider-
ably smaller dimensions, being 100
feet shorter, and their speed was
rather under 12 knots. The system
of undefended extremities being
very objectionable, leaving, as it did,
some of the vital parts of the ship,
including the rudder and steer-
ing gear, completely exposed, the
next step was to build vessels
wholly armoured; and as the high-
est rate of speed was still desired,
the new designs required a yet
greater length, so the three ships of
the Minotaur class were 400 feet
long, the proportion to breadth
being 6.7 to 1. These vessels were
plated throughout their entire
length with armour an inch thicker
than the Warrior's, but with only
half the thickness of wood back-
ing, and they equalled the Warrior
in speed. Meanwhile two other
short vessels, the Hector and Val-
iant, also partially plated, had been
built ; they were the same length
as the Defence and Resistance, but
with rather more beam. The above
ships were all built of iron, and
by contract, as no appliances had
hitherto existed in the dockyards
for iron shipbuilding. But the
necessary arrangements for that
purpose having been made in Chat-
ham Yard, the Achilles was laid
down there in 1861, being of the
same dimensions as the Warrior,
but having a belt of armour round
the bow and stern at the water-line
in addition to the protected part
amidships.
The conversion of some of our
line-of-battle ships into ironclads
having been determined on — at the
instance, it is said, of Lord Pal-
merston — this work was begun in
the same year, and the Caledonia
class was the result. They were
plated fore and aft, some with 4|-
inch and others with 6-inch armour,
and they realised a speed of about
13 knots; the proportion of length
to breadth being 4.7 to 1, or less
than any of the ships built as iron-
clads up to that time. This class
of vessels, of which seven have
been converted, are very similar to
the French ships of the Gloire
class, and they have answered
well.
Some time before this, Captain
Cowper Coles's plans for cupola or
shield ships, as they were then-
called, had been submitted to the
Admiralty ; but while the great
merit of this invention had been
generally acknowledged by seamen,
and scientific men, the Admiralty
hesitated to give it a trial, though
strongly urged to do so. A detailed
account of this ingenious plan, with,
drawings, appeared in this Maga-
zine for December 1860; and the
civil war in America breaking out
in the following year, the idea was
caught up by Ericsson, and the
Monitor class of vessels was the
result. The value of the invention
being then made manifest, the Ad-
miralty, yielding to pressure from a
high quarter, at last consented to
give Captain Coles's plans a trial;
and in 1862 the Prince Albert wa&
ordered to be built of iron on his
system, and the Royal Sovereign
three-decker was cut down to be
converted into a turret-ship. Mean-
time Mr E. J. Reed had been writ-
ing in the press, proposing plans
for ironclad ships of small dimen-
sions, and he soon succeeded in
prevailing upon the Admiralty to
adopt his propositions. Three cor-
vettes, which were on the stocks in
various stages of progress, were
handed over to him to be converted
into ironclads upon his plans. They
were the Research, the Favourite,,
and the Enterprise ; and soon after-
wards the Zealous, a two-decker,
was also ordered for conversion in
a similar manner.
Such was the state of our iron-
clad navy when, in 1863, Mr Reed,
then an untried shipbuilder — for
none of the above vessels had been
launched — and known only by his
writings in the press, was appointed
Chief Constructor of the Navy
over the heads of the experienced
men who had designed our splendid
708
Our Ironclad Ships.
[June
unarmoured fleet, and also the noble
ships of the Warrior and Minotaur
classes of ironclads. This appoint-
ment gave rise to a general burst
of indignation, both in Parliament
and elsewhere. It was considered
that a dangerous precedent had
been established, and that great in-
justice had been committed. No
one disputed Mr Heed's talents, but
his want of experience in the prac-
tical work of his profession was a
matter of common notoriety ; while
the general feeling of mistrust was
greatly heightened by the very de-
cided attitude of hostility to which
he had committed himself against
Captain Coles' s plans, and by the
difficulty which that officer encoun-
tered in his endeavours to get them
fairly carried out. But this is all
now a matter of history, and we
have no desire to revert to the
subject beyond what is necessary
for the purpose of this sketch of
the history of our ironclad fleet.
And before going any farther we
must do Mr Reed, and the Board of
Admiralty who appointed him, the
justice to say, that, judging now
by the results of his seven years'
work, he has justified their selec-
tion of him for that important
post, and that to his skill and
ability the country is largely in-
debted for the most powerful ar-
moured fleet afloat. The practical
experience wanting to Mr Reed at
the outset of his official career he
has since thoroughly gained; and
though some failures attended his
earlier designs, they were almost
unavoidable at the commencement
of an entirely new system of ship-
building.
The principal changes that have
taken place in the construction of
broadside ironclads since the War-
rior was built may be best described
in Mr Reed's own words : —
" The" Warrior was armoured at the
middle only; both bow and stern, and
consequently the rudder - head and
steering - gear were exposed to shot
within thin iron sides ; in later ships,
in all which have been recently de-
signed, this central or ' box ' battery
has been associated with a continuous
belt of armour extending from stem to
stern, and protecting the region of the
water-line and the steeriug-gear, the
counter of the ship being carried down
below the water in order to further
screen the rudder-head. This last im-
provement, like many others, is wholly
due to the Controller of the Navy, Sir
Spencer Robinson.
" The Warrior's armour was of uni-
form thickness over the whole of the
protected broadside. In recent ships,
over the most vital parts, such as the
region of the water-line and in wake
of the fighting - decks, the armour
is thicker than on the less important
parts ; and in some ships increased pro-
tection has been given to the region of
the water-line by additional teak back-
ing and iron bulkheads fitted inside.
*' The Warrior possessed only broad-
side-fire from her battery-guns ; all the
later vessels have had their broadside-
fire supplemented by bow -fire and
stern-fire of greater or less extent.
" The Warrior had only a main-deck
battery armour-plated; recent ships
have had a protected upper-deck bat-
tery given to them.
" The Warrior was designed to carry
a considerable number of guns in an
outspread battery ; later ships have been
built to carry a concentrated battery of
very much heavier guns.
"The Warrior and Minotaur classes
were made extremely long, with a view
to speed ; recent ships have been made
very much shorter in proportion.
' ' The Warrior was designed with V-
formed transverse sections for a great
length at the bow ; later ships have been
formed with sections of a U-shape."
A reference to the table on the
next page will show the thickness
of armour and backing carried by
our ironclad ships, as well as other
particulars respecting them. By
this it will be seen that we have
arrived at 9 inches of armour on
the sides of broadside ships, and
12 inches on the monitor vessels,
while the turrets of the latter will
have 14 inches of armour-plating
on them. And Mr Reed tells us
that "the Admiralty have long
been in possession of a design for a
turret-ship with sides plated with
15-inch armour, .and turrets with
18-inch armour." Also, that he has
1870.]
Our Ironclad Ships.
709
THE IRONCLADS OF THE BRITISH NAVY.
\jf .
|
1 •
Thickness of
NAME. .tJfS
1
IBS
0 rf
,- " s
Armour, 1 Backing,
If
H £w£
fcd
inches, inches.
Iron-built Broadside- Ships.
\\ arrior,
3806109
1250 32
4£ 18
)•
Black Prince, .
380 6109
1250
28
4£ 18
Achilles,. . .
380!6121
1250
26
4;
18
Defence, . . .
Rosistance, . .
2803720
280 3710
600
600
16
16
4i
18
18
. Only partially armoured.
Hector, . . .
280
4089
800
18
4j 18
Valiant, . . .
280
4063
800
18
4i 18
/
Minotaur, . .
400 6621
1350
26
5A 9
A^incourt, . .
400 6621
1350
28
5| 9
N irthumberland,
400 6621
1350
28
5A 9
*Bellerophon, .
300
4270
1000
15
6 10
• ^ fl o'rt ^'o
* Penelope, . .
260 3096
600
11
5 to 6 10
2^3^'S ° 13
*Hercules, . .
325 5234
1200
14
6 to 9 10 to 12
W 0 0 SJO ^
*Sultan, . . .
82515226
1200
12
6 to 9 10 to 12
Building. ^ ®^,^5 ®
*Ir vincible, . .
280
3774
800
14
6 to 8 10
*Aidacious, . .
280
3774
800
14
6 to 8 ! 10
0 ""^ 2 ft ^ ^
*Irr>n Duke, . .
280
3774
800
14
6to8 10
S J'rt § G
*Vuiguard, . .
280
3774
800
14
6 to 8 10
<D * G5 ° JS ^ "*
*S~viftsure, . .
280 3893
800
14
6 to 8 10
Building. ® o -g "* c "^ m
* Triumph, . .
2803893
800
14
6 to 8
10
Building. J E-i^Urt'^ S^
Wood-luilt Broadside- Skips.
Caledonia, . . 27341251000 j 24
41
Ooean, . . .
273 40471000 24
42
Prince Consort,
27340451000 24
4!
Royal Oak, . .
Royal Alfred, .
273:4056! 800 j 24
273|4068! 800 18
62
(Converted line-of-battle ships.
Zualous, . . . 2523716: 800 20
4A
Repulse, . . . 252|3749l 800 ' 12
6"
*Lord Clyde,
*Lord Warden, .
28040671000 24
280!4080!lOOO 18
4A
4 3
> 1^-inch inner skin-plating.
Wood-built Comettes.
Research, . . 1951253 200
4
4A
Favourite, . .
225! 2094 400
10
4!
> Converted vessels.
Enterprise, .
180 993( 160
4
4^
J
*P;.illas, . . .
2252372! 600 6
42
Iro)i-luilt Tnrret-Vessels.
Prince Albert, .
240'2537 500
4
41
18
S' :orpion, . .
Wivern, . . .
224
224
1833
1899
350
350
4
4
a
9
9
( The ' ' Birkenhead rams " purchased
( by Government.
*Monarch, . .
330
5102
1100
7
6 to 7
12
f Mr Reed's sea-going N ® a o "^
( turret-ship. 1^3^^
C iptain, . . .
320
4272
900
6
6 to 8
12
Captain Coles's do. K § g &
*B otspur,
235
2637
600
2
8 to 11
12
) Monitor [,« ^>1M ^.S
*Rupert, . . . 250
3159
700
3
9 to 12
12
Building, j rams. \ | g 2T.8 §
*Glatton, ... 245
2709
600
2
10 to 12
18
Building. | JJast^rSce [ " * "^ i
^Devastation, .
285
4406
800
4
10 to 12
18
Building, 'j Monitors for j o ** c5 g o
*Thunderer, . .
2854406 800
4
10 to 12
18
Building. [> distant ser- J g 1 ^ «
»Firyf. . . .
150001000
4
Ordered. ) vice. J & ^ 'p^rg
Wood-luilt Twret- Vessel.
Eoyal Sovereign, 2403765 800 | 5
5^ i Converted three-decker.
fron-luilt Gunloats.
*\ iper, . . . '160
737 160
2
4i 10
*Yixen, ... ^ 160
754
160 2
4j i 10
*\Vaterwitch, . 162
111
160 ! 2
4| 10
Hydraulic propeller.
* Built or building from Mr Reed's designs.
NOTE. — The turret- vessels have thicker armour on their turrets.
The above vessels are arranged in their several classes as nearly as possible in the
order in which they were built or converted.
710
Our Ironclad Shijis.
[June
" prepared outline designs, not on
extravagant dimensions, to carry
20-inch armour both on broadsides
and on turrets." In order to give
some idea of what strength of re-
sistance to shot the above thick-
nesses of armour indicate, we may
mention here that the Armour Plate
Committee have 'formed the con-
clusion that the resisting power of
iron plates varies approximately as
the square of the thickness ; and
upon this assumption, if we take
the resisting power of the Warrior's
armour at 20, that of the Hercules
would be 81, the Hotspur, ram- ves-
sel, 121, the sides of the Devasta-
tion, monitor, recently laid down
at Portsmouth, 144, and her turrets
196. But it must be observed that
these figures do not adequately ex-
press the difference between the
older and the later ironclads, since
all the vessels lately built have an
inner skin of iron-plating in addi-
tion, behind the wooden backing of
the armour-plate, varying from 1 j
to 1^ inch in thickness ; while the
" bracket-frame" system of construc-
tion adopted by Mr Reed still fur-
ther strengthens the side of the
vessel.
But with the thickness of armour
has increased the power of artillery.
The battle of the guns and armour-
plates has been obstinately contest-
ed on both sides, and is still raging
with violence. The Warrior's ori-
ginal armament consisted of 4|-ton
smooth-bore 68-pounders, with a
charge of 16 lb., which were the
heaviest guns carried in our navy
up to that time. We have advanced
from that to 6|-ton, 9-ton, and 12-
ton guns; and the Hercules actually
carries 18-ton rifled guns in her
broadside - ports, throwing 400-lb.
shot with 60-lb. charges ; while the
Monarch and Captain are armed
with 25-ton 600-pounders in their
turrets, and the new monitor
vessels are to have 30-ton guns
throwing 600-lb. projectiles with a
charge of 100 lb. of powder. But
even this is not all ; for while Mr
Reed gives us a hint of the possible
advance to 20 inches of armour,
from Woolwich arsenal we hear
rumours of 50-ton 1000-pounders
to be forthcoming by-and-by ; and
it is said that the Russians even
now are in possession of such a
gun. It is necessary to point out
here that the number of guns in
the accompanying table is not a sure
indication of the fighting powers of
the different ships, for the later
vessels carry much heavier guns,
though fewer of them, than the
earlier ships. For instance, the 28
guns of the Agincourt represent
four 12-ton 250 - pounders, and
twenty-four 6^-ton 115-pounders ;
while the 14 guns of the Hercules
include eight 18- ton 400-pounders,
two 12-ton guns, and four 6^-ton
chase-guns. Now, seeing that the
twenty-four lighter guns of the
Agincourt's armament would be
quite harmless when opposed to
armour that the heavier guns would
succeed in penetrating, the great
superiority of the offensive power
of the Hercules, with only half the
number of guns, is manifest.
Before going further into our
subject, it may be well to compare
the French and American ironclads
with our own, in order to see how
we stand relatively to other coun-
tries. The First Lord of the Ad-
miralty, in his speech introducing
the navy estimates, informed the
House of Commons that France has
33 sea-going broadside-ships, and
2 turret-vessels built or building,
besides 5 small rams — : total, 40 ;
not including floating batteries.
Our fleet, it will be seen from the
table, consists of 29 heavy broad-
side-ships, 12 turret-vessels, 4 cor-
vettes, and 3 gunboats — total, 48 ;
also not including floating bat-
teries. So that in numbers we are
not far superior, but in the strength
and power of the ships we are much
more so. Mr Reed tells us — and
his sources of information are un-
exceptionable — that the French
broadside - ships of a class corre-
sponding to our Invincible carry
armour of 7-. 8 inches at the water-
J 870.]
Our Ironclad Ships.
711
line, decreasing to 6.2 inches and
4 inches on other parts ; and that
their rams of the Belier class
have 8. 2 -inch and 7-inch armour,
4t the strongest carried by any French
vessel yet built." Most of the French
ships are built of wood, and have
10 inner skin of iron-plating, which
we have now universally adopted,
since experiment has shown that it
;idds greatly to the strength of the
side, as well as to protection against
splinters. In the matter of arma-
ment, the French ships carry guns
of 7^ tons, 13| tons, and 21| tons;
3orresponding very nearly to our
6^-ton, 12-ton, and 18-ton guns.
But the French guns are breech-
loaders, with all the defects of that
system, which we have found neces-
sary to abandon entirely for heavy
ordnance ; and there seems good
reason to suppose that our muzzle-
loading rifled guns are far superior
to the weapons of our neighbours,
although from their reticence on
these matters our information is
but limited.
The backward condition of the
iron manufacture of the United
States places the American navy
at a great disadvantage with re-
spect to ironclads. Nearly all
their vessels are plated with lami-
nated armour, which is far inferior
to solid iron of a similar thickness.
In experiments on this point, the
Armour Plate Committee reported
that " laminated armour is con-
siderably weaker than solid ar-
mour;" also, that "a 4-inch solid
plate would have effectually stop-
ped all the projectiles, whereas
they easily penetrated 6 inches
of laminated plates." A few of
their ships have solid armour, but
none exceeding 5^ inches thick.
The drawings in Mr Reed's book,
representing sections of the sides
of various types of ironclads, ex-
hibit at a glance the contrast be-
tween the solid slabs of iron on the
sides of our ships and the built-up
laminated armour of the American
monitors ; and the inferiority of
the structural arrangements of the
latter are also strikingly evident.
As regards guns, the Americans
are as far behind us and the French
as in armour- plating. They have
clung with tenacity to the old sys-
tem of cast-iron smooth-bore ord-
nance ; which, however, they con-
struct of immense size, throwing
enormous but weak projectiles at a
low velocity. The effect of this sys-
tem is, that the huge cast-iron shot
have but little penetrating. power,
though the concussion of one of
them weighing nearly half a ton is
very great ; and it may be a ques-
tion whether greater damage might
not be inflicted upon the frame of
an ironclad by heavy thumping
blows from such projectiles than
from a smaller shot of greater
penetrating power. But as regards
range, and capability of using shells
with heavy bursting charges, the
American guns are very inferior ;
and general opinion — including the
United States Ordnance Commit-
tee themselves — is strongly against
their system. But we have better
authority than even Mr Reed for
the inferiority of the American
navy in respect of ironclad ships
and guns. The report of the Secre-
tary of the Navy, published in our
newspapers a few months ago, was
a most humiliating confession of
weakness and deficiency. With
but few exceptions the American
ironclads are vessels which were
constructed to meet the exigencies
of their civil war, run up in haste,
weakly built, and still more weakly
armoured. It must be remembered
that the Confederate ports were
closely blockaded, that they had
not a ship at sea, nor the means of
building a sea-going ironclad ; and
that therefore the only fighting
possible was in their harbours,
creeks, and rivers. Seaworthiness
was consequently not a very essen-
tial qualification for the monitors
of the Federal navy, and so they
were planned accordingly. No
doubt these vessels are still useful
for harbour defence, but we may
be quite certain that the fighting
712
Our Ironclad Ships.
[June
powers of the greater part of them
will never be tested at sea. The
sea -going ironclad fleet of the
United States has yet to be built.
The question of wood or iron for
the construction of armoured ships
has now passed the stage of argu-
ment and discussion. Iron has so
many important advantages over
wood for that purpose, that in this
country the latter has been entirely
given up for ironclad shipbuild-
ing. Of the fourteen wood-built
ironclads in our navy, only three
— the Pallas, Lord Clyde, and Lord
Warden — were originally laid down
as such ; the others being convert-
ed while on the stocks in process
of construction as unarmoured ves-
sels. And these three, Mr Reed
tells us, were built solely in order
to utilise the store of timber lying
in the dockyards. It is therefore
unnecessary to go into the various
arguments for and against the two
systems, more especially as this has
been done previously in these col-
umns; it is sufficient to indicate the
two points in which the superiority
of iron chiefly consists. In the
first place, an iron-built ship ad-
mits of much greater strength, com-
bined with a less corresponding
weight, than a wooden hull of the
same capacity; therefore the weight
saved in this respect may be appli-
ed to a greater thickness of armour,
heavier guns, more powerful machi-
nery, or in any way desirable. Or,
as Mr Reed puts it, if the two ships
carry the same weights, the size of
the iron-built ship might be reduc-
ed by just that number of tons.
Next, building with iron admits of
the hull being divided into water-
tight compartments, and of being
constructed upon the cellular prin-
ciple, by which the bottom of the
vessel is doubled throughout — a
skin within a skin — the intervening
space being crossed by numerous
longitudinal and transverse girders,
which give support to both the iron
skins, and also strengthen the
structure as a whole. This system
of building, which was only par-
tially adopted in the earliest ships,
has been fully developed in the
later vessels : it affords very much
greater security against the attack
of a ram, a shot striking below the
armour, or the effects of running
upon a rock. We may add that
iron-built vessels are more durable,
and are easier of repair. The
strongest objection to them at pre-
sent is the extreme liability of the
bottom to fouling, from the growth
of weed, rendering frequent dock-
ing necessary ; but it is impossible
to doubt that in this scientific age
some efficacious method will be dis-
covered to prevent such a serious
defect; and in fact some of the
later anti - fouling compositions
have succeeded very well. Further
experiments for the protection of the
iron bottom from fouling are about
to be tried in some of the ships of
the Invincible class ; the Swiftsure
and Triumph are to have a thin
wooden planking over their bottom,
with the ordinary copper sheathing
over that; and the Audacious is,
we believe, sheathed with zinc di-
rectly over the iron.
In contrasting the more recent
with the earlier ironclads, one of
Mr Reed's strong points is the im-
proved structural arrangements of
his ships, which, combined with
an altered form of body, has re-
sulted in greatly decreasing the
actual weight of the hull in com-
parison with the amount of weight
carried by it, while at the same
time increasing its strength. This
result, which would almost seem
paradoxical, has been attained by
the introduction of the "bracket-
frame" system of building — to ex-
plain which would involve much
technicality — and by the adoption
of the U-form for the transverse sec-
tions of the bow, instead of that of a
V-shape, as mentioned above. One
of the tables, with which the book
before us is so well supplied, shows
that the hull of the Black Prince,,
sister ship to the Warrior, weighs
4969 tons ; and the total of weights
carried by it (including armour,
1870.]
Our Ironclad Ships.
713
armament, machinery, coals, and
equipment) is 4281 tons. In the
Defence, another of the earliest
ships, the hull weighs 3500 tons;
weights carried, 2492 tons. The
Bellerophon, one of Mr Reed's first
vessels, has a weight of hull of 3652
tons, to 3798 tons of weight carried ;
the Monarch turret-ship has a hull
of 3674 tons, and carries 4632 tons ;
and the Audacious has 2675 tons'
weight of hull, to 3224 tons carried.
But we must let Mr Reed sing the
praises of his own ships here : —
"Another very striking instance of
the progress made since iron hulls came
into vogue for iron clad ships is afforded
Ly the comparison of the Defence with
the Audacious. The total weight of
these ships and their lading is very
i early the same — the Defence weighing
f>992 tons, and the Audacious 5899 tons,
when fully equipped. In the Defence,
however, the hull exceeds the weights
carried by 1000 tons ; while in the Au-
dacious the hull is less than the weights
carried by 550 tons. The difference in
favour of the carrying power of the
Audacious amounts to 730 tons, al-
though she is specially strengthened
fund constructed on the bracket-frame
system, while the Defence is built after
the Warrior pattern. Perhaps the real
magnitude of this saving will be better
appreciated if I state that if the De-
fence had been built on the system of
the Audacious, and the armoured sur-
face had remained the same, while in
j;ll other particulars the ship had been
completed as she now stands, the saving
i u weight of hull would have been suffi-
c ient to have more than doubled the
thickness of armour throughout. As
it is, we find the Audacious carrying
8-inch and 6-inch armour instead of the
4.^ -inch armour of the Defence, having
:* total weight of armour and backing
< xceeding that carried by the Defence
by 210 tons, and carrying besides 520
t ons greater weight of armament, machi-
nery, coals, and equipment. All these
advantages have been gained in this
< ase, be it remem bered, in a ship of com-
paratively small size, the Audacious
being of 2847 tons less tonnage than
the Minotaur."
This result is certainly most cre-
ditable to Mr Reed, and he may be
pardoned the exultation he exhibits
regarding it.
But there is another and even
more important advantage of the
more recently built ships, in their
moderate length. The extreme
length of the Warrior and Minotaur
classes renders them very unhandy
ships for manoeuvring purposes, and
is inconvenient in other respects.
One of the most important requi-
sites for a fighting ship is handi-
ness j and the value of quick-turn-
ing vessels will be clearly exhibited
in the next general action at sea,
whenever it may take place. In
the days of sailing-vessels, there
was not room for so much differ-
ence between ships in this respect
as at present, and the conditions of
wind and weather imposed absolute
limits upon the choice of positions
that hostile ships could take up
with respect to each other, as well
as upon the manoeuvres which they
could execute. But now that a ship
under steam can, in any weather in
which it is possible to fight her guns,
take up any position she chooses,
and change that position in any
way she pleases, independently of
the direction of the wind ; and see-
ing that every ship has some weak
point — some one direction in which
she can bring the fewest guns to
bear, or exposes some ill-protected
part of her hull, and which the
enemy would probably select for
his point of attack, — it follows that,
with equal- offensive and defensive
powers, the more handy ship would
have a great advantage over her an-
tagonist. The superiority of short
vessels in this respect has been so-
fully acknowledged on all sides, and
is in fact so self-evident, that we
need not enlarge upon this point.
The Admiralty have thoroughly re-
cognised the principle, and no ship
laid down since the Minotaur class
has exceeded 330 feet in length, or
70 feet shorter than those vessels ;
while the greater part of Mr Reed's
ships do not exceed 280 feet long,
or 100 feet shorter than the War-
rior.
" The actual introduction of this im-
provement," says Mr Reed, "is due
much more to Sir Spencer Robinson,
714
Our Ironclad Ships.
[June
the Controller of the Navy, than to any
other person ; and the foresight and
persistency with which he carried this
change through will never be more f idly
appreciated than in the hour of action,
should that unhappily arrive."
In truth, it is to this talented and
accomplished officer that the coun-
try is mainly indebted for the many
improvements in our ships during
the last few years, and it is credit-
able to Mr Reed that he is ready to
acknowledge the advantage which
he has derived from serving under
so able a chief.
It may naturally be concluded
that the decreased length of our
ships has lessened their expense ;
and in fact the later-built ironclads
have cost much less than the ear-
lier ones. Mr Reed takes credit,
and justly so, for the comparative
cheapness of his vessels; but on
this point there is something to
be considered. Iron shipbuilding
had never been practised in the
Royal dockyards till the Achilles
was laid down at Chatham in 1861.
It was therefore an entirely new
description of work for the dock-
yard people ; and naturally the first
ships constructed by them on this
principle would cost more than
those following, when the men had
become more accustomed to the
work, and the system had got into
regular order. But the 'difference
is, after all, not really so great as
the figures in Mr Reed's book might
lead one to suppose. For instance,
the Achilles cost, in actual outlay
on labour and materials, .£470,330,
and the Bellerophon, built immedi-
ately after in the same yard, and,
we believe, in the same dock, cost
.£364,327. But the Achilles is 380
feet long, and the Bellerophon only
300 ; therefore the Achilles cost
£1238 per foot of length, and the
Bellerophon £1214 — an inappreci-
able difference. Or, taking the
tonnage of the two ships, that of
the Achilles being 6121, and the
Bellerophon 4270, the former ves-
sel cost £77 a-ton, the latter £85,
the balance in this case being
against Mr Reed's ship. But as
the Bellerophon is of a more com-
plicated construction, and carries
heavier armour than the Achilles,
the outlay upon her would conse-
quently be greater in proportion,
which would account for this differ-
ence.
Nothing is so striking, at first
sight, in considering this recon-
struction of the navy, as the small
amount of the actual cost of the
ships when compared with the total
sums voted annually by Parliament
for the Navy Estimates. We are
told by Mr Reed that our new iron-
clad fleet, which was commenced
in May 1859, cost, in round num-
bers, ten millions sterling up to
January 1869, or about a million
a-year. In these ten years the
total amount voted by Parliament
was £116,800,000.
"Out of this 116 millions sterling,
10 millions only have, as we have seen,
been expended upon the building and
equipment of new ironclads, the remain-
ing 106 millions having been expended
upon other objects. It is desirable that
this fact should be better understood
than it is at present. There are many
influential persons who seem to think
that it is upon new ironclad ships that
millions have been annually spent of
late years, whereas, in point of fact,
one million per year, or less than one-
eleventh of our outlay on the navy, is
all that has been expended in this way ;
and I venture to say that it would be
very difficult to prove either that our
present magnificent and powerful iron-
clad fleet has been dearly purchased
at 10 millions, or that any other 10
millions of the 116 have secured for
the country a more valuable result."
There is, after all, nothing sur-
prising or unreasonable in this. If
the accounts of any of the large
railway companies were examined,
the cost of new rolling-stock would
be found to bear but a small pro-
portion to the total outlay ; and so
also with respect to the great steam-
ship companies, whose expenditure
on new vessels is but small when
compared with the whole amount
exhibited on the balance-sheet.
1870.]
Our Ironclad Ships.
'15
We must remember that our naval
establishments require to be main-
tained upon such a scale, as that
they shall be capable of enduring
an immense strain, in the event of
any sudden and unforeseen emer-
gency arising, without the proba-
bility of their breaking down at a
critical moment. It is this that
excites such distrust with regard to
the sweeping reductions which have
been taking place. It is not only
a question as to whether, in peace
time, we cannot do with a few ships
less in commission, with a smaller
number of officers, dockyard offi-
cials, and admiralty clerks, and with
magazines of stores reduced to a
minimum. The question to con-
sider is, whether we shall be in a
condition to send a powerful fleet
to sea at short notice, to bring for-
ward rapidly a second fleet to sup-
port it, and to repair and refit our
ships in the shortest possible time
as they come in disabled. This is
a very grave consideration for Eng-
land ; and beside it the showy tri-
umphs of a surplus budget would,
if the hour of danger should arrive,
prove illusory phantoms.
When we come to consider the
speed of our ironclads, we touch
one of the weak points of the short
ships, notwithstanding Mr Reed's
protestations to the contrary, with
whom we find ourselves at direct
issue here. He says: —
" I am warranted in making the as-
sertion that in armoured ships, as the
extent and thickness of the armour to be
carried are increased, the proportion of
length to breadth should he diminished,
and the fulness of the water-lines in-
creased; and that the shorter, fuller
ship can be propelled at as great a speed
as the longer, finer ship, with about the
same, or only a little greater, horse-
power. "
To the first part of this proposi-
tion we have nothing to object; but
to the latter we take leave to demur
entirely, and to advance instead,
that " the shorter, fuller ship can
only be propelled at as great a speed
as the longer, finer ship, by a very
VOL. CVTI. — NO. DCLVI.
considerable addition to her horse-
power, and by sacrificing a portion
of her coal -stowage" And this we
propose to show by Mr Reed's own
figures and statements, though it is
such an evident truism as to be
hardly worth the arguing.
"The old type of marine engine,
with which our wooden ships and the
earlier ironclads were supplied, was
capable of developing from four to five
times the nominal power, and the total
weight of engines and boilers but little
exceeded three-quarters of a ton per
nominal horse-power. It had been
gradually improved during a long course
of years, and had been brought to such
perfection that the guaranteed power
was often exceeded on the measured-
mile trial. The great drawback, how-
ever, to its many excellences was its
large consumption of fuel ; and, in con-
sequence of this, the new type of engine,
with surface condensers, superheaters,
and other contrivances for economising
fuel, was introduced. This type is
capable of developing from six to seven
times the nominal power, and the total
weight of engines and boilers about
equals one ton per nominal horse-
power. The weight of the new engines
is thus considerably greater per nominal
horse-power than the old, but the de-
veloped power is also greater, and, as I
shall show hereafter, they are far more
economical of fuel."
Therefore it is manifest that, if
the longer vessels were supplied
with the same improved machin-
ery, they would steam just so much
faster, inasmuch as a greater power
would be developed ; while, at the
same time, their supply of coal
would last longer than it now
does, from the economy resulting
from the improved engines. No
doubt there is some limit to the
proportion of length to breadth be-
yond which the extra speed would
be swallowed up by the increased
frictional resistance of the sides of
the vessel ; but the limits imposed
by the conditions of seaworthiness
are certainly within this, and there-
fore it is that we find that the fast-
est vessels are always the longest
in proportion to their power. Mr
Reed shows us kow dearly bought
are the last two knots of speed in
30
716
Our Ironclad Ships.
[June
fast ships ; that, in fact, " it may
be taken as roughly correct to say
that, to increase a speed of, say,
nearly 12 knots to over 14 knots, it
will be necessary to nearly double
the power — in some cases to quite
double it." For instance, the Mino-
taur at 11.84 knots was working at
3497 indicated H.-R, but at 14.33
knots the H.-P. developed was 6949,
or very nearly double for the 2.49
knots increase of speed. The en-
gines of the Hercules, steaming at
12.12 knots, developed 4045 indi-
cated H.-R, while at 14.69 knots
they worked up to 8529 H.-P., or
considerably more than double for
the extra 2.57 knots. Here we see
that the shorter vessel required a
much greater proportional increase
of power to obtain the additional
2^ knots than the long one ; and
the higher the rate of speed the
greater sacrifice of power is neces-
sary for each additional knot.
Applying, then, this principle, we
shall find that it is by no means a
slight addition to the engine-power
that is required to bring the speed
of a short ship up to that of a long
one. The Warrior, of 380 feet long
and 1250 nominal H.-R, has a speed
of 14.3 knots; the Hercules, 55 feet
shorter and 1200 H.-R, is T4o of a
knot faster. Now the Hercules is
fitted with all the latest improve-
ments of machinery mentioned
above, and her engines and boilers
weigh 1206 tons to the Warrior's
920. At the same time, the Her-
cules' engines work up to 8529 in-
dicated H.-P., or more than seven
times the nominal power; while
those of the Warrior develop less
than five times their nominal power,
or little more than two-thirds of the
indicated H.-P. of the Hercules.
Now, let us imagine the two ships
to have changed their machinery,
and what would be the result ? The
speed of the Hercules would be re-
duced to about 13| knots, while
that of the Warrior would exceed
15 knots. Or give the Warrior
machinery similar to that of the
Hercules, and her speed would ex-
ceed that of the latter vessel by
half a knot, instead of being nearly
half a knot less.
With respect to the stowage of
coal, similar reasoning applies. Mr
Reed gives a table showing the dis-
tances various ships can steam at
different speeds before their coal is
exhausted. Of the six ships men-
tioned, the Monarch stands first in
this respect, then Warrior, Her-
cules, Bellerophon, Achilles, Mino-
taur, in order of merit ; thus, with
the exception of Warrior, showing
a superiority in favour of the shorter
ships. Now, let us again compare
the Hercules and Warrior. The
former vessel carries 600 tons of
coal, which, at a speed of 11 knots,
will cover a distance of 2030 miles.
The Warrior carries 800 tons, and
can steam at the same speed 2100
miles. But the machinery of the
Hercules weighs, as we have seen,
286 tons more than the Warrior's.
If we then imagine the Warrior to
be fitted with similar machinery,
her stowage of coal must, to main-
tain the same line of flotation, be
reduced to 514 tons, or 86 tons less
than the Hercules ; but her speed
will have become so greatly in-
creased, and her boilers so much
more economical, that she would
be able to steam almost if not quite
as great a distance as before, but
certainly as far as the other ship.
But the improvements of machinery
above mentioned, though they in-
crease the weight considerably, do
not materially affect the space occu-
pied— indeed the boilers occupy
less space — and therefore the War-
rior would still be able to carry her
800 tons of coal, with but a slight
increase to her draught of water.
Thus then we find that, with simi-
lar machinery, the long ship not
only steams half a knot faster at
full speed than the short one, but
carries coal enough to take her a
distance of at least half as far again
as the other. And here it must be
remarked that we have chosen one
of Mr Reed's largest ships as an
example for our reasoning; were
1870.]
Our Ironclad Ships.
717
we to take a shorter vessel she
would contrast still more unfavour-
ably in these respects.
The above is so self-evident a
proposition that it would be a waste
of argument to maintain it, were it
not that Mr Eeed has endeavoured
to persuade the public that short
ships may be made to go as fast as
long ones, and at the same time
carry as much or more coal — which
is a simple impossibility. Inven-
tors are proverbially enthusiasts.
The mind, from dwelling so long
and anxiously upon the work of its
creation, becomes totally insensi-
ble to its imperfections, and can
perceive nothing but faultless excel-
lence. Like a fond mother, who is
as blind to the failings of her own
darlings as she is slow to acknow-
ledge attractions in any others, so
Mr Reed, not content with the
many good points which his ships
really possess, insists that they
have no faults whatever, and that
they combine even those qualities
which are irreconcilable. He says
^tgain : —
"It must be obvious that, if a ship
300 feet long, plated all over with given
armour, carrying a given armament, and
costing, say £300,000, steams at a given
speed with a given power, it would be a
mere waste of money and a sacrifice of
liandiness to build her 400 feet long, at
a cost, say, of £380,000, for no other
object than that of driving the greater
weight at the same speed with about the
same power."
To this we would reply : — " Cer-
tainly, if there were no other object
to be attained by it ; but since the
increased coal-stowage, gained by
the greater length, would enable
the greater weight to be driven at
the same speed with about the
same power for a much greater dis-
tance or a much longer time, there is
clearly another object — and a very
important one — to be gained, which
must not be ignored."
From what has been said pre-
viously, it will not be supposed
that we are advocating a return to
long ships ; we merely desire to
point out what Mr Reed strives to
conceal, that short ships have their
failings as well as their merits.
The fact is — and no one knows it
better than Mr Reed himself, not-
withstanding his book — it is impos-
sible to combine in any vessel, to a
maximum extent, all the qualities
which are desirable for a war-ship.
We want to carry heavy guns,
capable of being fired in any direc-
tion, and armour of sufficient thick-
ness to resist equally heavy artil-
lery ; we want a high rate of speed,
and great capacity for stowage of
fuel • we want our ship to be of
moderate length, so as to be quick
and handy in manoeuvring; she
must not draw too much water ; she
must have sufficient sail-power to
be able to dispense with steam
when it is not specially required ;
she must also have a steady gun-
platform, or, in other words, must
not roll ; and she must carry her
guns sufficiently high out of the
water. Every shipbuilder and
every sailor knows that it is quite
impossible to get all these desirable
qualities in one vessel Some of
them may be obtained to a high
degree, but only by a sacrifice of
others, and therefore every iron-
clad— and indeed we may say every
vessel of whatever description — is
a compromise of some sort. That
our later and shorter ironclads do
compare favourably with the long
ones in combining a high speed
with a fair stowage of coal, is due,
as we have seen, solely to the cir-
cumstance of the engine-makers
having devised means of develop-
ing a greater power with a smaller
expense of fuel ; and of this im-
provement having come about just
in time for Mr Reed to take ad-
vantage of it for his vessels. With-
out this improvement of machinery,
the short ships must either have
been considerably slower than the
long ones, or would have carried
a very small quantity of coal.
The question of the most desir-
able speed for our ironclads is a
matter for much consideration, and
is open to argument on the point
718
Our Ironclad Shijjs.
[June-
of how far capacity for coal-stowage
should be given up to increased
engine-power. It is, we venture to
say, too much taken for granted
that great speed is necessary above
all other things for these vessels.
It must be remembered that the
ironclads are our present line-of-
battle ships ; and that the capability
of keeping the sea for a lengthened
period, without being compelled to
go into port to coal, would probably
in war-time prove to be even a more
important qualification for such
vessels than great speed. Expe-
rience has shown that when a
squadron of ironclads are cruising
together, it is necessary that the
steam should always be ready for
use ; since these ponderous vessels
are not sufficiently manageable
under sail alone to be depended
upon for manoeuvring and keeping
proper station. And when cruising
off and blockading an enemy's port,
or even when at anchor in the
vicinity, it will certainly be requi-
site to keep the fires constantly
alight, in order to be ready for an
attack at any moment. Now, speed
is synonymous with horse-power,
which means consumption of fuel,
and this implies space which is
fixed within arbitrary limits ; and
so long as coal continues to be the
fuel used, these limits are of no
great extent. A reduction of the
power of the engines gives smaller
boilers and more space for coal, and
the result is twofold, since the con-
sumption of coal is diminished
while the quantity carried is in-
creased. Hence we see that for
one of the purposes which our iron-
clads would probably be called
upon to fulfil in war-time — that
of a blockading squadron — speed
would be a secondary qualification
to stowage of coal. We do not
mean to say that some very fast
ships would not be required ; on
the contrary, even a squadron such
as we have supposed ought to have
some such vessels attached to it ;
but for the main body of the fleet,
which is to be considered as the linc-
of-battle, the experience of future
naval wars will probably show that
great speed is not so desirable as-
to be able to keep the sea for a
lengthened period. It is with ships
as with horses, we cannot combine
the swiftness of the English racer
with the endurance of the Arab;
each have their good qualities and
each is useful for different purposes.
We have scarcely perhaps yet
realised the peculiarly accidental
character which future naval war-
fare will probably acquire. Past
experience shows us how the best-
laid plans and calculations of cur-
ablest admirals were liable to-
be frustrated by the chances of
wind, weather, and tide ; and it is-
frequently taken for granted that,
as the steam-power of modern fleets
enables these considerations to be
in a great measure set aside, com-
binations will be formed and man-
oeuvres planned with the greatest
certainty of accomplishment. But
the truth is, there are many ele-
ments of uncertainty in such com-
plicated machines as our present
war-ships, which the old sailing
fleets were free from. Bottoms
will get foul, coal will become ex-
hausted, engines will break down,
valves will get out of order, boilers
will leak — all these are accidents
to which steam - ships are liable
at any time; and, besides these,
there will be the chances of irrepar-
able damage from battle or tor-
pedo explosions. For one of the
contrasts between past and future
naval wars will be the terrible in-
jury that ships will inflict upon one
another with the destructive mo-
dern weapons. In Nelson's time,
unless a ship were dismasted, it
was frequently unnecessary even to
make for an anchorage after a bat-
tle— the damages could generally
be repaired at sea ; but this will
now be out of the question ; for if
an action between two ironclads
with heavy guns be only moderately
well contested, the chances are ten
to one that, if the ships survive the
conflict — that is, continue to float —
1870.]
Our Ironclad /SI^s.
719
they will both have to go into port
for repairs to make them seaworthy.
The tentative progress of our
ironclad shipbuilding — the con-
sequence partly of the rapid ad-
vance in guns and armour-plating,
and also of the entire novelty of
the system, with the want of pre-
vious experience as a guide — has
produced a great diversity of type
in our armoured fleet. Leaving
out the rams and the smaller ves-
sels, and taking only those that
may be looked upon as ships of
the line, there are some seven or
eight distinct classes, differing
greatly in some of the characteris-
tics of dimensions, armour, arma-
ment, speed, handiness, and rig.
That this want of uniformity could
have been avoided, without retard-
ing the advance which has been
made in the qualities of our ships,
we do not believe ; and we quite
agree with Mr Reed that " variety
of design resulting from progres-
sive improvements is to be pre-
ferred to a non-progressive unifor-
mity." But a nearer approach
to uniformity than exists at present
is not the less desirable when a
.-satisfactory type of ship is obtained.
The difficulties of manoeuvring a
ifleet in action will be great enough
as it is, from the smoke of fifty
funnels and monster guns, without
the additional perplexities of ves-
sels of very different speeds and
turning powers. We cannot there-
fore agree with Mr Reed when he
considers this diversity of type
rather advantageous than other-
wise.
The invention of the balanced
•rudder is another circumstance
which has given an adventitious
superiority to our later ironclads in
respect to quickness of turning;
and Mr Reed has not been slow to
take advantage of it for his ships.
The merits of this invention are,
that it enables a greater rudder-
surface to be applied, while, at the
same time, it allows the helm to be
.put further over than was possible
with the common rudder when going
at full speed in a powerful ship.
This has produced a great effect in
improving the turning qualities of
ships under steam; and as it has
only been introduced in the later
ships, it has given the shorter
vessels another great superiority
over the long ones, quite beyond
the merits of the ships themselves.
And when Mr Reed vaunts the ex-
traordinary handiness of the Her-
cules, compared with the Warrior
and Minotaur, it must be remem-
bered that the former ship has this
new style of rudder, which the
others have not. It would appear,
however, that although the balanced
rudder answers well for steaming,
there is some doubt yet as to its
efficacy for sailing only. During
the cruise of the Admiralty last
autumn, when the squadron fell in
with a gale of wind off Cape Finis-
terre, the captains of the Monarch
and Hercules reported that they
had the greatest difficulty in steer-
ing their ships. In the Monarch,
"running before it with no after-
sail, it was found almost impossible
to keep the ship from broaching-
to;" and Lord Gilford, command-
ing the Hercules, reports : — " I re-
gret to say she is a most difficult
ship to steer under all circum-
stances" (under sail?), "from the
large weather -helm she carries,
without a speed of four to five
knots, more especially running be-
fore the wind. When the gale
commenced, she steered so wildly,
and broached-to so often, that I
gave up the idea of running out the
gale, and hove-to with fore and
main trysails and fore - staysail,
using steam with about twenty
revolutions." But it must be men-
tioned here that, with the excep-
tion of these steering difficulties,
both ships behaved admirably dur-
ing the gale, proving themselves
such excellent sea-boats that they
could have been at any time taken
into action with confidence. The
Controller of the Navy believes
that, with some alteration and
further experience in the use of
720
Our Ironclad Ships.
[June
this rudder, the difficulty of steer-
ing will be overcome.
The introduction of the double-
screw principle has also greatly
improved the efficiency of our ships
for manoeuvring purposes, more
particularly ram-vessels. Not only
has it much increased their capabil-
ities for turning quickly and in a
small space, but it has lessened the
chance of a ship being disabled,
whether by accident to the ma-
chinery, or the screw becoming
fouled, since the vessel can be pro-
pelled and manosuvred by one
screw only, in the event of the
other being crippled. The Penel-
ope, and some of the ships of the
Invincible class, also the Captain,
and the monitor vessels now build-
ing, are fitted, or being fitted, on
this principle.
One of the much-debated points
in connection with ironclads, and
especially turret-ships, is the ques-
tion of masts and sails. There are
not wanting those who would see
our armoured fleet steam -hulks
and nothing more; but practical
men, seamen particularly, are all
of accord that sail-power is still
necessary even for our ironclads —
called upon as they may be to ope-
rate in any quarter of the globe.
The three latest monitor vessels or-
dered— the Devastation, Thunderer,
and Fury — are however to have no
masts ; but they have been designed
with the view of carrying a very
large quantity of coal, 1700 tons,
and they will not have a high speed.
They are not intended for cruising
purposes, but to be able, if required,
to steam across the Atlantic with-
out coaling; and they are meant
for special and not general service.
We have not, however, yet arrived
at a suitable rig for our ironclads.
The traditions of the service require
that our new ships of the line,
though strangely metamorphosed,
shall yet retain something of the
former days ; and so " shift top-
sail-yards " and " strike topmasts "
must still be practicable drills,
though the necessity for them — the
being able to replace a spar quickly
when in chase, or being chased — has
long ceased to exist. And the eyes
of our gallant tars must still be
gladdened by the sight of a cloud
of studding-sails and other " flying
kites," though the mind acknow-
ledges that when the day of battle
arrives they will be anathematised
as so much mischievous lumber.
Though a certain amount of sail-
power is, and always will be, neces-
sary to steady a ship in a sea-way,.
and render her manageable in case
of accident to the machinery, yet a
redundancy of top-hamper is very
objectionable. Not only is the deck
encumbered with a number of spare
spars, and the space below — never
too great — largely taken up with a
multiplicity of sails and gear of all
sorts, but every rope above the
gunwale is a trap to catch the screw
when a mast is shot away; and there-
fore the simpler the rig, and the
fewer the ropes, the better. Much
has to be done in this respect before
our ironclads can be considered
properly efficient for fighting pur-
poses ; and if a war was to break
out now, it would not be long before
their rig was altered to something
more suitable.
We have hitherto chiefly confined
our attention to broadside -ships,
but we come now to the turret
system; and here we are met, at
the very outset of our remarks, by
the reflection, that although this in-
genious design has been before the
public for ten years, having been
laid before the Admiralty some
years previously — though it has
been strenuously advocated by the
most skilful shipbuilders as well
as experienced seamen— though it
has been taken up warmly long,
since by nearly every maritime na-
tion, it is only now receiving a
proper trial in the navy to which
its inventor belongs. It is not our
intention, however, as we said be-
fore, to rake up again the old griev-
ance of the long-continued preju-
dice against Captain Coles's plans,
especially as they are now at last
1870.]
Our Ironclad Ships.
721
being fairly and fully tested in his
noble ship the Captain, which
has already given splendid proof
of her good qualities in her trial
trips. There is, however, one pas-
sage in Mr Reed's book bearing
on the past which should be no-
ticed : —
"The turret system possesses both
so many advantages, and, under certain
circumstances, so many disadvantages,
that its introduction almost necessarily
occasioned much division of opinion
among naval officers and naval archi-
tects; but I must say that I have
always considered that this controversy
has been unnecessarily embittered by
the unrestrained manner in which its
advocacy has been urged. The inher-
ent merits of the system are, however,
so great, that the only effect of this
error of advocacy has been to somewhat
retard its extensive adoption."
This is very significant, and is a
pretty plain avowal of the opposi-
tion that this admirable design re-
ceived. But why was the contro-
versy thus embittered 1 Only be-
cause the trial which was demanded
for Captain Coles's plans was refused,
evaded, or delayed, while the ships
of his avowed opponent were being
built and sent to sea by the dozen.
Even when Captain Coles at last
obtained carte blanche permission
to build a ship, a rival vessel, the
Monarch, from the chief construc-
tor's designs, though upon Captain
Coles's principle, was hurried on,
and has had a year's start of her at
sea.
Mr Reed accords in his pages
but grudging praise even to his
own Monarch, embodying, as she
does, the obnoxious turret principle,
and takes care to claim any good
qualities which she may possess as
a fighting ship to his peculiar mode
of applying the system ; yet the re-
ports of her performances, so far as
they have been made public, tend
to show that she is one of the best,
if not the very best, ship that he
has yet built, being fast, steady, and
a good sea-boat, while she has en-
tirely upset his theory that broad-
side-vessels' must roll less than tur-
ret-ships. She has attained a speed
of within a fraction of 15 knots,
being the highest performance as
yet of any ironclad at the measured-
mile trials, with the exception of the
Vanguard. The Controller of the
Navy, in referring to the reports of
the cruise of the combined squad-
rons last autumn, says of her in the
papers recently laid before Parlia-
ment : —
" The Monarch, a ship of an entirely
new class, the only true sea-going tur-
ret-ship produced as yet by any navy,*
is classed by the Captain of the Fleet,
and by other information, as equal in
steadiness of platform to the Hercules,
and is spoken of as having behaved in
an equally satisfactory manner as the
other ships ; and also that she could
have fought her guns during the gale
to which they were exposed. Captain
Commerell, in private letters, speaks of
the ease, comfort, and dryness of the
ship as extraordinary."
Again :
' ' The turret armament of the Mon-
arch, consisting of four 12-inch rifled
guns, when considered with reference
to the angle of training and its armour-
piercing power at long ranges, places
the Monarch as one among, if not posi-
tively, the most formidable of the iron-
clad sea-going ships in existence."
And in a letter addressed to the
Secretary of the American Navy by
Captain Macomb, commanding the
U.S. ship Plymouth, which escorted
the Monarch in her voyage to Ame-
rica with the remains of Mr Pea-
body, that officer reports as fol-
lows : —
" PORTLAND-MAINE, 2SthJan. 1870.
" After having escorted H. B. M.
ironclad turret - ship Monarch from
Portsmouth, England, to this port via
Madeira and Bermuda, during which
voyage this ship was in company, hold-
ing a position quite near her, I have
consequently been afforded sufficient
opportunities to form an opinion of her
sailing, steaming, and sea-going quali-
ties. During the voyage we encountered
a variety of weather — viz., light, mo-
derate, and fresh breezes, and strong
The Captain had not then left her building-yard.
722
Oar Ironclad Ships.
[June
gales, with heavy seas. Under steam
alone she is fast, steers well, and turns
well. . . . Under steam and sail
steers well, and is fast; under sail alone
steers well, but not so well as under
steam alone. . . . Her motions roll-
ing or pitching are so slight that I think
there would be but rarely an occasion
when the height of sea would prevent
her from fighting her guns
Under all circumstances during the
voyage, she has proved herself a * sea-
boat, ' and capable of steaming or sailing
round the world unattended or escorted.
Altogether, I consider the Monarch the
most, formidable and effective ironclad
vessel of war for ocean service in the
world."
Nothing could be more satisfac-
tory than these accounts, and Mr
Reed may well be proud of his
ship, turrets notwithstanding.
We come now to the Captain,
built by Messrs Laird of Birken-
head, upon Captain Coles's own
plans, and representing his system
pur et simple. As we have said
already, this ship has been most
successful in her trials of speed,
having realised 14 j knots at the
measured mile, and rather more on
the occasion of her six hours' run in
the Channel. Mr Reed is so fond
of comparing the qualities of his
ships with others, that we cannot
do better than follow his example
here, and place his ship, the Beller-
ophon, side by side with the Cap-
tain ; and as the two ships are of
exactly the same tonnage, the com-
parison cannot be fairer. Without
repeating again the particulars
which our table contains, but to
which we beg the reader again to
refer, it will be seen that the Cap-
tain is the longest by 20 feet, but
the Bellerophon has engines of
100 nominal H.-P. more. The Bel-
lerophon has 3 feet more beam, and
draws 10 inches more water abaft
than the Captain. At full speed on
the measured mile the Bellerophon
realised 14.23 knots, with 5966 in-
dicated H.-P. ; the Captain 14.24
knots, and 5989 H.-P. The Bel-
lerophon carries 560 tons of coal ;
the Captain 700 tons. The Beller-
ophon is armed with 12- ton 250-
pounder guns ; the Captain with
25-ton 600-pounders. The Beller-
ophon has 6-inch armour, with 10-
inch backing ; the Captain has
8-inch armour on her sides, with
12 -inch backing, and 10 -inch ar-
mour on her turrets. Inner skin-
plating the same in both ships.
Now here we see the Captain, an
incomparably more powerful fight-
ing ship than the other, steaming
faster, carrying considerably more
coal, and drawing less water. This
is therefore another example, if
one were needed, to prove the in-
stability of Mr Reed's theory be-
fore quoted, as to the relative capa-
bilities of short and long ships ;
and to establish the counter-pro-
position which we then put forth.
On the other hand, it must be
stated that the Bellerophon has a
great superiority over the Captain
in quickness of turning, arising
partly from her proportions, but
chiefly from the circumstance of
her being fitted with a balanced
rudder, while the Captain has a
common one. The sea-going quali-
ties of the Captain are now being
tested in a cruise with the Monarch,
the result of which will probably
be known before these pages are
published; but so far Captain Coles
and the Messrs Laird may be con-
gratulated upon the great success of
their ship. Messrs Laird have also
achieved a signal triumph in the
Vanguard, one of the Invincible
class, which attained a speed of no
less than 15 knots on her measured-
mile trial ; and though she was
designed by Mr Reed, the credit of
such an extraordinary performance
is -mainly due to this celebrated
firm, who made the engines, as well
as built the ship, since those of her
sister vessels which have yet been
tried have not realised nearly so
great a speed.
To return to the main question —
the comparative value of the turret
and broadside systems — it is in much
the same condition, relatively, as it
was when discussed in these pages
seven years ago. At that time
L870.]
Our Ironclad Ships.
723
guns of five tons' weight were the
heaviest that had ever been mount-
ed at sea in broadside-ports ; and
it was believed by many people
3hat it would not be practicable to
work much larger guns on that sys-
tem. It was this conviction that
liad led Captain Coles years before
to devise plans for working heavy
ordnance on board a ship, and
hence his idea of placing the gun
in a fixed position on a turn-table
inside a shield of thick armour.
Mr Reed, however, maintained that
ships could be built to carry the
heaviest guns on the broadside ; and
Captain Scott, R.N., designed most
admirable plans for carriages, by
means of which very much larger
guns could be mounted and worked
with ease and safety than had been
previously thought possible. The
result is, as we have seen, the
Hercules carrying 18-ton guns in
broadside-ports. So far, therefore,
it may be said, the superiority of
the turret system is not so decided
as it was claimed to be some years
back. But it must be remembered
that the Monarch and Captain car-
ry 25-ton guns, that the monitors
now building will have guns of 35
tons' weight, and that 50-ton guns
are to appear before long. How
far beyond this we shall eventually
arrive at, no one can say ; but it is
plain that the further we go in the
weight of the guns, the more de-
cided becomes the value of the
turret system of working them.
Seeing what an advance has been
lately made in the method of work-
ing broadside - guns, it would be
rash to say that we have attained
the utmost limit in that direction ;
but it does not at present seem
probable that guns larger than those
of the Hercules will be mounted in
that manner. The large size of
port necessary to admit of sufficient
training is a very grave objection ;
and looking to the possibility of a
gun being dismounted in action,
or the carriage smashed by a shot
entering the port, it is a serious
thing to contemplate a mass of 20
tons rolling about the deck. On
the whole, then, keeping in view
the guns of the future, the advan-
vantages of the turret principle
are quite as decided now as when
it was first brought forward, with
the exception that the dimensions
necessary for a turret to contain
the largest-sized guns are too great
to permit it to be applied to sea-
going vessels of small size. But
in this respect the broadside ar-
rangement is much more restricted.
There are two drawbacks to the
turret system, when carried out in
sea-going ships, which must be no-
ticed— viz., the difficulty of com-
bining with it a satisfactory method
of rigging and working the ship;
and the interference of the turrets
with the necessary accommodation
below for the crew. The latter in-
volves the necessity for a raised
poop and forecastle which prevent
the turret -guns from being fired
nearer to the fore-and-aft line than
an angle of about twenty degrees.
The truth is that the " all-round "
fire has hitherto proved to be in-
compatible with the requisites for
a full-rigged sea-going ship, and is
practicable only for vessels of the
monitor type, or of some such modi-
fications of it as those adopted by Mr
Reed in the Hotspur and Thunder-
er classes. As to the monitor cb
I'Americaine, we trust never to see
such craft in our navy. They are
fit only for operations in inland
waters, being dangerous at sea or
in an open roadstead, unhealthy at
all times, and like dungeons to
inhabit.
Space does not permit us to fol-
low Mr Reed much further in his
interesting work. He devotes a
chapter to ironclad rams, and we
agree with him in thinking that the
eperon, or projecting spur, is prefer-
able to either the upright stem or
the overhanging form of bow for
ramming purposes ; but the value
of this novel mode of warfare at
sea has yet to be decided. The
battle off Lissa, and the experience
of the American war, is all we have
724
Our Ironclad Ships.
[June
to guide us on this point, and none
of these can be said to be conclus-
ive experiments. It remains to be
seen what effect will be produced
upon a ram by a charge into a
heavy ironclad at sea. This would
be a very different business from
the charge of the Merrimac into
the old wooden ship Cumberland
in Hampton Roads, or that of the
Ferdinand Max into the weakly-
built Italian ironclads in the
smooth waters of the Adriatic.
With only a slight swell, such as
the Atlantic is never free from, if
at the moment of collision the iron-
clad happened to roll towards the
ram, or if the latter should be just
then lifted on the top of a wave,
the contact would take place on the
strongest part of the ironclad's side,
and the bow of the ram would al-
most certainly be shattered, which
would make this a costly mode of
warfare. Only further experience
can, however, determine the effi-
cacy of this method of fighting ; but
it is clear that as the power of ar-
tillery increases, the utility of the
ram is lessened in comparison.
The conversion of more of our
wooden ships into ironclads has
been constantly urged upon the
Admiralty, and numerous plans —
some of them of great merit — have
been suggested for that purpose.
Mr Reed, however, demonstrates
very clearly the wisdom of the
course pursued by the Admiralty
in building new iron vessels, in
preference to converting the old
wooden ones. And, in fact, the
rapid progress making in artillery,
with the development of the two
novel modes of warfare, the butting
ram and the devilish torpedo, only
establish more clearly the superior-
ity of the iron-built ship, with its
arrangements of cellular framing,
double bottom, and water-tight
compartments.
When we look back upon the
extraordinary change that has come
over the whole science of naval
warfare during the last twenty
years — for it was only so lately that
the old sailing-ships began to give
place to the infant screw fleet — and
then venture on a speculation of
what may be the ships of our navy
twenty, or even ten, years hence,
we find ourselves completely lost.
Who shall say, in this inventive
age, what new engines of destruc-
tion may not be devised 1 Already
we see a vision of shot of such enor-
mous weight and velocity, that it
would seem as if the impact of such
projectiles must inevitably shatter
the whole structure of any ship
that could be sent to sea, even if
armour could be carried sufficient-
ly thick to resist actual penetra-
tion ; and if so, the question which
arises even now in some minds,
will then become a prominent one,
as to the desirability of armour at
all. But we forbear to go any
further into the regions of specula-
tion ; and in the mean time we may
rest satisfied with the certainty
that we possess an ironclad fleet in
every way creditable to the coun-
try, and that all the tendencies of
the progress of science as applied
to naval purposes, are more and
more to the advantage of Great
Britain from her unrivalled manu-
facturing resources.
1870.]
John.— Part VIII.
725
JOHN. — PART VIII.
CHAPTEK XXIV.
THE first great apparent change
in a life is not always its real be-
ginning. It may be but the begin-
ning of the beginning, as it were,
the first grand crash of the ice, the
opening of the fountain. There is
more noise and more demonstration
than when the full tide of waters
begin to swell into the broader
channel, but it is not the great crisis
which it has the look of being. It
is the commencement of a process
of which it is impossible to predict
the end. This had been emphati-
cally the case with John Mitford
when he was suddenly swept out of
his father's house and out of all the
traditions of his youth. It seemed
to him and to everybody that his
life had then taken its individual
shape. The chasm between the
present and the past was as great
as if a vast St Lawrence rolled be-
tween the two edges of circum-
stance, separating them more and
more widely as it rose in force and
fulness. But the fact was that
this great convulsion was no de-
cisive throe of nature at all, but
the first impulse of life arbitrarily
shaped, the beginning of individual
action which might yet go to one
side or other, nobody could predict
which. He did not know it him-
self, any more than did any one of
the spectators. In short, he was
more certain than any one that his
old life had passed away, and that
all things had become new. He
went about Fanshawe Regis with
new eyes, curiously observing every-
thing which before he had accepted
without observation. Was it that
he felt the new better? Was it
that he hankered after the old?
These were questions which he
could not answer. The only thing
he was quite sure of in respect to
himself was that he was uncertain
about everything, and that life was
no longer sweet enough to make
up for the darkness and troubles in
it. With this feeling in his mind
he listened to his father's sermons,
seeing everything in a different
light, and went with his mother on
her parish work, carrying her bas-
ket, gazing wistfully in at the cot-
tage windows, wondering what was
the good of it all. He had never
questioned for a moment the good
of at least his mother's ministra-
tions until now. When she came
smiling out of one of the cottages
it cast a gloom upon her to find
her boy, who had always been full
of faith in her at least, standing
unresponsive, waiting for her out-
side. She looked him in the eyes
with her tender smile, and said,
" Well, John ]" as she gave back the
little basket into his hand.
"Well," he said, with a sigh,
" my good little mother, do you
think it is worth all the trouble you
are taking, and all the trouble you
have taken since ever I remember ?
— that is what I want to know."
" Yes, my dear," said Mrs Mit-
ford, " that and a great deal more.
Oh, John, if I could feel that but
one, only one, was brought back to
God by my means ! "
H "I think they are all very much
the same as they used to be/' said
John. " I recollect when I was a
small boy there was always some-
thing to be set right there."
" That was the father, my dear,"
said Mrs Mitford. " He was very
troublesome. He took more than
was good for him, you know ; and
then he used to be very unkind to
his poor wife. Ah, John, some of
these poor women have a great deal
to bear!"
" But the blackguard is dead now,
heaven be praised!" said John.
" Oh, hush, my dear, hush, and.
don't speak of an immortal soul
726
John.— Part VIII.
[June
like that ! Yes indeed, John, he
has gone where he will be judged
with clearer sight than ours. But
I wish I could hope things were
really mended," said Mrs Mitford,
shaking her head. She went on
shaking her head for a whole min-
ute after she had stopped speaking,
as if her hope was a very slight one
indeed.
" What is the matter now ? "
" The boys are very tiresome, my
dear," said Mrs Mitford, with a sigh.
" Somehow it seems natural to them
to take to bad ways. You can't
think how idle and lazy Jim is,
though he used to be such a good
boy when he was in the choir, don't
you remember 1 He looked a per-
fect little angel in his white surplice,
but I fear he has been a very bad
boy; and Willie and his mother
never do get on together. He is
the only one that can be depended
upon in the least, and he talks of
marrying and going away."
" You have not much satisfaction
out of them," said John, " though I
know you have always kept on doing
all sorts of things for them. They
ought at least to be grateful to you."
" Well, my dear," said Mrs Mit-
ford, with anxious gravity, " I don't
like to blame her — but I am afraid
sometimes their mother is not very
judicious, poor woman. It sours
one sadly to have so much misfor-
tune. She is always contradicting
and crossing them for things that
don't matter. I don't like to blame
her, she has had so much to put up
with ; but still, you know — and of
course it is discouraging, whatever
one may try to say."
" And then there are the Littles,"
said John, leading his mother on.
" Oh, the Littles, dear ! I wish
you would not speak of them. Every
month or so I. think I have just got
their mind up to the point of going
to church. If you but knew the
number of bonnets that woman has
had, and shoes for the children, and
even your papa's last old greatcoat
which I got the tailor to alter for
Robert. But it is never any good.
And though I pay myself for the
children's schooling they never go.
It is enough to break one's heart."
" And Lizzie's people are always
a trouble to you," said John.
" Ah, my dear, but then the old
woman is a Dissenter," said Mrs
Mitford, with alacrity; "and in such
a case what can one do? "
" But, mother dear, with all these
things before you, does it sometimes
strike you what a hopeless business
it is ?," cried John. " You have been
working in the parish for twenty
years "
"Twenty- five, my dear boy —
since before you were born."
"And what is it the better?" said
John ; "the same evils reappear just
in the same way — the same wicked-
ness, and profanity, and indiffer-
ence. For all the change one can
see, mother dear, all your work and
fatigue might never have been."
" I must say so far as that goes
I don't agree with you at all, John,"
cried his mother, with a certain sharp
ring in her voice. The colour came
to her cheeks and the water to her
eyes. If it had been said to her
that her life itself had been a mis-
take and failure, she could not have
felt it more. Indeed the one im-
plied the other ; and if there was
any one thing that she had built
upon in all her modest existence,
it was the difference in the parish.
John's words gave her such a shock
that she gasped after them with a
sense of partial suffocation. And
then she did her best to restrain
the momentary sharp thrill of re-
sentment; for how could she be
angry with her boy 1 " My dear,"
she said, humbly, with the tears
in her soft eyes, " I don't suppose
I have done half or quarter what
I ought to have done; but still if
you had seen the parish when we
came If I had been a woman
of more energy, and cleverer than
I am "
"You cannot think it was that
I meant," cried John. " How you
mistake me, mother ! It is be-
cause your work has been so perfect,
1870.]
John.— Part VIII.
727
so unwearied — because it ought to
have wrought miracles "
" Oh, no, no, not that/' she said,
recovering her tranquillity, and
smiling on her boy. " It has been
very humble, my dear; but still, if
you had seen the parish when we
came — the alehouse was more fre-
quented than the church a great
deal — the children were not bap-
tised— there were things going on
I could not speak of even to you.
That very Robert Little that we
were speaking of — his father was
the most inveterate poacher in the
whole country, always in prison
or in trouble; the eldest brother
went for a soldier, and one of the
girls Oh, John, Fanshawe Re-
gis is not Paradise, but things are
better now.3'
" My dear little mother, but
they are not as good as they ought
to be after the work of all your life."
" Don't speak of me, my dear
boy, as if I were everything," said
Mrs Mitford; "think of your
papa, and oh, John, think of what
is far beyond any of us. Think
whose life it was that was given,
not for the righteous, but to call
sinners; think who it was that
said there was joy in heaven over
one that repented ; and should we
grudge a whole lifetime if we could
but be sure that one was saved 1 I
hope that is what I shall never,
never do."
John drew his mother's hand
through his arm as she looked up
in his face, with her soft features
all quivering with emotion. What
more could he say ] She was not
clever, never very able to take a
philosophical view of the matter.
She never stopped to ask herself,
as he did, whether this faulty,
shifty, mean, unprofitable world
was worth the expenditure of that
divine life eighteen hundred years
ago, and of the many lives since
which have been half divine. All
that ; — and nothing better come of
it than the vice, and the hypocrisy,
and mercenary pretences at good-
ness, and brutal indifference to
everything pure and true, which
were to be found in this very vil-
lage, in the depth of the rural
country, in England that has been
called Christian for all these hun-
dreds of years. So much— and so lit-
tle to result from it. Such were the
thoughts that passed through John's
mind, mingled with many another
gloomy fancy. Adding up long
lines of figures was scarcely more
unprofitable — could scarcely be of
less use to the world. When he
thought of his father's precise lit-
tle sermons, a certain stir of possi-
bility might struggle through ; for
Dr Mitford spoke as a member of
the Archaeological Society might be
supposed to speak, being compelled
to do so, to a handful of bump-
kins who could not, as he was well
aware, understand a word he said,
and was content with having thus
performed the "duty" incumbent
on him. That might be mended
so far as it went ; but who could
mend the self-devotion, the un-
conscious gospel of a life which his
mother set before the eyes of the
village 1 They knew that her cha-
rity never failed, nor her interest
in them, nor the tender service
which she was ready to give to the
poorest, or even to the wickedest.
Twenty-five years this woman, who
was as pure as the angels, had been
their servant, at their call night and
day. Heaven and earth could not
produce a more perfect ministra-
tion, her son said to himself, as
he watched her coming and going ;
and yet what did it all come to?
Had Mrs Mitford seen the thoughts
that were going on in his mind,
she would have shrunk from him
with a certain horror. They were
hard thoughts both of God and
man. What was the good of it1?
Nobody, it appeared to John, was
the better. If Fanshawe Regis, for
one place, had been left to itself,
would it have made any difference 1
Such thoughts are hard to bear,
when a man has been trained into
the habit of thinking that much,
almost anything, can be done for
728
John.— Part VIII.
[June
his neighbours if he will but suffi-
ciently exert himself. Here was a
tender good woman who had ex-
erted herself all her life — and what
was the end of it 1 Meanwhile
Mrs Mitford walked on cheerfully,
holding her son's arm, with a little
glow of devotion about her heart,
thinking, what did it matter how
much labour was spent on the
work if but the one stray lamb was
brought back to the fold 1 and pon-
dering in the same breath a new
argument by which Robert Little,
in the Doctor's greatcoat, and his
wife in one of her own bonnets,
could be got to come to church,
and induced to send their children
to school.
Sometimes, however, John's
strange holiday, which nobody
could quite understand, was dis-
turbed by immediate questions still
more difficult. Mrs Mitford did
not say much, having discovered in
her son's eye at the moment of his
return that all was not well with
him • but she looked wistfully at
him from time to time, and sur-
prised him in the midst of his fre-
quent reveries with sudden glances
of anxious inquiry which spoke
more distinctly than words. She
did not mention Kate, which was
more significant than if she had
spoken volumes ; and when the
letters came in, in the morning, she
would turn her head away not to
see whether her son expected any-
thing, or if he was disappointed.
A mixture of love and pride was in
her self-restraint. He should not
be forced to confide in her, she had
resolved; she would exercise the
last and hardest of all maternal
duties towards him, and leave him
to himself. But Dr Mitford had
no such idea. He was busy at the
moment with something for the
' Gentleman's Magazine,' which
kept him in his study for the first
few days after John's arrival ; but
as soon as his article was off his
mind, he began to talk to his son
of his prospects, as was natural.
This happened in the library, where
John was sitting, exactly as he had
been sitting that first morning when
Kate peeped in at the door and all
the world was changed. I cannot
tell whether the young man re-
membered that ; but he was seated
in almost the same attitude pre-
tending to read, and in reality pon-
dering over his condition and pro-
spects, and what he was to do. Dr
Mitford was seated at the other
end of the room,- as he had been
that day. A ray of October sun-
shine shone in through one light of
the great Elizabethan window and
fell in a long line upon the polished
oak floor, on the library carpet, on
Dr Mitford's white head, and as far
as the wall on the other side of him
— a great broad arrow of light, with
some colour in it from the shield in
the centre of the glass. Behind
this was the glimmer of a fire, and
John, lifting his weary eyes from
his book, or his eyes from his weary
book, he could scarcely have told
which, became suddenly aware of
the absolute identity of the outside
circumstances, and held his breath
and asked himself, had he dreamed
it, or had that interruption ever
been 1 Was the door going to open
and Kate to peep in breathless, shy,
daring, full of fun and temerity1?
or had she done it, and turned all
the world upside down ? When he
was asking himself this question
Dr Mitford laid down his pen ; then
he coughed his little habitual cough,
which was the well-understood sign
between him and his domestic
world that he might be spoken to ;
then he was fretted by the sunshine,
and got up and drew the blind
down ; and then, having quite fin-
ished his article, and feeling him-
self in a mood for a little talk, he
took a walk towards his son between
the pillars that narrowed the library
in the middle, and looked like a
great doorway. He did not go
straight to John, but paused on the
way to remark upon some empty
corners, and to set right some
books which had dropped out of
their exact places.
1870.]
John.— Part VIII.
729
" I wish the doctor would return
my Early English books/' he said,
approaching his son; "one ought
to make a resolution against lend-
ing. You might give me a day,
John, just to look up what books
are missing, and who has them. I
think you know them better than I
do. But, by the by, you have not
told us how long you can stay."
" I don't think it matters much,"
»aid John.
"You don't think it matters
: nuch ! but that looks as if you
were not taking any great trouble
•DO make yourself missed. I don't
like that," said Dr Mitford, shaking
his head : " depend upon it, my
ooy, you will never secure proper
ippreciation until you show the
people you are among that another
cannot fill your place."
"But the fact is that a dozen
others could fill my place, sir," said
John, " quite as well as — very pro-
bably much better than I."
"What! with Mr Crediton 1 and
his daughter?" said Dr Mitford.
He thought he had made a joke,
and turned away with a mild little
laugh to arrange and caress his
folios in the recess behind his son.
Then he went on talking with his
back to John — " I should be glad
to know what you really think of
it now that you have had time to
make the experiment. I don't un-
derstand the commercial mind my-
self. I don't know that I could
be brought to understand it ; but
the opinion of an intelligence capa-
ble of judging, and accustomed to
trains of thought so different, could
not but be interesting. I should
like to hear what you think of it
frankly. Somebody has made dog's
ears in this Shakespeare, which is
unpardonable," said the Doctor,
passing his hand with sudden in-
dignation over the folded edges. " I
should like to know what your
opinion is."
" I think I can get it straight,
sir," said John, " if you will trust
the book to me."
" Thanks — and put a label on it,
1 Not to be lent,' " said Dr Mitford.
"It is not to be expected, you
know, that the most good-natured
of men should lend one of the earli-
est editions. What were we talk-
ing of ? oh, the bank. What is
your real opinion about it, my
boy?"
" I think I am ceasing to have
opinions about anything," said
John.
"Well, 'well, we need not argue
about the word. Let us say im-
pressions. I hope you are quite
satisfied that you can do your duty
as well or better in that way than
in the manner we had intended for
you. Nothing but that thought
would have induced me to yield.
It was a disappointment, John,"
said his father, turning round with
a tall volume in his hand — " I can-
not deny that it was a great dis-
appointment ; but you think you
are able to do your duty better
where you are ?
" What is my duty, father 1 " said
John, with a hoarseness in his voice.
And then it was Dr Mitford's
turn to show consternation. " Your
duty," he faltered— " your duty?
It does not say much for my teach-
ing and your mother's if you have
to ask that question at this time of
day."
This, it will be easy to see, was
a very unsatisfactory sort of answer.
John got up too, feeling very heavy
about the heart. "Relative duty
is easy enough," he said; " but ab-
solute duty, what is it? is there
such a thing? Is it not just as
good both for myself and other
people that I should live for my-
self as I am doing, instead of liv-
ing for God and my neighbour like
my mother ? So far as I can see, it
comes to exactly the same thing."
Dr Mitford looked at his son
with an absolute astonishment that
would have been comical had John
been able to see it. But then it was
not so much his son's perplexity
the Doctor thought of as that curi-
ous, quite inexplicable reference.
"Like your mother!" the Rector
730
John.— Part VIII.
[June
of Fanshawe Regis said, with utter
amazement. It took away his
breath. He could not even notice
his son's question in his conster-
nation. " Yes/' said John, not in
the least perceiving the point,
" what is the good 1 That is what
one asks one's self ; it does not
seem to make any difference to the
world."
Dr Mitford turned, and put up
the dog's- eared folio on its shelf.
He shook his head in his bewilder-
ment, and gave a sigh of impatience.
"You young men have a way of
talking and of thinking which I
don't understand," he said, still
shaking his head. "I hope to
goodness, John, that you have not
been led astray by those ridiculous
fallacies of Comtism. You may
suppose that as you are not to be a
clergyman it does not matter what
your opinions are ; but it always
matters. A private Christian has
as much need to be right as if he
were an archbishop ; and I confess,
after your careful training, I lit-
tle expected a mere farrago of
French sentiment and nonsense.
Your mother ! what she has to do
with the question I can't under-
stand."
"And I am sure neither do I,
sir," said John, moved to a laugh,
** nor why you should set me down
as a Comtist. I am not an any-
thingist, worse luck — for then, per-
haps, one might see a little more
plainly what to do."
" If a young man, with the best
education England can give, and
friends to consult, who, I flatter my-
self, are not idiots, cannot see what
to do, it does not say much for his
sense," said Dr Mitford, with some
indignation. - "I suppose by all
this I am to understand that you
are tired of the office drudgery and
beginning to repent "
" I don't know that I have any-
thing to repent of," said John, who
under this questioning began to get
rebellious, as sons are wont to do.
" I advise you to make up your
mind," said Dr Mitford, not with-
out a half-tone of contempt. "I
never thought you were adapted
for business. If experience has
shown you this, it is best to take
steps at once. You might not like,
perhaps, to return to your original
destination ' ;
" Father, this discussion is quite
unnecessary," said John, growing
red. "I am not tired of office
drudgery. No trade, I suppose, is
very delightful just at first ; and
when one begins to think for one's
self there are many questions that
arise in one's mind. Yes, mother,
I am quite ready. I have been
waiting for you this half-hour."
" But not if your papa wants you,
my dear," said Mrs Mitford, in her
white shawl, standing smiling upon
them at the door.
' " I shall look after the Shake-
speare when I come in," said John.
That was exactly where Kate had
stood peeping — Kate, who, when she
was old, would be just such another
woman. Would she grow so by his
side ? Could it ever be that she
would come, in all the soft confidence
of proprietorship, and look in upon
him as his mother did ? All at once
it flashed upon him that such a thing
might have been, in this very place,
in this very way, had he kept his
traditionary place. He might have
been the Rector, putting up his
folios, and she the Lady Bountiful
of the parish, as his mother was.
This flashed across his mind at the
very moment when he was asking
what use it was, and feeling that
a life spent in doing good was as
much thrown away as a life spent
in making money. Strange incon-
sistency ! And then he went and
took the basket, with its little vials
of wine and carefully-packed dain-
ties, out of his mother's hand.
Dr Mitford watched them going
away with feelings more odd and
strange than he recollected to have
experienced for years. He watched
till the door was closed, and then
he turned abruptly to his books,
and gave himself up to a rummage
among them for a minute, but
1870.]
John.— Part VIII.
731
turned again and walked impatient- certain snort of wonder and offence
ly to the window, and saw his wife's
white shawl disappear from the
— and then went back to his writ-
ing-table, and wrote a note to ac-
garden gate, with her tall boy by company his article to Sylvanus
her side shadowing over her in the
October sunshine. " His mother !"
Dr Mitford said to himself, with a
Urban, who was a more compre-
hensible personage on the whole
than either wife or son.
CHAPTER XXV.
John remained rather more than
a fortnight at home. His arm healed
and his health improved during this
interval of quiet. But he did not
relieve his mind by any disclosure
of his feelings. Indeed, what was
there to disclose ? He asked him-
self the question ten times in a day.
He had come to no breach with
Kate, he had not quarrelled with
her father ; he had, on the contrary,
increased his claims upon Mr Credi-
ton by actual service ; and the some-
thing which had sprung up between
Kate and himself was like a wall of
glass or of transparent ice, changing
nothing to outward appearance. He
spent his time in an uneasy languor,
sometimes roused to positive suffer-
ing, but more generally in mere
discomfort, vague as his thoughts
were, as his prospects were, as all
the world was to him. It seemed
even a thing of the past that his
feelings should be very vehement
about that or any other subject.
He had gone through a great deal
of active pain, but now it seemed
all to be passive, and he only a kind
of spectator. A host of questions
had widened out like circles in the
water round the central question.
What was life worth 1 was it any
great matter how it was spent]
The banker among his manifold
concerns, or Mr Whichelo among
the clerks, or the Rector of Fan-
shawe Regis in his library — did it
matter to any mortal creature which
was which 1 The one was laying
up money which a great fire or a
scoundrel at the other end of the
world might make an end of in a
moment ; the other was laughed at
behind his back, and outwitted by
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLVI.
the young men whom he thought
he had so well in hand ; and the
third — what was the parish the
better for Dr Mitford 1 And yet
John had to face the matter steadi-
ly, as if it were of the greatest im-
portance, and decide which of these
pretences at existence he would
adopt. He got no letter during this
curious interval. The outer world
kept silence and did not interfere
with his ponderings. Heaven and
earth, and even Kate and his
mother, left him to take his own
way.
It was not until the last morning
of his stay that Mrs Mitford said
anything to John on the subject.
She had gone down to breakfast a
little earlier than usual, perhaps,
with a little innocent stealthy inten-
tion of looking at the letters, and
making sure what there was for her
boy ; and there was one little letter
lying by John's plate which made
his mother's heart beat quicker.
Yes ; at last it was evident Kate
had written to him ; and if there
had been any quarrel or misunder-
standing, here surely must be the
end of it. She watched for his ap-
pearance with speechless anxiety ;
and of course he was late that
morning, as was to be expected.
And it was very easy to see by his
indifferent air that he was not look-
ing for any letter. When he per-
ceived it he gave a little start, and
his mother pretended to be very
much occupied with the coffee. He
read it twice over from beginning
to end, which was not a long pro-
cess, for it only occupied one page
of a small sheet of note-paper ; and
then he put it into his pocket and
3D
732
John.— Part VIII.
[June
began to eat his breakfast and talk
just as usual. Mrs Mitford, anxious
and wondering, was brought to her
wits' end.
" You had better order the phae-
ton, John," said Dr Mitford, "if
you are going by the twelve train."
" I need not go till the evening,"
said John ; " and my mother means
to walk there with me ; don't you,
mamma?"
"Yes, dear," said Mrs Mitford,
smiling upon him. She had been
looking forward to this last heart-
rending pleasure, and thinking that
then he would perhaps tell her some-
thing, if indeed there was anything
to tell.
" Then let the phaeton take your
portmanteau and bring your mother
home," said the Doctor, "if you
insist on taking her such a long
walk. For my part I can never
see the good of such expeditions.
It is much better to say good-bye
at home."
" But I like the walk," said Mrs
Mitford, eagerly ; and the Doctor,
who did not quite approve of the
pair and their doings, shook his
head, and gathered up his papers
(he had no less than two proof-
sheets to correct, and a revise, for
he was very particular), and went
off to his work. " You will find
me in the library whenever I am
wanted," he said, as he withdrew.
He thought his wife was spoiling
her son, as she had spoiled him
when he was ten years old, and he
did not approve of it ; but when a
woman is so foolish, what can the
most sensible of men and fathers
do?
And then the mother and son
were left alone, with that letter in
John's pocket which might explain
so much of the mystery. But he
did not say a word about it, nor
about Kate, nor anything that con-
cerned his happiness ; and when
Mrs Mitford talked of his new
shirts and stockings (which was
the only other subject she found
herself capable of entering upon),
he talked of them too, and agreed
in her remarks about the negligence
of washerwomen, and all the diffi-
culty of keeping linen a good colour
in a town. " As for your socks, my
poor boy, I never saw such mend-
ing," she said, almost with the tears
in her eyes. " I must take it all out
and darn it over again as it ought
to be. When darning is nicely
done, I never think the stocking
looks a bit the worse ; but how any
woman could drag the two edges
together like some of these, I can't
understand."
"It is always hard work dragging
edges together," said John, getting
up from the table. " I think I'll
go and say good-bye to old Mrs
Fanshawe, mother. It is too long
a walk for you."
" I could not go there and to the
station too," said Mrs Mitford, "and
I ought not to neglect the schools
because I am so happy as to have my
own boy. Yes, dear ; go and see the
old people : you must keep up the
old ties for our sakes, even though
they are to be broken off so far as
the Rectory goes;" and she smiled
at him and gave a little nod of her
head, dismissing him by way of
concealing that she wanted to cry.
She did cry as soon as he was gone,
and had scarcely time to dry her
eyes when Jervis came in to clear
the table. Mrs Mitford snubbed
him on the spot, with a vehemence
which took that personage quite by
surprise. "I observe that Mr John's
things have not been laid out for
him properly, as they ought to have
been," she said, suddenly, snapping
his nose off, as Jervis said. "I trust
I shall find everything properly
brushed and folded to-day. It is a
piece of negligence, Jervis, which I
don't at all understand." " And
Missis give her head a toss, and
walks off as if she was the queen,"
said the amazed man-of-all-work
when he got to the kitchen, and was
free to unburden himself. After this
Mrs Mitford had another cry in her
own room, and put on her bonnet
and went across to the schools, won-
dering through all the lessons and
all the weary chatter of the children,
— Oh, what was the matter with her
1870.]
John.— Part VIII.
733
boy 1 oh, was lie unhappy 1 had
they quarrelled ? must not his mo-
ther know 1
Meanwhile John strode across
the country to Fansha we to bid the
old squire and his old wife good-
bye. He went, as the crow flies,
over the stubble, and by the hedge-
sides, never pausing to draw breath.
Not because he was excited by his
departure, or by the letter in his
pocket, or by any actual incident.
On the contrary, he was quite still,
like the day, which was a grey
autumn morning, with wistful scraps
of blue on the horizon, and a brood-
ing, pondering quiet in the air. All
is over for the year, nature was
saying to herself. Shall there be
another year ? shall old earth begin
again, take in the new seeds, keep
the spring germs alive for another
blossoming1? or shall all come to
a conclusion at last, and the new
heavens and the new earth come
down out of those rolling clouds
and fathomless shrill breaks of blue?
John was in much the same mood.
Kate's little note in his pocket had
a kind of promise in it of the new-
earth and the new heaven. But
was it a solid, real promise, or only
a dissolving view, that would vanish
as he approached it? and might not
an end be better, and no more delu-
sive hopes? Mrs Fanshawe was very
kind when he got to the hall. She
told him of poor Cecily, just nine-
teen (Kate's age), who was dying at
Nice, and cried a little, and smiled,
and said, " Oh, my dear boy, it don't
matter for us ; we can't be long of
^oing after her." But though she
was reconciled to that, she made a
little outcry over John's leave-tak-
ing. " Going so soon ! and what
will your poor mother say ? " cried
i;he old lady. " I am afraid you
think more of one smile from Miss
Crediton than of all your old
friends; and I suppose it is natural,"
•she added, as she shook hands with
him. Did he care more for Kate's
smile than for anything else ? He
walked home again in the same dead
sort of way, without being able to
answer even such a question. He
did not care for anything, he
thought, except, now that he was
at Fanshawe, to get away; and
probably when he got to Camelford
his desire would be to get back
again, or to Fernwood, or to any-
where, except just the place where
he happened to be.
It was evening when he set out
to go to the station, with his mother
leaning on his arm. The evening
comes early in October, and it was
necessary that she should get back
to dinner at seven. Twilight was
coming on as they walked together
along the dewy road, where the
hedgerows were all humid and chill
with the dew, which some of these
nights would grow white upon the
leaves before any one knew, and
make winter out of autumn. A sort
of premonition of the first frost was
in the air ; and the hawthorns were
very rusty and shabby in their foli-
age, but picked out here and there by
red flaming bramble -leaves, which
warmed up the hedgerows notwith-
standing the damp. The mother
and son walked slowly, to spin out
the time as long as might be. To
be sure they might, as Dr Mitford
said, have just as well talked in-
doors ; but then the good Doctor
knew nothing about that charm of
isolation and unity — the silent world
all round about, the soft, harmonious
motion, the tender contact and sup-
port. They could speak so low to
each other without any fear of not
being heard. They could look at
each other if they would, yet were
not compelled to any meeting of
the eyes. There is no position in
which it is so difficult to disagree,
so natural to confide and trust. Mrs
Mitford's very touch upon her son's
arm was in itself a caress. My
dear, dear boy, her eyes said as she
looked at him. She had carried
him in those soft arms, and no wit
was her turn to lean upon him.
This thought was always in her
mind when she leant upon John's
arm.
" I should not wonder," she said,
cunningly, leading up to her sub-
ject with innocent pretences of
734
John.— Part VIII.
[June
general conversation, "if we had
frost to-night."
" The air is very still, and very
cold : it is quite likely," said John,
assenting, without much caring
what he said.
" And actually winter is coming !
after this wonderful summer we
have had. What a summer it has
been ! I don't remember such a
long stretch of bright weather since
the year you went first to school.
I was so glad of the first frost that
year, thinking of Christmas. You
will come home for Christmas,
John 1 " said Mrs Mitford, sudden-
ly, with a tighter clasp of his arm.
" I cannot tell, mother. I don't
seem to realise Christmas," said
John.
" Well, dear, I won't press you
for any promise ; but you know it
will be a very poor Christmas with-
out you. Life itself feels poor
without my boy. There! I did
not mean to have said it ; but I am
a foolish woman, and it is quite
true/'
" Life is so poor in any case. I
don't know how it can matter one
way or another," said John, with a
shrug of his shoulders. He was
not touched so much as impatient ;
and unconsciously he quickened
his pace and drew her on with him,
faster than it was easy for her
to go.
" We are in plenty of time for
the train," Mrs Mitford said; " not
so quick, if you please, my dear.
Oh, John, it is so strange to hear
you say that life is poor ! Have
you nothing to tell me, my own
boy ] I have never asked a ques-
tion, though you may think my
heart has been sore enough some-
times. What is the matter 1 won't
you tell me now 1 "
"There is nothing to tell— no-
thing is the matter," said John.
" But you are not happy, my dear
boy. Do you think your mother
could help seeing that 1 Oh, John,
what is it ? Is it her father ? Do
you feel the change 1 It must be
something about Kate 1 "
" It is nothing at all, mother,"
said John, with hasty impatience ;
and then it suddenly occurred to
him that he was going away into
utter solitude, and that here was
the only being in the world to
whom he could even partially open
his heart. She felt the change of
his voice, though she had no clue
to the fitfulness of his thoughts.
" It is quite true," he continued,
" there is nothing to tell ; and yet
all is not well, mother. I can't tell
you how or why. I am jangled
somehow out of tune — that is all ;
there is nobody to blame."
" I could see that, my dear," she
said, looking wistfully at him;
" but is that all you have to say to
your mother, John ? "
" There is nothing more to say,"
he repeated. " I cannot tell you,
I can't tell myself what is the mat-
ter. There is nothing the matter.
It is a false position somehow, I
suppose — that is all."
" In the bank, John ? "
" In the bank, and in the house,
and in the world, mother," he cried,
with sudden vehemence. " I don't
seem able to take root anywhere ;
everything looks false and forced
and miserable. I can neither go
on nor go back, and I stagnate
standing still. Never mind ; I
suppose it is just an experience
like any other, and will have to be
borne."
Then there passed through Mrs
Mitf ord's mind as quick as lightning
that passage about those who put
their hand to the plough and draw
back. But she restrained herself.
" I suppose it is just the great
change, my dear," she said, falter-
ing, yet soothing him, " and all that
you have given up — for you have
given up a great deal, John. I
suppose your time is not your own
now, and you can't do what you
like 1 And sitting at a desk — you
who used to be free to read, or to
walk, or to go on the river, or to
help your papa, or see your friends
— it must make a great difference,
John."
"Yes, I suppose that is what it
is," he said, feeling that he had
1870.]
John.— Part VIII.
735
successfully eluded the subject, and
yet celebrating his success with a
sigh.
"But I hope it is made up to
you in another way," Mrs Mitford
said, suddenly, looking up into his
face. He thought he had got off,
but she did not mean to let him off.
She was a simple little woman, but
yet not so simple but what she
could employ a legitimate artifice,
like the rest of her kind. " You
had a letter from Kate this morning,
dear. I saw her little handwriting.
I suppose she makes up for every-
thing, John?"
They were drawing near the sta-
tion, and she spoke fast, partly from
that reason, partly to make her
attack the more potent, and to leave
him no time to think. But he an-
swered her a great deal more readily
than she had expected.
" Is it fair upon a girl to expect
her to make up for all that ? " he
asked. " Mother, I ask myself
sometimes, if she gave up her own
life for me as I have done for her —
no, not altogether for her — could I
make it up to her ? Is it fair or
just to expect it1? Life means a
great deal, after all — more than just
what you call happiness. You will
think I am very hard-hearted ; but,
do you know, it almost appears to
me sometimes as if a man could get
on better without happiness, if he
had plenty of work to do, than he
could without the work, with only
the happiness to comfort him. Is
it blasphemy, mother ? Even if it
is, you will not be too hard upon
me."
Mrs Mitford paused a little to
think over her answer; and per-
haps anybody who takes an interest
in her will be shocked to hear that
she was rather — glad — half-glad —
with a kind of relief at her heart.
"John," she said, "I don't know
what to say. I am — sorry — you
have found it out, my dear. Oh, I
am very sorry you have found it
out — for it is hard ; but, do you
know, I fear it is true."
" I wonder how my mother found
it out," he said, looking down upon
her with that strange surprise which
moves a child when it suddenly
suspects some unthought-of conflict
in the settled immovable life which
it has been familiar with all its
days, and accepted as an eternal
reality. He had propounded his
theory as the very worst and very
saddest discovery in existence, and
lo ! she had accepted it as a truism.
It bewildered John so that he could
not add another word.
" One finds everything out if one
lives long enough," she said, hastily,
with a nervous smile. " And, my
dear, this is what I always thought
— this is why I always disapproved
of this bank scheme. You were
hurried into it without time to
think. And now that you find it
does not answer, oh, my boy, what
is to be done ? You should not
lose any time, John. You should
come to an understanding with Mr
Crediton and Kate "
Heavy as his heart was, John
could not but smile. " You go so
fast, mother dear, that you take
away my breath."
" So fast ! what can be too fast,
when you are unhappy, my dear \
One can see at a glance that you
are unhappy. Oh, John, come back !
Believe me, my own boy, the only
comfort is doing God's work ; every-
thing else is unsatisfactory. Oh,
my dear, come home ! If I but saw
you taking to the parish work, and
coming back to your own life, I
should care for nothing more — no-
thing more in this world."
" Softly, softly," said John. " My
dear mother, I was not thinking of
the parish work — far, very far from
it. I cannot tell you what I was
thinking of. I may find what I
want in the bank after all. Here
is the train, and James waiting for
you with the phaeton. Let me put
you in before I go away."
" But oh, John, if it cannot be
for the present — if you cannot come
back all at once — now that your
mind is unsettled, dear, oh think it
carefully over this time, and con-
sider what I say."
" This time" John said to him-
736
John.— Part VIII.
[June
self, when he had bidden his mother
good-bye and had thrown himself
into a corner of the railway carriage
with his face towards Camelford —
" think it carefully over this time"
The words filled him with strange
shame. He had made one disrup-
tion in his life, it was evident,
without sufficient care or thought.
Was he one of the wretched vacil-
lators so contemptible to a young
man, who are always changing, and
yet never come to any settled de-
termination? His cheeks flushed
crimson, though he was all alone,
as the thought came into his mind.
No ; this time he must make no
hasty change ; this time, at least,
no false position must be consented
to. He must put Kate out of his
mind, and every vain hope and
yearning after what people call
happiness. Happiness ! most people
managed to do without it ; even —
could it be possible ] — his mother
managed to do without it ; for hap-
piness, after all, is not life. This
time there must be no mistake on
that head.
It was night when he reached
his lodging ; and his mind was as
doubtful and his thoughts as con-
fused and uncertain as when he had
left it. He went into his dreary
little parlour, and had his lamp
lighted, and sat down in the silence.
He iiad come back again just as he
went away. The decision which he
had to make seemed to have been
waiting for him here — waiting all
these days — and faced him the mo-
ment he returned. What was he
going to do ? He sat down and
listened to the clock ticking, and to
now and then an unfrequent step
passing outside, or the voice of his
landlady talking in the little under-
ground kitchen. His portmanteau,
which he had brought in with him,
was on the floor just by the door.
The thought came upon him in his
unrest to seize it again in his hand,
and rush out and jump into the
first cab, and go back to Fern wood ;
not that he expected any comfort
at Fernwood, but only that it was
the only other change possible to
him. If he arrived there late at
night, when nobody expected him,
and went in suddenly without any
warning, what should he see 1 The
impulse to make the experiment
was so strong upon him that he
actually got up from his seat to
obey it, but then came to himself,
and sat down again, and took out
Kate's little letter. It was very
short, and there was nothing in it
to excite any man. This was all
that Kate said : —
"DEAREST JOHN, — Why don't
you write to me 1 You used to
write almost every day, and now
here, is a full fortnight and I have
not heard from you. I think it so
strange. I hope you are not ill,
nor anybody belonging to you. It
makes me very anxious. Do write.
— Ever your affectionate
" KATE."
That was^ll. There was nothing
in it to open any fresh fountain in
his breast.' . He folded it up care-
fully and slowly into its envelope,
and put it back into his pocket.
Write to her ! why should he write ]
It was not «as if he wanted to up-
braid her, or to point out any enor-
mity she had done. She had not
done anything ; and what could
he say ? The future was so misty
before him, and his own heart so
languid, that her appeal made no
impression upon him. Why should
he do it? But he stopped again
just before he put the letter in his
pocket, and gave another glance at
his portmanteau. Should he go,
and carry her his answer, and judge
once again what was the best for
her and for himself ? He gave up
that fancy when the clock struck
eight slowly in his ears. It was
too late to go to Fernwood that
night; and yet there were hours
and hours to pass before he could
throw himself on his bed with any
chance of sleeping ; and he had no
business to occupy him, or work to
do — and how was this long, slow,
silent night to be hastened on its
tardy wing 1 John rose at last,
with a kind of desperation, and
1870.]
John.-— Part VIII.
737
went out. He had nowhere to go,
having sought no acquaintances in
Camelford. There was nobody in
the place that he cared to see, or
indeed would not have gone out of
his way to avoid ; but the streets
were all lit up, and some of them
were noisy enough. John wander-
ed through them in the lamp-light
with strange thoughts. He seemed
to himself like a man who had lost
his way in the world. He was like
Dante when he stood in the midst
of his life and found that he had
missed the true path. To go on
seemed impossible; and when he
would have turned back, how many
wild beasts were in the way to with-
stand him ! Was there anybody,
he wondered, who could lead him
back that long, long roundabout
way through Hell and Purgatory
and Heaven ? With such a ques-
tion in his mind, he wandered into
places such as he had il^ver entered
before ; he watched the people in
the streets, and went after them to
their haunts. -A strange phantas-
magoria seemed to pass before his
eyes, of dancers and singers, and
stupid crowds gaping and looking
on, amid smoke and noise and sor-
did merrymaking. He heard their
rude jests and their talk, and loud
harsh peals of laughter; he listened
to the songs they were listening
to with the rough clamour of ap-
plause in which there was no real
enjoyment. He followed them
mutely — a solitary, keen-eyed spec-
tator— into the places where they
danced, and where they drank, and
where they listened to those songs,
with a strange sense of unreality
upon him all the while. They were
as unreal as if they had been lords
and ladies yawning at a State ball.
And then all at once John found
himself in a dreary half -lighted
room, in the midst of a Wesleyan
prayer -meeting, where half-seen
people, like ghosts in the half-light,
were calling to God to have mercy
upon them. He gazed at the
prayer -meeting as he did at the
music-hall, wondering what all the
people meant. Would they go on
like that till death suddenly came
and turned the performance into a
reality at last 1 He had no Yirgil
to guide him, no Donna sceso del
cielo to be his passport everywhere.
And he scarcely knew what were
the doubts he wanted to be solved.
" Now I shall sleep at last," was
all he said to himself as he went in
when the night was far advanced,
having spent it in visiting many
places where Dr Mitford's son
should not have entered. Was he
taking to evil ways 1 or was there
any chance that he could solve his
own problem by means such as
these 1
CHAPTER XXVI.
Next morning John did not per-
mit himself any musings ; he got up
with the air of a man who has some-
thing to do for the first time for
many weeks. There was nobody to
do anything for him in his poor
lodging ; no Jervis to unpack his
things and put them in order. He
had opened his portmanteau to take
out what he wanted from it, but he
had not unpacked it. It stood open
with all its straps undone, and every-
thing laid smooth by the careful
hands at home, and John closed it
once more and left it in readiness
to be removed again when he went
out. It was quite early in the Oc-
tober morning, which was bright,
and sharp, and frosty, with patches
of white rime lying in the unsunned
corners, and great blobs of cold dew
hanging from the branches of the
suburban trees. " My mother has
had her frost," John could not help
saying to himself, as he went out.
And all the world was astir, looking
as unlike that feverish, noisy world
which had smoked and cheered at
the music-halls last night, as could
be supposed. When he saw the
people moving about so briskly in
the sharp, clear air, he could not
738
John.— Part VIII.
[June
but ask himself, were they the
same 1 Was that the man who had
thumped with hands and feet, and
roared open-mouthed, at the imbe-
cility of the comic song? or was
that he who led the chorus of ex-
clamations at the prayer-meeting1?
John was in so strange a state of
mind that the one was to him very
much as the other, both phantoms —
one coarsely making believe to be
amused, the other coarsely pretend-
ing to pray. He went to the bank
first, where all the clerks had just
settled down in the first freshness
of morning work. He went in at
the swinging doors with the early
public, and stood outside the coun-
ter looking for some one to address
himself to. In his first glance
round he saw that his place at the
desk in the window from which he
had so often watched Kate was
filled by another; which was a
small matter enough, and yet went
through him with a sudden thrill,
adding firmness to the resolution
which began to form in his mind.
After a moment Mr Whichelo rose
from his desk, and came forward,
holding out his hand, to meet him.
"How are you, Mr Mitford 1 I
hope I see you quite recovered :
how is the arm 1 " said Mr Whichelo,
with bustling cordiality ; and John
had to pause to explain how it
was that he was able to do without
his bandages, and no longer re-
quired to wear the injured arm in
a sling.
" Mr Crediton has not come in
to-day. I don't suppose we are
likely to see him to-day ; but you
must know better than we do, Mr
Mitford, for I suppose you have
just come from Fern wood ? "
" No, it is some time since I left
Fern wood. I have been at home,"
said John.
" Dear me !" said the head clerk,
raising his eyebrows. Mr Whichelo
thought there was no such place as
Fernwood in the kingdom, and was
naturally astonished that any man
could relinquish its delights. But
then he added, with condescending
moral approval, " And quite right,
too, Mr Mitford ; when there is any-
thing the matter with you, there is
no place like home."
Then there was a momentary
pause ; the public were coming and
going, in small numbers as yet, but
still enough to keep the doors
swinging and the clerks at the
counter employed. But Mr Which-
elo and John stood in the centre,
between the two lines of desks, tak-
ing no notice of the public. John
would have known quite well what
to say to Mr Crediton had he found
him there, but it was more difficult
with his head clerk.
"Ah, I see," said Mr Whichelo;
" you always had a very quick eye,
Mr Mitford — you perceive the
change we have made."
" I perceive you have filled up
my place," said John.
" No, no — not filled up your
place ; I have put in a junior tem-
porarily to do the work. My dear
Mr Mitford," said the head clerk,
with a smile, " if you were only an
ordinary employe like one of the
rest "
" I should not be worth my salt,"
said John, with an attempt at a
laugh.
"Very far from that; you are
only too good for us — too good for
us, that is all. It seems a shame,
with your education, to see you
making entries that any lad could
make. But of course, Mr Mit-
ford, you occupy a very different
position. We are all aware of
that."
"A false position," said John.
"Don't disturb the young fellow
for me. No, I have not come back
to work. I want to see Mr Credi-
ton if I can. You don't expect
him to - day ? nor to - morrow 1
Then I must see him somewhere
else »
" At Fernwood," said Mr Which-
elo ; " you can always see him at
Fernwood."
" Very well," said John. He felt
as- if he had got his orders when
these words were said. Of course
it was to Fernwood he must go to
see if any comfort was to be had
1870.]
John.— Part VIII.
739
there. Fanshawe threw no light
upon what he ought to do, neither
did Camelford; and Fernwood
was the only place that remained.
He shook hands with Mr Whichelo
again, and went out with a certain
alacrity. The junior at his desk
in the window no longer troubled
him. Yes j no doubt the boy would
sit there, and see Kate come and
go, and take no thought. The
beautiful Miss Crediton, with all
her gaieties and splendour, would
be nothing to him : far better that
he should fill that corner and make
his entries, than that John should
sit there cousuming his heart.
Fernwood was ten miles off, but
it was a bright day, and to walk
there was the best thing he could
do. It gave him time to think,
and it kept up -a certain rhythm
of movement and action about him
which prevented him from think-
ing— and that on the whole was the
best. The long road spun along
like a thread, lengthening and
lengthening as he went on, moving
as if off a wheel, with half-stripped
trees and falling leaves, and brown
hedges, and here and there the
russet glory of a bramble -branch
trailing over the humid grass.
Turn, Fortune, turn thy wheel, he
seemed to hear some one singing
as he went on and on ; and the
gleaming line of path spun out,
circling out of the horizon on one
side, back into it on the other,
and there seemed no reason why
it should ever come to any pause.
His brain was giddy, and spun, too,
as the road did. He went on with
a buzzing in his ears, as if he too
were on the wheel, and was wind-
ing, winding, and revolving with
it, now up, now down, going on
and on. What the end was, or if
there was any end, he did not seem
to know. It was the measured
chant, the circles woven by mystic
feet, never ending, still beginning.
He had come to the very park of
Fernwood before he roused himsejf
from this strange dreamy sense of
movement. It was a brilliant au-
tumn, and already the beech-trees
and the oaks were dressed in a
hundred colours. The gentlemen
of the party would of course be
among the covers — and the ladies
Here John paused, and began
to ask himself what his meaning
was. Was it Kate he had come to
see 1 was it into her hands that
once more, once again, like a fool,
he was going to put his fate 1
He stopped, and leaned upon a
great beech, which stood with a
little forest of juniper-bushes round
it, withdrawn from the road. It
was on the outskirts of the park,
just where two paths met — one
starting off into the wilder tan-
gled ground beyond the open ; the
other leading up towards the house
on a parallel with the avenue
which John had just left. He was
crossing through the brushwood
to gain this footpath, when he stop-
ped there against the beech -tree
to collect himself, feeling giddy.
It was a huge beech, with a trunk
vast enough to have hidden a com-
pany of people, and great russet
branches sweeping down, and the
juniper in circles, like the stones of
the Druids, making a sort of jungle
round it. Was it an evil or a good
fate that brought him there at that
moment of all others 1 He had
scarcely stopped, and the sound of
his foot crushing down the juniper
could not have ceased in the still
air, when his eye caught a gleam of
colour and some moving figures
passing close to him on the other
side of the beech. He stood like
one bewildered when he saw that it
was Kate. She was walking along
slowly at a very meditative pace,
with her head drooping and her eyes
cast down, so far occupied with her
thoughts that she neither heard nor
saw nor suspected the presence of
any observing bystander. And she
was not alone. Walking by her
side, with his eyes upon her, was
Fred Huntley. She was gazing on
the ground, but he was gazing at
her. Her face was abstracted and
full of thought ; but his was eager,
flushed with wishes and hopes and
expectation. They were not saying
740
John.— Part VIII.
[June
anything to each other. John did
not hear a word as they went slowly
past ; but imagine how it must have
felt to wake up out of a feverish
haze of doubt and inquietude and
unreality, and suddenly open his
eyes on such a sight! He stood
spell-bound, scarcely venturing to
breathe, and heard the rustle and
sweep of her dress over the grass,
and her sometimes faltering, un-
steady step, and Huntley's foot,
that rang firm upon the path.
Their very breathing seemed to
come to him in the air, and the
faint violet scent, which was Kate's
favourite perfume, and the move-
ment and rustle of her going. They
passed as if they had been a dream,
and John held his breath, and all
his life concentrated itself into his
eyes. Her figure detached itself
so against the still autumnal land-
scape, her grey dress, the blue rib-
bons that fluttered softly about her,
the soft ruffled feathers, lightly
puffed up against the wind in her
hat — and the man by her side, with
his eyes so intent upon her. It was
an affair of a moment, and they
were gone ; and as soon as they had
passed out of hearing, and were
about to disappear among the trees,
they began to talk. He heard their
voices, but could not tell what they
said; but the voices were low,
toned to the key of that still land-
scape, and of something still more
potential than the landscape ; and
John turned from the scene, which
was stamped on his memory as if
in lines of fire, and looked himself
as it were in the face, feeling that
this at last was the truth which
had burst upon him, scattering to
the wind all his dreams.
He turned without a word, and
walked back to Camelford. There
seemed no more doubt or power of
question in his mind. He did not
even feel as if any painful accident
had happened to him ; only that it
was all over — finished and past, and
the seal put to the grave of his
dreams. He even walked back
with more assured steps, with less
sense of a burden on his shoulders
and a yoke about his neck. It had
been very sweet and very bitter,
delightsome and miserable, while it
lasted ; but now it was over. And
it never occurred to him that the
conclusion which he thus accepted
so summarily was as unreasonable
as the beginning. No ; the time of
dreaming was over, he thought, and
now at last there stood revealed to
him the real and the true.
CHAPTER XXVII.
It was late in the afternoon when
John reached Camelford. He had
stopped to rest at a roadside public-
house, where he ate and drank,
as a man might do in the ex-
haustion of grief coming home
from a funeral. He had sat before
the rustic door, and watched the
carts that went slowly past with
heavy wheels, and the unfrequent
passengers ; and he had felt very
much as if he had been at a funeral.
It was a long walk, and he was very
footsore and weary when he reach-
ed his lodgings. He was out of
training, and the fire and his acci-
dent had impaired his strength, and
his heart was not light enough to
give him any assistance. When he
shut himself once more into his little
parlour, he was so much worn out
that he had no strength to do any-
thing. He had meant to return only
for the sake of the portmanteau,
which imagination represented to
him lying open on the floor of his
bedroom, all packed, which it was a
comfort to think of ; but after his,
twenty-miles walk he had no longer
the energy to gather his little pos-
sessions together. He laid his ach-
ing limbs on the sofa and tried to
rest. But it was very hard to rest ;
he wanted to be in motion all the
time ; he did not feel able to con-
front the idea of spending all the
gloomy evening alone in that dreary
little room. Home, home, his mind
1870.]
John.— Part VI1L
741
kept saying. It would not be cheer-
ful at home. He did not know how
he was to bear the stillness, and his
mother's cry of wonder, and his
father's questionings. But yet a
necessity was upon him to go on
and make an end of the whole
matter ; and he shrank from the
thought of even one evening more
in that half-lighted, drab-coloured,
miserable room. After his first
pause of weariness, he sprang up
and rang his bell, and told his
landlady he was going away. " Get
my bill ready, please/' he said ;
" and if you will put my things to-
gether for me, and send for a cab
for the eight o'clock train "
" Lord, sir, I hope it aint nothing
in the rooms ! they're nice rooms
as ever could be, and as comf orable
as I could make them, or any
woman," she said. John comforted
her amour propre as well as he
could, with a tale of circumstances
that compelled his departure, and
felt as if he had been addressing a
public meeting when his short col-
loquy was over. Never in his life
before had he been so tired — not
ill nor sad to speak of — but tired ;
so fatigued that he did not know
what to do with himself. But it
was still only four o'clock, and there
were four hours to be got through,
and a great deal to do. He got his
writing things together with as
much difficulty as if they had been
miles apart, and threw himself on
the sofa again, and wrote. The first
letter was to Mr Crediton, and over
that the pen went on fluently
enough.
" DEAR Sm,— I think it right to
let you know at once — as soon as I
am perfectly sure of my own mind
— that I feel obliged to relinquish
the post you kindly gave me three
months ago in the bank. Early
training, and the habits belonging
to a totally different kind of life,
have at last made the position un-
tenable. I am very sorry, but it is
better to stop before worse come of
it, if worse could come. I do not
suppose that the suddenness of my
resolution can put you to any in-
convenience, as I saw, on visiting
the bank this morning, that my
place had been already filled up. I
meant to have seen you, but found
it impracticable. I hope you will
accept my apologies for any abrupt-
ness that there may be in this
letter, and regrets that I have not
been able better to make use of the
opportunity you afforded me "
Here John came to a stop — op-
portunity for what ] Opportunity
of winning your confidence — oppor-
tunity of gaining an acquaintance
with business — of proving myself
worthy of higher trust 1 He could
not adopt any of these expressions.
The shorter the letter, the least said,
the better. He broke off abruptly
without concluding his sentence.
He had very little to thank Mr
Crediton for ; but yet he could not,
with any regard to justice, blame
him. Kate's father, though he had
done little for, had done nothing
absolutely against him. It was not
Mr Crediton he found fault with —
Mr Crediton was very justifiable ;
and was it, could it be, that he was
about to find fault with Kate 1
He began to write to her half-a-
dozen times at least. He began in-
dignant— he began tenderly, — he
upbraided — he remonstrated — his
pen ran away with him. He had
meant to use one class of words, and
under his very eyes it employed
another. He wrote her ever so
many letters. He set before her
all his passion — all his readiness to
sacrifice himself — all the tortures he
had suffered at the window of the
bank seeing her come and go and
having no share in her life. He
told her what a chill blank had come
over him at Fernwood — how he had
felt that he was nothing to her. He
told her what he had seen that
morning. He was eloquent, pathet-
ic, overwhelming. His own heart
felt as if it must burst while he
wrote ; but as he read over each
completed page, John had still so
much good sense left that he
dragged his stiff limbs from the
742
John.— Part VIII.
[June
sofa and put it in the fire. It was
thus he occupied almost all the time
he had to wait ; and it was only just
before his cab came to the door that
he put into its envelope this letter,
in which it will be seen he neither
remonstrated nor upbraided, nor
even gave her up. He could not
give her up, and how could he
accuse her ? He accuse Kate ! If
she was guilty her heart would do
that — if not But alas ! the
latter alternative was impossible ;
only for " utter courtesy," for utter
tenderness, he could not blame the
woman he loved.
" I do not know how to write,"
he said, "though you tell me to
write. Dear Kate, dearest Kate —
you will always be dearest to me,
— This may pass over, and be to
you as the merest dream ; but to me
it must always be the centre and
heart of my life. I don't know
what to say to you. I have not
written, not out of lack of love, but
lack of hope. If I could think I
was any way necessary to you — if
I could feel you wanted me — but
your sweet life is so complete ; and
what is mine to be tacked on to it 1
I don't know what to say. Silence
seems the best. Dear ! dearest ! you
are so bright that my heart fails me
when I look at you. I drop down
into the shade, and there seems
nothing left for me but to keep still.
I try to rouse myself with the
thought of what you say — that you
want me to write, that you are
anxious — anxious about me ! And
you mean it, dear — you mean it, I
know ; but the words have a soft
meaning to you different from their
meaning to me. And you have no
need of me, Kate. I feel it, and that
takes the words out of my mouth,
and all the courage out of my heart.
" I was at Fernwood to-day, and
saw you, though you did not see
me. You were walking in the little
footpath near the avenue. Ah, Kate!
but for that I think I could have
gone to you, and said some things
I cannot write. Do not be grieved
in your kind heart because I am leav-
ing Camelford. It was a mistake,
but I was to blame. I am going
home, and I don't quite know what
I shall do ; but time, perhaps, will
make the way clear. Dearest, if
ever you should want me — but how
should you want me ? God bless
you ! I have no claim to make, nor
plea to put forth ; but I am always
and ever yours — always and for
ever, whatever may happen — yours
and yours only to command,
"JOHN MITFORD."
He put the two letters into their
envelopes, and sealed and put them
into the post with his own hand as
he went to the station. He car-
ried all his possessions with him —
not merely the portmanteau ; and
he was dead tired — so tired that
he would have passed Fanshawe
station and gone on perhaps to
London — for he had dropt asleep
in the train — but for the guard,
who knew him. When he found
himself on the little platform at Fan-
shawe, chilly and stupid as a man
is who has just awakened from sleep,
the only strong feeling in his mind
was an earnest overwhelming desire
to get to bed. He did not seem
capable of realising that he had got
home again, after his disastrous
voyage into the world — he only
thought of going to sleep; and it
was not his mother's wondering
welcome he was thinking of, or the
questions they would ask him,
but a pleasant vision of his own
room, with the fire burning in the
grate, and the white fragrant sheets
opened up and inviting him to rest.
He felt half asleep when he crossed
the threshold of the Rectory, and
walked into the drawing-room to
his mother, who gave a shriek of
mingled delight and alarm at so
unlooked-for an apparition. " John,
you are ill ; something has hap-
pened," Mrs Mitford cried out, in an
agony of apprehension. " I am only
sleepy, mother," he said. That was
all he could say. He sat down and
smiled at her, and told her how tired
he was. " Nothing particular has
happened, except in my own mind,"
1870.]
John.— Part Vlll.
743
he added, when he came to himself
a little, "and not much even there.
I am awfully tired. Don't ask me
anything, and don't be unhappy.
There is nothing to be unhappy
about. You shall know it all to-
morrow. But please, mother dear,
let me go to bed."
" And so you shall, my dear," said
Mrs Mitford; "but, oh, my own boy,
what is the matter] What can I
say to your papa 1 What is it 1
Oh, John, I know there is some-
thing wrong."
" Only that I shall go to sleep
here," he said, " and snore — which
you never could endure. There is
nothing wrong, mamma. I have
come home to be put to bed."
" Then you are ill," she said.
" You have caught one of those
dreadful fevers. I see it now.
Your eyes are so heavy you can
scarcely look at me. You have
been in some of the cottages, or in
the back streets, where there is al-
ways fever; but Jervis shall run for
the doctor, and the fire must be
lighted in your room."
" The fire by all means, but not
the doctor," said John. " I have no
fever, mother; but I have walked
twenty miles to-day, and I am very
tired. That is all. I am not hiding
anything : let me go up-stairs."
" You are sure that is all 1 A fire
in Mr John's room directly, Jervis
— directly, mind ; and some boiling
water to make him a hot drink — he
has caught a bad cold. Oh, my dear,
you are sure that is all1? And, John,
you have really, really come home —
to stay 1 You don't mean to stay 1 "
"I don't know what I mean," he
said. " I have left Camelford. I
have come back like a piece of bad
money. But, mother, don't ask me
any questions to-night."
"Not one," she answered prompt-
ly; and then besieged him with her
eyes — " Twenty miles, my dear boy !
what a long walk ! no wonder you
are tired. But what put it into your
head, John 1 Never mind, my dear.
I did not mean to ask any more
questions. But, dear me ! where
could you want to go that was
twenty miles off? That is what
bewilders me."
" You shall hear all about it to-
morrow," said John, rising to his
feet. He was so tired that he stag-
gered as he rose, and his mother
turned upon him eyes in which
another kind of fear flashed up.
She grew frightened at his weak-
ness, and at the pale smile that
came over his face.
" Yes, my dear, go to bed— that
will be the best thing," she said,
looking scared and miserable. And
it went to John's heart to see the
painful looks she gave him, though
it was with a mixture of indignation
and amusement that he perceived the
new turn her thoughts had taken.
He could not but laugh as he put his
arm round her to say good-night.
" It is not that either," he said ;
" you need not mistrust me. Stay-
ing in Camelford will not answer,
mother. I must find some other
way. And I have had a long walk. I
am better now that my head is under
my mother's wing. Good-night."
" I will bring you your hot drink,
my dear," said Mrs Mitford. She
followed him in her great wonder to
the foot of the stairs, and watched
him go up wearily with his candle,
and then she returned and made the
hot drink, and carried it up-stairs
with her own hands. Was it all
over 1 — was he hers again ? — her
boy, with nobody else to share him ]
"If he only escapes without a
heartbreak, I shall be the happiest
mother in the world," she said to
herself, as she went down-stairs
again, wiping tears of joy out of
her eyes. Without a heartbreak !
while John laid his head on the
familiar pillow and felt as if he had
died. He had no heart any longer to
break. He must have something to
do, and no doubt he would get up
next day and go and do something,
if it was only working in the gar-
den ; but as for the heart, that
which gives all the zest and all the
bitterness to life, that was dead.
His life was over and ended, and it
seemed to him as if he could never
come alive again.
744
Trade- Unions.
[June
TRADE- UNIONS.
IN a former article* we stated the
leading principles which ultimate-
ly govern the relations between
capital and labour. The discussion
brought us into contact with a doc-
trine which has been largely used
in defence of Trade-Unions, and has
brought them no little sympathy in
quarters not naturally prepossessed
in their favour. It is asserted that
on many points the wages obtained
by the workmen are determined in
no slight degree by bargaining ;
and then it is added that the la-
bourers do not bargain on equal
terms with their employers — that
each workman is isolated and un-
able to enforce what is fairly his
due, and that Trade-Unions help him
with a combination which remedies
his natural weakness, and enables
him to deal on fair terms with the
superior position of his master.
We stated how much truth and
error we conceived to be involved
in this doctrine. We thus reach
the second division of our subject —
that part of it, namely, which con-
tains the economical principles
which the Unions claim to have
appreciated, and to carry out by
practical organisation.
The Unions appeal to political
economy. They profess to act in
obedience to its laws and to seek
the execution of its suggestions.
They put forward in their de-
fence a body of doctrine, and there-
by raise an issue of which economi-
cal science must be the judge. In
trying this issue we shall on our
side appeal to the general principles
laid down in our previous article :
for it is of the utmost importance
both to the wage-receiving classes
as well as to the country at large
that the real economical truth in
this important matter should be
correctly apprehended. The Unions
themselves, by the profession of
certain doctrines, admit the neces-
sity of establishing the position
of masters and men on scientific
grounds.
The first assertion put forth by
the advocates of Trade-Unions al-
leges that their aim is to secure a
permanent minimum of wages.
They not only seek to give help to
the individual workman, who does
not and cannot know what is the
true market-value of his labour,
and who can easily be overpowered
by the counter-bargainer to whom
he is opposed— they aspire to a
much greater and nobler end.
Their ambition is to place the la-
bourer on permanently solid ground,
to secure for him an existence
which befits civilisation, and,
whilst admitting the range which
must be conceded to bargaining,
shall nevertheless prevent him
from being degraded into a con-
dition unworthy of him as a man.
Wages shall not fall below a cer-
tain point, proclaim the Unions;
and we, the Unions, shall also de-
termine that point. The workman
may obtain more, if circumstances
whether of trade or bargaining fa-
vour him ; less he shall never re-
ceive from his employer under pain
of that employer's business being
stopped altogether by the strike we
shall decree. There is a certain
nobleness in this language — it has
a grand air of philanthropy; nay, it
is an ideal which every man would
rejoice to see realised. It will be
a blessed thing indeed for any
country if its workmen shall never
receive less than a satisfactory
minimum of wages. But our pre-
vious discussion has taught us that
the propriety, on grounds of hu-
manity, of every man being re-
warded with a remuneration which
shall give comfort and even dignity
to his existence, does not express
See article " Trade-Unions " in our May Number.
1870.]
Trade- Unions.
745
the whole of the problem. There
is at least one other element in
it which must be combined with
the fitness of the minimum wage.
Can it be permanently assured1?
Good wages are an excellent thing,
but their desirableness will not
procure them unless they are pos-
sible. To preach to a master that
he shall not pay below a certain
amount will not be sufficient for
reaching the wished-f or end ; some
one else must be preached to be-
sides the master, and that is the
workman himself. The labourers
must not have families beyond
the means of obtaining work for
them at this minimum rate. Do
the Trade-Unions recognise the
fact, that it is far easier to procure
good wages for the labourers when
their numbers are not in excess,
than it is to prevent the labourers
from multiplying beyond the power
of the market, or even of the whole
nation, to maintain them 1 Those
who seek to lay down a fixed and
imperative minimum of wages must
deal with all the forces which are
acting on masters and men. They
must have capital enough — that is,
food, clothes, materials, and tools
enough — to set the men to work ;
further, they must possess a mar-
ket which will sell off the goods
produced — a demand which will
allow of the required minimum be-
ing obtained ; and then they must
deal with the labourers themselves,
and provide effectively that the
sharers in the proceeds shall not
be too many to render it possible
to distribute the full minimum to
each. These are not easy condi-
tions to fulfil, and unfortunately
for all parties alike, the leaders
of Trade-Unions show but a faint
perception of the necessity of meet-
ing all these requirements together.
It is very easy to say, Give five
shillings a-day to every man you
employ, or we shall strike; but
even if the masters agree to obey
the requisition, it far from follows
that there will be five shillings a-
day for every labourer who wants
employment. The Unions are pro-
foundly silent on this point, yet it
is the very kernel of the principle
of a minimum, if it is to be an
economical truth. To insist on a
given wage for the men employed,
by itself alone, is nothing else but
pure bargaining — it is not a gene-
ral economical principle, a scien-
tific and enduring method of per-
manently improving the wages of
the working classes. To exact a
given wage from the employers,
if many workmen are left unem-
ployed, is not a raising of the gen-
eral standard of the whole class.
It may be within the power of a
Union to prevent any master from
procuring labourers at particular
times except upon wages which it
shall determine. It may say to a
master tailor that he shall pay five
shillings a-day to a few workmen,
and not four shillings to many; but
if the buyers of coats will purchase
coats made with labour paid at five
shillings a-day only in reduced
quantities, it is inevitable that
some of the workmen shall obtain
no wages at all. In such a case,
to talk of securing a minimum of
wages as a permanent standard is
mere sound and absurdity, unless
the leaders mean by this process
to starve the labourers into reduc-
ing their numbers and limiting
their marriages and the size of their
families. If such is their meaning,
then their action in this matter is
directed far more really and more
severely against the men than
against the masters; and justice ob-
viously demands that they should let
the workmen who subscribe their
money to the support of the Unions
know they are subscribing for en-
forcing restraint on themselves —
that they are setting up a contriv-
ance for procuring large wages for
a few men, and no wages for the re-
mainder— and that those who in-
vented this contrivance are per-
fectly aware that a minimum of
wages which would be satisfactory
to their feelings can be procured
only from a due proportion be-
746
Trade- Unions.
[June
tween work and population. By
avowing a minimum of wages to be
their aim, the expounders of the
principles of Trade-Unions neces-
sarily imply that those who cannot
get work must come upon the work-
house or emigrate. There is no
escape from this conclusion ; and it
is of the very highest importance
that the labouring classes should
thoroughly take in this inevitable
result of an inexorable law.
But in truth this plan of securing
a permanent minimum of wages is
nothing but an agreeable vision,
which the leaders of Trade-Unions
dangle before the eyes of their fol-
lowers. It gives a scientific look
to their action ; and the workmen
bestow their support on these insti-
tutions more confidently when they
are made to believe that those who
understand such matters, those who
know something about political
economy, are accomplishing a vast
boon which is fairly within their
grasp. Who is there to tell them
that wages, for a continuance,
must depend on the demand there
is for work and the number of the
workmen1? It 'is easy to perceive
that on a given day the men may
insist on a minimum below which
they will not work, and, as we have
admitted in our first article, may
possibly obtain it ; but when the
matter passes on from a particular
struggle to a general and abiding
result, it is not so obvious to minds
untrained in science that the per-
manent remuneration of labour is
an exceedingly complex problem,
and involves many more elements
than are ever heard of in the coun-
cils of Trade-Unions. If Trade-
Union orators were challenged to
explain to their followers what
they propose to do with the work-
men for whom no work at the fixed
rate of wages can be found, and
what measures they mean to adopt
to prevent the continuance of such
an excess of labourers, the pleasant
dream of a minimum of wages
would speedily vanish from their
speech. But it will be said, Talk
about a minimum of wages is a
shallow and transparent device in
the lips of Trade-Unionists ; but
is such a thing impracticable by
its very nature ? Is it impossible
that nations should settle down
into a minimum of remuneration for
labour, and maintain its existence
for long periods of time ] By no
means : a minimum may be a very
practicable matter, and has been
realised in many countries. Indeed
the universal tendency of all na-
tions has been to gravitate towards
a minimum. The apparent breach
of this law exhibited to recent times
is exceptional. It is the result
mainly of the wonderful acquisition
of mechanical and chemical force
obtained from the discoveries of
science, and the enormous impulse
which has thereby been imparted to
industry. Steam is the generator
of many exceptions. Every nation
on the face of the globe feels its
transforming power ; and one of its
most prominent effects has been to
create such relations as that which
England and a few other manufac-
turing nations occupy towards the
bulk of mankind. Trade pene-
trates everywhere ; but precisely
because it is in our age a remodel-
ler, a reconstructor of many socie-
ties, its course is one of vast dis-
turbance, — of beneficial disturb-
ance, certainly, — but still of dis-
turbance. It is in these days emi-
nently unsteady ; its action is vol-
canic ; it upheaves and it pulls
down. It overthrows old methods,
it substitutes new ones, which are
themselves in turn revolutionised.
Nowhere is a stable, permanent,
normal condition established. But
it was not so in the past, it was not
so in the youth of the present ge-
neration, it is not so still in many
regions of the earth. Trade was
then but slowly progressive, and
wages experienced little change.
Neither population nor the fruits
of its labour increased rapidly or
largely, and thus a practical kind
of minimum prevailed. Such a
minimum, as yet little ruffled by
1870.]
Trade- Unions.
747
the spasmodic convulsions of manu-
facturing countries, is still spoken
of as existing in Norway and other
lands. In other regions the mini-
mum is little, if at all, above the
limits of what is indispensable for
bare existence. In the vast ex-
panse of China, we are told of a
mode of life which contents itself
with the minimum of necessary
food, and this as a permanent form
of society. A stationary or moder-
ately-progressive society rests al-
ways on a minimum of wages. The
vital matter is the point at which
this minimum establishes itself.
We do not require a Trade -Union
to teach us the doctrine of a mini-
mum : it exists as a fact over a
large part of the human race.
Trade-Unions mean by the term a
minimum adequate in their esti-
mation ; and thus the points to be
ascertained are, What is a satisfac-
tory minimum ? and how is it to be
accomplished 1
To the first question the Trade-
Unions give no intelligible answer :
at least they define the minimum
to be all they can get by fight-
ing ; and to the second they reply,
that a Trade -Union is the most
effective instrument for obtaining
the end desired, precisely because
it is the best weapon for fighting.
We have shown that, on the con-
trary, it is eminently unfitted for
the office of fixing a minimum,
because it takes no notice of all
the forces which determine the re-
sult. The process is at once em-
pirical and incomplete. It says it
must have so many shillings ; fights
for so many shillings; and learns
only by the issue of the struggle
how many shillings it can have and
will have. As to permanence it
does not offer one single guarantee,
3xcept the incessant recurrence of
i fight whenever a variation is
threatened. But nature has provided
i process of very different efficacy.
The habits of a people founded on
all the circumstances of their posi-
tion are perfectly capable of estab-
lishing as real and as large a mini-
VOL. CVIL — NO. DCLVL
mum as human life is capable of.
A people which has accustomed itself
to a certain standard of comfort
calls into action all the forces of
the situation. It learns prudence.
It resists a deterioration of its state
as degrading and full of suffering,
and thus, by a kind of spontaneous,
unconscious action, applies a remedy
by the postponement of marriage,
by emigration, and other measures.
It may be subject to great varia-
tion in the rate of wages, especi-
ally in days like ours. If pro-
sperity abounds, it will steadily
raise its standard, and permanently
secure some of the good acquired.
If adversity assails it from causes
beyond its control, it will bear,
like the men of Lancashire, evils
which no art could avert, and will
be careful to retain its moral tone
unimpaired. It achieves these ends
without artificial expense and with-
out violence. It achieves them be-
cause all the natural forces are
suffered to work each after its own
law. The minimum it attains is
built on quite another foundation
than the precarious issues of suc-
cessive battles. It reposes on the
basis of a population whose num-
bers accommodate themselves to
the general products of industry,
and to the share which accrues by
natural law to the capitalist and
the labourer. Such a minimum
is an invaluable blessing for a peo-
ple; but it is not always obtaina-
ble throughout a whole population
under the actual circumstances of
England.
It is to be feared that much bad
political economy, many crude and
erroneous notions, are spread over
the working classes on this very
point of the nature of the remunera-
tion they receive. Trade-Unionists
profess to be economists. It would
be a valuable service indeed if their
teachers would enlighten the minds
of their disciples in this matter.
Wages are reckoned up in money.
The association with the word
wages is always that of money.
Capital, too, is counted in money ;
3 E
748
Trade- Unions.
[June
and thus both wages and capital
come to be regarded as only divi-
sion and distribution of money. A
very pernicious consequence natu-
rally flows from this impression.
The mind is blinded to the percep-
tion of the fact that money is only an
instrument for exchanging wealth,
and is not wealth itself, except as
a machine, in precisely the same
sense as a locomotive or a mill is
wealth. No wonder, then, if the
labourers are slow to observe that
the meaning of the word wages
for them is the amount of things
which they can purchase in the shops ;
and still more slow to notice that
the money which is paid them on
Saturday nights has been bought
by their employers with goods that
he had to give away to obtain it.
Thus the real character of these
problems remains hid from them.
Money is to them a thing of inde-
finite size, whose limits they are
unacquainted with; which comes
easily — how, they know not — to rich
masters, and of which these masters
seem able to acquire unlimited sup-
plies. Their opinions on these
matters might be sensibly modified
if their eyes were opened to per-
ceive that the minimum so loudly
vaunted by their leaders depended
on the quantity of goods produc-
ed in the world, and that if the
stock is diminished, the sharers in
it must of necessity receive less.
Such knowledge might enable
them to perceive further that it was
quite natural that the wages of
Lancashire should sink below their
wonted minimum during the dimi-
nution of wealth created by the
cotton famine ; and that it is just
as natural that their own wages
should sink also when any powerful
cause interfered with the produc-
tion of wealth.
In furtherance of this object, to
obtain a permanent minimum of
wages, Trade - Unions prescribe
rules for the limitation of the num-
ber of apprentices which each mas-
ter shall be permitted to engage.
These rules will not apply to the
greater number of trades comprised
within Trade-Unions ; for they do
not employ apprentices at all. In
such trades, however, as masonry,
and those requiring skill acquired
by long training, apprentices find
a natural position, and thus fall
under this regulation of the Unions.
It is not a testimony in favour of
these artificial limitations on ap-
prentices that they are manifestly
reactionary — that they recall prac-
tices which throve in days when
commerce was feeble and confined
to narrow circles, but which have
been discarded as the complications
and the vastness of modern times
were gradually developed. They
savour of a spirit which speaks of
the handloom and the spinning-
jenny. Their tone is the tone of
monopoly — of the confinement to a
few of advantages which might be
open to the many — of a temper
which secures its own benefit, and
is heedless of that of others. And
thus they display a feature which
characterises most of the regula-
tions enjoined by Trade - Unions.
They are directed against the men,
against 'fellow-labourers, far more
than against the masters. -They
are selfish contrivances by which
those that are in drive off to starva-
tion or emigration those that are
out. It is right, therefore, that the
members of Trade-Unions should
be fairly told that the limitation of
apprentices, like the general doc-
trine of an arbitrary minimum, is
artificial legislation levelled against
themselves; that they are subscrib-
ing to enforce rules which shut out
from employment all but the ad-
mitted few ; and which preach the
doctrine that they must restrict the
number of their children. Thus
the question again recurs — and it is
one which, for their own sakes, they
ought distinctly to answer — whether
it is their opinion that this is the
best and easiest method of forcing
them to adapt their numbers to the
means of employment ; and whether
they believe that the prosperity of
the whole body of workmen is most
1870.]
Trade-Unions.
749
effectually promoted by an arrange-
ment which places the decision of
how many shall be apprentices and
how many shall not in the power
of a few persons.
Bat another consideration pre-
sents itself here, which we shall
find to apply to other proceedings
of the Unionists. If the restric-
tion on the number of appren-
tices applies pressure on the work-
ing classes against the undue mul-
tiplication of their numbers, its
action is equally unmistakable in
restricting the amount of produc-
tion, and consequently diminishing
the quantity of wealth. It is very
important that the operation of this
cause should be clearly understood.
If every man born could be set to
work on the creation of wealth,
beyond doubt a large expansion of
wealth would be the inevitable con-
sequence. So far, then, as men
are not set to work, there is a dimi-
nution of wealth; and a Unionist
may reply that, apart from all
regulation about apprentices, every
force which limits the number of
workers, restricts the production of
wealth. Hence, he may argue,
whether this limitation of numbers
is effected by rules about apprenti
ces, or by the action of spontaneous
and natural causes, the result is al-
ways the same, and therefore no spe-
cial objection can be raised against
rules which decree the number who
shall go on with the trade as being
specially prejudicial to the general
wellbeing of the labouring classes.
But this argument overlooks a very
radical distinction between the
action of natural causes and that
of artificial regulation. When the
workmen are left to themselves to
discern the position of the trade,
the demand for labour is as sure a
guide as the nature of human life
can supply. If it rises, their skill
and energy are in request ; and the
tendency of human nature to raise
its standard of comfort may be
trusted to assert itself. The gene-
ration of wealth expands with the
demand for labour, and men who
are well off are likely to listen to
prudence. The permanent im-
provement of the working classes
depends upon this law of human
nature. But it is quite otherwise
when the determination of the
number to be trained for effective
labour is left to the a priori idea
of a small number of men. In this
case there is no security that work-
men will be forthcoming according
as the demand arises ; and if there
is expansion of demand, it will tend
to be appropriated by a few. Ma-
sons may so consolidate themselves
into a guild as to be sluggishly con-
tented with their condition, and to
be heedless of the wants of the com-
munity. The instinct of self-inte-
rest will not be wholly wanting, we
freely grant ; but it will act with
very different energy from what
it would display when the call to
labour by the certainty of reward
falls freely on the mass of work-
men. Hence, when the supply of
labour is governed by natural
causes, wealth is created as rapidly
as the circumstances of society, in
respect of its demand for labour
and its power of remunerating it,
will allow. In the former case,
men resting on privilege and mono-
poly are sure to follow the law pro-
claimed by experience : they will
respond with comparative feeble-
ness to the summons to exertion,
and the material progress of society
may be seriously impeded. With
that progress the welfare of the
labouring classes is indissolubly
bound up.
Still more grave are the regula-
tions which forbid piece-work and
machinery. They reveal the pro-
found narrowness of conception,
the ignorance of economical laws,
which characterises the leaders of
Trade-Unions. They may rail at
political economy as unreal and un-
true ; but they will not escape the
condition which human nature im-
poses on mankind. Political econo-
my, so far as it is true, is but the
exponent of the nature of human
beings and of the material forces to
750
Trade- Unions.
[June
which they are subject ; and so far
as it is not true, it is not political
economy at all. To prohibit piece-
work is to extinguish every ardent
and progressive faculty in men — to
take away from them that impulse
to effort which is the surest guaran-
tee of their improvement — to de-
stroy that incentive to action which
is the strongest call to great deeds —
and to reduce the mass of the work-
men to the standard of the selfish,
the lazy, and the inefficient. How
can a greater cruelty be practised
on the energetic and the high-spirit-
ed, than to forbid them to use their
strength and their resolution to the
winning of a higher reward ? Can
the disposition of Unionism to act
against the working classes them-
selves, to press on the labourers far
more than on the masters, be more
manifestly shown than by a rule
which has for its special aim to re-
press the exertions of a man who
seeks to better his condition 2 Some
of the Unionists have contended
that piece-work leads to badness of
workmanship ; but this is an idle
statement, unavailable for their
purpose of justifying the prohibi-
tion. The master is the true judge
of the quality of the work that he
pays for. If working by the piece
produced inferior goods, he would
not require the aid of the Union in
substituting the system of wages by
the day. In truth, this plea of in-
ferior workmanship is a new pre-
tence— dust scattered in the air to
blind the eyes of observers. Piece-
work is disliked from the one feel-
ing which dominates the political
economy of the Unionists. Their
spirit is intensely socialist : they
dislike the masters much, but they
dislike the active, ardent, energetic
workman still more. Piece-work
brings higher wages to the industri-
ous labourer : it raises him above
his fellows; and they detest this.
Their real aim is comfortable wages
and short time, to be enjoyed by
every man alike ; or, where this is
impracticable, the obtainment of
this condition by a favoured por-
tion, and the abandonment of the
remainder of the workmen to the
workhouse. In the pursuit of this
much-desired end, they heed not
whether piece-work may not ac-
complish a greater production, and
thereby enlarge the stock to be di-
vided amongst the labourers. They
are unwilling to have a maximum
of produce, the largest practicable
creation of wealth, if it is to be
achieved by the vigorous energies
of thriving labourers, standing by
the side of inferior work and lower
remuneration of the languid and
the idle. Thus they contravene one
of the most vital elements of the
prosperity of the whole nation, and,
most of all, of the labouring classes
themselves — a large quantity of
wealth produced, and a large store
to be divided.
Hostility to machinery is natural;
but it is also in the highest degree
ignorant and unscientific. It is
scarcely possible that machinery,
which performs more work and re-
quires fewer hands, should not for
a while bring suffering to some of
the labourers ; but to infer from
this fact that therefore its intro-
duction should be resisted, even by
violence, is to sentence human life
to stagnation, and to render the
stationary state the highest limit of
happiness obtainable. No principle
more fatal to the wellbeing of the
whole people can be conceived.
If the machines of England were
suppressed, half of her people would
inevitably perish of starvation. If
she failed by her engines of every
kind to produce goods for which
foreign agriculturists will give food
in exchange, the crops and cattle of
the country would speedily be con-
sumed, and what but death would
bring down the population into pro-
portion with the food produced in
her fields ? How would Manches-
ter, Birmingham, Sheffield, and
scores of other towns and counties
be fed if the machines employed in
their factories were destroyed by
the command of the Unions ? Nay,
how would it fare with the Union-
1870.]
Trade- Unions.
751
ists themselves ? The prohibition
of machinery is too absurd for seri-
ous refutation. The conception of
such a design could be possible only
in minds ignorant of the very first
elements of the structure of society
— of the way in which men live to-
gether in a civilised community.
It knows nothing of one of the most
obvious facts revealed by experience
— that the multiplication of goods
produced by machinery at reduced
cost is the most prolific source of
an increased demand for human
labour. Do the Unionists imagine
that fewer printers are employed
than there would have been of copy-
ists if printing and the steam-press
had not been invented ? Do they
believe that they and their families
would be better clad if Manchester
and Leeds had no mills driven by
machinery? Robert Stephenson,
the great engineer, thought other-
wise ; for he announced many years
ago that that mighty machine, the
railway, had then paid off the Na-
tional Debt — that is, that it pro-
duced annually a clear additional
quantity of wealth, a net profit of
surplus goods, equaldin value to the
charge for paying the interest on
the National Debt. Do the Union-
ists believe that if the coaching in-
terest of former days had had its
Union, and had been strong enough
to forbid the railway, the wages of
the combined working classes would
have been greater at this hour 1 How
much of this vast increase of goods
produced as net profit, without cost,
has gone to the labourers 1 Nay, is
it not certain that they have gather-
ed much the largest share? Or
again, has the invention of the
thrashing-machine, of the many im-
plements for reaping, mowing, and
other work of husbandry, of the
steam-plough, lowered the rate of
agricultural labour ? Are the wages
of farm-servants lower than they
were in the days of the flail 1 But
we have said that the opposition
of the Union to machinery was na-
tural, only its real character should
be understood. Some men in agiven
locality or trade may be thrown out
of employment by the invention of
new machines ; as they may be by
the substitution of Free-Trade for
Protection. But what is intelligible,
and in a sense excusable, in an in-
dividual workman, who is the vic-
tim of the general progress of the
whole people, is unintelligent and
discreditable when put forth as a
general doctrine. The true course
is to mitigate suffering by help af-
forded in the transition to another
occupation ; but war against ma-
chinery is war against the happi-
ness and the improvement of every
class in the nation.
Another object of the fierce hos-
tility of the Union is the working
overtime. Here a distinction of
some importance must be noticed.
The length of a day's work is great-
ly a matter of custom ; and custom,
in the economical state of a nation,
is a force from which valuable ser-
vice may be derived. It is extreme-
ly desirable that labourers should
have in their minds a standard of
the duration of labour, that their
feelings should be attuned to a
limited number of hours devoted
to toil, that labour expended be-
yond this amount should be re-
garded as an exceptional effort, but
that the prolongation of the normal
day's work should be considered as
a fall in their condition from which
they should energetically seek every
practicable escape. In other words,
an excessive length of the day's
work should be regarded as a mis-
ery, calling for counteraction by a
reduction of their numbers. In
our former article we expounded
the inevitable law which governed
the numbers of all animals, and
from which the human race can
obtain no exemption. We said
enough, we hope, to repel the charge
of inhumanity in the proclamation
of this necessity. The resistance,
therefore, of custom to excessive
length of toil is a power drawn
from suffering ; and on no account
would we utter a word to weaken
its action. On the one side it
752
Trade- Unions.
[June
tends to limit the numbers of the
population ; on the other, its effect
is to increase cost of production,
and thereby to induce efforts to
render that cost endurable to con-
sumers. The long hours of inces-
sant toil devoted to the acquirement
of a scanty sustenance by needle-
women is a calamity to be deplored.
It were better that they had never
been born if no alleviation of their
fate is possible. The influence,
then, of custom in creating the
feeling in a man that he will not
marry, or will emigrate rather than
be oppressed by toil of exorbitant
duration, is a most valuable agent
in promoting a state of society in
which human life will be worth
the living ; but the attainment of
this laudable end is far from being
the sole or indeed the chief aim of
the Unions in their enmity to over-
time. We encounter here again
the old feeling, jealousy of the
energetic workmen, the dislike of
the mass to see some of their fel-
lows emerge above them by superior
industry. In some trades overtime
is inevitable, for the calls for work
are fitful. How many clerks in
great firms in the foreign trade are
exempt from extra hours on mail-
days ] How many printers can
escape the call for additional hours
of labour when a public emergency
of whatever kind creates an excep-
tional demand for printing 1 How
many of the judges of the land
are safe against lengthened days
and protracted assizes 1 To fight
against such occasional demands
for overtime is to contend against
the law of human life. But we
own that we look with no friendly
eye on overtime-work as an ha-
bitual practice. We think that the
general tendency of such a system
is the depression, not only of the
workmen's happiness, but also of
his permanent condition. There
is a fatal facility in converting an
occasional practice into an abiding
habit. It is much easier, too, to
consent to a little longer exertion
than to a diminution of food and
comfort ; and, consequently, the
pressure to resist deterioration is
much more quick and vigorous in
its action when the rate of wages is
attacked than when the day's work
is lengthened by an hour. Suffer-
ing there must inevitably be when
the means of remunerating labour
decay; but, in the long-run, we
are persuaded the condition of the
working classes will be more effec-
tually readjusted by a fall of wages
than by an increase of the hours of
labour. A population settling down
into acquiescence with an aug-
mented length of the day's work is
a most melancholy and most unsat-
isfactory spectacle. It will right
itself sooner, and with less misery,
if it finds its remuneration in food
and clothing inadequate, than if it
learns the evil custom of thinking
a long day's work natural.
We have not yet finished the
long list of interferences with
the supply of labour dictated by
the Unions, and which breathe
the same spirit of establishing a
monopoly against the labourers
themselves. Thus they object to
the employment of women, not
as being unsuited to their sex or
injuring the domesticity of their
homes, but as creating competition
against the men, and thereby re-
ducing the rates of wages. So also
they vigorously endeavour to con-
trol the use of boys, for they be-
come formidable rivals of the men,
and often are capable of doing the
same identical work as men. Then,
again, they forbid various practices
which directly tend to increase the
productiveness of the labourer's
energy, and thereby obtain for him
a superior remuneration to that
accorded to his fellows. They limit
the number of bricks to be carried
in a hod ; they will not suffer the
mason to perform any of the func-
tions which they choose to allot to
the plasterer ; they interdict the
shaping of stones at the quarry ;
and will not suffer materials to be
employed which proceed from la-
bourers who are disobedient to their
1870.]
Trade- Unions.
753
respective Unions. By such regu-
lations they wage war against the
masters and the labourers together.
They vexatiously and mischievous-
ly interfere with the free action of
employers in directing labour to its
most efficient employment ; whilst
they restrict the amount of work
executed by the labourer, to his own
injury and that of his family, to
the avowed raising of wages with-
out increase of productiveness,- and
to the consequent depression, and
perhaps ruin, of those of their own
class who encounter a diminished
demand for labour.
Such are the chief economical
doctrines and practices now advo-
cated by the majority of Trade-
Unions. Their quality — that is,
whether they are true or false —
is obviously a matter of incalcul-
able importance, not only for the
masters and the people at large, but
also for the Unionists themselves.
And this importance is still further
enhanced by the fact that these doc-
trines not only constitute the prin-
ciples which guide the conduct of
the Unions, but also are enforced by
coercion and violence against those
who dissent from them. Union men
will not work with those who do not
join the Union ; and if employers
venture on employing the latter, a
strike swiftly compels compliance
with the orders of the Union. If,
then, these doctrines offend against
the principles of common-sense —
if they contradict the laws which
patient observation have discover-
ed to be most efficient in generating
wealth and promoting the public
good — the thrust in them by force
on those who fail to perceive their
correctness acquires a character of
exceedingly great gravity. If they
are erroneous — if they restrict the
general prosperity — the harshness,
nay, the cruelty, of imposing them
on dissentients lays the heaviest
responsibility on the leaders of
Unions. It is bad enough to pre-
scribe erroneous and impolitic reg-
ulations to those who voluntarily
consent to be governed by them; but
to exact submission to a mistaken
policy, and to deprive free men of
their liberty of rejecting it, under
pain of starvation for themselves and
their families, is a proceeding which
strikes at the fundamental princi-
ples of social justice. The least
that might be expected is, that men,
before embarking on measures so
full of coercion for others as well
as of risk to themselves, would have
taken pains to explore the nature
of the ground they stood on, would
have studied the counsels of expe-
rience, and would have endeavoured
to place their doctrines on the sol-
id basis of rational investigation.
But no such love of truth, no such
sense of responsibility, is to be dis-
covered in the action of Trade-
Unions. As against the masters,
their sole expedient is a mere trial
of strength : as respects the regu-
lations which they frame in their
own supposed interest, we find
monopoly for themselves, and reck-
less contempt for the liberty, the
interests, and the sufferings of
others. They abandon them to
destitution, or at least they tax
them in the shape of the addi-
tional cost which they inflict on
production. It is essential to ob-
serve the character of their action
on this vital point. Mr Mill and
other political economists have
laid down that wages depended on
the ratio between capital and
labour — that is, in clearer words,
between the quantity of wealth
applied to production and the num-
ber of the population : but this
formula does not state exactly the
whole truth. The quantity of
capital — of wealth — is not fixed :
the determination of wages is not
the division of a given and unalter-
able sum. Capital, too, and labour
may vary but little, and yet wages
may experience a great and perma-
nent rise. Thus it happens that the
superior productiveness of a virgin
soil in a colony may yield much
larger profits and much ampler
wages at the same time. The fruit-
fulness of the labour is a most in-
754
Trade- Unions.
[June
fluential factor in -this problem.
Now, how do Trade-Unions operate
on this ground? So far as they
inculcate a minimum below which
no man shall work, they come
under the protection of a natural
principle — one which nature will
take care shall be obeyed, but one
also on which it is wise to forestall
nature, before her inexorable might
is brought into play. The question
here is simply whether the machin-
ery of Trade-Unions is the best
•which can be employed for such a
purpose. But it is otherwise with
those many regulations which in-
crease the cost of labour, and at
the same time diminish its pro-
ductiveness. The workman is to
demand a higher wage from his
employer: and yet he is ordered
to work less energetically, not to
use wheelbarrows for carrying his
bricks, not to accept piece-work,
not to endure the assistance of ma-
chinery. He must take distinct
pains' to produce less for the main-
tenance he receives from the capi-
talist, and through him from the
consumer. The cost of production
is thus raised : goods, if bought at
all, must be bought at a dearer
rate ; and thus the whole com-
munity — Unionists, non - Union-
ists, and the whole people — are
impoverished by the forced in-
efficiency and unproductiveness of
labour. Every one suffers, for
there is less wealth created, less to
be divided amongst all. This is
true even where the number of the
population has adjusted itself to
the quantity of employment which
can be procured at the increased
cost of production, for the total
earnings of the whole society are
diminished. But how much more
certain and more vast is the suffer-
ing where the Unions, in the name
of their political economy, issue a
new code of wages ! Even for their
own members they seldom can suc-
ceed in maintaining the same com-
mand of employment as before, for
increased wages mean increased
prices, and fewer purchasers, and
less demand for labour. As every
one buys nominally with money —
really, with the goods he possesses
— if there are fewer goods, there
must be less to buy with • and if,
at the same time, those that are
bought must be procured with a
larger quantity in exchange, pur-
chases must still further diminish,
and the reward for labour be re-
duced. But what becomes, then, of
those who are unable to procure
work? The law of population is
allowed by the Unions to act upon
them with its full force ; nay, by
their prohibition of all extra exer-
tion, its power of destroying is ag-
gravated by their conduct. But
at any rate, the Unionists reply, we
secure good wages for those who
are employed. That is possible,
undoubtedly, but at what cost 1 —
at the cost of retarding progress, of
stopping improvement, of arresting,
by the prohibition of machinery
and similar proceedings, that mul-
tiplication of wealth which is the
indispensable condition of a thriv-
ing people.
To the direct effects of Unions
we must add an indirect one, which
ofttimes works enormous evil. The
system of Unionism places it in the
power of a very few men to inflict
great suffering and severe destitu-
tion on a large number of innocent
persons. The refusal of those en-
gaged in a single branch, though
small, of manufacture — such as the
strike of ship carpenters a short
time ago — may bring the whole
business to a standstill, and strip
multitudes of employment. The
small band of that particular Union
may plead that their labour is their
property, and is subject to their
entire discretion ; but the answer
is that the Union is a combination,
which can be used to apply coer-
cion on masters, purely because
the strike of the men of a single
Union creates a loss far more exten-
sive than the mere cessation of their
own labour. The Unions profess
that they exist for the purposes of
joint action : they thereby a vow that
1870.]
Trade- Unions.
755
they have great power of influencing
the fortunes of others by their con-
duct, and thus they raise a question
of vast public interest, and which
they cannot evade by the plea that
they may dispose as they please of
their own labour. Actions which
are perfectly legitimate when per-
formed by men individually, may
call for public control when exe-
cuted by the same men upon a con-
joined plan and in combination.
Landlords, tenants, and gamekeep-
ers may carry arms singly, or in
small parties ; a union of all these
classes in a county, using their
guns in concert, and in obedience
to a central authority, would be
put down by the law as dangerous
to the public peace. It is for the
Unions to show that this power,
wielded by a Union, small in num-
bers, but most efficient from its
position, can be, and ought to be,
placed at the disposal of a single
will.
Nor must the annoyance given
to masters — the interference with
their liberty to act freely as may
best suit their trade — the uncer-
tainty engendered by the action of
the Unions, the lock-out, the sus-
pension of business, the impedi-
ments brought against the most
productive employment of capital —
be left out of the long catalogue of
the progeny of Trade-Unions. We
speak not here of the injury done
to the masters : that would be reck-
oned of little moment with the
Unionists : it is only the discom-
fiture of the enemy. We wish to
point out rather to the Unionists the
manifest loss which the crippling of
the liberty of the masters creates for
themselves. The trade is impeded,
its growth hampered, its continuance
endangered, its produce lessened
for all. Surely the thought ought
to come home to the minds of the
Unionists, whether this loss is wise-
ly incurred — whether the benefits
supposed to be realised by the pro-
ceedings of the Unions compensate
for the injury — what these benefits
are, and whether they are capable of
being clearly and intelligibly stated.
The Unionists cannot contest the
fact, that the planning and admin-
istering of the business lies in the
hands of the masters, and that the
results of the common labour of
masters and workmen must turn on
the efficiency of his administration.
The workmen of a manufacturing
town must depend on the manage-
ment of the masters ; and if it is
held that that administration ought
to be checked, the capacity of the
checking force to judge and to criti-
cise intelligently and safely ought
to be clearly established, for the
sake of the united interests of all
concerned. Do the Unions really
pretend that incessant and uncer-
tain regulations about the length
of the day's work, the number of
apprentices, the carrying of bricks
in wheelbarrows, and the like, pro-
duce good that is more than an
equivalent for the anxiety and the
uncertainty brought upon the em-
ployers 1
Such are the economical prin-
ciples professed by the leaders of
Trade-Unions. , How many of the
working classes understand and
accept these doctrines 1 How many
of the Unionists themselves? It
is easy to persuade a workman that
if he join with his fellow-labourers
in demanding higher wages, the
strength of the combination may
extort concessions from employers ;
and so they subscribe their weekly
payments for the chances of good
which the struggle may bring.
There is a gambling, lottery-like
look about the affair which is intel-
ligible and attractive. But how
many of them have counted the
cost 1 How many, still more, are
able to weigh the problem as to the
ultimate benefit to be derived from
equal wages demanded for all, from
hostility to machinery, from war
against overtime and higher wages
accorded to skill and energy ? How
many have gone below the surface,
beyond the apparent and visible
gain to themselves from repelling
machines which, no doubt, may
756
Trade- Unions.
[June
bring to them individual loss 1 One
thing is certain : multitudes reject
these doctrines and the practices
founded upon them. Multitudes
are found who are ready to accept
the wages offered by masters, who
are eager to advance themselves in
the world by superior effort and
aptitude, who shrink from the
misery brought on their homes
by long- protracted and of ten -de-
feated strikes, — who, in a word,
prefer liberty, freedom to use their
ability, both of mind and body, in
the manner which they may think
most efficient. Taking the whole
country through, the voice of the lab-
ouring classes preponderates in con-
demnation of Unions ; and no one
can deny that, of those who are en-
rolled on their lists, thousands are
actuated by fear and not by convic-
tion. And what say the Unions
to those who refuse to join their
ranks 1 How do they respect that
liberty to do as they like in others
which they are so vehement in de-
manding for themselves 1 Let the
murders of Sheffield, the rattening
of Manchester, the picketing of
London, the rioting of Thorny-
cliffe, give the reply. Let the an-
swer be sought from the cowardly
conspiracy to assassinate, which has
recently dishonoured the building
trade of Manchester and attested
the fearful demoralisation of Eng-
lish workmen. Where are the
teachers who address the reason of
the dissenting workmen, who un-
fold the principles of Unionism,
who define and justify its action,
and who convince the understand-
ing by the demonstration of as-
sured gain 1 We see little of such
teaching. But compulsion, vio-
lence, destruction, death — these
are the hideous instruments by
which the unconvinced workmen
are taught to do benefits to them-
selves. If the advantages of Union-
ism were so palpable and so cer-
tain, the need would be small to
preach fraternity, equality, and so-
cial union by a terrorism which de-
rives its precedent from the con-
verting processes of the Frenchmen
of 1793. Yet those Frenchmen
could urge with truth that, at any
rate, they shook off the fetters
which privilege and despotism had
fastened upon France. But here,
in England, it is liberty which
Unionism attacks with unceasing
ferocity ; it is the free exercise of
his right to work when he pleases,
and on what terms he pleases,
which is hated in the workman ;
it is the industrious, uncombin-
ing, intelligent artisan whose tools
are destroyed and whose life is
taken if he desires to be free.
Able and excellent men may be
carried away by sympathy for the
working classes, whose minds they
know, and whose hard fate they
are so often obliged to deplore.
Intellectual writers, like Mr Mill,
may, in a glow of democratic en-
thusiasm, turn their backs on com-
mon-sense, and step forth as the
advocates of associations which seem
to protect the weak against the
strong, the poor against the rich ;
but it would be well if they would
reflect on which side respect for the
greatest of all the poor man's rights
— his right to liberty and to the
free command of his own labour — •
reveals its beneficial influence. They
might spare a moment, to consider,
not only whether the economical
principles on which Unions proceed
are conformable to the laws which
govern human industry, but still
more, whether they do not cast the
working classes — their labour, their
future, their material and moral
wellbeing — at the feet of a few able,
ambitious, and unscrupulous men.
A child can see how arbitrary the
orders of the Union leaders are,
how small is the basis of fact
they go upon, how capricious are
their decisions, and how tyrannical
their action against Unionists and
non-Unionists alike. Is it the de-
liberate opinion of Mr Mill that
the agency of these men is the best
that the labouring classes can
adopt for the permanent elevation
of wages'? Will he undertake to
1870.]
Trade-Unions.
757
declare his conviction that the at-
tainment of adequate wages is in
real honesty the main object of
their efforts 1 Will he assure the
country that their aim is not poli-
tical and democratical 1 Perhaps
Mr Mill may sympathise with them
on this very ground, that they
unite the huge mass of individual
labourers into a combined political
force. Be it so : we will not con-
sider here the expediency of such
a policy ; only let it be avowed.
Let every member of a Trade-
Union be plainly informed that
he is subscribing his money to
a great political institution, and
that he must look for compensation
for the expensiveness of the Union,
and the misery which it so often
brings on himself and his family, to
the political gain which it is likely
to bring him. If such a declara-
tion of the principle of the Union
were authoritatively put forth,
then there would be no need for
economical argument ; but at the
same time there would be an end
of the delusion that higher wages
were obtained by a machine framed
for a political purpose. But, in-
deed, Mr Mill and other defenders
of Trade-Unions have been lately
supplied with the means of learn-
ing what the political economy of
Trade-Unions may become, and to
what end strikes may be directed.
They will find exceedingly inter-
esting information on these points
in the French correspondence of
the ' Pall Mall ' of April 20. One of
the chiefs of the "Association Inter-
nationale des Travailleurs/ ' — whose
headquarters, by the way, are in
London — laid down with delightful
naivete that " capital should bear
no interest." What does Mr Mill
say to such a doctrine 1 No one
has explained with greater ability
than Mr Mill that capital is the
indispensable condition of social ex-
istence, and that the motive for its
accumulation is the profit to be
derived from its use. Is he pre-
pared to rewrite that chapter on
political economy, or to denounce
this novel language as the ravings
of a lunatic 1 But if the new
theory is owned, is there not
the^ further question, whether insti-
tutions which foster such ideas
deserve to be encouraged ? Might
not a word of seasonable caution
be given to English workmen who
might be tempted by the exquisite
notion of reducing the rich to sur-
render by a universal strike of all
the butchers and bakers in the
world 1 The words, at any rate,
of the active -minded Frenchman
were outspoken; he confessed that
the rules of the International Asso-
ciation, as also of other Unions,
were to follow the same course,
and had political as well as eco-
nomical ends in view. Be it so,
we again repeat ; only let them
be no more discussed as institu-
tions for raising wages. The cre-
ation of " a society of working
men, which is to have the right
of abolishing private property in
land, and making the soil common
property," is not a measure framed
for procuring the proper wages for
the Thornycliffe colliers. A so-
ciety which declares that " its effort
should be directed against the eco-
nomical, political, judicial, and re-
ligious orders," stands on ground
of a wholly different kind from
the relations between labour and
capital.
We now meet the question, What
says the law of England to Trade-
Unions? Up to the last session
of Parliament, Trade-Unions were
wholly without the pale of the law,
with one exception. " Strikes are
unlawful combinations punishable
at common law, and unions for
raising funds to support the men
engaged in such strikes are un-
lawful associations." The excep-
tion was made by 6 George IV.,
129, which allowed workmen to
meet for consulting upon and de-
termining the rate of wages which
the persons present at the meeting,
or any of them, should demand for
their work, or the hours during
which they should work. The
758
Trade- Unions.
[June
result was that the funds of Unions
might be plundered with impunity
by their officers, for the law re-
fused to recognise the existence of
Unions : in the eye of the law no
one had been robbed. Last year the
law was so far amended that the
funds of Unions cannot be plundered
without the committal of a crime ;
and the regulation was just, for
stealing in no form ought to be
countenanced by the law. But the
general legal status of Unions re-
mains unaltered. They still con-
tinue to be illegal societies, as being
combinations in restraint of trade.
The term is of wide application,
but Sir W. Erie describes it as the
violation of the right which both the
public and each private person has
" that the course of trade should
be kept free from unreasonable ob-
struction." Acts of coercion which
molest or injure persons who refuse
to join Unions, or work for masters
on terms different from those laid
down by the Unions, are manifestly
unreasonable obstructions to trade,
and indefensible in law and morals.
But the Unions may reply that
these acts are not prescribed by
their rules ; they are the deeds of
individual persons. But the same
defence will not be valid at law for
those who induce others to cease
working for their employers. Money
paid, as it rules, " not to work,"
with the view of damaging and
coercing the employer, is an illegal
restraint of trade. Several com-
bining to perform this act are guilty
of a crime. Further, persons can-
not combine so as to create a mutual
obligation which would be bind-
ing on them not to work except
on terms prescribed by the combi-
nation. Every member of a Un-
ion, therefore, is entitled to with-
draw from any such regulation ;
and if he is punished by the for-
feiture of past subscriptions, or in
any way, it is an offence at law.
The general principle of the law is
the expediency of free competition
both for employer and employed,
and for the interest of the whole
community ; and at every point of
their action the Unions obstruct
free competition and freely expose
themselves to the penalties of con-
spiracy.
Ought the law to be amended 1
Ought Trade-Unions to be relieved
from these disabilities] These
questions bring us to the practical
and final part of our subject. It
must be admitted that the right of
the Unionists to combine cannot
turn upon the goodness or badness
of their political economy. Error
of opinion, if not carried out into
practical action, is not an offence
at law ; for then who of us would
escape 1 Error must be combated
by education ; this is the only. legi-
timate and effectual method for its
correction. It is not as an economi-
cal and scientific doctrine, but as a
practical principle, that combination
is forbidden by the law. The law
proclaims the principle of free com-
petition. This includes the free
right of a man to dispose of his
time and labour at his pleasure, as
a portion of the universal political
principle of liberty. The State of
England has liberty for its founda-
tion ; and where liberty is curtail-
ed, the onus always lies on the cur-
tailer. English society assumes
always that liberty is the best state
— best for wealth or for happiness;
and when its law condemns Trade-
Unions, it is because it believes
these combinations are in restraint,
not so much of trade as of liberty.
Nevertheless it is very possible
that prohibitions issued in the
name of liberty may be excessive
— they may reach farther than the
object aimed at ; and it is a per-
fectly fair question whether Trade-
Unions are associations so essen-
tially incompatible with freedom
of action as to call for repression.
Combination is not necessarily
wrong or impolitic. There are
endless combinations for a mul-
titude of purposes with which the
law does not interfere. The end
pursued, and the manner of the
pursuit, are the two elements which
1870
Trade- Unions.
759
determine the justifiableness of
every combination. We have shown
that many of the objects sought
by Trade -Unions wantonly and
cruelly violate the freedom of every
Englishman, and enormously injure
the wellbeing of the labourers them-
selves and of the whole nation.
They come into hurtful and sense-
less collision with one of the most
fundamental principles of the pro-
sperity of a people — the increase
of production, the enlargement
of the fruits of labour, by ren-
dering it more efficient and more
creative of wealth. The earnings
of the whole people, the stock of
wealth to be divided, are directly
lessened by many of the regulations
of Trade - Unions. If they had
their way unchecked, their tendency
would be to secure a compara-
tively high rate of wages for a por-
tion of the people, whilst they
drove off the rest into emigration
or starvation. We have seen, too,
that they place the control of the
force which must always limit pop-
ulation in the hands of a very few
persons instead of the collective
action of men working individually
under the influences which real life
brings to bear upon them. These
are principles which violate the
laws of man's social existence, if
the judgments of political economy
may be relied upon as true science,
and they are injurious to the well-
being of the whole community.
We do not say that men ought to
be restrained in their liberty of
action by law because they set
themselves in hostility to science ;
but we assert that combinations
involving coercion, much more vio-
lence, are the avowed enemies of so-
ciety, and justly forfeit the protec-
tion of the law. Taking our stand
on this principle, we readily concede
that some Trade-Unions must be
acquitted of offence against law or
morality; and we are obliged to ad-
mit further that this distinctiion
between the legitimate and the ille-
gitimate action of Trade-Unions has
taken sufficient hold of the public
mind to render the legalisation of
such Unions as are exempt from co-
ercion probable. The presumption,
in our day, always sets strongly in
favour of freedom — though, strange
to say, in this case, this feeling is
applied to the help of men who are
glaring offenders against liberty.
Assuming, then, that a change
is inevitable, the inquiry rises to
great importance, How ought the
position of the working classes in
reference to associations to be dealt
with practically 1 One fact in that
position at once acquires conspicu-
ous prominence — the violence, the
deeds of outrage against life and
property, which mark the path of
so many Unions. The Unions
may have a show of reason in de-
manding that the labourers shall
be freely permitted to assist one
another in carrying out common
ideas respecting the conditions on
which they will consent to work;
but the Unions themselves, how-
ever reasonable their general claim
may seem to be, are out of the
pale of sympathy, nay, of consid-
eration, so long as they combat
with Lynch law those whose views
differ from their own. The liberty
of the non-Unionists deserves equal
respect with their own. They come
into court with unclean hands;
they ask to be free at the very time
that they will not suffer their fel-
lows to have freedom. What other
class of men in the kingdom, ex-
cept the professional criminal class,
assail those opposed to them in
opinion with the ransacking of
houses, destroying of tools, with
bio wings -up by gunpowder, with
picketing, and every conceivable
kind of illegal and anarchical coer-
cion ? Surely it is only the bar-
est reason, the smallest satisfaction
due to the rights of every work-
man, that nothing shall be done to
concede the demand of the Unions
until they can prove by their own
conduct that they have the capa-
city to exercise freedom. The pro-
perty destroyed, the misery in-
flicted, the bloodshed, all cry out
760
Trade- Unions.
[June
that nothing shall be done in favour
of men who contemn and with
horrible deeds violate the law. The
time for concession ought not to
be considered as arrived until
Unions can point to a retrospect of
good conduct — till they have estab-
lished their own capacity to obey
the laws of the land and of moral-
ity. Assuredly every right-think-
ing man will feel that the conces-
sion of freedom and the repression
of violence ought to march together.
To give additional advantages to
criminals, and to bestow no protec-
tion on their victims, is a course of
legislation which even the most
pronounced Radicals must hesitate
to pursue.
There is another measure which,
in our judgment, should be simul-
taneous with relaxation. If the
men choose to combine, innocently
as regards others, in carrying out a
joint plan for the securing of proper
wages, let the contributions and
the sacrifices they require be ex-
acted avowedly for this end. The
union, on the contrary, of a Benefit
Club with a Trade-Union is radically
vicious in principle. The two ends
have no connection whatever with
each other. The oppression which it
involves for many of the Unions is
nothing short of a positive crime.
The victims here are the Unionists
themselves. The subscriptions paid
painfully during long years become
a pledge for unquestioning obedi-
ence to the will of the Union
chiefs. They assume the character
of a stake to be forfeited on the
exercise of independent action.
They furnish the materials for
those terrible fines which extort
unresisting submission. How can
a man be a free agent when the
means he has accumulated from past
labour for assistance in sickness or
old age, are lost as the penalty of
disobedience? Public morality is
concerned in the suppression of
such a wrong. Some ingenious
persons have replied that the sepa-
ration of the benefit fund from the
contributions for acting on wages,
would act as an incentive to in-
creased violence and disorder, in-
asmuch as the fear of forfeiting the
benefit secured by past payment
raises a feeling of resistance to
striking. We can see nothing in
this objection. On the contrary,
we are persuaded that the working
of the division of the two funds
would take the opposite direction.
The men would be far slower to
support Unions and to strike, if
separate and distinct payments had
to be made for this purpose. They
would be moved to reflect whether
the end justified means which would
certainly be painful. The benefit
obtained by strikes and other de-
vices of the Union leaders would be
brought into direct comparison with
the cost which they entail; and it
cannot be doubtful that a strong
reluctance to such an expenditure
would be developed. The vast fund
supplied by the payments made for
benefit purposes contributes the
vital force of Unions, and we repeat
that such a perversion involves in-
justice towards contributors, and
calls for suppression by law.
These three measures — the effec-
tive repression of the violence prac-
tised by Unions on their own mem-
bers and non - Unionists, the ad-
journment of any measure of legal
recognition until the Unionists place
themselves on a level of good con-
duct with the rest of society, and a
separation of the funds given for
benefit objects from the subscrip-
tions applied to carrying on the
struggle for wages — seem to us
all that legislation can perform in
this very grave matter. There
remain the remedies which flow
from voluntary action — from
methods which the state of com-
mercial civilisation may originate
from time to time. First amongst
these is the institution of courts of
conciliation for each trade. We
have shown in the preceding article
that they are exactly adapted to
meet the uncertainties which beset
English trade — uncertainties which
press alike on masters and workmen.
1870.]
Trade- Unions.
761
If the labouring classes are animated
with a friendly feeling towards their
employers — and when undisturbed
by self-seeking agitators they natur-
ally fall into such feeling — such
meetings of the representatives of
the employers and the employed
are peculiarly fitted for an investi-
gation of the facts of the situation
in common. Masters and men
would then both look the actual
state of the trade in the face, and
if an alteration of wages is de-
manded, the reasons for the change
could be debated and judged in
the presence of all the interests in-
volved. Passions stand in the way
of the accomplishment of this great
object ; but it is the business of
civilisation to subjugate passion
to reason. Difficulties incessantly
raise themselves on both sides.
The Unions inflame the men against
the masters, and the masters re-
sent with anger the interference
of the Unions. There remains be-
tween these two hostile forces the
good sense of Englishmen, and for-
tunately that is strong enough to
produce the work desired if proper
methods were taken for bringing
it into play. The presence of men
whose characters combine sympathy
with intelligence is the most im-
portant power for success ; and
there is no lack of such men in
England, who may be relied upon
for rising up to the demands of the
time whenever the state of feeling
around summons them to action.
Another method for counteract-
ing the mischievous influence of
Unions is to be found in co-opera-
tion. The association of masters
and workmen in such a partner-
ship as shall give the latter a share
in the profits, however arranged, is
founded on principles alike conson-
ant with economical science and the
laws of human nature. The com-
munity of interest generates real
good will and material support. It is
obvious, however, that the system
of co-operation, from its very nature,
has but a limited range. It requires
generally a large business, many
workmen, a great employment of
capital, and a sphere for a wide
common action. In manufacturing
districts it probably has a great
future before it. The belief is
held by many that it can contend
successfully with individual com-
petition in the retail business of
large towns and thickly-populated
districts. We are unable to feel so
great a hope. Retail business, ex-
cept in localities where a large body
of working people form a natural
association, capable of easily com-
bining to frequent a common store,
belongs, we think, to the keen
superintendence of the concentrat-
ed personal interest of the private
shopkeeper. However, what co-
operation will be able to effect can
be ascertained only by actual trial.
Its forms may be most numerous
and most diverse : it is a creation
of time and place and circumstan-
ces. Practical experience alone can
discover the many points at which
it may make its entry into English
trade. -
Finally, we must call into play
the good sense and the intelligence
of the working classes themselves.
They support Trade-Unions in the
belief that they promote their in-
terests ; it is for them to recognise
the nature and the working of these
associations. It is certain that their
maintenance entails a heavy bur-
den on their means. It is equally
certain that the instrument which
they employ — the strike — often in-
flicts cruel misery on them, on their
wives and their families. Are they
sure that they get an equivalent
for these sacrifices'? In the long
weeks of idleness and reduced re-
sources, have they meditated on
the question whether their suffer-
ings and their losses were balanced
by a clear .acquisition of certain
gain 1 Their own sense of equity
and fair-play, so natural to English-
men, must have been often revolted
by the sight of the violence, of the
deeds of outrage and murder, which
have brought dishonour on the good
name of the workmen of England.
Trade-Unions.
[June
Has it raised in them the doubt
whether a policy -which requires
such means for its support can be
sound, or be fitted to promote their
welfare? They must know, too,
that they, the labourers of England,
possess friends of the sincerest
loyalty amongst the other classes
of the English people. Do they
reflect on the shock which the
working of these institutions inflicts
on their goodwill — how it tends
to deaden their zeal, leads them to
despair of imparting aid by their
counsels and their co-operation —
how it drives them to abandon
them to the rule of Union
leaders 1 They may for a mo-
ment imagine that these lead-
ers, because they belong to the
same class with themselves, may
be identified with their interests;
yet every Englishman knows well
how fatally irresponsible power,
whether vested in a despot or a
Union chief, works for those who
are subjected to its influence. To
be told that they are striking for
better wages may sound pleasantly
in their ears ; but have they a
single reason for believing that
they can extort from masters wages
which these masters, from the com-
petition amongst themselves, would
not have granted of their own ac-
cord ] They are intelligent enough
to understand how injurious these
interruptions to trade must be to
its prosperity — how difficult and
uncertain they render the task of
management to the masters. They
can perceive how likely their con-
duct is to drive off the trade to new
localities, or even to foreign coun-
tries. Is it impossible to make
them comprehend that a business
requires materials and wages to be
provided beforehand, before goods
can be made and sold; and that to
harass by interruptions and out-
rages those who own this capital
is not only to diminish its produc-
tiveness but also to discourage its
accumulation, and thereby to pro-
vide smaller means for getting em-
ployment for themselves and their
children 1 If they are too dull —
but we do not believe the imputa-
tion— to observe and reason upon
such things themselves, the higher
sensibility of their wives may yet
be powerful enough to be instruct-
ed by the effects produced on their
families. We hear much in these
days of the intelligence and the
rights of women: a noble oppor-
tunity is now offered to the women
of the working classes to exhibit a
proof of their ability by gathering
up perceptions which their hus-
bands may be too slow to notice.
Let them put a few plain questions
to the men, and insist on full and
direct answers. Let them ask
simply but firmly for the reasons
which govern the conduct of Trade-
Unions, and enter upon a rigorous
account of the good and the evil
which they generate. Let the
women of the English labourers ad-
dress these inquiries to their mates,
and be resolved to obtain answers,
and we shall have smaller need to
write about the Trade-Unions.
1870.]
The Admiralty.
763
THE ADMIEALTY.
MUCH unmerited and senseless
abuse has been heaped on the old
Admiralty Board as an institution,
and some just reflections on its
shortcomings have occasionally ap-
peared. But statesmen, whose cha-
racters are honoured in this coun-
try, deemed the old Board to
be admirably constituted for the
despatch of business, and for in-
suring a full consideration of the
manifold and difficult problems
it had to decide. In such a de-
partment as the Admiralty there
must be distinct branches, which
ought to work with a mutual and
earnest desire to assist each other
in a common purpose and for a
common credit. These ends were
attained by the branches being seve-
rally allotted to different members
of the Board, who collectively in
council determined on all matters
tending to change any established
principle of the Service, as well
as on all measures of importance.
"Boards," as these meetings were
called, were held daily, or very fre-
quently, during each week ; and
their decisions, which were at once
minuted, were paramount in every
branch. The branches being su-
perintended each by a member of
the Board, measures were syste-
matically undertaken, unexpected
hindrances were encountered, and
unexpected facilities were improved
by a corresponding adjustment of
work. Each superintendent of a
branch being a party to the deci-
sions, an individual character was
as certainly imparted to the results
as if they had issued from one person
only. But setting aside theory, un-
doubtedly this system, approved by
such Ministers as Sir James Graham,
Sir Francis Baring, Lord Halifax,
and the Duke of Somerset, after
each had enjoyed many years' ex-
perience of Admiralty business, is
likely not only to possess merit, but
merit of the highest order.
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLVT.
The question may be plausibly
asked, Why, if the Admiralty was
so well constituted, did it some-
times fail to work in a satisfactory
manner 1 The reason is, that al-
though its constitution was excel-
lent, its composition has been some-
times indifferent. However nearly
perfect the organisation of a de-
partment may be, the purpose of
the organisation may be utterly
frustrated by bad administrators,
just as a mechanical construction,
faultless in principle, must fail if
composed of faulty material. So,
when the Admiralty department for-
merly failed, the cause was bad
management, and not a defective or-
ganisation. Cabinets fail under cor-
responding conditions, yet this has
never been advanced as a reason
for their organic reconstruction.
But the method of transacting
business has undergone a change
which is of vital importance.
The Board meetings have now
been discontinued in any proper
sense, and most important measures
have been acted upon by some
Lords, of which other Lords have
known nothing. A notable instance
of this has been exposed by the
members of the Board them-
selves. Mr Childers, in the recent
debate on his Retirement Scheme,
asserted that the scheme was sup-
ported by his colleagues. Evi-
dently, from what passed on a fol-
lowing night in the House, the
First Lord had been called upon
by Admiral Eobinson, the Second
Naval Member of the Board, to re-
tract the assertion. The notorious
result of the altered organisation of
the Admiralty is an absence of any
common principle of professional
policy, a want of concert among
the branches, conflicting regulations,
and ill-advised orders. In short, it
is admitted by those who are compe-
tent to judge of the manner in which
Admiralty business is conducted,
3F
764
The Admiralty.
[June
that the changes in the constitution
of the department would have sub-
verted its administrative powers,
even had the branches been under
the guidance of the most discreet
and the wisest men. The chaos into
which the Admiralty is plunged,
shows that the Lords are unequal
to their work, as it is now con-
ducted ; and their painful sense of
inadequacy creates in them, among
other mischievous consequences,
an irritation which is manifested
by foolish instructions, and by
captious unbecoming answers to
unavoidable requests for explana-
tions. Thus official correspondence
degenerates into wrangle, which,
however amusing it may be at the
home ports and on foreign stations,
is wholly mischievous, being derog-
atory to one party and unimprov-
ing to the other.
This disorganisation of the Ad-
miralty, its discourtesy, its harsh
treatment of civilians, its want of
sympathy for the active service,
and the disdainful extinction of the
naval element at the Board, have
destroyed feelings the loss of which
is deplorable. The professional
love which has hitherto sustained
the efficiency of the Navy has re-
ceived a severe shock. If this feel-
ing be destroyed efficiency must be
lost, though the simple restoration
of the feeling, if long absent, will
not at once restore efficiency. That
can be secured only by sedulous
training. Lukewarm officers will
not qualify themselves for duties
which may be remote, nor will they
excite in the men a desire to excel
as sailors. Professional zeal must
be a sustained feeling, if a navy is
to be kept in a fitting condition to
deal with an enemy in whom the
feeling has never slumbered. How-
ever difficult it may be to the First
Lord and the Secretary of the Admi-
ralty to realise the fact, there is no
way in which the safety of the coun-
try can be more endangered than
by extinguishing this sentiment of
devotion in the Navy.
The dangerous theory that the
Navy should be ruled absolutely by
a Minister, in the sense that his pro-
fessional advisers shall be released
from responsibility, is avowedly
brought into practice at the Ad-
miralty. ^ If the naval advisers of
the Minister are to be absolved
from direct official responsibility to
Parliament, a great national danger
is evidently incurred. Whether
they are to be his colleagues or
chiefs of branches only, it is of
vital importance to the safety of
the country that they should be
accountable for the acts that ema-
nate from the department. A civi-
lian placed over the navy will cer-
tainly be unable rightly to decide on
many professional questions, and the
responsibility should rest with those
who are competent to the task. A
naval Lord of the Admiralty is not
an executive, like an officer in com-
mission, nor is he a clerk ; and if
he is not an administrator, he is a
nonentity. He owes to the Navy
a similar protection to that which
the Army receives from the Com-
mander-in-Chief. The men of the
highest reputation in the Navy
have held, and their opinion is
obviously just, that the especial
duty of the senior naval Lord is
to maintain the discipline and the
sufficiency of the fleet. They have
insisted that, when these vital
points are threatened, his bounden
duty is to protect them ; and if he
should be unheeded on matters so
infinitely important, and still retain
his seat, he is an abettor in produc-
ing the national mischief he fore-
sees.
The Secretary of the Admiralty
has taunted the civil branches of the
naval administration with a want of
ability for the conduct of business.
He, and men of his class, forsooth,
are to endow these branches with
" commercial " acumen ! Assuming
the taunt to be just, though only
for argument's sake, people will
still ask what advantages their ser-
vices will entail. In such an in-
quiry as his challenge provokes,
the remarkable commercial history
1870.]
The Admiralty.
765
of England during the last four
years must unavoidably be an ele-
ment. A reference to the daily
papers during that period proves
that scandalous commercial events
have happened so frequently, and
have been marked by so much vice,
or so much folly, as seriously to
affect the prospects of the country.
The pauperism of some classes,
the ruin of others, and the de-
pression of commerce, are conse-
quences brought about by com-
mercial men, and those who fol-
lowed in their wake. Nothing has
more frequently damaged the re-
pute of British manufacturers in
foreign countries, than the de-
tection in their goods of a frau-
dulent debasement of quality and
deficiency of quantity. Of course
there are thousands of merchants
who do honour to their country;
but never was there a bolder de-
mand on public credulity, after all
we have suffered, than for a mer-
chant of 1869 to require that a spe-
cial confidence should be reposed
in his class. Moreover, can the
Secretary suppose we have forgotten
the prodigious sums which ship-
owners received for transport ser-
vice during the old French war,
and in the recent Kussian war; and
the exactions insisted on for ex-
tending the periods for which ships
were hired ? Would he have us
forget the shameful violation of
contract in the supply of preserved
meats ; or the numerous instances of
wretched material and "scamped"
work in the gunboats built by con-
tract during the Russian war 1
Take, again, examples from the
United States of commercial cupid-
ity. The Northern States, during
their recent civil war, were plun-
dered to such an extent by private
dealers as to add seriously to their
national debt. Whatever these
dealers could extort from the na-
tion, by appealing to its hopes or
its fears, was inexorably demanded.
From all this we should be led
to a conclusion the reverse of that
which the Secretary has so offen-
sively thrown as his own in the
faces of Government officials.
In discussing the expediency of
employing in a public capacity men
who have commercial interests con-
nected with warlike resources, we
must contemplate the possibility of
their being corrupted by an enemy.
For instance, shipbuilders may de-
rive a larger gain merely by delay-
ing or withholding assistance from
their own Government than can
be earned by duly supplying it.
All our laws assume that among
tempted men the integrity of some
may fail. Even in our Naval and
Military Discipline Acts there are
clauses which contemplate that
officers and men may be suborned
by an enemy ; and the risk of com-
mercial treason can be no more
discarded from consideration than
the clauses referred to can be ex-
punged from the Discipline Acts.
This general conclusion, therefore,
attaches to the whole question.
In all mattters which affect the
safety of the country, do not dis-
card resources which you control
absolutely for those which are be-
yond your control, even if the cost
of the former should be somewhat
the greater of the two.
Among other considerations, it
must be borne in mind, that in
this great commercial country,
where the highest official emolu-
ments are small as compared with
the profits of successful merchants,
we should, if we seek for merch-
ants to fill high office, only obtain
third-rate or broken-down men.
Strenuous efforts have been made
by interested people to decry the
Dockyards. Every isolated case
that appeared against them was
perpetually thrust into notice ;
whilst the many advantages they
have secured for the country have
seldom been represented. The ob-
ject of the efforts to disparage the
dockyard establishments has been
to throw the work hitherto per-
formed by them into the hands of
great private firms. Arrangements
already made, or in progress, un-
766
The Admiralty.
[June
mistakably show that these firms
must virtually consider themselves
subsidised by the certainty of in-
heriting future Government work,
for obviously the reduction of the
dockyards is a prospective benefit
to them. The disposition to de-
pend less upon the dockyards than
it has been our policy to do, is not
warranted by any just economical
considerations, nor by any sound
consideration respecting our pre-
parations for war. The price of
work executed in them as compared
with the work done in private
yards, is a favourite topic for the
interested detractors of the dock-
yards to dwell upon. But the work
in dockyards is the cheaper, if its
superior fitness for its purpose be
rightly estimated. Durability is
a quality in every estimate of the
sort ; in ships of war and their
equipment, durability and strength
are of all qualities the most essen-
tial ; and in these, no private ship-
builder would venture to compare
his work with that done in a royal
dockyard.
Hitherto a spirit has prevailed
in the dockyard establishments
which has made them thoroughly
reliable. When great efforts were
required of them, they never dis-
appointed the Government, nor
thought of giving only a " fair day's
work for a fair day's pay." What-
ever could be done by men, was
cheerfully done by them, and the
amount of work they accomplished
was acknowledged by all candid
witnesses to be prodigious. The
existence of this admirable spirit
cannot be disputed ; and to dis-
card the extraordinary reserve-
strength to be derived from it is
unworthy of officials who compre-
hend the vital necessities of Eng-
land, and have no other end in
view than her continued prosper-
ity. A vast number of the men
who were animated by this spirit
have been discharged under very
afflicting circumstances ; and the
tradition of their wrongs will im-
press dockyard men with entire
distrust of Admiralty justice, and
render them resentful for years to
come. The temper provoked by
this treatment of their fellow-work-
men may influence them when
their cordial efforts are again be-
sought to avert a threatened war
by a speedy preparation for it, or
to bring an existing war to a suc-
cessful end. We shall have no
compensation for this loss from
the private builders, who will ex-
act from the nation whatever its
exigencies compel it to pay. When
threatened by a foreign combina-
tion, or stricken by some catas-
trophe in the progress of a war,
a Government which has relied
upon private firms must succumb
to their demands, however enor-
mous those demands may be.
Therefore no English Government
with a due sense of the difficulties
which from time to time may hence-
forth, as they have hitherto, beset
the country, would ever venture, by
crippling the dockyards, to place
private firms in a position to add
to the distresses of the country.
If beguiled into relying princi-
pally upon these private establish-
ments, the country, in the day
of her extreme need, will hold
the same relation to them as the
owners of a derelict ship hold to
exacting volunteer salvors. Be-
sides the inefficiency and eventual
extravagance that will be occa-
sioned by impairing the capabilities
of the dockyards, and by fostering
at their expense the private ship-
builders, there are other reasons
why such a policy would be most
hazardous. There have been occa-
sions when the Government deemed
it necessary to prepare for rapidly
arming, without indicating to the
world their impression of such a
necessity ; and doubtless many
occasions will again arise for simi-
larly-concealed preparations. The
gravest consequences may in such
cases turn upon betraying no ap-
pearance of menace or of alarm.
Whilst the Government control ef-
ficient dockyards, unnoticed mea-
1870.]
The Admiralty.
767
sures may be so advanced that at
the proper time an armament may
be developed with a rapidity that
can be produced only by well-con-
sidered arrangements, imparted to
none but trustworthy public ser-
vants. By acting on this principle
of preparation and of concert with
reliable officers, Prussia heaped
upon Austria the humiliation, dis-
aster, and debt which, had the
principle been neglected, it might
have been her own lot to incur.
The principle is as suitable to mari-
time as to military States ; and by
its application or the neglect of it,
the wisdom or the folly of an Ad-
miralty may be measured. If we
depend in a great degree upon pri-
vate builders for the first effort,
progress towards armament cannot
be made without attracting the
notice of foreign Governments, and
plans cannot be matured secretly
for the prompt equipment and
combination of ships. Of course
the first effort may not be success-
ful, however well made; but it may
be disastrous if ill made, as in
the case of Austria. At any rate,
it will affect the succeeding events
of a war. Now, for England to
commence a war with advantage,
and during its progress to remedy
disasters and to pursue successes
with rapidity, she must, as a base
of operations, have well -placed
arsenals with numerous readily-ac-
cessible docks, and with an ample
complement of trained artificers ;
and these arsenals must, as already
shown, be under the control of the
Admiralty.
Portsmouth and Plymouth fulfil
these conditions. They are admir-
able as places of refuge for disabled
ships, and they are equally good
as places of departure for refitted
squadrons ; they are controlled by
the Admiralty ; and as regards
deep docks, basins, factories, and
plant, they are, or shortly might be
made, equal to what would be re-
quired of them during an active
war. There is yet another essen-
tial for establishments which this
island should ever have ready, as
the primary movers when she is
required suddenly to arm. They
must be kept vitalised by fitting
complements of artificers, for their
fullest powers cannot be speedily
elicited by adding artificers . not
specially trained to naval dockyard
work, even if such imperfectly-
trained men could be at once found.
It is therefore indispensable for the
instruction of the men we must de-
pend upon, that the dockyards dur-
ing peace should undertake, in all
but rare cases, the building, repair-
ing, and fitting of our ships. Hav-
ing a nucleus of highly-trained ar-
tificers, as many temporary hands
may be added as can be advantage-
ously employed.
Let us now consider the means
and positions of private yards for fit-
ting out and for sustaining fleets in
a serviceable condition, with the
least possible detention of the ships
from active service. No one of
them is an easy refuge for dis-
tressed ships from a probable scene
of action, nor could ships refitted
in any one of them readily resume
positions in which they are most
likely to be required. They are
all approached by long channels,
that are dangerous for crippled
ships ; in them ships of war can
be served only in turn with other
customers; and their docks and
basins are far inferior to those of
naval yards for ships of war. More-
over, the resources of private yards,
considerable as they may be, are not
" reserve ;; resources ; nor can they,
at a " word of command," be trans-
ferred from one work to another.
The power of each such yard is
measured by the wants of its ordi-
nary customers, and it is commonly
fully occupied with work which it
is bound to complete within a given
time ; whereas in a Queen's yard,
at a moment's notice, its whole
strength may be applied to accom-
plish whatever may be the most
urgent of the ever-varying require-
ments incidental to a state of war.
Undoubtedly the private yards
768
Tlie Admiralty.
[June
are important auxiliaries, and in
material resources they should be
to the Queen's yards what the men
of the " Naval Reserve " are to the
men of the Navy. To say that no
intention of abolishing the dock-
yards exists, is very short of being
a satisfactory reply. The temper
of these establishments, and the
scale upon which their skilled ar-
tificers are maintained, essentially
affect our power of dealing with
any threat of war. The arsenals of
France confront at short distances
the vital parts of our coast, and
flank the English and Irish Chan-
nels. This fact, and the knowledge
of the consummate warlike energy
of the French, make it evident
that our arsenals should be so
maintained that, when needful,
work may be accomplished in them
with unsurpassable celerity. As a
matter of economy, no less than
of national safety, the power to
command this celerity of work is
of exceeding importance. It en-
ables a fleet to perform an amount
of service which would otherwise
require a much larger fleet. In-
deed ships detained in port for
repairs, when they are wanted
at sea, are less useful than block-
aded ships, for these at least detain
an equal force of the enemy to
watch them.
Even if, in the qualities of gal-
lantry, seamanship, gunnery, and
discipline, we were matchless, still
while our enemies can equip and
refit fleets more rapidly, and there-
fore have their services more con-
stantly, we cannot command the
seas. Let England, depending for
food and revenue upon sea-borne
commerce, remember that, for her,
blockaded ports would represent
famine, pestilence, and bankruptcy.
If her whole population were under
arms, and directed by a Wellington,
it would be of no avail ; for under
the supposed conditions she would
be strangled by an enemy she can-
not reach.
The full cost of the reckless re-
duction in the dockyards cannot be
now estimated. It may be known
after some experience of an un-
looked-for war, during which we
shall have been subjected to extor-
tionate prices, paid by money bor-
rowed at extravagant interest.
Probably in that day disgrace and
disaster may quicken our apprehen-
sion as to the magnitude of the
crime which is committed by in-
adequately preparing for the expan-
sion of our national forces. We
have had marvellous instances in
this country of a reckless disregard
of preparation, and of the penalties
we have endured in purse and in
reputation as consequences of our
neglect.
The disgraceful impotence we ex-
hibited at the commencement of the
Russian war made us the laughing-
stock of the world. And it might
have been presumed that the penal-
ties we then endured in loss of life,
treasure, and reputation, and in
dismay, would have been an in-
delible warning for the future. Al-
though then dealing with an ene-
my unable to cope at sea with the
combined fleets of France and Great
Britain, our naval resources were
taxed to the utmost. Had France
and Russia united against us, the
consequences would inevitably have
been very disastrous. Considered
merely in a pecuniary point of view,
the panics which have resulted
from apprehended war, by affecting
commerce and the Funds, and the
preparation for actual war under the
extravagant conditions inevitably
attendant upon an armament, have
cost more by millions than would
have been paid for maintaining
during peace the proper nucleus of
a war establishment.
On the other hand, we may point
to instances of vast expenditures
of life and treasure having been
avoided by possessing the means
of promptly arming. Take, for ex-
ample, the wonderful rapidity with
which the fleet was fitted out on the
occasion of the Spanish armament
in 1790. It inspired the people
of Great Britain with confidence;
1870.]
The Admiralty.
769
whilst the Continental nations —
which secretly encouraged the ag-
gressions of Spain towards us —
were filled with dismay. France,
ostensibly neutral, had commenced
an extensive armament, under pre-
text of guarding her own interests,
but in reality to support Spain.
When, however, it was seen how
Great Britain was prepared to crush
any efforts made against her, the
threat of war ceased. And it is
well known what weight the prompt
and formidable manifestation of the
naval strength of Britain gave to
Lord St Helens, our Minister at
Madrid, in his demands for the
restitution of the places seized by
Spain, and in dictating the apology
to be offered to the British nation.
The armament of the following
year produced a similar result. At
that time Great Britain held the
highest rank among nations, on
account of the rapidity, often ex-
perienced, with which she could
bring her fleet into activity. But
what now is the comparative weight
of a British Minister at any capital
in Europe or America 1
The First Lord of the Admiralty,
in his reply to "friendly" questions,
has failed to free himself from the
reproach of having improperly dis-
charged 1361 workmen, and thereby
inflicted an unnecessary calamity
upon them and their families ; and
from a charge also of having com-
mitted a gross political blunder, by
the reduction he has made in the
aggregate strength of the dock-
yards. No doubt previous Gov-
ernments had determined that
Woolwich Dockyard should at a
proper time be closed ; but this
measure was not intended to be
carried into effect until the basins
and factories at Chatham were
much further advanced than they
are. We have now parted with
Woolwich, while Chatham yard is
unequal to what would be required
from it in the event of an arma-
ment, and especially in the event
of a North Sea war, in which the
formidable and newly- created Ger-
man navy would take a part. See-
ing that we exist by naval supre-
macy, is it not amazing that whilst
this foreign maritime power is be-
ing developed close to our eastern
coast, we should reduce our means
of conducting a North Sea war ]
To talk of our present satisfactory
relations with Prussia as any justi-
fication of inertness with regard
to permanent preparation, is ab-
surd. Are not her relations with
Russia satisfactory 1 It is a maxim
of international policy at least to
consider friends as possible ene-
mies, and the maxim is as sedu-
lously obeyed by Prussia in her
naval as it has been in her military
affairs, with so remarkable a proof
of wisdom.
Ten years ago the German desire
for a fleet was derided in England.
Nevertheless the desire has, within
that short period, advanced so far
towards accomplishment, that in-
stead of being a subject of derision,
the German fleet must be an ele-
ment in the political considerations
of the future, that may exceedingly
perplex British statesmen. The ef-
forts of Prussia to become a great
naval power cannot be concealed.
She has already formed a consider-
able fleet of modern construction,
and her capabilities for equipping
ships are rapidly increasing ; whilst
by her recent conquests and vast
extension of coasts, she possesses
Baltic and North Sea harbours.
And let it be remembered that in
her commercial marine, Confeder-
ated North Germany has an ample
nursery for seamen.
Her means, therefore, of creating
and sustaining a navy, are commen-
surate with her maritime ambition.
To what purpose may she apply
this prodigious power } The canal
which is on the eve of being con-
structed between the Baltic and
the North Sea will enable Prussia
to move her fleet from the one sea
to the other without the risk of a
dangerous navigation, and without
encountering strong works and tor-
pedoes in the Sound and Belt.
770
The Admiralty.
[June
It is evident, from a considera-
tion of her warlike means and re-
sources, and from her strategic posi-
tion, that she must soon have an
exceeding influence over the desti-
nies of Europe, and over our own
destiny in particular. And concur-
rently with the progress of the
Prussian canal, the military rail-
ways of Russia will be in course of
rapid construction ; so that, by a
combination of these Powers, an
overwhelming naval and military
force might be launched against
unprepared England, and be sus-
tained from a base very near to our
coasts. Thus the attitude she is
assuming may threaten the safety
of England, and the Government
may prove to have committed a
grievous error in discarding Wool-
wich whilst Chatham Dockyard is
yet incomplete. Instead of the artifi-
cers being discharged, they should
have been employed to make good
any deficiency in the fleet, which it
is highly improvident to allow to
exist. Looking to the strength of
foreign navies, it is obvious that we
are right in adding to our force of
those heavily armed and armoured
ships, which for the future must
do the pounding work that has
hitherto been done by ships of the
line. By them we must preserve
our supremacy at sea, but they are
not fit for cruisers. Unfortunately
we are nearly destitute of ships of
this class ; and without cruisers of
great speed, a contemptible Central
American State may commit such
ravages upon our commercial marine
as that of the Northern American
States suffered in their late war by
the depredations of the swift Con-
federate cruisers. This want is
especially to be heeded, since the
late American war has shown how
easily a belligerent without ships
can be provided with them ; and
since also a desire exists on the part
of America to retort upon us our
imputed complicity with the inflic-
tions she suffered. To this retort
we shall be exposed sooner or later,
by persistence in the false econ-
omy of the Admiralty. Yet the
men wanted in the dockyards for
this important work were dis-
charged, to add to the crowd of
starving mechanics in our streets ;
and Government timber, with which
the needed ships ought to have
been built, was sold at a loss in
a glutted market. Mr Childers
retorts upon his predecessors the
charge of having improperly re-
duced the artificers by asserting
that they had discharged many
others before he came into office.
He is, however, convicted by his
own defence. That his predeces-
sors had recently reduced the arti-
ficers should have been a caution
to him to be exceedingly circum-
spect before he made further re-
ductions, instead of being a lure to
him to pass the limit which others,
willing to make all safe reductions,
had drawn. If he were justified by
the reduction made by his prede-
cessors, so his successors might be
justified in making still further re-
ductions. And so the country suf-
fers by the importunity for office.
There has been an intention to
abolish the office of Naval Super-
intendents of Dockyards, and this
mischievous project may be revived.
Should it be carried into effect in
the great outfitting ports, the link
will be wanting which has hitherto
connected the dockyards with the
fleet, and by means of which the
incessant business in which both
must co-operate has been so advan-
tageously conducted. The result
will be, that when some consider-
able pressure of work is thrust upon
the dockyards, they will be in a
state of utter confusion and insub-
ordination. The Government ex-
pectations of progress in the work
will on some emergency be disap-
pointed, and the blame which
should rest upon mischievous ad-
ministrators will be heaped upon
those who are the unhappy execu-
tives in disorganised departments.
Whilst work is hindered, and time
lost in accusations mutually ban-
died between a frightened Govern-
ment and indignant officers strug-
gling to expedite an armament
1870.]
The Admiralty.
771
under an impracticable system, the
enemy's fleet may be sweeping the
Channel. The principle of having
a naval chief in the dockyards had
worked so well previously to Sir J.
Graham's administration, and had
produced such good results under
the most trying conditions to which
this country had ever been sub-
jected, that he carried the principle
still further, and for the Commis-
sioner, who was a naval officer hold-
ing a civil office, he substituted a
Superintendent, with his flag flying.
The proposed scheme must have
emanated from a brain wholly un-
informed as to the necessities of
the Service.
A very objectionable change has
just been made in the dockyard
administration, by abolishing the
Storekeepers, and transferring their
departments, as well as that of the
Engineers, to the Master Ship-
wright. This will increase a pre-
viously-existing evil, for the Master
Shipwright has been so much con-
fined to his office that he could
not sufficiently supervise the build-
ing and equipping of ships.
It is, moreover, fatal to the im-
portant principle (so essential for
any effectual control of expendi-
ture), that the person issuing stores
ought not to be he who expends
them. The Master Shipwright may
henceforth charge stores to any
work upon which he may be em-
ployed ; and certainly the effect of
this cannot be to furnish the House
of Commons with more lucid or
more reliable accounts.
It has been attempted to make
official capital by contrasting the
vigilance of the present Admir-
alty with the negligence of their
predecessors. A keen desire to
serve such a purpose was exhibited
by the false colouring given to two
cases of Admiralty subordinates
having taken bribes. The attempt,
however, failed to show that these
dishonest men had, or could have
had, any influence prejudicial to
the public interests. The fact is,
they attempted to defraud a mer-
chant, not the public, by leading
him to believe they could cause his
tender to be accepted. The crime
of these two worthless men was
that of obtaining money under false
pretences. So far as integrity is
concerned, the point to be remem-
bered is, that in all cases of actual
corruption, the contractor, if not
primarily the corrupter, is a parti-
cipator in the corruption.
When the dockyards and other
establishments shall have been
abolished or reduced to skeletons,
there will be free commercial com-
petition for Government orders.
Let Mr Bright, the chief of the
Board of Trade, and a representative
commercial man, explain the prin-
ciple upon which the country may
thus be served. He has candidly
informed us that infamous frauds
were simply too often " ordinary
effects of competition in trade."
From the time of the preposter-
ous assumption of the command of
a fleet by a Civil First Lord, de-
fended by imputing jealousy to the
admirals commanding the squad-
rons about to be combined, until
the monstrous proposal to subject
officers on half-pay to the " Disci-
pline Act," the Admiralty have
made a series of blunders which
could not have occurred when the
Civil First Lord had responsible
professional advisers. More, no
doubt, might easily be said, but
enough has been advanced to show
the danger to our Naval Service
into which the country is drift-
ing. However vain the hope may
be that these observations will
effect their purpose,* still the con-
victions of the writer prompt him
to make an effort to avert the mis-
chief that must result from a per-
sistence in the course that has been
inaugurated by the present Ad-
miralty.
* The official experience of the writer entitles his opinions to great weight.—
ED. B. M.
772 The Problem Solved. [June
THE PROBLEM SOLVED.
HOOKAH ! we have found out the secret at last,
And our old Irish troubles are over and past :
We have solved the hard problem that proved so bewildering,
And discovered that Ireland's — a country of children !
Poor innocent babes ! they've been sadly misused:
We've indulged them in freedoms we should have refused.
What could we expect but a train of disasters,
When we suffered mere children to be their own masters'?
We've allowed them to bid and to bargain for farms ;
To vote at elections, and carry firearms ;
They've been suffered and summoned to sit upon juries,
And, of course, they have acted like fools or like furies.
In England we watch o'er the helpless and young,
To take care that their elders shall do them no wrong ;
But a much wider circuit our care must engage,
When a whole population is found under age.
All our plans must be changed : we must now take in hand
Every contract that's made about labour or land.
Every man that's removed, though with no right to stay,
Must be paid something handsome for going away.
Then as Ireland has long baen a mere rabbit-warren,
And there's no way to make early marriages barren,
We must next, if the good of these minors is meant,
Forbid them to marry without our consent.
O Erin mavourneen ! och cushla mo chree !
First flower of the earth, and first gem of the sea !
With what Irish ideas your English abettors
Are now making you free by these newly-found fetters !
Not?. — Is the way-going payment in question a revival of the old Celtic usage
of Deoch-an-dorais—ihe door-drink, or stirrup-cup, that was due to every part-
ing guest ?
1S70.]
Lothair.
773
LOTHAIR.
THIS is the most elaborate jest
which the sportive author has
ever played off upon an amiable
and confiding public. Addressing
the novel-reading portion of that
public in his own mind, he has
evidently said : " You have been
this long while prating of purity of
style, truth to nature, probability,
and adherence to the rules of art.
You have been condemning sensa-
tional novels, and false effects, and
didactic prosings, and slipshod com-
position. Well, I will write some-
thing which shall be more extrava-
gant than the romances of the
* London Journal,' more inflated in
expression and false in grammar
than the exercises of an aspiring
schoolboy of the fifth form, more
foreign to life and reality than the
hysteric fancies of a convent-bred
girl, and, in point of art, on a level
with the drop-scene of a provincial
theatre. My pictures of high life
shall resemble the gin -inspired
dreams of the assistant of some
fashionable haberdasher, who enjoys
glimpses of great houses and great
people when he goes out with the
goods. I will not even infuse any
humour into this performance, the
extravagance of which shall be only
equalled by its dulness. And yet
many of you who instruct others
on questions of taste shall accept
the book in all seriousness, while
those who see through the jest will
still be compelled to applaud its
success. If the youngest son of
any of my laudatory critics, at home
for the holidays, had shown his
father the composition in manu-
script and confessed himself the
author, the parent, in the righteous
exercise of his authority, would
have put the sheets promptly in
the fire and lectured the young
scribbler on his absurdity ; and the
jest lies in the extorting the praise
of these critics by putting the
name of the Eight Honourable B.
Disraeli on the title-page. Many
authors have taken foolish young
men for their heroes, and have been
censured accordingly; but I will
not even take a foolish young man
for mine — he shall not be a young
man at all — I will get him direct
from Madame Tussaud. My char-
acters shall have that kind of
resemblance to real people which
distinguishes the portraits of em-
bryo artists — a prominent feature
only shall be like, or the portrai-
ture of the cravats and coats of the
sitters shall be faithful ; or, failing
even that slight exercise of art, I
will affix such a name as shall at
once suggest the original, and
my readers, as they guess, shall
be delighted with their own per-
spicacity. A great humorist once
caricatured a work of mine, but I
will out - Codlingsby Codlingsby.
The public thinks itself knowing ;
so do the bumpkins at a fair who
grin applause on the jackpudding,
and, as I shall show, with equal
reason." And this sardonic pleas-
antry has been amply justified by
the result. The shaking of the cap-
and-bells has been watched with
all the gravity due to Jupiter's
nod.
It is evident that a work con-
structed on this plan need not de-
mand much invention, and that old
materials will be as good as, or bet-
ter than, new. When, therefore, it
appears that the wealth of the hero
is unbounded ; that he talks of
building cathedrals with the sav-
ings of his minority ; that his family
seat is vaster and more gorgeous
than the palace of Aladdin ; that
there are among his friends dukes
possessing enormous wealth and in-
Lothair. By the Right Honourable B. Disraeli. In three volumes. London :
Longmans, Green, & Co.: 1870.
74
Lothair.
[June
fluence, a pushing lady who makes
up by tact for want of breeding,
obscure adventurers who shake
kingdoms, and a marvellous in-
triguing female who can do every-
thing and rules everybody, — the
reader, fancying he has seen some-
thing of all this well-worn finery
before, will perhaps mutter under
his breath, " Old clo' ! " The cos-
tumes are of the chaste kind sup-
plied to amateur actors by Messrs
Nathan at so much per night ; the
jewellery, in splendour and taste,
resembles the workmanship of the
celebrated lapidaries of Birming-
ham.
Lothair, whose rank and parent-
age are carefully concealed through-
out the book, but whose descent,
at least on the mother's side, is
known to us (he being, as we have
already said, the legitimate off-
spring of Madame Tussaud), comes
on the stage some time before he
attains the majority which will give
the Legislature the advantage of his
presence in the Upper House. We
are all familiar with the satirical
views of modern society, which re-
present men and women of all
sorts and conditions as the abject
adorers of wealth ; but nothing
more cynical has ever been achieved
in this way than the description
of the struggles of the leaders of
society — beautiful women, states-
men, and dignitaries of rival priest-
hoods— for the control of this young
money-bag. " London/' we are
told, "was at Lothair's feet.J> Like
Mrs Jarley, he was the delight of
the nobility and gentry. No ball,
no dinner-party, is considered com-
plete without the presence of the
gilded youth. Potent, grave, and
reverend signiors exercise the most
astute diplomacy in approaching
him, and gravely discuss with him
the most momentous questions, dis-
playing the deference, the cunning,
and the perseverance which might
be appropriate in gaining over some
great potentate who carried the
destinies of a nation in his pocket,
but which seem ludicrously dispro-
portioned to their singularly feeble
object. It is true that they talk
terrible nonsense and terrible
twaddle — still it appears to be the
best they have ; and their rivalry,
though more decorous, is hardly
more respectable, and much less
amusing, than that of a crowd of
Moors whom we once saw in Tan-
gier tearing each other's beards
and pulling off each other's turbans
in a mad struggle for a fourpenny-
piece which an English stranger
had dropped from a balcony.
Whether Lothair shall ultimately
be labelled Protestant or Roman
Catholic is absolutely represented
to be a matter of considerable im-
portance to others than himself ;
and there are some female Danaes
of irreproachable morals, each of
whom, it is evident, will have her
young affections crushed and her
soft -heart broken if the golden
shower should fall into any lap but
hers. One of these disappointed
fair ones, indeed, hides her anguish
in a convent, unable to endure the
hollow world when a rival is to
have the prize. If the reader will
only consider what chance any of
the youths of his acquaintance just
turned of twenty would have of
obtaining all this homage on the
score of his own unassisted merits,
he will the better appreciate the
stinging satire of the description of
Lothair's social successes.
The first volume is taken up with
the appearance of most of the char-
acters on the stage, and the plan is
adopted (which we do not, how-
ever, recommend to less experienced
authors) of devoting one chapter
or more to each separate group,
without regard to the insignificant
fact that they are scarcely more
connected with each other than the
different shoots in an asparagus-
bed. First Lothair visits the ducal
seat of Brentham, the owner of
which suffered to a degree unusu-
ally severe from the embarras de
rickesses : —
''His Grace was accustomed to pay
that he had only one misfortune, aud it
1870.]
Lothair.
775
was a great one ; he had no home. His
family had married so many heiress-
es, and he consequently possessed so
many halls and castles, at all of which,
periodically, he wished, from a right
feeling, to reside, that there was no
sacred spot identified with his life in
which his heart, in the bustle and tu-
mult of existence, could take refuge."
His metropolitan mansion was
on the same magnificent scale.
" The Duke was one of the few
gentlemen in London who lived in
a palace." This fortunate peer
had several daughters, each more
beautiful than the other. Two of
these are married, and one son-in-
law, St Aidegonde, not yet a duke,
but a duke's heir, and evidently a
great favourite with the author, is
an execrable ruffian, as we shall
see, who would never have been
tolerated for an hour in any decent
house, but whose brutal eccentrici-
ties are detailed with affectionate
approbation. This patrician is
humoured to such a degree by his
wife, that we are told, " when he
cried for the moon it was promised
him immediately." He smokes
" Manilla cheroots of enormous
length ; " but the other son-in-law,
Lord Montairy, was differently
minded, for of him it is recorded
that " he was so distractedly fond
of Lady Montairy that he would
only smoke cigarettes," and the do-
mesticity of his tastes is further
evinced thus : —
" Lord Montairy was passionately
devoted to croquet. He flattered him-
self that he was the most accomplished
male performer existing. He would have
thought absolutely the most accom-
plished, were it not for the unrivalled
feats of Lady Montairy. She was the
queen of croquSt. Her sisters also
used the mallet with admirable skill,
but not like Georgina. Lord Mon-
tairy always looked forward to his
summer croquet at Brentham. It was
a great croquet family, the Brentham
family ; even listless Lord St Aide-
gonde would sometimes play, with a
cigar never out of his mouth. They
did not object to his smoking in the
air. On the contrary, ' they rather
liked it.' "
But the gem of the household is
the youngest daughter, not at all
original or amusing, or differing
in any way from the ordinary silly
young lady of slight novels, except
in her name, which displays the
author's invention and research to
great advantage, for she is called
Lady Corisande, and to all the
beauty of her sisters she adds a
refined expression peculiar to her-
self. What the father of these
divinities was like we may partly
guess from that remarkable noble-
man's own estimate of himself and
of them : " Every day when he
looked into the glass, and gave the
last touch to his consummate toil-
ette, he offered his grateful thanks
to Providence that his family was
not unworthy of him."
The first time that Lothair hears
Corisande sing, he thus accosts
that siren : —
"'Your singing,' he said, 'is the
finest thing I ever heard. I am so
happy that I am not going to leave
Brentham to-morrow. There is no
place in the world that I think equal
to Brentham.'
" ' And I love it too, and no other
place,' she replied; 'and I should be
quite happy if I never left it.' "
Nor is this remarkable identity
of tastes the only link between
these innocent beings. " Lothair's
vast inheritance was in many
counties and in more than one
kingdom. . . . Lothair was the
possessor of as many palaces and
castles as the Duke himself." A
few more such proprietors, and all
the rest of our county families
would be forced to go into lodgings.
Thus naturally fitted to be the
Duke's son-in-law, Lothair signifies
a wish to stand in that relation to
the illustrious peer. The Duchess,
however, to whom he imparts his
desire, thinks he had better wait,
and Lothair accepts the advice
with exemplary docility. He had
previously told her of his intention
to build on his estates, as soon as
he should be master of them, no
less than two thousand cottages, a
•76
Lothair.
[June
number which, if collected in rows,
would have made an average
county town, and which thus at-
tests the magnificence of Lothair's
disposition.
All this time he has been sur-
rounded by a highly Protestant
atmosphere — indeed Lady Cori-
sande is remarkable for nothing so
much, next to her name, as for the
stanchness of her Protestantism.
But now another element comes
into play, for we are introduced to
Cardinal Grandison. This prelate,
one of Lothair's guardians, is a
highly-influential member of the
Romish Church. He is very tall,
extraordinarily thin, and entirely
devoted to the interests of the Pa-
pacy \ and being better acquainted
than most people with the extent of
his ward's worldly possessions, it na-
turally occurs to him that so rich a
young man, with a cardinal for his
guardian, ought, by a little judicious
management, to be brought, along
with his property, within the fold
of the true Church. Accordingly
the worthy ecclesiastic, in his very
first interview with the hero, sets
about this politic design, though
the style of his conversation is so
insupportably tedious that any or-
dinarily-constituted youth thus ex-
posed to it would have fled the
neighbourhood at all hazards, never
returning during the Cardinal's life-
time. His uncommon thinness is
fully accounted for by the manner
in which we find him receiving an
invitation to dinner: "'I never eat
and I never drink,' said the Cardi-
nal ; ' I am sorry to say I cannot ' "
— a degree of involuntary abstemi-
ousness which must have been very
convenient and exemplary during
fasts of the Church, and which ren-
ders any extreme of emaciation
credible.
The next group we are intro-
duced to is that which surrounds
Mr and Mrs Putney Giles. Mr
Giles is a solicitor, but, neverthe-
less, is not without claim to a place
in the high society in which we
find him, since we are assured that
" many of his clients were among
the most distinguished personages
of the realm." Mrs Giles is a lady
with the weakness, not unfrequently
depicted in novels, of desiring to
get into a class higher than her own.
Lothair dines with this pair, and we
subjoin a short specimen of the
table-talk. Somebody has mention-
ed the Gulf Stream : —
"'And are you afraid of the Gulf
Stream?' inquired I^othair of his calmer
neighbour.
" ' I think we want more evidence of
a change. The Vice-Chancellor and
myself went down to a place we have
near town on Saturday, where there is
a very nice piece of water; indeed
some people call it a lake • but it was
quite frozen, and my boys wanted to
skate, but that I would not permit. '
" * You believe in the Gulf Stream to
that extent,' said Lothair, — 'no skat-
ing.'"
At this dinner Lothair encounters
a very singular lady, who is destined
to exercise great control over his
fate. She is described as " a matron
of not many summers." Her face
strikes him, and he asks who she is.
She is called Theodora, is married
to a friend of Garibaldi, her birth
is unknown, she speaks every lan-
guage, is ultra-cosmopolitan, and
" has invented a new religion." An
introduction to her is offered by his
informant, but that is reserved to
be effected in a much more informal
and impressive way than by a cou-
ple of bows in a drawing-room.
The next personages whose ac-
quaintance we make are Lord and
Lady St Jerome, " who resided in
one of the noblest mansions of St
James's Square." As the Duke's
family represent the Protestant in-
fluence directed on the hero, so the
St Jeromes throw their own weight
and that of their family mansion
into the Romanist scale. The lady
was " the daughter of a Protestant
house, but during a residence at
Rome after her marriage, she had
reverted to the ancient faith, which
she professed with the enthusiastic
convictions of a convert. . . . All
1870.]
Lothair.
777
Lady St Jerome's family connec-
tions were persons of much fashion ;
. . . her saloons were always at-
tended, and by * nice people.' " Lo-
thair dines at their noble mansion.
" It was a lively dinner," we are
told. " Lord St Jerome loved con-
versation, though he never con-
versed. 4 There must be an audi-
ence/ he would say, * and I am the
audience.' " There was a Monsig-
nore Berwick, who must have been
a kind of ecclesiastical firework, for
it seems that, when necessary, he
" could sparkle with anecdote or
blaze with repartee ; " and
" all the chaplains who abounded in
this house were men of bright abilities,
not merely men of reading, but of the
world, learned in the world's ways, and
trained to govern mankind by the ver-
satility of their sympathies. It was a
dinner where there could not be two
conversations going on, and where even
the silent take their share in the talk
by their sympathy."
Now it is unlucky that none of
the conversation of this lively din-
ner is preserved. Mr Disraeli treats
us only to a Barmecide's feast of
wit. But the Monsignore subse-
quently indulges in such utterances
as the following : " Before a few
years have elapsed, every country
in Europe will be atheistical except
France. . . . Let Christendom
give us her prayers for the next few
years, and Pio Nono will become
the most powerful monarch in Eu-
rope, perhaps the only one." After
these specimens of the table-talk of
this sagacious though desponding
prelate, the reader will perhaps
agree with us in doubting whether
he could, in his most combustible
moments, sparkle with anecdote
or blaze with repartee ; or whether,
even with the assistance of the bril-
liant and abundant chaplains, his
conversational abilities could have
rendered the dinner in any degree
more lively than if he had followed
the judicious example of Lord St
Jerome. However, Lothair is of a
nature to be easily satisfied in the
matter of wit. and is much im-
pressed by his new acquaintances ;
nevertheless, even with the enthu-
siastic hostess, the silently appre-
ciative host, the sparkling and blaz-
ing Monsignore, and the abundant
chaplains, there is still an influence
wanting to balance that of Lady
Corisande, and that is supplied by
Lord St Jerome's niece, Miss Arun-
del, who is graphically and power-
fully described as "a beautiful
young lady," and the sole ob-
ject of whose bright existence is
to further the interests of the Pa-
pacy. Her cheerful frame of mind
is thus exhibited : —
" One day he ventured to express to
Miss Arundel a somewhat hopeful view
of the future, but Miss Arundel shook
her head.
" ' I do not agree with my aunt, at
least as regards this country,' said Miss
Arundel ; ' I think our sins are too
great. We left His Church, and God
is now leaving us.' "
The atmosphere of high life in
which we have been revelling now
suddenly changes for that of an
obscure coffee-room, frequented by
shabby foreigners in London. The
waiter, described as "ever- vigilant,"
is addressed by a mysterious per-
son, who is known as the General,
and who demands to see the land-
lord, by whom he is obsequiously
received, and conducted to a room
filled with conspirators, including a
Head-Centre : " The Standing Com-
mittee of the Holy Alliance of Peo-
ples all rose " (superfluous, it may
be thought, in a standing commit-
tee), " although they were extreme
Republicans, when the General en-
tered. Such is the magical influ-
ence of a man of action over men
of the pen and tongue." No-
thing comes, however, of this for-
midable meeting — the talk of the
men of the tongue being quite
as trivial and absurd as if they had
all been monsignores and cardinals ;
and it is rather a relief to get back
from the seedy and stupid scoun-
drels to the peerage and baronet-
age at Vauxe, the family seat of
the St Jeromes. Lothair arrives
778
Lothair.
[June
there just in the nick of time, when
some fascinating Popish ceremonies,
called " Tenebrae," are in progress.
The ingenuous youth is easily in-
duced to assist at these, and a pro-
found impression is produced on
him, when, at the end of the last
of them, as he rose, " Miss Arundel
passed him with streaming eyes."
At a picnic next day the hostess is
more charming than ever : " Never
was such gay and graceful hospi-
tality. Lothair was quite fasci-
nated as she thrust a paper of
lobster-sandwiches into his hand,
and enjoined Monsignore Catesby
to fill his tumbler with chablis."
Thus fed and fascinated, and ex-
posed to the spells of Miss Arundel
while revelling on lobster - sand-
wiches, the Protestantism of Lo-
thair is evidently in imminent dan-
ger ; and this is presently increased
by the arrival of the Cardinal, who
is thus welcomed : " His Emi-
nence was received with much cere-
mony. The marshalled household,
ranged in lines, fell on their knees
at his approach ; and Lady St Jer-
ome, Miss Arundel, and some other
ladies scarcely less choice and fair,
with the lowest obeisance, touched,
with their honoured lips, his prince-
ly hand."
The Cardinal, the hostess, and
the beautiful young lady, now all
concentrate their efforts on the
proselytising of Lothair. Of Miss
Arundel we learn that " in her so-
ciety every day he took a strange
and deeper interest : " —
" 'I wonder what will be her lot,'
he exclaimed.
" ' It seems to me to be settled,' said
Father Coleman. ' She will be the
bride of the Church. '
" 'Indeed!' and he started, and
even changed colour.
" 'She deems it her vocation,' said
Father Coleman.
" 'And yet, with such gifts, to be
immured in a convent, ' said Lothair.
" 'That would not necessarily fol-
low,' replied Father Coleman. ' Miss
Arundel may occupy a position in which
she may exercise much influence for the
great cause which absorbs her being.'
" ' There is a divine energy about
her,' said Lothair, almost speaking to
himself. ' It could not have been given
for little ends.'
" 'If Miss Arundel could meet with
a spirit as exalted and as energetic as
her own,' said Father Coleman, ' her
fate might be different. She has no
thoughts which are not great, and no
purposes which are not sublime. But
for the companion of her life she would
require no less than a Godfrey de
Bouillon.' "
But his speculations were not all
confined to the lot of Miss Arun-
del, for " Lothair began to medi-
tate on two great ideas — the recon-
ciliation of Christendom, and the
influence of architecture on reli-
gion. " Whether the former of these
great ideas was to be accomplished,
according to the previsions of Mon-
signore Berwick, by the union of
all nations under the sovereignty
of Pio Nono (whose longevity will
in that case be miraculous), we are
not informed ; but Lothair sets about
the latter at once in the most practi-
cal manner, by resolving to devote
£200,000 to the building of a cathe-
dral, instead of to the construction
of cottages, and causes an architect
to make plans for the purpose.
These designs are sent to him in
a style totally different from that
which would have sufficed for an
ordinary commoner: —
" The door opened, and servants came
in bearing a large and magnificent port-
folio. It was of morocco and of prela-
tial purple, with broad bands of gold
and alternate ornaments of a cross and
a coronet. A servant handed to Lo-
thair a- letter, which enclosed the key
that opened its lock. The portfolio
contained the plans and drawings of
the cathedral."
Whether this cathedral would be
Anglican or Romish, Lothair did
not know himself. It depended
a good deal on the comparative
warmth and influence of the smiles
of Miss Arundel and of Lady Cori-
sande. But just now "it seemed
to Lothair that nothing could inte-
rest him in life that was not sym-
bolical of divine truths and an
1870.]
Lotliair.
779
adumbration of the celestial here-
after." On the one hand, he was
fortified "by a conviction of the
apostolical succession of the Eng-
lish bishops, which no Act of Par-
liament could alter or affect." But
on the other, he " was haunted by
a feeling that the relations of his
communion with the Blessed Virgin
were not satisfactory," and in fact
seems to have been a bore and prig
of very singular promise.
" ' To whom is your cathedral to be
inscribed?' asks Miss Clare Arundel.
" ' To a saint in heaven and in earth,'
said Lothair, blushing ; ' to St Clare.' "
After this we learn that " he was
meditating if he should say more."
Before quitting Vauxe we will
quote two of the most important
facts concerning the establishment
there. One is, that after dinner
the nobility and gentry "left the
room with the ladies, in the Conti-
nental manner." The other is, that
"it was the sacred hour of two
when Lothair arrived, and they
were summoned to luncheon almost
immediately" — though why the
hour of two should be sacred we
know no more than Mr Disraeli.
We will also give a short specimen
of the conversation that prevailed,
both as illustrating the manners of
high life, and as relieving Lord St
Jerome from the stigma of being
unable to converse : —
" ' These are for you, dear uncle,' said
Clare Arundel, as she gave him a rich
cluster of violets. ' Just now the
woods are more fragrant than the gar-
dens, and these are the produce of our
morning walk. I could have brought
you some primroses, but I do not like
to mix violets with anything.'
" ' They say primroses make a capital
salad, ' said Lord St Jerome.
" ' Barbarian ! ' exclaimed Lady St
Jerome. ' I see you want luncheon ;
it must be ready ; ' and she took Lo-
thair's arm. ' I will show you a por-
trait of one of your ancestors/ she said ;
' he married an Arundel.' "
Evidently it is now high time for
the Protestant faction to interfere,
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLVI.
unless they wish Lothair to go
straight to Rome and kiss the
Pope's toe. Accordingly he is hur-
ried away to the Duke's house in
London. Lady Corisande has just
been presented. " From the mo-
ment her fair cheek was sealed by
the gracious approbation of Majesty,
all the critics of the Court at once
recognised her as the Cynosure of
the Empyrean."
In describing a dinner-party at
the Duke's, at which a Lord Caris-
brooke was present, " a young man
of distinguished air and appear-
ance," the author, accustomed as
we are to his eccentricities, never-
theless greatly startled us by the
abrupt announcement that " Lord
Carisbrooke was breeding." He
was only breeding horses, however.
Afterwards there was a ball, at
which poor Miss Arundel, with
nothing but the odour of sanctity
to make her agreeable, stood a very
poor chance with the Cynosure of
the Empyrean, bearing the seal of
majesty on her cheek : " A prince
of the blood was dancing with
Lady Corisande. Lothair was there
vis-ci-vis with Miss Arundel. . . .
Lothair had to advance and meet
Lady Corisande. Her approaching
mien was full of grace and majesty."
We should think so, considering
what was on her cheek. We have
often heard from young men ad-
dicted to slang phraseology that the
most remarkable feature of the girls
of the rising generation is their
" cheek," but all must yield in this
particular to the Lady Corisande.
As incidental bits of high life, we
may note that they had dined " in
the Chinese saloon " (we hope on
birds' -nest soup and puppy- dog
pie), and that the supper was con-
ducted in this way : —
"Royalty, followed by the imperial
Cence of ambassadors, and escorted
» group of dazzling duchesses and
paladins of high degree, was ushered
with courteous pomp by the host and
hostess into a choice saloon, hung with
rose-coloured tapestry and illumined by
chandeliers of crystal, where they were
3G
780
Lothair.
[June
served from gold plate. But the thou-
sand less favoured were not badly off,
when they found themselves in the
more capacious chambers, into which
they rushed with an eagerness hardly
in keeping with the splendid nonchal-
ance of the preceding hours.
' ' ' What a perfect family ! ' exclaimed
Hugo Boh n n, as he extracted a couple
of fat little birds from their bed of as-
pic jelly. ' Everything they do in such
perfect taste. How safe you were here
to have ortolans for supper ! '
" All the little round tables, though
their number was infinite, were full.
Male groups hung about ; some in at-
tendance on fair dames, some foraging
for themselves, some thoughtful and
more patient and awaiting a satisfac-
tory future. Never was such an elegant
clatter."
Lothair now resolves to return
to Oxford (where he had before en-
tered the University, and where
he had a considerable establish-
ment of horses). Driving out his
drag, he finds in the road a lady
with a broken-down carriage. This
was Theodora. Lothair gallantly
offers assistance, and Theodora,
while thanking him, introduces
him to her husband, Colonel Cam-
pian, a Southern American. Lo-
thair sends them home in his drag,
which was drawn by a remarkable
team. " They were four roans
highly bred, with black manes and
tails. They had the Arab eye, with
arched necks, and seemed proud of
themselves and their master." The
grateful Campians invite Lothair
to dinner. The lady's attractions
are thus described : " The counte-
nance was Olympian ; a Phidian
face, with large grey eyes and dark
lashes ; wonderful hair, abounding
without art, and gathered together
by Grecian fillets." Next day they
all go to Blenheim ; the weather is
beautiful, the scene enchanting, the
Colonel the most accommodating
of men ; and the naughty hero, who,
before he is of age, has proposed
for one girl, and been on the ex-
treme verge of proposing for an-
other, now makes ardent love to
the lady with the Olympian coun-
tenance and Phidian face. Even
the most rigid moralists will, how-
ever, be disposed to excuse his pas-
sion, in consideration of the mental
as well as personal attractions of
the lady. Here are a few senti-
ments selected at hazard from her
conversation : —
" 'I live only for climate and the
affections. '
1 ' ' I am a great foe to dinners, and
indeed to all meals. I think when the
good time comes we shall give up eat-
ing in public, except, perhaps, fruit, on
a green bank, with music. '
" ' Railways have elevated and soft-
ened the lot of man. '
' ' ' I require in all things sympathy. ' "
Evidently to know such a woman
was to love her. Lothair returns
to London, but the visit to Blen-
heim had quite untuned him for
the society of people who live for
other objects than climate and the
affections. He is engaged to dine
with the Montairys, but he un-
scrupulously resolves to throw
them over. It is fortunate that he
does, for fate leads him into much
less commonplace company. He
calls a cab, and as he gets into it,
naturally remarks, as any other
young man would, " ;Tis the gon-
dola of London ; " just as, when in
Venice, he probably remarks of the
gondola, "'Tis the hansom of the
Adriatic." The judicious order
which he gives to the cabman is,
" Drive on till I tell you to stop."
He is driven about, accordingly, as
passengers so often are, at the pleas-
ure of the cabman, till, in some
unknown suburb, a procession in
the road arrests the progress of the
vehicle. Lothair gets out, and
being probably confused as to fares
by the new cab regulations, and
being, moreover, as we know, the
weakest of young men, gives the
driver a sovereign. The cabman
thereupon, "staring with delight
at the sovereign in his astonished
palm," promptly and inevitably re-
cognises in him " a real gentleman,"
and in gratitude tells him that the
procession is on its way to a Fenian
meeting, that he has a ticket of ad-
1870.]
Lotliair.
781
mission, and that he will transfer
that ticket to Lothair. Thus, by
the most natural sequence of events
in the world, Lothair, instead of
dining with the Montairys, attends
a Fenian meeting. The reason why
he is taken there by the author is
that he may make the acquaintance
of the conspirator known as the
General. When the hat is taken
round, as is customary at Fenian
meetings, Lothair declines to con-
tribute, possibly because he had
given all his money to the cabman.
He is thereupon denounced as a
non-subscriber, and consequently a
spy ; and the aggrieved Fenians are
about to set upon him, when the
General interposes, threatens two
or three hundred of the assailants
with his pistol, gives his name pri-
vately to the leader of the Fenian
Lodge, on whom it acts like a talis-
man ; and after seeing Lothair
safely out of this "lodge in some
vast wilderness," declines to receive
any thanks, or even to reveal his
name. We need hardly say that
the General is a friend of Theodora,
and that he gives that wonderful
woman in politics what she re-
quires in all things — namely, sym-
pathy.
Next day, Lothair, after winning
the prize at a pigeon match, goes to
dine with a Mr Brancepeth, an un-
happy person, whose life is spent
in giving exquisite dinners to people
of distinction, and who " had at-
tained the highest celebrity in his
peculiar career." " Royalty," we
are told, " had consecrated his ban-
quets " — no wonder that " to dine
with Mr Brancepeth was a social in-
cident that was mentioned." How-
ever, we should not have paused
over Mr Brancepeth's banquet if it
had not happened to illustrate the
refined and pleasing manners of St
Aldegonde, who is intended by the
author for an agreeable character,
calculated to leave a pleasing im-
pression on the reader. That noble-
man, when riding with Mr Brance-
peth in the morning, had politely
mentioned, " as was his general
custom with his companions, that
he was bored to very extinction."
Mr Brancepeth resents the imputa-
tion of being a bore so little that
he takes great pains to get the cour-
teous speaker to dine with him.
One Pinto, for whom St Aldegonde
has a depraved admiration, is a
guest at this dinner, and during the
meal the noble lord, " with his back
turned to his other neighbour, hung
upon the accents of Mr Pinto."
But all this time he ate nothing,
which naturally distressed his host.
"He did not care so much for his
occasionally leaning on the table with
both his elbows, but that he should
pass by every dish was distressing. So
Mr Brancepeth whispered to his own
valet — a fine gentleman, who stood by
his master's chair and attended on no
one else, except, when requisite, his
master's immediate neighbour — and de-
sired him to suggest to St Aldegonde
whether the side table might not pro-
vide, under the difficulties, some suste-
nance. St Aldegonde seemed quite gra-
tified by the attention, and said he
should like to have some cold meat.
Now that was the only thing the side
table, bounteous as was its disposition,
could not provide. All the joints of
the season were named in vain, and pies
and preparations of many climes. But
nothing would satisfy St Aldegonde but
cold meat."
Then Lothair goes to-a ball given
for Miss Arundel, where " he yield-
ed to the magic of the flowing hour.
. . . As he fed her with cates
as delicate as her lips, and manu-
factured for her dainty beverages
which would not outrage their pur-
ity, Lothair at last could not refrain
from intimating his sense of ,her
unusual but charming joyousness."
After this remarkable union of cates
and compliments, and ere the flow-
ing hour was well stagnant, we are
sorry to have to record that when he
jumped into his brougham at break
of day, he exclaimed, " Thank hea-
vens, it is at last Friday ! " and
the reason why he thanked heavens
that it was Friday was, that on that
day he, Lothario Lothair, was go-
ing to visit Mrs Campian of the
Olympian countenance at her coun-
782
Lothair.
[June
try seat of Belmont. He rode
thither upon " a dark chestnut
barb, which, proud of its resplend-
ent form, curveted with joy when
it reached a green common." Bel-
mont was "a stately mansion of
hewn stone, with wings, and a por-
tico of Corinthian columns/' and
consequently was in complete har-
mony with the inmate's countenance
and face. Here Lothair meets an
artist with the commonplace name
of Mr Gaston Phoebus, who it seems
was " the most successful, not to
say the most eminent, painter of
the age." It will be interesting to
artists, therefore, to read the follow-
ing exposition of the principles on
which the illustrious painter work-
ed, and we wish they may under-
stand them better than we do: —
" ' ARYAN principles,' said Mr Phoe-
bus ; ' not merely the study of nature,
but of beautiful nature ; the art of de-
sign in a country inhabited by a first-
rate race, and where the laws, the
manners, the customs, are calculated to
maintain the health and beauty of a
first-rate race. In a greater or less de-
gree, these conditions obtained from
the age of Pericles to the age of Hadrian
in pure Aryan communities, but Senii-
tism began then to prevail, and ulti-
mately triumphed. Semitism has de-
stroyed art ; it taught man to despise
his own body, and the essence of art is
to honour the human frame.'
"'I am afraid I ought not to talk
about such things, ' said Lothair ; ' but
if by Semitism you mean religion, sure-
ly the Italian painters inspired by
Semitism did something.'
'"Great things,' said Mr Phoebus;
' some of the greatest. Semitism gave
them subjects, but the Renaissance gave
them Aryan art, and it gave that art
to a purely Aryan race. But Semitism
rallied in the shape of the Reformation,
and swept all away. "When Leo the
Tenth was Pope, Popery was pagan;
Popery is now Christian and art is ex-
tinct.' "
Unluckily we are unable to throw
any light whatever on the foregoing
passage, and all that we have been
able to understand of Mr Phcebus's
utterances (and for which we greatly
commend him) is, that he expresses
high admiration of Mr Story's
statues. He concludes his oracles
in this way, " But nothing can be
done until the Aryan races are ex-
tricated from Semitism ;" notwith-
standing which, and many similar
remarks, and although he has
friends who ought to have taken
care of him, he is suffered to go at
large all through the book. We
shudder to think that the un-
happy gentleman may be still
at liberty, and that we might
chance to meet him without a
keeper. After listening to all this,
it is no wonder that " Lothair re-
turned to town in a not altogether
satisfactory state of mind." He
went to the opera, where he saw Mr
Gaston Phoebus in Mrs Campian's
box, and grew jealous of them.
" After that he had no real sleep,
but a sort of occasional and feverish
doze with intervals of infinite dis-
tress, waking always to a conscious-
ness of inexpressible mortification
and despair." In the morning after
this troubled night he is naturally
late abed, and several emissaries
from the Cardinal call upon him
before he is up. The Cardinal is
about to inaugurate a great ecclesi-
astical function for the restoration
of Christendom, and is of course
anxious to obtain for this simple
and intelligible design the valuable
support of Lothair, who has indeed
almost promised to attend. But
in his present humour these ideas
are distasteful to him — he is occu-
pied with his jealousy of Mrs
Campian — besides,
"he could not bring himself without
a pang to contemplate a secession from
the Church of his fathers. He took
refuge in the wild but beautiful thought
of a reconciliation between Rome and
England. If the consecration of the
whole of his fortune to that end could
assist in effecting the purpose, he would
cheerfully make the sacrifice. He would
then go on a pilgrimage to the Holy
Sepulchre, and probably conclude his
days in a hermitage on Mount Athos. "
He falls into a reverie in an easy-
chair, "with a hair-brush in each
hand," and possibly a tooth-brubh
1870.]
Lothair.
783
in his mouth, in which attitude he
would have made an excellent
study for a portrait, to be painted
on Aryan principles by Mr Gaston
Phoebus. To him, thus seated, the
Monsignore enters, and presses him
hard to attend the function for the
restoration of Christendom. Bat
what with this grand design on the
one hand, and the recollection of
Mrs Campian's Olympian counte-
nance on the other, the poor young
nobleman, pacing the room with
his eyes on the ground, is reduced
to exclaim, " I wish I had been
born in the middle ages, or on the
shores of the Sea of Galilee, or in
some other planet ; anywhere, or
at any time, but in this country
and in this age ! "
" That thought is not worthy of
you, my Lord," said Catesby.
Catesby was wrong, however ; it
was an idiotic thought, idiotically
expressed, and quite worthy of the
speaker. The Monsignore being
still urgent, Lothair gives him to
believe that he will attend the
function; and using the freedom
that gentlemen are entitled to em-
ploy in their intercourse with pre-
lates of high degree, desires him to
order his (Lothair's) brougham for
eight that evening — the hour when
he is invited to accompany the
Cardinal. His visitor gone, he re-
mained in a most troubled state
all the morning, "and often he
sighed." We are glad to find,
however, that at 5.30 P.M. he was
able to take some breakfast, con-
sisting of a little soup, a cutlet,
and a glass or two of claret. At
eight he started as from a dream,
— classically exclaimed, "Jacta est
alea ! " — which is much finer than
saying "the die is cast" — and, false
alike to the Cardinal, the Mon-
signore, and his obligations to
Christendom, ordered the brougham
to drive — to Belmont !
At this joyous mansion a/efe, as
usual, was in progress, and many
people of the highest consideration
were assembled. In deference, per-
haps, to the sad disorder of Mr
Gaston Phoebus, whose lunacy was
of. a character that did not admit of
any lucid intervals, the conversa-
tion was in the Aryan-Semitic key.
The supper, in anticipation of the
good time expected by Mrs Cam-
pian, consisted of fruit on a green
bank, with music. Mrs Gaston
Phoebus, described as of extraordi-
nary beauty and voluptuous sym-
metry, played the piano. Among
the company there was also a sister
of Mrs Phcebus, whose simple name
was Euphrosyne Cantacuzene, and
whose agreeable expression of face
was mockery mingled with Ionian
splendour ; there was also a Prin-
cess of Tivoli, and a maniac of the
name of Gozelius, invited perhaps
as an appropriate companion for
Mr Gaston Phcebus. Dr Forbes
Winslow was probably in attend-
ance somewhere about the grounds,
though the author does not men-
tion him. At the end of the even-
ing, Lothair, whose intellect and
powers of reflection had no doubt
been stimulated by the mental
atmosphere around him, exclaimed,
as he threw himself into his
brougham, " I perceive that life is
not so simple an affair as I once
supposed;" which profound dis-
covery almost reconciles us to the
postponement of the restoration of
Christendom.
All this time we have been en-
gaged with the first only of the
three volumes. But lest the justly-
alarmed reader should suppose that
we are going to enter at equal
length into the other two, we will
at once assuage his fears by explain-
ing that our future extracts and
comments will be much less copious,
— first, because Mr Disraeli has put
most of his plums into the earlier
portion of his pudding, while the
remainder is composed chiefly of
very indigestible dough ; and
secondly, because all the chief
movers of the plot, except the
Fenians and the cabman, are now
brought together, and may there-
fore be compendiously dealt with.
But first we must note two circum-
784'
Lot hair.
[June
stances which preceded the assem-
blage of the characters. The one
is, that Lothair purchased from a
jeweller of the name of Mr Ruby,
for four thousand pounds, a rope of
(not onions, but) pearls, worthy to
be worn by the Queen of Cyprus,
and formerly owned by the Doge of
Venice, which he sent anonymously
to the divine Theodora ; and that
lady, in provoking ignorance of the
donor, sealed them up and confided
them to the care of the discomfited
Lothair. The other is, that the
hero pays a visit to Mr Gaston
Phoebus at his own abode. "His
residence," we are told, " was con-
venient and agreeable, and in
situation not unlike that of Bel-
mont, being sylvan and seques-
tered " — in fact, to impart a secret
to the reader, it was not far from
Colney- Hatch. The occasion of
the visit was the exhibition of
a picture which the gifted, though
unhappily insane, artist had painted
expressly for the Emperor of Russia.
The guests were received by Mrs
Phcebus and her sister Euphrosyne
Cantacuzene in a very singular cos-
tume, which is, unfortunately, only
vaguely described : " ' They are
habited as sylvans,' the great artist
deigned to observe, if any of his
guests could not refrain from ad-
miring the dresses which he had
himself devised." What kind of
vestment was likely to be devised
in the brain of Mr Phcebus we must
leave to the more or less sane ima-
gination of the reader ; but the hint
about sylvans justifies us in con-
cluding that it consisted mainly of
leaves, though we believe that it
was partly composed of flowers
also, since it is recorded that Mrs
Phcebus presented a venerable
patron of art in Britain, who was
one of the guests, with a beautiful
flower, which probably formed an
important part of her dress. The
subject of Mr Phoebus's picture
was not entirely new, being " Hero
and Leander ;" but we are assured
that it was " touched by the hand
of a master who had never failed,"
and that " the applause was a genu-
ine verdict." We trust, therefore,
that its absence from the Royal
Academy has not been caused by
the imprudent rejection of the com-
mittee. Part of the guests remain-
ed to admire the picture, and Mr
Phoebus, coming with the same ob-
ject, stole upon them unawares.
" His air was elate, and was re-
deemed only from arrogance by
the intellect of his brow. 'To-
morrow,' he said, ' the critics will
commence. You know who the
critics are? The men who have
failed in literature and art.' " Now
the most notorious art-critic of the
day is Mr Ruskin, and though
many do call him quack, yet that
is no reason why Mr Disraeli should
deny his success. In literature the
names of Macaulay, Sidney Smith,
Wilson, and Lockhart, who were all
critics, stand much higher than Mr
Disraeli's. Yet the attempt to dis-
arm the critics is ingenious, and, to
judge from the reviews, successful
— indeed we are ourselves an in-
stance of its success ; for though we
had at first entertained an irrever-
ent idea of making fun of * Lothair,'
we were so terrified at the thought
of being branded as a man who had
failed in literature, that in sheer
consternation we have given a
much more favourable idea of the
work than it deserves.
The stage on which the char-
acters are brought together is
Muriel Towers, one of Lothair's
many castles. On his first visit
to the princely abode he was
met by five hundred horsemen
well mounted, and some of them
gentlemen of high degree, who in-
sisted on accompanying him to the
gates, but who fortunately did not
ask to come in. The whole house-
hold were arrayed, and arranged in
groups on the steps of the chief
entrance. A complete list of these
is given, copied apparently from
the county papers. The steward
of the estates was "the leading
spirit." There was a house-steward,
a chief butler (the chief baker is
1370.]
Lothair.
785
by an error of the press omitted),
a head-gardener, a chief of the
kitchen, a head-keeper, head-for-
ester, and grooms of the stud and
of the chambers. The coat of the
groom of the chambers was made in
Savile Row. They were all mo-
destly drawn up behind the house-
keeper, " a grave and distinguished-
looking female " (in fact we have
reason to believe that she was of
noble though decayed family), and
who " curtsied like the old court/'
though from what old court she had
learnt her curtsies is not specified.
There were also " half-a-dozen pow-
dered gentlemen glowing in crim-
son liveries, who indicated the pres-
ence of my lord's footmen " (that
is, who indicated their own pres-
ence), " while the rest of the house-
hold, considerable in numbers, were
arranged in two groups, according
to their sex, and at a respectful dis-
tance." Lothair was ushered into
" his armoury," a gallery two hun-
dred feet long ; and was quite as-
tonished, as well he might be,
" with the number of courts and
quadrangles in the castle, all of
bright and fantastic architecture,
and each of which was a garden
glowing with brilliant colours, and
gay with the voice of fountains or
the forms of gorgeous birds."
There was one feature in this re-
markable abode which deserves a
separate paragraph. It was the
tomb of Lothair's grandfather,
situated in a large and lofty octa-
gonal chamber. He had raised it
in his lifetime. The tomb was of
alabaster, surrounded by a railing
of pure gold. We understand also
(though the author omits to men-
tion it) that the old gentleman's
shroud was a magnificent piece of
tapestry which had once belonged
to the Queen of Sheba ; and that
his coffin was of mother-of-pearl
with agate handles, and the name,
age, and date of his lamented de-
cease inscribed thereon in rows of
sapphires and brilliants. May he
rest in peace ! — though we hardly
expect it.
In this extraordinary mansion
Lothair now assembled his friends,
in order to celebrate his coming of
age. With more hospitality than
prudence he brought together all
the ladies he had been making love
to. The divine Theodora was there
with a star on her brow, the Cyno-
sure of the Empyrean with the seal
of majesty on her cheek, and the
fair Miss Arundel with her young
heart palpitating with love for the
venerable Pope. There were the
St Jeromes and the Montairys,
and the gentlemanly dog St Alde-
gonde with his adoring wife. There
was Hugo Bohun, whose name is
that of an ancient Crusader, but
whose sentiments are of the feeblest
kind. Carisbrooke had also left off
breeding to come, and a bishop with
his chaplain and a trusty archdeacon
had been invited to meet the Car-
dinal and the Monsignores. The
mysterious General arrived on a
political mission to the divine
Theodora. Lord Culloden had
brought his two daughters, and
there were Mr and Mrs Putney
Giles, and some others whom Mr
Disraeli mentions, as well as some
whom he does not enumerate, in-
cluding Codlingsby and Rafael
Mendoza.
What took place while this illus-
trious gathering lasted may be
briefly described. There was a suc-
cession of the most brilliant en-
tertainments. The Bishop was par-
ticularly playful, and is said to
have showed relentless gaiety in
tumbling over the Monsignores,
though we are not indulged with
any specimen of the , Episcopal
humour. The divine Theodora
developed some new peculiari-
ties. She is described as having
"an Athenian eye," and as both
her eyes are subsequently cha-
racterised as " Hellenic," we are
permitted to indulge the hope that
both may have been Athenian. She
is also strangely afflicted with " a
tumult of the brow," which may
perhaps have been the result of a
jeunesse orageuse, since we learn that
786
Lothair.
[June
at one period of her life she was in
the habit of sleeping on door-steps
in Paris with a tambourine for a
pillow. St Aldegonde continued
to behave with characteristic bru-
tality. It is recorded that he prided
himself when he did laugh, which
was rare, on laughing loud. Want-
ing to speak to his wife, he sends a
friend to fetch her thus : " ' Hugo,7
said St Aldegonde to Mr Bohun,
* I wish you would tell Bertha to
come to me. I want her. She is
talking to a lot of women at the
other end of the room, and if I go
to her I am afraid they will get
hold of me.' " The same gentle-
man asking him if he were going
to Church,
" St Aldegonde would not answer ;
he gave a snort and glanced at Hugo
with the eye of a gladiator. . . . The
Bishop was standing near the mantel-
piece talking to the ladies, who were
clustered round him; the Archdeacon
and the Chaplain and some other clergy
a little in the background; Lord St
Aldegonde, who, whether there were a
fire or not, always stood with his back
to the fireplace with his hands in his
pockets, moved discourteously among
them, assumed his usual position, and
listened, as it were grimly, for a few
moments to their talk ; then he sud-
denly exclaimed in a loud voice, and
with the groan of a rebellious Titan,
' How I hate Sunday ! '
" 'Granville!' exclaimed Lady St
Aldegonde, turning pale. There was a
general shudder.
" ' I mean in a country-house,' said
Lord St Aldegonde. ' Of course I mean
in a country-house. I do not dislike it
when alone, and I do not dislike it in
London. But Sunday in a country-house
is infernal.'
" ' I think it is now time for us to
go,' said the Bishop, walking away with
dignified reserve; and they all dis-
The feasts of every day at Muriel
are faithfully chronicled. On one
occasion the party was so consider-
able that they dined in the great
hall, and " when it was announced
to Lothair that his lordship's din-
ner was served, and he offered his
arm to his destined companion, he
looked around, and then, in an
audible voice and with a stateliness
becoming such an incident, called
upon the High Sheriff to lead the
Duchess to the table." On the day
when the illustrious host came of
age he dined again " in his great
hall with two hundred guests, at a
banquet where all the resources of
nature and art seemed called upon
to contribute to its luxury and
splendour/' Then they embarked
in fanciful barges and gondolas on
a lake, in the centre of which was an
island with a pavilion containing a
repast of " coffee and ices and whim-
sical drinks," with music and magni-
ficent fireworks. Mr Disraeli is as
great in coloured fire as in theatri-
cal upholstery ; and the spectacle on
the lake is so like the transforma-
tion-scene in a pantomime, that at
the end of it we expected to find
Lothair and the Duke reappearing
as harlequins, Lady Corisande and
Miss Arundel as columbines, and
the Cardinal and the Bishop as
rival pantaloons, while St Alde-
gonde would have made a capital
clown.
All this time, however, much
more serious business has been in
progress. A war of mines and
ambushes is waged by the Car-
dinal and Monsignores on one side,
the Bishop, Chaplain, and Arch-
deacon on the other, for the right
to control the spiritual interests of
Lothair. In fact their intended
prey led such a life of it that the
moral is obvious — namely, if you
are the heir to many castles and
parks, do not invite a bishop and a
cardinal together to assist you in
celebrating the attainment of your
majority. First the Monsignores
tried to have the household drawn
up to receive the Cardinal on their
knees. Then they put a notice in
the papers that Lothair was about
to celebrate high mass. The Bishop
retaliated by persuading Lothair to
receive the sacrament in his own
chapel on the morning of his birth-
day, in the most distinguished com-
pany ; and a diocesan deputation,
consisting of archdeacons and rural
1870.]
Lothair.
787
deans, presented to him a richly-
bound Bible and prayer-book on a
cushion of velvet. No wonder that
" the habitual pallor of the Car-
dinal's countenance became unusu-
ally wan," that " the cheek of Clare
Arundel was a crimson flush," and
" that Monsignore Catesby bit his
lip," on witnessing this bold man-
oeuvre of the wily Protestant cham-
pion. The ladies took part in the
warfare with their accustomed zeal.
Lady Corisande whispered in Loth-
air's ear that one of the happiest
hours of her life was eight o'clock that
morning. Clare Arundel, discomfit-
ed but not defeated, solemnly sum-
moned him to meet Her at Rome.
And yet, after all Lothair' s aspi-
rations for one Church and the
restoration of Christendom, and
for more satisfactory relations with
the Blessed Virgin, the Pagan in-
fluence, represented by the Olym-
pian countenance and Athenian eye
of the divine Theodora, prevails ;
and before the party at Muriel
breaks up, he is so far from think-
ing of building cathedrals, that he
thanks her for saving him from
lavishing his money on " an eccle-
siastical toy/' and expresses his
resolution to devote to her his for-
tune and his life.
The reader may perhaps think
that Mrs Campian could not very
well avail herself of this splendid
offer, at any rate in the lifetime of
the Colonel ; but thereby hangs
a great part of the tale. It is
the profound conviction of many
characters in the book that two
powerful elements, whose antag-
onism will produce a moral earth-
quake, must shortly come into col-
lision, and that one or other of
them must ultimately prevail ; and
as one of these is Popery, and the
other consists of secret societies
of assassins and atheists, the pros-
pects of the rest of the world are
not cheering. All society, it seems,
is honeycombed by the lodges of a
villanous freemasonry, whose pri-
mary, but by no means ultimate,
object is the destruction of the
Papacy. These amiable brother-
hoods are distinguished by ridicu-
lous names,, as " Mary Anne " and
" Madre Natura," and 'they are
always plotting outbreaks which
luckily very seldom take place.
They constantly hold secret meet-
ings— they have emissaries going
about like so many Guy Fawkeses
always ready with the dagger or
the lucifer-match — they have pass-
words, and false names, and dis-
guises, and dark-lanterns, and all
the rest of the melodramatic ma-
chinery which has such an irre-
sistible fascination for our author.
This appalling picture has not been
without its effect on the readers of
* Lothair ' — indeed we know of one
old lady who has been terribly
frightened, and who never goes to
bed now (especially after eating
muffins with her tea) without
dreaming that she is blown up by
conspirators, or forcibly converted
by the Pope. Well, the divine
Theodora is not merely an agent of
the secret societies, but has appa-
rently given a name to one of them
(for she is popularly known to the
assassins and atheists as Mary
Anne), and is a prime mover in all
the plots which alarm the despots
of Europe. When the General
visited her at Muriel they were
hatching the insurrectionary move-
ment on Rome which ended at
Mentone ; and the enthusiastic
young devotee who had been very
near marrying Miss Arundel and
building a Roman Catholic cathe-
dral, is now enrolled among the
Italian Republicans who are going
to make war on the successor
of St Peter. It is in this
novel and unexpected situation
that we find him when the scene
shifts. He is now " Captain
Muriel" of the Republican army
assembled in the mountains near
Viterbo, under the General whom
we have before encountered, and
who, it seems, is the most consum-
mate soldier in Europe, though his
illustrious name is never disclosed
to us. As Lothair, besides serving
788
Lothair.
[June
in the army, has contributed the
two hundred thousand pounds with
which he had intended to build a
cathedral, towards the expenses of
the campaign, it is not so surprising
as it otherwise might be, that the
consummate soldier confides all his
plans unreservedly to the young
recruit and admits him to all his
councils. Colonel Campian was an
old adherent of the cause, and it is
not wonderful that he should hold
a high position on the staff; but
there is another old acquaintance
in a position of trust whom we were
not equally prepared to find there.
The General's military secretary is —
the divine Theodora ! " She moved
among them," says Mr Disraeli,
" like the spirit of some other world : '
— which is the more surprising as
he tells us " she was clothed in male
attire/7 and we have never heard of
any spirit-world the inhabitants of
which are dressed in the uniform
of military secretaries. One day
the camp is visited by a lancer of
the Royal Guard who has been sent
to announce the arrest of Garibaldi.
This he does by slowly lowering his
tall weapon and offering the Gene-
ral the despatch which was fastened
to the head of his spear. We hope
this mode of delivering military
messages will not become common,
as an incautious or inebriated orderly
might easily poke out a general's
eye. Besides the information about
Garibaldi, he also brings a private
despatch to Theodora, containing
the appalling intelligence that " the
Mary Anne Societies are not strong
enough for the situation, and that
;tis an affair of the Madre Natura."
In order that the reader may appre-
ciate the force of this announce-
ment, a chapter is devoted to an
account of the last - mentioned re-
markable fraternity ; but as it might
have been written by Mr Gaston
Phoebus in one of his worst par-
oxysms, we shall say nothing more
about it. But by-and-by they hear
worse and much more intelligible
news, to the effect that the French
troops are embarking to defend
Rome. This causes the divine
Theodora to retire to her tent in
great agony; her Hellenic eyes brim
over with the Attic salt of her
Castalian tears, till they run down
her Phidian nose, and channel her
Olympian cheeks. Nevertheless
the Republicans resolve to advance
and try to get into the city before
the French. They find the enemy
strongly posted — they make attacks
which are repulsed — but the divine
Theodora, a sword in one hand, the
banner of the Republic in the other,
rallies them, and the enemy is rout-
ed. At this moment a random shot
strikes the heroine, who is borne
by Lothair bleeding into Viterbo.
At first she seems to be getting on
pretty well, but the thunder of the
guns, which tell that the French
have disembarked, produces an un-
favourable effect upon her mind
and her wound. Colonel Campian
— whose connubial relations with
this admirable woman must have
been a good deal interrupted in time
of peace by her visits to the chiefs of
the secret societies, and in war by
her duties as a military secretary —
comes to summon Lothair to her
deathbed and then leaves them,
apparently going away to enjoy a
quiet cigar. Lothair addresses her
as "Adored being" — she exacts
from him a promise that he will
never enter the Church of Rome.
" And now," she said, " embrace
me, for I wish that your spirit
should be upon me as mine de-
parts."
The scene now shifts to Rome,
where we meet more old friends.
Lady St Jerome looks after the
spiritual interests of the English-
men in the Papal army; and Miss
Arundel, now the superior of a
sisterhood of mercy, scrapes lint
for the wounded soldiers. The bat-
tle of Mentone is fought, and the
Republicans, in the absence of
their military secretary, are defeat-
ed. A young man, severely wound-
ed, is found in an ambulance; he
is brought to Miss Arundel, and she
recognises — Lothair.
1870.]
Lothair.
789
The reader will perhaps wonder
what sort of a reception the wound-
ed Lothair may meet with from the
Monsignores and Miss Arundel, af-
ter fighting against the Pope, under
a general whose declared object it
was to blow up St Peter's. No-
thing could exceed the care and
kindness of these charitable peo-
ple, and they take advantage of his
bodily weakness to renew their
efforts for his conversion. But it
is certainly puzzling to find that
Miss Arundel calls this comrade of
the assassins and atheists " the
most favoured of men " — that
Lady St Jerome receives him
" with an expression of personal
devotion which was distressing to
him" — that " the Princess Tarpeia-
Cinque Cento, the greatest lady
in Rome, in whose veins, it was
said, flowed both consular and
pontifical blood of the rarest tint,"
tells him they will never forget
what he had done for them — and
that Monsignore Berwick, now a
cardinal, hailed him " as his com-
rade in the great struggle." The
astonishment of the reader would
probably be complete (had Mr Dis-
raeli's previous feats left in him any
capacity for surprise) at finding that
a grand service is given in the Jes-
uit Church of St George of Cappa-
docia, to celebrate Lothair's re-
covery, and that at its conclusion
" many asked a blessing from Lo-
thair, and some rushed forward to
kiss the hem of his garment." The
hero of these attentions is unable
to account for them himself, till
he reads in a Roman newspaper
an account of the event, in which
he is represented to have fought
at Mentone on the side of the
Pope, and to have been given up
for lost, till Miss Arundel was di-
rected by a most beautiful woman,
who suddenly and mysteriously ap-
peared to her, to go to a certain
hospital where she would find a
young Englishman in an ambulance;
and that on doing as she was bid
she found Lothair. The beautiful
woman is variously represented to
be a tailor's wife and the Virgin
Mary ; but as she was proved to
have had a halo round her head,
and to have given to some children
miraculous flowers, it is clear that
no tailor could ever have pressed
her to his bosom, and the alterna-
tive is inevitable. When Lothair
represents the incorrectness of this
version of the story to Cardinal
Grandison, his Eminence calmly
insinuates that he is still suffering
from illness, and labours under an
hallucination ; and as Lothair is
satisfied with this explanation we
hope the reader will not be more
exacting, and we recommend the
incident and the explanation to the
attention of Mr Burnand for his
next burlesque. Not content with
this remarkable achievement, the
Cardinal, striking while the iron is
hot, informs him that the very next
day the Pope will, as a special favour,
receive the bewildered hero into
the bosom of the Church of which
his Holiness is the divine head. In
this terrible predicament the only
relief that occurs to the helpless
and perfectly imbecile victim is
death. In deep despair he wanders
into the Colosseum. Now we had
forgotten to apprise the reader that
the divine Theodora had made a
compact with Lothair that if pos-
sible she would revisit him after
she had quitted this world. Ac-
cordingly she now comes back to
remind him of his promise never to
go over to Rome. Her apparition
is seen by him in the moonbeams,
her voice warns him, he falls down
insensible, and is picked up in such
a state as to be altogether unpre-
sentable to the Holy Father; and
the doctor, who is called in, starts
him off for change of air to Palermo.
By this admirable device is the
wretched Lothair extricated from
his perplexities, and from the Car-
dinal's clutches.
From Palermo he goes to Malta,
where he meets our old friend Mr
Phoebus, who has come there in
his yacht Pan. That gentleman,
having given our Commissioners
790
Lothair.
[June
in Lunacy the slip, was on his
way home to an island which he
now inhabited "near the Asian
coast of the ^Egean Sea/' and where
he lived in great splendour, as " by
his genius and fame he commanded
a large income." " It was impos-
sible," our author very justly re-
marks, " for Lothair in his present
condition to have fallen upon a
more suitable companion than Mr
Phoebus." Madame Phoebus and
her sister Euphrosyne were both
at Malta, and " welcomed Lothair
in maritime costumes, which were
absolutely bewitching." They all
sailed away to Mr Phcebus's island,
when the artist welcomed his guest
to "an Aryan clime, an Aryan
landscape, and an Aryan race" —
and where they frequently went
hunting, on which occasions Mr
Phoebus wore green velvet boots.
Afterwards they all went to the
Holy Land, where Euphrosyne
"sniffed with her almond-shaped
nostrils the all - pervading frag-
rance," and Mr Phoebus "scatter-
ed his gold like a great Seigneur
of Gascony." Here they met St
Aldegonde and Bertram, Cori-
sande's brother, who fell in love
with Euphrosyne; and a most ex-
traordinary person, a Syrian named
Paraclete, who was perhaps the
only man living competent to hold a
discourse with Mr Phoebus on the
Aryan-Semitic question. Taking
a ride one day with Mr Paraclete,
Lothair meets his former com-
mander, the most consummate sol-
dier in Europe, who is now in the
service of the Porte ; and then sud-
denly our hero arrives at his own
house in London. The first thing
he did the*re was to summon Mr
Ruby the jeweller, and to order him
to make a crucifix with a figure of
pure gold and a cross of choice
emeralds, which he intends to offer
to Miss Arundel as a wedding-pre-
sent on her becoming the bride
of the Church. How he again
met with Corisande, who was be-
lieved to be engaged to the Duke
of Brecon, though she was not —
how he saw Miss Arundel's picture
in the Royal Academy — how he and
Cardinal Grandison talked the
most astonishing theological non-
sense together — how the Cardinal
wanted him to attend the (Ecu-
menical Council — how Miss Arun-
del took the veil, — all this need not
detain us from the final incident,
which is, of course, the betrothal of
Lothair to the Cynosure of the
Empyrean. When it happened, he
behaved in the following unaccount-
able manner : " He soothed and
sustained her agitated frame, and
sealed with an embrace her speech-
less form." We believe that a
Mormon lady is said to be " sealed"
to Brigham Young when that pat-
riarch announces his intention of
adding her to his seraglio ; but
whether any notion of this sort
was in Lothair's mind, or whether
he was merely performing on her
speechless form the same operation
which her cheek had formerly un-
dergone, we know no more than
we do why her frame was agitated
while her form was speechless.
We will now cull a few more
specimens from the wilderness of
sweets which Mr Disraeli, as the
reader of our extracts will already
have perceived, has planted on the
tomb of Lindley Murray.
The ladies are very loose in their
grammar : —
"Who should lead her out on
such an occasion than the nearest
relation she has in the world?"
asks Lady St Jerome.
Lady Corisande has " every con-
fidence in Bertram."
" You have not suffered, I hope,"
says Lothair to Mrs Campian.
"Very little, and through your
kindness," is the ambiguous reply.
"Except mamma, this is our
first visit," said the Duchess.
Of Miss Arundel it is recorded
that " Lothair danced with her,
and never admired her more" —
meaning not that he thenceforward
admired her no more, but that his
admiration had never been greater.
We hereby offer as a prize our
1870.]
Lothair.
791
copy of 'Lothair' to any candidate
who has passed the Civil Service
examination, and who will parse
for us the following sentence: —
" For though being a violent Protest-
ant and of extreme Conservative opin-
ions, her anti- Papal antipathies and
her Italian predilections frequently in-
volved her with acquaintances not so
distinguished, as she deemed herself,
for devotion to the cause of order and
orthodoxy."
We hope the reader will like this
next sentence also for its fine meta-
phorical ending : —
"All the ladies of the house were
fond and fine horsewomen. The mount
of one of these riding parties was magi-
cal. The dames and damsels vaulted on
their barbs, and genets, and thorough-
bred hacks, with such airy majesty ;
they were absolutely overwhelming
with their bewildering habits and their
bewitching hats."
But, next to the unrivalled pas-
sage about the speechless form, we,
on the whole, prefer the follow-
ing : —
" The Favonian breeze played on the
brow of this beautiful hill ; and the ex-
quisite palm-trees, while they bowed
their rustling heads, answered in re-
sponsive chorus to the antiphon of na-
ture."
Hooray ! Three cheers for the
right honourable speaker ! These
extracts scarcely look as if they
had been taken from a book, every
sentence of which, as an enthusi-
astic reviewer assures us, is worth
studying. They look rather as if
the author had not found time to
read over what he had written. To
be sure, there may be reasons, be-
sides want of time, why Mr Dis-
raeli should not greatly care to re-
peruse his own work.
We think the reader of our ar-
ticle will admit, that in this novel
Mr Disraeli appears to be in very
gracious fooling. Some eulogist
has compared it to a fairy tale : it
is such a fairy tale as might be
composed by a madman in plush
breeches. Why a once successful
novelist and veteran political leader
should have employed his time in
writing it, is a problem of which we
can offer no other solution than that
suggested at the beginning of this
paper.
It is unnecessary to point out
to those who remember the
singular theories broached in Mr
Disraeli's former novels, that the
adventures of Lothair can scarcely
be expected to end with the
present third volume. It will
easily be anticipated that a
sequel still more remarkable than
the commencement of that noble-
man's history is in progress — in
fact we may whisper that the same
assistants have been secured for
the future as for the present work
— namely, the writer of the Drury
Lane pantomimes, a gentleman on
the staff of the 'Court Journal,'
and a celebrated mad-doctor who
is in the habit of making copious
notes of the conversation of his
patients. Nothing whatever is said
in Lothair about the pre-eminence
of the Jewish race, which formed so
prominent a feature in a former
work. In that preceding novel, it
was shown that most of the illustri-
ous people at that time existing were
of Hebrew blood. But a whole
generation of celebrities has sprung
into distinction since. Mr Disraeli
is not a man who abandons his
ideas, and it still remains for him
to do justice to those which he
most fondly cherishes. According-
ly, in the continuation of Lothair
a great many eminent persons of
this time — such as Count Bismark,
President Lopez, Generals Lee and
Sherman, Messrs Blondin and Leo-
tard, Herr Joachim, Madame Patti,
M. Lesseps, and Mr Fechter — will
be all proved to belong to the
most illustrious of the tribes of
Israel. The Emperor of the
French, though a Jew, can only
claim affinity with an inferior
tribe; and Mr Gladstone, if a Jew
at all, is of the posterity of Shimei
who reviled David. The descent
of the Rothschilds from the
wealthy Israelite who supplied the
792
Lothair.
[June
materials for the golden calf, is
briefly but clearly traced through
the money-changers who were
driven out of the Temple. All
this, however, is merely episodical
to the continuation of Lothair's
history. The struggle between
the Protestant and Catholic friends
of that hero for the possession of so
important a proselyte which occurs
in the present work, is only introduc-
tory to the far more important con-
test that is to take place in the sequel.
The active and inquiring mind of
Lothair has long occupied itself
with the mysteries of the Jewish
faith, and the Chief Rabbi is now
his familiar friend. The Bishop,
with his chaplain and trusty arch-
deacon, brings a strong counter-
influence to work. And as when
two of rival parties contest a seat,
a candidate hostile to both may
sometimes carry the election, so the
astute Cardinal, ever on the watch,
bears down at the head of his
Monsignores on the devoted Lo-
thair, who has already begun to
talk of building a synagogue. The
rival ecclesiastics are indefatigable
in their efforts ; the Rabbi endea-
vours to have the Passover kept at
Muriel, while the Bishop presses
sausage on Lothair at break-
fast, and the Cardinal tries to
entrap him into eating ham-sand-
wiches at lunch. A domestic cir-
cumstance renders the triple con-
test more exciting, for at this junc-
ture the Cynosure of the Empyrean
is confined of twins, and how they
shall be baptised is a matter which
is rightly judged to be of immense
importance. The Bishop is per-
petually dodging about the nur-
sery, followed by his chaplain
bearing a portable font. The Mon-
signores defeat his design by spread-
ing a scandalous report that he and
the chaplain are trying to make
love to the nurses. The eighth
day, so important in the rites of the
Jewish Church, approaches. On
the seventh night after the birth,
the Cardinal seeks Lothair in great
agitation, and makes the most
astonishing revelation. He has
discovered in the family archives
absolute proof that Lothair's grand-
father, who is buried in the alabaster
tomb, was his (the Cardinal's)
father, and that, moreover, he was
a Jew of the purest and noblest
blood. Not only does the remorse-
ful prelate abandon his attempt to
convert Lothair to Romanism, but
he announces his own intention
to embrace the religion of Moses,
deferring it only till he can go to
Rome and try to bring the Pope
over with him to the new creed.
This decides the wavering Lothair,
in spite of the tears and entreaties
of the Lady Corisande. The next
morning the twins, to the great
disgust of the Bishop and the
Duke's family, are duly admitted
into the Hebrew community with
all due ceremonies, and receive the
names of Moses and Aaron. Both
are also called Tussaud, after their
grandmother. Lord Moses Tus-
saud Lothair, as he grows up,
shows a princely prodigality of dis-
position, and attests the purity of
his race by an early leaning towards
Mosaic jewellery, and further by a
proposal (which greatly exasperates
his noble parent) to sell the gold
railing of his great-grandfather's
tomb. Lord Aaron, the younger
twin, is of an intellectual and
speculative turn of mind, and de-
votes himself to the establishment
of one Church by the restoration,
not of Christendom, but of Israel,
and to the extrication of the Aryan
races from Semitism by means of
Art, of which he is himself a dis-
ciple, having an hereditary talent
for modelling in wax. We will not
reveal any more of this exciting
work — the demand for which will
doubtless be unparalleled — further
than to note that it contains a re-
markable peculiarity respecting the
doctrines of the Hebrews ; for, in-
stead of treating the coming of the
Jewish Messiah as prospective, it
is hinted that he is now on earth,
and has been for about sixty-five
years.
1870.]
Lothair.
793
We scarcely know whether to
congratulate Mr Disraeli or not on
the circumstance that everybody
has read his work. Such popularity
is doubtless gratifying, but, on the
other hand, has its disadvantages.
For instance, when next, in rising
to address the House, he uncovers,
the audience may perhaps fancy
tl ey hear a faint tinkle as of bells.
"We dread, too, the effect of a mali-
cious opponent alluding to him as
tbe right honourable member for
Muriel. Perhaps before the end of
the session it will be well for him
to try and do what everybody else
will by that time have done, and
forget all about Lothair. On the
whole, we would rather that Mr
Gladstone had written it. That
gentleman's sombre genius would
bear with advantage a little light
edging of ridicule, and the works in
which he has hitherto sought to re-
lieve his plethora of words have
been very far from amusing any-
body. Possibly, however, his friends
are better satisfied that the author-
ship should be where it is. But,
besides the adherents of these emi-
nent statesmen, there is a not in-
considerable third class in the coun-
try who believe that both of them
are much more harmlessly employed
in writing dull or foolish books
than in pelting each other with
fragments of the Constitution.
INDEX TO VOL. CVIL
Abdul Ruhmau, defeat of, by Shir All,
62.
Acornati, the Marquis d', 698.
ADMIRALTY, THE, 763.
Adulteration, prevalence of, 488.
Afghanistan, policy of Sir John Law-
rence toward, 61 et seq.
Agricultural labourers, their condition
on the Continent compared with that
at home, 23 et seq. — measures for its
improvement, 28 et seq.
Alexandria, sketches in, 374.
AMERICA, WHITE, RED, BLACK, AND
YELLOW IN, 314.
Ammergau, the Passion-play at, 381.
Animal life, picture of the world with-
out, 531.
Animals, the individualities of, 532 —
their destruction by man, 536 el seq.
— growing humanity to them, 546.
ANTAGONISM OF RACE AND COLOUR,
THE, 314.
Arab villages in Egypt, the, 88, 368 —
tournament, 102.
Army, threatened changes in its patron-
age, &c., 259.
ARMY REFORM, THE GOVERNMENT
SCHEME OF, 489.
Artisans, differences between their
position and that of farm-labourers,
28, 30.
AUSTEN, Miss, AND Miss MITFORD, 290.
Austen, Miss, sketch of her life, 290 et
seq.— her works, 295 et seq., 299.
Australia, Sir C. Dilke on, 229.
Austria, wages, &c., of agricultural la-
bourers in, 26 — the emperor of, at
the opening of the Suez Canal, 86 —
at the inauguration, 93 — difficulties
of, 242.
Babington conspiracy, Queen Mary's
connection with, 117.
Barnard, Lady Anne, the statement of
Lady Byron to her, 130.
Bauer, M., his speech at the inaugura-
tion of the Suez Canal, 94.
BAVARIA, THE PASSION-PLAY IN, 381.
Belgium, wages, &c., of agricultural
labourers in, 26 — results of the sys-
tem of small properties in, 33 —
sketches in, during the Waterloo
campaign, 695.
Berri, the Due de, 697.
Bitter Lakes, the, on the Suez Canal,
182.
BLUE LAWS, 477— of Connecticut, the,
478 — convictions under them, 481.
Bracciano, the Duke of, 416.
Broughton, Lord, his testimony on the
Byron case, 133.
Burglary, punishment of, by the Blue
Laws, 480.
BYRON, LORD, AND HIS CALUMNIATORS,
123— postscript to, 267.
Byron, Lady, examination of her
charges against her husband, 124 et
seq.— her letters to Mrs Leigh, 129.
Cail, M. , the farming establishment of,
24.
Cairo, railway from Suez to, 195— the
Oriental Hotel, ib.— ball at the Kasr
el Nilo, 196— sketches in, 357 et seq.
Camerera Mayor, the, in Spain, 417.
Cardwell, Mr, his scheme of Army Re-
form, 489 et seq.
Chalais, the Prince de, 416.
Chalouf cutting, the, on the Suez Canal,
183, 184, 186.
Chartley Manor, the removal of Queen
Mary to, 115.
CHATTERTON, 453 — his parentage, ib. —
early life, 454 etseq. — his first produc-
tions, 459 — Catcott and Burgum, 46 L
— Barrett the antiquary, 462— ap-
prenticed to an attorney, 465 — con-
duct of Horace Wai pole, 470 — his
will, 472 — removes to London, 473 —
his last days and death, 475.
Child, Mr, his evidence on the Byron
case, 136.
Childers, Mr, as First Lord of the Ad-
miralty, 763 et seq.
Chinese, their position, &c., in the Unit-
ed States, 328 et seq.
Index.
795
Church party, their position on the
e iucation question, 656 et seq.
COMBES, M., 'LA PRINCESSE DES UR-
SLNS,' BY, reviewed, 415.
COMEDY, ON THE EMPLOYMENT OF
KHYMED VERSE IN, 264 — prose the
proper vehicle for, 75.
COMING SESSION, THE, 250.
Competitive examination system, the,
in the United States, 22.
Compulsory education, the cry for, 652
et seq.
CONTINENT, THE FARMING AND PEA-
SANTRY OF THE, 23.
Co-operation, application of, to land,
36.
Cottages for farm-labourers, improve-
ment of, 29.
Criticism, modern, 629.
Da icing Dervishes, 180.
Da cent's ' Annals of an Eventful Life,'
649.
DEMOCRACY BEYOND THE SEAS, 220—
results of, in the United States, 225
et seq.
Difficult precept, the (O'Dowd), 603.
Dii-KE, SIR C. W., HIS 'GREATER
BRITAIN' reviewed, 220.
Diplomatic Service, our (O'Dowd), 599.
DISRAELI'S LOTHAIR, reviewed, 773.
Dissenters, the, their demands as re-
gards the Universities, 143 et seq.
Dockyards, the reductions in the, 765
it seq.
Dogs, the home for, 550.
Dross, Blue Laws of New England on,
482.
Drunkenness, its punishment by the
Blue Laws, 479.
Dull as Ditchwater (O'Dowd), 506.
Diirer, Recent Lives, &c., of, reviewed,
(>30.
EARL'S DENE, Part III., 1— Part IV.,
161— Part V., 331— Part VI., 397—
Part VI I. , 569— Part VIII., 667.
EDUCATION DIFFICULTY, THE, 652.
Education, how it may advantage the
farm-labourer, 29 et seq.
Egypt, enduring interest of, 90 — moon-
light in, 98.
Egyptian army, the, 180.
Elizabeth, Mr Froude's picture of, 105
it seq., 108.
Elizabeth, Princess of Parma, queen of
Philip V., 432.
England, the agricultural labourers in,
< ompared with Continental, 23 etseq.
- -Blue Laws of the Puritans in, 477.
English press, their tone on the Suez
Canal, 182.
Enlistment, proposed change in mode
( f, 493.
Eslrees, the Cardinal and Abbg d', 424.
Etlal, the monastery of, 382.
VOL. CVII. — NO. DCLVI.
Eugenie, the Empress, her arrival and
reception in Port Said, 91 et seq. — at
the inauguration of the Canal, 93,
99.
Europe, comparative absence of anta-
gonism of race in, 314.
FARMING AND PEASANTRY OF THE CON-
TINENT, THE, 23.
Farming, foreign and English, 31 — ap-
plication of co-operation to, 36.
Forster, Mr, his education measure,
654 et seq.
France, condition of agricultural la-
bourers in, 24 — results of the system
of small properties in, 33.
Free-trade, grounds on which rejected
by the United States, 221.
Fresh- water canal at Ismailia, the, 100.
FROUDE, MR, AND QUEEN MARY, 105.
Gifford, Gilbert, his betrayal of Queen
Mary, 115.
Gladstone, Mr, and the prospects of the
Session, 252 et seq.
GOVERNMENT SCHEME OF ARMY RE-
FORM, THE, 489.
Grant, General, and the Red Indians,
318.
' GREATER BRITAIN,' review of, 220.
Hainault, agricultural wages, &c., in,
26.
Heaton, Mrs, her ' Life, &c., of Diirer '
reviewed, 630.
Hip, hip, hurrah ! origin of, 186 note.
Hobhouse, Sir J. C., his testimony on
the Byron case, 133, 137.
HOWARD'S ' FARMING AND PEASANTRY
OF THE CONTINENT ' reviewed, 23.
India, results of the competitive ex-
amination system in, 223 — sketches
in, by Sir C. Dilke, 232 et seq.
Indus, the valley of the, 233.
IN FEBRUARY 1870, 376— A Valentine,
1570, ib.
Inquisition, the measures of the Prin-
cesse des Ursins against, 424.
Ireland, the policy of the Government
toward, 258 et seq.
Irish Land Bill, prospects of the Session
regarding it, 250.
IRONCLAD SHIPS, OUR, 706.
Ismailia, sketches at, on the Suez
Canal, 99, 100 et seq.— the ball at,
102.
JOHN, Part III., 40— Part IV., 198—
Part V., 269— Part VI., 434— Part
VII., 609— Part VIII., 725.
Joseph's Well at Cairo, 369.
Khediv6, the reception on board his
yacht, 90 — his garden palace, 366.
La Briche, farming and wages at, 24.
Lady Grace, review of, 642.
Lahore, the reception of Shir Ali at, 66.
Lawrence, Sir John, his negotiations,
&c., with Shir Ali, 61 et seq.
311
796
Index.
Leigh, Mr Austen, his 'Life, &c., of
Jane Austen,' 291 et seq.
Leigh, Mrs, Mrs Stowe's calumnies
against, 123 et seq — her history and
character, 127.
Lesseps, M. de, at the inauguration of
the Canal, 93, 95 et seq.
Lindsay, Lord, on the Byron case, 133.
Lion in old age, the, 545.
LOTHAIR, review of, 773.
Louis XIV., notices of, in connection
with the Princesse des Ursins, 417,
418, et seq. passim.
Ludlow, Koger, the Blue Laws com-
piled by, 478.
Lushington, Dr, and the Byron case,
131.
Lying, its punishment by the Blue
Laws, 480.
LYTTON, LORD, WALPOLE by, reviewed,
74: — letter from, on the employment
of rhymed verse in comedy, 264.
Maintenon, Madame de, 417, 418, 419.
Maories, Sir C. Dilke on the, 229.
Marie Louise, wife of Philip V., con-
nection of the Princesse des Ursins
with, 419 et seq.
Mary, Queen, Mr Froude's picture of,
105 et seq. — Walsingham's plot
against her, 114 et seq. — the death-
scene, 119.
Mary's sycamore near Cairo, 372.
Massachusetts, the Blue Laws of, 481.
MAYO, LORI?, AND THE UMBALLA DUR-
BAR, 61.
Mehemet Ali, the tomb of, 369.
Menzaleh, Lake, the Suez Canal at, 89,
97.
MERCER'S ' JOURNAL OF WATERLOO, ' 694.
Message of Peace, the (O'Dowd), 594.
Mill, J. S. , his advocacy of peasant-pro-
prietorship, 31.
Milne, Sir A., at the opening of the
Suez Canal, 96.
Ministerial organs, their tone as to the
coming session, 250.
Mitford, Miss, her parentage and early
life, 290, 292 et seq. — her works,
296 et seq., 306.
Moles at Port Said, their construction,
89.
Monkeys, the peculiarities of, 533.
Montagu, the Marquise de, her Memoirs
reviewed, 635.
MONTALEMBERT, COUNT CHARLES DE,
522.
' Morning Post,' the, on the Suez Canal,
182 note.
Morris's 'Earthly Paradise,' Part III.,
review of, 644.*
Naturalists, the cruelties of, 540.
Negro, the, his position, &c., in the
United States as regards the whites,
320 et seq.
Negro question, Sir C. Dilke on, 224.
NEW BOOKS, 628— Albrecht Diirer, 630
—the Marquise de Montagu, 635—
Smedley's Poems, 640 — Morris's
'Earthly Paradise,' 644— novels and
novelists, 647— ' Wenderholme,' 649.
New England, the Blue Laws of, 478.
New Measures and Old Men (O'Dowd),
New Zealand, Sir C. Dilke on, 228 et
seq.
Nile, amount of its rise, 372.
Nile ferry, scene at a, 362.
Noailles, Madame de, 418.
Noailles, the Baroness de, ' Memoirs of
the Marquise de Montagu' by, re-
viewed, 635.
Nonconformists, the, their demands as
regards the Universities, 143 et seq. —
their views on the education ques-
tion, 656 et seq.
North American Indians, how regarded
by the whites, 315 et seq. — their pre-
sent condition, &c., 318 et seq.
Novels and novelists, 647.
Ober - Ammergau, the Passion - play
at, 381.
O'DowD, CORNELIUS— words without
music, 237— who's afraid? 240 — new
measures and old men, 242— talk-
gambits, 244— a small clerical error,
247 — re-constructing the edifice, 379
— the Tipperary answer, 499 — on
some rash investments, 501 — dull as
ditchwater, 504— a Protestant relief
bill, 506 — on sanding the sugar, 591
— the message of peace, 594— -the
two safe careers, 596 — our diplomatic
service, 599 — the difficult precept,
603 — personal and peculiar, 605.
On or Hierapolis, the ruins of, 371.
OUR IRON-CLAD SHIPS, 706.
OUR POOR RELATIONS, 531.
Parliament, the coming Session of, 250
et seq.
Parma, the Princess of, marriage of
Philip V. to, 431 et seq.
PASSION-PLAY IN THE HIGHLANDS OF
BAVARIA, THE, 381.
Paulet, Sir A., and Queen Mary, 115.
Peasant - proprietors of Austria, the,
state of their labourers, 26 — Mr Mill
and others on them, 31.
Personal and Peculiar (O'Dowd), 605.
Philip V. of Spain, connection of the
Princesse des Ursins with, 417 et seq.
Poor-law, the, its advantages to the
agricultural labourers, 27.
POOR RELATIONS, OUR, 531.
Port Said, arrival at, and sketches in,
85, 95— the moles, 87.
PROBLEM SOLVED, THE, 772.
Protection, the system of, in the United
States, 221.
Index.
797
Protestant Belief Bill, a (O'Dowd), 506.
Prussia, wages, &c., of agricultural
labourers in, 25 — the Crown Prince
of, at the opening of the Suez Canal,
93 — strength of her fleet, and danger
from it, 769.
Puritans, the, their sumptuary laws,
477.
Pyramids, a visit to the, 361 et seq.,
364.
RACE AND COLOUR, THE ANTAGONISM
OF, 314.
Radcliffe, Mr Delme", his answer to the
Stowe calumnies, 128.
Rash Investments, on some (O'Dowd),
501.
Reade, Charles, the novels of, 647.
Reconstructing the Edifice (O'Dowd),
379.
Red Indians, how regarded by the
whites, 315 et seq. — their present
state, &c., 318 et seq.
Reed, Mr, his work on our ironclad
ships reviewed, 706.
Reformation, the, its effect as regards
the Universities, 141, 142.
Religion, the demand for its exclusion
from the Universities, 142 et seq.
Religious difficulty, the, in the educa-
tion question, 655 et seq.
Rhymed verse, inapplicable to comedy,
RHYMED VERSE IN COMEDY, ON THE
EMPLOYMENT or, 264.
Richmond, the cemetery of, 224.
Robinson, Admiral, as member of the
Admiralty Board, 763.
Rossa, O'Donovan, his election for Tip-
perary, 499.
Sabbath observance, the modern agita-
tion regarding, 483.
Sanding the Sugar, on (O'Dowd), 591.
* Saturday Review,' the, on the Suez
Canal, 183 note.
Scilla, Ruffo, the swindling scheme of,
501.
Scott, W. B., his 'Life, &c., of Diirer'
reviewed, 630.
Secularists, their cry for compulsory
education, 653 et seq. — their views on
the subject, 655 et seq.
Shir Ali, Amir of Afghanistan, his
meeting with Lord Mayo at Umballa,
circumstances which led to it, &c.,
61 et seq.
Slander, punishment of, by the Blue
Laws, 480.
Small Clerical Error, a (O'Dowd), 247.
Small properties, Stuart Mill's advo-
cacy of, 31 — results of the system as
shown in France, 33, 35 — and in Bel-
gium, 33 et seq.
Small tenancies, advantages and dis-
advantages of, 37 ct seq.
Smedley, Miss, the Poems of, reviewed,
640.
Smoking, punishment of, by the Blue
Laws, 480.
Sologne, the, agricultural wages, &c., in,
24.
Southern States, Sir C. Dilke on, 224—
on their present position, 225.
Spain, influence of the Princesse des
Ursins in, 421 et seq.
'STATE, THE, THE POOR, AND THE COUN-
TRY,' 509.
Stowe, Mrs, examination of her Byron
calumnies, 123 et seq. , 267.
Suez, arrival and sketches at, 187 et
seq.
SUEZ CANAL, THE OPENING OF THE—
arrival, 85 — Port Sa'id, 87 — reception
in the Khedive's yacht, 90— interest
of Egypt, ib. et seq. — arrival of the
French empress, 91 — inauguration of
the canal, 92 — anticipations, 95 — en-
trance into the canal, 97 — a stoppage,
98— Lake Timseh and Ismailia, 99
—the fresh- water canal, 100, 101— an
Arab tournament, 102 — the Khedive's
ball, ib. Part II.— Mental effect of
Egypt, 179 — the voyage continued,
180 — a stoppage, ib. — the scenery, 181
— tone of the English press, 182 and
note — the Bitter Lakes, 182 — a race,
183 — forebodings, 184 — a last dinner
on board, 185— the Chalouf cutting,
186— arrival at Suez, 187— the works
there, 188— the railway station, 189
— prospects of the canal, 192 et seq.
— approach to Cairo, 194 — arrival
there, 195— ball at the palace, 196.
Part III.— A rude awaking, 352—
sketches in Cairo, 357— the jewellers'
quarters, 359 — illuminations, 360 —
visit to the Pyramids, 361— a ferry
on the Nile, 362— the Great Pyra-
mid, 364— Cairo races, 367— the pop-
ulation, 368 — the citadel, ib. — the
mosques, 370 — the bazaars, ib. — the
ruins of Hierapolis, 371 — the rise of
the Nile, 372— sketches of Alexan-
dria, 374 — departure, 375.
Sunday schools, importance, &c.,of, 661.
Swearing, punishment of, by the Blue
Laws, 481
Talk-Gambits (O'Dowd), 244.
Temple, Dr, on the upper and lower
classes, 247.
'Times,' the, on the Suez Canal, 183
note.
Timseh, Lake, on the Suez Canal, 99.
Tipperary Answer, the (O'Dowd), 499.
Torcy, minister of Louis XIV., 418.
Total abstinence, the agitation regard-
ing, 483, 484 et seq.
Touraine, agricultural wages, &c., in,
24.
798
Index.
TRADE-UNIONS, 554— Part II., 744.
Tremouille, Mademoiselle de la, after-
wards Princesse des Ursins, sketch of
her career, 415 et seq.
Trollope, A., the novels of, 647.
Tussoum, station of, on the Suez Canal,
181.
Two Safe Careers, the (O'Dowd), 596.
Umballa Durbar, history of it, the cir-
cumstances which led to it, &c.,
61 et seq.
United States, supremacy of protection
in, 221 — probabilities as to their con-
tinued union, 228 et seq. — present
state of relations with the, 260— the
antagonism of race and colour in,
314 et seq.
Universities, movement within them
regarding tests, 139 — their origin,
&c. , 141 — change at the Reformation,
142 — the demand for excluding re-
ligion from them, ib. et seq. — views
of the Nonconformists, 143 et seq.
UNIVERSITY TESTS, 139.
URSINS, THE PRINCESSE DES, 415.
VALENTINE, A, 1570, 376.
Vivisection, the cruelties of, 539.
Voelcker, Dr, on Belgian agriculture,
o4.
' WALPOLE,' BY LORD LYTTON, review
of, 74.
Walsingham, his scheme for entrapping
Queen Mary, 114 et seq.
Waste lands, the improvement of, by
tenant-farmers and peasant-proprie-
tors, 37.
Water, the supply of, to Port Said, 87.
WATERLOO CAMPAIGN, MERCER'S JOUR-
NAL or THE, reviewed, 694 — the bat-
tle of, 701.
Wellington, notices of, during the
Waterloo campaign, 695.
' Wenderholme, ' review of, 649.
Who's afraid? (O'Dowd), 240.
WILSON, DANIEL, ' CHATTERTON ' by,
reviewed, 453.
Words without Music (O'Dowd), 237.
Working classes, their present condi-
tion, &c. , 259.
Zin, the wilderness of, 98.
Printed ly William Blackwood £ Sons, Edinburgh.
r
AP Blackwood's magazine
B6
v.lO?
PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE
CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY