BLACKWOOD'S
MAGAZINE.
VOL. CIX.
JANUARY— JUNE, 1871,
WILLIAM BLACKWOOD & SONS, EDINBUKGH ;
37 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON.
1871.
AP
t
BLACKWOOD'S
EDINBURGH MAGAZINE.
No. DCLXIII.
JANUARY 1871.
VOL. CIX.
THE LIFE OF LORD PALMERSTON.
"WE doubt the propriety of writ-
ing detailed biographies of conspicu-
ous statesmen within a year or two
of their demise. We disapprove
the publication of their diaries and
private letters while many of the
actors in the scenes which these de-
scribe are still alive. And we ques-
tion the wisdom, not to say the
justice, of stereotyping as their
fixed opinions upon men and things,
phrases set down by them in early
life, which there is reason to believe,
had time and opportunity been
afforded, they would have subse-
quently modified, perhaps effaced
altogether. Our views on these
heads are not, however, it ap-
pears, quite in accord with those
of Sir Henry Lytton Bulwer. He
seems to think that caution and
reserve in such cases are wrongs
done to history. He undertakes
a task, and makes up his mind
to go through with it, putting as
much as possible out of sight all
except the principal end to be
achieved. And looking to that end
exclusively in the present instance,
and shutting our eyes to the fact
that no one man, however eminent
his station, however large his oppor-
tunities, ever has made or ever will
make history, it is not very easy to
say that Sir Henry's argument is
unsound. Yet the results are far
from pleasant. Lord Palmerston,
especially towards the close of his
life, was a man in some respects
greatly to be admired. His clear-
sightedness appeared to become
clearer as years increased upon him ;
while old principles, long put in
abeyance, yet never absolutely thrust
aside, came to the front again, and
reasserted their influence over him.
Lord Palmerston never served his
country so well, nor showed himself
better qualified to take a lead in the
counsels of his sovereign, than dur-
ing the six years of his continuous
premiership, and they were the last
of his life. The skill with which
he baffled the designs of his nominal
The Life of Henry John Temple, Viscount Palmerston.
le Sir Henry Lytton Bulwer. Bentley, London : 1870.
VOL. CIX. — NO. DCLXIII.
By the Eight Honour-
The Life of Lord Palmerston.
[Jan.
supporters was only to be equalled
by the adroitness with which he
held his ground against the untiring
efforts of rivals and avowed enemies
to trip him up. And the conse-
quence was a lull in that tempest of
constitutional and organic change
that for thirty years had raged till
he grasped the helm of state, and
which began again with greater fury
than ever as soon as he quitted the
deck, and left to other and feebler
hands the charge of the vessel. It
was on that portion of his public
life that our memory delighted ex-
clusively to dwell, and we confess
to a feeling of mingled annoyance
and regret at having our thoughts
diverted from it by other and less
satisfactory reminiscences. If Sir
Henry Lytton Bulwer had adhered
to his original design, and in a
second series of historical characters
had sketched Lord Palmerston as he
has sketched Mr Canning, we be-
lieve that he would have at once
done more justice to his subject and
given greater pleasure to his many
readers. As it is, we have presented
to us a work which, with all its ex-
cellences, offends continually both
in matter and in manner; sometimes
putting us out of humour with the
hero of the tale as he is painted,
sometimes making us angry with the
limner. For example — and this is
really a serious matter — the life of
such a man as Lord Palmerston, if
it must needs be published thus
early in extenso, ought to have been
published entire. Possibly, rather
let us say probably, the volumes for
which we still wait may correct the
impressions, not always favourable
to Lord Palmerston, which those
upon our table have produced. Yet,
being thus challenged to pronounce
judgment in the case, we are con-
strained to go upon such evidence
as our witness produces, even though
more than half suspecting that it is
incomplete, This is a pity, because
there can be no wish on our part,
but the contrary, to censure by an-
ticipation either Lord Palmerston or
his biographer ; and it is neither
agreeable nor easy, after a verdict
has once been given in, to unsay
what has been said without subject-
ing ourselves to the charge of self-
contradiction. In the present in-
stance, however, we cannot help
ourselves. The goods which the
gods provide, men are constrained
to take ; and this particular benefit,
dispensed to us through the hands
of a very pleasant writer, we accept
with due gratitude, proceeding at
once to sift and analyse it.
And here our readers must be
advised in limine that for obvious
reasons their attention will be con-
fined in this paper almost exclusive-
ly to one or two points. The vol-
umes before us tell little else than
how Lord Palmerston rose by slow
degrees from obscurity to eminence.
They describe him, indeed, as he
bore himself when for the first time he
conducted the foreign policy of the
country ; and in that attitude we see
about him a good deal to admire. But
the story, as it Is told, exhibits also
a disposition on his part not to be
over-scrupulous respecting the means
by which he is to ascend the ladder
of state, and a readiness, which we
cannot sufficiently condemn, to attri-
bute unworthy motives to his con-
temporaries. In particular, the out-
rages offered (for we cannot other-
wise characterise them) to the memory
of the greatest and most honest man
England ever produced — are the
more offensive to us that they are
generally covert outrages. To these,
then, and to the exposure of the
worse than ignorance of facts on
which they rest, we intend, after
briefly noticing such details as lead
more directly up to them, on the
present occasion to limit our stric-
tures. What else deserves to be
said of the man will be said when
1871.]
The Life of Lord Palmerston.
his career comes in its completeness
before us.
Henry or Harry John Temple,
fourth and last Viscount Palmerston
of the peerage of Ireland, was born
on the 20th of October 1784. He
derived his descent from the young-
er brother of that distinguished
Sir William Temple who had
Swift for his protege, and William
III. for his friend. He received his
early education partly in Italy — in
which country his father, a man of
great taste in the arts, was accus-
tomed to spend a good deal of his
time — and subsequently at Harrow,
where he was contemporary with
Lord Byron and Peel ; — and last of
all, in St John's College, Cambridge.
He succeeded to the title in conse-
quence of his father's death in 1802.
His mother, to whom he seems to
have been much attached, he lost in
1805. In 1806, being barely of
age, he made his first attempt to get
into the House of Commons, and shot
high for the distinction. Young
as he was, he aspired to represent
the University, in which he was
still only an undergraduate, and
sustained, as he frankly admits that
he deserved to do, a signal defeat.
Nothing daunted, however, he fought
and won a battle in the autumn of
the same year at Horsham. But he
won only by a double return ; and,
the House determining against him,
he went back into private life a
poorer man by some fifteen hundred
pounds.
Lord Palmerston had been brought
up in the school of Pitt. In 1806,
when he made his first essay to co-
operate with the party, the party
was broken up. All the Talents
were then in office, and to that cir-
cumstance, not less than to his own
extreme youth, he attributed his
place at the bottom of the poll.
But in 1807 the Pittites were in
power again ; and the Duke of Port-
land, at the instigation of the Earl
of Malmesbury, gave to Lord Pal-
merston, being still out of Parliament,
a place in his Administration. From
that date up to the day of his death,
Lord Palmerston may be said to have
been constantly in office. Short
breaches in the official career did
indeed occur, as in 1828, and again
in 1842 ; but with these exceptions
we find him, under various changes
both of men and measures, still a
placeman ; — entering life as a Tory
under the segis of Eldon and Bath-
urst, and going out of it the ac-
cepted leader of Liberals of every
shade of opinion, except perhaps the
deepest.
Lord Palnierston's first seat in the
House was for the pocket borough
of Newton in the Isle of Wight.
He had again, on the dissolution in
1807, tried his chances at Cam-
bridge, and was again defeated, as
he himself alleges, through foul
play on the part of another Minis-
terial candidate. Be that as it may,
he consoled himself, under the mis-
fortune by acceding to the terms
on which Sir Leonard Holmes
opened the doors of Parliament to
ambitious statesmen— one of which
was, that the candidate should never,
even for the election, put his foot
within the place. As was to be ex-
pected, the young Lord of the Ad-
miralty gave his uncompromising
support to his patrons. He de-
fended the Copenhagen expedition
in a speech, " upon- which," he says,
"I received much praise and many
compliments." He advocated the
rendering assistance to the Penin-
sular nations in their struggle to
throw off the French yoke. He
voted steadily against the admission
of Eoman Catholics into Parlia-
ment— all the while, as his Diary
assures us, believing their claims to
be just. In the same beaten path
of George IIL Toryism he con-
tinued to walk after the Duke of
Portland's death and the accession
Tlie Life of Lord Palmerston.
[Jan.
of Mr Perceval to power. Indeed,
so highly does he appear to have
"been thought of by the latter of
these statesmen, that he was invited
by him to take a seat in the Cabinet,
and to exchange a Junior Lordship
of the Admiralty for the Chancel-
lorship of the Exchequer. It speaks
well for the modesty of Lord Pal-
merston at this time that he shrank
from being brought into so pro-
minent a position. He declined
the Exchequer as too hazardous
an attempt for so young and inex-
perienced a man, and accepted in
lieu of it the post of Secretary at
War, though warned beforehand
that it could not carry with it a
seat in the Cabinet. Lord Pal-
merston did excellent work in the
old War Office. The place suited
him well. It was one of detail, not
too hard to master, yet sufficiently
complicated to require both atten-
tion and firmness. He was ably
supported in it by his brother-in-
law, the late Right Honourable Law-
rence Sullivan, whom he selected to
be his deputy, and who proved him-
self worthy of the advancement.
Neither did the duties of his office
interfere with that love of plea-
sure, that delight in the society of
clever men and women, which was
natural to him. More than once
oifers were made to him of advance-
ment— among other places, to that
of the Governor-Generalship of In-
dia— but he declined them all. Be-
coming Secretary at War in 1809,
he clung to the office for wellnigh
twenty years ; and exchanged it at
last for a more conspicuous place in
the Government, only after the Ad-
ministration of which all that while
he had been a member fell to
pieces.
Up to the year 1812 the counsels
of the Tory Government were, to
outward appearance at least, pretty
well united. ~Not that even then
.all. the members of the Administra-
tion thought alike, or professed to
think alike, on every State question.
But decisions once arrived at after
mature deliberation in Cabinet were
held to be final, the minority yield-
ing, as was fit, their judgment to
that of the majority, or else retiring
altogether from the Administration.
In 1812 a new order of things was
originated. Lord Liverpool, a con-
scientious but weak man, felt him-
self unable either to impress his own
views of things upon his colleagues,
or to do without the men themselves.
The consequence was, the establish-
ment of a principle of action of
which it is not too much to say that
to it we are mainly, if not wholly,
indebted for the state of weakness
into which the powers of Govern-
ment have fallen in this country.
Open questions in a governing
body, whether it direct the affairs of
a railway company or of an empire,
are fatal to mutual confidence, and
therefore to vigour of action. They
foster and encourage, if they do not
practically originate, a spirit of in-
trigue wherever they exist, which is
invariably the most active in ardent
and ambitious spirits, leading sooner
or later to confusion. The one
point on which such spirits differ
from, it may be, a majority of their
colleagues, acquires in their eyes far
more importance than all the rest on
which they agree ; and seeking to
carry that point, or persuading them-
selves that no more is sought, they
lay themselves out to supplant their
rivals in the good opinion of the
community out of doors. This was
remarkably shown under the feeble
regime of Lord Liverpool. Two
Cabinet Ministers, both of them men
of great mark, had been favourable,
both in the Duke of Portland's time
and in Mr Perceval's, to the repeal
of the laws which excluded Roman
Catholics from Parliament. They
were both invited, and both ac-
cepted the invitation, to retain office
1871.]
Tlie Life of Lord Palmerston.
under Lord Liverpool ; — though not
before one — the more ambitious of
the two — had made an attempt to
be Mr Perceval's successor. The
restraint heretofore laid upon them
being removed, they both thence-
forth supported what was called
Catholic Emancipation, but with a
marked contrariety in their mode of
doing so strictly in accordance with
the differences in their temperament.
Lord Castlereagh voted, and even
spoke, in opposition to his col-
leagues on that question, but
there he stopped. Mr Canning
spoke and voted in like manner,
but did not stop there. He entered
into cabals, not alone with other
members of the Government, but
both with Tories out of office and
with members of the Opposition,
with a view to defeat the adverse
section ; and by no means confined
his hostility to the one point osten-
sibly at issue. Among others, he
early obtained the support of Lord
Palmerston. We perceive that Sir
Henry Bulwer disputes this, on the
ground that Lord Palmerston did
not go out of office when Mr Can-
ning retired, either at the time of his
duel with Lord Castlereagh, or sub-
sequently when the Queen's trial
came on. But the inference cannot
be accepted as a just one in the face
of Lord Palmerston's distinct asser-
tion to the contrary, when he says
of himself and his party, " We came
in as Canning's friends, and as Can-
ning's friends went out again."
Voting from 1807 to 1812, ses-
sion after session, against Emanci-
pation, Lord Palmerston followed
the example of Castlereagh and
Canning, and thenceforth voted for
it. He did so, however, as late as
1815, and later, without any declina-
tion whatever from his fealty to
Toryism. ' The New Whig Guide,'
to which he contributed some
of the best pieces (why has Sir
Henry Bulwer forgotten to tell his
readers so ?), shows what his opinion
then was of — " A was an Althorp,
heavy and dull" — and the rest of
the set to which he subsequently
joined himself. But we are not, as it
would seem, quite the masters of our
own destiny. Lord Palmerston grew
day by day more politically attached
to Canning. He could not, of
course, do this without gradually
alienating himself from the other
section of the Government ; and the
rupture became open — so at least he
tells us — in 1825. Speaking of the
contest for Cambridge, which was
then going on, and the candidatures
of Bankes, Copley, and Goulburn,
coincident with his own, he says : —
"It was soon manifest that the object
of certain parties was to eject me as
well as Bankes ; and the active influence
of the anti-Catholic members of the Gov-
ernment was exerted in favour of Copley
and Goulburn, and therefore against me.
"I complained to Lord Liverpool, the
Duke of Wellington, and Canning, of my
being thus attacked, in violation of the
understanding on which the Government
was formed, and by which the Catholic
question was to be an open one, and not
a ground for the exclusion of any indivi-
dual ; and I told Lord Liverpool that if
I was beat I should quit the Government.
This was the first decided step towards a
breach between me and the Tories, and
they were the aggressors."
It seems to us impossible to read
the Diary which Sir Henry Bulwer
has printed, brief and fragmentary
as it is, much less to attend to the
running commentary upon it which
appears in Lord Palmerston's letters,
without perceiving that, long before
the crisis came, Lord Palmerston had
made up his mind to break loose
from all the traditions by which the
party of which he remained osten-
sibly a member had heretofore been
guided. Open questions had done
their work on him as well as on
Canning, and perhaps done it —
though on that head the evidence is
inferential only — even more decided-
ly. An advocate of Catholic Ernanci-
The Life of Lord Palmerston.
[Jan.
pation and Free-trade, a propagand-
ist of Liberal opinions abroad as well
as at home, Canning continued to be
an opponent of Parliamentary Reform
to the last. Palmerston, when the
convenient season came, renounced
that article of his leader's creed. In
other respects he did very much as
Canning was in the habit of doing :
passively he supported the Ministry
to which he belonged; actively and
intimately he sought his personal
friendships among their opponents.
His biographer says that his position
was an isolated one. Who made it
such1? It is further insinuated that
the King always hated, and the Duke
of Wellington looked cold upon him.
Probably both allegations may have
some ground of truth in them, be-
cause it is not easy for people who are
in earnest themselves to take to their
heart of hearts those in whom they
discover no sign df earnestness.
Still we find nothing, either in the
Diary or the Letters, to show that the
terms on which the Duke and he
stood towards each other, for the
nine years preceding the death of
Lord Liverpool, were other than
friendly. But then a new condition
of affairs is induced, and Lord Pal-
merston at once adapts himself to it.
In 1827, as in 1812, Mr Canning
intrigued for high office. Whether
Lord Palmerston did or could serve
him in that intrigue there is nothing
to show ; but in its success he re-
joiced, as he personally profited
from it. Canning's friends are, of
course, his friends ; Canning's op-
ponents come under the lash of his
censure. The following is the
account which he gives of a series
of transactions which took all Eng-
land by surprise, and shivered the
Tory party, never again as such to
be reunited. He is writing to his
brother William : —
" You must have been surprised," he
says, "like the rest of the world, at all
the resignations in the last week. Peel's
was expected by Canning, as he had all
along explained that, from his peculiar
connection with Oxford, he should think
himself obliged to go out if a Catholic
were head of a Government ; but the
others were unexpected, and generally
without a public ground. Westmoreland,
indeed, stated fairly that he could not
serve under a Catholic chief. The Duke
of Wellington gives out that he went out
because Canning's letters were uncivil ;
Melville, because the Duke persuaded
him, and told him that if he did not go
out now, he would be turned out six
months hence ; Bathurst, because his
colleagues went ; Bexley, that he might
have the pleasure of coming back again.
Peel is a great loss ; but he parts with
undiminished cordiality, and one under-
stands and respects his motives. The
Duke is a great loss in the Cabinet, but in
the command of the army an irreparable
one ; and it is the more provoking that
he should have resigned this office, be-
cause it is not a political office ; and he
felt this so strongly, that when it became
a question, three months ago, on what
footing he should hold it, he declared
himself perfectly ready to quit the Cabi-
net, if it was thought not tenable with
that situation. The King is very angry
with him, and wrote a short and equivocal
answer to his letter of resignation, simply
saying that he received it with the same
regret with which the Duke appeared
to have sent it. I take it that this
was worked about by Eldon ; no doubt
he thought it a master-stroke. In the
mean time, however, I am glad to find
that nobody else is to be appointed. The
situation will be left vacant, and the
duties done as in the last interregnum ;
and when arrangements for the new Gov-
ernment have been made, and personal
feelings on both sides have cooled, I have
no doubt the Duke will return to his com-
mand."
The preceding sentences, which
Lord Palmerston's biographer takes
no trouble either to controvert or to
explain away, lay down this as a fact,
that the Duke of Wellington had no
just cause of severance from Mr Can-
ning; that he was induced to act as he
didby mere irritability of temper; that
the ground of offence taken was a
very silly one; and that the offended
man, as soon as his anger cooled
down a little, would without doubt
come back, at all events to the
Horse Guards. Now, whatever
1871.]
Tlie Life of Lord Palmerston.
Lord Palmerston's opinion on these
matters may have been at the mo-
ment, Lord Palmerston's biographer
has doubtless read the Duke's public
despatches. Possibly he may have
glanced through the last-published
edition of the great Duke's Life; and,
in either case, he can hardly be ignor-
ant that the motives of action attri-
buted to him by Lord Palmerston
in 1827 were not the true motives.
We should think, also, that Lord
Palmerston himself before he died
may have discovered his mistake,
and that the last thing in the world
he could have desired would be,
that a rash opinion, expressed while
yet he knew no better, should be
set down as the deliverance of his
matured judgment. There, how-
ever, stands Lord Palmerston's ver-
dict, without any attempt at quali-
fication, without a word of comment
from the guardian of Lord Palmer-
ston's fame, to show that the error
into which his hero fell was at least
an involuntary one. It is due to
both parties, — not less to Lord Pal-
merston than to the Duke, that the
true version of this curious story
should be given ; and this we pro-
pose to do as much as possible in
the words of the chief actor in the
scene, rather than in our own.
When the Duke of Wellington
first entered the Cabinet, he found
Mr Canning already a member of it.
They acted together for about two
years, at the end of which period
the determination of the Government
to proceed against Queen Caroline
by a bill of pains and penalties, in-
duced Mr Canning, who strongly
objected to the proceeding, to send
in his resignation. There is the best
reason to believe that the Duke and
Mr Canning never took very heartily
to one another from the first. Their
characters both as public and private
men were cast in different moulds.
They both had their faults, they
both had their excellences ; but the
lines that ran between them were
too broadly marked to admit of the
growth of anything like real confi-
dence on either side. " Idem velle
idem nolle" was no watchword of
theirs. The Duke, the very soul of
truth and honour, could never lend
himself, either as a politician or a
member of society, to any course
of conduct which in his opinion
savoured, be it ever so slightly, of
bad faith. He had his own opinions
on many points of policy in which
his colleagues differed from him.
He argued each case as it came before
them in Cabinet, but would -have
no more considered it right, the
decision being against him, to aim
at thwarting that decision by under-
hand means, than he would have
stirred up a mutinous feeling in the
army with a view to overawe the
Government and carry some point
of his own. Mr Canning took a
different view of the moral fitness of
things with regard to public affairs.
Whatever he believed to be for the
good of the commonwealth, he was
ready by any means to bring about,
were it even necessary for the attain-
ment of his object to play fast and
loose with his colleagues. Mr Can-
ning, moreover, was as ambitious as
he was able. He had aspired in
1812 to take Mr Perceval's place,
and failed ; yet continuing to per-
suade himself that, as Prime Minister,
he would be able more than any
other living man to benefit the State,
he never for a moment ceased to
meditate and work out plans for the
achievement of that great object of
his ambition. With this view he
laid himself out to make friends in
every party and section of a party
in both Houses of Parliament. In
this respect, not less than in many
others, the Duke and he were anti-
podes to each other. The Duke had
no personal friends, he had few
familiar acquaintances among the
Whigs. Meeting them continually
8
The Life of Lord Palmerston.
[Jan'.
in society, and greeting them at all
times with kindness and txrbanity,
he never, while serving under the
leadership of Lord Liverpool, per-
mitted himself to go further. Mr
Canning's intimacies, on the con-
trary, were dispensed with absolute
impartiality among persons whom he
thought it worth while to cultivate,
whether they were Whigs or Tories.
Indeed the former being, it must
be confessed, for the most part the
better company of the two, seemed
to enjoy at least as large a share of
his confidences as the latter. To
what extent these confidences were
carried, will probably not be known
till private correspondence still held
sacred shall see the light. "We do
Mr Canning no wrong therefore ; we
merely repeat what his friends have
said before us, and what the letters
of one of the most devoted among
them, now for the first time publish-
ed, seem to confirm, that long before
the break-up of the Tory party in
1827, Canning had at least as many
confidential supporters among the
Opposition members in both Houses
as he had among the noblemen and
gentlemen who sat beside him upon
the Ministerial benches.
Between two men so circumstanc-
ed, the one guided in all his proceed-
ings by an unyielding, perhaps a
stern — call it, if you will, a narrow
— sense of duty ; the other holding
that to be right, and therefore con-
sistent with duty, which is expedi-
ent or suitable to occasions as they
arise, — there could be very little cor-
diality of sentiment. They might
meet, they did meet, and consult
together, and they could act together
up to a certain point. But it was
not in the nature of things that
either should so trust the other as
under any circumstances to be pre-
pared to acknowledge him as his
chief, or to follow him as his leader.
The Duke, though mistrusting
Mr Canning, fully appreciated his
talents, especially as a Parliamentary
speaker. He felt that in losing him
the Cabinet had sustained a serious
loss indeed ; and the more so that
he looked forward to the time when
impatience of a false position and
the consciousness of power kept
down would probably drive Mr
Canning into the ranks of the Op-
position. Perhaps if Mr Canning's
appointment to the Governor-Gene-
ralship of India had taken place
earlier than it did, the Duke would
have got rid of those impressions.
Whatever his disposition might be,
Mr Canning's opportunities of dam-
aging the Government from which
he had seceded would have been
comparatively fewer, he being in
Calcutta, than if he had remained
in England ; but matters were not
so ordered. Recommended by the
Court of Directors, and accepted by
the Board of Control, he was just
about to sail for the seat of his gov-
ernment when Lord Castlereagh's
melancholy death occurred, and the
place of Secretary of State for Fo-
reign Affairs became vacant. Lord
Liverpool, a man, as we have already
seen, wanting in self-reliance, and
who, in losing Lord Castlereagh,
had lost his mainstay, thought at
once with bitter regret of Canning's
severance from his Administration,
and yearned to bring him back.
But the King was at that time
strongly prejudiced against Mr Can-
ning, and Lord Liverpool had no
influence over the King, with whom,
indeed, he held little except the
merest official intercourse. The con-
sequence was that the Duke, called
in to advise, considered the question
in all its bearings, and came to the
conclusion that, in spite of the risk
attending it, the gain to the Govern-
ment would be greater from the
readmission of Canning into the
Cabinet than from his continued
exclusion. They needed his elo-
quence in the House of Commons.
1871.]
The Life of Lord Palmerston.
9
They would be able — so at least the
Duke persuaded himself — to baffle
again, as they had baffled before, his
constitutional shiftiness. He ac-
cordingly undertook to get the bet-
ter of the King's antipathies, and he
succeeded. Thus it was by the
Duke's means principally that Mr
Canning, instead of getting shelved
at Calcutta, returned to the Cabinet,
of which Lord Liverpool was the
ostensible head. Why he was ap-
pointed to the important office of
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
the Duke explains in a memoran-
dum, of which we subjoin a copy: —
" 7th September 1827. — When the mis-
fortune occurred (the death of Lord Castle-
reagh) it was necessary for the Govern-
ment to consider what measures should
be adopted for its reorganisation. We
could look to two persons to take the lead
in the House of Commons. If we looked
to Mr Peel we had only one individual
who could pretend to take a great lead in
Parliament; and giving him every credit
for talents, we could not believe that he
would prove himself more capable than
the man we had lost to carry on such a
concern alone and unsupported. His
health is not very good, and he had more
than once complained in the last session
that he was not equal even to the moder-
ate share of the labour which had de-
volved upon him, and we could not ex-
pect that alone he could be equal to the
whole.
" Then we knew and were informed
that a large number of the supporters of
Government, some even in office, had,
during the last session, lamented that a
person of Mr Canning's Parliamentary
talents should have been allowed to go
away ; and it was found that many indi-
viduals, some in office, declared that they
could not support us if, under existing
circumstances, an attempt was not made
to detain Mr Canning in the country.
These individuals were principally those
who favour the Roman Catholic cause,
and what I should call the Liberals
among the supporters of the Government ;
and I entertain no doubt that if we had
determined to carry on the Government
without making an offer to Mr Canning,
we should have lost the support of all those
and of Mr Canning's particular party; and
we should, moreover, have left ourselves
in respect of Parliamentary talents in a
situation far inferior to that in which we
had been for many years. It was deter-
mined to recommend the King to recall
Mr Canning to his counsels. When this
was determined the question was, to what
situation he should be called. Upon
this point, common-sense, strengthened
by former experience, could have no
doubt. Nothing can be so erroneous as
to place any individual of great activity
and talents in a situation in which there
is no scope for his activity, and in which
he must feel that his talents are thrown
away. His views must always be di-
rected to disturb rather than to preserve
the existing order of things, in order that
out of a new arrangement he may find
himself in a situation better suited to
him. But there exist other circum-
stances which render it impossible to
appoint Mr Canning to any other situa-
tion. He must be the leader of the
House of Commons, and as such he must
be either Chancellor of the Exchequer or
Secretary of State in one of the three de-
partments.
" I believe it would be impossible to
place two leading men in the Treasury.
There remained then only the office of the
Secretary of State. Mr Peel cannot talk
French, and is totally unaccustomed to
foreign affairs ; and Lord Bathurst's office
in time of peace is certainly less im-
portant than either of the others. It is
therefore deemed advisable to place Mr
Canning in the Foreign Office, on the
principle above laid down (which is unde-
niable) of placing him in the situation in
which there shall be ample scope for his
activity and talents."
So much for the part taken by
the Duke of Wellington in bringing
Canning back to the Cabinet. It
is quite evident from the tone of
this memorandum that the measure
was adopted only as the lesser of
two evils. Canning had his own
party within the Tory circle — strong
even in numbers, stronger still in
talent. The open secession of these
men, in disgust that their chief had
been thrown over, would render the
position of the Government ex-
tremely critical. On the other hand,
a prompt and complete tender of
renewed confidence, such as was
involved in the appointment of Mr
Canning to be Lord Castlereagh's
successor, could not, it was believed,
fail of securing the absolute good
10
Tlie Life of Lord Palm&rston.
[Jan.
faith of botli the person so treated
and of his followers, if of absolute
good faith, in the well-understood
sense of that term, he as a poli-
tician were capable. Whether Mr
Canning saw into the real mo-
tive which swayed the more influ-
ential members of the Cabinet to
vote for his return, and resented it,
we cannot pretend to say. Proud
men — and Mr Canning was proud
— are apt to take that particu-
lar view of arrangements of the
sort which best flatters their self-
esteem, and to regard, rather with
deeper dislike than the contrary,
those who seek them out more be-
cause they fear than because they
esteem them. Be that as it may,
the Cabinet had not been long re-
constructed ere signs of disunion
more ominous than ever began to
appear in its proceedings. To speak
the truth shortly, two separate
camps — each held by its own gar-
rison — were almost immediately
formed, between which, with the
simple view of keeping them from
an open rupture, the Duke happily
and assiduously negotiated.
We come now to the incidents
which followed the political death
of Lord Liverpool, and find in them,
as we imagine the bulk of our
readers will likewise find, the full-
est justification of all that has just
been stated. Lord Palmerston, as we
have seen, attributes the Duke's re-
signation of his office to personal
pique. "The Duke of Wellington
gives out that he went out because
Canning's letters were uncivil."
Canning's letters were certainly not
such as it became him, all things
considered, to have addressed to the
Duke;* and the Duke felt this,
and made no secret of so regarding
them. But other and graver con-
siderations moved him ; and Lord
Palmerston himself helps us to dis-
* The correspondence between Mr Canning and the Duke is well known. "We must,
however, insert it here, in order that there may be no obscurity in the references made
to it in the Duke's letter to the King : —
"FOREIGN OFFICE, April 10, 1827.
"MY DEAR DUKE OF "WELLINGTON, — The King has, at an audience from which I
have just returned, been graciously pleased to signify to me his Majesty's commands to
lay before his Majesty, with as little loss of time as possible, a plan of an arrangement
for the reconstruction of the Administration. In executing these commands, it will
be as much my own wish as it is my duty to his Majesty, to adhere to the principles
on which Lord Liverpool's Government has so long acted together. I need not add
how essentially the accomplishment must depend upon your Grace's continuance as a
member of the Cabinet. — Ever, &c. GEORGE CANNING."
" LONDON, April 10, 1827. '
"My DEAR MR CANNING, — I have received your letter of this evening, informing
me that the King had desired you to lay before his Majesty a plan of an arrangement
for the reconstruction of the Administration, and that, in executing these commands,
it was your wish to adhere to the principles on which Lord Liverpool's Government
had so long acted together. I anxiously desire to serve his Majesty as I have done
hitherto in his Cabinet with the same colleagues. But before I can give an answer
to your obliging proposition, I should wish to know who the person is whom you
intend to propose to his Majesty as the head of the Government. — Ever, &c.
"WELLINGTON."
" FOREIGN OFFICE, April 11, 1827.
" MY DEAR DUKE OP WELLINGTON, — I believed it to be so generally understood
that the King usually intrusts the formation of an Administration to the individual
whom it is his Majesty's gracious intention to place at the head of it, that it did not
occur to me, when I communicated to your Grace yesterday the commands which I
had just received from his Majesty, to add, that in the present instance his Majesty
does not intend to depart from the usual course of procedure on such occasions. I
am sorry to have delayed some hours this answer to your Grace's letter, but from the
1871.]
Tlie Life of Lord Palmerston,
11
cover what these were. In the
same letter which we have already
quoted, Lord Palmerston says : —
" Canning has all along'received from
the Whigs assurances of their support in
the event of his forming a Government
of which he should be the head, even
though he made no stipulation on the
Catholic question. . . . My own
opinion is, that some of them ought to
be brought into the Cabinet — Lansdowne
or Holland, perhaps, in the Lords, and
Abercrombie andTierney in the Commons.
I should not be surprised if this were to
happen. ... Do not mention to
anybody the assurance of sxipport from
the Whigs which Canning has received."
If unprejudiced observers fail to
see in these revelations a perfect
justification of the Duke's want of
confidence in Mr Canning, we really
do not know how any truth is to be
established on moral evidence, how-
ever strong. All considerations of
party honour, all thoughts of im-
perial policy, come second in Mr
Canning's eyes to the gratification of
his over-mastering desire of power.
" Canning has all along received from
the Whigs assurances of their sup-
port." Canning had received these
assurances long before the crisis came.
His correspondence with the Whig
leaders, when the whole of it
sees the light, will tell — or we are
misinformed — a very curious tale.
Meanwhile, it may be well to place
side by side with Lord Palmerston' s
account of the transaction an ex-
tract from a letter addressed by the
Duke to the King, on the 12th of
April 1827:—
"Mr Canning will, I doubt not, have
submitted to your Majesty the letter
which I have written to him, in answer
to the one announcing to me that he had
been appointed by your Majesty to be at
the head of your Gavernment. I have
frequently had occasion to express to' your
Majesty my most grateful acknowledg-
ments for your Majesty's most gracious
favour and kindness towards me ; and
your Majesty can now more easily con-
ceive than I can express the pain and
grief which I feel upon requesting your
Majesty to excuse me from attendance on
your councils ; and in consequence there-
of, and adverting to the tenor of the let-
ters I have received from your Majesty's
Minister, by your Majesty's command,
when asking your Majesty's permission
to lay at your feet those offices which
connect me with your Majesty's Govern-
ment.
" I had considered it necessary, for the
reasons stated in my letter to Mr Canning,
of the llth of April, to decline to sit in
the Cabinet ; and of course my office of
Master-General of the Ordnance was at the
disposal of his Majesty. I remained still
in the office of Commander-in -Chief, which
I might have continued to hold, whatever
nature of the subject I did not like to forward it without having previously submit-
ted it, together with your Grace's letter, to his Majesty. — Ever, &c.
" GEORGE CANNING."
" LONDON, April 11, 1827.
" MY DEAR MB CANNING, — I have received your letter of this day ; and I did not
understand the one of yesterday evening as you have now explained it to me. I un-
derstood from yourself that you had in contemplation another arrangement, and I do
not believe that the practice to which you refer has been so invariable as to enable
me to affix a meaning to your letter which its words did not, in my opinion, convey.
I sincerely wish that I could bring my mind to the conviction that, with the best in-
tentions on your part, your Government could be conducted practically on the prin-
ciples of that of Lord Liverpool ; that it would be generally so considered ; or that it
would be adequate to meet our difficulties in a manner satisfactory to the King, and
conducive to the interests of the country. As, however, I am convinced that these
principles must be abandoned eventually, and that all our measures would be
viewed with suspicion by the usual supporters of the Government — that I could do no
good in the Cabinet, and that I should at last be obliged to separate myself from it
at a moment when such separation might be more inconvenient to the King's service
than it can be at present — I must beg you to request his Majesty to excuse me from
belonging to his councils. — Ever, &c. WELLINGTON."
12
TJie Life of Lord Palmerston.
[Jan!
might be the difference of iny political
opinions with his Majesty's Minister.
But, in addition to political differences,
the tenor and temper of Mr Canning's
letters, and of that of the llth particu-
larly (which had been previously sub-
mitted to his Majesty, and which, there-
fore, was a communication from the King),
were of a nature which rendered it impos-
sible for me to retain the command of the
army. I could not exercise that com-
mand with advantage to his Majesty, the
Government, and the public, or with hon-
our to myself, unless I was respected and
treated with that fair confidence, by Ms
Majesty and his Minister, which I think
I deserve ; and nobody will think I was
treated with confidence, respect, or even
common civility, by Mr Canning in his
last letter.
"But it has been stated by Mr Can-
ning's friends, as I understand, that in
my letter to him of the 10th I had given
him cause of offence, and had provoked
this answer ; and it is but fair to consider
whether the letter which he had received
from me does give to Mr Canning any
ground to complain. My letter of the
10th is a clear, distinct answer to the one
from Mr Canning of the same date, in as
polite terms as it could be written, and in
the usual form of my correspondence with
Mr Canning. I stated my anxious desire
to remain in the Cabinet with my col-
leagues ; and, for the purpose of receiving
information, I asked who was to be at
the head of the Government, hoping
always that the information I should
receive would enable me to belong to the
Cabinet.
"Mr Canning had, in a conversation
which I held with him on the 2d of April,
explained to me that, in case his Majesty
should commission him to consider of
a scheme for the reconstruction of the
Government, one of his designs was to
propose that Mr Robinson should be
removed to the House of Lords, and be
made First Lord of the Treasury ; and if
the answer to my letter had been that
this was the plan which he still intended
to follow, it would then have been sug-
gested by me that he should think of an
arrangement which might have been
better calculated to keep the Govern-
ment together. The question, there-
fore, in my letter was fairly founded
upon a former communication from Mr
Canning. The question was likewise
fully justified by former practice.
" In 1812 Mr Canning was the channel
of communication from Lord Wellesley to
Lord Liverpool respecting the formation
of an Administration. Mr Canning ap-
prised Lord Livei-pool upon that occasion
that the Prince Regent had laid his com-
mands upon Lord Wellesley to form a
plan of Administration to be submitted for
his Royal Highness's approbation. Lord
Wellesley, upon the same occasion, waited
upon Lord Gre}' and Lord Granville, by
order of his Majesty, then Prince Regent,
with a view to consider of the formation of
an Administration ; and Lord Wellesley,
in the course of the discussion, stated
that he considered himself merely as the
instrument of executing his Royal High-
ness the Prince Regent's commands on
that occasion, and he even went so far as
to say that he neither claimed nor de-
sired for_himself any share in the Admin-
istration. Subsequently, in the year
1812, Lord Moira had the Prince Re-
gent's instructions to take steps towards
the formation of a new Ministry. It does
not appear that Lord Moira, or Lord
Grey, or Lord Granville, to whom he ad-
dressed himself, considered that he was
the head of the Ministry which he had
a commission to form. In speaking in
the House of Lords on the 12th of June,
he says : ' I came to the subject unfet-
tered in any way. Not an individual was
named for a seal, and no place was point-
ed out even for myself. '
" How then could I take it for granted
that his Majesty had nominated Mr Can-
ning to be his Minister merely because
Mr Canning informed me that his Ma-
jesty had signified to him his commands
to lay before his Majesty a plan of ar-
rangements for the reconstruction of the
Administration ?
"Before I could give Mr Canning an
answer to his proposition that I should
be one of the Cabinet, it was necessaiy to
ascertain who was to be the Minister, and
fhis it was which induced me to ask the
question. I will now show, from the best
authority possible — viz., Mr Canning him-
self— that the question asked by me in
my letter to Mr Canning might be asked
without offence. On the * May 1812,
Lord Liverpool waited upon Mr Canning
by command of his Majesty, then Prince
Regent, to invite Mr Canning to become
a member of his councils. Mr Perceval
had just then been assassinated.
" The first question, it appears (from a
memorandum drawn by Mr Canning him-
self), that Mr Canning asked was, ' Who
is to be the First Lord of the Treasury ? '
and it does not appear that Lord Liver-
pool rebuked Mr Canning for asking that
* Blank in original letter.
1871.]
The Life of Lord Palmerston.
13
question. The negotiation failed for
other reasons not worth discussing now,
excepting to observe that Mr Canning
then thought that the influence of the
head of the Government was likely to be
paramount in the discussion of the Catho-
lic question. Surely, then, I could not
merit a rebuke for asking Mr Canning in
1827 the same question, under nearly sim-
ilar circumstances, which he asked Lord
Liverpool without offence in 1812.
" I must also add that Mr Canning's
letter of the llth convinced me that on
the 10th he had not been appointed his
Majesty's Minister, nor had received any
commission from his Majesty, excepting
the one to suggest a plan of arrangement
for the reconstruction of the Administra-
tion. If Mr Canning had, on Tuesday
the 10th, been appointed his Majesty's
Minister, he might, without reference to
his Majesty, have stated the fact in his
answer to me with as much of rebuke as
he might have thought proper to use. I
cannot believe that he referred to his
Majesty in order to cover this rebuke with
his Majesty's sacred name and protection.
This step must have been taken because,
in point of fact, he was not his Majesty's
Minister at the moment at which he re-
ceived my question.
"Upon the whole, then, I considered
that there was no very cordial desire that
I should be a member of the Cabinet;
and that, in the course of the communi-
cations with the Minister whom the King
had honoured with his confidence, I had
not been treated in a manner calculated
to render my continuance in the com-
mand of the army satisfactory to myself
or advantageous to his Majesty.
" WELLINGTON."
Out of the dilemma into which
this document thrust him, Mr Can-
ning never, as far as we have heard,
succeeded in escaping. Either he
was not the King's Minister when
he wrote his letter of the 10th of
April, or he was. If he was Minis-
ter, why did he not say so, without
further reference to the King, in his
letter of the 1 1th 1 Not being as
yet Minister on the 10th, did
he, on the llth, refer the Duke's
letter to the King, with the view
of working upon his Majesty's tem-
per for the accomplishment of his
own end, and, at the same time,
making his Majesty a party to the
rebuke which his letter of the llth
conveyed — and was meant to con-
vey— to the Duke of Wellington1?
If so, the Duke was not only justi-
fied, but in honour bound, to with-
draw entirely from the King's ac-
tive service. If Mr Canning became
Minister only on showing the cor-
respondence of the 10th, then the
tone of his letter of the llth clearly
shows that he had managed, by
means of that correspondence, to
poison the King's mind, and to
make the Duke's resignation of every
office which he held under the
Crown unavoidable. In either case
Mr Canning's conduct was directly at
variance with the Duke's keen sense
of honour, and the effect of it was
to impose upon him the moral obli-
gation of acting as he did.
Lord Palmerston, we find, had all
along been marked by Mr Canning
for high office under himself. It
would almost appear — we do not go
further — that he was early admitted
into the confidence of his future
chief. " Canning," he says in his
Diary, " had some little time before
desired me not to leave town for
Easter without letting him know ;
and upon the break-up he sent for
me to offer me a seat in the Cabi-
net with the office of Chancellor of
the Exchequer." Difficulties came
in the way, however ; and though
Lord Palmerston had at once ac-
cepted both offers, only one could
be realised. He entered the Cabi-
net still retaining his old post of
Secretary at War. His correspond-
ence shows how heartily he threw
himself into all Mr Canning's pro-
jects. There is no regret on his
part at being separated from his old
friends. On the contrary, he seems
to rejoice as if some incubus had
been removed from his shoulders,
and a fair field, for which he had
too long waited, was opened to his
ambition. We believe that he was
in constant communication at this
14
TJie Life of Lord Palmerston.
[Jan.
time with Mr Croker. They had
been collaborateurs, in former days,
in pleasantly libelling the Whigs.
They were ready now, or equally
seemed so, to act with the objects
of their bygone sarcasm. One of
their great coups — and of that, we
rather think, the merit belongs ex-
clusively to Croker — was getting the
King to appoint his brother, the
Duke of Clarence, to be Lord High
Admiral of England. "There,"
said Croker, coming straight from
the Eoyal Duke to Mr Canning at
the Foreign Office, " I have got his
consent to serve, and it will be
your own faults if you don't retain
power through two reigns." Lord
Palmerston assigns a different reason
for approving the measure, which
may be more statesmanlike, but is
much less candid — "The appoint-
ment of Clarence to the navy has
given great satisfaction to the ser-
vice, and is certainly a wise measure.
The heir - presumptive cannot be
always quite passive, and it is use-
ful to bring him into action by plac-
ing him in official communication
with the King, and by giving them,
as it were, a community of interest,
prevent the heir being drawn into
cabals and intrigues."
We have gone into these details,
not with a view to condemn, in the
abstract, this or any other attempt
on the part of public men to get, if
they honestly can, the chief man-
agement of public affairs into their
own hands. Changes both of Min-
isters and of policy are inseparable
from the conditions of government
in a free state ; and in the present
instance no course of conduct could
be more legitimate than that pur-
sued by the leaders of the great
Whig party. They had been long
kept out in the cold ; they were im-
patient under it, and only obeyed
a natural instinct in striving to
escape from it. They had a perfect
right, also, to make use of whatever
instruments came first to hand with
a view to accomplish their purpose.
But there we must stop. Old-fash-
ioned moralists, as we admit our-
selves to be, we find it impossible
to discover so much as the shadow
of a justification for the conduct of
those who played their game for
them, as Mr Canning and his friends
undoubtedly did. Canning was
Pitt's disciple and early follower.
Palmerston was the disciple, and,
in later years, the follower of Can-
ning. They both professed a Tory-
ism which was not that of Lord
Liverpool, certainly not that of Lord
Eldon, nor of Lord Bathurst, but
which was absolutely and entirely
antagonistic to what they knew to
be the principles of Lord Lans-
downe, Lord Holland, Mr Tierney,
and Mr Calcraft. Read Lord Pal-
merston's letter of the 4th of May,
however, and you will see that the
prospect of acting with these gen-
tlemen and the party of which they
were the leaders was treated with
exuberant delight.
"All arrangements are now settled as
to general principles. The Whigs join
us in a body, and with zeal, and some of
them come into office. These, namely,
who are not to be in the Cabinet : Tier-
ney, I believe, Master of the Mint ;
Calcraft, Woods and Forests; and Aber-
crombie, Judge Advocate ; William Lamb
as Secretary for Ireland, not as a Whig,
bnt on his own account as an individual.
The provisional members of the Cabinet
are : the Duke of Portland, Privy Seal ;
Dudley, Foreign Affairs ; and Bourne,
Home Office. Who is to succeed them I
do not know ; but at the end of the ses-
sion Lord Lansdowne will come in, and,
I suppose, some others of his party. I
should think Lansdowne would be Home
Secretary, and Lord Holland Privy Seal ;
and then Canning will probably resume
the Foreign Office, if arrangements can
be made by which all the patronage and
influence properly belonging to the situa-
tion of First Minister can be attached to
that appointment In that case the First
Lordship of the Treasury will also be dis-
posable. I am in the Cabinet, but con-
tinue Secretary at War till the end of
the session, having, in addition to my
1871.]
TJie Life of Lord Palmerston.
15
own duties, those of the Commander-in-
Chief to perform. This is the natural
constitution of my office, that, in the ab-
sence of a Commander-in-Chief, the pat-
ronage of the army devolves on the Sec-
retary at War. At" the end of the session
I shall be Chancellor of the Exchequer,
and then, in my opinion, some military
man ought to be placed in command of
the army ; and if the Duke of Welling-
ton cannot be brought back again, some
general officer high up upon the list ought
to be placed on the staff. The advantage
of the present arrangement is, that it
leaves the door open for the Duke of
Wellington's return, when the other ar-
rangements are made, without dispossess-
ing any other individual. You will see
by the debates that the Whigs have joined
us manfully, and have boldly faced all
charges of inconsistency. . . . The
Tories are furious at this junction, be-
cause they see that it puts the Govern-
ment out of their power, and excludes
them from a return. Peel parted good
friends with Canning, but it is easy to
foresee that their lines of march must
daily diverge, and yesterday showed a
good deal more personal opinion between
them than might have been looked for.
Indeed, Peel's speech, two nights before,
was rather of a hostile complexion. His
reference to Canning's correspondence in
1812 was needless; and such a reference
where not necessary is always more or less
personal. If Canning had blamed Peel
for retiring, then Peel would naturally
have defended himself by referring to
Canning's former career ; but as Canning
had, on the contrary, gone out of his way
to acquit Peel of blame or any want of
perfect candour, the reference could only
be looked upon as unfriendly.
" The Duke is, I think, very sorry now
that he gave up the army, and I am sure
he was worked upon to do it by the old
Chancellor. The King, however, is very
angry with him, and return at present is
impossible."
It is really worth while to con-
trast for one moment the conduct of
Canning with that of the man whom
Canning's follower charges, in these
terms, with lack of candour ; the
circumstances into which both were
thrown being in most respects iden-
tical. Canning, successful in an in-
trigue against his Tory colleagues in
Cabinet, becomes Prime Minister,
and invites the Whigs to join him.
They accept the invitation, because
" they agree with him on almost all
great questions of foreign and do-
mestic policy ; and because, if they
did not support him, he could not,
by reason of the defection of his
colleagues, maintain his position."
Some years later Peel is at the head
of a Tory Administration. He sees
reason to change his opinion upon
the single question of domestic
policy in regard to which his party
think as one man, and which alone
may be said to have kept them to-
gether. Does he look apart from
his own friends for support 1 Does
he invite the Whigs to join, or en-
courage them to make advances to
him because, "if they do not sup-
port him, he will be unable, by
reason of the defection of his col-
leagues, to maintain his position " 1
No. He might be right or he might
be wrong in his determination to
repeal the Corn-laws, but he applies
himself to the task, in spite of strong
opposition in his own party, without
entering into any negotiation what-
ever with the opposite party, and,
carrying his point, ceases to be
Prime Minister. Canning wins the
chief place in the Government by
driving the Duke and Peel and
others out of the Cabinet ; and keeps
it, or strives to do so, by forming new
alliances with old political rivals.
Peel, lifted into power by a party
the most powerful that had come
together in recent times, breaks with
his friends, and sacrifices himself for
what he believes to be the good of
his country. Observe that we are
not considering here whether or no
Peel treated his own party well —
that is a matter foreign to the present
discussion — but at least he did not
enter into a close alliance with the
enemy in order to gratify his own
ambition, professing all the while to
seek only the welfare of the State.
It is a striking and curious contrast.
Observe next the terms in which
Lord Palmerston speaks of the Duke,
16
Tlie Life of Lord Palmerston.
[Jan.
" The Duke is, I think, very sorry
now that he gave up the army;"
" the Duke is also a great loss to
the Cabinet ; " " but the King is very
angry with him, and return at pre-
sent is impossible." A few months
pass, and Canning, worn out with
anxiety, and deserted at a pinch
by his new friends, dies. Difficul-
ties occur as to the reconstruction
of the Government, but they are sur-
mounted in a way. Lord Goderich
(the same who as Mr Robinson had
been designated for the post by Mr
Canning) became First Lord of the
Treasury. Lord Palmerston shall
himself continue the story. After
telling us that he was himself per-
sonally obnoxious to the King, and
that the King would not therefore
sanction his appointment as Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer ; that the
King preferred Mr Herries, because
he had objects of his own to serve,
and could count upon that gentleman
as a compliant finance Minister, —
Diarist proceeds thus : —
" Huskisson blamed me for not having
stood out. He said if I had insisted on
the fulfilment of Goderich's promise, that
promise would not have been retracted,
especially as it was spontaneously made,
and Herries would not have been thrown
like a live shell into the Cabinet, to ex-
plode and blow us all up.
" At the appointed time he did explode.
He picked a quarrel with Huskisson,
who, having been abroad at Canning's
death, returned soon afterwards, and took
the Colonial Office. Goderich had not
energy of mind enough to determine in
favour of one or the other, though the
question was literally nothing more than
who should be proposed as the chairman
of a finance committee to be appointed
next session. Instead of going to the
King and saying, ' Sire, Mr Huskisson
and Mr Herries have differed and cannot
serve together, and therefore 1 propose to
you to appoint A. B. instead of one or
the other,' Goderich stated the quarrel,
the impossibility of the two going on as
colleagues, and gave the King to under-
stand that he had no advice to give, and
did not know what to do. But George
knew very well what he had to do : he
.bade Goderich go home and take care of
himself ; and he immediately sent for the
Duke of Wellington to form a Govern-
ment."
Lord Palmerston is now in diffi-
culties. He begins to find out that
the King had not been quite so
angry with the Duke as he supposed,
and he drops the tone of regret in
which he had not very long before
spoken of the Duke's secession, both
from the Cabinet and the command
of the army. The Diary runs on to
quite a different measure : —
" One of the first acts of Goderich's
Administration had been to ask the
Duke of Wellington to be Commander-in-
Chief. Lord Anglesey had been sent to
make the offer. He travelled without
stopping, arriving at some country-house,
where the Duke was staying, about three
in the morning ; found the Duke in full
uniform, just come home from a fancy
ball ; obtained his immediate acceptance,
and arrived with it at Windsor while we
were sitting in council on the memorable
day in August, at which Lord William
Bentinck also was present to be sworn
in Governor - General of India. Lord
Anglesey said to us, ' Well, gentlemen, I
have done what you sent me to do. I
have brought you the Duke of Welling-
ton's acceptance as Commander-m-Chief,
and, by God ! mark my words : as sure as
you are alive he will trip up all our heels
before six months are over your heads.'
" Before six months," continues the
Diary, " were well over, the Duke was in
and our heels were up ; but what share he
had in that I cannot say. The King was
the great plotter; and Holmes and Plan-
ta worked upon Goderich and persuaded
him he could never overcome the diffi-
culties he would have to encounter."
In regard to the taste of these
sentences we express no opinion.
It strikes us that, if we had under-
taken to be the guardians of Lord
Palmerston's good name, we should
have suppressed them. They exhi-
bit the Diarist in the character of a
man growing day by day more am-
bitious, and praising and blaming
all with whom he came in contact,
according to the measure in which
they happened to promote or to de-
feat his plans. The King, whom —
though never professing formally to
1871.]
The Life of Lord Palmerston.
17
admire — he had spoken well of in a
previous page, as justly indignant
with the Duke, is now " the great
plotter." The Duke, whom he did
profess personally to admire, and
whose return to the Horse Guards, if
not to the Cabinet, he anxiously de-
sired, comes back for the sole pur-
pose of " tripping up the heels of
the Ministers," and immediately
does the job. Did it not occur to
Lord Palmerston at the moment —
was the fact entirely overlooked
by Lord Palmerston's biographer —
that not the King only, but the
country, had been indignant at the
destruction of the Turkish fleet —
the fleet of a power with which
England was not at war, and which
it had been the long-established po-
licy of England to support as the
best check upon Russian ambition ?
Was it not natural, likewise, that the
King, who had been cajoled by a
palace camarilla into Canning's pro-
motion, should have returned, as
soon as the object of that domestic
plot was taken out of the way, to
his senses'? that so returning he
should have been anxious to see
around him again as his trusted
counsellors men who, at all events,
knew their own minds ; and that,
almost as much in disgust at the
weakness of Lord Goderich as be-
cause old feelings of affection and
confidence were reawakened in him,
he should have thrown himself on
the firmness of the Duke of Wel-
lington ? Lord Palmerston evident-
ly did not take these matters into
account forty years ago ; neither, as
it would seem, does Sir Henry Lyt-
ton Bulwer remember them now ;
for thus he comments on the Di-
ary: —
" The projected arrangements ended,
as we know, by the Duke of Wellington
being named Premier instead of Lord
Goderich, though the post of Premier was
one for which he had declared himself a
short time previous wholly unfit."
VOL. CIX. — NO. DCLXIII.
We fancy that we have studied
the Duke's career and character
at least as carefully as Sir Henry
Bulwer, yet we are unable to dis- ,
cover in his letters, in his speeches,
or in his memoranda, a single sen-
tence or expression which corrobo-
rates the above statement. It is
quite true that in 1827, when Mr
Canning's friends went about pro-
claiming that he had intrigued for
the Premiership — when they charged
him with resigning his seat in the
Cabinet because a higher place was
refused him — he repelled the cal-
umny in the language of strong "in-
dignation."
" Does any one believe," he said, "that
I would give up such a gratification " (the
command of the army which had recently
been conferred upon him) "in order to be
appointed to a situation in which I was
not wished, and for which 1 was not qua-
lified ? "
And that the calumny could not be
other than groundless Lord Palmer-
ston himself testifies, when, lament-
ing the Duke's resignation of the
army, he says, as we have just seen —
"It is the more provoking that he
should have resigned this office, because
it is not a political office ; and he felt this
so strongly that, when it became a ques-
tion three months ago on what footing he
should hold it, he declared himself per-
fectly ready to quit the Cabinet if it was
not thought tenable with that situation. "
Is it to be credited that the same
man who in January had preferred
the command of the army to a seat
in the Cabinet, should, in April,
scheme and plot for the office of
Premier, knowing that by gaining
that he must necessarily lose the
army ? The idea is monstrous. And
as to the phrase so much and per-
sistently dwelt upon, " in which I
was not wished, and for which I
was not qualified," — to what did it
amount ? To this, and this only, —
I had never so much as thought of
aspiring to the first place in the Ad-
ministration. None of my colleagues
B
18
Tlie, Life of Lord Palmerston.
[Jan.
proposed to me that I should do so.
It did not enter into my imagina-
tion to conceive that I, the Com-
mander-in-Chief of the King's army,
and heretofore only a subordinate in
the Cabinet, possessed the qualifica-
tions necessary for such a position.
For I saw round me many men,
better trained, as I believed, by long
years of political experience, than I,
to guide, control, and come to com-
promises with others. I should have
been mad if in 1827 I had entered
into competition with them. I
never did, nor ever thought of do-
ing so.
But men like the Duke learn a
great deal in a year. The result of
the struggle in which he had played
but a secondary part showed him
that he had at once under-estimated
his own qualifications, and over-
estimated those of others ; so that
when the Premiership did become
for the second time vacant, he no
longer scrupled, his political friends
urging him on, to accept the trust
which the King committed to him.
Is there anything contradictory in
this1? Does it justify Sir Henry
Bulwer in affirming, as he does, that
the Duke was wholly unfit to be
First Lord of the Treasury? — that
he knew himself to be unfit 1 — yet
that, swayed by some motive about
which we are left to guess, he
grasped at power ?
Not content with reasserting a
fiction, on which all the world be-
sides had long ago put its right
value, Sir Henry Lytton Bulwer
proceeds still further to cast re-
proach upon the memory of the
Duke, — a proceeding in which, to
our very great surprise, we find a
writer in a recent number of the
' Quarterly Review ' concurring.
Commenting upon his own story
Sir Henry says : —
"I have been told by a gentleman yet
alive, and likely to be well informed on
the subject, that Lord Wellesley expected
this appointment, and had been encour-
aged by his brother to do so — that when
the Duke was summoned by the King it
was understood that he should recom-
mend the Marquess as more tit to take
the lead in civil affairs than himself —
that the Marquess expected the Duke's
return with much anxiety, anticipating
his own elevation — and that the disap-
pointment that ensued occasioned a cool-
ness between these two eminent men.
Whatever may be the precise truth of
this story — and such stories are rarely
told with perfect accuracy — I venture to
express an opinion that it would have
been, on the whole, fortunate for the
Duke's reputation, great as that reputa-
tion is, if he had followed the course
which 1 have heard he at one time in-
tended to pursue."
Whereupon the ' Quarterly Re-
viewer,' for the purpose, as it would
seem, of rendering more credible this
extraordinary story, appends a note
to the page on which it is printed,
as follows : —
"Count d'Orsay's well-known portrait
of the Duke was in progress when the
Marquess died. The day after his death
the illustrious sitter, much to D'Orsay's
surprise, came at the usual hour and took
his seat as if nothing had occurred. His
sole reference to the event, after a short
pause, was : ' You have heard of the death
of the Marquess of Wellesley; — a very
agreeable man when he had his own way."
From which, of course, we are ex-
pected to draw the inference that
the rupture between the brothers,
occasioned by the treachery of one
of them, continued through life, and
that the Marquess died at enmity
with the Duke.
The anecdote connected with
Count d'Orsay's portrait may or may
not be authentic. The inference ob-
viously intended to be drawn from it
by the publication of the note which
we have just quoted, is without jus-
tification. The Duke of Welling-
ton was no sentimentalist ; he never
allowed personal feeling to interfere
with duty. If he took his sitting
the day after Lord Wellesley's
death, he did so because he had
promised to sit, and because his
1871.]
The Life of Lord Palmerston.
19
failing to sit might have proved
inconvenient or hurtful to the
artist. If he made the remark
which Count d'Orsay is described
as repeating, it was either uttered
gratuitously, or the course of con-
versation led up to it. But in
either case it tells nothing, as far
as we can see, respecting the terms
on which the brothers had lived
together. On the other hand, we
have the best reason to know that
during the last years of Lord Wel-
lesley's life, he and his illustrious
brother lived on terms of the closest
intimacy and affection ; and if any
of our readers hesitate as to the
degree of credence which is due to
one or other of two statements so
directly opposed to each other, we
recommend them to refer the point
to the present Duke of Wellington,
by whose decision we are ready
to abide. Doubtless, when the
proper time comes for giving the
later portion of the great Duke's
correspondence to the world, the
fact will be made clear to all the
world. Meanwhile we cannot suf-
ficiently condemn the bad taste of
a note which insinuates so much,
without directly alleging anything.
But the charge brought by the
biographer, as it is at once more
grave and more direct, so the evi-
dence on which it rests puts it well-
nigh beyond the reach of controversy.
"A gentleman yet alive" may
be anybody or nobody. If the
former, why is he not named 1
And whether named or not, how
is it that we have no better proof
advanced of a very improbable
story than the ipse dixit, at second
hand, of a man in a mask? It is
proverbially hard to prove a neg-
ative ; yet in the present instance
we fancy that in the very nature
of the transaction there is enough,
and more than enough, to show how
entirely " the gentleman yet alive "
is to be mistrusted. Lord Wel-
lesley might be all that Sir Henry
Bulwer describes him to have
been, but his political views were
certainly not identical with those
of his illustrious brother. He had
been in the Cabinet before, and got
on but indifferently with his col-
leagues, some of whom being most
in the Duke's confidence, he was
desirous to see again in office.
Neither can it be said of Lord
Wellesley that he was a follower
of Canning, with whose perspnal
adherents, on the break-up of the
Goderich Administration, the Duke
and Peel had agreed that a coali-
tion should if possible be effected.
No doubt Lord Wellesley and
Canning took the same line on one
occasion, when both were out of
office. But there had never been
that cordiality between the two
men which would have induced
Palmerston, Huskisson, Grant, and
Lord Dudley to act under the sur-
vivor, towards whom, moreover, the
Duke very well knew that the King
had in 1828 no special leaning.
Looking to all these circumstances,
it is, to say the least, highly impro-
bable that the Duke could have
proposed to Lord Wellesley that he
should become the head of the
Government. That they were fre-
quently together at this time is true
enough. Scarcely a day passed in
which the Duke omitted to visit
his brother. They may have dif-
fered also to such an extent as to
produce a momentary alienation.
But we decline to believe that their
difference originated in the cause
assigned for it by "the gentleman
yet alive ; " and we know that long
before Lord Wellesley's death, it had
given place to renewed affection.
That the Duke added nothing to
his great reputation in the two
years during which he conducted
the affairs of the Government, hia
most ardent admirers are ready to
admit. Indeed they go further.
20
The Life of Lord Palmerston.
[Jan.
They allow that his administration
was a failure ; that with the best
and noblest intentions in the world,
he passed measures, one in parti-
cular, of which the consequences
have been most disastrous ; that
being thwarted in the details of the
plan on which he proposed to act
in passing that measure, he ought
at once to have abandoned it, even
if by so doing he threw power into
the hands of those whom he believed
prepared to abuse it. But this is
quite a different matter from the
moral delinquencies with which Sir
Henry Bulwer and his reviewer
charge him. The Duke might
miss the mark as a great consti-
tutional statesman : he never missed
it as a man of honour.
The Duke formed his Government,
and a very motley affair it proved
to be. Huskisson, Lord Dudley,
Charles Grant, Lord Palmerston,
and Mr Lamb, afterwards Lord
Melbourne, composed a camp of
their own. The Duke, Lord Aber-
deen, Lords Ellenborough, Melville,
Bathurst, and Lord Chancellor
Lyndhurst, pitched their tents for
the most part together, and in a
position of their own. From the
very outset there was discord.
The entries made in the Diary
which Sir Henry Bulwer has pub-
lished are, we suspect, unique of
the kind. We doubt indeed
whether any other Minister of the
Crown ever considered it justifiable
to set down in his note-book, day
by day, the points discussed in
Cabinet, and the details of these dis-
cussions, to be disposed of by his
executors, after his demise, as they
might consider expedient. And yet
the public has every reason to be
grateful, for the story told is not
only curious but instructive. We
certainly learn a good deal from it,
the reverse of favourable to attempts
at coalition administrations.
• " The Cabinet has gone on for
some time past as it had done be-
fore, differing upon almost every
question of importance that has been
brought under consideration ; meet-
ing to debate and dispute, and
separating without deciding."
The above entry occurs in Lord
Palmerston's Diary under date 2d
of April. In May, he and his
friends quitted office together. It
had been made clear from the first
that a body so heterogeneous could
not long hold together ; yet the
immediate cause of the severance
was very extraordinary. A particu-
lar arrangement had been agreed to,
after much discussion, in a Cabinet
which met at 3 P.M. on the 19th of
May; and the same night, without
any previous notice given, both Mr
Huskisson and Lord Palmerston vot-
ed against their colleagues, and in con-
travention of the point settled only a
few hours before. It is curious to see
how Lord Palmerston in his journal
labours to justify the act. Hus-
kisson, to do him justice, saw the
matter in a different light, and on
the morning of the 20th, before
lying down, wrote a letter which
put the disposal of his office in the
hands of the Duke. The Duke,
doubtless glad enough to get rid of
a colleague who had already given
him no little trouble, at once treated
the communication as an act of
resignation — a view of the case in
which Peel heartily sustained him.
And looking back upon the transac-
tion as a mere incident in history, it
is impossible to deny that Peel and
he had right on their side. Lord Pal-
merston, of course, argues differently.
He even justifies himself in censur-
ing the Duke by referring to a case,
between which and the party-treason
of Huskisson there is no parallel.
Lord Lowther, we are told, being
Chief Commissioner of Woods and
Forests, Sir John Becket, Judge
Advocate-General, Mr George Banks,
Secretary to the Board of Control,
1871.]
TJie Life of Lord Palmerston.
21
and Mr Holmes, Treasurer to the
Board of Ordnance, all refused to
vote for Catholic Emancipation in
1829, yet were allowed to sit in
their offices. Quite true. But, in
the first place, the Catholic question
was in 1829, as it had been in 1820,
an open question ; and, in the next,
these gentlemen were not in the
Cabinet. Whereas the Cabinet of
which Mr Huskisson and Lord Pal-
merston were both members, had
agreed on a particular line of action,
and Mr Huskisson and Lord Pal-
merston the very same night took
a line diametrically the reverse.
" Well, to-night at all events," said
Mr Huskisson, as he passed out of
the Cabinet-room, " we may stand
upon the ground that the Lords
have not disposed of Penryn ;"
and that self -same night he, and
Lord Palmerston with him, departed
from that ground, and voted with
the Opposition. What could the
Duke do except receive Mr Huskis-
son's communication as the only
amends which a recalcitrant Cabinet
Minister could make to his chief1?
The resignation was accepted, and
the whole of the Canningites retired
in a body.
In acting as he did, the Duke
carried public opinion with him.
Huskisson lost credit by the at-
tempts which he made to explain
away a document which admitted of
no explanation, and his friends suf-
fered with him, though not, perhaps,
to the same extent. It appears, too,
that one of them, at least, suffered
rather against his own will. Lord
Palmerston, describing what passed
between Lord Dudley, Mr Lamb,
and himself, while the resignation
was yet in suspense, thus speaks : —
"We all," Lord Dudley, and Mr
Lamb, and he, " left Huskisson together,
and Dudley proposed we should walk up
a little, our cabriolets following. He was
in the middle and said, ' Well, now we
are by ourselves in the street, and no-
t>ody but the sentry to hear us, let me
know, right and left, what is meant to bo
done!' I said 'Out;' and Lamb echoed
' Out. ' . . . Dudley said there was
something in attaching himself to so
great a man as the Duke. ' For my part, '
said Lamb, 'I do not happen to think
that he is so great a man ; but that is a
matter of opinion.' "
If Mr Lamb gave utterance to so
silly a speech, it must have been
under the influence of passing ill-
humour. Certainly the sentiment
was not his own, and the words ought
never to have been put on record.
But this is the great fault of the
book throughout. Lord Palmer-
ston's habit, not a good one, of
making notes of incidents which
neither deserved nor warranted
being admitted into history, seems
to be regarded by his biographer as
a peculiarly valuable trait in his
character, of which the consequence
is, that he is continually made to
say and do things which must bring
him into discredit with all right-
thinking persons. Whatever Mr
Lamb may have said in 1828, we
know that Lord Melbourne, when
at the head of her Majesty's Gov-
ernment, held the Duke of Welling-
ton in the highest admiration ; go-
ing to him for advice on many occa-
sions when the honour or interests
of the State were threatened, and
always receiving from him such
counsels as only great wisdom and
the purest patriotism could sug-
gest.
"We have already so far exceeded
the just limits of a magazine article,
that we cannot pretend to speak of
Lord Palmerston, on the present oc-
casion, either as a member of society,
or as Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs. We hope to make good
these grave omissions when the
concluding portion of the biogra-
phy comes into our hands. Mean-
while we content ourselves with
saying that in the two volumes now
before us will be found a great deal
to interest and amuse, especially the
22
New BooJcs.
uninstructed reader, — with not a
little which both offends and sur-
prises persons who, like ourselves,
happen to have lived through the
events recorded, and to have known
something both of the actors in
them, and of their motives and
principles. Indeed we may go fur-
ther. In spite of strong objection
to some of its details, we have our-
selves read Sir Henry Lytton's book
both with pleasure and profit, and
can therefore honestly recommend
it to others as an extremely agree-
able and well-written piece of bio-
graphy.
NEW BOOKS.
IT has become a fashion of late
years for men of distinguished scien-
tific and literary reputation to give
to the world what may be supposed
to be a succinct statement of their
views on certain important subjects
in a form less laboured than a scien-
tific lecture, and adapted, if not to
the meanest capacity, yet to the
rapid survey of the public, which
has not time to investigate closely
or reason deeply. It would be wrong
to class such expositions among the
works of light literature, or even to
call them popular in the common
acceptation of the word. Lectures
delivered at the Royal Institution,
for example, cannot be supposed to
be addressed to the people ; nor are
these solemn brown volumes of a
kind to attract the frivolous reader.
Yet they are far removed, on the
other side, from those expositions of
real science which tax all the faculties
of the listener, and demand not the
glance of the passer-by, but the gaze
of the student. Professor Seeley,*
however, has thought, as Professor
Huxley did lately, that the passer-
by too might be the better for a cer-
tain acquaintance with his views
upon some subjects which occupy
the mind of the modern world, and
accordingly has here collected into
a volume certain fugitive Essays and
Sketches, which, to a great many
readers used to lighter fare, will be
the piece de resistance of the winter
banquet — the one halfpenny-worth
of bread in the enormous quantity
of washy liquid which is their or-
dinary literary sustenance. The
fact that this is the case — that such
books do reach minds little accus-
tomed to sound literary provision,
and form a sort of dignified top-
dressing upon the light soil of popu-
lar libraries— gives them a certain im-
portance independent of their indi-
vidual merit. They explain in some
degree the odd surface-strata of very
lofty notions which is to be found
in the present day often adorning a
deep foundation of ignorance. They
are very readable, and they pro-
pound theories which sound very
sublimely to the uneducated ear — -
theories of education above all, such
as come quite natural to professors,
and are highly appropriate to the
academical class whose aim in life
is learning; but which are whimsi-
cally, amusingly inappropriate to the
mass of half-educated hard-working
persons to whom learning can never
be more than a dream. Probably it
is these books more than any other
which produce the curious mixture of
intellectual pretensions with the sim-
plest ignorance which is to be found
at the present day, especially among
women — those women who feel
themselves awakened, by the new
impulse of the age, to new ambi-
* Lectures and Essays. By J. R. Seeley, M.A. Macmillan & Co. 1870.
1871.] New Books.
tions. In this way Professor Hux-
ley's favourite panacea of the Erd-
Kunde — the science of the earth
— is received with enthusiasm by
people who have travelled over
half the surface of the earth without
ever finding out any difference, ex-
cept that of costume, between one
place and another — but who imme-
diately hurry their daughters (sons
being happily out of the way) to
the Professor's lectures, hoping for
a sort of collodion process of instan-
taneous culture ; while Professor
Seeley's conviction that the know-
ledge of history is the best guide
to the enlightened understanding
of politics is warmly taken up by
many who know indeed the differ-
ence between Mr Gladstone and Mr
Disraeli personally, but know no
more. Perhaps it would be wrong
to say that the top-dressing is of no
use, or that the mind is not the bet-
ter for it, however thinly laid on.
Sound judgments and right views
are always good, even in their slen-
derest application ; but it is amusing
to note the immediate effect of their
popular diffusion. The perusal of
one such work as Professor Huxley's
or Professor Seeley's is justification
sufficient for ever so much novel-
reading, and supplies the novel-
reader with superior subjects of con-
versation all the same.
The Professors, however, though
they (or their publishers) choose to
take advantage of the present appe-
tite for philosophical sentiments at
small cost, and thus present them-
selves on the debatable ground be-
tween grave and light literature, are
not to be dealt with unceremoniously.
The name of Professor Seeley is asso-
ciated in the public mind with one
of the most striking attempts which
has been made in modern times to
conciliate the old-fashioned assertions
of Christianity with the new ad-
vancing tide of thought. It is not
within our range to comment upon
23
a book which is no longer new,
which has been subjected to the
elaborate criticisms of a Prime
Minister, and which, at the same
time, has never been publicly ac-
knowledged by any author; but yet
its prevailing purpose throws a cer-
tain light upon those Essays in the
present volume which are likely to
be most interesting to the public.
We are not at all sure, in our own
mind, that to translate the old and
well-known statement, that "'God
so loved the world that He sent His
Son," into the new one that Christ
was penetrated and impelled to a
great work by the Enthusiasm of
Humanity, can bring the fact more
closely home to the most modern of
intelligences ; but at the same time
we have not the slightest doubt that
the writer believed it did so, and
meant it in that sense. For our
own part, the Enthusiasm of Hu-
manity, notwithstanding its capi-
tals, is less impressive and less intelli-
gible than the other statement. The
use of it reminds us much of the
advice said to be given by a cele-
brated clergyman of the Broad
Church party to one of his dis-
ciples. " When you go to visit
working men," said this authority,
"go in a shooting-coat and wide-
awake, with a short pipe in your
mouth." This advice is thoroughly
characteristic of much that has been
done in the way of conciliating the
working man in actual life, and the
secular mind in literature. It is, in
plain words, put on a disguise — de-
lude the one or the other into the
idea that you are bon camarade,
anxious to be on friendly terms,
without the least ulterior motive ;
and when you have made the re-
quisite impression — then ! It is
strange that a class which more
than any other preaches straight-
forwardness, and honesty of speech
and meaning, should be unable to
perceive the insincerity of this mode
24
New Boolcs.
[Jan.
of dealing — though perhaps it is
significant of the fundamental sim-
plicity of character which they re-
tain under their cleverest devices, that
it never occurs to them to imagine
that the working man, for instance,
who is in his way as astute as a
Lord Chancellor, and finds out a
masquerade with the quickness of a
child, should discover and laugh in
his sleeve at the transparent hum-
bug. Something of the same idea
pervades Professor Seeley's Essay
upon the ' Church as a Teacher of
Morality.' Here he takes lip a great
subject, and professes to treat one of
the most important of modern diffi-
culties. There can be no doubt of
the profound seriousness of the ques-
tion, nor of the writer's desire to
consider it with the gravity it
deserves. He proposes what is
nothing less than a total revolution
in the matter and manner of our
public religious teaching. The dis-
establishment of the Church itself
would be a trifle in comparison with
the change he suggests ; and yet,
though he is thus wildly revolution-
ary in his proposed system of re-
formation, he is animated by no un-
kindly feeling towards the Church ;
and his dissatisfaction with its pre-
sent position is one which most
reflective persons share. He does
not make any suggestion so undig-
nified as the one we have quoted,
and yet it is evident that a certain
lingering tenderness for the shooting-
coat and the short pipe are at the
bottom of his thoughts.
Mr Seeley's starting-point is a very
simple one. He sees a trained body
of educated men spread over the
kingdom, placed exactly in the most
suitable positions for guiding and
influencing the mind of the country,
arranged according to ancient stra-
tegical principles, which have as yet
been unsurpassed by anything the
modern world has invented. It is as
if poor France in her agony had in
every arrondissement a skilful and
brave veteran, who could stir up
the sentiments of patriotism in the
hearts of her people, and teach them
to defend her. Our continual
fight with ignorance, selfishness,
wretchedness, and want, is as des-
perate, and we have need of every
available instrument against these
gigantic foes. Our organisation for
the strife is in principle excellent —
every parish has its general, Us
cadre, its recognised agency. And
yet all these captains to the manner
born — these men, trained and main-
tained to no other purpose — what is
the effect of them upon the character
of the country — what do they do for
us? Do they keep our enemies
Misery and Ignorance at bay ? and
if not, how can they be made to do
so ? Such are the questions he
asks. In our own corner of the
world most of us have feebly or
warmly echoed the same inquiry.
Are our clergymen worth the cost
of them ? Does it pay us to sub-
tract so many good heads and warm
hearts from the common service of
the world? Does it pay them to
commit themselves to lives limited
within bounds which do not tie
other men, and in the majority of
cases to scanty means and an un-
improvable position 1 All this it
is noble and satisfactory to under-
take when the result is worth the
sacrifice. But is it so in their case?
This is really the question which Mr
Seeley discusses under the simpler
pretence of considering the Church
as a teacher of morality ; and we do
not know that there is any question
more momentous in the entire round
of social problems.
There are few people who have
not looked on with a silent wonder,
often respect, sometimes simple in-
comprehension, at the life of an ear-
nest clergyman. He has his own
bit of intellectual work to do every
week — his sermon, or brace of ser-
1871.] New Books.
mons — which, if he is a man of ordi-
nary intelligence, without any con-
sciousness of eloquence or popu-
lar talent to lend him a little heart,
he does under the most discouraging
circumstances, knowing that, though
it may be his very best, it will be
listened to merely as a duty, and
with the coldest indifference by the
people to whom it is preached. Per-
haps the natural amour propre which
throws to every human being a cer-
tain halo round his own individual
exertions, may extract some of the
sting from this thought ; but yet a
reasonable man who has listened to
other people's sermons cannot refuse
to be aware of the fact, which besides
is urged upon him in half of what
he reads and what he hears. He
is probably at the same time quite
aware that his talents, such as they
are, are not literary; that his stock
of ideas is limited enough ; and that,
were his profession other than what
it is, he would never take pen in
hand save to write a domestic let-
ter. Yet with all this want of
impulse and absence of encourage-
ment, he has the weary drag of
routine upon him, and must com-
pose something every week — some-
thing which everybody is disposed
to be contemptuous of beforehand,
yet which all condemn him for al-
lowing them to despise. When this
work is over, what is it that he has
to do? To go forth into the world
like other men compelled to literary
exertion — to fill his mind with new
images — to refresh his soul with the
higher ideas and stronger vitality of
other men ? Alas, no ! He has to
go into the parish ; he has to move
about among the most sordid needs
of humanity — to hear a succession
of old wives' tales — to mediate in
petty quarrels — to sicken the very
soul within him in an attempt to
discriminate which is true and
which is false of the plaints that
rise all around as he approaches.
25
The man who really devotes him-
self to this life is a wonder and a
mystery to the sympathetic lookers-
on. Perhaps he is young, in the
bloom of his life, with youth's ex-
pectations still strong in him, and
a longing after all that is noble,
and lovely, and of good report ;
but all his aspirations must end in
those courts in his district where
swarms of human beings struggle
for mere life, and where the scanty
contents of his pocket, the aching
anxieties of his heart, the strain of
his faculties how to get coals for
them, and bread for them, and hos-
pital tickets, replace all the higher
thoughts and schemes and dreams
of national influence and world-
amelioration which encouraged his
beginning. This is no fancy pic-
ture, but one upon which the writer
has looked with that mixture of
aching wonder, disapproval, admira-
tion, and pity, which must always
move the spectator of a bitter but
ineffectual sacrifice ; for the sacri-
fice is, in every wide and important
sense, always ineffectual. The
utmost the man can accomplish is
to keep the wolf so far from the door
of his parish that his poor shall not
absolutely starve. This task strains
his utmost faculties. He has to
leave his well-to-do people in great
measure to themselves — he has to
leave the higher education of his
district to itself. To snatch the
rudiments of instruction for the
children of his poor, and to help
their parents sufficiently through
the vicissitudes of life — through
sickness, want of work, temptations
to idleness and vice — that they shall
keep out of the workhouse and
under an honest roof, — is all that
he can find time to do. The race
of gay rectors and croquet-playing
curates express but the inevitable
reaction against this strain of hope-
less labour : for it is just its hope-
lessness which makes it terrible —
26
the pretty pictures with which we
are all familiar of the difference
made in a parish by an energetic
and hard-working parish priest are
for the most part fancy pictures ;
except, indeed, in the depths of the
country, where the harms of civilisa-
tion are not so apparent, and the
primitive balance is more easily re-
established. In all towns the pop-
ulation shifts and fluctuates too
constantly to afford any hope of
absolute improvement. The clergy-
man feels that he must do what
he can, in the very face of his
own conviction that he can do very
little. Thus it is the most dis-
heartening, the most depressing, of
professions. It is a fight out of which
men seldom, very seldom, carry
any laurels. It is a life-long strug-
gle against, not the principalities
and powers of spiritual wickedness
alone, but the rudest demons of de-
struction, brutal misery, and want —
a struggle scarcely less tedious and
disheartening than is that of the vic-
tims themselves, who are always on
the edge of ruin.
This is the life which a large pro-
portion of the clergy of England,* if
they do their duty conscientiously,
are called upon to live. A few incum-
bents of chapels in fashionable dis-
tricts, a few country clergymen in
favoured regions, are exempt from it.
So are, no doubt, the dignitaries of the
Church, the peaceful prebends, and
learned canons, and all the aristocra-
cy of the Close, upon whom ought to
fall the duty of maintaining the lit-
erary reputation of their cloth. But
the working men of the Church, who
preach the bulk of our weekly ser-
mons, have had their lives taken out
of their hands, as it were, by the
second trade of charity. " They are
New Books. [Jan.
the almoners of the people," Mr
Seeley allows ; and he is willing to
grant that their preaching on this
subject has not been without force
or effect. " The charitable institu-
tions with which it " (the Church)
" has covered the country are visible
to all. This one great and undeni-
able achievement of the Christian
Church seems to me instructive,
as showing what sort of enter-
prise the Church may engage in
with real hope of success. . . .
In such a case, so far from preaching
to deaf ears, it wins an obedience
which is excessive and unreasonable.
Men give and give, in defiance of
reason and political economy." In
another place he acknowledges, with
equal candour, " a moral sense really
awakened " (by preaching), " but in-
structed only on one point^-namely,
the duty of relieving distress." This
point, on which the Church does
well, and too well, according to Mr
Seeley, is the point round which, as
on a pivot, the lives of the clergy
are made to turn ; but this curious
connection of their one success with
their absorbing occupation does not
seem to strike our Professor as a
natural and reasonable sequence.
He takes the two points as totally
separate things that have no con-
nection with each other, and, missing
his point as completely as if he were
a man of very inferior ability, or
even — save the mark ! — a woman,
goes on to tell us how our preachers
fail.
Now we all know very well that
our preachers do fail. There is no
doubt on this subject ; and there
is, in our opinion, a very clear and
substantial reason for it^the reason
we have just referred to. In Mr
Seeley's opinion, however, this has
* We say England pointedly, excluding Scotland, where the habits of clerical life
are to some extent different, and where the pulpit has always held a more important
place ; notwithstanding which, we recollect a very eloquent sermon of Dr Chalmers
which takes up this very subject.
1871.] New Books.
nothing to do with the matter. They
fail, he thinks, because " the special
training of the clergy in England is
very slight " — because they are re-
quired to be acquainted with Biblical
criticism — to deal with Scripture
characters flourishing in a totally
different society from ours, instead
of English history and the lives of
modern men — and to employ Oriental
figures of speech and circumstances
of existence instead of nineteenth-
century Saxon and the incidents of
common life.
" As the poets (of the last century) de-
scribed imaginary shepherds and shep-
herdesses living in scenery partly Sicil-
ian, partly Italian, and partly English,
a state of things answering to nothing
in their reader's experience, so are we
still introduced in sermons to an artifi-
cial and conventional world. We are
sometimes warned against the sin of
idolatry, which has been extinct in Eng-
land since the time of the Saxon Hep-
tarchy. We hear declarations against
Babylon, which lost all independent
power to do mischief about 2400 years
ago. Of course these phrases are not
used literally : in the same way the
shepherds of the old pastoral often stood
symbolically for lovers or poets ; but such
symbolism serves not to illustrate but
to darken thought."
Now there is, no doubt, a certain
truth in this, but at the same time
a much greater mistake ; for the
shepherds and shepherdesses were
essentially false and unreal, where-
as that tendency in the minds of
men which our preachers treat under
the name of idolatry, is absolutely
true : and the figurative meaning of
it has so completely eclipsed the
actual, that we do not believe one
person in a million, and certainly
not Mr Seeley himself, would ever
for one moment think of the stocks
and stones of the Heptarchy did
the preacher in their parish church
give forth as his text the old com-
mand, "Keep yourself from idols" ;
nay, more, we are perfectly convinced
that a forcible and earnest address
on this subject at the present day
27
would make many a heart tremble
and quake as much as that of Felix
did when Paul preached to him of
temperance and judgment to come.
The subject is as much modern as
ancient, and will flourish, in despite
of philosophy, to the end of the
world. Blame, however, is the easiest
of all things, and scarcely ever fails
to have some truth in it. It is
more trying when the reformer sets
forth his way of mending the mat-
ters, which he does as follows : —
" Teaching, in all subjects, proceeds
as much by example as precept ; in
morals, the importance of example is even
greater than in other subjects, and it
is characteristic of Christianity that it
makes a greater use of example than
any other system. Christianity starts
from the unbounded admiration of a
Person, and it seems to me that all true
moral progress is made through admira-
tion ; in other words, that before you
can rise to a higher moral standard you
must become aware, by actual experi-
ence, of the existence of that higher
standard. Now, while all Christian
schools have agreed in putting forward
Christ as the supreme example, no
Christian school has ever treated Him
as the only one. The early and medie-
val Church surrounded the central
figure with a host of inferior objects of
admiration. Protestants have put aside
this ancient calendar, but they have not
repudiated the principle of it. They
hold the admiration offered to have
been excessive in degree or superstitious
in kind, and the objects of it to have
been, in many instances, ill chosen. But
the principle of setting up objects of
. imitation other than Christ is admit-
ted by them as much as by Catholics.
The lives of Moses, David, Ezra, St
Paul, furnish the material of a large
proportion of Protestant sermons. Nor
does any school theoretically maintain
that such objects of imitation are to be
found only in the Bible. No preacher
is blamed for referring in the pulpit to
modern examples of virtue ; but it is
supposed to be advisable, in the main,
to keep within the limits of Scriptural
history.
" This notion seems to me to have the
same origin as the notion which almost
brings Christianity into contempt — that
all sermons should be of an extreme
simplicity. It arose in the missionary
preaching of the Methodists of the last
century. Addressing an almost barbaric
population, they naturally simplified
their teaching to the utmost limit;
and for the same reason they confined
themselves to the one book which they
knew thoroughly themselves, and had
any chance of making their disciples
know. But a practice which in such
circumstances was inevitable, is very
ill adapted to preaching addressed to
the educated classes, and therefore to
preaching generally in the age to which
we look forward of universal education.
To an intelligent audience, the best
examples of virtue are not, as a general
rule, those of the Bible, but examples
taken from modern time, and from a
society like our own. The men of the
Bible lived, in the first place, in circum-
stances unfamiliar to us ; it follows that
it must cost us an effort to realise their
actions and characters. Nay, more than
this follows. It follows that we may often
make mistakes in estimating their char-
acters, and conceive them not merely
imperfectly but wrongly. Must not this
frequently happen to a preacher of only
ordinary intelligence and information ?
Do not persons acquainted with antiquity
often smile at the innocent modernism
with which the acts of Jacob or Debo-
rah are discussed in the pulpit ? Do not
travellers tell us of the contempt with
which, after becoming acquainted with
Oriental manners, they recollected clerical
interpretations of Old Testament history ?
Now there is no reason why the clergy
should expose themselves to the risk of
making such mistakes. Incomparably
the larger portion of Scripture history is
entirely unnecessary for the establish-
ment of any theological doctrine. When
it is discussed in the pulpit, nothing is
drawn from it but example; and this
might be drawn equally well, and without
running any risk, from modern history.
" The most impressive and practically
useful of biographies, ccRteris paribus,
are those of fellow-countrymen of the
most recent date. Their characters are
legible to us without effort; their con-
duct imitable without much modifica-
tion ; and everything about them is in-
teresting to us. The places where they
lived we have seen or may see. We may
stand where they stood, or touch what
they touched. Their relics are among
us, ready for a worship which must not
be pushed to extravagance. To disre-
gard all these moral influences, to suffer
the great and good to pass away from
among us without any memorial that
really keeps them in memory— unre-
membered by three-fourths of the popu-
New Books. [Jan.
lation, and unknown in the next genera-
tion to all but a few students — and in
the meanwhile to concentrate our admir-
ation upon the Hebrew judges and kings
of an epoch separated from us, as we
may say, by three civilisations, - — what
does this involve? It involves an enor-
mous gap or break in the gradations of
our moral feelings, which should extend
in regular series from what is near to
what is remote. From our family affec-
tions and admirations we ought not to
pass abruptly to the largest and most
comprehensive admirations. Cosmopol-
itanism, said Coleridge, is not possible
but by antecedence of patriotism. And
patriotism is only another name for the
worship of relics. We should begin by
admiring all the virtue which is near us
in time and space. We should contem-
plate all the greatness which appears in
our neighbourhood, until, as in natural
course it will, the very land which has
been the stage of it acquires a sacredness.
From this we should pass regularly back-
ward through time, adding our great fel-
low-countrymen of a past age to those of
the present ; then we should pass to other
countries and times, rising to.those names
which are highest of all, but remote,
through those which are less high but
near to us. We should form, as it were,
a national calendar — consecrate our ances-
tors— keep their images near to us — and
so reap the inestimable advantage of
living always coram Lepidis.
" I suggest, then, that the clergy should
draw largely upon English history and
biography for illustrations of their moral
teaching."
This is an opinion very frankly
stated, and without any ambiguity.
It involves, as will be seen, a very
sweeping change of manners and
modes of thought. Mr Seeley in
another place informs us that news-
papers take the Church's office of
" moral guidance." " Most English-
men probably get their morality
from their paper, as exclusively as
they get their religion, when they
get it at all, from their favourite
preacher " — a very astounding state-
ment, it seems to us. We gaze at
it confused, and rub our eyes, and
ask whether it is possible that Mr
Seeley can have forgotten to put the
little syllable " im " before the big
word " morality " — in wliich case
1871.] New Books.
we should perfectly agree with him.
However, this is not the question in
hand. As the Professor considers
journalism to have thus compassion-
ately taken up the work in which
the Church fails, so he would not
unnaturally have the eyes of the
Church reverently directed towards
the manner in which that superior
agency fulfils its high office. And
it is evidently the particular example
afforded by those rapid biographies
with which the journalist hails the
departure, or supposed departure, of
any celebrity from the world, which
has shaped the advice of the philo-
sopher. This is his ideal of the
preaching of the future. We may
not be quite capable of it now ; but
when the days come in which every-
body shall have learned something,
and all men will read and think, the
discourses to be delivered from our
pulpits will be in the style of Miss
Martineau's biographical sketches.
We instance these, in order to do
Mr Seeley's suggestion the fullest
justice, as being the best works of
the class with which we .are ac-
quainted. They are model repre-
sentations of "the virtue which is
near us in time and space." The
age to which Mr Seeley looks for-
ward will no doubt be an age very
superior to this ; the world will
have gone farther on the path of
progress; and we will not be so dis-
ingenuous as to suggest that the
life of a defunct churchwarden, or
even beadle, might be virtue still
nearer the parochial mind than that
of a statesman or a poet. Let us
take the highest type to be followed
in the reformed art of preaching.
The age will be more elevated, as
we have said, and instead of con-
fused speculations about the troubles
of human existence, or the possible
explanation of our sorrows and
struggles which may be coming to
us, or the support God can give and
has promised under our burdens, we
29
shall have little sketches of Baron
Bunsen and Lord Palmerston. For
our own part, we frankly allow that
we should prefer either Moses, or
David, or Ezra (not, by the way, a
usual hero of preaching), or Paul ;
but that is not to the purpose. Mr
Seeley here has allowed himself to
be led into one of the strangest mis-
takes which a man of high intellec-
tual power, not destitute of imagina-
tion and sympathy, could fall into.
He has mistaken the exterior for
the interior, the apparent for the
real. We can understand these
men better, he says. We are likely
to have our minds exercised with
difficulties similar to theirs, and
consequently we can learn more
from their example. There is a
specious appearance of truth about
this at the first glance, for naturally
the circumstances of the nineteenth
century should be more like our own
than those of the first; but is it really
so? Baron Bunsen, for example — •
and we take him not as a typical
modern hero, or one whom we feel
the slightest temptation to worship,
but merely because he is the first
whose name occurs to us — has left
us a great deal more material
for judging of his character than
Paul has done. Do we know it
as well? We are aware of his
prosperous progress from a low
grade to a high one — of a very
smooth, genial, well-rewarded exist-
ence, occupied with some great ob-
jects and a great many small ones,
and distinguished by a large amount
of human kindness, and a consider-
able margin of amiable humbug.
But will any one say that the man
is known to us as Paul is known, or
as David or Moses? His tempta-
tions, if he had any, are veiled in
that haze of the present which is
more blinding than any mist of the
past ; if he ever fell and rose again,
be sure we are not told of that;
his blunders are carefully explained
30
New Books.
[Jan.
to us, if, indeed, we are permitted
to suspect that he ever made any;
anything we know about him is
outside — it is the man clothed in
all his external garments, his rib-
bons, stars, authorships, importances.
He never " speaks as a fool, "
never forgets himself in the vehe-
mence of his recollections, never
confides to us his thorn in the flesh.
If he had been sharp and hot of
temper as Paul was, poor in appear-
ance, bigoted in his own way, should
we ever have heard of it ? and with-
out hearing of that, how could we
have understood the self-conflicts,
the humiliations, the relentings,
which must, without their raison
d'etre, have been concealed too?
The value of Scriptural examples is
that they are set before us with the
severest impartiality and openness —
qualities which are impossible in the
case of a contemporary, and difficult
to be obtained even in history. Had
David even been Henry III. —
far enough back, one would think,
to secure full honesty of speech —
should we have known as we do
that tragic crime of his, and Na-
than's parable, and the king's hu-
miliation, and the great cry of his
penitence, which from that day to
this has rung through all the echoes
of a wondering, sinning, repenting
world ? What contemporary would
dare to reveal the existence of such
a blot in the life of a man for whom
he expected respect or admiration ?
Even Mr Carlyle, the boldest hero-
worshipper that ever existed, does
not dare to say of his Cromwell or
his Frederick, " Here the man sin-
ned ! " No ; rather the austere en-
thusiast himself will force his hon-
esty into the celebration, as of the
acts of a demigod above mortal
judgment, of the massacre of Drog-
heda, and the rape of Silesia. He
dares not throw off the veil and ac-
knowledge the flaw. He does not
venture to say, " In other scenes, in
other acts, my hero is spotless — here
he is guilty." This is an effort, as
it seems, beyond the power of any
one of those bards who sing the
deeds of heroes. Only Scripture is
calm as death, and deifies no man
— save One.
The persistence with which our
Professor takes the outside for the
in, is evident again in his sneer at
the "innocent modernism" of the
ordinary pulpit explanations of Ori-
ental life. He is quite justified in
sneering. Nothing can be more
strange than the foolish look of
wisdom with which some bit of
Eastern circumstance is often elabo-
rately brought forth in the pulpit,
as if it could possibly throw any
light upon the moral meaning of a
human story — except the fact that
our Professor actually thinks it does,
and sympathises with travellers
whose contempt for " clerical inter-
pretations of Old Testament history"
has evidently led them to contempt
for the history itself. The preacher
is foolish who tries to envelop the
real man or men whom he has to
deal with in the prosaic wrappings
of an Egyptian or a Bedouin. What
do we care about Abraham's dress
or Paul's tent-making? But Mr
Seeley argues with the preacher, and
thinks we ought to care, and that
Paul's example would be lessened in
its effect upon us if he were repre-
sented as using canvas of the nine-
teenth century ! This is the very
triumph of the accidental and tempo-
rary over the real and everlasting. Mr
Seeley's advice, to prefer the " virtue
which is near us," and his examples
drawn from our contemporaries, are
as if a painter should advise his pu-
pil to make all his studies from a
decorous, full-draped, amateur model,
and to shun the rude nature of the
life-school.
It does not, however, lessen the
force of the fact that preaching is to
a great extent a forgotten art, that
1871.] New Books.
the advice of the present counsellor
fails in meeting its real difficulties.
Mr Seeley's purpose is a thoroughly
good one, though he has been
strangely unfortunate in his practi-
cal advices. He is strenuous that
individual and specific vices should
be assailed from the pulpit, without
considering that it would be hard
upon several hundred honest folk
to hear themselves specially de-
nounced for the sins of the one or
two adulterators of their food, from
whom they suffer more than any one
else can. If he had said that it is
the duty of preachers to explain and
expound, in season and out of sea-
son, those vast but imperfectly-
taught principles of human truthful-
ness, which make not only every
false oath and lie, every false mea-
sure and weight, but every false pre-
tence, hateful in the sight of God
and man — would not that be more
to the purpose ? The following piece
of counsel as to the preaching of
politics shows how little he, who at
other moments gives circumstance so
much weight, is disposed to take it
into consideration when it comes in
the way of his own theories. The
sublime position which he supposes
the clergy to be able to hold in re-
spect to this exciting subject is
strangely inconsistent with his opin-
ion of them in other respects. If
they were archangels, serenely above
all party views, perfectly able to
discriminate what was fundamental
from what was superficial, and in-
dependent of all those prejudices of
merely human upbringing and asso-
ciation which often, without any
conscious will of his own, mark a
man with a certain stamp of Whig
or Tory — in these very desirable
and very superior circumstances we
should certainly advise the clergy
on this subject to take Mr Seeley's
advice : —
" Politics, then, should be a part, and
a principal part, of the studies of the
31
clergy. To discover .and popularise the
lessons that may be drawn from our his-
tory, to idealise the nation, and famil-
iarise it in its unity to the minds of its
members, is a most vital part of the
moral teaching of the community. The
phrase, political religion, may have very
different meanings ; there are two senses
in which it signifies a hateful thing, but
there is a third sense in which it is an
admirable and necessary thing. It is
a hateful thing when it means religion
made the tool of a political party or gov-
erning class, as wheu the Church con-
secrated the absolutism of the Stuarts,
or, on a smaller scale, when the parson
preaches submission to the squire. It is
a hateful thing when it means the Church
interfering with public affairs merely
with a view of strengthening its own
position, of preserving its own influence,
or privileges, or endowments. But when
a Church is independent of political par-
ties, and sure of the respect of the people,
when it can speak with impartiality and
with authority, then political religion
means only the purifying of politics by
connecting them with duty, honour, and
piety ; it means only the discouragement
of faction, the assertion of general prin-
ciples, the keeping before the eyes of the
people a political ideal. And as in the
former senses political religion is only
another name for corrupt religion, in the
latter sense it is another name for worthy
and noble politics."
Something more, however, must
be done before the ordinary parish
priest will _ be able to fill the place
which is here chalked out for him.
If he is to preach and preach well,
his whole life and powers must
not be swept away in the whirl of
parochial management. If it is
hard for a man to do his intellectual
best when he has to keep the
wolf from his own door (a common
opinion, in which we agree but
slightly), the matter can scarcely
be mended when he has to help to
keep the wolf from a hundred doors,
and has his heart torn asunder and
his faculties confused in the process.
Political economy does not create the
wretchedness which it classifies and
explains, but neither does it lift a
finger to mend ; and all the weight
of the burden left by its cruel laws
32
— along with all the terrible sugges-
tions raised by its teaching that the
humanity which breaks these laws
does more harm than good — is more
than enough to send any ordinary
brain reeling. If the clergyman were
relieved of this weight, or at least
of the more serious part of it, there
might then be some hope of his
succeeding in other matters as well
as in that one matter of charity
which Mr Seeley acknowledges he
has succeeded in — an acknowledg-
ment which seems to us rather to
convey the promise that our poor
priest might be able to teach toler-
ably well if he had time, than that
his mind was utterly vitiated by his
education and the vile habit of re-
ferring to the Bible on all subjects
which he has acquired.
We must add, however, our con-
viction that preaching of a high class
is not to be looked for from the man
of ordinary endowments who has
chanced to be brought up a clergy-
man. He must preach dully, as his
parallel man who is not a clergy-
man would of necessity write dully
—the thing not being his vocation.
Bishops once were great in this
matter ; but that was in a day when
bishops were not chosen because
they were distinguished school-
masters, nor because they were gen-
tlemen of bland manners and harm-
less intellect. If the Church of
England were but wise enough to
follow the example of wise Eome in
her great ages, and establish a dis-
tinct class or order of preachers,
giving her poor clergy liberty to
close their mouths if they liked,
then we might hope for good work
in England, such as it was before
the hard and needful rush of charity
had overrun all other uses in the
life of a parish priest.
It is curious to turn from this
New Books. [Jan.
book, which contains, let us say,
the instructions of modern Intellec-
tualism to the modern preacher, to
a volume called, not very appro-
priately, ' Christus Consolator,' *
which is an exposition of the uses
and meaning of preaching as they
appear to a Dissenting minister of
rising reputation and considerable
intellectual power. Professor Seeley
is instructive and professorial, but
Dr Macleod is apologetic. The one
takes it for granted that the pulpit
has lost its ancient power, and, with-
out an entire change of character, is
not likely to regain it. The other
is confident that the pulpit is as
powerful as ever ; speaks of " the
utter and scandalous falsity " of the
sneers which are generally levelled
at it, and " the meanness, shallow-
ness, and ingratitude " of those who
make them ; yet devotes a dozen
papers to the elucidation of his own
views as to what its work ought to
be, the reasons of its occasional fail-
ure, and the remedies for them.
In this gentleman's statement of his
own theoretical position and pur-
pose, we recognise in a moment the
real preacher to whom Mr Seeley's
book is addressed. There are, doubt-
less, men in the Established Church
as free from the distracting cares of
parochial work, but their number
must be few in comparison. The
Dissenting preacher occupies a dif-
ferent standing-ground. He is not
an officer of the State, pledged to
certain labours of which no one at-
tempts to ease him, but which, on
the contrary, grow heavier as the
world goes on. He has none of the
snares or cares of parochial work.
The poor do not lie on his hands a
vast and helpless burden, as they do
on the hands of the parish priest.
His congregation, even when it is not
rich, is well to do. A few respect-
* Christus Consolator : the Pulpit in Relation to Social Life. By Alexander
Macleod, D.D. London : Hodder and Stoughton. 1870.
1871.] New Books.
able widows and orphans, or a stray
ne'er-do-weel, are all that he has
upon his mind; and the very fact
of this general comfort brings his
social work within very small limits.
We do not for a moment imagine
that the claim of sickness and
sorrow is made to him in vain, or
that he does not minister to the
minds diseased of his little com-
munity when his services are called
for ; but in an ordinary community
not burdened with too lively an in-
tellectual life, and not -worn by
want, such calls are not beyond a
man's strength. When he has dined
with the richer and taken tea with
the poorer, he has done the most
that his congregation requires of
him socially, and his hands are free
for that which is their chief require-
ment, and in which his highest
ideal of his own duty is embodied.
This is a very sufficient reason why
he should give the profoundest study
of which he is capable to this sub-
ject ; and though we are not aware
that he often attains the highest
rank of preaching, we believe that
his average production of clever ser-
mons is higher than the average of
the Churchman. The book before
us, which would not naturally come
under our notice but for its relations
to the other which we have just dis-
cussed, is full of fluent and agree-
able writing, and curiously agrees
with some of Mr Seeley's views,
while utterly differing from him in
every suggestion he makes. " Has
the pulpit lost its ancient hold on
the people ? Has the right hand of
the preacher forgot its cunning?"
Dr Macleod asks.
" Amid many suggestions,
and mauy views of earnest men recom-
mending this or that, I venture here to
declare, and with unabated confidence,
for the old instrumentality of Gospel
preaching. Men run to and fro, and up
and down, in their anxiety to mend the
world, just as in earlier times. In their
impatience of the evils in the lot of par-
VOL. C1X. — NO. DCLXIII.
33
ticular classes, they utter the cry, ' Who
shall bring heaven down into debase-
ments like this ? Who out of such awfid
depths shall bring light and healing into
the lives their inhabitants are leading ? '
The reply to this despair now, as in the
days of Paul, is nearer than men think.
It is not in the height nor in the depth,
but in a possession we already know, in
'the word of faith which we preach.'
. . . For far and near, for rich and
poor, for workmen and for employers,
for man and for nations, there is but one
power under heaven which can bring us
to the better time. That is the power
that resides in the Gospel of Christ."
Mr Seeley holds a different opin-
ion. He thinks it is to be done in
other ways. He considers that the
preaching of political economy and
sound social principles would recon-
cile the questions between masters
and men, for instance, and throw
light upon all that darkness which
produces trades-unions. Dr Macleod
also thinks that preaching has to do
with this great question, but in a
different way. This would be his
manner of treating the question :—
" Look once more on that immense
breadth of our social life which is filled
by the employer and employed, and
consider the character of the relations
which subsist between the two at pre-
sent. In the ideal or perfect state of
these relations there should be no conten-
tion between master and workman, ex-
cept the contention of rendering the
noblest service to the country. Their in-
terest is one, their labour is one. But at
this moment they are hostile camps.
The employers are combined to protect
themselves against the workmen ; the
workmen to defend themselves from the
employers. It is not to the point to
raise the question, Who is to blame ? It
is not necessary in dealing with the
problem of education to determine this
question. Determining this question
would leave still the main, the moment-
ous part as it stood ; and employers and
employed would go on suspecting, fear-
ing, and warring against each other. The
underlying question is this : What is it
in employer and employed which has led
to this alienation. What sustains it?
It is this, that the eyes of the dwellers in
this entire world of labour are still shut
to the fact of the Lordship of Christ in
their domain, The one side does not
34
see its obligation to serve Him in their
daily works — Him and not man. The
other side does not think that Christ is
Lord over capital as well as labour, and
for the interest of labour as truly as of
capital. . . . Both require to be in-
stnicted in the blessed and healing wis-
dom that Christ is Lord over all to bless
men in their daily tasks; Lord over rich
and poor, and rich in mercy to both : and
that they, both masters and workmen
alike, are responsible to Him for the ren-
dering a just hire, a just reverence, and
a just consideration of the difficulties on
either side."
Such are the very different judg-
ments given by the essayist and the
preacher upon this great subject.
We do not pretend that the voice on
the one side is either so potent or so
valuable as that on the other. But
Mr Seeley's appeal is not to the man
of genius, but to the average man
whose office is religious teaching.
We have endeavoured to show how
little chance the clergyman, with his
hands full of parochial labour, has to
enter upon the career of secular in-
struction which his lay adviser indi-
cates to him: the Dissenting preacher,
however, has full opportunity to do
so. But here is the very different
conclusion to which he comes. Thus
the public teacher in one kind runs
full a-tilt upon the public teacher in
the other. And which is right?
We believe that the general voice,
notwithstanding all pulpit failures,
will still be for the Gospels in pre-
ference to the Biographical Sketches,
and for the revelation of God in-
stead of the counsel of man.
The life of Madame de Miramion *
is one of those quaint and pretty
sketches of Catholic Puritanism
which we have lately become ac-
quainted with by means of several
similar publications. It comes to
us under the warrant, as it were, de-
livered with the gentle authority of
a feminine Pope, whose recommen-
dation is naturally expected to go a
long way — of Lady Herbert of Lea.
New Books. [Jan.
It is written in what would be very
bad English were it not made rather
graceful and conciliatory by the
pretty flavour of French which clings
to the translation. The book alto-
gether bears on every page the gen-
tle dignity and grace of those long-
past days, in which a lady now and
then, with much diffidence, put
forth a delicate volume intended for
ladies, which both writer and reader
felt to be a little exceptional, a flower
of literature to be plucked daintily,
to be sent from one hand to another
with loving inscriptions and pretty
names upon its title-page, and to be
associated always with the recollec-
tion of some gentle reader. As we
open it we feel the pleasant tempta-
tion to write "To Blanche," "To
Margaret," upon the book, and send
it away to the place it belongs to.
Alas ! they say girls are not to be so
treated nowadays ; we are not to
be allowed to think of them as we
think of the flowers, but, on the
contrary, to deal with them rather
more severely than with their bro-
thers. But it was not always so;
and this book, which is full of sweet
impossible piety, and that romance
of benevolence, which is also impos-
sible, but which, like the other im-
possibility, comes true now and then,
breathes the very essence of that
perfume of womanhood which we
humbly believe belongs to nature,
and cannot be abolished. This is
none the less real that it is a kind
of saint's legend, framed on the
principle that it would be profane
to suppose Madame de Miramion
ever did anything in her life which
was less than perfect. From the
time when, a girl in her teens, she
" wore under her dress a thick iron
chain which she had procured in
secret; and if she went to the theatre
she shut her eyes, but when her
aunt laughed, she turned round and
laughed also (pious little humbug !),
* Life of Madame de Miramion. Edited by Lady Herbert. London : E. Bentley.
1371.] New Boote.
as if she were paying attention to
the play," — until the moment when,
having spent fifty years of a devoted
life in the service of the poor, she
died amid the tears of all Paris,
there is nothing but sanctity in her
story. There are no sins in it, and
consequently no struggles to speak
of. When we say this we do not
mean to infer that its perfection
carries it beyond the range of sym-
pathy and interest; but only that, as
is the case in almost all biography,
those shadows in life, which are to
every individual its most momentous
fact, are inevitably softened and
brought into concord with the story
as soon as it gets into the hand of
literature. In this way, if Professor
Seeley were ever to succeed in his
attempt to introduce biography into
the pulpit, and the contemplation of
"virtue near us in time and space"
as our best example, nature would
balk him as she always does, and
deluge his unhappy audience with
a characterless succession of eulogies.
It is the inevitable tendency of this
branch of literature.
But let us not suppose that the
woman who died Superior of a con-
vent of charitable sisters, and who
gave her whole mature life to the
service of the miserable, had nothing
else in her existence. It is one of
the favourite fallacies of the British
nation, and we suppose more or less
of all Protestant peoples, to believe
that women devote their lives to
charity, especially under a monastic
form, only when life contains no-
thing else for them — when they
have been " disappointed " or de-
serted, or at the very least have lost
their husband or lover in the less
humiliating way, by death. No-
thing can be more in opposition to
fact, and nothing can be more ab-
solutely persistent than this opinion.
"Women who are ugly, and hopeless
of the attentions of "the other sex;"
women who are broken-hearted ; wo-
men who have allowed the chances
35
of life to go past them, — such are
nuns and sisters of charity according
to the English idea. Mr Trollope
makes his fathers and mothers grow
anxious as soon as their Emily or
their Madeline takes to a very de-
voted visiting of the poor. It is a
sign that things are growing very
serious indeed, and that the girl's
heart is broken — a broken heart
apparently being supposed the nat-
ural fount of that energy and pa-
tience which are required for the
hardest and most disheartening work
in the world. We are aware that
it is useless to protest against this
obstinate prepossession ; but the
story of Madame de Miramion, with
its prematurely -ended romance, is
tolerably strong testimony on the
other side of the question. She be-
longed to the noblesse de la robe, the
Parliamentary party, in the early
days of Louis XIV. — a pretty pious
young creature, who made at six-
teen the nearest approach to a love-
match which was practicable to
a well brought up and carefully
guarded French maiden. Made-
moiselle de Eubelle, deep though
her piety was, must have had youth-
ful eyes which sometimes strayed
from her prayer-book; for she had
early remarked in the parish church
where she went with her aunt
to their frequent devotions, a cer-
tain M. de Miramion, "who often
accompanied his mother, a lady of
exemplary piety and charity." She
remarked (was it not sinful in the
midst of her religious duties'?) the
tender deference with which this
young man treated his mother, a
sight always prepossessing to a
woman ; and when in the list of
suitors for her hand she heard his
name, " her blushes discovered to
every one the person whom her
heart had chosen." They were
married, and for six months lived
in the midst of their family after
the patriarchal French fashion —
happy and making happy — when
30
New Boolcs.
[Jan.
sudden darkness came upon the
bright beginning ; the young hus-
band was seized with inflammation of
the lungs and died after a short ill-
ness, leaving his poor young beau-
tiful despairing widow, not yet a
mother, to fight her way through
the half-century of life which re-
mained to her. The story of her
grief, the crushing of her happy
existence, is very pitiful and pathetic,
though it is hard to believe that
this early union, which ended on her
sixteenth birthday — an age at which
we are reluctant to allow that a girl
is able to choose for herself — was
enough to close her heart against
all further thoughts of earthly love.
Her biographer assumes it was, with
a pretty womanish faith in unalter-
able attachments ; and it is certain
that the young widow never listened
to love-tale more. She was not only
young and beautiful, but very rich ;
and was assailed by crowds of
suitors, among others by the gallant
and haughty Count Bussy de
Eabutin, the cousin of Madame
de Sevigne, a man of the highest
race and connections, who went
so far as to carry her off on her
return from a pilgrimage to Mont
Valerien, then the object of expedi-
tions very different from those which
have now made its name so familiar
to us. Her resistance to the abduc-
tion, and determination to accept no
favour, not even food, but only her
freedom, from the hands of her too
enterprising lover, seem to have
confounded that gallant ; and his
narrative of the whole affair, in
which he lays the blame upon a
priest who had encouraged him to
the undertaking, comes in oddly
enough, with a certain confused
masculinity in the feminine re-
cord. The young widow, however,
carried the day, got safely out of his
hands, leaving the valiant party who
had carried her oif covered with
shame and ridicule; but paid the
penalty of a bad illness for her
courage and self-possession. This
adventure was followed some time
after by a gentler but much more
severe trial. M. de Caumartin,
her husband's cousin and dearest
friend, who had been brought up
with him, and since his death had
lived in unbroken family intercourse
with her, sought her one day in the
garden, where the young creature,
just twenty, was walking with her
little girl. The child held out her
arms to the trembling lover, who
had been watching for his oppor-
tunity for hours. The anxious
family indoors — grandfather, mo-
ther, all the relations — waited with
anxiety to hear the result. Madame
de Miramion heard his declaration
of love to an end ; and then, speech-
less and weeping, hurried away with
her child in her arms without mak-
ing any reply. " There was in the
same family with me a person who
urged me greatly, and all the family
desired it. I required a great deal
of courage to resist him," says her
own brief and simple story. These
were the preliminaries to her self-
dedication, which certainly was not
made for want of appreciation from
" the other sex."
We cannot enter at length into
the graver conclusion of the tale.
How she threw herself into the
labours of St Vincent de Paul,
founded hospitals, established or-
phanages and schools, and herself
worked in them with unfailing
energy ; how she importuned all
her religious friends, her confessor,
and the saintly women, themselves
already in the cloister, who were in
her confidence, to permit her to be-
come a nun of the severe order of
the Carmelites; and how, balked
in that by the better judgment of
her advisers, she became a humble
" Grey Sister," a lay-woman having
no religious rank, yet utterly dedi-
cated to the service of the Church
1871.]
New Books.
37
and the poor, — are all set forth with
charming simplicity. She was so
wise and unexaggerated in her ways,
that when she had drawn together a
few penitents — the first attempt to
reclaim fallen women which ever
seems to have been made — she gave
them no uniform dress, but " had
them neatly clothed according to
their condition;" and this spirit
of moderation and good sense she
seems to have taken with her into
all her undertakings. At a very
early period she gave up her fine
dresses and jewels — a resolution, no
doubt, strengthened by her widow-
hood ; but it was some time before
she could be weaned from the love
of fine furniture and elegant sur-
roundings, which was a special fea-
ture of the age. She had a pretty
bed-chamber hung with velvet, in
which she was in the habit of
receiving her guests, until one day
a visitor whom she held in high
consideration rebuked her luxury.
" I should not have thought, Ma-
dame," he said, coldly, " that the
room of a Christian widow would
be so magnificent." After- that
day the hangings were changed to
simple grey cloth, and the pretty
things were sent away. But she
was still a great lady notwithstand-
ing all. When her daughter had
attained the proper age, the sister
of St Genevieve put off her chari-
table uniform, and appeared again
" in the world " by the side of her
Marie. The daughter was not so
beautiful as the mother, but she
was young and sweet, and at four-
teen and a half she was married.
This event left the mother still more
time for future self-devotion, and
her life thereafter is but a chronicle
of institutions created, and the most
patriotic of good works. She seems
to have had a hand in the founda-
tion of half the charitable institutions
now existing. She was one of those
who, under the direction of the
Abb6 Vincent de Paul, formed the
nucleus of the great Foundling
Hospital. She it was, as we have
already said, who drew together the
first little company of reclaimed
penitents among women. She in-
vited the girls whom she saw laugh-
ing and gossiping in the streets
to come to her home and learn
to work — thus establishing those
homes for young needlewomen
which are so beneficial to this much-
exposed class. She established
schools, orphanages, and every kind
of good works. " I occupied my-
self in having missions preached, in
establishing schools and charities
for the sick poor in villages. I
learned how to doctor and bleed,
and distributed clothes among the
poor. I had a closet where I
had all sorts of things for them.
... I always wished to be a nun,
but it was not judged advisable by
my superiors." Such is her own
most brief narrative of her life. At
sixty-six she died, universally la-
mented. The whole neighbourhood
of her home had been thronged for
days with anxious visitors. When
it was known that she was dead,
" the people insisted on seeing her,
and forced the doors of the commu-
nity." Her contemporaries, among
them Madame de Sevigne", and even
the Due de Saint-Simon, call her
the " Mother of the Poor." Such
was the life which begins like a
Quaker romance. Its union of
Puritanism, quaintly and sweetly
excessive in all the whims of an
old-fashioned piety, and of the full-
est energy of work and that kind
of stateswomanship in the great
business of charity which has dis-
tinguished so many women, are set
forth in this volume in that slight
but significant frame of gentle mir-
acle, prayers answered, and deliver-
ance given, which becomes the sub-
ject. To the writer and to the
translator it has evidently been a
33
work of love ; and it is not for us
to judge such a production by or-
dinary rules. It is charming in
spite of, or even perhaps in conse-
quence of, its indifferent English, its
foreign fashion, its devoutly-submis-
sive spirit. It belongs to the same
class which includes Madame Cra-
ven's ' Recit de Deux Sceurs,' and the
Life of Madame de Montagu. They
are as intensely French as a novel
by About, as profoundly Puritan
as Newton or Wesley. Stories of
such women might be gathered out
of the Paris of to-day to neutralise
a hundred stories of very different
women who are better known to
the public, but are not more, per-
haps are not half so much, types
of national character as these.
A very different kind of life was
that of the gay and genial English
Churchman who is known to the
world chiefly as the author of the
' Ingoldsby Legends.' * Mr Barham
requires no interpreter to the public
so far as his authorship is concerned,
for few publications have had more
complete success. Their extraordi-
nary power of versification, their
unfailing fun and vivacity, have
secured an amount of public ap-
preciation that might not have
fallen to their share had their
pretensions or qualities been great-
er. They do not reach the level
of the ' Rejected Addresses,' or
of those wonderful outbursts of wit
and high spirit, the ' Ballads of Bon
Gaultier.' But such as they are, in
their fluency and power of utterance,
in their wonderful fertility of rhyme,
and unbroken jingle of rhythm, they
are unsurpassed in the language.
The faculty which is so prominent
in them was evidently as natural to
the author as breathing is to ordi-
nary men. Not only in print, and
for the eyes of the public, but on
every accidental circumstance in his
New Books. [Jan.
life he seems to have poured forth
the same flood — sometimes ringing
the changes upon one rhyme for
hours together, sometimes bursting
into the wildest originality of jingle.
Here and there a break of more
dignified verse occurs throughout
the legends, but we doubt whether
these serious lines would ever have
gained any attention by themselves.
It is the mingled daring and flu-
ency and fun, always accompa-
nied by the frankest consciousness
that the whole is nonsense, which
gives a charm to these productions.
They go dancing and frisking
through one's ears after the be-
wildered mind has lost all sense of
the meaning, everything is so easy,
so spontaneous, so smooth; even
the most fictitious and strained
rhyme falls naturally into its place.
The subjects are nothing ; the
stories of next to no importance.
It is the fluent utterance which is
everything. It may be said that
this is not very high praise; but
there is always a certain attraction
to the English mind in that sense
of overflowing force and fertility.
It conciliates at once and fills with
admiration a mind not generally too
ready to express itself. In its way
it is wealth, profuse, and lavish,
and freely flowing ; and we all love
wealth, in whatever way it shows
itself. The fictitious Ingoldsby is
never afraid of tackling anything.
He enters upon any theme suggested
to him with perfect humility and
honesty. He does not care to
invent, to frame the story for him-
self, or mould its moral. All
that he wants to do is what he
knows he can do — to rhyme. It
is not a great gift, he is well
aware ; but he is also aware that
he has the fullest command of it.
Thus a faculty which cannot in any
way be represented as great, has
* Life of R. H. Barham. Bentley : 1870.
1871.] New Books.
caught the ear and apparently the
heart of the public ; and while
books of much higher quality stand
still in the market, the Ingoldsby
Legends pursue each other through
a host of editions. At this we can
only wonder and admire, we cannot
tell the reason why.
Mr Barham himself seems to have
been one of those good and worthy,
but somewhat secular clergymen,
whose work was, no doubt, done in
the most conscientious manner, but
whose favourite tastes led them more
to the world than to the Church.
He was a neighbour fellow-canon
and friend of Sydney Smith, and
the two men were not unlike
each other. Neither could be
blamed with any dereliction of duty,
or want of conscientiousness in
their profession ; but the place to
which they seemed most appro-
priate was not the church, or the
parish, but rather the club and the
dinner-party. They were both wits,
pur et simple — not men of genius ;
but possessed of that temperament
which is often more influential than
genius, and which combines natural
high spirit and lively talent with a
certain confidence in the world and
itself, such as puts timidity to flight,
and encourages every characteristic
quality. In such characters success
is the true seed of success, and
the self-confidence which we can
scarcely call self-assurance gets the
better of every opposition. Mr
Barham does his rhyming, it is
clear, without ever stopping to ask
himself what is the good of it or
the meaning of it. His mind did
not require any meaning or object.
He has a certain modest yet ex-
ultant sense of the supreme clever-
ness of his work ; and his confi-
dence is so strong, so blithe and
pleasant to behold, that he carries us
with him. There is no resisting that
cheery honest sense of his own power.
He was a friend of Theodore Hook,
39
which doubtless strengthened his
tendency towards the mystifications
and practical jokes which were
so much enjoyed in those days, but
which sometimes fall a little flat
now. The book is full of such sto-
ries, and some of them are fresh and
clever; indeed it is altogether a very
amusing book. Perhaps it would
be too much to say that the world
wanted two volumes about Mr Bar-
ham ; but yet, as books go, these
chatty cheerful volumes, full of sto-
ries which can be retailed for the
benefit of one's neighbour, have their
own attraction. The biographer
does not assert that he has much to
tell — he has had perhaps a little
trouble to fill up the necessary amount
of copy — but on the whole he has
done his work modestly and welL
Richard Barham was born to a
modest fortune, and was so far for-
tunate in his life that all his under-
takings prospered, and good things
fell in his way almost without his
asking. Thus when he wanted a
living he met by chance a friend who
had (by chance) passed the post-
office on his way to post a letter, in-
viting another friend in the country
" to stand for a minor canonry in St
Paul's." The half-dozen steps which
the first had taken beyond the post-
office decided Barham's fate. The
letter was never sent off, and he,
the stranger, became minor canon of
St Paul's instead. One wonders what
were the feelings of the clergyman
in the country when he heard of it,
or if he thought it " providential."
This position secured him the town
life which must have been essential
to such a man, and opened the door
to many other pieces of preferment.
He established himself in a house in
St Paul's Churchyard, and there be-
gan a genial pleasant life, which was
broken by many and severe domes-
tic sorrows, but by no other disturb-
ing influences. In the year 1826
he began his connection with this
New Books.
[Jan.
Magazine — a connection which lasted
for several years, and during which
one novel, called ' My Cousin Nicho-
las,' and many poems, saw the light
in these pages. The way in which
his novel found its way to 'Maga'
may amuse the reader, as showing
at once how much more warmly the
bud of literary talent was encouraged
in those days, when such blossoms
were not so plentiful as now, and
the prompt and energetic proceed-
ings of the originator and first editor
of ' Blackwood's Magazine.'
"The completion and publication of
'My Cousin Nicholas' was immediately
owing to the kindly interference of Mrs
Hughes. Having read 'Baldwin,' and
having learnt that another tale was lying
unfinished in Mr Barham's desk, she
prevailed upon him to lend her the manu-
script. So favourable was her opinion of
its merits, that, without more ado, she sub-
mitted it to the inspection of Mr Black-
wood; and the first intimation the author
received of the circumstance was convey-
ed in the shape of a packet containing the
proof-sheets of the opening chapters. As
his zealous friend had pledged her word
for the continuance of the work, all retreat
was cut off; there was nothing for it but
diligently to take the matter in hand,
and endeavour to surmount those ob-
stacles which had caused him to lay his
pen aside. Whatever the difficulties may
have been, they were speedily overcome.
' My Cousin's ' adventures were carried
on monthly with spirit; and the catas-
trophe was worked up in a manner that
certainly brought no discredit on the
earlier portions of the work."
We are tempted to quote, at the
same time, a little poem of very
high qualities which was also pub-
lished in ' Blackwood,' and which
we almost think superior to any
'Ingoldsby' that Mr Barham ever
wrote. Its severe simplicity and
fine incisiveness are beyond compe-
tition.
"NURSERY REMINISCENCES.
"I remember, I remember,
When I was a little boy,
One fine morning in September
Uncle brought me home a toy.
I remember how he patted
Both my cheeks in kindliest mood.
'There,' he said, 'you little Fat-head-
There's a top because you're good.'
Grandmamma, a shrewd observer,
I remember gazed upon
My new top, and said with fervour,
' Oh, how kind of Uncle John ! '
While mamma, my form caressing,
In her eye the tear-drop stood,
Read me this fine moral lesson,
' See what comes of being good ! '
I remember, I remember,
On a wet and windy day,
One cold morning in December,
I stole out and went to play ;
r' I remember Billy Hawkins
Came, and with his pewter squirt
Squibbed my pantaloons and stockings,
Till they were all over dirt !
To my mother for protection
I ran, quaking every limb ;
She exclaimed with fond affection,
' Gracious goodness ! look at him ! '
Pa cried, when he saw my garment —
'Twas a newly-purchased dress —
' Oh, you nasty little Warment,
How came you in such a mess ? '
Then he caught me by the collar —
Cruel only to be kind —
And, to my exceeding dolour,
Gave me — several slaps behind.
Grandmamma, while yet I smarted,
As she saw my evil plight,
Said — 'twas rather stony-hearted—
' Little rascal ! sarve him right ! '
I remember, I remember,
From that sad and solemn day,
Never more in dark December
Did I venture out to play.
And the moral which they taught, I
Well remember ; thus they said —
' Little boys when they are naughty
Must be whipped and sent to bed !' "
At a later period Mr Barham be-
came concerned in the beginning of
'Bentley's Miscellany,' and it was
for that publication, since deceased,
that the ' Ingoldsby Legends ' were
brought into being, along with the
half -fictitious, half -real figure of
Thomas Ingoldsby, through whom
Richard Barham shines distinctly
enough. Notwithstanding the charm
of fluency which we have re-
1871.]
marked on, there is no doubt that
these ballads are heavy reading as a
book, and we doubt whether the
tendency much encouraged in them
of turning romance into burlesque
has had a very good effect upon the
popular mind. They seem at the
time, however, to have been received
with unbounded applause, and their
popularity evidently turned the
author's mind entirely into this
channel. Mr Barham was one of
the founders of the Garrick Club,
where he found a congenial retreat,
being essentially social in his charac-
ter. Thus his life ran on between
duties of the most serious description
and sorrows of the heaviest on one
side, and the most jovial and genial
social interludes on the other. The
book is full of the witty nonsense of
Hook and Matthews, and not less
of Barham' s own jokes and mysti-
fications. Here is one of the most
successful of the latter : —
"William Linley, brother to the first
Mrs Sheridan, . . . was a man of great
§jod-nature and simplicity of mind. . . .
ne day in this month he had begun to
spout from the opening scene in ' Mac-
beth,' and would probably have gone
through it if I had not cut him short at
the third line — ' When the hurly-burly's
done' — with 'What on earth are you
talking of ? Why, my dear Linley, it is
astonishing that a man so well read in
Shakespeare as yourself should adopt
that nonsensical reading. What is
hurly-burly, pray? There is no such
word in the language : you can't find an
allusion to it in Johnson. ' Linley, whose
veneration for Dr Johnson was only in-
ferior to that which he entertained for
the great poet himself, said : —
" ' Indeed! are you sure there is not ?
What can be the reason of the omission?
The word, you see, is used by Shakespeare.'
" ' No such thing,' was the reply ; ' it
appears so, indeed, in one or two early
editions, but it is evidently mistran-
scribed. The second folio is the best
and most authentic copy, and gives the
true reading, though the old nonsense is
still retained upon the stage.'
' ' ' Indeed ! and pray what do you call
the true reading ? '
•' ' Why, of course, the same that is fol-
Books.
41
lowed by Johnson and Steevens in the
edition up-stairs — " When the early purl
is done," — that is, when we have finished
our early purl, i.e., immediately after
breakfast. '
" Linley was startled, and after look-
ing steadily at me to see if he could dis-
cover any indication of an intention to
hoax him, became quite puzzled by the
gravity of my countenance, and only
gave vent in a hesitating tone, half doubt-
ful, half indignant, to the word ' Non-
sense ! '
" 'Nonsense? It is as I assure you.
We will send for the book, and see what
Steevens says in his note on the passage.'
" The book was accordingly sent for,
but I took good care to intercept it
before it reached the hands of Linley,
and taking it from the servant, pretended
to read —
"'When the hurly-burly's done.'
' Some copies have it — " When the early
purl is done : " and I am inclined to think
this reading the true one, if the well-
known distich be worthy of credit —
" Hops, reformation, turkeys, and beer,
Came to England all in one year."
' ' ' This would seem to fix the introduc-
tion of beer, and consequently of early
purl, into the country to about that
period of Henry VIII. 's reign when he
intermarried with Anne Boleyn, the mo-
ther of Queen Elizabeth, Shakespeare's
great friend and patroness, and to whom
this allusion may perhaps have been in-
tended by the poet as a delicate compli-
ment. Purl, it is well known, was a
favourite beverage of the English court
during the latter part of the sixteenth
century. . . . Theobald's objection,
that whatever may have been the pro-
priety of its introduction at the court of
Elizabeth, the mention made of it at that
of Macbeth would be a gross anachron-
ism, may be at once dismissed as futile.
Does not Shakespeare in the very next
scene talk of " Cannon overcharged with
double cracks ? " and is not allusion
made by him to the use of the same
beverage at the court of Denmark at a
period coeval, or nearly so, with that
under consideration — " Hamlet, this purl
is thine " '
"'But, dear me,' broke in Linley,
' that is pearl, not purl. I remember
old Packer used to hold up a pearl and
let it drop into the cup.'
' ' ' Sheer misconception on the part of
a very indifferent actor, my dear Linley,
be assured.'
" Here Beazley, who was present, ob-
served, ' " Early purl " is all very well,
but my own opinion has always leaned to
42
Warburton's conjecture that a political
allusion is intended. He suggests ' ' When
the Earl of Burleigh's done" — that is,
when we have done, i.e., cheated or de-
ceived, the Earl of Burleigh, a great
statesman, you know, in Elizabeth's
time, and one whom, to use a cant phrase
among ourselves, you must get up very
early in the morning to take in. '
"'But what had Macbeth or the
witches to do with the Earl of Burleigh ?
Stuff — nonsense, 'said Linley indignantly.
And though Beazley made a good fight
in defence of his version, yet his opponent
would not listen to it for one instant.
'No, no,' he continued, 'the jEarl of
Burleigh is all rubbish ; but there may
be something in the other reading. '
' ' And as the book was closed directly
the passage had been repeated, and
was replaced immediately on the shelf,
the unsuspicious critic went away
thoroughly mystified, especially as Tom
Hill, for whose acquaintance with early
English literature he had a great respect,
confirmed the emendation with —
" Early purl ? Pooh, pooh ! tq be
sure it is early purl ; I've got it so in two
of my old copies."
The letters, in which, more than
anything else this curiously compo-
site life is told, are chiefly addressed
to Mrs Hughes, a lady of great
accomplishments and the kindest
sympathies, who was very well
known in literary circles, and whose
grandson, Mr Thomas Hughes, the
accomplished author of 'Tom Brown,'
has carried out and brought to fruit
the ripening intellectual life of his
family. A curious beginning of that
famous story is referred to in the
second volume of Mr Barham's life
in the account of an abortive project
of his for a novel to be called the
' Modern Eake's Progress.' This
was to have been written by a num-
ber of different contributors, each
taking that portion of the hero's life
which he might be considered to
know best. Mr Barham was to
furnish the opening chapters, in
which the birth and earliest days of
the young heir were to be described.
Mr Hughes, the father of the author
of 'Tom Brown,' was to describe his
life at a public school. Of this book,
New Books. [Jan.
which was never written, we are told
a little further on — " Mr Hughes
went more steadily to work, and the
portion of MS. forwarded by him,
and supplied, I believe, by one of
his sons, then at Rugby, was of
remarkable quality, and produced
a most favourable impression upon
those to whom it was submitted."
This was in the year 1838. It is
seldom that the efforts of a boy are
so clearly traceable in the work of
the man.
There is one other remarkable
quality in this book which should
make it particularly attractive at a
season which, from time immemo-
rial, has had a sacred corner for
everything weird and supernatural.
It is full of capital ghost-stories —
some of them quite fresh and novel,
which is very unusual. Nothing,
for instance, could well be more
striking, or (to all appearance) more
fully authenticated, than the follow-
ing :—
' ' During the American war two officers
of rank were seated in their tent, and
delayed taking their slipper till a brother
officer, then absent upon a foraging
party, should return. Their patience
was wellnigh exhausted, and they were
about to commence their meal, conclud-
ing something had occurred to detain
the party, when suddenly his well-known
footstep was heard approaching. Con-
trary to their expectation, however, he
paused at the entrance of the tent, and,
without coming in, called on one of them
by name, requesting him with much
earnestness, as soon as he should return
to England, to proceed to a house in a
particular street in Westminster, in a
room of which (describing it) he would
find certain papers of great consequence
to a young lad with whom the speaker
was nearly connected. The speaker
then apparently turned away, and his
footsteps were distinctly heard retiring
until their sound was lost in distance.
Struck with the singularity of his beha-
viour, they both rose and proceeded in
search of him. A neighbouring sentinel,
on being questioned, denied that he had
either seen or heard any one, although,
as they believed, their friend must have
passed close by his post. In a few min-
1ST 1.1 JVcM? Books.
utes their bewilderment was changed
into a more painful feeling by the ap-
proach of the visiting officer of the night,
who informed them that the party which
went out in the morning had been sur-
prised, and that the dead body of poor
Major Blomberg (their friend) had been
brought into the camp about ten minutes
before. The two friends retired in si-
lence, and sought the corpse of the per-
son who, as both were fully persuaded,
had just addressed them. They found
him pierced by three bullets, one of
which had passed through his temples,
and must have occasioned instant death.
He was quite cold, and appeared to have
been dead some hours. It may easily be
conceived that a memorandum was in-
stantly made of the request they had both
so distinctly heard, and of the instruc-
tions attending it, and that, on the re-
turn of the regiment to Europe, no time
was lost in searching for the papers.
The house was found without difficulty,
and in an upper room, agreeably with the
information they had received in such
an extraordinary manner, an old box was
discovered, which had remained there
many years, containing the title-deeds of
some property now in the possession of Dr
Blomberg, who was ' the lad ' mentioned
by name by the voice at the tent-door."
43
If we might venture to use com-
mercial language in connection with
wares so fragile, we should be dis-
posed to say that, at this moment,
novels are dull. The fact is not un-
usual in a literary sense; but the
season seems to be so unusually
unpropitious, that we find ourselves
concentrating our attention upon a
novel* which is not new, which has
somehow managed to get through
its first three-volume stage without
attracting any particular notice, but
which now, in a cheap edition, has
mysteriously asserted itself and taken
the world by storm. 'Lorna Doone'
has several disadvantages that might
well discourage the ordinary reader.
It is very long, it is historical, and
it is extremely minute in all its de-
tails. Something of the elaboration
of a child's story of country-life —
its love of details simply as details,
its narrative of every walk taken,
and every change of season — en-
cumbers the tale ; but all these de-
tails, or almost all, contribute to the
making up of so wonderfully har-
monious and real a whole, that its
historical date is lost in the truth of
its actual life, and we cease to be
conscious that there is anything
antiquarian in the manners depicted.
The historical novel proper is seldom
a very satisfactory production ; but
there is more than one way by which
its disadvantages can be neutralised.
One of these methods of making an
old-world tale as real to us as if it
had happened in our midst, Thack-
eray has made use of in the story of
' Esmond,' the skill of which is sim-
ply extraordinary. It is an unpleas-
ant story, but the workmanship is so
exquisite that we can but stand and
gaze at it in wonder. It has the air
of a book written not in this but the
previous century. The present, no
doubt, intrudes into it by mo-
ments ; but as a whole it reads as
the sketches of the 'Spectator' read
— like a book really belonging to the
period it describes. The charm of
' Lorna Doone ' is not of this kind.
The scene is laid in wild Exmoor,
in that dreary period of history
which embraces the end of Charles
II. 's reign, and the beginning of his
unfortunate brother's — as unattrac-
tive an age as can be imagined.
But there is no antiquarianism about
it. "Why, here are men with hel-
mets ! " we heard a reader say,
looking with visible dismay at the
frontispiece. But the fact is, the
men in helmets occupy so little
space in the story, and the life of
the farmhouse in which the scene
is laid is so entirely simple and
true, that one forgets it is not
of one's own age. Perhaps, for
anything we can tell, people live
at the present day in Exmoor as
* Lorna Doone. By R. D. Blackmore. Sampson, Low, & Co.
44
New Books.
people lived in the days of Great
John, otherwise '1Qli4 Jan, Bidd.
There seems no particular reason
why it should not be so ; for it is a
real life that is set before us— not
certain tricks of manner which pass
away, but an absolute living, such
as changes but little from century to
century. Even the melodrama
with which the book is full comes
natural. We may here and there
make a faint objection to it, as in
the case of the villain of the piece,
who is a very big and a very black
villain indeed; but there is nothing
which strikes us as monstrous in the
existence of the robber clan in the
midst of these wild and peaceful
solitudes.
The story of the Doones is, as
we are told in the preface, a real
story. They are represented as a re-
bellious and lawless but noble family,
driven out of the society of their
kind by their reckless life, and li ving
intrenched in a natural fortress — a
glen locked fast among the hills, with
but one narrow entrance, which is
perfectly defensible. They are safe
in this retirement as in a castle ;
and their houses occupy the banks
of the brawling mountain - stream
which runs through it, and are
dotted about the green slopes. Here
they live in idleness in the midst of
the hard-working agricultural pop-
ulation, making raids upon passing
travellers, and sometimes even upon
the farmhouses, if there happens to
be either money or a pretty face
to tempt them. They are the nat-
ural enemies of everybody around
them, hated but also feared. There
is no authority in law which can
reach them — or at least no magistrate
has power or inclination to carry
the penalties of justice to the Doone-
gate; and there they dwell accord-
ingly, a gigantic race, stalking about
the moors with their long carbines,
or riding out in wild parties to car-
ry murder and destruction around.
[Jan.
The story of Lorna Doone is told by
the young yeoman John Eidd, him-
self more gigantic in natural stature
and strength than any Doone of
them all, although the reivers were
all picked men, subject to a certain
standard of size. " There was not
one among them," says John Eidd,
" but was a mighty man, straight
and tall and wide, and fit to lift
four hundredweight. If son or
grandson of old Doone, or one of
the northern retainers, failed at the
age of twenty, while standing on
his naked feet, to touch with his
head the lintel of Sir Ensor's door,
and to fill the door-frame with his
shoulders from side-post even to
side-post, he was led away to the
narrow pass which made their vil-
lage so desperate, and thrust from
the town with ignominy to get his
own living honestly. - Now the
measure of that doorway is, or ra-
ther was, I ought to say, six feet
and one inch lengthwise, and two
feet all but two inches taken cross-
wise in the door — not that I think
anything of a standard the like of
that," adds great John Eidd, " for
if they had set me in that doorway
at the age of twenty ; it is like
enough I should have walked away
with it on my shoulders, though I
was not come to my full strength
then."
This young giant lost his father
at a very early age by the hand of
the Doones ; and would no doubt
have grown up their determined
enemy, but for an adventurous raid
which he made while a boy by
means of the wild chasm through
which the river escaped from that
terrible valley into their territory,
where he found Lorna Doone, a child
of only eight years old, but yet old
enough to become at once the prin-
cess of his life. Lorna is supposed
to be the granddaughter of old Sir
Ensor, and is to be the queen of the
wild community, which, however,
1871.] New Books.
she hates. This little lady is a
very precocious child, and she is
rather modern in her ways when
she grows up ; but nothing can be
more charming than the story
of the love which takes hold
of the young rustic, filling him
with all manner of beautiful
thoughts, ripening and strengthen-
ing with his strength. His home
and his mother and sisters form the
constant light in the picture of
which the Doones are the shadow.
The innocent, honest, and blameless
family, with pretty Annie, who has
a genius for cookery, and whose
" equal had never been seen for
making a man comfortable ; " and
Lizzie, who loved books, and was
undergrown, and "knew that the
gift of cooking was not vouchsafed
by God to her ; but sometimes she
would do her best, by intellect, to
win it, whereas it is no more to be
won by intellect than divine poetry ;"
and their mother, who is very kind
and sweet and loving, but fancifully
jealous, as good mothers always are,
at least in novels ; and the warm
and kindly home-light which sur-
rounds them, which is as genial and
real as if we could see it shining out
of the quiet old farm-kitchen, not
etherealised nor over-refined, but
full of savoury smells, and homely
activity, and substantial food, — is set
forth before us in the most lifelike
and charming reality. John Bidd
is no intellectualist, though he was
a scholar of Tiverton, one of the
Blundellites of that famous centre of
learning. He sets very little store
by his younger sister's books ; and
his own devotion to Shakespeare,
which is a little dwelt upon at the
end of the book, is evidently an
after-thought, by way of giving some
higher gifts to the honest yeoman,
and is not at all in harmony with
the rest of the picture. But he is
full of mother-wit, and that minute
rustic observation of every change of
45
atmosphere and natural appearance
which is the poetry of the rural mind.
Curiously enough, though the book is
full of stirring scenes, there is none
sufficiently striking in itself, as
detached from the general thread
of the story, to be quoted as an
example of the real power in the
book; unless it were, perhaps, the
account of John's interview with
Judge Jeffreys, which is perhaps
the only favourable appearance ever
made by that personage in print.
However, as Judge Jeffreys has no-
thing to do with the story except in
this accidental interview, we prefer
to quote the introduction into the tale
of Tom Faggus, a renowned high-
wayman, whose position among
honest people is one of the most
curious things in the book. Tom
is the cousin of the high-minded and
honourable Bidds, who are perfectly
aware what his profession is, and
yet are on the whole very proud of
him. The first mention of him
occurs in the time of John's school-
days, when we are told, — " The
day-boys had brought us word that
some packmen, intending their way
to town, had lain that morning at
Sampford Peveril, and must be in
ere nightfall, because Mr Faggus
was after them. Now Mr Faggus
was my first cousin, and an honour
to the family, being a Northmolton
man of great renown on the high-
way from Banner town even to
London. Therefore, of course, I
hoped that he would catch the
packmen ; and the boys were asking
my opinion, as of an oracle, about
it." The way in which this gallant
makes his first appearance at Plover*
Barrows farm is as follows : — The
river is in full flood after rain, and
the ducks of the farm have just
given utterance to certain cries of
distress, which have called forth
John and Annie, aged respectively
fifteen and thirteen, to see what is
the matter. It is then found that a
46
real catastrophe has happened in the
duck world. "The old white drake
— the father of all, a bird of high
manners and chivalry, always the
last to help himself from the pan of
barleymeal and the first to show
fight to a dog or cock intruding
upon his family, — this fine fellow
and a pillar of the state was now in
a sad predicament, yet quacking
very stoutly." He had got jammed
in by the corner of a hurdle which
was stretched across the stream at
ordinary times, but was now danger-
ously rising and falling with the
swollen tide.
"Annie was crying and wringing her
hands, and I was about to rush into the
water, although I liked not the look of
it, but hoped to hold on by the hurdle,
when a man on horseback suddenly came
round the corner of the great ash hedge
on the other side of the stream, and his
horse's feet were in the water.
"'Ho, there!' he cried; 'get thee
back, boy! The flood will carry thee
down like a straw. I will do it for thee,
and no trouble.'
' ' With that he leant forward, and spoke
to his mare — she was just of the tint of
a strawberry, a young thing, very beau-
tiful; and she arched up her neck, as
misliking the job : yet, trusting him,
would attempt it. She entered the flood
with her dainty fore legs sloped further
and further in front of her, and her deli-
cate ears pricked forward, and the size
of her great eyes increasing ; but he
kept her straight in the turbid rush by
the pressure of his knees on her. Then
she looked back, and wondered at him,
as the force of the torrent grew stronger,
but he bade her go on ; and on she went,
and it foamed up over her shoulders,
and she tossed up her lip, and scorned
it, for now her courage was waking.
Then, as the rush of it swept her away,
and she struck with her fore feet down
the stream, he leaned from his saddle
in a way which I never could have
'thought possible, and caught up old
Tom with his left hand, and set him
between his holsters, and smiled at his
faint quack of gratitude. In a moment
all three were carried down-stream, and
the rider lay flat on his horse, and tossed
the hurdle clear from him, and made for
the bend of smooth water.
" They landed some thirty or forty
yards lower, in the midst of our kitchen-
New Books. [Jan.
farden, where the winter cabbage was :
ut, though Annie and I crept through
the hedge, and were full of our thanks
and admiring him, he would answer us
never a word until he had spoken in full
to the mare, as if explaining the whole
to her.
" ' Sweetheart, I know thou couldest
have leaped it,' he said, as he patted her
cheek, being on the ground by this time,
and she was nudging up to him, with
the water pattering off from her, ' but I
had good reason, Winnie dear, for mak-
ing thee go through it.'
"She answered him kindly with her
soft eyes, and sniffed at him very lov-
ingly, and they understood one another.
Then he took from his waistcoat two
peppercorns, and made the old drake
swallow them, and tried him softly upon
his legs, where the leading gap in the
hedge was. Old Tom stood up quite
bravely, and clapped his wings, and
shook off the wet from his tail-feathers,
and then away into the courtyard;
and his family gathered around him,
and they all made a noise in their
throats, and stood up, and put their
bills together, to thank God for this
great deliverance.
" Having taken all this trouble, and
watched the end of this adventure, the
gentleman turned round to us with a
pleasant smile on his face, as if he were
highly amused with himself ; and we
came up, and looked at him. He was
rather short, but very strongly built, and
springy, as his gait at every step showed
plainly, although his legs were bowed
with much riding, and he looked as if he
lived on horseback. To a boy like me,
he seemed very old, being over twenty,
and well found in beard ; but he was
not more than four-and-twenty, fresh
and ruddy-looking, with a short nose
and keen blue eyes, and a merry wag-
gish jerk about him, as if the world
were not in earnest. Yet he had a
sharp, stern way, like the crack of a
pistol, if anything misliked him, and we
knew (for children see such things) that
it was safer to tickle than to buffet him.
" ' Well, young ones, what be gaping
at ? ' He gave pretty Annie a chuck
under the chin, and took me all in with-
out winking.
" ' Your mare,' said I, standing stoutly
up, being a tall boy now. ' I never saw
such a beauty. Sir, will you let me have
a ride of her ? '
" ' Think thou could'st ride her, lad ?
She will have no burden but mine. Thou
could'st never ride her. Tut ! I would
be loth to kill thee.'
1871.] New Boohs.
47
" 'Ride her ! ' I cried, with the bravest
scorn, for she looked so kind and gentle;
' there never was horse upon Exmoor
foaled but I could tackle in half an hour
— only I never ride upon saddle. Take
them leathers off of her.'
"He looked at me with a dry little
whistle, and thrust his hands into his
breeches-pocket, and so grinned that I
could not stand it. And Annie laid hold
of me in such a way that I was almost
mad with her. And he laughed and
approved her for doing so. And the
worst of it all was he said nothing.
"'Get away, Annie, will you? Do
you think I'm a fool, good sir? Only
trust me with her and I will not over-
ride her. '
" 'For that I will go bail, my son. She
is like to override thee. But the ground
is soft to fall upon after all this rain.
Now come out into the yard, young man,
for the sake of your mother's cabbage.
And the mellow straw bed will be softer
for thee, since pride must have its fall.
I am thy mother's cousin, boy, and am
going up to house. Tom Faggus is my
name, as everybody knows ; and this is
my young mare Winnie.'
" What a fool I must have been not
to know at once ! Tom Faggus the great
highwayman, and his young blood-mare
the strawberry."
Tom Faggus has no inconsider-
able part in the tale ; and we learn
with much interest how he retired
and lived a " godly life," and got
his pardon, and married the pretty
Annie; though to the end of his
career his highwayman-days return
to his memory as a kind of golden
age. It is, however, John Eidd
himself in whom the interest of the
story centres ; and it is, as we have
said, not an interest which belongs
to striking scenes, but to the minute
production of the man and his
ways upon the canvas before us.
We are as much interested in the
way he digs out his sheep from
the snow as in his rescue of Lorna
from the hands of her clan. His
size, and his strength, and his good
farmership ; his love of the animals
who are his friends; his delight in
the prosperity of his fields — as if
they were friends too ; the dumb-
loving motherhood with which all
nature seems to his eyes to surround
and cherish him, — are wonderfully
real, and tenderly touched. He is
a man of the moors and fields, with
a fresh breeze blowing about him,
and all the yeoman's cares in his
mind. We do not venture to say
that ' Lorna Doone ' will ever take a
strong hold upon the popular mind.
Its historical character alone would
hinder this, and so must its close
texture — if we may use the words —
the minute and elaborate compo-
sition which defies the art of skip-
ping. Even its close printing is a
mistake and drawback to the book;
we should have had it in large print,
with a cheerful breadth of margin to
beguile the reader — though in that
case we tremble to think how many
volumes there would have been. It
is, in short, too long, even by the
most indulgent judgment, and had
it been presented to us under the
most favourable circumstances. But
though it may never secure uni-
versal popularity, it is a book far
above the standard of the ordinary
novel — a book full of the truest
nature and beautiful thoughts.
48
Nan-ative of the Red River Expedition. — Part II.
[Jan.
NARRATIVE OF THE RED RIVER EXPEDITION. — PART II.
BY AN OFFICER OF THE EXPEDITIONARY FORCE.
IN our last number we sketched
out the circumstances that led to
the French half-breed rebellion in
the north-western territory, result-
ing in the despatch of an armed
force to that country, for the pur-
pose of re-establishing her Majesty's
sovereignty, and for protecting her
loyal subjects from the cruelties and
plunder to which they had been
subjected by Kiel and the other
rebel leaders.
The force consisted of the 1st
Battalion 60th Rifles, two battalions
of Canadian Militia, a detachment
of Royal Engineers, and a detach-
ment of Royal Artillery, with four
7-pounder guns.
Navigation opens usually on Lake
Superior about the 8th or 10th of
May; and it was essential that the
troops for the Red River Expedition
should rendezvous at the earliest
possible date in Thunder Bay, on
the western shores of that lake.
As described in the previous arti-
cle, all ships sailing from Colling-
wood for that place must pass
through the canal at the Sault Ste
Marie, which runs exclusively
through United States territory.
It had never been contemplated to
send soldiers through that canal,
They were to be landed on our side
of the Ste Marie River, below the
rapids, to march up the bank about
three miles, and then embark again
in the same steamers in which they
had sailed from Collingwood, and
which in the mean time were to have
gone round through the canal. Dur-
ing the war between the Korth and
South, we had never made any re-
monstrances when the Washington
Government sent warlike material
up the St Lawrence through our
canals into the lakes ; in fact they
had once sent a gunboat by that
route. It was hoped that similar
facility would be allowed to us, and
that as long as no armed men vio-
lated their territory, no difficulty
would be raised against our sending
stores of all descriptions through
the Ste Marie Canal. As, however,
faith is seldom put in the political
honour or generosity of the United
States, it was determined to send
through the canal, as soon as it was
open for traffic, laden only with a
purely mercantile cargo, one of the
steamers that runs every summer
between Collingwood and Thunder
Bay, and, when once on Lake Supe-
rior, to keep her there until it was
officially ascertained whether the
Americans intended to be obstruc-
tive or not. Having even one
steamer on that lake would render
us independent, as she could be
kept constantly running across, tak-
ing men, horses, stores, &c. &c., from
the Sault, to which place they could
be brought by other vessels from
Collingwood, whether the Americans
wished it or not. This was carried out
successfully. The steamer was al-
lowed to pass through the canal,
the United States officials there be-
ing rather taken by surprise, and
having no instructions on the point ;
the next steamer which attempted
to pass about five days afterwards
was stopped, although she had no
warlike material on board ; and the
American authorities stated that no
more British ships, no matter what
their cargo might be, should for the
present be allowed to pass into Lake
Superior.
This obstruction was as futile as
it was unfriendly; for if the Minis-
1871.] Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Part II.
ters at "Washington had but reflect-
ed for a moment, they would have
realised how utterly impossible it
was for them to put a stop to the
Expedition by any course they might
adopt short of actual war. They
could certainly prevent our vessels
going through their canal, but they
could not possibly prevent us from
buying or hiring steamers belonging
to their citizens on Lake Superior
for use there.
No matter how anxious the nation
as a whole might be to thwart Brit-
ish interests, and throw every im-
pediment in the way of the little
ariny ordered to the Red Eiver,
still the love of gain being much
stronger than any such national
sentiment in the heart of the true
dollar-loving Yankee, we should al-
ways be certain of obtaining any
required number of their vessels.
As long as the rebellion lasted in
our north-western territories, there
was always a chance of their drop-
ping, from exhaustion and inability
to defend themselves against In-
dians, into the hands of the United
States. It was said that Kiel, or
at least some of his gang, had been
coquetting with the American au-
thorities upon the subject of annex-
ation. The press throughout the
western States openly declared a
desire to hinder the British troops
from getting to Fort Garry.
For years back the Eed Eiver Ter-
ritory had been coveted by our Ee-
publican neighbours, and it was sup-
posed that it would fall to them in
the natural course of events. This
Expedition was therefore regarded
by all classes of Americans as inju-
rious to their future prospects — a
feeling which, apart from the pleas-
ure with which the American people
generally contemplate any difficulties
we may be exposed to, will account
for their anxiety to throw every
possible obstruction in the path of
-the expeditionary force.
VOL. CIX. — NO. DCLXIII.
As it was thought that the single
steamer which, as already described,
we had succeeded in placing upon
Lake Superior might not be suffi-
cient for our own requirements, an
American propeller was hired at
Sarnia, and sent up empty to Lake
Superior through the canal, her
master swearing to the United States
authorities at the Sault that he had
not been hired by the Canadian
Government, and that he had no-
thing whatever to do with the Eed
Eiver Expedition. This declaration
was entirely spontaneous on his
part, and not the result of any in-
structions received from us. When
he had passed through the canal,
and was seen to steer over and
anchor near our shore, the wrath of
the chief United States official was
beyond all bounds, and deep was the
vengeance which it was said should
be taken upon him when he returned
that way. A protest having by this
time been sent to the President by
the Governor - General of the Do-
minion, all restrictions upon British
trading vessels having no warlike
material on board were withdrawn.
This affair of the canal had the
effect of retarding for some time the
departure of the Expedition, but
it was not the only cause of de-
lay. As this was the first military
expedition ever undertaken by the
Government of Canada, excuses can
easily be made for the ignorance
displayed by its Ministers upon all
points connected with army mat-
ters, or the requirements of troops in
the field. They cannot, however,
be so easily pardoned for having
failed to recognise their ignorance,
and for having neglected to avail
themselves of the military talents of
the able soldier who had been sent
out from England especially for the
occasion. General Lindsay was most
anxious to relieve them of all re-
sponsibility regarding the organisa-
tion, equipment, and despatch of
50
Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Part II.
[Jan.
the expeditionary force; but such
an arrangement did not suit their
political ends. A large outlay of
money was to be made, and they
wished to spend it as much as possi-
ble amongst their political support-
ers. When therefore the General,
with the thoroughness and energy
for which he is celebrated, went to
Collingwood on the 5th of May,
and made all the necessary arrange-
ments for the despatch of the troops
by steamer from thence, and tele-
graphed for permission to close the
bargains, he was told by the Ottawa
Government to do nothing in the
matter, as all such arrangements
would be made by their own agents.
The result was, that instead of start-
ing about the end of the first week
in May, the first detachment of the
expeditionary force did not leave
Collingwood for Thunder Bay until
the 21st of that month.
The steamers used on these great
Canadian lakes are a sort of cross
between the ocean-going and the
ordinary American river-steamboats.
They have their state-rooms and
their bars, so that in calm weather
one can enjoy all the luxuries that
are so dear to our Transatlantic
cousins ; whilst their hulls are strong-
ly built, and capable of enduring
the heavy weather so often encoun-
tered on these inland seas. The
scenery has been so frequently de-
scribed, that we make no apology
for landing the reader without more
ado, together with the expeditionary
force, on the western shore of Thun-
der Bay, about four miles north-west
of where the Kaministiquia River
flows into Lake Superior, the place
being now known as Prince Arthur's
Landing. There was but a small
clearance in the woods when we
landed, where a few wooden shan-
ties had been erected, and all around
the prospect was extremely desolate.
One of those dreadful fires which
occasionally sweep over whole dis-
tricts in Canada, destroying houses,
crops, cattle, and SQmetim.es many
human lives, had raged over the
country between the landing and
Shebandowan Lake, destroying small
bridges, culverts, and crib work on
the road already partly made be-
tween those two points. No lives
had been lost, and the two large
bridges which had been erected
during the winter, and most of the
public property, had been saved by
the exertions of the workmen. The
forest, which came down to the
water's edge all round the bay, pre-
sented a pitiful sight. Nature never
wears a more sombre appearance
than when the fiery element has
swept over a forest, burning every
leaf, every small branch, and every
blade of grass, leaving nothing but
the tall dismally blackened trunks
and burnt-up rocks around them.
Such was the first impression
upon landing : it had a depressing
effect on our spirits, for go where
we might, the scene was one of fu-
nereal mourning, whilst here and
there the peaty soil still smoked
heavily, showing that although no
fire was visible on the surface, the
elements of destruction still smoul-
dered beneath it. During our subse-
quent stay at Prince Arthur's Land-
ing, we had more than one oppor-
tunity of witnessing great fires in
the woods ; and the imposing grand-
eur of such scenes may be imagined,
but words cannot describe them.
To be surrounded by a forest, and
to hear the roaring, crashing, crack-
ling sounds of a raging fire borne by
a high wind in your direction, is, we
feel sure, the most appalling qf all
human sensations. The smallest and
most despised insect seems grown
superior as it flies away out of harm's
reach with what sounds at the time
like a chirp of mocking disdain and
pity for your earth-bound impotence.
Your only hope of safety is either
a change of wind, or being able to
1871.] Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Part II.
51
reach a swamp, a lake, or a large river,
before your swift pursuer overtakes
you.
Any one who has ever witnessed
the landing of an army at a point
which is to become the base of fur-
ther operations, will easily under-
stand how little time was left for
either mournful or poetical reflec-
tions upon the manner in which
such a fair spot had been converted
into a dismal wilderness. Work,
work, work, from daylight until
dark, and often even until late at
night, getting stores, horses, wag-
gons, &c. &c., ashore, and convey-
ing them from the beach to the
several depots appointed for their
reception. Road-making and open-
ing out communications between the
camps, which the nature of the
ground rendered it impossible to
have in one place, gave employment
to a large number daily. It was
intended to establish a large depot
of supplies and ammunition there,
which we could draw upon in case
of need, or upon which we could
fall back in the event of any unto-
ward disaster ; a hospital was to
be equipped for the reception of the
wounded if there should be any,
and to which all who fell sick dur-
ing the advance were to be sent
back. As the Fenians had declared
their intention of fitting out an
armed vessel on Lake Superior for
the purpose of attacking our store-
ships whilst en route, and of falling
upon our depots when left un-
guarded by the advance of the Ex-
pedition, it was considered necessary
to construct a redoubt for their pro-
tection. This entailed considerable
extra labour upon the soldiers ; but
notwithstanding the frequent rains,
the work went on merrily, so that
when the force left Thunder Bay,
the rear with its stores was per-
fectly secure from any attack that
could possibly be brought against it
by this Hibernian brotherhood. A
company of militia was left behind,
with two guns, as a garrison for the
redoubt. Of all known parts of the
world it may be truthfully stated
that the Thunder Bay region is the
most subject to violent thunder-
storms, whether- owing to metal-
lurgic influences or to geographical
position we do not know. Many
officers who had been " all over the
world" admitted they had never
heard such appalling claps of thun-
der before. On some occasions trees
were blown down, on others they
were split into shreds. At times,
especially at night, the noise was
such that the ground seemed to
shake, and it sounded so close that
one expected to see the tent -pole
riven in two. Now and then these
storms were accompanied by rain
of quite a tropical character, after
which the numerous streams became
so swollen that bridges were swept
away, and long portions of the road,
which had been constructed with
infinite toil, were completely de-
stroyed. Every such misfortune
retarded progress.
The Hudson Bay officers best
acquainted with the country, re-
ported that we could not calculate
upon being able to get through the
higher region over which the route
lay after the end of September.
Every day was therefore of con-
sequence ; for although it was in-
tended to leave the militia regiments
at Fort Garry for the winter, in-
structions had been received from
the home authorities desiring that
the regular troops should be brought
back from the Red River before the
winter set in, if it was possible to
do so. This was not the only in-
centive to haste ; for every mail from
the north-west brought urgent ap-
peals from its inhabitants, praying
for the earliest possible arrival of
the force amongst them. Alarm,
and a dread of some unknown
evil, seemed to have possessed
52
Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Part IT.
[J
an.
their minds ; men had begun to
suspect one another, and no one
knew to whom to look for either
comfort or safety : all eyes and
thoughts were bent upon the ex-
peditionary force as the sole chance
of deliverance from the bondage,
both of mind and body, to which
every loyal man was there subjected.
As stated in our previous article,
the Ottawa authorities had an-
nounced that the road from Thunder
Bay to Shebandowan Lake would
be fit for traffic before the end of
May ; whereas by that date not
more than thirty miles of it were
finished, and many miles were still
uncut through the primeval forest.
A rumour got abroad amongst the
regular troops that the Canadian
authorities were not very anxious
to hasten the operation, lest by so
doing they might make it possible
for the regulars to get back before
the winter set in ; and every one
knew that the Dominion Ministry
were most anxious that they should
be kept at Fort Garry for at least a
year.
The construction of this road was
under the superintendence of the
Public Works Department, the
gentleman representing which in
the Ministry was a French Canadian,
and known to be heart and soul
with the priestly party in Quebec,
and therefore most favourably in-
clined to Riel. Men of a suspicious
turn of mind began to say that the
fact of there being no road ready
for our advance was part and parcel
of a political scheme whereby the
departure of the Expedition might
be stopped altogether. Fortunately
those who had charge of its manage-
ment were not men to be turned
from their plans by any ordinary
difficulties ; and as the promised
road was not likely to be ready in
time, another route to Shebandowan
Lake was sought out and utilised for
the conveyance of the boats, &c, &c.
A large-sized river flows out of
that lake, and being joined by two
others of about equal magnitude,
empties itself into Thunder Bay : it
is known for the greater part of its
course as the Kaministiquia River.
The difference of level between
Shebandowan Lake and Thunder
Bay is more than 800 feet, and in
descending from that great height
the water passes over some very
fine falls, one of which is about
120 feet high, being one of the most
picturesque spots in British Korth
America.
The officials of the Public Works
Department who had been employed
for several years exploring, survey-
ing, and road-making in that dis-
trict, had impressed upon the mili-
tary authorities, when the plan of
operations for the Expedition was
being decided upon, that this river
could not be made use of owing to
the dangerous nature of its rapids
and the magnitude of its falls. How-
ever, when it was found that the
road could not possibly be ready in
time, an exploring party of one com-
pany, under Captain Young, 60th
Rifles, was sent up it in boats to
ascertain the practicability of using
it for the conveyance of boats and
stores. The weather was most un-
propitious ; it poured continuously :
the men were never dry, having
constantly to work up to their waists
in water ; the labour was excessive,
but the perseverance of the above-
mentioned officer, capable of over-
coming any difficulties, was duly re-
warded. This discovery was a hap-
py event, as it rendered us indepen-
dent of the road.
As numerous portages have to be
got over before we land the reader
in the province of Manitobah, it is
perhaps better to describe here the
mode of crossing one, the work on
all being alike in character, and only
varying in amount according to the
distance to be traversed and the
1871.] Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Part IL
53
nature of the intervening ground.
The bulkiest articles taken with us
were the boats, which were all about
30 feet long, and made in propor-
tion. They were built with keels,
and in form were very much like
those used in our navy. Each
boat carried eight or nine soldiers,
and two or three Indians or civil-
ians, who had been especially en-
gaged as skilled in managing boats
in rapid water. The stores were
sixty days' provisions for all embark-
ed, consisting of salt pork, beans,
preserved potatoes, flour, biscuit,
pepper, salt, tea, and sugar. The
heaviest of these articles was the
pork, which was packed in small
barrels, weighing 200 Ib. each, the
others being in much lighter and
much handier packages. Besides
food, there was ammunition, in-
trenching - tools, camp equipment,
cooking utensils, waterproof sheets,
blankets, &c. &c.; and with the
artillery, two 7-pounder bronze
guns, and their ammunition, mate-
rial, &c. &c.
The boats were distributed into
brigades of six, to each of which a
company was allotted. With each
brigade were boat - builders' tools,
and all sorts of stuff for repairs, be-
sides spare oars, sails, &c. &c. Once
started, it was known that we should
have to rely upon ourselves and the
stores we took with us ; for such was
the utter barrenness of the wilder-
ness through which we were about
to penetrate, that nothing but wood,
stones, and water were to be had
there.
Every probable, indeed almost
every possible, contingency had to
be thought of and provided for ; and
it may be confidently asserted that
no expedition has ever started more
thoroughly complete or better pre-
pared for its work.
The brigades of boats were to
move singly or in groups of two or
three, according to circumstances;
but three was the largest number
that could work together on a port-
age, two being the best. When one
of these detachments reached a port-
age— which it generally did before
the one immediately in front of it
had got all its stores, &c., over, and
had again started — the boats were
at once drawn in to the shore as
close as possible and unloaded, the
stores belonging to each boat- being
put in a separate pile. These were
covered over with tarpaulins if the
hour was too late for work, or if —
as was always the case with the
leading detachment, consisting of
three brigades — the road over the
portage had to be opened out, and
rollers for the boats laid down upon
it. At other times the men began
to carry over the stores without de-
lay, piling them in heaps, one for
each boat, at the far end of the road.
The ordinary method in vogue with
Indians and the regular North
American voyageurs for carrying
loads, is by means of a long strap
about three inches wide in the
centre, where it is passed across the
forehead, but tapering off to an inch
in width at the ends, which are
fastened round the barrel or parcel
to be portaged.
Men accustomed to this work
will thus carry weights of 400 Ib.,
and some 500 Ib., across the long-
est portage, the loads resting on the
upper part of the back, and kept
there by the strap going round the
forehead. The great strain is thus
upon the neck, which has to be
kept very rigid, whilst the body is
bent well forward.
As it could not be expected that
soldiers untrained to such labour
would be able to carry loads in that
manner, short pieces of rope with a
loop at each end were supplied to
the boats, by means of which two
short poles — cut in the woods at the
portages as required — were easily
converted into a very efficient hand-
54
Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Part II.
[Jan.
barrow, of just the dimensions re-
quired for the conveyance of the
small barrels in which our pork and
flour were packed.
After, however, a little practice,
a large proportion of the men soon
learned to use the common portage-
strap, their officers setting them the
example by themselves carrying
heavy loads with it. As soon as
all the stores had been conveyed
across the portage, the boats were
hauled ashore, and dragged over,
their keels resting on small trees
felled across the path to act as roll-
ers. The labour involved by haul-
ing a heavy boat up a very steep
incline, to a height of about a hun-
dred feet, is no child's play. In each
boat there was a strong painter and
a towing-line, by means of which
and the leather portage-straps a sort
of man-harness was formed when
required, so that forty or fifty men
could haul together. Say the port-
age was a mile long (some were
more), and that each man had to
make ten trips across it before all
the stores of his brigade were got
over, he would have walked nine-
teen miles during the operation,
being heavily laden for ten of them.
At some portages considerable en-
gineering ingenuity was required —
small streams had to be bridged
and marshy spots to be corduroyed
over. By the time our men re-
turned many of them were expert
axemen, and all were more or less
skilled in the craft of the voyageur
and American woodsman.
The country between Prince Ar-
thur's Landing and Shebandowan
Lake is wild and rugged. The
road between those two places runs
W.N.W., and may, for purposes
of description, be divided into
three sections — the first extending
to Strawberry Creek, about eighteen
miles; the second to the Matawan
River, about eight miles further
on; and the third from thence to
Shebandowan Lake, about twenty-
two miles more.
The first section is very hilly,
the soil near the bay being sandy,
with a surface - covering at most
places of from six to twenty-nine
inches of peaty mould. In the
valleys between the hills are deep
swamps, over which roads can only
be made with considerable labour.
The timber has been entirely de-
stroyed at some places by fires, so
that every now and then the road
emerges • from the thick forest into
clear open spaces sometimes of many
hundreds of acres in extent, where
the ground is covered with the burnt
trunks of fallen trees, piled up at
places one over the other like spil-
likins, an occasional pine of great
height being left standing as it were
to show the traveller the vastness
of the destruction. These places are
called brulees in the language of the
country ; and in a few years after
the fire has passed over them, are so
thickly covered by raspberry and
rose bushes that it is difficult and
tiring to cross them on foot. The
timber consists of white and red
spruce, pitch pine, balsam, cedar,
tamarack, white birch, and poplar,
the latter being at some places along
the road in large quantities and of
a great size. The rocks -are trappean,
a hard compact slate, with numerous
veins of amethystine quartz and
jasper, and jasper conglomerate, run-
ning through them in irregular
directions. Many silver-mines have
been discovered in the neighbour-
hood, and galena, plumbago, and
copper in several forms are known
to abound ; so that no prophetic
powers are necessary to foretell the
great importance that this country
will assume ere long from the de-
velopment of its mineral resources.
About midway in this section is the
most rocky district traversed by the
road, where it ascends through a
rugged and hilly country to a height
1871.] Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Part II.
55
of many hundred feet above Thun-
der Bay. This region is also heavily
wooded, so road -making through
it was no easy matter. At many
places large-sized boulders had to
be removed from the road; and at
others, where great rough rocks
cropped up in the way, they were
broken up by lighting huge fires
around them, and by throwing
water over them when thoroughly
heated. This caused them to split
up into pieces, reminding one of
the method said to have been adopt-
ed by Hannibal in crossing the
Alps.
Some half-dozen emigrants had
settled along this first section of the
road, the brulees enabling them to
establish themselves without the
labour of felling timber ; and their
little shanties were, when we arrived,
already surrounded by potato-gar-
dens, whilst here and there the rich
greenness of a patch of oats gave an
air of civilisation to the scene. Nu-
merous small rivulets are crossed in
this section, over which bridges and
culverts were constructed; also two
streams, one about 30 and the other
about 40 yards wide, requiring more
substantial work in carrying the
road over them.
As youapproach Strawberry Creek,
which separates the first from the
second of the three sections, the
general aspect of the country changes
completely, and a red clay soil takes
the place of the sand, rock, and peat
passed over up to that point. The
whole of the second section is com-
posed of hills formed by this red
clay, which, although admirably
adapted for bricks and pottery, is
extremely bad for road -making.
When hard and dry, it was good
for traffic ; but after a shower of rain
it became so slippery that horses
had much difficulty in keeping their
feet, and a regularly wet day caused
the wheels to sink so deep, that the
horses struggled through it with diffi-
culty, losing shoes at every stride.
A few days' rain renders it impas-
sable for wheeled transport, so that
during the operation of forwarding
stores over it in waggons, all traffic
was stopped several times for days
together.
The valley of the Kaministiquia,
where the road crosses it, is ex-
tremely pretty : the hills around are
sufficiently rugged to be picturesque ;
whilst fires have for generations
back so frequently swept over them
that their surface is tolerably open,
with rocks cropping up here and
there, as if to give shadows to the
picture ; clumps of willow are scat-
tered at places, whilst the river's
edge is fringed with bushes and
stunted trees. The river is about
107 yards in width, and unfordable.
The Matawan falls into it about
half a mile above the bridge ; above
that again is a succession of heavy
and imposing-looking rapids, over
which our boats were tracked with
difficulty, and with trying labour to
the men.
The second section ends where
the road crosses the Matawan by a
bridge about 70 yards in length,
constructed, like the previous one,
during the preceding winter. The
distance between the two bridges is
about five miles, the road running
through some deep valleys and along
the sides of rounded hills of red clay,
the timber of which lay about in
decaying logs, bearing witness to
the many fires that have swept over
the district at various remote periods.
As the road descends into the^
valley of the Matawan and enters
the third section, the character of
the soil and scenery again changes —
the red clay is left behind, and one
enters a rolling country of rich
clayey loam, with sandy rises here
and there, all thickly wooded over.
Two unfordable streams, one of 24,
the other of about 33 yards in width,
had to be bridged over in this sec-
Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Part II.
[Jan.
tion. As already stated, nearly the
whole of the last eighteen miles of
road, including these two bridges, had
to be made after our arrival, which
retarded our progress to an extent
that had not been anticipated.
The road is much more level in
this section than in the other two;
but at many places the natural
drainage is so bad, that even up to
the date when the force had finally
embarked at Shebandowan, the
track cut through the forest was
useless as a highway for constant
and heavy traffic. Had it not been
discovered in time, as already de-
tailed, that the river could be made
available, particularly along parts of
this third section, for the transport
of our boats and stores, we should
have been delayed a month or six
weeks still further than we were,
and could not possibly have reached
Fort Garry in time to have fitted
up barrack accommodation for the
troops before the winter set in, or
to have brought them back before
the frost had closed the rivers and
small lakes to be passed on the
higher portions of the route.
It was the knowledge of these
facts, and the consciousness of the
emergency, that justified those re-
sponsible for the success of the Ex-
pedition in calling upon the men to
undergo the unceasing labour that
was entailed upon them. " Sunday
shone no Sabbath-day for them."
From the time the troops began to
advance, " Push on, push on," was
the hourly cry of the officers ; and
every one, down to the youngest
"bugler, being taken into the leader's
confidence regarding the necessity
for haste, recognised the urgency of
the case, and put his shoulder to
the wheel with a will and a cheery
energy that bid defiance to all ob-
stacles. We treated our men not as
machines, but as reasoning beings,
having all feelings in common with
ourselves; and they responded to
our appeals as British soldiers ever
will when under men in whom they
have unbounded confidence.
Before a start could be made
it was essential that at least two
months' supplies for the whole force
should be collected at Shebandowan
Lake.
Our transport horses were very
fat when they landed, and had to
begin work at once, so that, although
allowed to eat as much oats and hay
as they could, they quickly fell off
dreadfully in condition. The bad-
ness of the roads rendered the work
very severe upon them, and a large
proportion were soon unfit for
draught, owing to sore shoulders.
Two causes contributed chiefly to
this : first, the badness of the col-
lars ; and secondly, the carelessness
of the drivers.
The harness had been provided
by the Canadian Government, and,
like all the military stores supplied
by it for this Expedition, was of an
^ inferior description obtained by con-
tract. The military force in Canada
was to be reduced in the summer of
1870; and orders had been received
by the general commanding, desir-
ing him to dispose of, on the spot,
or to send home to England — ac-
cording as he might think best for
the public interest — all the military
stores, giving the Dominion Govern-
ment the option of buying at a val-
uation all or any portion of them.
We had in store plenty of harness
and every description of article re-
quired for the equipment of the
force, the regulation prices of which
were considerably below what simi-
lar but vastly inferior articles could
be obtained for in the open market.
It did not, however, suit the
Ottawa Ministers, whose province
it was to obtain the required stores,
to get them from our magazines;
they preferred purchasing the in-
ferior and dearer articles through
their own agents from their own
1871.] Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Part II.
5T
political friends and supporters.
When money is to be spent in
Canada, the opportunity is seldom
lost for furthering party objects.
As a stronger illustration of this, we
may here mention that the boots
supplied to the militia regiments
were so utterly worthless after a
few weeks' wear, that, upon arriv-
ing at Thunder Bay, it was found
necessary to send back to Canada
for new ones from our stores — so
that the country had to pay for two
pair per man instead of one.
The men for the land transport
service were especially engaged for
this duty by the militia depart-
ment ; and, with some exceptions, a
more worthless set as drivers and
horse-keepers it is scarcely possible
to imagine. Men of all sorts of
callings, except those accustomed to
the care of horses, were enlisted, so
that some of them did not even
know how to put a set of harness
together. As soon as these men
got clear of a station on the road,
and out of view of the transport
officers, they played all sorts of
pranks, and instead of going at a
steady walk, chose their own pace,
sometimes amusing themselves by
racing. It was found necessary to
make some examples amongst the
worst-behaved before anything like
discipline could be maintained
amongst them.
As a protection for the horses
against the heavy rains, ranges of
rough stables were erected at several
places along the 48 miles of road
between Prince Arthur's Landing
and the lake — the planks for those
at the former place being brought
from Collingwood in steamers, those
used elsewhere being sawn from
trees cut down where required.
The Canadian axeman is very
handy at constructing shelter for
either cattle or stores : the bark of
trees, particularly of the birch and
tamarack, is largely used instead of
planking. A roof is also quickly
and efficiently made with troughs
hewn from logs of American pop-
lar, placed, as tiles are, in rows
alternately convex and concave,
each trough being cut of sufficient
length to reach from the apex to
the eave of the roof ; and one large
one, cut from a tree of greater dia-
meter, being placed longitudinally
at top, along the ridge, so as to cover
up the ends of the troughs of both
sides of the roof where they meet
above.
During the month of June, and
half the month of July, the work
on the road went on unremittingly,
"corduroying" being alone attempt-
ed ; ditches were made at points only
where they were essential to prevent
flooding. As few of our readers
have ever seen a corduroy road —
may none of them ever have to
drive over one! — a few lines de-
scribing its construction may not
be out of place. The course to be
followed through the forest having
been marked out by " blazing " a
line of trees, the required breadth
of road is cleared of timber and all
serious obstructions, and partially
levelled. Logs of from six to nine
inches in diameter are then cut ten
feet long, and laid close together
side by side, small branches and
sand or earth being strewn over
them to fill up the unavoidable
interstices. Such was the rough
method pursued by us; but in
Canada more careful labour is
bestowed upon roads of this de-
scription when they are intended
for more permanent use.
Before leaving Prince Arthur's
Landing, a deputation of Indians
from the neighbourhood of Fort
Francis arrived to inquire what we
were doing, and what were to be
our intended movements. The
party consisted of three men, two
boys, and a squaw. Few of us had
ever before seen the pure heathen.
58
Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Part II.
[Jan.
Korth American Indian, and we
cannot say that any of us were very
favourably impressed by these spe-
cimens of that people. When near
our camp, the speaker of the party,
called " Blackstone," having lagged
behind the others, was overtaken
by an officer who was driving
towards the bay, and who volun-
teered by signs to give him a lift;
the offer was good-humouredly ac-
cepted. This Indian chief had
never been in a wheeled conveyance
before ; and having, like all these
wood savages, an instinctive horror
of horses, the drive was gone
through with more solemnity than
pleasure. When he came in sight
of the tents he requested permis-
sion to dismount where there was
a little stream of water. Pulling
from his pocket a small piece of
soap, he wet it, and plastered
down his long, straight, black
hair with it, and tied round his
head a mink -skin, from which at
the back stood up a row of eagle's
feathers, with here and there an
ermine - tail hanging from them.
Having thus completed his toilet,
he came into camp.
An English missionary who had
recently arrived from Canada, and
who lived close to the beach, in-
vited the whole party to his tent,
where he gave them a good dinner
— no easy matter, as an Indian will
eat as much as four white men if
allowed to have as much as he likes.
The feast over, the zealous clergy-
man thought he might improve the
occasion by administering to their
spiritual wants ; but they no sooner
understood his object than they
hastily bolted from his tent as if it
had been infected, such is their horror
of those who seek to convert them.
The deputation was formally pre-
sented to Colonel Wolseley, and a
great deal of talking ensued. The
Indians call such an interview
a "pow-wow," and are very fond
of making long speeches at them.
Many of the chiefs have great ora-
torical powers, and use much ges-
ticulation when declaiming. They
expressed astonishment at finding
us making a road through their
country without having previously
made any treaty for their lands, and
were very anxious to enter upon the
subject of the terms we intended
proposing for the extinction of their
territorial rights. These men had
really no just claim to the land near
the bay, nor, indeed, one might
say to the land lying between the
hills and Lake Superior, as they
never hunted there; and beyond
those hills, until you reached Rainy
River, there was no land worth
making a treaty about. They were
told that there was no intention
whatever of making any arrange-
ments on the subject at present; but
that hereafter, should the Canadian
Government require any of their
land, a suitable treaty would be
made, when ample justice would be
done them. They expressed them-
selves as devotedly loyal to the
" Great Mother " — meaning the
Queen — and anxious to assist their
white brethren to the utmost of
their power. They were made to
understand that we merely wished
for a right of way through their
territory, and that we had no inten-
tion of occupying their lands. Pro-
mises were made to them that their
head men should receive suitable
presents ; but that as we were
pressed extremely for time, and
would have great difficulty in carry-
ing enough supplies with us to last
during our tedious journey, they
must not expect to receive them
from the soldiers this year; that
the officer who was then represent-
ing Canada at Fort Francis would
arrange all particulars as to the
quantities of things they were to be
given, and when and where they
were to receive them.
1871.] Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Part II.
59
They said they would go back
and inform their friends of what
had been told them, and in the
mean time we were welcome to help
ourselves to as much wood and
water along the line of route as we
might require daily.
These representatives of the once
flourishing tribe of Ojibewahs — or
Chippewahs, as they are indifferently
called — were fine straight -looking
men, and moved about with a cer-
tain dignity of bearing. Never but
once did any of them express as-
tonishment at what they saw, when
the oldest of the party, after long
and silent contemplation of the
busy scene at our crowded wharf,
said, "What a number of white
men there must be in the world!"
They were told to help themselves
to a suit of clothes each from a
shop which an enterprising trades-
man had established near camp;
and, with the usual childishness and
improvidence of their race, they
seemed to select those articles which,
of all others, were least suited for
the life they had to lead — a frock-
coat of the finest cloth being the
garment most dear to them.
Early in July our headquarters
were transferred to the bridge over
the Matawan River, a most pic-
turesque spot. Immediately below
the bridge there was a fall, and
below that again a series of rapids
for many miles. The banks being
wooded down to the water's edge,
there was some difficulty in clearing
sufficient space for the camp of two
battalions, and the large mass of
provisions which it was found
necessary to collect there. Here we
erected stables and rough store-
houses, so that the place quickly
assumed the appearance of a little
village busy with life, where the
noise of the blacksmith's hammer
resounded from early dawn until
dark. The departure of empty
waggons, and the arrival of loaded
ones, went on at all hours ; and the
noisy scene at the falls, where the
boats arriving by river from Thunder
Bay had to be portaged over about
fifty yards, impressed upon the
stranger visiting our camps the
earnestness of the work before us.
The black flies and sand-flies were
very troublesome at times, but a
merciful Providence has only given
them power to annoy man by day,
so that, except occasionally, when
the never-flagging mosquito buzzed
round our heads at night, our sleep
was undisturbed. Before leaving
Canada we had heard such " travel-
lers' yarns" about the positive torture
we should have to undergo from
flies, that considerable trouble was
taken to design, as a protection
against them, a veil made of net,
shaped like a bag open at both ends :
it was to be worn round the head,
with which it was prevented from
coming in contact by hoops made
of fine crinoline wire. Much ex-
pense had also been , incurred in
providing each boat with a can of
stuff known to all salmon-fishermen
in North America as mosquito oil.
It is made with creosote and penny-
royal ; and when the face is well
anointed with this disgusting un-
guent, no mosquito or other winged
torment will touch you as long as it is
fresh. The parties engaged in bring-
ing up the boats by river, and some
of those stationed at places along
the road, were occasionally glad to
use the veil towards evening ; but
after the final start of the force from
Shebandowan, the only use they
were put to was for straining water
through on the Lake of the Woods,
where, as will be hereafter described,
the water was almost opaque from
the vegetable matter it held in sus-
pension. The oil came in useful
for burning in the lamps when the
supply taken for them had been
expended.
Although the extreme measures of
Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Part II.
[Jan,"
veils and oil were not found necessary,
yet whilst we were encamped in the
woods, the mosquitoes were always
sufficiently annoying to render it
desirable to have as much smoke as
possible round where you sat in the
evening, to keep them at a distance.
In front of each tent-door, as soon
as the sun went down, you generally
saw what the backwoodsman calls a
" smudge" smouldering away, filling
the tents with the volumes of steamy
smoke which it emitted. A smudge
is simply a small fire, on which
is put damp moss, or wet rotten
wood or bark, which in burning
gives out clouds of vapour laden
with carbolic acid gas. To impreg-
nate the air more effectually, the
smudge was frequently placed actu-
ally inside the tent, the door being
left open, so that the flies incom-
moded by the atmosphere might
escape. When the tent is com-
pletely filled with smoke, the door
is fastened up for the night, so that
no mosquito can enter.
The stores were brought by our
land-transport waggons as far as the
Matawan camp; the road as far as
that being in fine weather very good,
all things considered. The great nut
to crack was to get them over the
twenty-two miles between there and
Lake Shebandowan, a small portion
only of that distance having a prac-
ticable road over it. Every mile of
navigable water on the river was
therefore made use of, the stores being
sent up for the first few miles in
boats, then conveyed a few more
miles in waggons, then in boats
again for about eleven miles, then
a short distance again by waggon,
and finally by water again for the
last three miles to Shebandowan
Lake : there they were collected on
a sandy beach, previous to being
distributed amongst the brigades
as they started finally for Port
Garry.
It is scarcely necessary to remind
the mercantile reader that this
" breaking bulk " so repeatedly, in-
jured the stores considerably, and
entailed much labour on the sol-
diers.
The only recreations enjoyed by
our men were bathing and fishing.
Of the former, whilst working in
the boats, all had more than enough,
for the men had constantly to work
in the water ; but whilst employed
at road -making or moving stores
on shore, a swim after the day's
work was ended was most enjoyable.
The water in Lake Superior is al-
ways very cold ; but that in some of
the rivers — the Matawan, for in-
stance — was positively tepid, so
that the men would roll about in
it for a length of time Avithout feel-
ing any ill effects. The strangest
phenomenon was in M 'Neil's Bay,
on Lake Shebandowan, when, in
swimming, at one moment you pass-
ed through a narrow strip of very
cold water, and the next instant
you were in water as warm as the
human body. The effect was most
curious, and is supposed to come
from springs rising from the bottom
of the lake in that shallow portion
of it. When encamped at Prince
Arthur's Landing the men caught
immense quantities of lake trout,
many of them weighing ten or
twelve pounds, those of five or six
being considered small. They are
without exception the most tasteless
of the finny tribe. There is nothing
repulsive about them, either in ap-
pearance or in flavour; but still, as
food, we know of nothing which is
less palatable without being posi-
tively nauseous. At the various
other camps along the road, and
subsequently during the advance
upon Fort Garry, the men used to
catch pike by trolling from the
boats. Those with black backs
were fair eating; but the other sorts
were bony and soft, with a muddy
flavour. Each brigade was fur-
1871.] Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Part II.
61
nished with a fishing-net, as it was
expected that large quantities of
fish would be obtained along the
line of route to vary the daily diet :
but it was subsequently found im-
possible to use them ; for, being so
pressed for time, we never halted for
a day until we reached Fort Alex-
ander, close to Lake Winnipeg ; and
as every one worked hard until dark
every evening, there was never time
for net-setting.
Headquarters were moved on the
14th July, to a spot within about
three and a half miles of Shebando-
wan Lake. The 16th of that month
had for some time been named for
the departure of the first detachment ;
but as the day grew near, so much
still remained to be done, that few
believed it possible to carry out the
programme laid down. The spot
on the lake selected as the starting-
point was at its extreme eastern end,
where there was a beach of bright
yellow sand for some hundreds of
yards devoid of rocks or stones. The
forest reaching down to the water's
edge, entailed a considerable amount
of clearing before sufficient space for
a small camp, and for the marquees
to hold the perishable stores, could
be obtained. A wharf was soon run
out into deep water, alongside of
which the boats were to be loaded.
A cooper's shop was established,
where all the barrels that had re-
ceived injury during their many
changes from carts to boats, and vice
versa, were re-hooped, those from
which the brine had leaked being
refilled. Carpenters were hard at
work repairing the boats, many of
which leaked considerably, all having
suffered more or less from the sharp-
pointed rocks of the Kaministiquia.
According to the arrangements made
with the Canadian authorities, the
boats were to have been handed
over to us complete with all their
own stores ; but unfortunately, from
want of an organised system, and
from the lack of an efficient staff to
carry out the instructions received
from Ottawa, the details of all such
arrangements throughout the pro*
gress of the Expedition invariably
fell to the ground. The result was,
that according as every six or eight
boats arrived daily, they had to be
fitted with rowlocks, masts, sails,
rudders, &c.: those made for each
individual boat were not to be found';
so that really the onus of fitting out
the boats devolved upon the troops,
each captain looking after the equip-
ment for the boats of his own brigade.
This occasioned some delay ; for as
the boats were of many different
models and sizes, rudders, &c., re-
quired much alteration before they
could be made to fit boats of a dif-
ferent class from those for which
they had been constructed.
During the progress of this Expe-
dition, we had many opportunities
of observing from behind the scenes
how Government affairs are managed
in Canada, where every day the cor-
rupt practices common in Washing-
ton are being more and more adopt-
ed. The gentleman who represented
the Public Works Department with
us was a most hard-working man,
who never spared himself in any
way. If he was always over-sanguine,
it was at least an agreeable failing,
and perhaps arose from calculations
based upon the belief that other men
would work as hard as he did him-
self. He had his hands always full,
and had as much to do as any man,
aided by the most efficient of staffs,
could possibly do well. Alas for
his sake, for the good of the service,
and for the progress of the Expedi-
tion, those under him, with one or
two exceptions, were the most help-
lessly useless men that it is possible
to imagine ! Instead of being per-
mitted to choose his own assistants,
he had all sorts of hangers-on about
the Ministers forced upon him. Some
were broken-down drunkards who
62
Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Part II.
[Jan.
it was thought by their friends might
be reclaimed, if they could only be
sent on an errand into a country
where no whisky was to be had.
All more or less belonged to the
class known in America as "loafers"
— men who lived no one knew how,
spending nearly all their time in
bars "liquoring -up" and smoking.
We were much amused one day
upon entering into conversation' with
a young gentleman who called him-
self the "book-keeper" at one of the
roadside stations. He, upon being
asked the employment he had been
hired for, said, most naively, that
having a brother in Manitobah
whom he desired to see, his uncle,
the Minister for Public Works, had
placed him upon the staff of that
department, so that he might be
taken there in one of our boats
without expense to himself. When
appointments are to be given away,
it is not a question of obtaining
good men, but of how party pur-
poses may be served by a judicious
allotment of them amongst politi-
cal supporters and their relations.
Strong westerly winds prevailed
on Lake Shebandowan whilst the
final arrangements were being made
for our start, so that upon some days
such a sea came rolling in and break-
ing upon the shore that it was im-
possible to load boats, or to get them
off had we even succeeded in equip-
ping them. Most fortunately these
" blows " seldom became powerful
until about nine or ten A.M., and
generally wore themselves out to-
wards four or five P.M., so that we
had almost always several hours in
the morning and evening for push-
ing on our work.
On the night of the 15th July
we had the most violent thunder-
storm experienced during the entire
operation. The heavens seemed at
times as if to open and let fall great
crushing weights of exploding sub-
stance upon the earth beneath, which
they struck with blows that made
all nature shake and tremble. Then
followed what is commonly known
as rain, but which in this instance
was as sheets of water tumbling upon
us in rapid succession, beginning
suddenly and ending as abruptly.
The morning of the 16th was, how-
ever, fine, with a bright sun shin-
ing, and a strong westerly wind
blowing, which, although it served
to dry up everything, raised such
a sea on the lake that wave after
wave rolled in towards shore, break-
ing with a heavy surf over the sandy
beach in M'NeiTs Bay. Whilst
this lasted little could be done : the
empty boats were either kept moored
out in deep water in strings one
behind the others, or were drawn up
high and dry on the shore. Its
force lessened as the sun approached
the horizon ; and as the lake became
sufficiently calm, boat after boat was
brought alongside the wharf and
received its allotted cargo. Such
a scene of bustle and excitement is
seldom to be witnessed. Each boat
had to be complete in itself with 60
days' provisions for all on board,
with ammunition, camp equipment,
and a hundred other things all essen-
tial for health and safety. Every
one felt that their comfort and pre-
servation would be endangered if
any of the articles selected after so
much careful thought by General
Lindsay were forgotten ; for we all
knew that in a few hours we should
have bid a long farewell to civilisa-
tion, and that ere many days had
passed we should be beyond the
reach of all assistance from the out-
side world. Officers and non-com-
missioned were running about in all
directions, some searching for oars,
others for missing sails, &c. Here
a sergeant came to say that the spare
rowlocks issued to his boat would
not fit; another reported that al-
though he had been given a lamp, he
had not received any oil for it, — and
J871.] Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Part II.
63
so on; staff officers running about
in all directions, endeavouring to rec-
tify mistakes and smooth down dif-
ficulties. To a civilian unacquainted
with the working of an army, and
the manner in which various duties
are classified, divided and subdi-
vided amongst ranks and individ-
uals, each having their special work
assigned to them, such a scene must
have been like Pandemonium let
loose.
The boats being duly loaded, the
crews were put into them. In more
than one instance it was found that
the men when placed on the thwarts
had no room to stretch their legs
so as to enable them to row, and
a restowage of cargo had therefore
to be effected. All were laden to
the utmost extent compatible with
safety. Up to a late hour the pro-
per number of voyageurs had not
arrived. The original intention was
to have three in each boat who
were to steer it, and manage it when
in rapid water — an art of itself
requiring great nerve as well as
lengthened experience.
At the last moment the number
per boat had to be reduced to two,
more not being forthcoming.
The sun had disappeared for some
time ere, all being in readiness, the
order was given for this first detach-
ment to " shove off." It consisted
of two companies of the 60th Eifles,
a detachment of Royal Engineers
and of Eoyal Artillery, with two 7-
pounder guns, all under command of
Colonel Feildon of the 60th.
The wind had died away com-
pletely, leaving the surface of the
lake calm as a mirror, wherein was
reflected only the mist of the ap-
proaching evening. There was no
hum of birds or insects from the
woods which fringed its shores, no
swallows rippled its smoothness in
their hunt after an evening meal.
Except at this little spot, where we
.were all bustle and excitement, the
scene had the stillness of death about
it, which in the distance seemed all
the more deathlike from the con-
trast between it and the noise im-
mediately around us. This absence
of animal or even insect life in the
North American woods is one of
their most striking characteristics.
It was a pretty sight to see this
little flotilla of boats row off over
the lake whilst it still glowed with
the golden tinges of the sun's last
rays. It called to mind many an
account read in early youth of very
similar scenes, when freebooting
Norsemen weighed anchor and shook
out their sails in some secluded in-
let bent upon adventure. Except
that we had rifled guns and cannon,
our equipment and our arrangements
for overcoming the obstacles of na-
ture were of a most primitive de-
scription. It seemed curious that
a military expedition should be fitted
out in such an advanced era of civili-
sation, in an age so justly celebrated
for its inventions and its progress in
those arts and sciences which now
enter so largely into the organisation
of armies, and yet that it should not
be possible to enlist into its services
the aid either of steam or of the
electric telegraph. The sail and the
oar were to be our means of propul-
sion, as they had been those of the
Greeks and Romans in classic times ;
and when arrived at the end of our
600 miles' journey, we should have
as much difficulty and as far to send
in order to communicate with even
the nearest telegraph office, as Caesar
had when he sent a messenger to
Rome, announcing his successful de-
scent upon our shores more than
1900 years ago.
All sorts of melancholy prophecies
had been published in the papers as
to the dangers we should have to
encounter. We were to be devoured
by mosquitoes and other flies. It
was said the Indians themselves
could not live in the woods during
Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Part II.
[Jan.
July ; others who knew the country
declared that the heat was then so
stifling that the most acclimatised
hunters had to forsake them, and
seek for air and breath along the
shores of Lake Superior. Many
asserted that the Indians would
never permit us to pass through
their country without enforcing the
payment of a large subsidy; whilst
many laughed at the notion of ever
attempting to make the journey to
Fort Garry in anything except bark
canoes manned by Indians. When
told of the description of boats we
were taking with us, some pitied us
as poor deluded people, totally ig-
norant of what was before us; whilst
all these wiseacres seemed to con-
sider us as men whom the gods hav-
ing doomed to destruction had first
becrazed.
Sensible men who had but recent-
ly returned via the United States
from Manitobah said that our force
ought at least to be three times
stronger than it was : that Riel
was on the look-out for our advance,
and intended to defend step by step
and mile by mile the difficult coun-
try we should have to pass through,
where a few good huntsmen, accus-
tomed to the woods, could annihilate
an army ; in fact, that General Brad-
dock's fate was in store for us, &c.
&c. Never did any expedition have
more lugubrious prophecies made
concerning it.
From time to time the soldiers
were, however, encouraged by intel-
ligence received from Red River an-
nouncing Riel's determination to
show fight. The work on the
Kaministiquia River had been so
very severe, and that of road-making
• — always distasteful to soldiers — so
very wearisome, that all looked for-
ward to the embarkation at Sheban-
dowan Lake as a relief from toil, or
at least regarded it as a new phase
in the undertaking whose novelty
alone would compensate for any
drawbacks attendant upon it. From
the 1st June to the 16th July (when
this first detachment started) it had
rained upon twenty-three days. Fine
weather always cheers men up when
in the field ; and as the embarkation
took place on a lovely day, this fact,
added to the novelty of the opera-
tion, raised our animal spirits. Even
the few of a desponding tempera-
ment, who for some time before had
never ceased repeating that a start
Avas out of the question " for a long
time" — even these men were seen to
smile with gratification as the boats
pushed off from shore, the men
cheering for " Fort Garry."
No men ever began an under-
taking, notwithstanding the evil
forebodings of croakers, with lighter
hearts ; every man seemed as if he
was embarking at Richmond for a
pleasure-trip on the river; and all,
the private just as much as the
officer, appeared to take a real earn-
est interest in their work. They
were pictures of good health and
soldier-like condition. Whilst sta-
tioned at Prince Arthur's Landing,
and the other larger camps, the men
had fresh meat, bread, and potatoes
every day. No spirits were allowed
throughout the journey to Fort
Garry, but all ranks had daily a
large ration of tea. This was one
of the very few military expedi-
tions ever undertaken by English
troops where intoxicating liquor
formed no part of the daily ration.
It was an experiment based upon
the practice common in Canada,
where the lumbermen, who spend
the whole winter in the backwoods,
employed upon the hardest labour,
and exposed to a freezing tempera-
ture, are allowed no spirits, but
have an unlimited quantity of tea.
Our old-fashioned generals accept,
without any attempt to question its
truth, the traditional theory of rum
being essential to keep British sol-
diers in health and humour. Let
1871.] Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Part II.
65
us hope that the experience we have
acquired during the Red River Ex-
pedition may have buried for ever
this old-fogyish superstition. Never
have the soldiers of any nation been
called upon to perform more un-
ceasingly hard work; and it may
be confidently asserted, without
dread of contradiction, that no men
have ever been more cheerful or
better behaved in every respect. No
spirit-ration means no crime ; and
even the doctors, who anticipated
serious illness from the absence of
liquor, will allow that no troops
have ever been healthier than we
were from the beginning to the end
of the operation. With the excep-
tion of slight cases of diarrhoea,
arising from change of diet, it may
be said that sickness was unknown
amongst us.
The same busy scene was repeated
daily up to the 2d August, when
the last detachment started. The
weather had improved greatly, and
remained good until nearly the end
of August, when it again turned to
rain. The expeditionary force, from
front to rear, covered the route for
150 miles ; but as arrangements had
been made for communicating and
sending messages either backwards
or forwards, and as the officer com-
manding the whole force travelled
about in a bark canoe, well manned
by Indians, going from one detach-
ment to another as he considered
necessary, all were well in hand, and
under his control for concentration
at any time, should circumstances
have required it The officer com-
manding each brigade had been
furnished with a map of the route,
which, although far from accurate,
gave a sufficiently detailed delinea-
tion of the country to enable them
to steer their course by compass
across the large lakes. We had
been promised an ample supply of
guides, but only very few were forth-
coming when required.
VOL. CIX. NO. DCLXIII.
The officer representing the Cana-
dian Government with us, whose
duty it was to have furnished them,
found at the last moment that the
Indians he had depended upon to
act in this capacity held back, and
refused the " job " upon all sorts of
excuses. As described in the pre-
vious article, the priesthood of Can-
ada being much opposed to -this
Expedition, had preached it down
everywhere; and there can be little
doubt that priestly influence was
brought to bear upon the Christian
Indians settled near Fort William,
to prevent them from acting as our
guides. These Indians are partial-
ly civilised, many of them speak
French, and a considerable proportion
can write their own language in a
character which has been invented
especially for them. They live in
houses clustered together on both
banks of the Kaministiquia, a few
miles above where it falls into Lake
Superior. The village, for such it
may be called, is known as the
" Mission," from the Jesuit -esta-
blishment there. They cultivate
small patches of ground ; but their
chief means of obtaining a liveli-
hood is by hunting and fishing, and
by working for the Hudson Bay
Company as voyageurs on the in-
land rivers, transporting goods from
one post to the others. This Expe-
dition to Red River would have
been a godsend to them if they had
not been tampered with, as it would
have afforded them lucrative em-
ployment. They know every river,
lake, and portage in the country as
far as Fort Francis ; and in previous
years, when exploring and surveying
parties had been at work in their
country, they had done good ser-
vice in a most willing and cheerful
manner.
They are a simple-minded but
very superstitious race, easily ruled
by the Jesuit Father who has spent
his life amongst them doing good.
66
Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Part II.
[Jan.
Humour was busy at this village
frightening them with stories of
Kiel's determination to fight, and of
the great numbers of armed men at
liis back. These Christian Chip-
pewahs have an extraordinary dread
of war — so much so, that when we
had reached Fort Francis, the few
who did accompany us so far be-
came terror-stricken by the warlike
reports that Kiel's emissaries had
spread amongst the Indians in that
district, and positively refused to
go any further. When a little co-
ercion was tried by telling them
that we could not afford to give
them any provisions to take them
back to their homes unless they
kept with us, they bewailed their
fate, many of them with tears, say-
ing they would risk anything sooner
than go on where there was to be
fighting — their determination was
not to be shaken by any arguments
or promises. The warlike character-
istics for which the North American
Indian was so celebrated, if they are
faithfully described in " Hiawatha "
and Cooper's novels, have disap-
peared even from the once celebrated
tribe of Irroquois. Of this latter
race we had a considerable number
as voyageurs, a large proportion of
whom were most anxious to turn
back from Fort Francis when they
heard the startling accounts of the
number of Kiel's followers, and of
his determination to fight. Their
minds were only to be quieted by
assuring them of the falseness of
these rumours.
Shebandowan Lake, about 20
miles long and a few wide, run-
ning in a W. by N. direction, has
no striking features to distinguish it
from thousands of other lakes in
Canada. It has about the same pro-
portion of islands, and the same
cliffless shore common to nearly all
of them. As it is almost at the sum-
mit level forming the watershed be-
. tween the basins of the St Lawrence
and the rivers which flow into Hud-
son Bay, no mountains abut upon
it, although there are some hills in
the distance. The north side had
been burnt over for miles inland,
where blackened trunks stood up
against the sky-line as one viewed
the shore from the boats. For miles
raspberry-bushes had taken the place
of the destroyed forest, the fruit of
which supplied a good supper to the
several detachments that had to
spend the evening there. The south-
ern side is thickly wooded with very
poor timber, poplar being the pre-
vailing tree; indeed there is so much
rock and so little soil everywhere in
this vicinity, that it is only wonder-
ful how anything can grow. A por-
tage of about three-quarters of a mile
took us into another lake about 8
miles long, our course over which
was due north ; Lac des "Mille Lacs
was reached from it by a portage of
over a mile in length. The latter is
a curiously-shaped and straggling ex-
panse of water, in which there are
islands without number, many being
of sufficient size to have great bays
stretching for miles into them. One
island so closely resembles another
that it is wonderful how any of us
found our way over the 20 miles to
be travelled before we reached the
next portage. Even the brigade, fur-
nished with the most experienced
guides, strayed sometimes for hours
out of their course. Steering solely
by the compass took one repeatedly
into these large bays ; and nothing is
more disheartening than finding one's
self in a cul de sac after a pull for
many miles up one of these bays,
and having to row back again to
search for another passage. Imme-
diately as we passed out of this lake
we had the stream with us all the
rest of our voyage.
Having steered for about the first
5 miles over this lake a N.W.
course, the general direction for
more than 100 miles is S.W. : a
1871.] Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Part II.
67
slight detour is then made to the
south, and the rest of the journey
as far as Fort Francis is in a N'.W.
direction.
We shall not weary the reader
with descriptions of the many lakes
and rivers and dreary portages passed
over during the journey, but in order
to give a general idea of the country,
we shall divide it into three sections :
the first, between Shebandowan and
Fort Francis; the second, from thence
to Fort Alexander; and the third,
from that place to Fort Garry, the
objective point of the Expedition.
The first section is a dreary region ;
unfit, from its sterile barrenness, for
man's habitation. Rock, water, and
stunted trees everywhere. When
it was necessary to pitch tents, we
seldom found enough soil for the
pegs to support them, and were
forced to use large stone instead.
The surface is covered with moss,
which in some places was so thick
that, with a blanket rolled round one,
our bivouac had all the softness of
a luxurious spring bed. The blue-
berry-bushes were in full fruit as we
went along, affording us many a good
meal, and enabling us to vary the
usual menu of salt pork and biscuit.
We met numerous families of In-
dians, who thronged round our boats
begging for provisions. They were
an intolerable nuisance, and so very
dirty that their presence gives one
a sort of creeping sensation. It was
curious to see them arrive at a por-
tage, a family travelling generally in
two or three canoes. The lord and
master would step ashore, pull his
canoe up, and shouldering his gun
would stalk off to the other side,
leaving his wife or wives, as the case
might be, and perhaps his mother,
to carry over the canoes and all their
worldly goods.
We were once pointed out an old
woman who some years ago had sup-
ported life, when in a starving con-
dition, by eating human flesh — by no
means an extraordinary or unusual
occurrence amongst those people when
in such straits. She was certainly a
most loathsome creature to look at ;
her face was so deeply wrinkled, and
the wrinkles so full of dirt, that she
seemed as if tattooed.
We generally spared these poor
creatures a little from our ration ;
whatever we gave them was' put
into a pot, in which was boiled to-
gether pork, flour, blueberries, fish,
biscuit, &c. &c. No two things
could be too incongruous to be boiled
at the same time. They never roast,
grill, or stew, boiling being their sole
idea of the culinary art. They were
very fond of the water in which the
pork was boiled, drinking it freely,
as if it was some delicious beverage.
They generally carried in their canoes
a fish-skin bottle filled with sturgeon-
oil, of which they took copious
draughts at times. The women wear
their hair in one long plait hanging
down behind, the men in two, very
often joined at the ends. So very
beardless are the men, that when one
meets a canoe with Indians sitting
in it, there might often be difficulty
in distinguishing the sexes, if it were
not for this variety in the number
of plaits with which they are coifes.
The women always wear leggings
from the knee to the ankle, with a
petticoat reaching to the calf of the
leg ; an open cloth jacket, with a
sort of boddice supported by braces
over the shoulders, completes their
costume. The men were generally
clothed in woollen garments, most-
ly of quaint old-fashioned patterns
purchased at the Hudson Bay posts.
Having become accustomed to the
coats made in the style common
here a hundred years ago, the In-
dians will not purchase those of
any other pattern ; so that the Com-
pany, who have their tailoring done
in London, have to get the clothes
they require for exportation made
accordingly. Unlike their squaws,
63
Narrative of the Red River E^edition. — Part II.
[Jan.
they almost always wear some sort
of shirt; and although they are fre-
quently without trousers, they never,
from earliest boyhood, go without a
breech-cloth. They seldom or never
build a hut of even the roughest de-
scription, living, as their ancestors
have done for centuries, in wigwams
made with birch-bark stretched over
poles driven into the ground in a
circle, and all meeting at the top.
An aperture is left to serve as a chim-
ney, for they light a fire and cook
within during cold weather. The
space left as a door is closed by a
curtain. Altogether it is a cold resi-
dence in a climate where the Fahren-
heit thermometer ranges for months
from zero to many degrees below it.
During the whole of our journey
to Fort Francis we seldom had a
favourable wind. Although this
added greatly to our labour at the
oar, still it blew us fine weather.
Easterly winds in these regions
bring the evaporations from the
great lakes, which break into heavy
showers of rain against the hills
forming the height of land. Most
of the rain we had fell at night ;
and if we occasionally had a wet
bivouac, wood was plentiful, and
we were able to dry ourselves easily
before large fires. Now and then
we got a slant of wind, and when
the weather was fine there were
ample materials for the artist's brush,
the white sails standing out so well
against the dark-green foliage com-
mon to every island and shore
throughout the route.
The only difficult and dangerous
rapids in this section were on the
Sturgeon River, where extreme care
is necessary in running them. A
number of Irroquois were perma-
nently stationed there until all the
troops had gone by, who took down
every boat, only one being totally
wrecked. It is a fine sight to watch
these splendid boatmen taking a
boat down. Four generally rowed
or paddled ; two others steered, with
large-sized paddles — one in the bow,
the other in the stern. The post of
honour is in the bow; and it was
curious to see how their eyes spark-
led with fiery enthusiasm as they
approached the roaring, seething wa-
ters, where the breaking of a paddle,
or a false movement of any sort,
would send the whole crew to cer-
tain death. They seemed thoroughly
at home at the most trying moment ;
for there is generally in all rapids
one particular spot — perhaps where
some back eddy from a rock tends
to suck in everything that ap-
proaches— that is the climax of the
danger, which, if passed safely, the
rest is easy sailing. The intensity
of the look with which they regard
the rushing water in front of them
whilst every fibre in their powerful
frames is at its utmost tension, is a
thing to be admired, but not to be
described in words, nor even on
canvas. There is a mixture of
extreme, almost unearthly, enjoy-
ment, alloyed with a realisation of
the danger to be encountered, in
their expression, which we never
remember having seen in any face
before, except in the countenance of
soldiers at the hottest moment of
a storming -party. It bespoke the
earnestness of men prepared to dare
anything, and who gloried and rev-
elled in the attendant danger.
Our daily routine was as follows :
At the first streak of daylight (occa-
sionally long before it) the reveille
was sounded, followed quickly by
a cry of " Fort Garry " from every
tent or bivouac fire. This was the
watchword of the force, as " Arms,
men, and canoes" ("Anna virum-
que cano") was the punning motto
adopted for us by our witty chaplain.
Tents were struck and stowed away
in the boats, and all were soon on
board and working hard at the oar.
We halted for an hour at 8 A.M. for
breakfast, and again for another hour
1871.] Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Part II.
G9
for dinner at 1 P.M., and finally for
the night about 6 or 7 P.M. It was
surprising, after the first week's prac-
tice, to see the rapidity with which
the men cooked : they quickly be-
came most expert at lighting fires,
cutting down trees, &c. &c. The
sun soon burnt them a dark colour ;
indeed some became nearly black,
the reflection from the water having
a very bronzing effect upon the
skin. The wear and tear upon their
clothes was excessive : carrying
loads on their backs tore their
shirts and coats, whilst the con-
stant friction from rowing soon
wore large holes in their trousers,
which, being patched with canvas
from the bags in which the beans
or other provisions had been car-
ried, gave them a most motley
appearance. Leading a sort of
amphibious life, they were well
nicknamed the " canvas - backed
ducks." This constant pulling was
very monotonous employment; but
we had a goal to reach, and all felt
that every stroke of the oar brought
us nearer to it. The long portages
were most trying to the pluck and
endurance of our men,- and it is
very questionable whether the sol-
diers of any other nation would or
could have gone through the same
amount of physical labour that fell
to our lot daily. It is upon such
occasions that we learn to appreciate
the full value of the British officer.
He may be idle in peace, but the
very amusements of his idle hours —
boating, shooting, hunting, cricket,
&c. &c. — fit him to shine, when
hard work has to be done, in a
manner that would be impossible
to the spectacled bookworm of Ger-
many or the caftS-lounging flaneur
of France. Our officers carried
barrels of pork and other loads on
their backs like the men; and the
emulation and rivalry between the
captains of companies, each being
afraid that he should be passed in
the race, soon spread to all ranks.
You had only to tell a detachment
that some other company had done
a thing without any great effort, to
insure its prompt execution. There
was also called into play the rivalry
between the regulars and the mili-
tia. The latter were determined
that, no matter what the former
did, they would not be beaten.
The regulars were in front all the
time. One had only to tell them
that they were making so little pro-
gress that the militia complained of
being kept back by their slowness,
to cause them to push ahead at any
required speed ; and, vice versa, if
you told the militia that the regu-
lars were running away from them,
each successive company hurried on
until those in the immediate front
were overtaken. Indeed it may be
said that each detachment trod
iipon the heels of the one before it,
all were so eager to get on. At
some shallow places the men had
to get into the water, and pull their
boats along after them. Occasion-
ally it was necessary to unload them
partially or entirely, the boats being
then run down rapids, or hauled
over the shallow spots into deep
water, where they were re-loaded,
their cargoes being carried along the
banks by the soldiers. At times it
blew very hard from the west, so
that many detachments were de-
tained one or two days on some
of the large lakes, unable even to
start.
A voyage W. by N. of forty miles
across Eainy Lake takes you to
Rainy River, upon the right bank
of which stands Fort Francis, two
miles from the lake. The leading
detachment reached this post on the
4th August. They had done two
hundred miles in nineteen days,
having taken their boats, stores,
&c. &c., over seventeen portages
in that time, and having made a
good practicable road at all these
70
Narrative of the Red Ricer Expedition. — Part II.
[Jan.
seventeen places. The troops in
rear of them Avere able to make the
journey quicker, as they found a
made road and rollers laid down for
the boats at every portage.
Fort Francis, a Hudson Bay
Company trading post, is exactly
due west from Shebandowan Lake.
It is a collection of one -storied
wooden buildings surrounded by
palisading. Although dignified by
the high-sounding title of fort, it
has no military works whatever
about it. The river bends here,
so that immediately in front of
the place is a very fine fall, about
twenty -two feet in height, from
below which the broken, boiling,
bubbling waters send up volumes
of spray, covering the land, accord-
ing to the direction of the wind,
with a perpetually - falling rain.
This, and the luxuriant fertility of
the soil, causes the banks near it to
be clothed with grass of the bright-
est green, affording the richest of
pasture. After the wilderness of
water, rock, and scrubby wood that
we had passed through, the sight
of cattle grazing, and of ripe wheat
bending before the lightest wind
from the heaviness of the ear, was
most refreshing. Only a few acres
were under cultivation, although
there was a considerable clearance ;
and a large extent covered with
bushes bore evidence to there hav-
ing been here at one time a good-
sized farm. There was a garden
close to the dwelling-house, where
there were peas, potatoes, and
onions growing, and apparently
going to waste, until we arrived to
partake of them.
A mill for grinding corn had once
existed here, there being water-power
enough on the spot to drive every
mill in America, but it had disap-
peared. There was an air of decay
and neglect about the whole place
that bespoke either poverty or want
of energy on the part of those in
charge. The half- breed race to
which the officers of the Hudson
Bay Company at such posts gen-
erally belong now, is extremely
apathetic — there is no go-aheadness
about it ; and in these out-of-the-way
localities the half-breeds quickly go
back to the manners, customs, and
mode of living of their Indian
mothers. They live upon fish as
their Indian ancestors did, and, like
them, have no appreciation of the
value of cleanliness or order.
By the rules of the Company it
is compulsory to have at each post
an ice-house, a garden, and a few
cows ; so they have them, but they
seem to care for none of these
things.
The fertile belt of land along the
north bank of Rainy River is only
about a mile in width, great swamps
existing between it and the chain
of lakes which lies to the northward.
There had been a large Indian en-
campment here during the early
part of July, it being a great annual
resort for the surrounding tribes ;
but this summer, as they expected
our arrival amongst them, they had
collected from all quarters in the
hope of obtaining presents. They
also wished to appear imposing by
their numbers, so as to enhance the
value of their goodwill towards us,
and to impress upon the white-faced
soldier how formidable they might
be as enemies. Unfortunately for
the success of their intentions, we
were not able to start for at least
six weeks after the time originally
proposed for our departure from
Shebandowan ; so that as- days wore
on. and there was no sign of our
arrival, the crowd grew weary of
waiting, particularly as the supply
of fish in the neighbourhood became
exhausted, there being so many
mouths to feed. The Government
had early in the preceding winter
sent a gentleman to Fort Francis
for the purpose of keeping the
1871.]
Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Part II.
71
Indians of that district quiet, and
preventing them from being tam-
pered with by Eiel. He had exert-
ed his influence — which was con-
siderable— to induce them to dis-
perse, fearing that their presence
might lead to collision with the
soldiery when engaged in carrying
stores and boats over the portage on
which stood the Indian wigwams.
His persuasions, and that most
potent of arguments, an empty
stomach, soon caused them to
leave ; so that when we arrived not
more than about a dozen lodges re-
mained, although their uncovered
poles stood thickly around, remind-
ing one of the way poles are piled
together in a field at home when
the hops have been picked.
Colonel Wolseley had several
" pow-wows " with those that re-
mained. A hideous old chief named
Crooked-neck, from the manner in
which his head was set on his
shoulders, was the principal speaker.
He was very old and very dirty,
and, in the name of his people, made
most exorbitant demands in stating
the terms on which they were pre-
pared to allow us permanently to
open out a route through their
territory. There was much difficulty
in making them understand that the
military necessities of our position
rendered it impossible for us to have
brought them up large presents, but
that whatever it was settled by the
Government of Canada they were to
receive should be given to them
next year. There was the usual
talk about loyalty to the Great
Mother, and of their desire to live
on good terms with their white
brothers. They said that the pas-
sage of so many boats through their
waters had frightened their fish, so
that but little was now to be had ;
.and complained of our men having
at many places thrown empty bar-
rels into the rivers, which scared the
pike and sturgeon, alleging that
even the grease from these barrels
had been generally destructive to
fish of all sorts. Some one had
put this idea into their heads, and
there was no eradicating it.
The costumes of these people were
very grotesque, and all the warriors
painted their faces most fantastically
with red, yellow, or green. A fine
tall fellow had one side of his 'face
painted black and the other red, his
coat being also of two colours simi-
larly divided. All wore a blanket
wrapped round their bodies, which
gave them the appearance of height.
Fort Francis, or rather the ground
about it, has a sacred repute with
them; and here take place annually
their medicine ceremonies, a sort of
secret orgie, beginning with eating
the flesh of dogs — white ones if they
are to be had — and ending by ini-
tiating those anxious for instruction
into various mysteries, and the use of
many herbs.
Previous to leaving Prince Ar-
thur's Landing, Colonel Wolseley
had sent a proclamation into the
Red River Settlement, informing the
people of the objects of the Expedi-
tion, and calling upon all loyal men
to assist him in carrying them out.
Copies of it were sent to the Pro-
testant and Roman Catholic bishops,
also to the Governor of the Hudson
Bay Company at Fort Garry, who
were at the same time requested by
letter to take measures for pushing
on the road to the Lake of the
Woods, already partially made. It
was never anticipated that this road
could be completed in time for us to
use it, even should there be no hos-
tilities ; but it was considered ad-
visable to impress Riel with the idea
that we intended advancing by that
route, so that, in case he was bent
upon fighting, he would frame all
his calculations upon a wrong basis,
and make his preparations along it
for our reception. This ruse was
successful ; for we learned at Fort
Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Part II.
[Jan.
Francis that he had armed men on
the look-out in the neighbourhood
of where he thought we should dis-
embark on the shores of the Lake of
the Woods. A loyal half-breed of
undoubted character had been de-
spatched early in June from Prince
Arthur's Landing for the purpose of
going into the Red River Settlement
by the Lake of the Woods road, and
of obtaining reliable information as
to the state of atfairs there up to the
latest possible date that he could re-
main, compatible with his meeting
Colonel Wolseley at Fort Francis on
the 31st July. This service was
faithfully performed. He had left
his home in the Indian settlement
on the lower Red River on the 20th
July, bringing letters for that officer
from the Protestant bishop and
others, containing information as to
the supplies of fresh beef and flour
we could calculate upon obtaining
at Fort Garry, and interesting but
melancholy accounts of how things
stood there. It was essential that
the commander of the Expedition
should have the latest and most
reliable information as to the rebel
movements and Riel's intentions
before leaving Fort Francis; for it
was necessary to decide upon the
final plan of operations there, as
beyond that place we should be, one
might say, in rebel territory, or at
least where it would always be pos-
sible to attack us. The scanty in-
telligence supplied by the Canadian
Ministry was not to be relied upon,
as it came chiefly from disloyal
sources, and had always percolated
through rebel sympathising chan-
nels before it reached us. Under
any circumstances it is difficult for
a civilian to collect or to convey
useful military information. General
Lindsay had therefore sent a sharp,
intelligent officer, who knew the
north-west country and its people,
round through the United States to
Pembina, with instructions to act
upon his own judgment as to his
further progress from thence, but
under any circumstances to adopt
measures for communicating with
Colonel Wolesley at Fort Francis.
He was most successful, having
managed to get to the Lower Fort,
where he remained some days
amongst the loyal inhabitants.
Leaving on the 24th July, by tra-
velling incessantly he reached Fort
Francis on the same day as the
leading detachment of the force.
He described the people as panic-
stricken — the English and French
speaking populations being mutually
afraid of one another, and both
being in the direst dread of the
Indians. The messages sent to us
verbally, as well as by letter, were
all in the same strain — " Come on
as quickly as you can, for the aspect
of affairs is serious and threatening."
Riel and his gang had been for some
time past busy in removing their
plunder from Fort Garry, distributing
it amongst his friends, and in places
of safety within the United States
territory. This looked as if he was
preparing to bolt, although he still
ruled every one most despotically.
His great anxiety — now that the
rebel aspirations had been satisfied
by the Manitobah Bill — was that he
himself should have an amnesty for
the crimes he had been guilty of.
The Government would have will-
ingly given him an amnesty for all
his political offences, but such would
not have protected him from the
charge of having wilfully and in
cold blood murdered a loyal subject.
Therein lay the difficulty; for, anx-
ious as the Cartier party might be
to secure him from all punishment,
it was known that the English-
speaking people of Canada would
not tolerate his being protected from
legal proceedings in that matter.
The rebellion had obtained for Bi-
shop Tach£ and his party all that
even the most sanguine had expect-
1871.] Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Part II.
ed from it; and he was naturally
afraid lest Kiel, from personal mo-
tives and fear of punishment, might
upset the whole arrangement by at-
tempting to resist. He was wise
enough to know that nothing was
to be gained, whilst everything al-
ready gained was to be lost, by an
appeal to arms. He therefore strain-
ed every nerve at this juncture to
keep Kiel quiet. He had left for
Canada with the especial object of
procuring an amnesty by which he
should be held entirely blameless ;
and this wily priest had impressed
upon him the certainty of his being
able to obtain it, his influence being
so powerful at Ottawa. Riel knew
not what to do : at one moment he
talked of resistance ; then, when the
word amnesty was whispered in his
ear, and visions of future political
greatness came up before him, he
would announce his intention of
coming out to meet us for the pur-
pose of handing over the govern-
ment of the country to the com-
mander of the Expedition. The re-
sult of this hesitation was that he
did notliing ; and his followers -kept
dropping off from him daily in con-
sequence.
He still held Fort Garry with an
armed garrison, and his published
proclamations at the time, although
indicative of declining power on his
part, were by no means sufficiently
reassuring or peaceable in their tone
to warrant any departure from all
military precautions by us. Orders
were therefore given to the leading
detachments to approach Rat Port-
age, at the entrance to Winni-
peg River, with the greatest care,
and to take measures for guarding
against surprise or ambush, as it was
a very likely place for an attack,
should Riel mean fighting. The
first detachment having arrived at
Fort Francis on the 4th of August,
and portaged its boats, &c., round
the falls there, started again that
same afternoon.
A narrative of our further doings
during the journey will be given in,
next month's number.
Fair to See. — Part I.
[Jan.
FAIR TO SEE. — PART I.
CHAPTER I.
THE shooting season of the year
186-, — the great and glorious
" Twelfth," — was drawing near, and
the prospects and the hopes there-
with connected were one wet -Sun-
day afternoon the subject of deep
discussion in the mess-room of the
— th, then quartered in the New
Barracks at Gosport. The regiment
had very lately returned from a tour
of foreign service ; and this circum-
stance entitled the officers to two
months' extra leave of absence, as
soon and in such proportions as they
could be spared from " duty. " About
half of their number, made up of
those who did not specially affect
sport, and of those whose juniority
deprived them of a voice in the
matter, were already availing them-
selves of this privilege ; and thus
the approaching months of August
and September were left open to
those who remained behind — gen-
tlemen for whom the crow of the
" muir-cock " and the whirr of the
partridge were that very soul of
music for which they had been
yearning all the last four years in
a tropical station.
The company, therefore, lounging
in the mess-room after church -par-
ade and luncheon on the Sunday in
question, being mostly of one per-
suasion as to sport — with one faith,
one hope, and, for the present at
least, one idea — formed a harmonious
and happy assemblage, and the com-
mon idea was very thoroughly ven-
tilated. The special qualities of the
old " muzzier," the various modifi-
cations of the "pin" breech-loader
and the " central-fire," the rival
merits of Henry, and Dickson, and
Purdie, and Dougal, were gone into
at full length ; pointers and setters,
retrievers and terriers — dogs of all
degrees — had their due share of
attention; nor, in the exhaustive
treatment of the subject, was a place
denied to the minor equipments of
the " shikari," which were all laid
on the tapis, and sat upon with the
solemnity befitting subjects of such
grave importance.
Sportsmen — or, as we should per-
haps rather say, men talking about
sport — are apt to repeat themselves ;
and undoubtedly this tendency to
iteration is one of the deadliest
nuisances to which flesh, in club
and smoking room, is heir. Who
does not tremble when the hunting
Munchausen gets into his saddle?
when the nautical proser clears out
of harbour ? when the shooting Bore
plants his foot upon his native
heath, and opens fire with his mon-
otonous barrels 1
But here, all being of the same
mind, none were dissatisfied ; and
though every one who had an idea
or an opinion repeated it emphati-
cally not less than seventeen or
eighteen times, the hearing vouch-
safed to each successive utterance
was perfectly patient and respectful.
Why not? Here all interests were
respected, here perfect reciprocity
was established ; and under such
circumstances, this conversational
method has the very tangible ad-
vantage of killing a wet afternoon
with a minimum tear and wear of
mind, of which we can never be too
saving. By degrees the conversa-
tion passed to the plans and pros-
pects of individuals for the next two
months.
"What lucky fellows are going
north for the 'Twelfth']" asked
one of the party.
1871.]
"I am," and "I am," and "I
am," rose from several voices.
" AND I AM ! " cried Fuskis-
son, a little white ensign, speaking
in large capitals with a voice like a
Jew's harp.
"And I am NOT!" shouted
M'Niven, the adjutant — a large,
loud, red, portentous-looking Scot,
whose nationality, combined with
certain peculiarities of diction, had
procured for him the sobriquet of
" Ossian."
" But I AM," persisted Fuskis-
son, as if in that fact M'Niven ought
to find ample compensation. " Old
Gosset, my father's partner, has
again come to the front ; and this
will be my second innings at Braxy.
Luck for me, isn't it1? Braxy is
something like a billet. You can
bag your five-and-twenty brace there
any day, don't you know? besides
hooking your salmon in Kelt water
in the morning, don't you see ? and
then the feeding and the liquor,
mind you ! Pass that bottle of
sherry, some one, that I may drink
old Cosset's health."
" Pearls cast unto the swine ! "
thundered M 'Niven. " Pearls cast
utterly to a very foul sort of swine,
pale-faced descendant of the Fuski.
It has now come to this, that huck-
stering aldermen, — bloated, gouty-
hooved, asthmatic, turtle-eating al-
dermen, with their puny brood of
alderruanikins like you, desecrate
the heather, demoralise the game,
and suck up all the ozone from
Scotia's violated breezes ; while I,
Niven, sad son of Niven and of
the mountain, pine grouseless in this
southern cell."
" Are you going really to pine all
the leave-season in your southern
cell, Ossian?" asked Fuskisson,
who took the adjutant's magnilo-
quent personalities with perfect com-
posure.
" ' My poverty, but not my will,
consents." "
Fair to Sec.— Part I.
75
" Neither my poverty nor my
will consents," said Bertrand Cam-
eron, a handsome, smart - looking
subaltern ; " but, all the same, it
seems as if I were doomed to share
Ossian's cell with him. Here am I
with the frugal savings of two years,
saved for the very purpose of get-
ting some shooting in Scotland when
we came home ; here am I, author
of seven advertisements on the sub-
ject, still unprovided with a moor ;
that is, Pigott and I — for, of course,
I could not go in for the whole
thing by myself; so as Pigott is in
the same boat with me, he will
make a third for the cell, if some-
thing doesn't turn up soon."
" Have you looked in to-day's
' Field ' ? " asked one of the party.
" No, I haven't. Has it come ? "
"Yes; and I heard some of the
fellows at breakfast reading and
laughing over an advertisement of
a Scotch shooting in it."
" Oh ! a ' Tommiebeg,' I sup-
pose."
" I don't know : you'd better have
a look at it."
" I wonder where it is."
" Dent took it to his room after
breakfast," said Fuskisson. " I saw
him going away with it."
"Well, as he's your captain, you're
responsible for him ; go and bring it,
and tell him he's fined."
" I daren't go near him just now ;
he's awfully savage at me. Fancy
his cheek ! he ordered me to come
and load cartridges for him till lun-
cheon ; and when I told him it was
against my principles to labour on
Sunday, he said, ' All right, it's against
my principles to pay the company
for the next fortnight, so you must
do it, my boy.' And when I said,
' D — n it, that's fagging,' he said,
'Mr Fuskisson, you mustn't swear
on the Sabbath-day in your captain's
quarters ; leave them, sir, and pay
the men for the next three weeks ;
another oath and I'll make it a month,
76
Fair to See.— Part L
[Jan.
and cut you out of Braxy altogether.'
The beast ! why did you post me to
his company, Ossian?"
" Dent is wise ! " thundered
M'Niven — " Dent is a philosopher ;
Dent, by the Mass, is Scriptural ! he
spares not the rod, lest he spoil this
Cockney bantling."
"I'll send a mess-waiter for it,
then," said Cameron ; and in due
time the paper was brought and ex-
amined by one of the party.
" Here it is," he cried, with a laugh,
after scanning the columns for a min-
ute or two. " Here it is — and the
very thing, Bertrand, for you and
Pigott. Shootings in the bosom of
a family of distinction ; a happy
hunting-ground, combined with a
happy home ! Everything extra ; all
questions to be asked by the adver-
tiser, and none answered by him ;
verified copy of pedigree to be for-
warded, and sketch of armorial bear-
ings. Capital ! capital ! "
" What does the fellow mean ?"
" Listen " — and he read as fol-
lows:
" TO SPORTSMEN.— SHOOTINGS ix
THE HIGHLANDS. — A gentleman of for-
tune and position, having rented for the
ensuing season the celebrated shootings
of Cairnarvoch, in the county of — — ,
•which are too extensive for his require-
ments, in consequence of his having been
disappointed of the partnership of his son
and another gentleman, is willing to sub-
let shooting for two guns at £100 per
gun. The MANSION-HOUSE OF CAIRNAR-
VOCH is large and commodious, and hav-
ing more accommodation than is required
by the advertiser, he would be prepared
to admit gentlemen sharing the shooting
to a share also of the house ; and as his
establishment is on the handsomest scale,
an arrangement might be made whereby
the gentlemen (ou terms hereafter to be
agreed upon) should, to obviate the in-
convenience of separate establishments,
join his family circle ; but in this case,
as there are ladies of refinement in the
family, the most satisfactory references
as to position and character would be
required. Application to be made to
Messrs Buncombe & M'Nab, Solicitors,
Gray's Inu, London."
" That sounds an odd sort of pro-
posal," said Bertrand.
" To me it sounds very eligible,"
said another.
"How about the family circle,
though?"
" Oh ! that would be the best of
it. Only read that advertisement ;
mark the suggested glories of the. ad-
vertiser— his wealth, his social posi-
tion, the size of his household, the
refinement of his ladies — and say if
it escapes your eagle eye that this
man would be a mine of fun ? and
the ladies, Bertrand, think of them ;
if the shooting is only passable, que
voulez-vous ? "
" You seem to forget," said Pigott,
" that my object is the shooting, not
to trot out ridiculous old gentlemen,
or to flirt with their daughters. One
can do that here, anywhere, without
the trouble and expense of a journey
to the Highlands. The shooting
must be much more than passable to
satisfy me, I can tell you. Now I
should not expect this shooting to
be much ; the man is in a hole, and
wants to get out of it as cheaply as
possible, small blame to him — but
the whole thing smacks of 'Tommie-
beg.' Does any one know anything
about Cairnarvoch ? "
" Know Cairnarvoch V thundered
M'Niven. " Ay, well I know it —
paradise of sport ; look you, a para-
dise. Grouse, capercailzie, ptarmi-
gan, blue hares, black -game, and
rabbits, woodcock, snipe, and roe,
swarm on its hills and make the
welkin black."
" Which being interpreted means
that the shooting is first-rate?"
" All that the sporting heart de-
sires. Too good, alack ! if gouty
hooves of pampered aldermen and
the be-turtled "
" Oh ! spare us, spare us, Ossian :
you can recommend the shooting,
seriously?"
" On soul and conscience, Came-
ron, I can,"
1871.]
" Come, that alters the case," said
Cameron.
"What do you think of it, Pigott?
After all, the people won't matter
much, if they give us plenty to eat
and drink ; open air all day and early
hours at night ; what do you say,
PigottP
"I can't say anything about it
till I've thought it over, talked it
over, and smoked over it. I'm going
to my quarters now : you can come
if you like, and we'll do all three to-
gether. " Whereupon the two friends
left the mess-room together.
As these two gentlemen are to
play conspicuous parts in our story,
it may here be as well to say some-
thing of them by way of introduc-
tion— albeit it is far from our in-
tention to act the part of the mas-
ter of ceremonies in the unsophis-
ticated days of the drama, shout-
ing, at each new entrance, " Here
cometh in ' Spotless - Modesty ' ! "
" Enter the < Soul -of- Honour' !"
" Listen to ' Refinement -of -Man-
ners,' " — and so on. It is no part of
our plan to thrust upon readers an
inventory of all the vices and virtues,
graces, adornments, specks and flaws
of each character at the outset, and
so to send each character " on " with
his raison d'etre hung as a foregone
conclusion about his neck.
Our dramatis personce shall speak
and act for themselves ; and every
one shall be at liberty to refer the
deeds and words reported to such
springs as may appear to each to be
their legitimate sources. In this
way the reader's right of private
judgment shall not be filched from
him, and in one respect, at least, the
writer shall avoid committing him-
self.
But as in everyday life, before
presenting one person to another,
we commonly, when we have the
opportunity, furnish each with some
slight renseignements of the other ;
so it is necessary to say something
Fair to See.— Part I.
77
by way of introduction to the per-
sonages who from time to time make
their appearance on our little stage.
On this principle, let us introduce
the two gentlemen who have retired
for consultation ; and first, Lieuten-
ant Bertrand Cameron, of H.M.'s
— th Regiment of Infantry. He was
the only son of a gentleman of very
ancient and distinguished family in
the Scottish Highlands, who, in ad-
dition to a long yet authentic ped-
igree, had inherited a property not
only magnificent in territorial ex-
tent, but yielding a revenue which,
even according to Low - country
standards, was magnificent. These
combined advantages made the Laird
somewhat of a rara avis in the
Highlands ; and it would have been
well for him if he had been satisfied
with that distinction ; but it was not
so. If his fortune was large, his ideas
were on a much more extensive
scale. He aspired to be a rara avis
wherever he went. The prestige of
his feudal grandeur in the north he
supported in London and in Paris
with a splendid recklessness ; and
what with that and the turf, and
play, and an extravagant wife, and
that laissez-aller easiness of disposi-
tion as to the state of his affairs,
which marks its possessor as a sure
prey for every class of marauder, a
very few years had reduced the
Laird to a state of desperate embar-
rassment. The nursing and re-
trenchment which might in time
have restored the property was im-
possible to him ; a run of luck at
the tables, a fortunate coup on the
turf, — such are the only resources
which appear available to men of
his disposition and training ; and
just at this time railway speculation,
which was at its most frenzied
height, offered him an obvious sand-
bank wherein to drop the mangled
remains of his fortune. Of course
he availed himself of it, and six
months thereafter his property was
78
Fair to See. — Part I.
brought to the hammer, and, fol-
lowed by sincere regret, Mr Cameron
disappeared from the social orbit in
which he had been some time a
particular star.
From a rental of £20,000 a-year
nothing was saved — absolutely no-
thing. It was, indeed, fortunate
that his wife had a few hundreds
a-year in her own right; for on this
pittance they had to depend entirely
for subsistence, and on this they
settled down in an obscure little
town in France — to " make the best
of it." When calamities of this sort
come upon people well advanced in
years, they have some consolation in
feeling that they have had a long
spell of the brighter side of life, and
that, if the evil days have come at
last, their duration cannot be very
protracted; but here was a couple
not yet near middle life, with a very
short and very brilliant past behind
them, and a very long and very
dreary future in front, quite without
hope of a change for the better.
The prospect was too much for Mr
Cameron. He " made the best of
it" by declining to face the situa-
tion, and died in a few months of
that mixture of regret, disgust, ennui,
and despair which constitutes a very
real and fatal disease, however much
it may be sneered at when described
as "a broken heart." His widow
settled at Brussels with her only
child Bertrand ; but she did not
very long survive her husband and
her fortunes ; and before he was ten
years old Bertrand was an orphan,
left to the guardianship of his uncle.
This uncle was Roland Cameron,
who, though the younger brother of
his ward's father, had also inherited
a very good property in the High-
lands. The estate in question had
been for centuries possessed by the
Camerons ; and though it was not
entailed, it had been the family
custom, by a system not uncommon
in Scotland (which has been a fruit-
[Jan.
ful source of litigation and hardship),
that it should be held by him who,
for the time being, was next in suc-
cession to the principal estate.
This system had, however, been
abolished by Roland's father in his
favour ; he, in consideration, it was
supposed, of the greatly enhanced
value of the first property, having
devised to his second son absolutely
the fee-simple of the second. Ro-
land, although thus free from the
usual hard conditions of younger
sonship, had been endowed by na-
ture with those qualities which fre-
quently seem to compensate the
cadet for the narrowness of his
patrimony. He had intelligence,
activity, perseverance, and energy —
gifts which might have been allow-
ed to waste themselves in inaction,
wanting the spur of necessity, had
it not been for his ambition, which
was indomitable. This moved him
to look about for a career with a
wide horizon and large possibilities
of eventual distinction, and he se-
lected diplomacy as the profession
in which he believed his talents
would be most likely to find a
suitable and congenial sphere. Xor
was he mistaken. His progress
was more than usually rapid ; and
in consequence of a contribution
which he made to the literature
of an important international ques-
tion, at a time when it was dividing
political parties in England, he at-
tracted the attention of the leaders
of that party whose views he ad-
vocated. A seat was before long
found for him in the House, and,
once there, he soon talked himself —
as so many have done before and
since — into office. An under-secre-
taryship in a hard-worked depart-
ment probably looks more desirable
at a distance than from the point of
view of an incumbent. Roland cer-
tainly found it so ; and scarcely ap-
preciated, as of the nature of a re-
ward, the incessant application to
1871.]
laborious duties of routine which it
imposed, or the official muzzle which
forbade the free use of his versatile
and discursive powers of talk. He
gladly, therefore, when it came his
way, accepted promotion to the gov-
ernorship of a British dependency,
which, although unimportant and
not very remunerative, was the first
step on the ladder by which he
aspired to climb. Others were
reached in due succession. He
knew how to keep himself in the
recollection of the Government and
before the eyes of the public. If
there was nothing stirring in his
own particular colony, he was al-
ways ready with letters, articles,
and pamphlets on the affairs of
others. Sometimes his energy was
of use, sometimes it was a bore; but
either alternative conduces to ad-
vancement in the public service,
and as each term of office expired,
Roland was, as a matter of course,
re-employed and promoted. At the
time this story opens, he was gover-
nor of a most important colony in
" Greater Britain ; " he had been
made a K.C.B. ; and the value of
his property in Scotland had been
nearly trebled since his succession
to it. Thus prosperity had hitherto
shone upon him from every quarter.
Up to this time there had been no
check in his career ; and if it came
now, as come it did, he had the
melancholy satisfaction of feeling
that he himself, and no such intangi-
bility as Fortune, Fate, or the like,
was to blame.
We all have our weak points, and
it was in the point of morality that
Sir Roland displayed a somewhat
deplorable feebleness. The most
servile of colonial courtiers could
not have otherwise averred ; and in
the fierce light which beats not
merely on the throne, but on all
governmental eminences, his Excel-
lency's failings were conspicuously
visible. Even in communities where
Fair to See.— Part I.
79
the moral tone is not high, morality
is exacted by public opinion from
those who are set in authority — the
reverse, at least, is always unpopu-
lar ; and as Sir Roland, by succes-
sive promotions, came under the
criticism of a larger and more civil-
ised, and therefore more exacting,
public opinion, his personal unpopu-
larity increased. All his acts of
government were accordingly criti-
cised with an animus personally un-
favourable to the Governor; and
such as were unpopular in them-
selves were assailed with a vehe-
mence and bitterness more than
half-inspired by dislike to their ori-
ginator. There was a turbulent
legislature in Sir Roland's last and
most important colony ; a strong and
vigorous party offered him a relent-
less opposition. Difficult questions
of policy arose ; and the good of the
colony seemed at times a minor con-
sideration with the Opposition com-
pared with the defeat and humilia-
tion of the Governor. His disposi-
tion, which was naturally haughty
and autocratic, would not stoop to
conciliation. He met the animosity
of his opponents with fierce resent-
ment ; and in his measures of retalia-
tion at last permitted himself to
overstep constitutional limits. This
at once embroiled him with friend
and foe alike. The Imperial Legis-
lature was appealed to, and Sir
Roland found himself in danger of
impeachment or of enforced retire-
ment into private life. Thus mat-
ters stood with him at the opening
of our tale ; but we must not fur-
ther anticipate his history.
At the time when young Bertram!
was left to his guardianship he was
still in a very minor colony, in a
very remote part of the empire; and
he at once arranged that the child's
education should in the mean time
be continued at Brussels ; and hav-
ing instructed his agent to select a
suitable pensionnat, and establish
80
Fair to See.— Part I.
his nephew at it, he troubled him-
self little more about his charge.
Once annually he wrote the boy a
letter, and once annually he receiv-
ed an answer — so that twice a-year
he was certainly reminded that he
possessed a nephew. Sir Roland
(having been for many consecutive
years absent from Europe) did not
see Bertrand till he was fifteen years
of age — his last year having been
spent at a military school in Ger-
many. " The boy is growing up a
d d foreigner," was the verdict
he pronounced on his young charge,
in a tone of somewhat unreasonable
displeasure. "We must get you
home at once, youngster; and, by
the by, what do you think of in the
way of a profession ?" Bertrand gave
the answer which ninety young Bri-
tons out of a hundred would give at
the same age. He unhesitatingly de-
clared for the army; and his uncle
making no objection, his future lot in
life was thus summarily determined.
He was at once transferred to Sand-
hurst, whence he was in due time
gazetted to the — th Regiment, in
which he had now served for five
years — the two first with the depot
of his corps in England and Ireland,
and the remainder in that tropical
station from which they had just
returned at the opening of our story.
It is only farther necessary to say
something of Bertrand's personal
appearance, which was extremely
handsome and prepossessing ; of
that dark Celtic type which, with
a clear complexion and grey hazel
eyes, unites hair of the deepest and
glossiest black. His features were
refined and regular, the upper part
of his face indicating bright intelli-
gence ; though perhaps the physiog-
nomist might doubt, from symptoms
of irresolution in the contour of the
lower part of his face, and from the
pattern of his mouth, whether this
intelligence would not at times be
scantily interpreted by his actions.
[Jan.
A tall, lithe, active figure, the
strength and symmetry of which
were denoted by a singular grace,
either in action or repose, completed
a tout ensemble that would alike have
delighted the eye of the artist and
of the recruiting-sergeant. He was
a favourite in his regiment; he had
been a favourite at Sandhurst ; and
we need only farther add that we
trust the reader's opinion of him
may not altogether differ from that
of his school-fellows and comrades.
His friend Captain Watson Pigott
was nobody's son in particular, and
did not regret the circumstance in
the least. If a man has a thorough
respect for and appreciation of his
own personal qualities, he is apt to
undervalue family antecedents, par-
ticularly in these democratic days.
He was four or five years older than
Bertrand, and his personal appear-
ance was neutral — eyes, mouth, hair,
complexion, and height — all were
neutral. Everything about him
seemed to be devised to escape spe-
cial remark ; and, indeed, the only
idea that occurred to one on first
seeing him was, "What a clean-
looking fellow ! " But when you
came to examine him more closely,
from the cut of his hair and its
faultless partition, down to his
blameless boots, there was a quiet
harmony in all his appointments
that might lead one given to judge
by externals to expect to find him
a self-contained man, with a well-
regulated mind.
His habits were not gregarious ;
indeed there was a certain retenu
about his manner which was rarely
laid aside, except in a tete-a-tete —
and in tetes-d-tetes he almost never
indulged except with Bertrand
Cameron. His friendship for Ber-
trand, and his constant association
with him, were perhaps the most
salient points in his character in the
judgment of his brother officers.
They voted him a good-natured fel-
1871.]
low, but suspected him of being
intensely selfish, which may have
arisen from the fact that he was
rich, and yet not extravagant — a
combination singularly grovelling
and unlovely in the eyes of gentle-
men whose meagreness of fortune
was, as a rule, compensated for by
a noble breadth of view as to the
paternal relation in a pecuniary
sense.
This will be sufficient as an in-
troduction to the two young men
whom we left retiring to consult on
the Cairnarvoch question in Captain
Pigott's quarters.
Bertrand Cameron, comfortably
established in an arm-chair, with a
cigar in his mouth, unfolded ' The
Field' with solemn deliberation,
and began to re-read the advertise-
ment lately under discussion in the
mess-room, approaching it with the
air of one who has a knotty ques-
tion to solve.
"I'll read it first, Pigott," he
said ; " then you shall read it, and
then we'll compare notes and talk
it over. It will require a deal of
consideration, you know ; we must
do nothing in a hurry."
Bertrand's processes of thought
must have been singularly rapid on
this occasion, or his judgment ar-
rived at altogether per saltum ; for
no sooner had he concluded the re-
perusal, than he jumped up with
great vivacity, and thumping ' The
Field' down on the table before
Pigott, cried, " It's the very thing
for us, Pigott — made for us, con-
trived for us — if we have only the
luck to secure it. Let us write at
once to these London lawyers and
book it."
" I thought you had just said
that it would require a deal of con-
sideration ] "
"So I thought, but I was mis-
taken. The second reading is every-
thing : it gives one new lights, it
opens fresh points of view; I see
VOL. CIX. — NO. DCLXIII.
Fair to Sec. — Part I.
81
all the advantages of the plan now.
Let's cry ' agreed,' and write to the
lawyers."
" You forget I haven't had the
advantage of a second reading yet."
" What a slow -coach you are !
listen, then," — and Bertrand again
seized the paper and read the para-
graph aloud, sonorously, enthusias-
tically, dwelling upon the points
which he took to be most seduc-
tive, with the emphasis of a par-
tisan.
" Now, what do you say, Pigott ?"
he cried, the reading concluded.
" My good man, what a hurry
you're in !" replied his friend. " You
may have inspirations — I haven't :
give a fellow time to think."
" "Well, well, what's your primd
facie view of it 1 Hang it ! You
must have a primd facie view of
some sort ; what is it 1 "
" Some one in the mess-room said
it sounded like a ' Tommiebeg;' per-
haps he was right. I shouldn't
wonder if that was my primd facie
view, if I had time to discover it."
" Tommiebeg ! humbug ! It's well
known to be one of the finest shoot-
ings in Scotland."
" So the advertisement says, of
course ; just as I, if I was advertis-
ing for a brigadiership in the Ame-
rican army, would likely describe
myself as ' well known to be one
of the finest soldiers in the Brit-
ish army.' Of course I should be
speaking the truth ; but the Yan-
kees would scarcely engage me upon
my own certificate, would they ? "
" Well, M'Niven says it is true."
" M'Niven is an Ossian, not a
Solomon."
"The game-book would show, at
all events."
" Precisely ; the first sensible
words you've spoken in the matter,
Bertrand. In the first instance, we
should require to see the game-
book."
" Well, let us write and ask for
82
Fair to See.— Part I.
[Jan.
it, and engage the shooting condi-
tionally on the book giving a satis-
factory account."
" Ah ! but there are other ques-
tions— the domestic, the financial."
" Well, what's your primd facie
view about them ? "
" My jjriwza facie view about
them is, that we have no means of
taking any view of them whatso-
ever. Who is this ' gentleman of
position '1 who are his ladies of
refinement1? what does he define
' position ' to be 1 and what is his
notion of refinement 1 I confess to
a certain inquisitiveness on these
points — weak of me, perhaps, but I
am a frail mortal Then what is
the entrance to his dress-circle to
cost us 1 I am not a bloated aris-
tocrat, as you know, and I don't
think I'm a screw (though some
asses say I am); but I must say
I like to know my company, and
I prefer to estimate the expense
of a campaign before plunging into
it,"
"What a cautious old bloater
you are ! Talk of Scotchmen being
' canny ' ! Now look at yourself an
Englishman, and at me a Scot ;
which of us two is the ' canny '
one ? "
" I sincerely believe and hope I
am, (Bertrand; but heaven forbid
I should insult most grave and
reverend Caledonia by considering
a hare-brained lunatic like you a
typical Scot ! but that isn't the
question. I am a practical man,
and I want to know what you've
got to say to my questions."
" Oh ! I detest a practical fellow ;
you've got no go, no dash, no spirit
of adventure about you ; but I know
you're a mule, so pray take your own
way, only take action of some sort
at once. Remember this day fort-
night is the ' Twelfth.' "
" Very well, Bertrand, I'll meet
you in that, at all events. I'll write
to Buncombe & M'Nab, and make
them disgorge all essential particu-
lars. You needn't be in such a state
of mind — there's lots of time ; all
the world is not so impetuous."
" Sit down then, at once, and
write."
And down Pigott sat and wrote
accordingly ; and, after some day.*,
particulars were obtained sufficient
to enable him to form at least " a
primd facie view" of the matter.
Bertrand's fears were not realised.
The shootings were still to be had.
Nor were Pigott's " Tommiebeg "
surmises substantiated, for the game-
book showed a really splendid aver-
age over the last five years.
The consideration to be paid for
an entrance to, and residence in, the
domestic circle of Cairnarvoch, was
pretty stiff — an "eye-opener," Pig-
ott said ; but Buncombe & M'Nab
pledged their professional reputation
that there would be ample equiva-
lents, and Pigott thought he might
surmount that objection. As to the
social question, the lawyers said that
the advertiser was a most esteemed
client, a most respectable and wealthy
gentleman — M'Killop by name, a
native Scot, but who had spent all
his life in the colonies, whence he
had recently returned with a large
fortune.
It was his intention to purchase
a landed property in the north, for
which he was on the look-out, and
in the mean time he rented Cairn-
arvoch Castle. In reply to a half-
expressed indication of surprise on
Pigott's part that a gentleman of
wealth and position should care to
sublet his shootings, and admit total
strangers into his family as a kind
of boarders, the lawyers admitted
that, though by no means without
precedent, it might appear strange ;
but Mr M'Killop was a mercantile
man, and mercantile men were apt
to prefer the utilitarian to the con-
ventional view of matters. Owing
to the unexpected departure of his
1871.]
fair to See. — Part I.
83
son and a friend for the colonies, he
found himself with shooting on his-
hands three times as extensive as
his requirements, and, as a man of
business, he had resorted to the ex-
pedient in question. But it was
not altogether by business motives
that he was actuated. It would be
a real benefit to him to have the
society of some pleasant gentleman-
like inmates ; for a man, all his life
in the colonies, found but few
friends on his return home, and the
district around Cairnarvoch had few
residents, and at such distances as
to render their society but little
available.
The ladies of the family were
three in number. Mrs M'Killop,
her daughter by a former marriage,
and Mr M'Killop's daughter, also
by a former marriage, constituting
in the opinion of Messrs Buncombe
& M'Nab as truly charming a family
circle as any gentleman could desire
to be admitted to.
" It is something of a leap in the
dark, Bertrand," said Pigott at last,
after mature consideration of all
these particulars ; " but as there are
a few streaks of light about it — the
game average, for instance — I am
prepared on the whole to take it.
What say you?"
" What say 1 1 what I said from
the first ; it's the very thing for us.
We get rid of all the nuisance of
servants and housekeeping, and
stores and keepers and ghillies to
look after, and a hundred other
worries. We are certain of good
sport, and if the society is not all
we could wish, we can keep our-
selves pretty much to oiirselves.
So it's agreed. Vive Cairnarvoch !
Vive M'Killop ! Vive Buncombe !
Vive M'Nab ! Vive everybody !"
All the arrangements were quickly
completed, and ratified by an auto-
graph letter from M'Killop, express-
ing his satisfaction and describing
their route; and on the morning
of the 9th of August, behold our
sportsmen starting from Eustoii
Square by the Scotch mail, accom-
panied by Pigott's valet, a nonde-
script lad, to look after the dogs,
picked up at a livery-stable — quite a
small pack of setters, pointers, and
retrievers — and all the usual imped-
imenta of sporting youths of con-
dition.
CHAPTER II.
The route by which Cairnarvoch
was to be reached is one of the
most delightful that can well be
conceived — that is, after leaving
Greenock, in which fetid and
whiskyfied town our travellers
found themselves at the close of
their first day's journey. Here,
rather than in Glasgow, they had
resolved to sleep, so as to avoid an
inconveniently early start on the
morrow, when their journey was
to be continued to Oban, in the
far-famed steamer lona.
Happy he or she who has yet to
experience the first delights of that
delectable voyage! and happier he
or she who can look forward to
repeating it, year by year, when
summer days are fine ! Given
bright weather and a bright com-
panion, the pleasure of that passage
is something unique. The melange
of delights of which that steamer
forms the nucleus is decidedly by
itself, — and in this respect among
others, that here almost every sort
and condition of men must find
some source of gratification and
amusement.
"How?" "Why?" "What is
thereto do?"
You ask this, 0 miseras homi-
num menteis ? — you ask this, O
Fair to See. — Part L
pectora cceca ? that have never
thrilled in unison with the pulsing
of the Ionian paddle-wheels !
What is there to do? What is
there not to do 1 and to see 1
First, if you have ever so little of
an artist's eye or an artist's soul —
that is to say, if you love nature at
all — very surely you will find that love
stirred and quickened within you
all the live-long day — if you only
keep your eyes open — while thread-
ing with the lona the wondrous
labyrinth of her beautiful course.
The mountain panorama which
greets you as you start, noble
though it be, is but the noble pro-
mise of still better things ; for it
cannot show you the exquisite
variety, the contrasts, the combina-
tions, the marvellous chiaroscuro,
the subtle harmonies, the sublime
discords, that meet you and thrill
you at every turn, passing through
the inner penetralia of all that is
most glorious in the land of moun-
tain and of flood.
Gliding through those strange
sounds and estuaries, with their in-
finite sinuosities, traced about pen-
insula and cape and island — traced
as it were with a design of delight-
ing the eye with sudden present-
ments of scenic surprises, as it were
with a design of furnishing not one,
but twenty points of view, where-
from to consider each salient wonder
and beauty round which they seem
to conduct you proudly on their
glittering paths — there must be
something far wrong with you if
you find no delight in all this. For
here, indeed, you have a succession
of the noblest pictures, — no mere
iteration of rugged mountains, mon-
otonous in their grim severity and
sublime desolation, — no mere sleepy
tracts of unbroken forest, nor blank
heaths losing themselves vaguely in
the horizon, nor undulating expanses
of lawn-like pasture land, but with
something of all these features blend-
[Jan.
ing in each of the splendid series ;
every feature in turn claiming its
predominance, when all the others
seem to pose themselves about the
one central object, sinking for the
moment their own individualities
that it may be glorified.
Something of this sort you may
see at almost any point of the voy-
age ; and then — as to what you may
do — inspired by such scenes, you
may well address yourself to
" Feed on thoughts that voluntary move ]
Harmonious numbers."
Or if inclined for a grosser susten-
ance, down below you will find the
best and amplest means of satisfy-
ing such requirements. Or if tired
awhile of ministering to the hunger
of the soul, and of quelling the more
sordid rage of carnal wants, you may
look about you on the decks and
cabins, and there find a rare oppor-
tunity of considering your kind in
right humorous aspects.
We once heard a fellow-passenger
remark, "This lona is far better
than most plays ;" and he was very
right. You won't often meet with
a quainter assortment of human
units. The steamer is a moving
stage, on which you can see going
on, side by side, no end of little
dramas ; and as for the dramatis
personce, who are they ? or rather,
who are they not 1 Honeymooning
couples huddled together under
umbrellas to screen them from the
sun, and from the world's garish
eye ; inevitable reading parties from
Oxford and Cambridge ; indigestive
blue-stockings, " inverted " philoso-
phers, smug parsons, and leathery-
looking lawyers ; sportsmen en
route for their shootings, yachting
men for their yachts, gamekeepers,
ghillies, and figure footmen ; bleary
Germans, and dyspeptic Yankees,
calculating the exact number of
cocked-hats into which the Missis-
sippi knocks the Clyde; jocund
an.]
schoolboys, bread-and-butter misses,
" cock-lairds," and Cockneys ; High-
landers and Mile-Enders, ladies and
gentlemen, — all sorts and conditions
of men, natural and artificial, sham-
ming and detective, bragging and
counter-bragging, appreciative and
depreciative, a. farrago, A pot-pourri,
an olla podrida — a dainty dish to
set before Democritus.
As these personce shift about and
interchange and intermingle, the
scenes and acts of separate dramas
get confused and entangled in the
quaintest way. The hero of one
walks into another and becomes its
zany ; and the high-life of a third
suddenly appears cockaded and ob-
sequious in a fourth. Look at two
groups that are always to be seen on
the lona.
The first is ubiquitous — we meet
it everywhere — the central figure
being our old friend paterfamilias,
with his semi-clerical look, his um-
brageous " wide-awake," natty wa-
terproof, guide - book, and eternal
telescope. He is surrounded by his
troop of rosy girls and smug youths,
whom he dominates fussily. One
of the boys has a contraband taste
for tobacco, and preventive strata-
gems are in perpetual requisition.
Another has an inquiring mind,
and lurks dangerously about the
engine-room. Then there is the
waggish daughter — the female pickle
— who never can see the particular
point on which her papa desires
to lecture ; and the lackadaisical
daughter, who requires constant
rousing from her novel to contem-
plate the book of nature ; and the
mysterious female friend with a look
of chronic sea - sickness ; and the
limp mamma, with a headache and
slight infirmity of temper which re-
quires coaxing. All these cares
and troubles are on the shoulders
of poor paterfamilias, and yet he
contrives to explain everything to
everybody who approaches. Who
Fair to See. — Part I.
85
has not met this group at all sorts
of places ? Who has not seen this
typical family tourist, with his fussy
look of abnormal relaxation? But
does any one " know him at home"?
What is he ? What does he do,
and where does he do it, when he
is not panting up the Eighi, or ex-
patiating at Ramsgate, or ogling the
Rhineland? Does any one know
him ? or will Mr Pollaky undertake
to run him to earth ?
Down below in the cabin we
have another group inevitable in
the lona, but not much met with
elsewhere. It is a small trades-
man's family from Glasgow " oot for
a bit jant."
In this case the head of the
family separates himself from his
kith and kin, and keeps holiday in-
dependently in the fore-cabin. How
he has amused himself we have a
fair opportunity of judging at the
conclusion of the voyage, when (but
not till then) he emerges from his
lair, solemn, sodden, staggery, with
imbecile up-liftings of the arms and
monotonous inarticulate murmurs,
as who would preach — and without
doubt that is what he is attempting
to do; for, say what they like of
" our own flesh and blood " in Scot-
land, their festal programme, simple
though it be, is not absolutely ful-
filled by whisky — a little theology
is supposed to give " bite " and re-
lish to the " barley bree." His
" sonsy " wife remains mistress of
the group in the saloon. It is large
enough, luckily, to contain many
groups, but hers is the most not-
able. She sits there in company
with seven children, two quart bot-
tles of milk, a soda - water bottle
filled with a pellucid liquor, a paper
containing some glutinous sweet-
meat, a basket of gooseberries, an-
other basket which is covered with
a cloth, but emits pungent odours
as of cheese. The youngest child
is, of course, in arms ; it is teething
86
Fair to See.— Part I.
[Jan.
before our very eyes, and is ob-
viously the victim of intestinal
pangs. It cries incessantly when
it is not being nourished, and when
it is nourished (in open court) it
chokes. The other children, who
appear to be all about five years
old, play, romp, fight, scream, yell,
finally are whipped in the old-fasli-
ioned style, with much preliminary
nntrussing of points.
Certain spinsters flounce from the
saloon, a nervous fellow is agace
and swears, a coarse fellow laughs
aloud. What does she care, this not-
able woman ] She has paid her fare
and will take her ease : " The baby
camia dee o' hunger, and the bairns
maun hae their skelps. Afore folk 1
Whatna folk 1 Cock them up."
Accept these specimens, and then
call up how whimsically in contrast
all this sort of thing is to the scen-
ery through which the steamer is
gliding — scenery ever varying, un-
changing only in its one fidelity to
the beautiful and the sublime.
Oh ! dear reader, we have ridden
thus long on our Ionian hobby, and
very likely we have bored you. But
if you, too, are an Ionian, forgive
our tediousness, appreciating our
zeal ; whereas if the lona is still an
untasted joy, accept our prolixity as
a chastening and penal visitation,
and next summer supply the miss-
ing experience.
On board this steamer, and sur-
rounded by some such accessories as
those above sketched, behold our
two travellers embarked on the tenth
morning of August — the brightest
month of the Scottish year. Pigott's
tastes as a devoted sportsman had
frequently brought him to Scotland
before, but it was Bertrand's first
visit to the land of his sires. This
(unacknowledged) circumstance was
a secret and rankling source of grief
and shame to him — that he, the scion
of a thousand sons of the heather
(not to speak of the mist), should
never yet have planted his chieftain
foot upon his ancestral hills, seemed
to him to be indeed a woe and a
disgrace to be carefully concealed ;
and his desire on this occasion to
guard the secret from his companion
cost him no small efforts of self-
restraint and of finesse. Sore, in-
deed, was the trial to curb mani-
festations of excessive enthusiasm,
which might suggest non-familiarity
with Scottish scenery, and to repress
eager questions which were for ever
rising to his lips. Had his compan-
ion been as demonstrative a man as
himself, his task would have been
simpler ; but Pigott was essentially
of the " nil-admirari " school — sur-
prise, admiration, excitement of any
sort, appeared to be contraband of his
mental laws, insomuch that any com-
mendatory remarks elicited from him
by a first view of Niagara or the Mat-
terhorn would have differed but
little in form and tone from his
favourable verdict on the freshness
of his egg at breakfast, or some ex-
tra radiance in the polish of his
boots. Bertrand's secret had, of
course, been fathomed by him, and
he circled round and round it in his
conversation, to the confusion of his
friend and his own cynical amuse-
ment at the boyish absurdity.
But Bertrand had another cause
of disquiet. With some palpita-
tions of the heart he had that morn-
ing determined to array himself for
the first time in the " garb of Old
Gaul : " when, however, he had laid
out the different parts of the dress
(Avhich had been supplied by a
London tailor), a difficulty arose.
A South - Sea islander of average
intelligence might probably enough
contrive without instruction to get
himself inside a pair of trousers ;
but any one of us would find it a
hard task to array himself in the
beads, paint, feathers, and other
paraphernalia of the savage, so as
to pass muster as a gentleman-like,
1871.]
well-dressed cannibal of fashion ;
and so in a minor degree is it with
the Highland dress. Poor Bertrand
looked at the kilt and could find no
visible means of fastening it. In
despair he essayed to gird it on with
a portmanteau-strap worn en ceinture;
but its dimensions were hopelessly
voluminous, and he came to the
mournful conclusion that he must
have been accidentally supplied with
a dress intended for some masquer-
ading London alderman of especial
obesity.
What was to be done 1 Time
was flying. Must he relinquish his
intention of entering the Highlands
as a Cameron, glittering in the
proud plumage of a mountain bird 1
Perish the thought ! He would try
very diplomatically to get a wrinkle
from the waiter, whom he sum-
moned accordingly. " Oh ! waiter,
I find I've got some one else's kilt
sent with me by mistake ; it's miles
too large, and I wanted to see if you
could contrive any dodge for tuck-
ing it in, so that I might wear it
for the day. I hate travelling in
trousers ; and, by the by, there's
nothing to fasten it with. I never
saw such a kilt in my life."
The waiter, a stolid-looking West-
Highlander, examined the garment,
and then gave an inquisitive semi-
comical glance at its would-be
wearer. " I'll sort it for you, sir,"
he said ; and in a twinkling the re-
fractory garment was wrapped round
Bertrand's loins and pinned with
two big pins about the haunch and
hip-joint. " There, sir, it'll no be
getting lowse noo," he promised,
when the investiture was completed.
He then helped Bertrand to "do
on" the sporran, hose, brogues,
skien-dhu, &c. &c., to which our
Celtic novice, in his innocence, ad-
ded a belted plaid, brooch, and dirk.
All that was metallic in his appoint-
ments was of silver, freely incrusted
with rarnpagious cairngorms; and
Fair to See. — Part I.
87
altogether his appearance was as gor-
geous as the most florid taste could
desire.
Thus equipped, with his bonnet
(bearing a huge silver platter of ar-
morial devices, and an eagle's plume)
cocked jauntily on his right ear,
Bertrand descended in mingled pride
and perturbation to the coffee-room,
where Pigott was already seated at
breakfast. He posed himself serio-
comically at the door to disarm the
cynic by meeting him half-way.
His friend looked at him and munch-
ed, and looking and munching, his
eyes got a trifle larger, and at last,
with a ghost of grin, he remarked,
" In the name of the Prophet, how
did you get into that thing 1 "
" If you mean the Highland
dress," said Bertrand, flaring up at
once, " I got into it, I suppose, as
other Highlanders have done."
" One can conceive no limits to
the eccentricities which other Celts
may have performed, especially in
their cups. Brian O'Lynn, for in-
stance, had his coat buttoned be-
hind, and turned inside out."
" And pray what has that got to
do with me and my dress 1 "
" Only that you've been follow-
ing in the Irish Celt's wake in
putting your kilt on hind-side in
front."
" Pshaw ! nonsense ! "
" I'll prove it ; sit down."
Bertrand flounced himself down
on a chair, and the heavy sporran
swinging aside, up sprang the kilt
in front, the plaits that should have
been behind fanning themselves out
like a peacock's tail. Up started
Bertrand. " There must be some-
thing wrong, I suspect."
" I have something more than a
suspicion to the same effect," re-
joined Pigott. " Go and take it
off ; I wouldn't run the gauntlet of
the lona with a fellow rigged like
that for a trifle."
" It's a new kind of kilt," faltered
88
Fair to See. — Part I.
[Jan.
Bert rand ; " but I'll get accustom-
ed to it. I won't take it off."
" Oh, if you're obstinate, at least
let me put it on right for you. I
flatter myself I know all the eccen-
tricities of the garment. I used to
wear it deer-stalking when I was
young and foolish."
Here was a humiliation for the
de jure mountaineer ; but it was
obviously necessary to get on a bet-
ter understanding with his garments
before starting, so he crept meekly
up-stairs with Pigott, remarking,
"It's wonderful how soon one gets
out of the trick of a dress of that sort."
Two chamber - maids and the
waiter looked out of a room as they
passed, and retired sniggering vio-
lently, and Bertrand ground his
teeth with rage as he recognised,
and promised himself a future re-
venge for, the trick which the rascal
had played him. After the kilt
had been adjusted, Pigott persuad-
ed him to tone down the rest of his
appearance by suppressing plaid,
brooch, dirk, and other superflui-
ties; so that when he appeared on
the quarter-deck of the lona, bar-
ring that his unsunned knees were
of a dazzling whiteness, that his
jacket was velvet, and his kilt of
full-dress tartan, there was nothing
radically amiss with him in his qua-
lity of montagnard.
He was, as we have said, a very
handsome fellow ; and as he and his
friend commenced their promenade
on deck, he was quite a central ob-
ject of observation, which was ra-
ther embarrassing at first, and every
now and then suggested grave sus-
picions of the conduct of his kilt,
which he felt to be a garment of
terrible possibilities. But by degrees
his self - consciousness was quieted
down, and he was able to look the
world boldly enough in the face.
Of course the steamer contained the
usual quaint groups and outre indi-
viduals ; and as our travellers moved
about among them, they found ample
sources of amusement. Pigott,
walking up and down with that
abstracted air which seems to imply
a consciousness of no other presence
than the wearer's own, contrived, by
a few rapid, sidelong glances, to
take in the various humours of the
scene, and fell to expounding sotto
voce to .his companion the conditions
and characteristics of their fellow-
voyagers, telling them off in short
epigrammatic sentences. " Why,
Pigott," he exclaimed, when a tem-
porary cessation took place on their
arrival at one of the numerous land-
ing-stages, " you would make your
fortune as a showman ; but what an
ill-conditioned ruffian you must be !
you haven't got a good word to say
for any of them."
" Why should I ? I don't know
any good of any of them ; and even
if I had said anything bad of any
of them — which I deny — in groping
for the truth, it is always best to
err on the safe side."
" And the safe side is to make
them all out bad 1"
" Well, for choice, I should say
so, decidedly; but I have done no-
thing of the sort; I have only
pointed out their actual or possible
absurdities."
" How would you like to be
laughed at yourself?"
" Like it ? of course I like it. I
am laughed at, so are you, so is
everybody, by some one or other.
I laugh at a man for what I con-
sider his absurdities ; he believes
in himself, and is all the while
laughing at me for my ridiculous
deficiency of the very qualities I
deride in him. We are both pleased.
We are all Ishmaelites in the mat-
ter of mirth. The doctrine is a
great comfort to me. It teaches
me that I violate no Christian pre-
cept— at all events, I do as I know
I am done by."
1871.]
" Yes, but every one doesn't
think as you do. I don't go in for
laughing at people myself, and I
know I should hate being laughed
at — not that I suppose there is
much to laugh at about me, and I
don't suppose I am laughed at.
Should you 1 "
" Candidly, I should certainly
say you are ; and still more can-
didly, I should say you deserve it :
that kilt, for instance "
Bertrand stopped abruptly, and
hurriedly examined the hinder por-
tion of the garment with a renewed
terror that it was repeating its pea-
cock manoeuvre in rear.
"Oh! bother the kilt. Don't
let us prose ! What a charming
place ! What a crush of people !
but half your oddities are going
out. Why, they're all leaving ;
look."
" Never mind, they will be re-
placed : the tide has just done ebb-
ing, and here it comes flowing
again." And truly the departing
crowd were soon replaced by one
similar in quantity and quality.
On they came, crushing breath-
less and eager along the gangway,
with a brandished forest of walking-
sticks, umbrellas, camp-stools, bas-
kets, and so on — the Captain on the
paddle-box looking like Noah pass-
ing his cargo into the ark.
" Holloa ! " cried Bertrand, sud-
denly. "What's this?"
" Where 1 " asked Pigott.
"Why, there, on the pier, just
coming in."
" Oh ! " said Pigott, " that's a
very nice point for consideration;
don't hurry me. Not Helen M'Gre-
gor — she's too old for that ; nor
Madge Wildfire, nor Meg Merrilies,
nor Norna of the Fitful Head ; she
has a dash of all four, but No,
I give her up."
The subject of these remarks was
a tall, plethoric, elderly lady, in
whose attire and complexion all the
Fair to See. — Part I.
89
colours of the rainbow, and a good
many more, met in a blaze of inhar-
monious combinations. A bright
silk -tartan dress, involving stripes
of the most contradictory tints, was
surmounted by a black velvet tunic,
over which was draped a shawl of
another tartan — differing in all,
save its variegated brilliancy, from
the dress. A huge cairngorm
brooch fastened the shawl under
her chin, but its lustre paled before
the superior brilliancy of the ample
round red face, which wibbled
and wobbled in its billowy fatness
above.
Great saffron-coloured ogreish teeth
flashed from a ravine bisecting the
lower part of this ruddy orb. Two
pale twinkling eyes, seeming for ever
about to set behind high but full-
fleshed cheek-bones, peered over a
short up-turned nose ; while above,
a profusion of grizzled flaxen hair
towered in fantastic coils, detaching
one perfectly inauthentic ringlet to
patrol the capacious shoulders. The
whole edifice was crowned by a
perky white bonnet, from which, as
from a festive May-pole, streamed
many a banneret of tartan ribbon.
This wondrous creature, posed in
an attitude of command, stood look-
ing down on the quarter-deck and
its inhabitants, as if doubting their
worthiness to be admitted to a closer
contact with herself, and probably
to give them an unobstructed view
of the glory which was about to
descend into their midst. But the
steamer had embarked its passen-
gers, the "dreadful bell" had jan-
gled thrice, and the Captain, in that
state of normal fuss and " boil-over "
which belongs to his tribe, having
shouted irreverently to the lady to
" come along if she was coming,"
the paddle-wheels began to make
some premonitory revolutions. Thus
stimulated, and followed by a young
lady and a maid of spectral aspect,
who looked as if her substance and
90
Fair to See. — Part I.
colour had been absorbed into the
luminary of which she was the sat-
ellite, the great being moved heavily
across the gangway, sending Par-
thian shafts back to a couple of
porters, who were staring with in-
credulous contempt at certain min-
ute coins in their extended palms
with Avhich she had just failed to
satisfy them.
Leaning on the maid, she sailed
up the quarter-deck with a back-
ward rake of the head; and, after a
world of fussy arrangements of rug
and shawl, came to an anchor in a
prominent situation, and proceeded
to "take stock" of her fellow-pas-
sengers haughtily, through a mas-
sive double eye-glass.
The effect upon them of this
entree was varied.
" Mair like a muckle plei-actress
nur a dacent wummin," soliloquised
an acid Glasgow matron, withdraw-
ing her teeth from the recesses of a
bun to make the remark.
"Oh! goot life," snivelled a de-
lighted Celt at her elbow, " but she
put the fear o' deas on the pit por-
ter podies."
"Whew!" whistled Pigott, "So-
lomon in all his glory could have
been nothing to this."
" I rather think, sir," said an
ever - hovering paterfamilias who
overheard the remark, and was, as
usual, ready to supply information
of the most dilapidated description,
— " I rather think she is a chief-
tainess."
" She looks like one, don't she ] "
said Pigott.
" She does indeed, sir; and if my
memory carries me aright — a rela-
tive of the Duke of Argyll's."
" I shouldn't wonder : he has a
few relatives in these parts, I be-
lieve."
" Yes, and I really believe she
must be the lady who owns several
of the Hebrides ; a very noble-look-
ing person; so national, eh1?"
[Jan.
"Oh! decidedly so," &c. &c. &c.
There was as strong as possible
a contrast between the appearance
and equipments of the chieftainess
and those of the young lady who
accompained her. The only bright
colours which adorned the latter
were to be found in the rosy bloom
of her cheek, and in the golden
sheen which rippled through the
deep masses of her auburn hair.
Her face was a most pleasing one ;
and if it was deficient of that severe
regularity of feature which painters
and sculptors are perversely sup-
posed to desiderate, there was a
frank, fresh, joyous simplicity look-
ing out of her bright hazel eyes,
and a genial kindliness about her
whole expression, which might per-
haps be more likely to win hearts
worth winning than the most chis-
elled perfection of outline and pro-
portion. Her height, though look-
ing insignificant beside the colossal
dimensions of her companion, was
in reality above the average; and
her figure, light, active, and grace-
ful, was set off to advantage in a
close-fitting tunic and simple skirt
of a neutral colour.
The course of the great woman's
inspection soon brought her to Pig-
ott and Cameron, and she favoured
them with a very protracted scrutiny,
dwelling chiefly upon Bertrand, over
whose equipments her eyes promen-
aded with looks of curious disap-
probation. That foolish fellow
found himself getting very red and
uncomfortable. To be narrowly in-
spected by any one would have
been embarrassing enough at the
moment; but to be weighed in the
balance and found Celtically want-
ing by a chieftainess ' to the High-
lands bound' was woe indeed.
Presently she turned to her com-
panion and made some remark
which caused the young lady to
glance quickly in the direction of
the two young men; and then a
1871.]
short conversation followed which
they partially overheard.
" I'm certain it's them," said the
eldor lady. " Go and find out."
"Find out!" laughed the girl.
" How ? am I to go and ask them?"
" Ask the Captain."
" But the Captain is not the least
likely to know."
" Go and ask him."
" Oh ! please don't ask me to go.
I should never he ahle to struggle
through all these dreadful men on
the paddle-boxes. And surely there
is no serious hurry — if it is them,
we are sure to know in plenty of
time, and if not it Avon't signify who
they are."
" Salfish ! parvarse ! as usual, I
must go rnysalf;" whereupon she
rose and moved down the quarter-
deck.
Presently she had got hold of one
of the men of the steamer ; and after
some conversation, of which Ber-
trand and Pigott could perceive
that they were the subjects, they
saw her conducted to the stack of
luggage, saw her halted in front of
theirs, saw her deliberately read the
labels thereon, and return in triumph
to her companion, remarking, " I
was right — it is them ; I'll go and
speak to them."
" Oh, please not ! " said the
younger lady.
" Why not, pray ? "
" It looks so forward and inquisi-
tive ; and they must have seen you
reading their addresses."
" Affectation ! I have no patience
with you ; " and she turned and ad-
vanced upon Bertrand and Pigott.
But Pigott, divining her intention,
and remarking to his friend, " With-
out doubt a Highland kinswoman
of yours, who recognises the family
knee, and is coming to rend us,"
they broke and fled to the paddle-
boxes, and there remained in safety
till the vessel reached Ardrishaig,
where disembarkation is necessary
Fair to Sec.— Part I.
91
to cross by the Crinan Canal to the
lona's sister on Loch Crinan.
On their walk up to the Canal
they overtook and passed the ladies.
" Now, then," they heard the elder
say, " I've got them ; ahem ! "
"•No, no !" whispered the younger
lady.
" I will ; ahem ! ahem ! ahem ! "
and the latter sounds being obvious-
ly intended to attract their atten-
tion, Bertrand and Pigott turned
round and were at once accosted
by their pursuer. Her accent AVUS
extremely Scotch, and a grotesque
attempt to veneer it with the tones
of the Southron, and to gild it with
a few French phrases, made her all
but unintelligible. We shall only
attempt in her first few sentences
to represent the hideous sounds of
which she was guilty.
" Meal perdong, jontlemen," she
exclaimed — " dee meal perdong ; a
little burrd has whispered to me
that you are ong root for Cairnar-
voch ; was the little burrd correct1*"
Pigott replied that the bird's in-
telligence was accurate, with an in-
voluntary glance in the direction of
the younger lady, as if surmising
that she was alluded to under the
metaphor.
" Let me," continued the chief-
tainess, "jontlemen, let me introjooce
you to my daughter, Miss Grant."
The two young men made their
obeisance in great bewilderment.
" The little burrd," continued the
chieftainess, archly, " has told me
something else."
"Indeed]"
" Yes, indeed — your names."
" The little bird seems to take a
very flattering interest in us."
" Yes : you are Captain Pigott,
neyspau 1 "
" I am indeed."
" And you," turning to Bertrand,
" are Mr Cameron, neyspau 1 "
" The bird seems to be infal-
lible."
Fair to See.— Part I.
" I could tell that you were in-
tended to be a Cameron by your
tartans, of course. Well, jontlemen,
I'm deloited to make your acquoint-
ance, I'm shaw." The party then
moved on together, the two young
men much puzzled as to who this
oracle might be who stopped them
on the Queen's highway to tell them
who they were and where they were
going.
" We are most fortunate in our
weather," remarked Bertrand.
" We are," replied the lady, eye-
ing him grimly all over ; " and
that, let me say, is very fortunate
for your jacket — a velvet jacket — a
silk- velvet jacket ; you must excuse
me for saying that it has a peculiar
look in the morning."
" I am sorry to hear it," said
Bertrand, blushing painfully.
" Yes," continued the lady, " out
of all taste. How would I look
in a silk -velvet gown on board a
steamer ? "
" There can be no question that
the effect would be superb in any
situation," said Pigott, gravely, com-
ing to the rescue of his friend.
"Which shows that you know
nothing about it," rejoined the
chieftainess, ignoring the compli-
ment. " Full-dress tartan, too ! it
is very suspicious — very."
" I trust you don't suspect me of
being an accomplice, madam," said
Pigott, gravely.
" I know nothing about you, but
my suspicion is that he is only a
Cockney Highlander after all."
" No, I'm not, indeed ; I'm as
Highland as — as — anything."
" As a peat, you would have said,
if you had been^wre song.11
" To confess the truth, then,
though I am pur sang a High-
lander, I know nothing of the lan-
guage, I am ashamed to say."
" That's honest, at all events ;
and, if you are a Highlander, we
must teach you up at Cairnarvoch
[Jan.
to look like one, and to speak the
language, and how to dance strath-
speys and reels and Ghillie Callum,
and toss the caber and throw the
hammer, and eat haggis, and drink
whisky and Athole brose, and
" I am afraid it would take too
long to teach me so many desirable
accomplishments — that is, if I am
to shoot any grouse ; but am I to
xinderstand that we are to have
the happiness of being your neigh-
bours at Cairnarvoch?"
" Neighbours ! why, aren't you
coming to stay with us?"
" Ah ! really — too kind — but
" Mamma, you quite forget that
these gentlemen can't possibly know
who you are," said Morna.
" And why not, pray ? "
" Unless they have the ' second-
sight.' "
" You are forgetting yourself,
Morna. Is this so, jontlemen? Am
I not known to you ? "
" A little bird," said Pigott, " has
whispered to me that you are Mrs
Grant."
" That's right and wrong."
" She must have been drinking
before she came on board," thought
both the men.
" Eight, because I was Mrs
Grant ; wrong because I'm not."
" Fearfully intoxicated," thought
Pigott and Bertrand — " a painful
spectacle."
" I see, in introjoocing my daugh-
ter, I forgot myself. She is Miss
Grant, my daughter by my first,
Captain Grant ; but I am now Mrs
M'Killop, to whose house you are
going." The young men expressed
due satisfaction at the discovery,
and she went on loftily: " The
mistake is tickling; but one is so
accustomed to be known in one's
own country by every one, that it
does not occur to one that one is
not known by any one."
" It was deplorable stupidity on
Fair to See.— Part I.
1871.]
our part," said Pigott, " and we beg
to apologise."
" We'll say no more about it,"
said the lady, with magnanimity ;
" we were staying with some friends
on a visit at Port Maikie ; but I
harrd two days ago from M'Killop
that you were to arrive to-day, so we
have returned to receive you ; and
here we are at the Canal and the
steamer. Captain Pigott, kindly
give me your hand up the ladder ;
Morna, take my parasol ; M'Kenzie
(to the spectre), run up and pre-
pare a seat. Let me give you a
hint, Mr Cameron, in ascending
the ladder to be very careful. You
look like a fish out of water in that
dress ; and an Englishman in a
kilt is usually a shocking, indecent
sight."
" I shall certainly spare you such
an infliction," said Bertrand, in a
rage. " I shall stay below. Pigott,
you will find me in the cabin when
you come down again."
" It is a wise plan," rejoined the
matron, " for the sun will soon have
blistered these poor white knees of
yours — I can see that ; and you will
avoid impertinent , remarks at the
same time, which your appearance
provokes. It would be unpleasant
to have every one saying, ' Who
in the world is this with Mrs
M'Killop T — would it not?"
" Very much so indeed ; but you
need have no fear of my compro-
mising you — or myself." And
Bertrand, torn with rage and morti-
fication, increased by the tittering of
some bystanders who overheard Mrs
M'Killop's loud remarks, flounced
into the little cabin and sat down
in a corner, thankful for the small
mercy of finding it empty.
Presently he was joined by his
friend. " Well, Bertrand-," said he,
" even you are laughed at sometimes,
it seems."
" Yes," roared Bertrand, starting
up ; " but it's the last time I shall
93
be laughed at for this infamous
dress. It is a savage dress, an abom-
inable contrivance of the foul fiend.
I'll change it directly I get to Oban ;
and as for that she- savage, I wish
she was overboard."
" I think she is rather a trump —
mad, of course, but a trump."
" I admire your taste. This is
one of your 'ladies of refinement'
you've let me in for."
" Come, come, Bertrand, you're
unreasonable."
" Not a bit of it : it was all your
doing. You brought me here, but
hang me if I stay here ! I'll give up
my leave and go back to-night — I
tell you, to-night."
" In trousers, of course 1 " suggest-
ed Pigott.
" In trousers ! I should rather
think so."
While Bertrand was indulging in
this childish ebullition below, the
cause of his ire was being taken to
task on deck. " Mamma," said Miss
Grant, when Pigott left them, "what
could induce you to be so rude to
Mr Cameron 1 "
" I protest I don't understand
you, gurl; I never was rude in my
life."
" You told him he was a Cockney,
that his dress was out of taste and
ridiculous, and that it was unplea-
sant to you to be seen with him. It
has hurt his feelings, at all events,
whether it was rude or not, and
made me feel — feel "
" Oh, out with it; say it at once.
You're ashamed of your mother —
that's it; and this is what comes of
your fine education, and living with
your mother's enemies; this is the
Grant spirit — quite the Grant spirit
— most undutiful !"
" Mamma, you know I would
rather be anything than undutiful ;
but surely you can't wish to say un-
kind things to people, or to hurt
their feelings intentionally ; and if
I see you doing it without being
94
Fair to See.— Part I.
[Jan.
aware, it can't "be undutiful of me to
tell you."
" You are far too fond of lectur-
ing. I saw this young man had a
high look and a conceited manner,
and I thought it my duty to put
him in his place at once. Who is
he ? Some beggarly subaltern, who
thinks, because he pays us a rent,
that we are to be the dust under his
feet! No, no; I've put him in his
place, and in his place I'll keep him.
He may be the son of a London
shopkeeper for all we know."
" Well, mamma, I declare I saw
nothing the least assuming or im-
pertinent about either of these two
gentlemen ; and surely it would be
time enough to put them in their
places when they become so."
"I beg your pardon. We have
too many of these sham Highlanders
nowadays. It is most offensive to
the old blood."
" You don't know that this gen-
tleman is not of the old blood."
" What ! and travel in a silk- vel-
vet jacket and full-dress tartan 1 —
preposterous ! "
" At any rate, whoever he is, he
certainly did nothing to offend you,
and I am afraid you have certainly
offended him. Is this Highland
hospitality 1 "
" No one can say a word against
my hospitality ; and if you really
think the poor creature takes to
heart so much what I said, I'll put
him at his ease again in a moment.
I have tact."
This valuable quality she put in
requisition on Bertrand's reappear-
ance, which, however, did not take
place till they were approaching the
end of the voyage. Then advancing
to him with a subtle smile in her
pig's eyes, she peered into his dark
countenance, and remarked mincing-
ly, "Gloomy, gloomy face!" — an
exhibition of tact which, though
twice repeated, had not the instan-
taneous effect expected ; on the con-
trary, Bertram! showed symptoms of
retreat.
"A high temper is a sad curse,
Mr Cameron," she continued. " I
see you suffer from it ; but if I had
known its violence, my playful rub
would have been spared. No per-
son of tact would wantonly infuri-
ate such a disposition."
To be grossly insulted, and then
accused of having a furious temper
because he had simply avoided bis
insulter, struck Bertrand as rather
strong, and he replied with a digni-
fied falsehood, "You must pardon
me if I am quite at a loss to under-
stand your allusions."
" Oh ! don't attempt to deny it.
In my playful way (I'm a sad joker)
I rallied you about your dress, which
is, you must feel, a little Laznrre,
and about your white limbs, and *o
forth, and you must needs fly into a
tantrum and shut yourself up in the
cabin, foaming and swearing, I've
no doubt. It's choildish, choildish ;
we must all bear rubs, and to sho"
temper to a lady is not, let me tc-ll
you, commy faw in a Highland gen-
tleman, which seems to be the char-
acter you aim at ! ! "
" I flatter myself, madam, it is the
character which I have the honour
to possess," said Bertrand, loftily.
" Ah ! perhaps, perhaps ; but silk
velvet in the morning, and a dress
tartan, you must see that these are
very suspicious."
" I don't really know what yoxi
suspect me of," cried Bertrand,
bursting, in spite of himself, into a
laugh at this singular moral and
social criterion.
" That's right ; another laugh,
and the black dog will be off your
back. It is suspicious, as I said.
You see we have many London
Cockneys coming down here dressed
out like you, and we don't like it ;
the old blood doesn't like it : right
or wrong, it is insulting to the old
blood."
1871.]
" You imply that I am one of the
London Cockneys 1 "
" No, I didn't say imply. I said
that there was a suspicious look
about the whole thing."
" Then let me relieve you by
saying that I believe in this very
district there is no blood older than
mine."
" Ah ! yes, it's common to say
that, and believe it too, I daresay ;
but when one comes to investigate,
— to say, ' Show me your ruins, your
tombs, your castles passed away to
strangers and Sassenachs,' — there is
often a hitch — a hitch."
" I daresay we can show tombs
and ruins with our neighbours ; as
to castles passed away to Sassen-
achs, I am glad to say there is a
hitch ; but there is a castle in this
county belonging to us, and I be-
lieve it has been some five hundred
years in our possession. I had a
notion that made us a pretty old
family ; but if it is necessary to sell
it before we can be recognised as
' the old blood,' I hope we shall con-
tinue parvenus of the fourteenth cen-
tury."
" It is a fair age, certainly," said
the lady, "though nothing to the
M'Whannels, my maternal ances-
tors ; but there is no family an-
swering to all this except the Cam-
erons of Aberlorna, and there is only
one old man in it."
"There you are mistaken; there
is also a young one, and I am the
individual."
" The relationship will be pretty
distant, I'm thinking."
"Not so very far of; I am Sir
Roland Cameron's nephew."
"His nephew?"
"Yes."
" Dear, dear ! how stupid of me !
Then you must have been an or-
phan 1 "
" I still am, unfortunately."
" And you didn't die, as was said,
at the same time as your parents f
Fair to See.— Part I.
95
" So it would seem."
" Oh ! this is all very different —
gratifying, indeed," exclaimed Mrs
M'Killop, with enthusiasm ; " we'll
shake hands, if you please, and think
no more of my little rub, which
could never apply to a Cameron of
Aberlorna. Satirical people like
me are often led away into saying
things they don't mean ; and if your
dress is a little fine, his most sacred
Majesty George the Fourth landed
at Leith in full dress, which ought
to be a setting of the fashion; and
it will be a pleasure to me to re-
ceive you into our house. Indeed
it's a kind of revival of old times,
for there is a connection between
us.
"Really?"
"Yes; although there has been
no intercourse and something more
than a coolness between the fami-
lies for generations, there is a con-
nection. You must have heard of
TorkM'Ouanall, who received thirty-
seven wounds — all mortal — at the
battle of Inverlochy ?"
" I'm afraid not."
" No 1 how droll ! well, he was
my ancestor, and he married a Cam-
eron (it was a great match for the
Camerons, although I say it), and
that makes the connection."
"It is the proudest moment of
my existence," said Bertrand, his
ill-humour vanishing at the absurd-
ity of the whole scene.
" Morna, you must shake hands
with Mr Cameron," said her mother.
Morna gave a look of half-annoy-
ance, with which, however, fun was
struggling, and held out her hand
to Bertrand, who gallantly remark-
ed, " Let the vendetta of generations
die from this hour."
" A most extraordinary coinci-
dence, I must say," continued Mrs
M'Killop, " that we should become
acquainted in this way. We are very
clannish, we Highlanders, Captain
Pigott; and I daresay you can
96
Fair to See, — Part I.
[Jan.
scarcely understand the feelings of
delight which Mr Cameron and I
are enjoying just now?"
Pigott confessed that, though en-
viable, they were a trifle beyond his
depth ; and here the voyage, like
the vendetta, came to a close, and
any hope our travellers might have
cherished of escaping from the toils
of their hostess were at once dis-
pelled by her remarking, " M'Killop
has arranged that we are all to dine
here together, and drive home in the
evening. He was to bespeak all
necessary conveyances for the joint
party."
" A charming plan," said Pigott ;
" and what is the length of the
drive 1 "
"From three to four hours; but
it is never dark at this season, and
we shall all be refreshed by the
cool jews."
Before long they were seated at
an excellent dinner in the hotel,
and its soothing influence very soon
told upon the party. Bertrand for-
got his sulks, his annoyances, even
his kilt ; and his heart was merry
Avithin him, as he sat amicably
vis-a-vis to the descendant of the
ill-fated Tork.
As for that lady, after a glass or
two of champagne, she became more
than ever communicative, pouring
forth, in an unbroken stream, choice
extracts from her personal and fam-
ily history.
It was thus that our travellers
became aware that her maiden name
had been M'Kechnie (which was
not to be confounded with M'Kech-
ran or M'Fechnie, these being in-
ferior septs), a clan of unusual an-
tiquity and power, but which, sur-
prising as it might seem, was not to
her so great a source of pride as
her descent maternally from the
M'Whannels. Pigott gravely as-
sented that he was scarcely prepared
for that. It was true, however, she
averred ; but ail their grand days
were over. Clans and clansman-
ship were at an end. Their proper-
ties had passed to aliens. The
M'Kechnies were landless as the
Gregarach ; and, to his undying dis-
grace, the titular chief of the
M'Whannels was content to super-
vise the excise department of his
native district for the meanest of
stipends.
Washing away ancestral sorrows
with a glass of champagne, Mrs
M'Killop came to her own personal
history, and explained that in their
reduced state the daughters of her
clan could not afford to be fastidi-
ous in matrimonial matters. Hence
her marriage, contracted in spite of
personal advantages which she need
not dwell upon (but did, however,
at great length), with Grant, a
worthy man, and a cadet of a good
house, but only a " marching cap-
tain." He died, and she had sor-
rowed for him — honestly and con-
scientiously mourned him — as long
as was fit and proper, whatever a set
of stuck-up vinegar old maids might
say to the contrary ; after whom "
(with a fierce glance at Morna)," she
hoped no daughter of hers would
take," — a remark which brought the
young lady into action, her annoy-
ance at her mother's absurdity being
no longer repressible, and she said :
" Mamma, I don't think our family
matters can be very amusing to
these gentlemen, and I do beg of
you, at all events, to say nothing
against my dear, kind aunts ; you
know how it vexes me."
" There ! " said Mrs M'Killop,
looking round at the two gentle-
men, " there it is. This comes of
living with aunts. Poor Grant had
a fancy that this child should spend
half her time with his sisters, and
this is what comes of it — temper
and insubordination which only a
mother's tact and tuition could con-
trol. I will say nothing more of
your friends, Morna, since it is un-
1871.]
pleasant to you; but I will go on
with my little story, as I take leave
to think it will interest these gen-
tlemen, both of whom are to be
our inmates, and one of whom is
in a manner connected." And this
brought her to her marriage with
M'Killop, a gentleman who had, a
few years before, returned from the
colonies. He had realised every-
thing there, and resolved upon the
purchase of an estate in Scotland,
where, by a strange coincidence,
his clan had also become as land-
less as any M'Kechnie or M'Whan-
nel of them all. By another coin-
cidence, M'Killop was a widower,
with one son and one daughter.
When he had urged his suit, which
he had done with a very proper
importunity, she had carefully
weighed everything ; and her daugh-
ter's interest being paramount, the
circumstance that he, too, had a
daughter, had told in his favour.
" The companionship will be good
for my child," she had said ; "I
will be a mother to his girl, he a
father to mine ; " and so had yield-
ed. " I have not repented my de-
cision," she continued ; " like Auld
Robin Gray, M'Killop has been 'a
kind man to me.' " And she spoke
as though the wedding had in-
volved sacrifices on her part equi-
valent to those of the heroine of
that tearful ballad. " My only re-
gret is that we cannot suit our-
selves with an estate. The M'Kil-
lop country has passed entirely into
the hands of an English Duke"
(and the probabilities are that his
Grace did not find it a very heavy
handful), " and there is no other
appropriate settlement open at pre-
sent. Cairnarvoch is a sadly dull
place — the neighbours distant, and
not to our mind; and so this plan
of taking in our shooting tenants
does not seem amiss. I am sure we
shall get on very happily together.
M'Killop has reserve, but he is
VOL. CIX. — NO. DCLX1II.
Fair to See. — Part I.
97
quite the jontleman. My daughter
is as you see her— too brusk — too
outspoken. I wish she could take
a little of the polish of her step-
sister, keeping her own heart, which
is a kind one, although she does her
best to conceal it. But you will
make allowances for her ; it is all
the wild M'Whannel blood, which
is not tamed in a day, as I daresay
you know, Mr Cameron." Thus
appealed to, Bertrand gave a know-
ing look, intended to signify that
any one who attempted to tackle a
M'Whannel would, in his opinion,
find tough work cut out for him ;
and Morna, jumping up, cried out,
" Mamma, if you give such a dread-
ful account of me, these poor gentle-
men will be afraid to drive home
with us in the dark, and if we stay
here much longer, it will be dark
before we get home. Do order the
carriages."
The order was given, and two
large uncovered omnibuses were
speedily at the door. In the fore-
most the ladies and gentlemen and
the lighter baggage were bestowed,
and the other being loaded with the
servants, dogs, and heavier impedi-
menta, a start was effected.
It will not do to indicate their
exact route. The Celtic imagination
is highly pitched, and the temper of
the race sometimes a little stiff, and
if we were to particularise, who can
say what might come of it 1 Who
can say how many Mornas, and
M'Killops, and M'Kechnies, not to
mention untamable M'Whannels,
might swoop upon us, terrible as the
army of " the Phairshon," and stri-
dent as the overwhelming music of
that celebrated host 1 Far from us
be any such indiscretion. We may
safely say, however, that the route
was a beautiful one, though the
road was hilly, and its engineering
reflected more credit on the aesthe-
tic than on the practical turn of its
contriver.
98
Fair to See.— Part I.
[Jan.
The sun had just set behind the
distant hills of Mull, but the sky
was without a cloud, and glorious
with that warm and mellow tint
which comes not often on the north-
ern sky, but coming casts on it a
beauty unknown to the heavens of
the South, where night usurps with
indecent haste the kingdom of the
sun, allowing no brief courtesy of
twilight. Yet not to twilight does
this mellow tint belong, but to a
certain benign middle light between
it and the sun's departure. Lack-
ing the glory of the sun, yet lacking
the mystery of the dusk, it with-
holds the ruder revelations of the
one and the weird transformations
of the other. Seen by it, every ob-
ject retains its identity, but with
each harsher detail refined and soft-
ened. Seen by it, the purple hills,
though their outlines are severe as
against a moonlit sky, may indeed
be said to bloom ; and the wild cat-
aract, leaping in its glory, to cast
itself down in softlier falling sheets
of silvery tissue from the height ;
and the thousand variations of the
forest foliage to blend into the one
excellence of an ideal verdure ; and
the sunset breeze rippling the bos-
oms of quiet mountain-tarns, to lay
on them a chastened lustre — the
pathetic impress, as it were, of the
sun's pure " good-night." " The
stars of earth," as Schiller calls the
flowers, may pensively veil some-
what of their brightness — a fitting
tribute to him who is away — their
glory and their life ; yet from them,
in their sweet eclipse, a compensat-
ing fragrance rises, and fresher than
the incense offered to their present
lord are the odorous sighs they
breathe when he is gone — waiting
for the sympathetic light of their
sister stars above.
It was a delicious evening, and its
soft influence, and the great beauty
all around, and the stillness — the
sudden hush which falls upon the
world when the sun disappears, as
if Nature paused a moment and
muttered the breathless question —
" Will he return ] " — all the deep
influences of the hour and scene
might well make speech a profana-
tion, and silence praise, and silence
fell upon the party. It must be ad-
mitted that Pigott's taciturnity was
probably due to a constitutional bias
in that direction, and Mrs M'Kil-
lop's, without doubt, to the more
sublunary influence of an after-din-
ner sleep. But Bertrand was in a
seventh heaven. Nature and Beauty
were revealing themselves to him in
their most benignant aspects, touch-
ing his heart with the fire of a hun-
dred enthusiasms, and stirring all
the romance and poetry of his soul
into a sort of rapturous life.
Looking over the splendid hills,
his spirit swelled with a patriotic
joy, and he thought, " At last ! Scot-
land ! my country ! " Here he was
living and moving amid scenes that
hitherto had been but the shadowy
accessories of a thousand day-dreams.
On these very hills the mighty king
of Morven had mustered his hosts
to go forth to the battle with Loch-
lin ; in these hollow glens they had
gathered to the joyous " feast of
shells ; " across these shimmering
waters they had sped their dark
prows, burning to reap harvests of
death with biting brands that
" never gave a second wound " —
Fingal, Ossian, and Oscar, and Gaul,
the peerless son of Morni ! The
wild strains of ecstatic minstrels, the
clash of armour, the battle-cry, the
wailing dirge, seemed to live in his
ears ; the sheen of beamy spears,
the waving of banners, the stream-
ing locks of heroes rushing to the
maelstrom of the fray, rose to his
mental vision. The clear sky-line
of the mountains seemed thronged
with shadowy hosts, and on the
margin of the sea stood the fair
forms of other years — Bragela, and
1871.]
Evirallin, and white-armed Strina-
Dona. And who were these that
came like the mists, hovering,
slow
" What a delicious curd there was
on that salmon at dinner ! " here
broke in the rasping voice of Mrs
M'Killop; and though the remark
(no doubt from the depths of slum-
ber) was not followed by another,
but tapered off into a succession of
snores, snorts, gasps, and wheezes,
it acted as " a word of power." The
shadowy hosts halted in their rush,
when the salmon rose in its material
curdiness ; at the sound of the earthy
artillery which followed, they fled
quaking back to Valhalla ; and Ber-
trand, tumbling headlong out of
cloiidland, " shocked " against the
cold earth, as the eagle falls pierced
by the bullet of prosaic man.
He glanced rapidly round at his
companions, as if half fearing that
they might be conscious of his fan-
ciful excursion, and half indignant
at his rude recall. Mrs M'Killop's
eyes were closed, her head moved in
a suave rhythm with the sound of
her snoring ; she was beyond suspi-
cion and the reach of wrath, and a
well-pleased smile on her full lips
suggested that her late repast was
being re-enacted in a succulent
dream.
Pigott, cold and wooden, was
fixedly staring at the rug upon his
knees; but Bertrand found that
Morna was curiously looking at him.
" I — I was admiring that moun-
tain," he said, in an apologetic tone ;
" what is its name 1 "
"That is Ben Scarrig," replied
Morna.
" It is magnificent."
" Yes, it is a very fine hill."
" And how beautifully clear the
outline is ! "
" Yes, but I prefer it with some
mist. It is wonderful sometimes to
see the mist marching up from the
sea, stealing through these woods
Fair to See. — Part I.
below, and creeping along the ridges,
just as if it had started to reach the
top, like something living — with a
purpose."
" Like an army of phantom sea-
kings storming the height," cried
Bertrand, suspecting a congenial
spirit.
" It moves too gently for that,"
said Morna, " more like a procession
of phantom pilgrims visiting the
cairn of some great soldier who had
died a hermit and a saint, and been
buried in his cell far away up there
on the top of the mountain."
" Miss Grant, you are quite a
poetess."
" No, no, I was only following
your idea — only an imitator ; it is
the story of Columbus' egg."
" I wonder what Pigott's simile
would be?" said Bertrand; " what is
it like, Pigott ?"
" Which ? the egg, or the hermit,
or the mountain, or what?"
" The mist."
" Produce the mist, and I may
be able to tell you."
"There wouldn't be half the
imagination, you wouldn't have half
the credit, Captain Pigott, if you
saw it before your eyes."
" Oh ! I'm a prose author ; but,
if it must be a procession of some
sort, I should say a string of phan-
tom tourists, headed by the adven-
turous Cook."
" Doesn't he deserve to be among
them, Miss Grant 1 "
" Yes, I don't really think he is
half ethereal enough for our society."
" You should let me sleep, then,
if I am not to be among the prophets ;
or, better still, will you let me smoke,
Miss Grant?"
" Of course, pray do."
" Then I will, and listen dream-
ily to your sweet discourse."
" Oh ! but we shall be too shy
to say anything worth listening to,
when we know that you are sneer-
ing at us all the time."
100
Fair to See, — Part I.
[Jan.
" Bertrand is too conceited to be
silenced by anything," said Pigott.
" But perhaps I am not."
" Smokers never sneer."
" I won't trust you ; you had
better go to sleep."
" Until Mrs M'Killop awakes, I
must watch over my young friend."
" Why, what can you mean1?"
" I mean that after Mrs M'Kil-
lop's formidable account of your
ancestors, whose fierce disposition
you are said to inherit, I couldn't
conscientiously close an eye upon
the lad's safety. I once read a
ballad — perhaps you know it — Glen-
finlas by name. I have a shocking
memory, but I think it tells how
a gallant sportsman, Lord Ronald,
went out to hunt the dun deer, and
in his forest-hut was visited by just
such a young lady as yourself, who,
however, presently turned into a
colossal lady-fiend, and made a light
supper of the unhappy young noble-
man."
" Pray, smoke, Captain Pigott."
"But listen. Your ancestors, the
MacWanels "
' ' MacHoo - annel ! MacHoo -an-
nel ! " cried Mrs M'Killop, waking
up and shouting the words like a
slogan.
" The application I reserve to a
future diet, as your ministers say,"
remarked Pigott. " Yes, Mrs
M'Killop, I admit that my pro-
nunciation is feeble : it is one of
the many failings of the Saxon."
" They are a miserable race," said
Mrs M'Killop, relapsing at once
into slumber.
" Instead of listening to Pigott's
nonsense," said Bertrand, " suppose
you sing us a song, Miss Grant ] "
' But suppose I can't sing 1 "
' I know you can."
'Howl"
' By the sound of your voice."
' That is very flattering. Well,
I will admit that I do sing some-
times."
" Gaelic songs ? "
" Sometimes."
"Will you now?"
"I am afraid Captain Pigott
would laugh, and if he did I should
be angry, because I love these songs ;
I like my other songs, but I love the
Gaelic."
" Pigott is a heathen and a Saxon,
but he won't laugh at anything you
sing, I'll answer for him."
" Even if he were ill-bred
enough to think of such a thing,"
said Pigott, " fear would deter him ;
the blood of your untamed ances-
tors "
" Now, Captain Pigott, I'm not
going to be teased about my ances-
tors ; they are mamma's hobby, not
mine — pray let them rest in peace."
" Amen ! but do sing a verse or
two of a pibroch or a coronach —
" You are laughing at me already,
and that settles the matter. Mr
Cameron, I will sing you a Gaelic
song some other time when Captain
Pigott is out of the way. I won't
profane my repertoire by singing one
to him."
" I belong to an oppressed na-
tionality, and I kiss the rod," said
Pigott ; " but at least you will let
us have a song in the vulgar
tongue ? "
" You don't deserve it, but I will
be generous. You must light your
cigar first, though ; I'm sure it will
make you more civil."
" Thus coerced, I yield," said
Pigott, lighting up ; and Morna
Bertrand had rightly surmised —
she could sing. Moreover, she chose
a song to which her voice was ex-
actly suited, one of the sweetest of
those Lowland melodies which the
genius of the country and the sym-
pathy of the heart can teach a true,
pure, Scottish voice to sing to a per-
fection seldom reached by any alien
with all the advantages of artistic
culture. Morna's voice was very
1871.]
true and pure, and with frequent
tones of genuine pathos in its large
compass.
" I see her in the dewy flowers,
I see her sweet and fair ;
I hear her in the tunefu' birds,
I hear her charm the air.
There's not a bonnie flower that springs
By fountain, shaw, or green —
There's not a bonnie bird that sings,
But minds me o' my Jean.
" 0 blaw, ye westlin winds, blaw saft,
Amang the leafy trees,
Wi" balmy gale, frae hill and dale,
Bring hame the laden bees ;
And bring the lassie back to me,
Wi' her twa glancin' een,
Ae blink o' her wad banish care,
Sae lovely is my Jean."
The air and the words, and the
voice that sang them, seemed all
to be the natural outcome of the
scenery and the hour; and Ber-
trand felt that, if then and there
the voice of singing was to be
heard, that was the voice and that
the song he would have chosen.
There were the dewy flowers she
sang of — the blue-bell and the fox-
glove, the wild-rose and the heather
— and there the tinkling chime of
mountain springs — and the hills,
and the dales, and the pensive
light, and the darkening shaws, and
the plaintive murmur of the night-
breeze stealing across the moorlands,
balmy with the breath of pine and
gorse, and all manner of delightful
thymy fragrance. It seemed to
Bertrand that Morna's fresh voice
set to music all these gracious siir-
roundings, and infused their spirit
into the tender passion of her
" wood-notes wild."
" Beautiful ! Miss Grant — per-
fectly beautiful," he cried, with en-
thusiasm ; "a thousand thanks."
" Such a voice," said Pigott,
" might even sing the songs of the
Ojibbaway, and achieve a triumph."
" Evert, sing them, Captain Pig-
ott?" gobbled Mrs M'Killop, who
was again awake ; " indeed ! if my
girl is not competent to sing them,
or anything else, I don't know who
Fair to See, — Part I.
should be, after all the Signers and
the Herrs that have been drilling at
her."
" I don't think my masters would
quite take that as a compliment,
mamma," laughed Morna ; " but the
less I say about them the better.
And now, Mr Cameron, it is my
turn to ask for a song."
" If I begin to think how badly
my performance will sound after
yours, I shall get nervous ; so I
won't think, but sing without a
preface."
And so Bertrand contributed his
mite to the concert, singing in a
pleasant, capable baritone, one of
the English ballads of the day,
which Mrs M'Killop pronounced
to be " mawkish," although the
singer's voice seemed to her to
have promise. Then Pigott was
called upon, but laughed the notion
to scorn, and named the driver as
his substitute, who declined the
office ; but being peremptorily or-
dered by Mrs M'Killop to perform
on the instant and in Gaelic, even-
tually did so, and at great length,
• — letting loose a flood of low, dolor-
ous, guttural sounds, which seemed
always on the point of dying out,
but were perpetually rallied back
to life by a sort of hiccupy cry of
" hinyo."
"Did he die?" asked Pigott,
when the man came at last to a
close.
"Die? who?" said Mrs M'Kil-
lop.
" The gentleman in the ballad,"
said Pigott.
" There was nothing about death
or a gentleman in the man's song ;
it was quite a funny little tale of
love, and about a cow, and a shep-
herd, and three crows — full of wit
and merriment."
"But some one groaned in the
chorus, surely?"
" No, no ; that was an exclama-
tion of joyful surprise."
102
Fair to See. — Part I.
[Jan.
" It must be a wonderfully ex-
pressive language."
" It is indeed ; we'll make him
sing another."
" Oh, Mrs M'Killop, that would
be taxing the poor fellow too much ;
and, by the by, we are not going
to let you off. We must insist — and
indeed, it is my call — upon a song
from you."
Pigott found he had got from
the frying-pan into the fire. His
request was instantly complied with,
and Mrs M'Killop, in a high, reedy
voice, full of cracks and fissures,
plunged straight into an intricate
ballad, in which some Scottish maid
tested her true love, as Eosalind did
in the forest of Arden. It involved
a series of lengthy dialogues between
the lover and his disguised mistress,
which Mrs M'Killop gave with
great dramatic spirit, gruifening her
voice for the male part, and re-
ducing it to a sort of asthmatic
whistle for the arch utterances of
the fair beguiler.
" Yes, it is full of pathos," she
remarked, in accepting the applause
which followed ; " and it is said to
be founded on an event in the life
of my great - grandmother, Mrs
M'Kechnie of Tillywheesle — in
Prince Charlie's time."
" Did the Prince play Orlando on
the occasion?"
"Fie! Captain Pigott, fie! fie!
fie ! The M'Kechnie was the lover,
of course ; although there is a
naughty idea in Scotland such as
you hint at. She was beautiful,
you see — (indeed, it belongs to the
race to be beautiful) — and the
Prince, dancing with her at Holy-
rood, is said to have made a point
of it, that from that hour she
should be called ' The "White Eose
of TillyAvheesle ' — but that was all.
And now I must give you a song
about dear Prince Charlie ; " and
she did — several, in fact, and kept
pretty steadily "in possession of
the floor " for the rest of the jour-
ney, only suffering one song by
Morna and one by Bertrand to be
edged in between her performances,
which she accompanied by stiffish
notes of explanation, and not a few
strange genealogies.
It was with much satisfaction,
therefore, that the rest of the party
found themselves at last entering
the avenue.
The twilight had deepened, for
it was past eleven o'clock, but still
our travellers had light enough to
see that the place was one of great
beauty. The house was large, old,
and irregular. Probably it had
originally been in the old Scottish
style; but a succession of additions
had developed it into a very pic-
turesque nondescript, the general
result of which was a square battle-
mented tower, rising in state among
tall gables with their "corby-stairs,"
supported on either flank by wings
of a lower and lighter class of build-
ing, ornamented with a profusion
of turrets and pinnacles. The situa-
tion of the house was very striking.
It stood on a broadish plateau,
which sloped away to the front in
gentle declivities and undulations,
but descended at the back of the
house in a sheer rocky precipice,
the base of which was lashed by the
tumultuous waters of a cascade,
roaring down a steep glen which
here expanded into a valley, the
waters widening themselves into a
river, and winding round one flank
of the plateau so as to run for half
a mile parallel with, but far below,
the avenue. In front of the house,
beyond an acre or two of lawn,
there was no attempt at a park.
The natural wood had been cut out,
indeed, in divers places, so as to
give expanse and variety, and here
and there to uncover the full pro-
portions of some giant of the forest ;
but underneath, the heather and the
bracken had it all their own way,
1871.]
— at least they did their best to
dispute supremacy with those un-
sightly boulders and protruding
rocks which bring grief to the hearts
of reclaiming landowners. At the
distance of a mile from the front of
the house the ground rose again
into hills, backed in the distance
by veritable mountains. Behind
the house the glen divided the
lowest spur of another range, and
on the left flank a narrow cultivated
valley, already whitening to the
harvest, ran for half a mile or so,
when it was hemmed in and stopped
by formidable banks of boulder,
the outposts of the mountains that
rose behind. Mountains, mountains
everywhere.
"Glorious!" exclaimed Bertrand.
" What a trap for black game ! "
muttered Pigott, indicating the
bright little bit of corn-land.
" I hope to goodness they haven't
forgot supper," suggested Mrs
M'Killop.
"They're awake, at all events,"
said Morna, as with a mighty
clangour the great iron - studded
doors were thrown open, letting
loose some half-dozen terriers, who
barked and pranced and ramped on
Fair to See. — Part I.
103
the steps, as if prepared to do battle
against all comers.
" Down, Bodach ! For shame,
Frioch ! Bob, you little viper ! "
exclaimed Morna, jumping lightly
from the carriage, and plunging in
among the canine rabble, who forth-
with changed their wrathful clam-
our into yells and screams of affec-
tion and delight. "Down, dogs
all!"
" The noise of the dogs," said
Mrs M'Killop, as she slowly de-
scended ; " is a little trying ; but the
effect is baronial and commy faw,
so I encourage it. None of them bite
except Wasp, which is a mercy. Is
supper ready, Jinkyson 1 "
" Supper is ready, ma'am," said
an austere-looking butler, who, with
two li veried satellites, had appeared
at the entrance.
" Let us go in, then, gentlemen ;
you are welcome to Cairnarvoch."
And with a gracious flourish she
waved them into the hall, all the
dogs strenuously flattening their ba-
ronial noses against Bertrand's calves,
which, however, remained unbitten,
the truculent Wasp being probably
off duty for the evening.
104 This Morning's ' Times' in Chambers. [Jan.
THIS MORNING'S 'TIMES' IN CHAMBERS.
H'M — Smith, a boy, — Brown, ditto, — Jones, a girl: —
Inevitable Smith and Brown and Jones !
Burrs on the coat-tails of Society
That won't be brushed away ! — They're like the Poor,
They're always with us ! — Reverend Trotter's wife
Of twins : — the man's a curate, I'll lay odds ;
Some special Providence invigorates
The loins of such. Your curate evermore
Is your prize-proletarian. There was once
A law in Egypt, that a baker's son
Must live a baker, and a cook's a cook : —
Thank heaven that chapter stands not in our code !
Else, with this pastoral reproductive power,
There'd be so many dogs about the flock
That no stray sheep could nibble more in peace.
Holloa ! what's this 1 — " On June the twenty-third,
" Peter, fourth son of Piper Peck, Esq.
" Of Pepperpool, to Rosa, only child
" Of Sydenham Potts of Pestleton, M.D."
Rosa ! my Rosa ! — mine that should have been
If Pah ! what filth these grocers sell for tea !
It chokes one ! — Rosa married ! — and old Potts
" M.D." forsooth ! Where gat he that " M.D." ?
He sucked no Alma Mater's milk at home : —
What Pumpernickel Universitat,
For some two thalers' fee of vile alloy,
Diplomatised him into Doctor-hood 1
Yet that's not fair: — I recollect the time
When, for the sake of that blonde girl of his,
That shed a halo round his bulbous brows,
I held him re-incarnate ^Esculape,
Yea, Paean's self, — and at his lightest hint
Had drained the filthiest drench his art could brew,
And bolted every bolus in his shop !
Lord ! how time flies ! — That's twelve good years ago,
And I was two-and-twenty, she nineteen, —
Most loving — so she swore ; — and yet withal
Most dutiful : — she called her father in
To treat the case : — " 'Twas no uncommon one,"
He said, — " Romantic Fever : — Time and Sense
' Were potent with such ailments : — irritants
' Must be avoided ; letters, interviews
' Forbidden : — we were young, and had not weighed
' What wedlock meant. If pills and draughts could stock
' A household, he might make us rich enough : —
' Sometimes he read in City- Articles
' That money was a drug, — he wished to God "
(He liked his joke, in his mild way, did Potts,)
This Morning's ' Times' in Chambers. 105
" That drugs were money. There must be, he said,
" No tie, bond, pledge, engagement: — both were free: —
" Five years must pass : — and if that period's lapse
" In the same mind should find us, and if then "
(Most damnable if !) " I could by documents
" Sufficient show an income capable
" Of Rent and Taxes, Eates, and weekly bills,
" And nurture for such hungry consequence
" Of marriage as might follow in due time,
' Why, then the subject might be rediscussed.
' Till when, with all regret, he must desire
' We might be better strangers : — friends, of course,
' But friends that held it wiser not to meet : —
' And so, once more with all regret, good day
' And all good wishes."
At his garden gate
I stood — the world mine oyster : — one last look
At Eosa flattening at her chamber-pane
Her innocent nose, and waving frantical
A kerchief sopped with tears : — one bitter curse
On worldly Fathers and their flinty hearts : —
And I was gone. Heart-broken 1— - Yes : or so
It seemed that morning. Day was night — and men
All brutes — her sire the biggest brute of all.
To-day, I own it, calmly looking back
Through twice the years assigned us and two more,
I doubt if Potts was so much in the wrong.
What followed 1 — London ! what should follow else 1 —
London — false land of promise, paved with gold
That turns to iron 'neath the blistering foot
Lured by that rustic lie to pace her streets !
The load-stone rock whereon Adventure splits,
And wrecked Ambition starves : — where Poverty
May lurk untortured by the scoff that wakes
Her keenest pang : — where Disappointment eats,
Unnoticed in the populoiis solitude,
The aching heart she scorns to show the world.
I came to London. Misanthropic months
Wore the first year to end, — with casual gleams
Of sunshine shed from stealthy messages
Sent through a common friend at Pestleton,
(Female, of course), brimful at first of love
Unalterable, unextinguishable : —
Then, at less frequent periods, hints would come
Of Duty, Fifth Commandment, and the like.
" I must not blame her, doubt her constancy, —
" She had given her Sire her promise not to write,
" And had not written: — Conscience whispered her
" Nathless that she was paltering with her pledge :
" 'Twas a sore struggle, but we must submit ; —
" (By the way, my last response was something cold, — )
" Call Time, and Faith, and Patience to our aid,
106 This Morning's e Times' in Chambers.
" And hope for happier days." — Too dutiful !
Too dutiful ! — And that parenthesis
Of " something cold," too ! — Warmth enough, I know,
I put in my reply, — perchance too much ; —
And got for answer — " She must be excused
" If henceforth she declined to answer me :" —
And so our correspondence came to end,
And so, I hope, her conscience slept in peace.
That second shock was lighter. Life began
Somehow to taste less bitter ; — wretchedness
And three-and-twenty would not be at one.
I found a friend or two of either sex, —
Contrived to earn a dinner by my pen, —
Sate sometimes laughing in a Play-House stall, —
Kept Terms, and jested at the Temple mess, —
And ere two years were ended joined a Club.
'Twas there, at closing of that second year,
That in their local paper, — for I kept
Sharp eyes upon the ' Loamshire Chronicle '• —
I read — " Festivities at Pestleton,
' Ball at the Dragon " — and a string of names —
' The County Sheriff, and the Borough-Mayor, —
' Lord This,— Sir Thomas That,— Tother M.P.,—
' And our distinguished townsman Captain Sniijth,"
He spelt his curst cognomen with a " j " — )
' V.C., with fresh Crimean laurels crowned,
' Who, Eumour whispers us, will speedily
' To Hymen's altar lead our township's belle ; —
' Potz-tausend ! as our Teuton cousins swear,
' We blab no secrets, — but, when poets sing
' The Garden's Queen, no need to name the Ease."
I crumpled up the print, and flung it down : —
I said, more loudly than I should have said,
A word or two, not good, of Captain Smijth : —
(I know old Boodles, purring o'er the ' Post/
Looked up with fishy eyes, and, winking hard
At Toodles, tapped his wig-beshadowed brows,
As who should say, " Behold a Lunatic ! ")
Then from its columns tore the paragraph,
And, with three words of question, " Is this true?"
To Pestleton dispatched it by the Post.
Answer, from Dr Potts : — " My favour, sent,
' In violation of our compact made,
' Duly received. He recognised no right,
' Whether the meaning of the journalist
' Were rightly guessed or wrongly, — (for himself
' He held the writer an impertinent ass, — )
' In me to put such questions : — must decline
' All further answer : — thought I must forget,
' (Seeing three years of five were yet to run,)
' That to his daughter I was nothing now, —
' Nothing. Miss P. desired her compliments : —
[Jan.
This Morning's ' Times1 in Chambers. 107
" "Was glad to hear I had been seen of late, —
" For Pestleton heard London news at times, —
" Awfully jolly in the Smoking-Room,
" The life and soul o' the Club. And for himself
" He was my most obedient Sydenham Potts."
And so, for me, first love and Rosa Potts
Were thenceforth memories only : — wounds that left
A scar at first, but over-skinned by time.
And yet in those young years I loved that Girl —
I did, by Heaven ! — it may be 'twas as well
The love was thwarted : — but 'twas honest then,
And in such cases there's a wrench o' the heart
That for the rest of life we feel at times
Like an old sprain. I wonder what Smijth felt
"When in due season he was jilted too 1
"What time they found he had but Pay and Debts —
Three crusty uncles, impecunious all —
And a small family in Pimlico,
Whereof the mother was not Mrs Smijth.
"Well, well, — I'm four-and-thirty : — at the Bar : —
Not absolutely briefless : — fancy-free : —
I've had stray thoughts of marriage now and then, —
Been " spoony " once or twice, for some two hours
At midnight, after supper at a Ball, —
(Ah me ! the traps those London Salons set,
With small conservatories on the stairs,
Or o'er the portico ! — ) but with the morn,
And the Queen's Bench, myself again. These Girls
Of the Period "font passer une heure ou deux "
Glibly enough : — but skating on thin ice
Is perilous pastime : — strike out but an inch
Too hard, and, souse ! you're over head and ears !
Flower-painting's pretty, — ballads ravishing, —
When after dinner one don't want to sleep : —
It's nice to broider altar-cloths, or set
Soft slipper-springes for a Curate's feet : —
Sweet are the uses of a Croquet-lawn
To dainty-ankled Nymphs : — no fairer sight
Than, in " the Row," a shapely Amazon : —
But yet, — if Fate not makes us Millionaires
Ordained to Butler, Brougham, and Opera-Box, —
'Twere better should the helpmate of one's life
Have learned, to boot, the price of butcher's meat,
What time a leg of mutton takes to roast,
And how to sew a button on a shirt.
Peck ! — Peter Peck ! — I wonder who the Deuce
Is Peter Peck ! — It's not a county-name,
And Pepperpool was Norman Poivreaux's place: —
Some Wigan "chap," some "man" from Manchester,
Some shoddy-Plutocrat has mortgaged out
The fine old Squire ! — Rosa's no chicken too
At one-and-thirty, — fattish probably, —
108 This Morning's 'Times' in Chambers. [Jan.
Your Blondes in middle life are apt to run
To corpulence: — I've noticed flaxen hair
Thins early, and turns sandy. Well, what then ?
That's his affair, not mine. Confound him ! What
Care I to-day if Rosa — Eosa Peck —
His Peck, — his Henpeck, — (that's a scurvy jest!)
The spouse of Peter — wears a wig or no,
Or stuffs her chignon with a greasy pad ?
Peter, I beg your pardon ! — May your hearth
Be happy, and a dozen little Pecks
Sit peckish round your board ! — Why, there again !
Out on this peevish mocking ! — Must I wince
That you pick up what long ago I lost 1 —
A jilt ! — And yet, if true love had run smooth,—
Had Potts been less a Sire and more a man, —
Such as he was when penniless he wooed
And won the late lamented Mrs P. —
These dull old chambers might have been a house,
A cosy home, lighted with loving eyes,
And musical with laugh of little lips
Eound the post-prandial fire. And Eosa — Pooh !
An idle dream ! The sketcher Fancy dips
Her pencil in the Eainbow's richest hues,
And Fact upon the actual canvas lays
A daub, fit only to be turned to the wall.
You can't make silken purses of sows' ears : —
A jilt at heart 's a jilt for evermore : —
And Peter Peck may live to find it out.
Was that a knock I heard1? — Who duns us now ?
No ! as I live, a Brief, and liberal-fee'd : —
Dodson and Fogg retain my eloquence
For " Fondwell versus Fondwell and De Bosch,"
In the Divorce Court, third for Friday next.
Oh! Wives and husbands! Wives and husbands oh!
Give me my pipe. It's better as it is.
H. K.
1871.]
Tlie late George Moir.
109
THE LATE GEORGE MOIR.
THE death of Mr George Moir,
at one time a very frequent, and
always a much valued, contributor
to this Magazine, has awakened a
train of recollections full of a strange
and aifecting interest, especially to
those who, like the writer of this
notice, were united to him by long
intimacy and by a cordial co-opera-
tion in favourite pursuits. In con-
sequence of impaired health, Mr
Moir had for some time back dis-
continued all literary exertions, and
almost secluded himself from gene-
ral society : but for many years he
was a distinguished ornament of
that literary circle of which Edin-
burgh was then so justly proud.
Mr Moir was born and educated
in Aberdeen ; but to the sound
scholarship and vigorous logic of
that excellent school, he added a
more than usual degree of taste and
refinement. His intimate acquaint-
ance with modern literature, not
only vernacular, but French, Span-
ish, and Italian, to which he after-
wards added German, attracted
eager attention and warm admira-
tion ; and his prompt and versatile
talents of composition found a
ready acceptance in the literary
mart. His earliest productions
seem to have been two articles
furnished to the 'Edinburgh Re-
view* in 1824 — one on "Spanish
Literature" in the 39th volume,
and the other on the " Lyric Poetry
of Spain " in the 40th volume ; both
of them distinguished by elegant
taste and just criticism, and con-
taining several translations by him-
self of the poems of Luis de Leon
and other Spanish writers, which
are remarkable for ease and beauty
of diction, as well as for strict fidel-
ity to the originals.
Mr Moir passed advocate at the
Scottish Bar in July 1825, and
his position before doing so, and
while preparing the articles in the
' Edinburgh Review ' above men-
tioned, may be seen in the follow-
ing extract from Mr Veitch's ex-
cellent 'Memoir of Sir William
Hamilton,' which is based on in-
formation furnished by Mr Moir him-
self, and well illustrates the auspi-
cious commencement of his career,
and of his long and lasting friend-
ship with that distinguished philo-
sopher : —
" A literary consultation was the occa-
sion of the commencement of the warm
and life-long friendship which subsisted
between Sir William and Mr George Moir.
In 1824, Mr Moir, then a young man
preparing to pass advocate, was engaged
on an article for the 'Edinburgh Re-
view' on the ancient ballad -poetry of
Spain, and was encouraged by a mutual
friend, Mr Thomson of Banchory, to
apply to Sir William for information on
the subject, and on the numerous books
that had appeared in Germany in refer-
ence to it. It was arranged that Mr
Moir should meet Sir William one morn-
ing at the Advocates' Library. ' I con-
fess,' says Mr Moir, ' the interview
appeared to me beforehand rather a
formidable one. I had heard of Sir
William's almost unequalled examina-
tion at Oxford, and of his universal
erudition both in philosophy and lan-
guages. There was something also in
his appearance which had powerfully
impressed me. When in repose, indeed,
his look was somewhat stern. The
massive though well cut features, the
firm compressed mouth, and the eagle-
looking eye, of which the whole pupil
was visible, created a feeling akin to
awe. But in proportion to this apparent
sternness was the charm of his smile
and of his whole manner when animat-
ed. To myself he was most indulgent ;
and I had not been ten minutes in his
company when my anxiety vanished,
and I felt an assurance that, however
little I might deserve it, we were des-
tined to become not merely acquaint-
ances but friends — an assurance which
I rejoice to think was verified by the
event. He not only took a warm inter-
110
The late George Moir.
[Jan.
est in my review, but, as I did not then
understand German, explained to me
the meaning of passages in the German
works bearing on the subject.' "
At the time when Mr Moir joined
its ranks, the Bar of Scotland formed
certainly a bright and brilliant as-
semblage, in which it must have
been very pleasant to enjoy an
honoured or respected place. Sir
Walter Scott at that time was in
the zenith of his reputation, with
some forebodings, indeed, of com-
ing difficulties, but with little an-
ticipation of the melancholy change
that was so soon to overtake him.
Every now and then the towering
head of ' Peveril of the Peak ' * was
to be seen slowly advancing from
the Inner House to the Outer House
stove, to add to the hilarity in
which his younger friends were
freely indulging. Wilson, too, who
had been appointed Professor of
Moral Philosophy in 1820, almost
daily visited the Outer House for
half an hour on his way to or from
his class. Hamilton also was there ;
then Professor of History, busy in
discussion or disputation with any
one who would discuss or dispute
with him, or grappling with the
vast contents of the Advocates'
Library, which were better known
to himself than to any of its
officers. Patrick Robertson, when
not carried off to a Bar, was every-
where present and everywhere wel-
come ; and Patrick, or Peter Tytler,
as his friends loved to call him,
contributed his sunny cheerfulness
and polished wit to put every one
in good humour. Lockhart, in-
deed, left Edinburgh in the end of
1825 to assume the editorship of
the ' Quarterly,' and in this way no
opportunity was then allowed for
an intimacy arising between him
and Moir, nor were they afterwards
thrown much into contact, though
Moir contributed at least one article
to the ' Quarterly ' in Lockhart's
time. But Lockhart'sintimatefriend,
Douglas Cheape, soon formed Moir's
acquaintance, and a close and cor-
dial friendship arose between them,
which was only terminated by Mr
Cheape's death. Besides the re-
markable men we have mentioned
who were so well calculated to mix
wit with wisdom, there was always
in the younger or briefless portion
of the Bar a ready audience by
whom their sayings, whether wise
or witty, were appreciated and
welcomed. There were at the same
time graver men of high talent and
valuable attainments : Mr Hope,
then Solicitor - General, afterwards
Justice - Clerk : Mr M'Neill, now
Lord Colonsay, then in high prac-
tice as an advocate, and who, after
passing through every grade of hon-
our which his profession could
yield, is now enjoying a well-merit-
ed retirement from more laborious
duties, while still contributing in
the Court of highest resort the
benefit of his knowledge, and expe-
rience, and great practical sagacity :
Mr, afterwards Sir Archibald, Alison,
who, in the midst of professional and
official occupations, was then accu-
mulating those stores of historical
information which at a subsequent
period gained him so high a name,
and of which the first specimens
appeared in our pages. In addition
to all these were the distinguished
men of an older generation — Thom-
son, Cranstoun, Jeffrey, Murray,
and Cockburn, with Skene and
Rutherfurd of an intermediate date
— all possessed of great talents or
profound learning, and whose social
qualities gave additional lustre and
interest to the profession to which
they belonged.
In calling to mind this condition
of the Bar, we cannot forbear from
*• See Lockhart's Life of Scott, vol. v. p. 251.
1871.]
The late George Moir.
Ill
saying a few words as to some
of the individuals whom we have
named, and in contact with whom
Mr Moir came thus to be placed.
Of Patrick Fraser Tytler — with
whose History of Scotland many
must be familiar — a good deal is
known from two biographies of
him that have been published —
one in Thomson's Supplement to
Chambers's Biographical Dictionary
of Eminent Scotsmen; and the
other a separate life, by his friend
Mr Burgon of Oriel College, Oxford.
From these sources full information
may be gathered as to the principal
incidents of his life, and particularly
as to his literary career in the later
portion of it. But Mr Thomson,
we suspect, did not know Mr Tytler
at all; and Mr Burgon came to
know him only in 1835, after the
death of his first wife, when he had
attained to middle age, and had his
character greatly saddened by recent
affliction. In 1825, the period of
which we are here speaking, Tytler
was a gayer and a happier man : not
that the essential elements of his
character were less earnest and
serious than when they came more
fully to unfold themselves at the
later period at which Mr Burgon
knew him. But in his first youth,
Patrick Tytler came indeed under
Shakespeare's description of Biron
as one of the merriest of men,
" Within the limits of becoming mirth."
Tytler's mind and habits com-
bined two very different and
strongly contrasted qualities. In
his hours of relaxation he was the
gayest of the gay, the composer and
singer of delightful songs, and the
promoter of the best -humoured and
most urbane hilarity ; while at the
same time he was busily breaking
ground upon those researches of a
more severe and recondite descrip-
tion, which ultimately enabled him
to take a high position as a writer
of biography and history. His His-
tory has its own merits as well as
faults, and may always be consulted
with advantage, though we need not
say that it cannot now claim to be
the History of Scotland. The ex-
tracts from Tytler's diary which are
given by Mr Burgon show the more
serious part of his mind at this early
period, and some fruits of his studies
were beginning to appear. In 1817
he had contributed to this Magazine
the first part of a Life of Sir Thomas
Craig, which he afterwards com-
pleted and published as a separate
work in 1823; but, in the mean
time, in society he was all that was
delightful, and in particular his vol-
unteer and yeomanry songs were
always forthcoming to enliven the
" nights at mess." Some specimens
of a more ambitious character are to
be found in Mr George Thomson's
collection of Scottish songs, and
one in particular used to delight
us, "Though Summer's a glorious
Season ; " but in this case, as hap-
pens in some others, the full effect
is wanting when we cannot have the
author's voice to do the song justice.
We look back as if it were yesterday
to a long and charming summer's
day spent with him about the year
1825, on the outside of the High-
land coach in its journey to Inver-
ness, when he delighted us and some
other friends with an endless succes-
sion of his pleasantest vocal efforts.*
Of Douglas Cheape we cannot
write without feelings of deep emo-
tion. He was long connected with
this Magazine, and was the intimate
friend of all the inner circle of its
supporters. A better friend, or a
man of more disinterested and inde-
pendent spirit, there never breathed.
* A very pretty song of Tytler's — " Hark ! through the Greenwood ringing "—was
printed by Sir Thomas Dick La
Lander in his edition of Gilpin's Forest Scenery.
112
The late George Moir.
[Jan.
His talents and attainments were of
a high order; but various causes —
fastidiousness of taste, a love of a
country life, and somewhat of a
" truant " and desultory disposition
— prevented him from exerting him-
self in many ways in which he might
have attained excellence. When he
became Professor of Civil Law, an
appointment which he obtained in
1827, he felt that all his wants were
supplied, and beyond composing a
series of excellent lectures, he ceased
to feel any further ambition ; and
though a frequent contributor to
these pages, he was not easily roused
to exertion. In one vein of compo-
sition, that of satirical song, he was
without a rival, at least in Scotland.
As yet Outram was little known ;
but Outram's style was of a different
character. We have no desire to
resuscitate forgotten personalities,
but we think we may say that
those who remember and who felt
resentment at the foolish virulence
which would have excluded the
name of Scott from a toast to be
given in honour of the literature of
Scotland, would never feel much
regret at the rich basting bestowed
upon " Glasgow's Gander." * Among
lyrics of a more general kind, we
believe that Mr Cheape's song of
the " Tailor " is still popular amongst
all political parties. It first appeared,
we think, in the ' Ten-Pounder,' and
describes the history of a tailor who,
having been " taught in an ill-fated
hour " " the unfortunate secret that
knowledge is power," relinquishes
his humble calling for the trade of a
reforming agitator. The conclusion
is excellent : —
"Then THE BILL it is passed and the
country is free,
And pur poor little tailor, what better is he ?
His customers gone and his rent still to pay,
And his wife, the ninth time, in the family
way !
Sing down, down, down, deny down.
I remember him well ere his time he thus
lost,
And a happier tailor his legs never crossed ;
But now he's quite changed — he is surly and
sour —
Though he's clearer than ever that 'know-
ledge is power.'
Sing down, down, down, derry down."
The adhesion of Snip to his favourite
maxim in the face of all practical
difficulties is eminently characteristic
of the doctrinaire mind, as we see it
sometimes illustrated even at the
present day. Mr Cheape was lat-
terly in bad health — a widower and
childless — and during his long ill-
ness the assiduous attention of his
friend, George Moir, was a great
consolation.
Last, though in no sense least, of
the band of advocates with whom
Moir was about to associate, we
shall advert to Patrick Robertson,
whose reputation is too well known,
at least on this side of the Border,
to require many words on our part
to describe him. He was a man of
singular originality and force of char-
acter; and while he remained at the
bar he was probably the source of a
greater amount of mirth and amuse-
ment than any man of his time.
The admirable geniality and good-
humour of his nature made him a
delightful companion. His imita-
tive representations of various char-
acters,— the Italian Buffo, the Gaelic
minister, the stammering dragoon
officer returning thanks for the army,
the discursive orator expatiating on
the general question, — all these were
superlative performances ; and as
chairman or croupier of a festive
dinner he was without a rival. But
in fact his company in the forenoon
was almost equally entertaining. A
remarkable feature about him was
the facility with which he allowed
himself to be made a subject of
raillery or satire by his friends ; and
freely did those friends avail them-
* See Index to ' Black wood,' in voce.
1871.]
Tlie late George Moir.
113
selves of the permission. The old
traditional " High Jinks " were still
in observance among the Bar, and
in these scenes Robertson always
figured as one of the chief dramatis
personce. A song or squib of some
kind or other was ever forthcoming
on any great occasion ; and to the
librettos thus produced Moir became
a liberal contributor. The first for-
mation of Eobertson was celebrated
by Cheape in a song beginning —
" Said Jupiter to Mercury, all on a sum-
mer's day :
I wish to make a pretty man, so fetch a
piece of clay."
On occasion of his being made Dean
of the Faculty of Advocates, he was
saluted by a joint-stock production,
entitled " Peter no more ; " indicat-
ing that his usual character was to
disappear under the honours con-
ferred upon him ; but it concluded
by expressing a hope that he might
not be wholly lost to his friends : —
" Yet sometimes, perhaps, when a Whig
isn't present,
Having used the precaution of shutting the
door,
Our friend once again may consent to be
pleasant,
And half condescend to be Peter once more."
On occasion of the Edinburgh
dinner to Mr Dickens, at which he
was croupier, Eobertson was thus
made to allude to himself in con-
nection with the subject of the even-
ing :—
"Shakespeare and Dickens in one fault
agree :
They steal from Nature, and they steal
from me.
In the fat boy a favourite form appears,
The unctuous image of my earlier years ;
While all admit that FalstafTs girth and
gauge
Were basely borrowed from my riper age."
But perhaps the most elaborate
jeu cCesprit of which he was the
subject was one on which we lighted
the other day, in a very respectable
little volume of Reminiscences of
the Court of Session. It consists
of lines which he delivered in per-
VOL. CIX. — NO. DCLXIII.
son at a dinner given to him in an-
ticipation, it is believed, of his pro-
bable promotion to the Bench, arid
is in the form of a parody on the
Farewell Address delivered by John
Kemble when he retired from the
" As the worn war-horse, whom Ducrow so
long
Has taught to prance before the applauding
throng,
Now, all unfit to play his wonted part,
Turns the dull mill, Jo r trails the -ignoble
cart :
If, midst his daily toils, perchance he hears
Great Wombwell's trumpets, and the attend-
ant cheers,
Strives, from his rear, the cumbrous load to
fling,
And longs to circle in Ms ancient ring —
So I," &c.
A great part of this production was,
we know, contributed by Mr Moir.
The extreme good -nature with
which Robertson not only submitted
but gave a helping hand to these
jocular effusions on himself, might
in another man have suggested the
idea of weakness or facility of
character. But from any such charge
Robertson was amply protected by
the great talents he displayed, and
the high position he maintained, as
a professional man. He was all
along in extensive employment as
a counsel, and was both a sound
adviser and an able advocate. In
some departments of practice — as in
trials by jury, both civil and crimi-
nal— he was eminently skilful and
successful, and not only knew how
to employ his wit, readiness, and
geniality in aid of his cause, but
brought to the service of his clients
a degree of good sense, sagacity, in-
dustry, and often eloquence, which
might seem to be incompatible witli
the lighter qualities of his mind.
His demeanour, and his usefulness
as a judge, fully justified his eleva-
tion to the Bench, and confirmed
the high opinion of his talents and
devotion to duty for which his
friends had always given him credit.
Mr Moir himself, after being ad-
114
Tlie late George Moir.
[Jan.
mitted to the Bar, soon showed that
he was qualified to excel as much in
a professional as in a literary career.
His literary studies at the same time
were not neglected, but ardently
pursued. We have seen that in
1824, when he first came in contact
with Sir "William Hamilton, he was
unacquainted with German ; but
within a very short time afterwards
he had made himself master of that
language, and in 1827 his admirable
version of Schiller's ' Wallenstein '
appeared anonymously. This trans-
lation, in which he tells us that he
had Hamilton's patient and efficient
assistance, may well bear comparison
with that of Coleridge, being much
more close and faithful, while in
felicity of diction it can scarcely be
considered inferior. It does not,
we may notice, contain Schiller's
Camp, which forms the introduction
to 'Wallenstein,' but which Moir
seems to have considered untranslat-
able. Some extracts from the Camp,
however, are translated in an article
which we believe to be Mr Moir's,
in the fifth volume of the Foreign
Quarterly, being a review of a very-
poor French translation of 'Wai-
stein,' by M. Liadieres. In the same
year, 1827, he contributed to Con-
stable's Miscellany, also anonymous-
ly, a pleasant little volume under
the title of 'Table Talk,' being a
selection from the best of the Ana,
extremely well chosen, well ex-
pressed, and well translated where
derived from foreign sources. We
believe that he also contributed two
volumes to the same Miscellany,
containing a translation of Schiller's
Historical Works, in 1828.
We have already adverted to his
review of Liadieres' s 'Walstein,' in
the fifth volume of the Foreign
Quarterly; and in the sixth volume
of that publication we find another
article of his on " Demonology and
Witchcraft," being a review of
Horst's 'Zauber Bibliothek.' The
article is very amusing and exhaus-
tive, the subject being one on which
Moir was well able and well disposed
to expatiate.
The ardent prosecution of his
German studies was probably the
occasion of introducing Moir to the
acquaintance of Thomas Carlyle,
who was then in Edinburgh ; and
although their minds were very
differeriT, it is likely that if Carlyle
had not removed to London, which
he did in 1833, a long and pleasant
friendship might have been formed
between them. In July 1834, Car-
lyle, writing to Sir William Hamil-
ton from Chelsea, says: — "Will
you ever send me a sheet of Edin-
burgh news. It were very welcome
from your hand. Pray tell Moir
also where I am, and give my hearty
love to him."* Prior to this, and
while Carlyle was living at Craigen-
puttock, Moir paid him a visit of
two days, and took two sketches of
the house there, which Goethe
wished to have, and which were sent
to him accordingly. Not long after
this Goethe got these engraved as
frontispieces to the German transla-
tion of Carlyle's 'Life of Schiller;'
and we believe that the two parties
from whom they emanated made
themselves merry over the "honour"
thus done them.
In 1831 fifteen Englishmen con-
tributed to procure and send to
Goethe on his birthday (it proved
to be his last) a simple but graceful
present — an engraved seal — in token
of their admiration of his genius,
with the motto from his own works,
" Ohne Hast, und ohne East." Re-
ference is made to this incident in
Lewes's ' Life of Goethe,' vol. ii. p.
440, where thirteen of the names
* Memoir of Hamilton, p. 132.
1871.]
The late George Moir.
115
are given, including those of Carlyle
and his brother, Scott, Wilson, and
Lockhart. Moir, and we believe
Hamilton, completed the number.
The project had originated with
Carlyle, and the design was sketched
by his amiable and accomplished
wife. The tribute was gratifying to
Goethe, who acknowledged it in a
sonnet, " Den Funfzehn Englischen
Freunden." We believe that after
1834 Carlyle and Moir met only on
one occasion ; but we are sure that
the venerable and true-hearted old
man of Chelsea was grieved when he
learned that his former friend and
fellow-labourer in good literature
had gone before him.
In the same year, 1831, Moir's
connection with this Magazine
began; and for nearly twenty years
after that date he continued to be
a regular and frequent contributor.
The first of his contributions was
the commencement of " Fragments
from the History of John Bull,"
which was continued through several
numbers, and afterwards published
anonymously in a separate shape.
It is needless to eulogise a perform-
ance which must be well known to
our older readers; but it well de-
serves perusal by the younger part of
our friends, as a very witty and suc-
cessful imitation of Swift's original.
It would be endless to notice in de-
tail his various other papers ; but
we may mention, as particularly de-
serving of notice, his articles on
" Shakespeare in Germany," on
"French Literature of the 18th
Century," on " Tasso," on " Calder-
on," and on " Camoens."
In February 1843 he paid a well-
merited tribute to the memory of
his friend, Captain Thomas Hamil-
ton, in a short notice in the Maga-
zine ; and finally, after an interval,
he closed his contributions to our
pages by writing, in May 1854, a
notice of the death of Professor
Wilson, which we venture to cha-
racterise as one of the most beauti-
ful and just estimates of the cha-
racter of a great literary man that
has ever been produced. Would that
he had now left behind him any
one able to do equal justice to his
own merits ! To that notice of
Professor Wilson we would respect-
fully refer our readers, as a specimen
of Mr Moir's powers in serious
composition, and as a proof at once
of the graces of his style and the
strength of his feelings.
In 1838 Mr Moir had been ap-
pointed Professor of Ehetoric and
Belles Lettres. That Chair had for
many years previously been a mere
nonentity, during the incumbency
of his predecessor. But Mr Moir,
by the excellence of his lectures,
began that improvement in its posi-
tion which has since been continued,
and which, by the exertions of Mr
Aytoun, rose afterwards to so high
a pitch.
One of Mr Moir's intimate friends
for many years was Mr Macvey
Napier, who succeeded to the editor-
ship of the ' Edinburgh Review ' in
1829, upon Mr Jeffrey's elevation
to the office of Dean of Faculty.
We believe that Mr Moir furnished
several literary articles to Mr Napier
for that Review, although we are
unable to give details. We know
that he contributed to the Seventh
Edition of the ' Encyclopaedia Brit-
annica,' of which Mr Napier was
also editor. Two excellent articles
in that work furnished by Mr Moir,
on " Poetry " and " Modern Ro-
mance," were afterwards published
in a separate volume, along with an
" Essay on Rhetoric," by Mr Spald-
ing, who afterwards succeeded Mr
Moir in the Rhetoric Chair.
While Mr Moir was thus dis-
tinguishing himself ag a literary
man of high eminence, he had been
rapidly rising in his profession,
116
Tlie late George Moir.
[Jan.
and had attained the reputation of
a sound lawyer, and an able and
eloquent counsel. He did not lay
himself out for criminal business;
and his forte perhaps lay in the
more erudite departments of law,
in which his speeches were soon ac-
knowledged to he distinguished for
great clearness of exposition, lucid
symmetry of arrangement, sound
learning, and felicitous illustration.
He resigned his Professorship in
1840, and in 1858 he was appointed
Sheriff of Stirlingshire, having been
previously Sheriff of Ross-shire. In
1864 he was made Professor of
Scotch Law, by the unanimous
vote of his brethren of the Bar,
and held the office for two years,
continuing to carry on his pro-
fession as a Chamber Counsel, in
which character he was held in high
esteem.
Our view of Mr Moir's character
would be incomplete if we did not
allude to his great love of art, which
was very early developed, and was
combined with taste eminently just
and discriminating. If he had not
been successful as a lawyer and a
man of letters, he might probably
have been distinguished as an artist.
Genius and taste are not always
found in combination, and the ex-
cellence of an amateur does not
always come up to the profes-
sional standard. But Moir had,
we believe, sufficient aptitude to
have given expression to his artistic
feelings, if he had been induced to
practise art otherwise than for his
amusement.
For the last few years Mr Moir's
health became extremely precarious,
and as he considered himself pos-
sessed of an ample competence, he
resigned his sheriffship and retired
from professional practice. From
family reasons he was about to re-
move to London, but on the very
eve of his departure he died sud-
denly, on the 19th of October, in
his seventy-first year.
The notice of him that we have
now ventured to submit to our
readers seems in some respects to
require an apology. It is like life
itself, a mingled yarn of brighter as
well as of graver recollections; but
we venture to suggest, that often as
amidst the flowers that strew our
path some bitterness arises that
gives a momentary pang, so in the
midst of the most mournful con-
templation of the past some gleams
of pleasantness will interpose on
which it is allowable to dwell a
little without doing injustice to our
more serious feelings. Some of our
readers, imperfectly acquainted with
the facts, and with the literary tend-
encies then prevailing, may think
that we have been here striving to
ask for attention and sympathy in
matters that may be looked upon as
too personal to call for public con-
sideration ; but this cannot be justly
said. It cannot be doubted that in
the early half of the present cen-
tury, laying aside the high scholar-
ship of the English universities,
there existed in Edinburgh a con-
centration of literary taste and talent
that was not surpassed, and could
scarcely be said to be equalled, in
any other part of the kingdom. In
the department of periodical litera-
ture, it seems a plain and impartial
truth that the ' Edinburgh Review '
and this Magazine, as the vigorous
organs of opposite schools of poli-
tics and criticism, were not only the
founders but the formers of that
peculiar agency which is now so
prevalent and so powerful; for we
presume it will be allowed that the
Reviews and Magazines of the for-
mer century were productions too
feeble and ephemeral to have much
effect. These new leaders in this
important path have had many fol-
lowers, and among these some for-
1871.]
The late George Moir.
117
midable rivals; but we think we
may say that they themselves in a
great measure taught those rivals
how to compete with them. It is
also certain, that both in periodical
and in general literature the Bar of
Scotland during that period sup-
plied a great proportion of eminent
writers. His own unobtrusive na-
ture, and the anonymous form of
almost all his writings, made Moir
less known to the outer world than
some others were; but those who
were admitted behind the scenes
knew how important a part he
played in the drama, how much he
was esteemed by all, and how great
was the influence which he exerted.
We think, too, that apart from their
abstract interest, there are many,
both at home and far away, in whom
the details which we have now given
will excite pleasure and gratify a
natural curiosity. If we have erred
in this respect in any way, we must
hope that some indulgence will be
given to private feelings. The hand
that has traced these lines was first
joined in friendship to George Moir's
forty-five years ago ; and the inti-
macy then begun continued ever
afterwards till it was terminated by
his death, without having ever been
clouded by disagreement or chilled
by interruption of any kind. A sym-
pathy of the closest description sub-
sisted to the last, in work and in re-
laxation, in j oy and in sorrow. Moir's
advice and aid were ever ready and
ever useful : he was as true, sincere,
and faithful a friend as ever lived : —
" Cui Pudor, et Justitiae sorpr,
Incorrupta fides, nudaque Veritas
Quando ullum invenient parem ?"
118
The Two Systems.
[Jan.
THE TWO SYSTEMS.
WE are not among the number of
those who either expect or desire to
see established, now or at any future
time, a facsimile of the Prussian
military system in this country.
Happily for us, our geographical po-
sition on the globe is such as ought
to render unnecessary a measure so
much opposed to the political tradi-
tions and social habits of the British
people. Surrounded by the ocean,
which, to be sure, on one side of us
shrinks into " a silver thread," we
need be under little apprehension,
assuming our navy to be adequate,
of any such sudden attack upon our
coasts as, with common prudence
guiding our counsels on shore, we
should be unable to repel. At the
same time, let us not forget that
navies are very far from being now
what they used to be during the
great war of the first French Eevolu-
tion. All nations, ourselves among
the rest, are, in point of fact, only
beginning to create them. We cer-
tainly, whatever other peoples may
think upon the subject, seem to
have arrived at the conclusion that
the dominion of the sea is to be
asserted and maintained by means
of armoured vessels exclusively.
Hence, applying our undivided en-
ergies to the construction of ships
which shall be shot and shell proof,
or as nearly so as art and iron can
make them, we have broken up or
sold for old songs scores of wooden
hulks, some of which, it is believed,
had never gone to sea since they were
built, while very many were capable
of being converted, at a trifling ex-
pense, into most efficient cruisers.
Now this may or may not be a judi-
cious proceeding. In our opinion,
and we are far from singular, it is
not a judicious proceeding. As far,
however, as its capabilities extend,
our fleet may entirely be relied
upon. But at once this question
occurs, Are these such as to justify
the studied neglect with which
all other means of defence against
foreign aggression are treated ? We
are sure that, since the world be-
gan, no nation was ever yet saved
in war by its ships alone. And it
is worse than idle in us, who have
fallen upon an age of rapid and con-
stant progression, to rely absolutely
upon our navy to cover us from
attack, however superior it may be
at this moment to any other single
navy in the world. Combinations
of powers, bent on putting down
some state which has long been to
each of them an object of jealousy,
have occurred before, and may occur
again ; while it is just possible
that the very incidents connected
with our naval power on which
we mainly trust as raising us above
danger, may prove the fruitful sources
of disaster to us when the trial
comes. Not for a moment, there-
fore, may they who value the honour,
not to say the safety, of the country,
intermit their efforts to force upon a
reluctant Administration the duty —
nay, more, the necessity — of putting
the military resources of the realm
into an efficient state. It is said
that Mr Cardwell, anticipating the
attack that will surely be made upon
him as soon as Parliament meets,
has directed a committee of officers
to meet and consider the question
in detail, and to report upon it.
Was any proceeding of the sort re-
quired 1 Do we not all understand
already where the fault lies ? Has
not enough been said and written
by persons conversant with the
whole subject to show that England
1871.]
TJie Two Systems.
119
is helpless for operations either of
offence or defence on shore, not be-
cause the people are wanting in any
of the qualities that go to make first-
rate soldiers, but because the Gov-
ernment either does not know how
to utilise these qualities, or shrinks
from the obvious duty of staking its
existence as a Government on the
adoption by Parliament of a well-
considered plan for doing so 1 Con-
sider what the extent of our man-
hood is, what our yearly revenue,
what a lesson was taught us as
to the temper and disposition of
the people by the readiness with
which, not very many years ago,
in a time of known weakness and
anticipated danger, a hundred thou-
sand men, most of them in circum-
stances comparatively easy, took up
arms of their own accord, and stood
forward to defend their homes and
hearths. Will anybody tell us that
a nation so circumstanced — which
is really full of military ardour, which
is rich above other nations, which
in point of numbers comes second
only to Eussia, Austria, France, and
United Germany among the great
Powers of Europe — will anybody
tell us that a nation so circumstanced
would hesitate to accept a wise order
of defensive military organisation,
were such proposed to it, and the
necessity of acceding to it made
manifest? The idea is monstrous.
All that is wanted to give us at
least the first element of national
strength is, that the Minister shall
state his case clearly in the House of
Commons, and ask for the means
of attaining it. A large regular
army nobody wants. We are not
an aggressive people; and if we
must, at some future time, being
bound by treaties so to do, put a
force in the field to support an ally,
the ways and means of doing so will,
at the proper moment, be forthcom-
ing. But we do want now a strong,
well-ordered, well-administered army
of defence ; and sooner or later, be-
fore or after some great national dis-
aster, we shall surely get it.
It is not, however, enough to have
men and material at our disposal, in
order to create the sort of military
force which this country desiderates.
Men are helpless unless there be
educated officers to direct them ; and
material fails or is wasted where
there is no well-organised machinery
of supply and control. Now it is to
the excellence of her system in re-
gard to these latter points, not less
than because of the care which she
takes to have her armies well organ-
ised and commanded, that Prussia
owes the success which has attended
her operations in her recent wars
both with Austria and France. We
propose, therefore, following up what
was stated last month, to describe,
as clearly as the limits at our com-
mand will allow, the principal fea-
tures in that system — not under
the delusive idea that it would be
possible, were it even desirable, to
make the whole system our own
by a process of servile imitation,
but because, having a model con-
fessedly admirable of its kind upon
which to work, Mr Cardwell and
his advisers may have something
better to refer to than their own
preconceived opinions, and probably
their own very limited, if not pre-
judiced, personal experience.
The army in Prussia, like that of
every other Continental monarchy,
whether the government be, as in
Eussia, despotic, or as in Holland
and Belgium, constitutional, is un-
der the direct and immediate com-
mand and control of the King. The
Chambers have nothing whatever to
say to it, except to vote the supplies
necessary for its subsistence and ef-
ficiency, and to fix the term during
which, whether with his colours or
in reserve, each particular soldier
120
The Two Systems.
[Jan.
shall serve. Even in settling these
matters, as recent experience shows,
the judgment of the King carries
with it far greater weight than that
of his Parliament. After 1866 the
King proposed a plan of recruitment,
which the Chamber of Deputies re-
jected again and again ; but, by the
mere force of his OAvn will, the King
carried his point, and the country
has reaped the benefit of his or his
Ministers' wise determination in the
success which has attended its army
in the present war. The Prussian
army is therefore the King's army,
in as absolute a sense as the English
army, after the Eestoration and pre-
viously to the Revolution, was the
army of the King of England. It is,
moreover, the right arm of the State,
which the head of the State wields,
unchecked by any counterpoise of
popular prejudice. It is that par-
ticular institution, also, which all
others within the realm are made to
subserve, and before the necessary
requirements of which, the wants,
wishes, and conveniences of indi-
viduals, and even of civil communi-
ties, must give way. Thus, if cattle
or waggons be required to facilitate
a march, or provisions run short, or
lodging for man and horse be needed,
on the town or village at which any
portion of the army arrives, or in
which it happens to be quartered,
the obligation is imposed of making
good such deficiency. The King's
army must not want for aught. The
people whom the King governs and
protects must furnish his army with
whatever is needed to render it
mobile, and keep it in a state of
efficiency. Let us not be misunder-
stood. At home as well as abroad
receipts are given for every article
requisitioned for and furnished;
and the documents, when handed in
to the proper quarter, are examined,
checked, and redeemed. But the
apprehension of pecuniary damage
in such cases is not always the sore
point. The hire of a farmer's horses
or waggons, however punctually paid
for, does not compensate him for the
loss of their services, say at plough-
ing-time or harvest; yet they must
go immediately they are demanded,
while the owner must take and be
thankful for whatever price the
Government shall judge expedient
to pay for the accommodation. Our
readers will not, we imagine, suspect
us of any desire to transplant, in its
integrity, this item of the Prussian
military system into Great Britain.
We are well pleased that the House
of Commons should continue to hold
the strings of the purse, not less
when the military than when the
civil wants of the nation are to be
provided for. And we entirely ap-
prove of the constitutional principles
adopted in 1688 — we greatly lament
that even in part they should have
been departed from — that all who
advise the Crown in military affairs
should, equally with the Crown ad-
visers in civil affairs, be personally
responsible to Parliament for the
advice which they tender to the
Sovereign. But this is quite an-
other matter from handing over the
control of the army, as we have
recently done, to a civilian, himself
a member of the House of Com-
mons, and therefore dependent on
the caprices of a majority in that
House, from day to day, for his
tenure of office. It seems to us
impossible that the state to which
things have of late years been
brought can long coexist with the
semblance of monarchical authority,
however limited. And therefore,
to the Commission which is sitting
to advise what the future of the
army shall be, we take the liberty
of recommending this point as well
worthy of their notice, before they
proceed to deal with any other.
The administration of the Prussian
1871.]
Tlie Two Systems.
121
army is conducted under the King
by a Minister of War, who may or
may not be a member of the legis-
lature, but who must be a general
officer of long service and tried ability
and knowledge. He is selected by
the King. He need not necessarily
go out with a change of Ministry,
because his duties are in the strictest
sense of the term administrative.
But he is responsible to the Houses
which vote the supplies that they
are rightly dispensed ; and in case of
malversation, or suspected malversa-
tion, he is open to impeachment.
This important office is held, at the
present moment, by General von
Roon, in whom both the King and
the country repose that entire con-
fidence which his tried ability and
unimpeachable honour have justly
acquired for him.
The Prussian War Minister unites
in his own person the attributes
both of our Commander -in -Chief
and of our Secretary of State for
War. In the King's name, and by
authority from the King, he deter-
mines what shall be from time to
time the drill, the armament, the
uniform, the discipline of the troops
of all arms, as well as the quarter-
ing of corps, and the distribution of
commands. Acting in like manner
for the King, he determines and
settles the great principles of supply
and control. Into minute details
he never enters, unless special re-
ference be made to him; leaving
these, and wisely leaving them, to
be settled by the heads of the va-
rious departments into which his
office is divided. And thus every
man, having his own proper work
to do, and being held personally re-
sponsible that it shall be well done,
applies to it his undivided energies,
and the work is done.
Over each department, whether
it take charge of discipline or sup-
ply, a military man presides. Per-
sons who have shown in the War
Academy business habits more than
ordinarily accurate are selected for
such employment, each in accord
with his specialties ; and they usually
work their way from employment
at the headquarters of corps cFarmee,
to employment at the headquarters
of the whole army. For in all re-
spects each of the thirteen great
commands into which, during peace,
the Prussian army is divided, is a
complete representation on a small
scale of the central machine, the
war office at the capital. Hence,
in giving a rapid sketch of one of
these, we sketch the whole, because
just as the War Minister is supreme
under the King over the entire state
military, so is every corps com-
mander supreme within the limits
of his command over the entire
force submitted to his orders, with
its staff, whether they be occupied
upon matters of discipline or matters
of supply.
The discipline of the Prussian
army, like that of all other armies,
is kept up mainly by the regimental
officers. These have their rules and
regulations to guide them, and their
responsibilities, which pass from one
superior order to another until they
reach headquarters. There is, how-
ever, this difference between the
Prussian and all other army sys-
tems, that in Prussia the company,
squadron, or battery plays in the
hierarchy of command a far more
important part than is allowed to
it in any other European army.
This is, perhaps, in some degree
due to the fact that the company
in the Prussian service bears almost
the same numerical proportion to a
battalion that a battalion does to a
regiment. It is a strongly marked
unit, being so constituted as to
bring the captain into far more
intimate relations with the men and
officers composing his company than
122
Tfte Two Systems.
[Jan.
the chef -de -battalion can ever be
brought with his battalion or the
colonel with his regiment. The con-
sequence is, that the colonel and
chef-de-battalion have very little to
say to the people under their orders,
except on parade, unless, indeed,
which rarely or never occurs, appeals
be made to one or the other from the
decision of the captain. For he it is
who arbitrates between contending
parties in the ranks — who praises or
rewards the good soldier, and pun-
ishes the bad. And the official next
in importance to him among the men
in all these respects is not the first
lieutenant, but the company sergeant-
major. In a word, the captain is,
and is indeed called by his men, the
father of the company, just as the
company sergeant-major is called
their mother. And so well do
they generally sustain their parts
— among youths, be it remembered,
enrolled for three years only, and
rarely throughout that interval los-
ing the freshness with which they first
join their colours — that discipline
goes on almost of its own accord.
Prussian punishments are indeed
sharp enough when they fall, involv-
ing death, imprisonment with short
commons, fatigues, and extra drilL
But it is only fair to the Prussian
service to say, that in time of peace,
at least, the defaulters in the com-
pany's list are few, and punishment
is of rare occurrence.
Every captain in the Prussian
army is mounted. This gives to
a battalion on parade five field-
officers ; for there is no battalion
adjutant, in our sense of the term,
nor indeed any quartermaster or
quartermaster-sergeant. The cap-
tain looks after the lodging of his
men ; the sergeant-major sees that
they have their rations served out
to them. To receive these they
are divided into messes of fifteen
men respectively, with a corporal
in charge of each. Their daily
food consists of bread, about a
pound and a half; of meat, about
three quarters of a pound; of rice
or groats, four ounces — or else of
meal, one half-pound — or of pota-
toes, three pounds ; of salt, they re-
ceive three grains ; and of coffee,
one ounce. When the army takes
the field, each man carries about him
enough of these articles for three
days' consumption. But as we shall
have occasion presently to describe
the Prussian mode of subsisting and
managing troops in war, we need say
no more about this part of our sub-
ject at present, than that only in an
enemy's country is either beer or
wine, or butter, or tobacco, issued to
the soldier, whose pay, after all his
necessaries are provided for him,
amounts to three groschens, or some-
thing more than threepence a-day.
The Prussian battalion of infantry
consists of four companies, which
muster, in peace-time, one hundred
and fifty men ; in war, when the
reserves are called in, two hundred
and fifty respectively. Of the
strength of the squadron of cavalry
and battery of artillery — each being
the unit out of which regiments
spring — we have elsewhere spoken.
Their internal economy resembles
in every important particular that
of the company of infantry, and the
daily food provided for the men is
the same.
A regiment of infantry consists
of three battalions, which are not,
however, necessarily or at all times
worked together. A brigade com-
prises seven or six battalions, as the
case may be ; one of which is either a
rifle battalion or a battalion of light
infantry. A division — including
two brigades of infantry, one regi-
ment of cavalry, and four batteries
of artillery, or twenty -four guns —
numbers, in all, 17,000 combatants.
Two divisions make up a corps, which,
1871.]
The Two Systems.
123
inclusive of a separate cavalry divi-
sion, with its two batteries of horse-
artillery attached — a reserve artillery,
thirty guns — a pontoon train — a hos-
pital train — waggons of transport
and their attendants — reaches, when
complete, the total strength of
41,000 men. Nor is there any
portion of this mass on which
greater care is bestowed, or which
better serves its purposes when
called into use, than the pontoon
train. The Prussian bridge, span-
ing a river 685 feet wide, bears with
ease infantry, cavalry, and light
guns, unlimbered. A bridge across
a stream 295 feet wide sustains the
weight of guns of position. Siege
guns will pass upon a bridge, lim-
bered, over a stream 180 feet wide.
Here, then, as has just been said,
we have brought in review order be-
fore us the whole Prussian army in
miniature. At the head is the corps
commander, representing at once
the King and his Minister of War.
Near him are his staff officers — all,
without exception, military men —
by whom every detail of strategy,
discipline, administration, and sup-
ply is carried on. The higher staff,
as it is called, consists of four such
officers, the chief of the staff with
the rank of colonel, a major, and
two captains. The officers of the
lower staff are much more numerous,
and comprise his own adjutants or
aides-de-camp (though that term is
never used, except in reference to
the King), and the adjutants of the
generals of division and brigade.
The duties of these gentlemen cor-
respond in part to those of the adju-
tant-general's staff with us, in part
to those of the personal staff of our
general officers, including brigade-
majors. While the higher staff ar-
range plans of campaign, and look
to the quartering and supply of the
whole corps, as well in motion as in
rest, the personal staff attend to mat-
ters of discipline and to the transmis-
sion of orders received from head-
quarters. A third class of staff offi-
cers make up the Intendance, upon
whom, subject to instructions from
the corps commander, devolves the
responsibility of seeing that the
troops are properly supplied with
fuel, food, clothing, and the means
of transporting the two latter from
place to place. All military stores,
including guns, small-arms, ammu-
nition, carriages, and so forth, are
in like manner, and subject to the
like conditions, controlled and man-
aged by the commanding officer of
artillery. So also the chief engi-
neer is intrusted with the charge
of building and repairing barracks,
forts, and other works, and with
the means of carrying to any
point where they may be re-
quired intrenching tools, pontoons,
and other instruments of bridge-
making. Then there come what
we may describe as the only two
civilian departments connected with
the army : the medical department,
with its corps of hospital orderlies;
the chaplains' department, with pas-
tor attached to every half-brigade.
The chief of the medical department
does, we believe, rank with a major.
The chaplain-general has no military
rank. But doctor and parson are
alike independent of all, except that
general control which the Minister
of War, representing the King,
exercises over the whole army.
Finally, the police of the corps,
consisting of a hundred men, of
whom one half are mounted, the
other on foot, obey the orders of
the provost ; while a perfect host
of artificers of every description
— such as bricklayers, carpenters,
smiths, and so forth — is disposable
for employment, under official super-
intendence, wherever their services
are needed. Over all these, from
the highest to the lowest, the
124
The Two Systems.
[Jean.
authority of the corps commander
is supreme. There is no duality,
nor the approximation to duality,
anywhere. The corps commander's
order once issued must be oheyed,
without remonstrance, whatever the
department may he to which it
is addressed, and the results are
promptitude and uniformity of ac-
tion in all quarters. We do not
mean to say that the corps com-
mander may not occasionally, per-
haps very often, commit irregulari-
ties; and when he does so he never
fails to hear of it. But delays and
discussions are things unknown.
The machine works rapidly, be-
cause it is subject to little or no
friction ; and, generally speaking,
because it works rapidly it works
well.
. Similar in all respects to this,
though of course upon a still larger
scale, is the machinery set up, and
its mode of working at headquar-
ters. The will of the Minister of
War is law. It is made known to
all the segments of the army through
corps commanders and chiefs of
departments, with the details of
whose business the Minister seldom
if ever interferes. Master of the
whole subject of army administra-
tion, he knows how to choose his
instruments, and trusts them. From
time to time, if complaints reach
him, he thoroughly overhauls the
department complained of. But
this is an incident of rare occur-
rence, because the ablest adminis-
trators in every branch of the
service are selected by himself, or
on the recommendation of the chief
of the staff, to work under him;
and these are all, looking only to
him, absolutely independent one of
the other. The consequence is,
that at the War Office in Berlin there
is no waste of time in minuting
papers, and referring them from
room to room; while the corre-
spondence with the out-stations of an
army five times as numerous as our
own, scarcely equals one -fifth of
that which cumbers our War Office
pigeon-holes. As we have just said,
the Minister takes large views of
every subject, believing .that in
working out details he can trust
implicitly to his subordinates, just
as these, being heads of departments,
believe that they can trust their
inferiors. And this confidence is
the more secure that neglect of
duty or foul play subjects the
defaulter to immediate dismissal.
For the War Office at Berlin, like the
headquarters in corps commands, is
officered entirely by military men;
while the inferior clerks are chosen,
as indeed is the case in every
Prussian public office, from non-
commissioned officers, or men who
have been non-commissioned officers,
in the regular army. Hence, if
an officer show in ever so slight
a degree that he is indifferently
qualified for the post to which he
has been appointed, he is forth-
with remanded to regimental duty :
if the non-commissioned officer fail,
and be still in active service, he is
sent back to his regiment. If emeritus,
he is sent about his business. The
result is, that affairs go on with
the regularity and accuracy of time ;
and that all the appliances necessary
to put half a million of men, or more,
in the field, are forthcoming at a
day's notice.
Under the same roof with the
War Minister sits the chief of the
staff, whose special duty it is to
direct and superintend the pro-
fessional instruction of the army
in general, and especially to see
that such officers as do duty on
the staff understand what is ex-
pected of them, and act up to it.
The chief of the staff receives and
examines the reports of the Council
of Military Education, personally
1871.]
Tlie Two Systems.
125
inspects the war schools, and espe-
cially the War Academy, and re-
commends for employment and
promotion such of the pupils
and staff officers as remarkahly
distinguish themselves. What
education for the staff means in
the Prussian army, we took occa-
sion last month to explain. What
the acquirements of those must
be who are qualified to determine,
in the order of merit, where
aspirants for staff employ are to
be placed, we need not pause to
point out. The chief of the staff of
the Prussian service has not much
power, however, in time of peace.
He thinks for the army, and sug-
gests plans for rendering it contin-
ually more and more effective. But
when war breaks out he becomes,
what Count von Moltke is at this
moment, the grand referee, without
consultation with whom, or, to speak
more correctly, except at whose sug-
gestion, no operation of any sort is
undertaken or carried on.
The affairs of the Prussian army
go on like a well-constructed clock so
long as there is peace with other
nations. Year by year the men
who have completed their three years'
training pass into the reserve, re-
cruits filling their places. Year by
year the grand manoeuvres are
held, wherein both officers and men
learn what they will be called upon
to practise in war. And at fixed
intervals the landwehr meet in
their battalions, to be kept from for-
getting what had been taught them
in their earlier youth. Meanwhile
in every fortress is laid up a store
of artillery, small-arms, ammunition,
&c., under an officer of artillery ; a
similar store of intrenching tools,
and implements of various kinds,
under an officer of engineers ; a like
store of cloaks, boots, clothing, wag-
gons, and horses, under an intend-
ant ; and an adequate supply of
medicines, surgical instruments, am-
bulances, and other medical require-
ments, of which a medical officer is
in charge.
War comes, and in a week or ten
days' time, battalions, regiments,
brigades, divisions, corps, are aug-
mented to their full strength, and
in readiness to move. The order
arrives, and the march begins. Each
infantry soldier has now to pack
and carry in his knapsack a spare
shirt, a spare pair of shoes, a spare
pair of drawers, a pocket-handker-
chief, and a bit of soap. Stockings
the Prussian soldier does not wear.
He wraps his feet and legs in linen
or cotton bandages, which, being
accustomed to them, he finds more
convenient, and which are, at all
events, easily washed. Besides his
necessaries, the infantry soldier car-
ries in his haversack three days'
provisions, with eighty rounds of
ammunition, partly in his pouch,
partly in his knapsack. The latter
has a drawer let into it, in which
forty rounds are put away, which
he can easily reach and empty of
its contents without halting or dis-
turbing the kit. Besides all this,
mess -squads distribute and carry
among them brushes enough for their
common use, as well as a certain
number of spades, picks, axes, and
tools ; and over every man's shoul-
der is wrapped and worn, bandoleer
fashion, his cloak or greatcoat. The
battalion is now a thousand strong,
the company two hundred and fifty.
Simultaneous with this stir among
the infantry are the movements of
the cavalry, the artillery, and the
train. A regiment of cavalry, leav-
ing one squadron on which to form
its recruits, carries four into the
field. These muster seven hundred
and five horses, all thoroughly brok-
en, inclusive of officers' horses; and
six hundred fighting men. The
trooper carries two sacks — one of
126
The Two Systems.
[Jan.
which contains three days' pro-
visions for himself, the other three
days' oats for his horse. His neces-
saries are conveyed in his valise.
The artillery, like our own, trans-
port all things necessary to render
them efficient — including provisions
for men, forage, horse-shoes, nails,
and spare bits of harness — in their
own waggons. Much has been said
of the superiority of this arm, in the
recent actions, over the French. It
may be so ; and in one point — so
far as the field -batteries are con-
cerned — the circumstance is not
hard to be accounted for. The field-
gun in the Prussian service has
seats appended to the axle-trees,
whereby the gunner moves with his
weapon, be the pace in effecting a
change of position ever so rapid;
whereas in the French service, just
as in our own, the gunner marches
on foot. Why, after the experience
acquired at the battle of the Alma,
we have not yet applied a remedy
to such an obvious defect, is one of
those mysteries in English military
administration for which nobody is
able to account. There is no differ-
ence of opinion, we rather think,
among artillery officers in regard to
this matter. Perhaps when Parlia-
ment meets some member will ques-
tion the Secretary of State on the
subject, and then we may have light
thrown upon our darkness.
There attend each battalion of in-
fantry into the field one six-horse
waggon for the conveyance of spare
ammunition ; one four-horse vehicle
laden with spare clothing ; one two-
horse cart in which medicine and
hospital stores are conveyed ; and
one four-horse waggon for transport-
ing the officers' baggage. A similar
special service, though on a smaller
scale, waits upon a regiment of cav-
alry. In other respects the sup-
plies necessary in the gross are con-
veyed in the rear of divisions and
corps. Two hundred horses, or
thereabouts, dragging upwards of
eighty waggons, attend each corps,
all under strict military control. Of
these, twelve are appropriated to
hospital purposes — the principal
medical officer being in supreme
charge; the rest carry flour, am-
munition, and other things, of which
the expenditure is rapid and inces-
sant. The generals in command
of corps, divisions, and brigades,
have their own waggons allotted to
them.
Though the Prussian army takes
the field thus provided against the
pressure of immediate want, its
habit is, when operating in an en-
emy's country, to live as much as
possible by requisitions. The pro-
cess is this : A day's march in front
of each column moves a screen of
light-horsemen, who, besides collect-
ing intelligence respecting the ene-
my's whereabouts, have it in charge
to demand from the townships and
villages which they enter, beeves,
sheep, bread, wine, beer, forage, and
tobacco, sufficient for a day's con-
sumption of a given number of men
and horses. The butchers, bakers,
and other tradesmen of each battal-
ion and regiment are told off to re-
ceive the articles requisitioned for,
and proceed at once, on the arrival
of the corps at its ground, to kill
and otherwise make them ready for
general use. On the meat thus
procured the men live, preserving
their own, which is not unfrequently
converted into sausages, against a
time when requisitions may fail
them. They use their own flour,
however, which is liable to be da-
maged by wet — converting it into
bread; and trusting to the com-
missary, or the mills which are met
with on the march, to make good
the deficiency. For every article
so taken from the country-people,
regular receipts are given, which
1871.]
Tlie Two Systems.
127
the recipients are desired to put
safely away, and to produce for pay-
ment to their own Government
when the war shall end.
The last, and not the least impor-
tant, point to be noticed in the ad-
ministrative machinery of the Prus-
sian army, is its telegraphic appara-
tus. In peace each army corps is
supplied with a complete set, and in
war eight of these sets wait upon the
field force. Communication with the
rear is kept up by four of these, which
follow roads or railroads. They
connect themselves with the maga-
zines at the base of operations, and
move onwards as the army moves.
Hence, in waggons imported for the
purpose, or by railway, as the case
may be, fresh supplies of ammuni-
tion and stores of every kind are
forwarded, without delay, as they
are required. The other four cross
fields, hills, valleys, and pass through
woods, keeping columns, whether
in motion or at rest, in constant
communication with one another.
The influence of telegraphic in-
tercommunication in war is con-
siderable, though not perhaps so
great, nor so persistently great, as
might be supposed. The army
which surrounds Paris trusts largely
to it, and is safe in doing so. But
columns on the march run the risk
of having their messages tapped
by the enemy, and find themselves
obliged to supplement the power of
the electric wire with ordinary mes-
sengers. The Prussian cavalry passes
on instructions from point to point
always in action, and not unfre-
quently when preparations for the
fight are going on.
We have already guarded our-
selves against being supposed to
desire the transfer wholesale of the
Prussian military system to this
country. A conscription which
should sweep the whole mankind of
England into the ranks would be
intolerable. It is not needed, it
never can be needed, our superior-
ity at sea being maintained ; and if
enforced, it would inflict upon our
young citizens hardships far greater
than those which the youth of Prus-
sia experience. Our regular army,
be it understood, is always more
or less upon foreign service. The
regular army of Prussia is, except
when war occurs, a mere militia.
We must hold India with a large
force, and be ready to support our
colonies, besides giving garrisons to
our foreign fortresses. Prussia has
only her home towns and strong-
holds to occupy. Not, therefore,
for a moment would the idea be
tolerated, that because Prussia trains
her whole male population to the
use of arms by passing it through
the ranks of the regular army, we
also must constrain ours to pass
through the ranks of our standing
army, and to serve in India, in
America, in the West Indies, in
the Mediterranean, and elsewhere.
Enough will be done when we see
enrolled — not by voluntary enlist-
ment, but by ballot — some three
hundred thousand militia, of which
one hundred thousand at a time
shall be under arms and properly
officered for a year. And when to
this we add a judicious organisa-
tion of the volunteer force — horse
as well as foot — such as shall
give to it the consistency and pli-
ability which it is quite ready to
receive, — then, so far as men in arms
can lead us to do so, we may sleep
at peace in our beds. But we ob-
ject to the Prussian military system
in its integrity, and to no portion of
it more vehemently than that to
which reference has just been made.
An army which lives by requisition
comes sooner or later to live by
plunder. The superabundant re-
sources of the district in which it
makes war are soon eaten up ; and
The Two Systems.
[Ja
then nothing remains except to take
by violence that which the people
absolutely require for their own
use. This is robbery ; and the mo-
ment an invading army begins to
rob, it makes enemies of every man,
woman, and child, with whom it
comes in contact. There follows
a repetition everywhere of murder
and reprisals : the peasant shoots
the soldier wherever he can take
him at a disadvantage ; the soldiers
avenge their comrades by shoot-
ing either the actual homicide or
anybody else. Villages are next
burned, and guerilla bands formed,
and war degenerates into indiscri-
minate slaughter, from which wo-
men and children are not exempt.
Our own great Duke fully under-
stood this ; and by his wise, because
humane, conduct in the south of
France, not only made friends of the
people, whom, in their property as
well as in their persons, he protected
from outrage, but left behind him a
name which is still held in honour
in all the districts that intervene be-
tween the Bidassoa and the Garonne.
It is not so, we regret to say, with
the Germans. They began well ;
they are driven, as the war protracts
itself, by the vicious nature of their
system, to end ill. They have cre-
ated in France a feeling which will
not die out for many generations.
God forbid that we should ever see
this item of Prussian military ad-
ministration adopted into our service!
But surely enough has been said
respecting her system, considered as
a whole, to induce those to whom
the country looks as the guardians
of its honour to consider whether or
no, and to what extent, we may fol-
low the example which Prussia has
set us. However they may be re-
garded by foreigners, Prussian sol-
diers of every rank are satisfied with
themselves and their condition.
The army, though very large, costs
the country, except in war, compar-
atively little. We believe that her
whole expenditure on 300,000 reg-
ular troops, 200,000 of the first re-
serve, 300,000 at least of the land-
wehr, and all the incidents connected
with them, amounts to something
under seven millions sterling. In
the management and administration
of this enormous force, moreover,
there is no friction, no squabbling,
no heartburnings. Every man,
whatever his rank and condition
may be, knows what he has to do,
and does it without needless and
therefore irritating interference from
anybody else. Now contrast this
for one instant with the state of
things by which we are encountered.
In the memory of living men the
British army was never so discon-
tented or so disjointed as it is now.
Regimental officers complain, and
they have just right to do so, that
they are held up in Parliament, in
private society, and through the
press, as habitually neglectful of
their duty. They do nothing, it is
said, that they can possibly help,
and the little that they are com-
pelled to do, they do grudgingly.
If this were true to the letter, which
it is not, could anybody be surpris-
ed? It seems to be the great object
of those in authority to sever, as
much as possible, all connection
between the officer and the man,
except on formal parades. The
captain of a company with iis is
nobody. He can neither reward
nor punish a man, be he ever so
deserving either of reward or pun-
ishment. He is more of a cipher
than the youngest ensign used to be
half a century ago. So also the
officer in command of a regiment
is hampered and restrained on every
side, till there is induced on his part
a disposition to let things take their
course — on the part of the non-com-
missioned officers and privates, the
1871.]
The Two Systems.
129
habit of carping at everything that is
done or proposed. Let us take care !
It was thus that in the French army
began that spirit of insubordination
which reached its climax in the year
that is passing, and showed itself in
the disgraceful routs of Woerth and
Sedan.
Meanwhile, in higher places,
with all the anxiety manifested to
centralise power, there are mutual
jealousies, official distrusts, personal
antipathies, which, were the pressure
of sudden war to come upon us,
would make shipwreck of the whole
machine. What is the use, with-
in little more than a month of the
meeting of Parliament, of disguising
the truth ? The new control system,
and all the officials connected with
it, are hated by the entire com-
batant portion of the army. The
control, from the chief downwards,
is furious at this, and hates the com-
batant portion of the army in return.
The Field -Marshal commanding in
chief, since his transfer to the office
in Pall Mall, has become an anomaly,
with whom no human being appears
to understand how to deal. Then
look at the militia and the volunteers.
Where is their organisation ? where
their discipline? where their confi-
dence in the authority under which
they exist ? where their zeal for the
service? Positively the military
element in this country is nowhere ;
for the men who carry arms are uni-
versally dissatisfied, and they whose
business it is to keep them in good
heart harass and annoy them in every
conceivable way. As to our stores,
whether of arms or ammunition — our
appliances for putting an army in the
field — and our means of land trans-
port— our artillery, both for the fort-
resses and the field — they are nowhere.
And to crown all, we still make the
transport of an army corps abroad,
whether it be required to garrison a
colony or to support an ally, depend-
VOL. CIZ. NO. DCLXIII.
ent on the caprices of a rival public
office, between which and the War
Office there is no love lost. Did
ever any people in the world, except
ourselves, compel the commanders of
its army to apply humbly to the
chiefs of its navy before they could
ship a corps, and send it off to sus-
tain an ally or to attack an enemy ?
Our regular army is at this mo-
ment quite inefficient. It consists
of cadres of infantry and cavalry
which we find it impossible to com-
plete; of 180 field-guns neither
horsed nor properly provided ; of a
handful of engineers, excellent of
their kind; and a transport-corps, to
name which is to expose ourselves
to ridicule. The total strength of
these fragments may be taken at
80,000 men, of whom, perhaps, one-
half may be sufficiently trained to
enter upon a campaign. What the
real strength, either of the militia or
the volunteers may be, nobody seems
to know. But every man capable
of expressing a trustworthy opinion
on the subject is aware that, as both
descriptions of fpree are virtually
dormant, so if a sudden demand
were made upon them for service
before an enemy, they would do their
best, but they could not as an army
do anything. And we are paying to
keep up this practically useless ma-
chine not less than fifteen millions
sterling from year to year. Will
anybody do us the favour to inform
us how and where the money goes ?
Seven millions suffice in Prussia to
render 800,000 excellent troops avail-
able, should the country need them.
We devote fifteen millions to the
same purpose, and we get in exchange
an available force equal to one army
corps in Prussia, with about 300,000
individuals behind them, imperfectly
armed and without either discipline
or organisation. Surely there is in
the House of Commons some one
sufficiently honest and instructed to
130
TJie Two Systems.
[Jan. 1871.
inquire into this matter. Let us
not, however, be misunderstood.
"We should not grudge fifteen mil-
lions, or twenty millions, if we had
our money's worth. If an English
army be of necessity a machine four-
fold more expensive than a Contin-
ental army, there is no help for it.
An army we must have, and are
quite ready to pay for it. But it is
intolerable that we should be called
upon to bear the twofold burthen of
heavy taxation and nothing to show
for it — that our artisans should be
turned adrift from the dockyards,
and our whole military force thrown
into confusion, in order that Mr
Lowe may be able to boast that he
has reduced the income-tax to two-
pence in the pound. There were
manifest symptoms ere the Houses
rose last summer that Mr Gladstone
and his colleagues had, in these re-
spects, pretty well run out their
tether. We shall be much surprised
if they do not hear a good deal more
upon the subject when they meet
the Houses again.
Printed by William Blackwood <Sc Sont, Edinburgh.
BLACKWOOD'S
EDINBUKGH MAGAZINE.
No. DCLXIV.
FEBRUARY 1871.
VOL. CIX.
WHAT WE MAY LEAKN.
WE shall have very imperfectly
fulfilled the task which we had set
ourselves in describing the causes,
both of French failure and Prussian
success in the present war, if Mr
Cardwell and his advisers find any
difficulty in extracting from our
narrative some useful hints to aid
them in the work in which they
are this moment supposed to be
engaged. The three main sources
of all the disasters from which
the French now suffer, are these:
gross corruption everywhere, in
high places as well as in low; a
policy of centralisation carried to
such an extent as to render the
machine which it was designed
to guide unmanageable; and a
system of transport and supply —
Intendance Militaire — so defec-
tive that it broke down as soon
as the first strain of war and its
requirements fell upon it. To these
may be added : . the constitution
of the French army, democratic to
the core, and therefore opposed to
all discipline except that of brute
force ; and the extraordinary ignor-
VOL. CIX. — NO. DCLXIV.
ance of the French officers, as well
those employed on the staff as
those attached to regiments, of
the first principles of the art in
which they were assumed to be
instructors to their men. The
effect of the first abuse was, that
the army, when called into the
field, appeared in numbers de-
plorably incomplete, in composi-
tion deplorably defective. The
effect of the second abuse was, that
the army in the field could not
be recruited except by a process
so formal and tedious as positively
to obstruct the operation. While
of the third it is not too much to
say, that it justified all that General
Trochu had prophesied concerning
it while yet the trial of its powers
was in the future. As to the sub-
sidiary evils referred to, they speak
for themselves. Bad officers make
bad soldiers ; and mutiny and in-
subordination trod fast upon the
heels of incompetency, too glaring
to be disguised. The French army,
when tested in war with a power
which it affected to hold cheap,
132
What we may Learn.
[Feb.
broke to pieces, and the French,
nation is reaping the fruits of years
of misgovernment and of an amount
of social demoralisation unparalleled
in modern times.
The opposite, in all respects, to
the French principle of military
administration, is that of Prussia.
It may be rigid in itself, and to-
wards the bulk of the population
somewhat oppressive; but the voice
of slander never charged those whose
duty it is to guide and control it,
with corruption. In recruiting their
armies, both Powers depend upon
conscription. But while France, re-
cognising the principle of remplace-
ment, opens a door to abuses by
which individuals gain and the
State suffers, Prussia exacts rigidly,
from all classes alike — from the rich
not less than from the poor, from
the noble equally with the peasant
— that amount of personal service
under arms which the law has
appointed for each. Hence the
strength of the Prussian army,
whether for peace or war, is to a
man and a horse just what the
returns represent it to be; whereas
the French army, with a formid-
able muster-roll on paper, takes
the field comparatively worthless,
because with all its battalions, regi-
ments, and even batteries incom-
plete. Again, the Prussian army,
looking, as all armies to be effective
must, to a common centre for the
motive power which shall be felt and
acknowledged everywhere, is yet so
distributed in peace time into por-
tions complete each within itself, as
to be capable, at the shortest notice,
of rapid concentration, and, which is
not less important, of steady and
systematic recruitment, each portion
drawing its reinforcements from the
province of which it forms the
standing garrison. Hence, while the
French labour, on the breaking- out
of war, to fill the vacancies in
the ranks with conscripts, gathered
in at random from all parts of the
country, and brought to Paris, or
some other central depot, for distri-
bution ; the Prussians, calling in
trained reserves from the several
military districts, put their corps at
once upon a war footing, and leave
behind when the corps marches de-
pots on which fresh levies may be
gathered, disciplined, and made fit
for active service. Finally, while
France trusts to a Garde National
in her last extremity, which has
never served in the regular army at
all, and elects its own officers, Prus-
sia has her veteran Landwehr to
look to, officered by gentlemen who,
having completed their term of duty
with the line, rise to com missions in
the militia, through the non-commis-
sioned grades, and after special exa-
minations as to their fitness for the
higher commands to which they
aspire. So also, in what we may
call the Control Department, the
differences between the French and
the Prussian systems are to the full
as striking. The French select, to
be the administrators of all its sup-
plies to the army, whether of war-
like or other stores, whether of me-
dicines or provisions, old officers
and non-commissioned officers, the
best of whose years had been spent
in doing regimental duty, chiefly
with the infantry, without any op-
portunity having been afforded
them of studying the wants of ar-
mies, either in the gross or in detail,
or the modes of supplying them.
Moreover, to these old officers and
non-commissioned officers, necessar-
ily bad men of business, because
wholly unused to it, just so much
of independent power is given as
to render them checks and hin-
drances, rather than assistants, to
the generals commanding districts
in time of peace, and at the head of
corps, and even armies in the field.
Let anybody who is curious to
know how the system works read
1871.]
Wliat ice may Learn.
13
the Emperor's pamphlet, or the de-
spatches of Marshals MacMahon
and Bazaine, and he will see that
the appliances necessary to render
the work effective were all want-
ing at the critical moment ; that
the stores which ought to have
crowded the magazines were not
there; that ammunition itself ran
short ; and that everything, down to
carts, waggons, and means of trans-
port, had to be applied for at the
moment when the existence of the
army depended on their being al-
xeady at hand. How could it be
otherwise than that an army so
dealt with should get out of gear
as soon as the attempt was made to
turn it to its proper uses ? If there
had been no other reasons for the
failure at the opening of the cam-
paign, the breakdown in the Intend-
ance would have been sufficient to
account for it
The reader will have gathered
from what was said in our last num-
"ber, how different in all respects
from the French system of con-
trol and supply is that which
prevails in the Prussian army.
In Prussia men are selected for
the different departments of army
administration according to their
well-known special qualifications.
Artillery officers versed in all the
arcana of their art take charge of
military stores, properly so called,
and distribute them. Engineer of-
ficers do the like with intrenching
tools, pontoons, and other articles
needed in their craft. Staff officers,
trained in the "War Academy, have
charge of the Commissariat, and its
means of transport. The principal
medical officers are responsible that
their own supplies are adequate
and at hand. And all are as com-
pletely subordinated to the corps-
commander in whose district they
happen to be stationed, as he in his
turn is subordinated to the Minister
of War, and the Minister of War to
the King. Thus the machine worl
not less regularly in war than i
peace — subject, of course, wherev*
hostilities are going on, to tl
interruptions which these occasioi
The chain of responsibility, also,
complete in every link, and eac
sustains the amount of pressure thj
is put upon it, because the pressun
being well divided, is nowhere tc
great, and friction becomes in
possible.
It may be worth while, befo]
proceeding to deduce from these d'
tails the lesson which they teacl
if we briefly advert to the not lei
striking contrast that is presente
when we pass in review the const
tution of the two armies, both {
regards the spirit of the men an
the professional and other acquir
ments of the officers. The Frenc
army, as we have just said, is den*
cratic to the core. The private
taught to regard himself as social]
the equal of his officer. It is mei
luck, to which the chances of w*
may at any time give a turn, whic
places him for the moment in
subordinate situation. And th
is made the more clear to bin
that every officer not immediate]
posted from one or other of tl
military schools has served in tl
ranks, and been promoted fro:
them. The Prussian army, on tl
contrary, is thoroughly aristocrati
It is officered exclusively by gentl
men, all of whom, whether educate
at a military school or otherwis
join their regiments as ensigns, an
serve for a certain specified time c
probation. For the ensign in tt
Prussian army is not, like the ei
sign in our army, a commissione
officer. His place in the corps :
rather that of a cadet, which enabl<
him to wear a sword, and to assoc
ate with the officers ; but for a
purposes of military command, place
him under the company sergean
major. If at the expiration of h
134
Wind ice may Learn.
[FeK
term of trial he be pronounced mili-
tarily qualified, he must be further
tested in regard to his social and
moral qualities, before he is advanced
to a lieutenancy. And tin's is
done by a committee of officers,
whose verdict is scarcely ever called
in question, because it is almost
always just. If they pronounce
the ensign or cadet to be the sort
of person with whom the officers of
the regiment find it satisfactory to
associate, that decision, coming on
the back of his professional ap-
proval, seciires for him his commis-
sion. If they pronounce against
him, he retires at once into civil life.
Of the relative degrees of influ-
ence exercised by the French and
Prussian officers over their men,
the present war supplies abundant
proof. A Prussian company or
regiment, harassed with much mar-
ching and fighting, may be dirty
and in rags — though this rarely oc-
curs— but it is never insubordinate.
A French company or regiment no
sooner finds itself in distress than
it throws off all the restraints of
discipline. One who saw and heard
what he reported, assures us that in
Sedan, during the night before the
surrender, the French troops were
like madmen. No officer's life was
safe. The Prussian soldier never
omits to salute his officer, even
when wounded, and deprives him-
self of his own cloak to cover his
captain or his lieutenant, if either be
without one. In return the Prus-
sian officer is towards his men what
a considerate master is to his domes-
tic servants. The common mode of
address from the captain to the pri-
vate is " My Son," and as a son the
man receives his officer's commenda-
tion or rebuke. We have thus the
perfection of an army constitution ;
a force in which authority is wield-
ed by one set of men accustomed
from their childhood to command ;
and service is performed by another
set of men accustomed from their
childhood to obey. Yet there is
neither servility on the one hand,
nor insolence on the other. It is
home-life transferred to the barrack
and the camp.
Again, the French, content to give
an excellent theoretical education to
a certain number of officers, who
serve all their lives in the staff corps,
leave the officers of the infantry and
the cavalry to make the most of
such knowledge as they may pick
up in the ranks ; which seldom
goes further than a familiarity with
the common routine movements of
parade, and the words to be given in
changing one formation into another.
War schools the French army has
none, as contradistinguished from
its artillery schools and schools of
engineering; and the consequence is,
that the great bulk of its officers are
as illiterate as they are vulgar in
their habits. Even the officers of the
staff corps themselves know little
beyond what can be gathered from
the study of bygone wars, especially
the wars of the First Empire, super-
added to surveying, military draw-
ing, castrametation, and the duty of
outposts and patrols as laid down
by regulation. How very imper-
fectly they practised what they had
learned in the matter of outpost and
patrol duty, the constant surprises of
French corps during the war make
manifest ; and their knowledge of
country, whether obtained from maps
or from personal survey, was ignor-
ance in comparison with that of
which the Prussian staff showed that
they were masters. The Prussians,
on the other hand, by the process of
passing through the staff the most in-
telligent of their officers of every arm,
contrive to inoculate all their regi-
ments, whether of infantry, cavalry,
and artillery, with persons quite fit,
should the occasion arise, to become
corps-commanders ; while at the war
schools — of which there are seven —
1871.]
Wliat ice may Learn.
135
the rest learn enough to render them
•capable of handling battalions and
regiments well, and so becoming in
time excellent brigadiers.
Keeping these leading principles
in mind, and looking to the issues
of a fair trial between two armies
respectively built up upon them, it
will not, we think, be difficult for
•our Minister of War, assuming him
to have wise counsellors beside him,
to work out a system which, without
servilely copying either, shall give
us the cream of both, and yet fall
in with our own national habits and
prejudices, modified, as these must
necessarily be, by the force of cir-
cumstances too strong to be resisted.
Thus, in the primary matter of all,
the recruitment of men — the get-
ting together of the living material
out of which armies are formed — it
is self-evident that for general ser-
vice a conscription in any form is
out of the question among us. We
need not, surely, give again in
detail the reasons for this judgment.
General service for Englishmen
means service in India, in Africa, in
the West Indies, in America, in the
Mediterranean, in China, diversified
with occasional sojourns of perhaps
two or three years at a time in
Great Britain or in Ireland. To lay
this burden, by the power of law,
•on the shoulders of the Avhole adult
male population, would be to subject
the manhood of England to a bond-
age such as no free nation could be
expected to endure. No. The regular
army of England must continue to
be raised as for the last eighty or
ninety years (not more) it has been
raised, altogether by voluntary en-
listment. If the wages now offered
for soldiers be insufficient to procure
them, raise the pay. If men will
not come even then unless a bounty
be offered, give a bounty. Make
the service as attractive as you
please ; and fix its limits at what-
-ever term shall present the best
prospect of keeping up a peace
establishment ; and superadd to this
a practical reserve system if you
can — but do not try a conscription.
How to set up a separate and efficient
reserve system in a country where
there is no restriction on locomotion,
and all who choose may emigrate
without asking leave from the Gov-
ernment, is a question more easily put
than answered. We know that Mr
Cardwell's scheme, well meant as it
was, has failed. Possibly if he had
offered sixpence instead of fourpence
a-day as a retaining fee, more men
might have listened to him. But
this is mere conjecture on our part ;
and therefore we end as we began,
by confessing that the full value
of a proposal admirable in theory
cannot be determined except by an
amount of experience to which as yet
we do not pretend to have attained.
But though conscription for the
regular army be, in this country,
out of the question, compulsory
service in the militia is an obliga-
tion which the law of the land and
immemorial usage equally impose
upon every able-bodied Englishman
between the ages of sixteen and
sixty. We hold that it is the duty
of the Government to revive and
enforce, in a modified form, this
old constitutional obligation. In-
deed we go further : the Ministers
who decline to do so, or fail to make
their tenure of office dependent
upon the support which they re-
ceive from Parliament, are, in our
poor opinion, unfit to preside over
the destinies of the empire ; for,
after all, the obligation need not be
so enforced as to impose upon the
people a weight which shall be in-
tolerable. A population of thirty
millions of souls, or of twenty-two,
if for the present we confine our ex-
periment to Great Britain, can easily
spare from the manipulation of trade
and agriculture three hundred thou-
sand men to guard the realm against
What we may Learn.
[Feb.
both foreign invasion and internal
discord. Besides, as we have shown
over and over again, it will not be
necessary, so long as the country is
at peace, to put more than one-third
— possibly one-sixth — of this militia
force under arms at the same time.
And this third, or this sixth — these
hundred thousand, or, if you prefer
it, fifty thousand, militiamen — will
be most effective if so disposed as
to reduce to the lowest possible
figure the drain upon industry oc-
casioned by their enrolment. In-
deed we see but one objection to
this scheme, which, even if valid,
ought not to weigh it down — viz.,
that taxation might be increased if
we made up our minds, in time of
peace, to garrison these islands with
two hundred thousand, or one hun-
dred and fifty thousand, reliable
troops, instead of trusting, as we do
now, to some forty thousand effec-
tives, having behind them an equal
number of recruits and old men of
the regular army, and behind them
again a crowd of undisciplined and
imperfectly-armed militia and volun-
teers. This is possible, indeed pro-
bable, perhaps certain, at the outset ;
but surely, with a little manage-
ment, such arrangements may be
made as shall gradually restore the
financial balance to what it was,
perhaps render it in the end more
advantageous to the tax -payer
than it is at this moment. Can
this be done? We really think
that it may — as thus :
In the first place, the Legislature,
when it agrees to resuscitate the
old constitutional law of the land,
will have a perfect right to make a
difference between the wages paid
to the man who serves exclusively
at home, and the pay of the soldier,
who, in peace as well as war, is
liable to be sent to all parts of the
world. This is obviously just, even
if the militiaman be made movable
from station to station, as troops are
moved now, within the limits of"
the United Kingdom. But why
should he be made thus movable ?
Under the old law, which it is pro-
posed to revive and modify, no-
militiaman was required, except in
case of invasion, or the actual oc-
currence of rebellion, to be marched
beyond the confines of his own
county. Within these limits he
had times and places fixed, when
he was bound to appear in arms,
and be trained to the use of them.
But never going beyond his own
neighbourhood, nor severing the
connection that linked him with
his parish or his employer, he com-
bined in his own person the cha-
racters of a citizen and a soldier ;.
being available for industrial pur-
poses when not required for military
duty, and keeping in both capacities-
those home associations unbroken
which more than anything else save-
men from becoming savage and
reckless. Lord Eussell, we imagine,
had these facts in his mind when
he proposed, in 1858, that Militia
Bill which made shipwreck of his
Government. Lord Russell's views
were in the main right, and he
might have carried them into prac-
tice had he only opened his eyes a
little wider, and seen what those
modifications are which alone can
adapt customs of the middle ages to.
our own times.
When battles were fought with
slings, bows, swords, spears, and
axes, and success or failure depend-
ed mainly upon individual prowess,
the task of training a people to the
use of arms was easy enough. In
fact, the butt, the ring, the quarter-
staff, and suchlike, were the people's
pastime, just as the manege and the
joust were the amusements of their'
natural leaders. In these days a
good deal more is required; and
therefore occasional drills in small
bodies, even if accuracy in shooting-
be superadded, will not give us an.
1871.]
What we may Learn.
effective militia — nor, let us add,
an effective force of volunteers
neither. While, therefore, we
should as much as possible keep
each militia regiment in time of
peace -within its own county, or
division of its own county, the re-
giment itself must be exercised to-
gether from the first, quarters being
provided for it at the expense of
the county at some central part,
whether near or far away from the
county town is a matter of no real
moment. The regiment thus embo-
died ought in peace to serve througli
one continuous year, the rank and
file being liable to be called up
again at any moment till the ter-
mination of six years. In war,
whatever portion of the militia may
be embodied, as it is embodied dur-
ing the continuance of hostilities,
so it must by law be rendered mov-
able, like the regular troops, to any
point within the three kingdoms
where its services are required. The
condition of the officers and non-
commissioned officers will of course
be different. They never leave
their colours. The former, holding
permanent rank, and, like the offi-
cers of Mr Pitt's army of reserve,
being eligible to promotion and
exchanges into the line, must
take over the successive waves of
militia recruits as they come in.
The latter being, in like manner,
permanent officials, must help to
form the entire force, and thus earn
their pensions. Hence, when the
occasion arises for calling out more
than one ban of the militia at the
same time, there will be little cause
to apprehend overcrowding in the
ranks. After the first week or ten
days volunteering will go on so
briskly that the strength of the
companies will certainly not exceed
what it was by more than one half.
Men embodied for an indefinite
length of time, and liable to be
carried far from their homes at a
moment's notice, soon cease to be
citizens. They are aware that
the regular army is better paid than
the militia. They know or believe
that the life of the regular soldier
is far more exciting and full of
adventure than their own. They
need no encouragement from with-
out, therefore, to make them change
their actual condition for a better.
You are at a loss how to establish a
trained reserve. Try the method
here suggested, and we shall be
very much surprised if it fail to
give you in time of war quite as many
eligible recruits for your line regi-
ments as shall enable you to
place in the field and keep there an
army worthy of the nation which
sends it forth.
But what about the yeomanry
and volunteers ] Can we do with-
out them? Are they to be dis-
pensed with 1 Whether we can or
can not do without them, it appears
to us by no means desirable that we
should try to dispense with them.
It is quite right that here, as in
Prussia, the means should be afforded
to men of refined tastes and cultivated
manners of rendering military ser-
vice to the State, without coming
too closely into contact with persons
whose tastes are the opposite of re-
fined, and their intellects unculti-
vated. Prussia affords these means
by her institution of " one year's
men." We shall find them more
readily in our corps of yeomanry
and volunteers. But then, in order
to make the bargain a fair one, the
yeomanry and volunteers must sub-
mit to conditions of service more
stringent than are now in force with
them. To escape the ballot, young
men between the ages of eighteen
and twenty-four must engage to
serve, at their own expense, on foot
or on horseback, for three consecu-
tive years. Providing their own
uniforms, their own horses, their
own appointments — everything, in.
138
What ice may Learn.
[Feb.
short, except their arms — they
must come, whenever embodied,
as completely under the Mutiny Act
as either the militia or the regular
army. Full powers, likewise, must
be conferred on commanding officers
to hold as many drills, by squads,
troops, companies, and regiments,
as shall render the force fit to bear
close inspection by the general, and
enable it, on proper occasions, to
play a becoming part in those great
manoeuvres of all arms which are
essential to the home-training of all
armies. Except when so engaged,
both the yeomanry and volunteers
will of course do duty at their own
doors, and receive professional in-
struction at hours which least inter-
fere with the business of common
life. The country will thus receive
from them gratuitous, and we doubt
not efficient, service. It will give
them in return exemption from ser-
vice which would be irksome to all,
and intolerable to some.
The propriety of quartering line
regiments in the counties after which
they are named, thereby creating
between them and the militia inti-
mate relations, has been much pressed
of late by public writers on the at-
tention of the Government. "We
doubt, not alone the utility, but the
possibility, of making such an ar-
rangement. The connection between
particular regiments and counties, if
it ever existed at all, existed in times
when, in the absence of barracks,
soldiers were billeted on the people.
It has long passed away, and could
not, we suspect, be revived. But
some plan which should prevent the
constant moving of regiments and
batteries from one station to an-
other within the United King-
dom would, if carried into effect,
contribute both to public economy
and to private comfort. Moves are
always expensive, and are attended
likewise with great inconvenience,
especially to married officers and
men. They serve no good purpose,
not even as a check on improvident
marriages ; which, by the by, as
soon as short service becomes the
law, ought to be by Act of Parlia-
ment prohibited, except to non-com-
missioned officers. The sooner, there-
fore, they are stopped, or as much
as possible interrupted, the better.
And this, it appears to us, may be
effected, if, taking another leaf out
of the Prussian book, we divide the
Avhole army, regulars, militia, and
volunteers, into corps, and assign to
each both its local habitation and its
commander. How may this be done ?
Prussia, with her ordinary peace
establishment of 300,000 men, maps
out her territories into thirteen mili-
tary districts, thus stationing in each
about 25,000 of all arms, which on
the first threatening of war expand
at once to 41,000. We, with our
peace establishment of 200,000 or
150,000, partly troops of the line,
partly militia, may be content with
mapping out the three kingdoms
into seven military districts \ of
which four shall embrace all Eng-
land, one the whole of Scotland,
and two the whole of Ireland.
This will give to six provinces,
assuming the peace establishment
to be 150,000, 20,000 men re-
spectively; to the seventh, which
should include London and what
are now called the Thames and
South-eastern districts, 30,000. As
the militia and volunteers embodied
within these several provinces are
to remain stationary in their respec-
tive counties, except when concen-
trated for purposes of manoeuvre, so
ought the regular regiments, working
with them, to be kept as much and
as long as possible in the quarters
which they occupy when the new sys-
tem comes first into play. All must,
of course, take their turn of foreign
service, their places being filled, as
they vacate them, by the regiments
which they relieve abroad. . But,
1871.]
Wliat ice may Learn.
139
beyond this, there need be no shift-
ing about from station to station —
unless, indeed, Ireland be regarded as
so far a foreign country for the pre-
sent, that all the regiments • of the
line, as well as all the batteries of
field-artillery, must in their turn
pass through it. Observe that we
by no means press this point as in-
dispensable to the right working of
the scheme here proposed. Ireland
may already be — we shall be very
glad to find her so — fully reconciled
to the British connection; in which
case her militia may be safely em-
bodied, and kept like that of Eng-
land as a local force. But consider-
ing that affairs have only just gone
through a crisis ; that the effects both
of the disestablishment of the Pro-
testant Church and of the new land
law are as yet unknown, — it may be
advisable to pause before incurring
the risk of even a partial Indian
mutiny in that section of the United
Kingdom.
The country being thus told off
and garrisoned, there may be placed
in each province as corps-command-
er a lieutenant - general, having
under him two generals of division,
and four of brigade. This will bring
into active employ forty-nine general
officers additional to the eighteen in
India, one in British America, and
thirteen scattered through the rest
of our colonies and dependencies —
a considerable increase, doubtless, to
our permanent staff. But if the
necessities of the times require it,
the burden must be borne; and it
will be borne the more cheerfully if
account be taken of the policy to
which in time coming it ought to
lead. What business has an army
of 300,000 men at most, inclusive
of the Indian garrison, native troops
as well as European, with four field-
marshals and 379 generals? Yet
such are the proportions at this
moment between British troops and
their nominal leaders. Should such
a state of tilings continue 1 We
think not. In the navy officers are
superannuated as they attain to certain
ages ; so that the highest active ranks
can be reached by comparatively few.
Why should not a similar arrange-
ment be adopted hereafter in the
army, due regard being paid to the
claims of vested interests? Why, as
the present generals die off, replace
them in peace, till the list shall be
reduced to manageable dimensions?
And why for the future make any
man a general, except with honor-
ary rank, who has passed the six-
tieth year of his age, or keep any
upon the active list whose ages shall
exceed sixty-five ? When war arises
you may, of course, be compelled to
make generals by the dozen. But
in peace a hundred names set down
as such in the 'Army List' will
more than supply all our possible
wants.
All this seems obviously reason-
able, and not beyond the reach of
attainment by a well-skilled com-
mittee of army organisation. Pro-
bably, too, when the subject comes
fairly to be considered, the pro-
priety will be admitted of so far
borrowing from the Prussians as
that, before becoming commissioned
officers, gentlemen shall be required
to serve with us for a year as cadets
in order to test their fitness for
military life. Such a regulation
once made would prove infinitely
advantageous both to individuals
and the public ; for many a youth
now joins our army, without any
aptitude for the calling, because his
parents or guardians desire it, and,
hating the work, would gladly leave
it, but for the fear of losing caste.
Bad bargains' of this sort cannot be
dissolved too soon. Again, there is
no reason why the war schools which
have recently been set on foot
among us should not be rendered,
year by year, more generally useful.
Nor will the propriety, we daresay,
140
Wliat ICG may Learn.
[Feb.
be overlooked of enlarging the
utility of the staff school, both by
rendering the course more exclu-
sively practical than it now is, and
by putting greater stress than we do
at this moment on the acquisition
of foreign languages. But when all
this has been effected, — when our
artillery can turn out its 500 pieces
thoroughly equipped and stored —
when our cavalry maintains its
15,000 brilliant sfibreurs at the
least — when our infantry, both of
the line and of the militia, shall
thoroughly understand their work,
and our general officers prove their
ability to handle masses of all arms
with skill, — we shall still find our-
selves confronted by the great diffi-
culty of all : how, in a country like
this, overridden by an all-powerful
House of Commons, may we hope to
infuse into the central military autho-
rity just so much of vigour as shall
keep the machine in good working
order without clashing against the
prejudices — for opinions we cannot
call them — of the popular Govern-
ment under which we live 1 We
must confess that the problem would,
under any circumstances, be hard %to
solve ; and the precipitancy with
which, sixteen years ago, we de-
parted from constitutional precedent,
has certainly not tended to make
the difficulty of solution less. The
thing must be done, however, if we
hope to escape a catastrophe — when-
ever our own turn comes, as come
it may any day, to resist aggression
or repel insult. Yes, the thing
must be done somehow, unless we
make up oxir minds to go on spend-
ing enormous sums for very little
purpose, even in seasons of pro-
found tranquillity. Consider our
actual condition.
At the head of the army, and
supreme over the whole of its de-
partments, stands a Secretary of
State for War, who is, at the present
moment, a civilian and a member
of the House of Commons. On
him, isolated and alone, are thrown
all the cares and responsibilities of
military command — of organisation,
finance, clothing and armament, of
fortifications, of the provision and
distribution of stores, of the health
of the troops and the supply of their
religious wants, of military educa-
tion in all its branches, — of every-
thing, in short, connected with the
army, from the enlistment of a recruit
up to the control of the vast sums,
voted from year to year for military
purposes. It is no wrong done to
any man, were he the most accom-
plished soldier of his age, to say
that he could not possibly carry
such a burden as this and do justice
to himself and the public service.
Remember what his position is-
He is not, like any other War Min-
ister in Europe, master even of his
own volitions. He cannot stir a
step, he cannot mature a plan, he
cannot carry it into effect, or linger
over it, or move hand or foot, or
sit still, without being exposed to
be called to account, probably by
some individual or individuals who
know nothing whatever about the
subject which they approach. And
if, as in the present instance, he be
not an experienced soldier, but a
clever man, taken suddenly away
from all his previous habits of
thought, and plunged into business
which is as novel as it may be dis-
tasteful to him, how terrible is the
disadvantage at which he stands !
A more honourable man than Mr
Card well never lived. He is painfully
conscientious, indefatigable, anxious
to do his duty to the country and
to the army. Yet see into what a
plight our miserable system has
cast him ! He is universally blamed
for the statement which he hazarded
last session regarding the 300,000
breech-loaders which were not forth-
coming. Technically, no doubt, he
must bear the blame, if the state-
ment prove to be incorrect. But how
could he help himself] He personally
1871.]
Wliat we may Learn.
HI
never took account — never could
take account — of the number of
muskets in store. He spoke as his
subordinates prompted. In like
manner he has from time to time
made statements in regard to the
condition of the artillery and other
professional matters, the accuracy
of which, men supposed to be more
conversant with the subject than
he, call in question. Probably they
are right, and he wrong. But
whether such be the case or other-
wise, he incurs the obloquy, and is
visited with the censure, which
ought to fall upon others. So, also,
the ill-timed reductions which were
ordered last summer, in defiance, it
is understood, of protest from the
highest military authority, — for
these also he must answer, when,
in point of fact, his only real
offence has been that he acted as
advised by those in whom he had
confidence, when dealing with a point
entirely foreign to his own idiosyncra-
sies. Now, why should this be? Be-
cause instead of insisting on having
associated with himself certain func-
tionaries, who, if they were servants
of the Crown, would, in their own
persons, answer to Parliament for
the manner in which they dis-
charged their trusts, he, in an evil
hour, got an Order in Council passed
which made them all his servants.
Thus the General Commanding-in-
Chief became reduced to the condi-
tion of an executive officer on points
of discipline, and an adviser on
military questions, to Mr Cardwell.
Sir Henry Storks became, at the
same time, his counsellor on points
connected with transport and sup-
ply; and Captain Vivian, something
or another, nobody appears to know
precisely what, except that he is
addressed in the papers which are
minuted to him as Financial Secre-
tary. A scheme of military control
and management so concocted is
really a thing to be wondered at.
The art of man could not, as it ap-
pears to us, have devised anything
so preposterously impracticable.
So we stand at the present mo-
ment. What can we do ? It is a
question easily asked, but, like the
army reserve question, the reverse
of easy to answer. And if we try
to answer it, we shall do so with
the utmost possible diffidence. In
truth, however, looking to the na-
ture of the constitution, as recent
legislation has recast it — taking into
account the fact that all the real
powers of the State are wielded by
the House of Commons — it seems to
us that two courses are all that lie
open to us to choose between : either
we must go back, confessing our
error, to the arrangements of other
days ; or, at every sacrifice of private
feelingandrespect for old associations
and prejudices, we must march
boldly forward in the line of farther
innovation. For ourselves we would
infinitely prefer the former alterna-
tive— relegating the Secretary of
State for War to his original place
at the Colonial Office ; restoring to
the Coinmander-in-Chief his ancient
powers of discipline ; giving back to
the Secretary at War his ancient con-
trol over army expenditure; reuniting
the Commissariat with the Treasury,
and resuscitating the Board of Ord-
nance, with its Master -General in
the Cabinet, and its Clerk of the
Ordnance and Surveyor-General of
the Ordnance both in the House of
Commons. For then we should
have what at present we have not —
an experienced soldier to advise the
Government on military questions —
with not fewer than six of the Crown's
Ministers explaining to Parliament
the proceedings in their respective
departments, and all alike open to
impeachment in case of malversa-
tion. But for that we hardly dare
to hope. Failing the moral courage
necessary to do what is best, nothing
therefore remains except to do what
is not best ; because it is impossible
to stand still. What is it 1 We have
H2
Wind ice may Learn.
[Feb.
got our Department of Control ; we
have got our Financial Secretary.
They must cease at once to be the
servants of the Secretary of State,
though remaining still his subordi-
nates ; just as under the old system
the Board of Ordnance and Secretary
at War were subordinates to the Sec-
retary of State for War and the Col-
onies. By patent or commission, as
shall be most convenient, they must
become as the Secretary at War was,
and the Parliamentary members of
the Board of Ordnance used to be,
Ministers of the Crown. They must
likewise of necessity be members of
the House of Commons — hard as it
now is to find a seat there — because
the very object of their existence in
connection with army administra-
tion is, that they may satisfy the
House that public money is not
wasted. To the Financial Secretary
so constituted must be handed over
all the duties of detail which the
old Secretary at War was wont to
discharge. On the head of the
Control Department, call him by
what name you will, must devolve
all the duties and responsibilities of
the old Board of Ordnance — a load
too heavy for any one man to bear,
unless he have the skill to select
efficient subordinates, and the wis-
dom to give them, when chosen, his
entire confidence. Thus the care
of warlike stores, the manufacture
of arms, the duty of providing for
them, in peace and war, means of
transport, must be undertaken by
an artillery officer, selected because
of his tried ability and acquaint-
ance with his art. An engineer
equally eminent must regulate
the placement of engineer stores,
including pontoons, the means of
conveying them from place to place,
and the progress of all works, whe-
ther of fortification or lodgment,
which the Government shall have
determined to execute. In like
manner the Director-General must
be held responsible for the forth-
coming of due, but not extravagant,
medical stores, the selection of gentle-
men to serve as medical officers, and
so forth. In a word, instead of having
every question of detail referred to
him, the Controller-in-Chief must
confine himself to exercising a gen-
eral surveillance over the depart-
ments, which, for practical purposes,
can hardly be too much distributed ;
just as on his own side of the House
the Financial Secretary checks ac-
counts and regulates expenditure
through clerks in whom he has
trust. The effect of all this will be
to assimilate, as nearly as can be
done, a system dependent on popular
caprice to one which leans upon the
will of one man. For the Secretary
of State himself, the Controller-in-
Chief, and the Financial Secretary all
being in Parliament, and each open
to be questioned in his own line,
will be able to stop the mouths of
ignorant inquirers ; while the real
work of the office is carried on by
men who know what they are doing,
and are supported in doing it.
Changes such as these will un-
doubtedly meet some of the more
obvious drawbacks which hamper
us at this moment. Will they suf-
fice to put the machine in good
working condition ? We fear not.
There is yet another element of con-
fusion which, if it be left to fer-
ment, will render all else which is
effected worthless, and which, there-
fore, if it cannot be taken away by
one process, must be removed by
another. A Secretary of State for
War commanding the army, and a
General Commanding-in-Chief, can-
not stand together. Either withdraw
the command of the troops from the
Secretary of State for War, leaving
to him the same measure of general
control which, as representing the
Cabinet, in this particular he always
exercised ; or else abolish entirely
the office of General Conimanding-
in-Chief, which has become, since
the promulgation of the late Orders
1871.]
Wliat we may Learn.
143
in Council, little better than a name.
But this you can hardly do, unless
you establish the principle that only
a general officer of practised ability
and tried experience shall hold office
as Secretary of State for War. There
may be some difficulty in making
such an arrangement, but it need
not prove insurmountable. Soldiers
much in the field, whether they
serve in Europe or in India, are
seldom very bitter party politicians.
You want a Secretary of State for
"War rather to advise his colleagues
on war questions than to aid them
with his counsels in determining
what shall be the general policy,
whether foreign or domestic, of the
Government ; and you need not,
therefore, in selecting the ablest men,
be too much acted upon by party
considerations. But if these con-
siderations must have weight, let
them have weight. The best of our
general officers differ just as much
as civilians do in their political
opinions. Lord Strathnairn, we be-
lieve, is a Tory : Sir William Mans-
field is a Liberal. Either would
fill the office a thousand times better
than any civilian, be he ever so
gifted. His Royal Highness the
Duke of Cambridge may be too
nearly allied to the Sovereign to
render him, in the opinion of our
Radical masters, the household voters,
eligible for office. Such is certainly
not our own view of the case. But
be the individual selected whom he
may, nothing can be more clear
than that the machine will never
work satisfactorily, till the Minister
at the head of it shall be a man who
thoroughly understands its construc-
tion, and the appliances that are in-
dispensable to keep it in gear. Give
us this, and see how many beneficial
results will follow.
The Secretary of State, being him-
self a soldier, will have his military
just as he has his store, his finance,
his commissariat, and other depart-
ments under him. A chief of the
staff will preside over the military de-
partment, distributing his subordi-
nates into two classes, the higher and
the lower staff. These will take
charge respectively of the discipline
and disposition of the whole army :
including, under the former head,
drill, rewards, and punishments; un-
der the latter, the routes, the arrange-
ment of quarters, the control of educa-
tion, from that which goes on in the
staff school to the simple lessons
that are taught to private soldiers
and their children. On requisition
signed by them, in the Secretary of
State's name, will. go forth orders
to replenish stores which need re-
plenishing, to forward clothing where
it is wanted, to build forts, repair
barracks, and keep hospitals sup-
plied. They will be to the War
Minister his eyes and ears — the in-
struments, in fact, through whom he
makes known to the heads of other
departments the needs of the army,
and the mode in which it is his
pleasure to meet them. Of course
the Controller-in-Chief, the Com-
missary-General, and so forth, will
be free to remonstrate if they con-
ceive that they are unduly pressed.
But there will be no refusal to obey.
The War Minister is supreme, being-
responsible for the large views which
he takes only to the Crown and to
Parliament.
An establishment of this sort set
up in London will repeat itself at
the headquarters of each of the mili-
tary districts or provinces. There,
as in Pall Mall, all officers, whether
of ordnance or of supply, will owe-
prompt and willing obedience to
the orders of the corps-commanders,
communicated through their staff;
each accounting to his immediate
chief in the metropolis for the items
of expenditure that are incurred.
Finally, with a view to the more
prompt embarkation of troops and
stores, and their ready transmis-
sion to foreign parts, the Sec-
retary for War must be author-
144
Wliat ice may Learn.
[Feb.
ised to take up, from time to time,
the necessary tonnage — just as he
makes arrangements with the mana-
gers of railways, and the owners of
carts and waggons, at home, for as
much land-transport as may be re-
quired to supplement the deficiencies
in the train which now exists or
may hereafter be created.
Whether it will be judicious so
far to change the organisation of
regiments in our service as to ren-
der the company in the infantry,
and the squadron in the cavalry, the
same unit of formation which the
battery is in the artillery, is a point
not for us to determine.
There is, undoubtedly, much to
be said in favour of the change, and
something against it. The saving
of expense, for example, as re-
gards officers, would undoubtedly
be considerable; while the gentle-
men not required for the line being
absorbed into the militia, the injury
done to individual prospects would
be small. But, on the other hand,
the adoption of the German device
must put an almost immediate end
to purchase ; and it is at least doubt-
ful whether, in the long-run, an
English army would not lose more
than it gained by the triumph of ultra-
liberal views on that head. This, how-
ever, with other matters of detail, may
be safely left to be dealt with by our
military "War Minister when we get
him. Probably he will recast the
whole staff on the model which
Prussia offers. Aides-de-camp as at-
tendants on generals of brigade have
little to do in peaceful times ; and a
large staff of adjutant and quarter-
master generals at the headquarters of
each division seems hardly called for.
But the habit of so distributing staff
employ and so using staff officers, when
you make them, as to give a leaven
of superior military intelligence to
every regiment in the service, can-
not be too industriously practised.
This it is, quite as much as the
ability of the staff actually serving,
which has made the Prussian army
what the French have found it to
be. "We need not, in many other
respects, copy our Teutonic friends
too closely, but here they deserve to
be rigidly folloAved.
Many other points deserving no-
tice present themselves, but we ab-
stain from approaching them. Al-
ready, perhaps, there has been given to
the subject greater prominence than
the bulk of our readers may fancy
that it deserves; and though far
from sharing this opinion ourselves,
it may be wise not to weary them.
Let us not, however, bring our task
to an end without one word of ex-
planation. If, in the course of these
essays, we have said a word calcu-
lated in any way to wound the feel-
ings of individuals, we beg at once to
retract and apologise for it. Against
individuals we make no war. It is
the system, and that alone, which
we desire, by exposing, to hold up
to public reprobation — for it is one
the bare endeavour to carry which
into effect must convince all who
approach it of its impracticability.
Not one of the many Ministers who
have in succession accepted the War
Office since it became what it is but
has bitterly lamented his evil fortune.
Whatever reputation he may have
carried with him to Pall Mall has
been damaged ; and none, we ven-
ture to say, once delivered from the
incubus, ever desires to assume it
again. The whole army is out of
joint. The whole country is dissat-
isfied with it and with its adminis-
tration. Sooner or later a radical
change of system must be effected ;
and if it shall turn out that we have
in any degree contributed to hurry
on a consummation so devoutly to
be wished, then we shall indeed feel
that we have not pondered the sub-
ject nor written about it in vain.
1871.]
Frank Marshall. — Part I.
145
FRANK MARSHALL. — PART I.
CHAPTER I. — A PROMISING INVESTMENT.
THE following suggestive letter
met the eye of Mr Frank Marshall,
Barrister - at - law, when he caine
down to breakfast at 10.15 to pre-
pare himself for the labours of the
day: —
"DEAR FRANK, — I have got all
those queer feelings back again in
the old quarter, and Croker says
nothing but sulphur will do me any
good. He gave me to understand
pretty plainly that I am not long for
this world: not that that matters
much to me or anybody else; but I
suppose it is a sort of duty to give
one's self every chance, so I am off
to Schwarzloch to-night. NOAV that
my time's so nearly over, I cannot
help feeling I have not made the
best use of my little property while
I have had it ; but I am going to
try to make it do as much good as I
can after I am gone, so I will get
you at your leisure to draw me a
form of bequest to a charity — a good
safe form, mind, which the lawyers
shall not be able to get any costs
out of. I am sure a man is the
better and happier for having to
work for his bread, so I shall leave
you XI 000 just to give you a start :
then if anything happens to me you
will be comfortable enough for a
year or two until you can make a
living out of your profession. There
is another matter I should like you
to see to. The Central Railway Co.
repays me a loan of £3000 on Wed-
nesday next. They wanted me to
renew; but I do not think much of
railways nowadays, and I shall be
very glad when I see the money. I
do not think it is right to leave so
large a sum lying idle, so I will get
you to invest it at once on landed
security. My banker will honour
your cheque.
" I do not suppose I can ever hope
to see you again, my dear boy, for
the disease will no doubt attack
some vital organ before your Courts
rise; but if I linger on till August,
it would be a great comfort if you
could manage to come over here,
and be with me at the last. — Your
affectionate uncle,
" MATTHEW MARSHALL.
" P.S. — I think you ought to get
" That's the way the dear old
sinner always goes on when there's
anything the matter with him,"
thought Frank — ' ' Daemon langueba t,
monachus tune esse volebat ; last
year he talked of going on to the
Board of the Church Missionary,
and attending every day, although
he must have known that the Direc-
tors got no fees ; and the year be-
fore that he went so far as to write
to the Strand Union to send him a
dozen orphans ; but the rheumatism
went off with the fine weather, and
I got him to put the letter behind
the fire. I would not give much for
the chance of those charities he
talks of enriching ; he is as likely
to live twenty years as a day ; but
he is just as well without those
forms, all the same. I will run over
and see him in August if there's no-
thing els'e doing ; by that time he
will have forgotten all about the
blessings of poverty which he is so
anxious for me to enjoy. I must
see about that investment at once
though ; if it does not bear interest
on Thursday evening, he will cut
me out of his will — that is one of
14G
Frank Marshall. — Part I.
the duties of property lie never loses
sight of. I will go down to Blue-
fold's office this very morning, and
talk to him about it. It's just in
his line ; and then he can hardly
help asking me to dinner. It's about
time he did, or Miss Bluefold will
be forgetting my existence. I should
like her people to know, too, that
there's money going in our family.
I shall look in at chambers, of
course, on the way, and get one or
two hints from Wilson about the
manners and customs of investors."
He found that gentleman, whose
chambers he shared, immensely busy,
as usual. The table was crowded
with documents of every descrip-
tion, except communications from
solicitors : notices of meeting of
philanthropic committees, schemes
for assimilating the law of England
to that of Hesse Darmstadt, proof-
sheets of a work on the destinies of
our Colonial Empire, and miscel-
laneous literary undertakings with-
out end.
"Oh, Frank, Frank!" said the
industrious man, without losing a
coup de plume, " this sort of thing
will never do : you may as well cut
the bar at once, as come down to
business at 12 o'clock, day after
day. But now you are here, you
may as well make yourself useful.
I am working out an average of our
exports to Canada since the Con-
federation, and you can help me
with the figures."
" !N"o, hang it ! " answered Frank ;
" as I am so late I must make the
best use I can of what is left of the
day; but just drop your pen, and
talk to me for a minute. I want
your advice."
" About Miss Potter, I suppose :
well, my advice is, do not you go to
that house any more."
" Never mind about that everlast-
ing Miss Potter," said Frank, to
whom the allusion was singularly
distasteful, recalling, as it did, cer-
[Feb.
tain semi-aifectionate transactions of
the pre- Adamite period on the other
side of Whitsunday, before the star
of Miss Bluefold had appeared above
the horizon ; " neither of us is in
any danger : I am talking of some-
thing else altogether. I have got
£3000 to invest on landed security,
and I don't know the A B C of the
thing. What sort of interest ought
a fellow to get to be pretty safe ? "
Wilson pushed away his papers at
once.
" Holloa ! you're coming out as
a capitalist, are you? that's a new
character for you to appear in, isn't
it] Well, if you go to a lawyer
you'll get 4 per cent perhaps."
" I was told 5 was nearer the
mark," answered Frank, who bore
in niind his uncle's warning post-
script.
" Ah ! you won't get that unless
you take a good deal of trouble ;
but if you don't mind that, and will
give a little of your spare time, I
think I can show you just what you
want. There was a fellow in here
yesterday Avho suggested the very
thing for you. You know the man
— his name's Wright ; you met him
in my rooms one day last week —
you must remember him."
" What ! the man who was so great
on agricultural distress, and who
went on about ' a greedy aristocracy
battening and fattening upon the
sweat of the toiling millions ' ? I
should think I did recollect him.
If he said it once, he said it a dozen
times."
" He is a very good fellow, though
he is rather go-ahead in some of his
notions : he is a bore, too, when he
gets on to one of his hobbies, but
he is a downright excellent fellow :
it would do you good to see more of
him. Well, he has always been
very anxious to do something for
those poor wretches, our labourers :
he wants to see them like the French
paysans; every man of whom has
1871.]
Frank
— Part I.
U7
•got a bit of ground of his own, of
Avhich he is as proud as a duke."
" I know he is," said Frank, " and
very nasty he makes himself if you
do not seem aware of his territorial
rights. I trespassed last year on
•one of these little country gentle-
men's estates — four yards by seven
— and out he came at me as if he
had been Earl Douglas, lord of
Chevy Chase, said very unkind
-things in Auvergnat about my na-
tion and myself, and made me pay
15 francs 75 centimes for smashing
two potatoes. But how is Wright
>going to set to work? I can't say I
admired Joan Marie Tapageur, but
I must own he looked as if he was
well satisfied with his own situation
in life. And so Wright is going to
turn all the ploughmen into squires.
Is there to be a general redistribu-
tion of property?"
" He lias not come to that yet,"
said Wilson ; " it is a very mild
little affair he has got in hand."
Then Wilson pulled out a host of
papers, and explained that Wright
had started a company to buy land
and sell it out again in small lots :
that they were terribly hard up for
money to pay the bill, and did not
know how to manage the legal part
of the business ; and that if Frank
would bring £3000 into the con-
cern, and do their law for them,
they would put him on to the
board, and give him extra pay.
The scheme did equal honour to
the head and heart of Mr Wright,
but it is needless to set forth the
•details here. Are they not written
in the records of the Court of
Chancery ?
"Wright talks of making 15 per
•cent and changing the face of Eng-
lish society," added Wilson ; " that
is all moonshine. He is a child in
money matters ; but I have looked
into it, and I think, with reasonable
care, you may be pretty sure of 6.
It is just what you are cut out for.
VOL. CIX. — XO. DCLXIV.
You've nothing on earth to do, and
if you go in for this affair you will
get a good deal of experience, Avhich
will help you at the bar if any in-
fatuated solicitor should ever trouble
you ; and, besides, you will be of use
to your felloAv-creatures for once in
your life."
" I am as fond of my fellow-crea-
tures, as you call them, as any man
living," said Frank ; " but I am
aware of my weakness, and must be
on my guard against my affectionate
disposition : so I don't think I will
see Wright until I have tried the
lawyers. I rather think I will step
round to Bedford Eow, and get your
friend Bluefold to put the cash on
to the dirty acres in the orthodox
way ; and now I will leave you to
settle the affairs of the Canadas in
peace."
" You have driven all that out
of my head," answered Wilson, " so
you may just as well stay now. I
rather want to have a quiet chat.
There are one or two things I
should like to talk over. Shall we
light up V
" I never saw you knock off at
one o'clock before as long as I
have known you — there's something
wrong. You have got something
on your mind ; come, out with it —
it will do you all the good in the
world : who is she 1"
It was a random shot, but the
enemy was silenced, and Frank
knew it.
" Come, old fellow," he said ;
"it's what we must all come to.
If you can bring yourself to talk
about it, you will feel ever so much
better. Come, you don't know
how easy you will feel."
"It's odd you can't guess," an-
swered Wilson; " I thought you must
have seen it, as you know some of
the family; but I believe you don't
go to the house."
A ghastly suspicion crossed
Frank's mind, and with difficulty
148
Frank Marshall.— Part I.
[FeK
lie brought himself to ask, "You
don't mean one of the people in
Bryanstone Square?" He had no
power to utter the holy name.
"Wilson, scarcely visible to the
naked eye through the clouds of
smoke, gave ever so slight a nod.
There was nothing left for Frank
now but to accept the inevitable,
and to take care that he was not
found out.
" Well, whereabouts are you ?
Hang it, man, I always tell you
when there's anything of the sort
on hand."
" I do not knoAV that there's
much to tell. I go to them in
Bryanstone Square whenever I
like. By the way, I dine there
to-morrow, and they are all very
civil."
" "What do you make of old
Bluefold in private life ] " asked
Frank, cautiously making his ap-
proaches towards the heart of the
citadel.
" He never says very much at
any time, but I am pretty sure he
knows why I come there. I do
not anticipate any difficulty in that
quarter."
" I must not ask about the young
lady, I suppose ? "
"She always seems glad to see
me, and she must know I do not
come there for the sake of Bluefold
and his deaf sister; but of course
one can't tell."
" I say, Wilson, though," began
Frank again, " this making love is
capital fun, I know, but what is to
be the end of it all ] I know you
are the sort of man to get on, but
still I have heard of one or two
fellows — clever fellows too, with
work in them — who have been ten
years at the bar without netting the
rent of their chambers."
" She's got a little something
from her mother, and then there is
an uncle," answered Wilson, rather
reluctantly ;" " he's sure to do some-
thing for her. I do not think he
is very fond of me, by the way, but
she does what she likes with him.
I really should not have thought it
right to entangle a penniless girl in
a long engagement, and then Blue-
fold as much as hinted he could
put some work in my way."
" I do not know much of Blue-
fold," said Frank, " but they say he
is a little out at elbows. That boy
of his at Christ Church has run
through more money than any man
of his year: I should not have
thought he would have cared about
a son-in-law who had not a good
balance at his banker's."
" He does not attend much to
the shop himself, and so he is
rather out of the way of legal gos-
sip," answered Wilson ; " and some-
how he has taken it into his head
that I am doing a good deal of
business. I cannot talk to him
about it, of course — it would be
against the etiquette of the bar ;
and if I marry Clara, it will most
likely be true."
" I almost think I should have
managed to let him know how
matters really stood, if I had been
you ; but of course you know best.
Now let me hear something about
the young lady. I never saw her
but once, and then I thought her
the nicest-looking girl north of Ox-
ford Street."
" How long have you lived in
Belgrave Square 1 " growled Wil-
son ; " I thought you were superior
to all that snobbish affectation."
" Do not be abusive, old fellow ;
you have a right to be cross under
the circumstances, but you must
not use bad langiiage. I only wish
Miss B ' had got a sister like
herself. I shoidd not at all mind
walking that far every day."
" Well, but she has not," said
the lover, " and I am just as well
pleased. There's the brother to
come in for a share of the mother's
1871.]
money as it is. As for describing
her, it is what I cannot do — one
feels such a fool talking about a
girl one means to marry ; but if all
goes well I will take you there one
day next week, and you shall see as
much of her as you . like. Get her
to play or sing — she will do any-
thing you ask her ; but if you want
to put her in special good temper,
say you want to see her drawings.
She has a whole book full of pen-
and-ink caricatures, which some
people make a good deal of fuss
about. They are really not bad,
some of them."
" Are you going to take the
plunge to-morrow ?"
" Yes, I must get it over one way
or the other ; this sort of thing un-
settles one so. There's that paper
on the Koniish and Anglican the-
ories on the subject of lying ; I can-
not give my mind to it while this
business is hanging over me."
" You've an awfully severe attack
of the complaint, old chap ; it is
generally very bad the first time."
Frank spoke with the authority of
experience. "Go in and win, and
at once ; I shall be on the look-out
for a cheap mustard-pot to adorn
your family table." Then in silence
he meditated.
" So Wilson's going to cut in,
and it's all over with me. I am
glad I have found it out in time,
though; I don't know where I
should have been if we had met
two or three times more. I shall
not go and talk to that dreary old
Bluefold now — I don't want to go
dining there. As for this money
business, I don't care about that or
anything else. I may just as well
let Wright have it, and I feel as if I
should rather like something to do
for a week or two. It is landed
security after a sort, and a safe 6 per
cent ; but say it is only 5, my uncle
will be satisfied, for he does not
expect more than 4f ; and then it
Frank Marshall. — Part I.
149
will do so much good that it will
materially lighten the load of re-
morse on account of misspent oppor-
tunities which seems to be weigh-
ing upon him : it is a pity he should
adjourn his philanthropic schemes
till after his decease, when he will
be obliged to carry them out at my
expense. I say, Wilson, about that
investment of mine — it is almost too
late to go to Bedford Eow now ; and,
after all, I would just as soon trust
you as anybody else. What will
Wright give the conveyancing direc-
tor r'
" I don't think you must "expect
more than £150, besides money out
of pocket ; but then the experience
will be worth any money."
" Well, I don't mind," said Frank ;
" if I get in a fix of any kind, of
course I shall come to you. If the
company's a great success, perhaps I
may be able to stand an urn. By
the way, I should like the shares
put in to my uncle's name ; there
are some family reasons for it which
I won't bother you with."
" All right," said Wilson ; " I dare-
say they will manage that for you.
I will see Wright to-night or to-
morrow morning."
" Why should not we set about
it at once?" asked Frank, eager to
ease his wound's imperious anguish
by plunging amid the throngs of
men.
"I can't come with you now,"
said Wilson ; " I must finish these
sheets — and to-morrow, by the
way, I've an appointment; but I
will send Wright a line, and if you
call at Fenchurch Street in the
morning you will be sure to find
him."
"What a lucky fellow that is!"
sighed Frank. " I don't know when
I've seen so sweet a girl. Who
would have taken Wilson for a
marrying man? I suppose he is
awfully fond of her, though he does
not care to show it. I wonder at
150
Frank Marshall. — Part I.
[Feb.
Ms not telling them he is doing next
to nothing — such a particular fellow
as he is too. I had no notion the
etiquette of the bar was so strict."
Next morning Frank went down
to Fenchurch Street to see Wright,
by whom he was most affectionately
received.
" My dear Mr Marshall," he be-
gan, " our friend Mr Wilson writes
me that he has explained to you
our scheme for the improvement of
our suffering fellow - countrymen,
that you are satisfied of its sound-
ness from a financial point of view,
and that you take so warm an inte-
rest in the [cause that you are will-
ing to give us the benefit of your
"professional skill."
" Wilson has been talking to me
about it, and I rather like what I
have heard. It seems to me the
money will be all right ; and as I have
not much to do just now, I shall be
very glad to be useful if you will
show me how."
" I hope to make use of you almost
immediately, Mr Marshall, in brush-
ing away some little legal cobwebs
which prevent us from getting to
work ; but I should like you just to
look at our prospectus, and tell me
how it reads. You do not happen
to be anything of a literary man, I
suppose ? "
" I have tried my hand in a small
way," Frank guardedly answered.
" That's fortunate, for I am ter-
ribly overworked ; and as for Wig-
gins, the only director who gives
us much of his time, his heart is
in the right place, but English com-
position is not his forte."
" I see it is not," said Frank,
glancing at the prospectus, " for he
cannot make up his mind whether
company is singular or plural, and he
spells ' limited ' with two wi's. It's
rather a long document, too — must
I go through it all ? "
" You need not read it all unless
you like, but I should be glad of
your opinion of the first paragraph
or so. I wrote the beginning just
to strike the key-note, as it were.
I let Wiggins add all those details
of productiveness of the soil, prox-
imity to a railway station, antici-
pated dividend, and so forth."
Frank reads —
"This company is not a mere
commercial enterprise, set on foot
by speculators anxious to amass a
fortune at the expense of the com-
munity : those who have started it
have been moved solely by a desire
to raise the condition of the toiling
millions of Great Britain. They
have seen with sorrow and shame
that in free England alone are the
workers of the soil doomed never to
enjoy its fruits. They ask their
countrymen, Is the British labourer
so degraded a being that he cannot
be trusted to till the soil on which
he was born unless his daily tale of
work be set him, as though he were
the ox he drives? Does not the
experience of our brothers across
the water, since their chains were
loosed in '89, show us that the stal-
wart owner of a single rood is as
anxious to make his little holding
productive as the languid lordling,
whose thousand ill-gotten acres yield
a reluctant harvest to the enforced
labour of a famishing and reckless
Helotry? At least let the experi-
ment be tried. The first stroke of
the peasant's spade upon the en-
franchised soil will toll the knell of
our feudal nobility."
" I like that paragraph amazing-
ly," said Frank ; " especially that bit
about the lordling, whatever such a
creature may be : the sentence has
a splendid ring in it, though a fel-
low is obliged to stop for breath in
the middle : but I don't like those
two fs coming together — let us call
him ' bedwarfed and sallow :' these
adjectives will make him look still
more contemptible."
" I must keep ' languid/ in spite
1871.]
Frank MarsMll. — Part I.
151
of the alliteration," answered Wright.
" It points the contrast, you see, be-
tween the useless cunxberer of the
ground and his energetic successor."
" Very good," said Frank ; " now
for that allusion to '89 : olet later-
nam, it smacks of the lantern and
the guillotine."
" And whose fault is that ? " an-
swered Wright. " If you see in that
reference an appeal to physical force,
I say the fault is theirs who lend no
ear to moral suasion."
" You know best," said Frank ;
" I was only thinking it might make
the shares hang in the market : they
are not likely to lantern me for a
landlord. But about that ox which
your degraded labourer drives : would
not he be more in character if we
gave him a horse or a donkey, like
the British agriculturist of real life ? "
" You will really pardon me, Mr
Marshall, if I venture to say that
your criticism is somewhat strained.
I mean the ox to be the poetical type
of the labouring animal : I should
have thought this was sufficiently
obvious."
" It does not much matter," said
Frank ; " but the bit at the end
really does stump me : how on earth
can a man ring a bell with a spade ?
Do let us make him dig the grave of
our territorial aristocracy. It will
be all the same to the parties con-
cerned, while the sentence will be
just as good a mouthful, and the
metaphor will be ever so much
neater."
"Keally, Mr Marshall," said
Wright, "if we devote so much time
to minute verbal criticism, we shall
be all day about it. I almost think
I will ask you to see to our law busi-
ness at once, and I will get the pros-
pectus out by myself. I am exceed-
ingly obliged to you for your valu-
able suggestions, which shall have
every attention."
" Just as you like," answered
Frank ; " what shall I set about
doing ? "
" I will ask you to see Mr Leary
for us this afternoon — the gentleman
who is selling us the Watermead
estate, where we propose to com-
mence operations. A noble-minded
man is Mr Leary : he is parting
with the land greatly below its
value, because his heart is with us.
I am sure you will meet him in the
same spirit, and that you will not
allow any of the narrow technical
difficulties with which, as I am in-
. formed, our unhappy system of con-
veyancing has been studiously en-
cumbered by hereditary landowners,
to interpose any delay."
" I will not give him any trouble
which I can help," said Frank ;
" and I will go to work at once.
By the way, has anybody seen the
place ? "
" Yes, Wiggins went and looked
at it ; he says it's worth half as much
again as what we are to give : in
fact, if Leary was not so well off, I
should not think it right to hold
him to his contract."
Then Frank went off to see the
vendor, leaving behind him a very
unfavourable opinion of his literary
abilities.
CHAPTER II. SCRUPLES OF CONSCIENCE.
On the same morning Wilson arose
with the feeling that there was some-
thing on his mind. This was not
his suit for the hand of Miss Clara
Bluefold, as to which he felt no mis-
givings, in spite of the uneasiness
which he had professed to Frank ;
but it was a little matter partly
occasioned by the same. It will
be remembered that he had not
thought it consistent with the eti-
quette of the bar to inform Mr Blue-
Frank Marshall. — Part I.
fold of the real state of his affairs,
and that he had consequently gained
the reputation of a rising young
barrister. But this impression,
howsoever it originated, was not
confined to that gentleman. A ru-
mour to the same effect had reached
the ears of the Commissioners for
raising and paying to her Majesty
certain duties arising out of trades
and professions ; and when it ap-
peared that Mr Wilson had returned
the sum of £5 as the full amount
of his professional earnings, they
felt satisfied that there must be
some clerical error. This they pro-
ceeded to rectify by adding two
ciphers to the figure so returned,
and by informing him of the cor-
rection they had made, which they
trusted would meet Avith his appro-
val. Should he deem the correction
in any way unsatisfactory, he was
invited to wait upon them and talk
the matter over. As he feared that
silence would give consent, he
determined to avail himself of the
invitation ; and being anxious not
to keep those gentlemen waiting,
proceeded to the trysting - place
in a swift hansom. When he
neared the scene of action he be-
came aware of a number of indivi-
duals of discontented, not to say
malevolent, aspect, and threatening
demeanour, whose language con-
cerning the constituted authorities
was so undutiful that he feared he
had stumbled upon a Fenian as-
semblage met to carry out some
sanguinary scheme of "wild jus-
tice." Speedily, however, he dis-
covered that the dangerous-looking
mob was composed of peaceable
ladies and gentlemen, mostly of
pure Saxon breed, who were there
on the same errand as himself.
They were loyal ratepayers last
week, but now their wholesome
hearts were turned to gall, and
they set as little store by the proud
privileges of a Briton as did the
[Feb.
American colonists after the reim-
position of the threepenny tea-duty
of immortal memory. Wilson was
a man of delicate conscience and
great experience in casuistry, which
constantly led to his being consult-
ed by people who wanted to do
something wrong ; and as the Com-
missioners had judiciously arranged
to keep every man there waiting
for an hour and a half, he had an
opportunity of amassing materials
for an appendix to his essay on
Lying. In fact, he arrived at the
painful conviction that he was the
only man there whose grounds of
appeal were not at once frivolous
and immoral.
After a weary while he was called
into the presence, to the consider-
able relief of his fellow-sufferers
who had vainly been seeking his
sympathy. The public will be glad
to know what took place within
those sacred precincts, for report-
ers, authors, and suchlike, are not
often invited to attend : and it is
understood that the members of
that Yehmgericht are bound to
secresy under the most terrible
penalties which the heart of man
can conceive. From information
we have received, we believe that
Wilson was politely motioned to
a seat at a table, round which sat
an amazing quantity of old gentle-
men, and that the oldest and baldest
began —
" You have been assessed in the
sum of £500, Mr Wilson, and you
have appealed ; what is the precise
amount of your yearly profits 1 "
"Five pounds."
" You are ready to make oath to
the truth of that statement 1 "
"lam."
" Your appeal is allowed — we
will trouble you no further : good
morning : " and all was over, and
on he went to his briefless cham-
bers pondering on the stupidity of
officials who mil take a man's
1871.]
word, but will not believe what he
.sets his hand to. But there sat
•one at that table of whom he wotted
not — Mr James Moneybags, brother
to the sainted mamma of Miss Clara
Bluefold.
A sad and thoughtful man was
that same Mr Moneybags, as he
hobbled away westwards to dress
for dinner at his brother-in-law's,
gloomily brooding as he went on
the terrible discovery he had made.
Here was his niece, his clever little
Clara, the only one of those Blue-
folds he could look at with pa-
tience, on the point of throwing
herself away on a mere adventurer,
~\vho was passing himself off for a
rising man. He had never much
liked the fellow himself : he was
for ever laying down the laAv and
-contradicting Mr Moneybags — a
line of conduct to which that old
.gentleman was very little accus-
tomed ; least of all in the house
•of the Bluefolds, who had been in
the habit of listening to his opin-
ions on morals, politics, and reli-
gion, with the reverence due to
age, wealth, and single-blessedness.
From this point of view there was
something not unpleasing to him in
the prospect of being able to un-
mask the impostor, and to resume
his own rightful supremacy. He
'did not believe Clara could possibly
care much for the pompous pre-
tender. All these hard terms he
bestowed on our excellent friend
Wilson as he discoursed with him-
;self. As he reflected on Wilson's
.approaching humiliation, his sorrow
melted away altogether into a senti-
ment compounded of exultation and
pious thankfulness ; and he began
to regard his own presence that
•day to hear the appeals as little
less than a providence. Then he
began to construct a little drama :
he would be specially affable at
•dinner to throw the enemy off his
.•guard, and would ask him about
Frank Marshall.— Part I.
153
the leading juniors, and whether he
was not thinking of taking silk
shortly ; and Wilson would answer,
just as the knave had done in times
past : " There are a good many men
before me, Mr Moneybags ; it would
scarcely be wise just yet, my work
takes me so little into Court;" —
and after he had given him plenty
of rope he would tell the company
what had happened before the Com-
missioners, and ask Wilson what he
had to say now. " I wonder what
he will say," thought the old gentle-
man. But of a sudden the blood
rushed to his head, and he all but
carried the secret to his grave.
" By Jove ! " he thought, " I know
what he will say — :that I am an old
scoundrel for revealing what be-
came known to me in the execution
of my duty ; and he will say the
truth too. What on earth is to be
done? If I hold my tongue, that
dear little tiling will go marrying a
swindling fellow without a sixpence,
who lies like a bulletin; and if I
give her a hint, why, I shall be as
bad as he is. If I lay some trap
for him it will be all the same, for
I must not tell the secrets of my
prison-house by action any more
than by words." So here he was
" atween the deil and the deep sea,"
and the longer he mused on the
situation the less he liked it.
At 7.45 that evening the rays of
the setting sun illuminated eight
human beings assembled round the
festive board of Mr Bluefold; but
the banquet certainly did not pro-
mise to be a success, for four or live
of those present had aggravating
subjects of meditation. Wilson's
visit to the Commissioners had put
him. thoroughly out of sorts, and he
showed it by being unusually didac-
tive. Young Charles Bluefold, of
the Alpine and Canoe Clubs, was
to start next evening for the Fin-
steraarhorn, and had just been over-
hauling his equipments ; but he
154
Frank Marshall. — Part I.
could not conceal from himself the
fact that there was a twist in the
instep of that new boot which he
had had constructed in conformity
with the shape of the human foot.
His father — not a person of much
account at home or elsewhere, hut,
nevertheless, a vertebrate animal,
susceptible of pain when purse or
person was assailed — was musing on
the iniquities of his son and heir,
whose Oxford career had just reached
an inglorious and costly termina-
tion, and was wondering whether it
might not be as well to try and
bleed old Moneybags once more.
As his nephew was about to take
holy orders, and his niece was on
the point of making a capital match,
here was a good opening for the old
Croesus to come down with some-
thing handsome, without hurting
the family dignity. " Why should
not he buy Charles a living, now
•they are going so cheap because of
the Disestablishment ?" thought the
fond father; "and he cannot do
less than furnish a house for his pet
Clara." That young person herself
was not quite so lively as usual.
It will be thought that her maiden
breast was agitated by thoughts of
the proposal which loomed in the
distance ; but it was not so. She
was reflecting with wonder and in-
dignation upon the conduct of her
parent, who, with very unwonted
firmness, had refused to advance
her the means of accompanying her
brother, on the frivolous pretence of
poverty. To do her justice, she had
not seen the Oxford ticks, or, like a
good little woman, she would have
been proposing all sorts of sacrifices,
even to the half of her chignon. So
she meant to have her own way yet,
and in the last resort to appeal to
her uncle, of whom her father stood
in great awe. A glance at that
gentleman, however, convinced her
that the moment was unpropitious.
Seldom had she beheld any man
[Feb..
whose present aspect was so un-
lovely as that of Mr Moneybags..
There he sat in grim silence, sur-
veying the company with a baleful
sneer. The poor old fellow might
have sat for a study of some piti-
less villain, cursed with a heart un-
knowing how to yield, whose sin
had found him out, and who was
now a prey to endless and unavail-
ing remorse. We know pretty well
what he was thinking about. He
had lost his way in a moral laby-
rinth, and was bound to find his-
way out that very night, on pain of
losing for ever the only creature on?
earth he cared about — the sweet
little thing at the top of the table,
who was wondering all the while
what in the world could have put
her uncle into such a dreadful
temper. Could the gout have got
into his knee 1 If so, of course she
would not think of the glaciers, but
Avould stop in town and do his
bandages. He was apt to use
strong language if anybody else-
handled him under those circum-
stances. There were also present a,
deaf old sister of Bluefold, a great
admirer of Wilson, and her two
daughters, who adored Clara, were
afraid of Wilson, and despised
Charles as a boy and a cousin. The
talk of this happy family was Swissy
at first ; and Charles recounted the
achievements he was going to per-
form, and described the ingenious
implements with which he was going
to take the field. Then Wilson cut
in and explained the uselessness of
his new knapsack, and the futility
of its contents ; pointed out the
perilous weakness of his pocket
alpenstock, which shut up with a
hinge in the middle like a parasol ;.
and concluded with some very just
and disagreeable remarks on the
folly of men "and boys," as he
pointedly added, " who risk lives
which might some day turn out to
be not wholly useless, in such child-
1871.] F
ish sports." Having demolished
Charley, he looked across the table
to see if his old enemy Moneybags
was disposed to argue the point ;
biit the old fellow was still at buffets
with himself, and had no power to
do more than glare grimly at him.
" Old boy looks as if he was going
to have a stroke," thought Wilson.
" Wonder if he has made his will."
Then there was a short silence.
Charley was sulking ; old Bluefold
was speculating whether it would
be safe to tell Moneybags about
his son's debts •with a view to a
loan, or whether it might not pro-
voke him to leave his money to the
other side of the hoiise. That gen-
tleman was so wrapt in his medita-
tions that, wholly regardless of his
besetting infirmities, he devoured
anything and everything which was
set before him with so unamiable
a countenance that Clara was abso-
lutely afraid to interfere. So Wilson
had to take up the ball again.
" Most of you Alpine fellows are
clergymen, too, who ought to know
better. If you must have your
nerves braced by danger and thin
air, why don't you do it for some
sensible purpose? You might go
to New Zealand and discover short
cuts to circumvent the Maories."
" We leave that to the members of
the Devil's Own," retorted Charles,
"who get a thousand a -year for
six months' work : a poor parson's
three Sundays would not take him
far towards the antipodes. There's
nothing I should like better myself,
but some folks grudge us a Cook's
ticket to Geneva :" — with that he
glanced sourly at the author of his
being.
" You would be a deal better em-
ployed at home, Master Charles,"
observed that much -enduring per-
sonage, " reading up for the Bishop,
than everlastingly rushing hither
and thither, risking your neck and
wasting my money. As for New
M«f«J<all.—Pai-t I.
Zealand, they say that's going to be
a state of the Union, now there's no-
more to be got out of us ; and the
sooner the better, say I."
This roused Moneybags from his
torpid state, for he was a genuine
old John Bull.
" The colonists have had con-
foundedly hard usage," he cried,
" but they are honest Englishmen,
not the drainings of creation, like
the Yankees; and they will stick
by the old flag, although we show
them only the wrong side of it."
" I fear, my dear Mr Moneybags,"
began Wilson, very sweetly, de-
lighted at the prospect of encoun-
tering a foeman worthy of his steel,
on ground which he considered
peculiarly his own, "I fear that
you take too favourable a view of
human nature. Depend upon it,
with man in general, sentiment is
wholly subordinate to financial con-
siderations."
" It is with some fellows, I
know," jerked Moneybags, under-
lining the remark in quite a per-
sonal manner.
" Depend upon it, my dear sir,"
went on Wilson, quoting from the
introduction to his aforesaid work
on our Colonial Empire, "if the
colonists discover that they can re-
duce their import duties 2 per cent
by joining the States, they will
hoist the stars and stripes to-mor-
row. Why, this very morning I
saw a number of people who thought
they had met with sharp practice
from a Government Department,
talking language fit for a mob of
Fenians."
" Has Mr Wilson met a mob of
Fenians to-day in the streets of
London1?" asked the deaf aunt.
" Good gracious ! why does not the
Government do something? they
would have been hanged, every
man of them, when I was a girl."
"Too many for that, aunt,"
shouted Charley; "Calcraft has
156
Frank Marshall. — Part I.
grown so rusty lie could never get
through it all. He would have to
put on two or three devOs, and
then the work would be bungled,
and we should have complaints.
We ought to shoot our treason-
felons. We might turn them to ac-
count by sending two or three score
of them to Wimbledon next week
for the benefit of the Volunteers;
they might be tied up at 300 yards,
and allowed to dodge. After ten
shots the live target might be allowed
to walk off, what was left of it. It
would be much more improving to
the riflemen than shooting at the
running deer, and would give an
air of reality to the whole perform-
ance. The Paddies would like it
better than being hanged, and less
guilty criminals might be made to
carry sawdust to the fatal spot, and
to shovel up and carry away the
heads, fingers, and other refuse mat-
ter."
" My dear Charles," cried out the
old lady, " pray do not say such
shocking things : they tell me it is
quite wicked now to take pleasure
in the death of a fox ; and yet you
are proposing to make the agonies
of your fellow-Christians a source
of amusement. And then your sug-
gestion to make these misguided
men stand by to see the death and
mutilation of their friends is the
most dreadful thing I ever heard."
" Do let xis talk of something
else," said Clara; " the boy is only
laughing at you, as usual, auntie:
he rather likes the Fenians " — but
her voice was lost in the grave ar-
gument of Wilson, who had scented
a fallacy, and was down upon it in
a moment.
"The cases are hardly parallel,
my dear madam," he said; "the
fox does not like to be hunted, and
nobody thinks of consulting his
wishes. If we were to do as your
nephew suggests out of mere wan-
tonness, we should be a disgrace to
the nineteenth century, and as bad
[Feb.
as the Pope makes us out; but
Charles has supposed these wretched
men to be willing to submit to the
experiment ; and in that case, what-
ever may be the policy of execu-
tions on so large a scale, I cannot
for the life of me see what objec-
tion on the score of inhumanity
can be made to this particular
method: volcnti non fit injuria"
"Construe that bit of Greek,
please, for the benefit of this end
of the table," holloaed Charles.
" I mean," replied Wilson, al-
ways happy to instruct, "that no
man can ever complain of the vio-
lation of any law, however sacred
that law may be, if he has himself
consented to waive his right to its
protection. What is old Money-
bags grinning at?" he went on,
sotto voce; "it is my belief that
fourth glass has been too many for
him. He does not drink fair. When
he comes to dine with Clara and
me next year, if he lasts so long,
he shall not keep that little flask of
brown sherry at his elbow; I will
make him stick to claret. It is
pitiable to see a man at his time of
life so forgetting himself."
A singular change had indeed
come over the old gentleman's face:
Wilson's last words had suggested
to him a way out of the maze of
doubts in which he had been wan-
dering; and the gloom which arose
from a troubled conscience had been
replaced by the serenity of a mind
at peace with itself. But of course
nobody else could guess what he
was chuckling at ; and even Clara
began to fear that he had had quite
enough. So up she got ; — " I have
retouched that sketch, Mr Wilson,"
she said, " which you told me was
out of drawing ; you shall tell me
what you think of it now, as soon
as you come up-stairs : mind you do
not keep me waiting. Do not you
be long, uncle ; I have got a little
plot to consult you about;" — and
the ladies vanished, and the thinned
1871.]
ranks of the survivors fell in to the
centre.
Then old Moneybags set to work.
"You quite startled my sister-in-
law just now, Mr Wilson; her
hearing is not so good as it was,
and she gets nervous, poor soul, if
you but talk of a Fenian. But,
joking apart, we have not seen the
end of these disturbances yet; it is
my belief the priests are at the bot-
tom of this bad feeling."
" I hardly agree with you," an-
swered Wilson: "the Church of
Eome has always set its face against
secret societies, and this organisa-
tion has frequently been denounced
by the bishops in strong language."
" That's a matter of course," said
the old man: "it would never do
for an Ultramontane openly to back
up rebellion and nationality. But
they do what they can for it on the
sly. Why didn't they make those
Manchester murderers confess be-
fore they gave them absolution?
Does any man in his senses doubt
that the miscreants were shriven as
clean as the priest could make them
before they committed the outrage 1
A terrible position it must be, that
of a Eoman Catholic priest who
hears, in confession, of some wrong
which is about to be done ! I sup-
pose he cannot help himself, but is
obliged to hold his tongue, and see
a crime perpetrated which he could
prevent with a word."
" Of course he must be silent,"
put in Charley, who was slightly
Ritualistic; "any clergyman of the
Church of England may find him-
self in the same difficulty to-mor-
row. As soon as the penitent leaves
my confessional, all he has spoken
will be to me as if it had never
been uttered."
" Idiots these young fellows are,"
thought his father; "does not he
know how Moneybags hates this
sort of thing? why could not he
wait till he had got the living?"
.But before he could say anything to
.Frank Marshall, — Part I.
157
efface the unfavourable impression
Wilson was off again.
" I believe," he said, " some such
doctrine is prevalent at the present
day among extreme supporters of
the dignity of the priesthood; but
it is a notion alike contrary to
Christian morality and to the teach-
ing of the most learned of the
schoolmen."
" How do you make out that ? "
cried Charley. "Thomas Aquinas
" We do not want your old-world
trash here, Master Charley," inter-
rupted his uncle, with much heat,
afraid the fish he was landing would
be scared away. " You were saying,
Mr Wilson "
"I hold," pursued that gentle-
man, "that the duty of keeping a
secret is one of imperfect obliga-
tion; and all who intrust damaging
secrets to priests or others must be
taken to do so with the knowledge
that circumstances may arise when
they must be divulged. It is in
most cases desirable that a promise
of secrecy should, like all other pro-
mises, be kept. But there are fre-
quent exceptions; and every man
must decide for himself whether
holding his tongue will do more
good or harm in any particular
case."
" I am not sure that your doc-
trine is not rather too elastic for
most of us," said Moneybags; "but
let us put a particular case: Sup-
pose you told me a secret about
yourself, and I found that some-
body else would be terribly injured
if I kept it, I suppose you would
say I ought to tell it?"
"No doubt about it," answered
the unconscious Wilson; "it would
be your bounden duty, or you would
be responsible for all the mischief
which might result. I am perfectly
clear on the point."
Charley would fain have con-
tinued the argument, but his uncle
would not listen for a moment.
158
Frank Marshall. — Part I.
" Any more wine, Mr Wilson 1
then let us go and have some tea.
Just stop one moment, Mr Wilson ;
we will follow you, Bluefold. That
argument of yours was very neat •
it has convinced me, at any rate. I
don't mind saying you are a deuced
clever fellow, but just take a fool's
advice : don't spend so much of
your time correcting young ladies'
sketches ; it really is not worth the
while. There is nothing like stick-
ing to your trade. The law is a
jealous mistress, they say, and if
you give her a little more of your
attention, you will be able to show
the Commissioners a better balance-
sheet next year — I am one of them,
you know. Shall I say good-night
for you ? It would be hardly fair
of me to tell the folks up -stairs
where we met this morning, though
you seem to think that I ought,
and volenti non fit injuria"
11 Mr Moneybags," replied the
undaunted Wilson, " I suppose no
man likes gossip about his private
affairs, but I am at a loss to im-
agine why you should think I have
any special reason for concealing
anything from my good friend Mr
Bluefold. And if, as you almost
imply, you think niy reticence is
due to any unworthy motive, I
must say I have not deserved this
harsh construction. And now, as it
is really growing late, I will wish
you a very good evening."
" My dear fellow, I don't think
a bit the worse of you : all's fair
in love and war, but a bon chat,
bon rat; a cor sa ire, corsaire et
demi. I shall always be glad to
see you at my little place in Port-
man Square all the same."
" He is gone off quite pleasantly,
like a sensible fellow," said the tri-
umphant old boy to himself as he
toddled up-stairs. " I must take
care he does not try it on again,
though, as soon as my back is turn-
ed : better get Clara out of the way
[Feb.
somewhere for a bit." Then he
went and sat down by the tea-table,
" Our young friend Wilson," he
began, " complains of a slight head-
ache. Men do work themselves to
death nowadays, burning the candle
at both ends ; and you are not half
the girl you were when you came to
town : you want country air."
" Here's an opening," thought
that young woman. "I do not
feel quite as strong as I did in the
spring," she said with an air of
saint-like resignation ; " but I do
not think there's anything really
wrong with me. Charley did want
me to go with him to Switzerland,
which would quite set me up "
(Oh, Clara ! do not you remember
how unfavourably that young man
received the offer of your sisterly
company1?) — "but as papa says it
is out of the question, I shall try
long walks before breakfast to High-
gate."
"I will talk to Bluefold," said
her uncle ; and he did. What he
said is unknown ; but Mr and Miss
Bluefold purchased first-class tickets
from Charing Cross to Paris the
next evening.
As some readers may think
Clara's bosom contained a heart of
stone, because she went off rejoicing
to the mountains and left a lover
behind her, it may be as well to
mention that her uncle had been
disquieting himself in vain, for she
had never felt herself to be worthy
of a man who was so much wiser
than his neighbours, and so well
aware of the fact. She was a little
disappointed, though, at not seeing
him in the drawing-room after din-
ner : she had meant to ask what
had become of that amusing friend
of his who had made the Ascot
party go off so successfully ; and if
she got a very good opening, to sug-
gest that he might, without indis-
cretion, be brought to lunch somo
Sunday.
J871.]
Frank MardiaU. — Part I.
159
CHAPTER III. A CAMPAIGN IN THE ALPS.
Schwarzloch is a minute village
in a lonely valley in Switzerland,
and lies out of the ordinary track
of tourists. On the east and west
it is easily got at over beautiful
green hills of moderate height,
which present no difficulty what-
ever, and which are, consequently,
wholly unknown to the travelling
public. From the north, invalids,
old ladies, and gentlemen void of
self-respect, can approach it by a
carriage - road ; but the legitimate
entrance is from the south, where
the valley is blocked up by a wall
of granite slightly more than per-
pendicular. In this a groove has
been cunningly wrought, designed
apparently for the convenience of
reckless goats. As this route leads
up into boggy wastes of singularly
unlovely aspect, then traverses cer-
tain wooden water-courses not very
securely pinned to the side of a
precipice of 1000 feet, and lands
a well -girded man, after thirteen
hours' hard walking, in a valley
renowned for the size of its horse-
flies, it is rather a favourite with
the members of that ascetic com-
munity known as the Alpine Club.
The village of Schwarzloch con-
sists of a dozen chalets, and of one
enormous hotel, built in a magni-
ficent situation to tempt people to
avail themselves of a foul sulphur-
spring, the scent of which poisons
the house. There is very seldom
anybody here, and when Mr Mat-
thew Marshall arrived to lay him
down to die, he had the place vir-
tually to himself, and was a good
deal made of accordingly. He made
out a few days pleasantly enough :
the care of his body accounted for
a good deal of his time ; and the
rest he spent in preparing notes for
an essay on the "Dangerous Re-
sults of the Limited Liability Act,"
which he had sent to the editor of
the ' Mercantile Review ' shortly be-
fore he started, with instructions to
the editor to forward the proof to
Schwarzloch. Mr Matthew was far
from a society man : no man was
less partial to greetings in the mar-
ket-place ; and it was as good as a
sermon to hear him rebuking the
little social ambitions of his frivo-
lous nephew. But after a few days
spent in this fetid paradise he be-
gan to think of Rotten Row with
less than his usual bitterness. No-
body in the place spoke anything
but Swiss ; the post came in twice
a -week; a portmanteau containing
the big blue - book in which he
trusted to supply him with statis-
tics had miscarried at the frontier ;
there was nobody to tell him what
he ought to pay the doctor ; the
hotel bills, which he audited every
day, bristled with audacious frauds ;
and an inflammation had appeared
on his left ankle, which kept him
a prisoner to the house. This he
attributed to the deleterious char-
acter of the wine; but the land-
lord gave him to understand by
signs that it was the wholesome
working of the sulphur-water.
On the sixth afternoon he sat
sadly in the window of the huge
empty dining-room, polishing and
recasting a note in which he be-
wailed the growing tendency on the
part of young men of family to
engage in trade — a tendency which
lie traced to the facilities afforded
by joint-stock companies — when he
became aware of a caravan of five
persons descending the green slopes
which bounded the valley on the
west. The two first were our friends
Charles and Clara Bluefold ; then
followed Heinrich Baur, [stepping
nimbly along under Clara's bag-
gage, which was contained in a
160
Frank Marshall. — Part I.
compact leathern portmanteau of
less than fifteen pounds avoirdu-
pois. Charles weighed it with his
own hands in Bryanstone Square,
while the cab was at the door ; and,
deaf to all entreaties, threw over-
board a pot of pomatum and a
Church Service to bring it down
to the regulation weight. Far in
the distance tottered Johann Enge-
brust, and UK Kurzbein, staggering
beneath her brother's manifold
equipments.
The old man did not meet the
new-comers till dinner, and then he
fell a -talking Math the eagerness of
a man whose tongue has long had a
holiday.
" I hope the lady is not tired with
her walk, sir 1 "
" Tired ! ! ! " answered Charles,
indignantly, as if his sister had
been charged with light conversa-
tion ; " why, it is an easy five
hours. I wanted to come over the
Hollenthur" (the aforesaid goat-
track) ; " but perhaps that would
have been rather stiff for my sister
the first day, — and then I got a
capital side view this afternoon of
the Teufelskralle, which I am go-
ing to try to-morrow. Ball says it
is not to be done ; but I think I
made it out with the glass, so I do
not call this a lost day."
"I shall never forget the walk
of to-day as long as I live," said
Clara ; " I never could have ima-
gined anything half so lovely as
those granite needles specked with
snow, rising behind the pine-for-
est."
" It was ice, Clara," pityingly
observed her experienced brother.
" But I wish you had not stopped
to draw it ; we should have done
the pass in four hours and a quar-
ter, and that muff Murray calls it
six."
" May I ask to see your drawings
presently ] " said Matthew ; " it is
a treat to a poor old cripple to see
[Feb.
what the mountains are like which
he cannot get up to."
" I shall be very glad to show you
all I have done," she answered ; and
the album came out, and the couple
passed a very pleasant evening in-
deed. Matthew was as appreciative
as could be desired, and Clara re-
warded him by producing a pirat-
ed edition of Anthony Trollope ;
and the old man, who was no trav-
eller, was amazed and delighted
at the discovery that the profits of
authors might be done away with
by a careful man. Charley was not
seen much of that evening ; but his
voice was heard in anxious consul-
tation with Heinrich Baur and the
landlord. The result of the con-
ference was, that he started next
morning at 1.30 A.M. to scale the
Teufelskralle, preceded by his three
guides, and followed by the greater
part of the adult male population
of the valley, having all the external
appearance of an expedition intend-
ed for the final discovery of the
North Pole.
Matthew took 'Barchester Towers'
to bed with him, for he did not
know how long he would be al-
lowed to keep it, and did not show
in public before eleven next morn-
ing. He found Clara in possession
of the one sofa, and confessing to a
little fatigue, now her brother was
out of hearing, and very glad of
somebody to talk to.
" You must come and lie down,
Mr Marshall," she said, " for I see
you are quite lame, and I have got
the only comfortable place."
"Do not stir, my dear young
lady — do not stir, I beg : I have
just drunk my three tumblers, and
Herr Eossenarzt says I must walk
for half an hour afterwards. I
used to stroll to the church, and
back ; but, since my ankle has
been bad, I take a turn up and
down this room as well as I can."
"I should not think moving about
1871.]
was the right thing for a bad
ankle," said Clara, who was always
with old Moneybags when he was
laid up, and was considered in the
family little inferior to Miss Night-
ingale. " You should use cold
fomentations, and keep it perfectly
still."
" Perhaps you are right. I know
Eossenarzt is an ass, and I am get-
ting worse every day ; but how am
I to foment my ankle when I can
hardly stoop to put on my slipper 1
I must let him kill me his own
waj."
" Do let me run for a jug of water,
and try my prescription. There's
a stream of iced water outside the
door. I am quite accustomed to
the charge of invalids ; and then
you come and lie down here till
lunch time. This is not the doc-
tor's day, and he will not find it
out."
He was wholly unused to be
waited upon by young ladies, and
was rather alarmed, but " for a'
that he could do or say, she wad'na
be gainsaid : " so she showered,
and sponged, and bandaged him to
her heart's content, and established
him on the sofa, and made him ad-
mit he was very comfortable.
After this they became quite
confidential, and she brought out
all her light literature, and said
she would leave it behind to com-
fort him in his solitude ; and he
read her some of the notes upon
his essay, heard her criticisms with
great complacency, and promised
to show her the paper itself if she
could wait a day or two. He even
hinted at getting her to correct the
proofs if anything should happen
to him before they arrived. This,
however, she was obliged to de-
cline, as they were to leave by the
Hollenthur next day. But their
acquaintance was not doomed to so
speedy a termination. The expe-
dition Avhich had taken the field
Murdinll — Part I.
1G1
that morning was expected to make
a triumphant re-entry about seven
or eight ; but towards five o'clock
a gloomy feeling that all was not
as it should be began to pervade
the community. Then stragglers,
such as herald a disastrous defeat,
came dropping in ; and, finally, the
main body appeared with clothes
rent, and earth on every part of
their persons. Their countenances
were sullen and dejected, as those
of men who flee away in battle ;
and as a theodolite and a baro-
meter remained at the bottom of
a crevasse, their baggage may be
said to have fallen into the hands
of the enemy. Not loss only, but
shame had befallen them ; they had
crossed the lower moraine with un-
precedented rapidity, and were noAV
going over the second glacier at a
pace which has no recorded equal,
when Charley's jointed alpenstock,
which he loved as his own soul,
snapped asunder in the midst, and
sent him into a crevasse, which was
happily half full of water. Hard
work they had to get him out, par-
mulct non bene relictd, and harder
still to make him turn back when
he was out ; but Baur, though a
professional guide, was not without
brains. Charley declared he was
fresher than when he started ; but
Clara now assumed her proper place
as elder sister, and not only put
him to bed then and there, but de-
clared it to be her will and pleasure
to keep him in it till Eossenarzt
had seen him next day. That gen-
tleman trusted there was nothing
serious the matter, but could not
answer for the consequences if the
invalid stirred from the house for
a week ; meanwhile he promised to
come and see him daily.
A joyful man was old Matthew
when he heard of the accident, and
found that he was to have com-
pany for a week at least. Whether
it was caused by the exuberance of
162
Frank Marshall.— Part I.
his delight, or by the cold fomenta-
tions, is not clear ; but certain it
is, that he felt strong enough about
noon to take his usual walk as far
as the church. On his return he
was met by Clara.
" Where have you been to, Mr
Marshall ? we have been looking
for you everywhere : the postman
has been here with a large parcel
for you, but he would not leave it
without your receipt."
" That must be my essay," cried
Matthew. " What a trump the
editor is ! I did not expect him to
register it, but I suppose he was
afraid it might fall into the wrong
hands. What a bore it is, though !
there is no post again for three days.
I must send a messenger : perhaps
you would allow me to send your
fellow Johann at once, and then
we can read the essay together to-
night."
Clara was charmed, and Johann
went off ; not, however, without an
immense amount of bargaining.
Johann wanted 15 francs, and
Matthew thought 4 magnificent.
It Avas at last settled he was to have
5, and " trinkgeld, wenn der Herr
ware zufrieden." For the rest of
the afternoon novels had no charms
for Matthew ; and he was out at
the door to watch for Johann so
often, that Clara was sure he would
make his foot bad again. At last,
when he had given it up, and had
retired to his sofa in despair, Clara
suddenly appeared.
" Here it is, Mr Marshall. You
are quite right ; I can see the print
through the cover. It must be a
long paper, or perhaps the editor
has sent you two or three copies.
But you seem distressed ; I am
afraid you have heard some bad
news."
-. We cannot bring ourselves to re-
peat what Mr Marshall said : it
was something very shocking, and
closely resembled the comment
[Feb.
made by General Sherman Avhen
informed that the enemy was in
possession of the ford: —
" He turned in his sattel, ant priefly said.
'Tamn!'"
Other disjointed words made
themselves audible at the same
time : such as " idiot," " might have
known it," " swindlers," " last time
he serves me so," &c. Let us glance
over his shoulder and see what was
the communication which so dis-
turbed him.
The envelope contained a mass
of papers and printed matter; but
the one which first caught his eye
was the following note from his
nephew : —
" Offices of the Industrial Free-
hold Land Company, Limited, 85
Fenchurch Street. — My dear Uncle,
I have been so busy about that in-
vestment of yours that I have not
been able to find a moment to write.
You seemed so impressed with the
responsibilities of property that I
was anxious to make the money do
as much good as possible, and I
have been fortunate enough to light
upon the very thing. There is a
company just formed with the ob-
ject of improving the condition of
the working classes by distributing
small holdings among deserving
labourers. I have gone very care-
fully into the scheme, and have
satisfied myself that the risk is in-
finitesimal ; while, on the other
hand, the profits may easily turn
out to be enormous, and the good
done to the toiling millions will be
incalculable." (Frank had evident-
ly been talking a good deal to Wright,
and had caught his style. ) "I have
succeeded in securing for you a
hundred shares of the nominal value
of £30 each. Only £20 have been
paid up ; but as 7|- per cent is
allowed on calls paid in advance, I
have of course paid up the whole
£30, which just accounts for the
1871.]
sum you had to invest. The Com-
pany has made me conveyancing
director, which will be of immense
use to me at the Bar : but it gives
me such a lot to do now that I have
no time to enter into explanations.
I enclose you a prospectus, which
will tell you all about it, and also
the shares, which please accept, and
return at once. Hope you find the
sulphur suits. Will try and run
over and look you up as soon as I
can make a holiday. In haste, your
affectionate nephew,
" FRANK MARSHALL.
"JP.S. — I find going about on the
Company's business comes rather
expensive, and one does not like
spending much on preliminary ex-
penses in a charitable undertaking
of this kind ; so as you told your
banker to honour my cheques, I was
sure you would not mind my draw-
ing on your account for <£100."
Matthew was always exceedingly
polite and even deferential to ladies,
and before he had finished this ex-
asperating communication he became
shocked at the violence of his own
demeanour, and felt that some sort
of apology was due to Clara.
" My dear young lady," he began,
" I do not know what you must
think of me, but I have just heard
something which has wounded me
deeply. I have been deceived, ter-
ribly deceived, by one whom I have
loaded with benefits. My worthless
nephew, whom I have ever regarded
as my own son, has cruelly abused
the confidence I reposed in him.
Read what the miserable lad has
just written."
"I feel for you in your trouble,
Mr Marshall, but really I do not
think I ought to intrude upon your
family sorrows."
" Read it without scruple ; it will
be a comfort to talk it over with
somebody who enters into my feel-
ings."
VOL. CIX. — NO. DCLXIV.
Frank Marshall. — Part I.
163
"Frank Marshall," said Clara,
glancing at the signature ; " I won-
der if he's the gentleman I lunched
with at Ascot."
" Should not wonder," grunted
the old man ; " he is always idling
about everywhere and wasting my
money. I will clip his wings for
the future — he may rely on that."
"I do not think I quite under-
stand what it is all about," said
Clara, when she had read the letter ;
" he may have made a mistake, but
he really seems to have tried to
meet your wishes, and perhaps it
will turn out to be a good invest-
ment after all ; and then I like to
see young men trying to help the
poor labourers."
"Young men should do it with
their own money, then : you are
trying to put in a good word for the
wretched boy; but take my word
for it, he has fallen in with a pack
of swindlers. It is my belief the
whole business has brought him
within the reach of the criminal
law, and I am disposed to think it
is my duty to society to set it in
motion."
"Suppose we look at the pros-
pectus Mr Frank talks of," suggested
Clara ; so they conned it over to-
gether. It was from the pen of
Wright, and dilated in glowing lan-
guage on the facilities offered by the
Company for breaking up the large
estates of the aristocracy and de-
stroying the monopoly of the great
landowners. The reader has seen
the first paragraph : the second was
like unto it, but grander : the writer
had warmed into his subject, and
looked confidently forward to the
time when a Freemen's Parliament,
untrammelled by class prejudices,
and emboldened by the success of
the Company, would carry out the
scheme on a scale worthy of the
conception. Then followed an ad-
dition, suggested by the coarser-
souled Wiggins, that when Govern-
Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Conclusion. [Feb.
merit took the matter up they
would have to buy up the Com-
pany's shares at an enormous pre-
mium. The further he read the
deeper became Matthew's indigna-
tion; his doubts of the Company's
solvency became lost in dismal ap-
prehensions of the terrible social and
political evils which would flow
from its success. Clara, on the
other hand, who had never seen a
prospectus before, was rather carried
away by the eloquent periods of
Wright, and thought it was worth
some risk for a chance of the mag-
nificent results which he prophesied.
But as the old man was quite beyond
the reach of argument, she proposed
cribbage, a sport which he adored,
and very considerately let him win
three francs ; then she showed him
a caricature of Rossenarzt, as he
appeared expressing with uplifted
hands his horror at Charley, who
had declared himself well enough to
cross the Hollenthur next day ;
finally she bestowed on him divers
little filial attentions, and sent the
old fellow to bed in a happier frame
of mind than could have been an-
ticipated.
NARRATIVE OF THE BED RIVER EXPEDITION. — CONCLUSION.
BY AN OFFICER OF THE EXPEDITIONARY FORCE.
IN last month's number we de-
scribed the advance of the expedi-
tionary troops as far as Fort Francis,
and endeavoured to convey to the
reader a general idea of the country
in the first of the three sections into
which we divided the entire dis-
tance between Shebandowan Lake
and Fort Garry.
The second section begins at Fort
Francis, where the leading detach-
ment arrived, as previously stated,
on the 4th August, starting again
that same afternoon. A garrison of
one company of militia was left for
the protection of the hospital, bak-
ery, and depot of stores established
there, and to insure our communi-
cations being kept open through the
Chippewah territories. Although
these Indians had been hitherto
very friendly, there was no saying
when they might give us trouble,
particularly if they saw large quan-
tities of that much-coveted article,
flour, stored in their very midst
without a sufficient guard to protect
it. Indians have great appetites,
and are always hungry — and hun-
gry men are ever more or less dan-
gerous. Our voyage down Rainy
River was most enjoyable. As we
pushed off from shore below the
falls at Fort Francis, we were
twisted round for some time in
every direction by the numerous
whirlpools formed by the falling of
such a great body of water into a
circular basin, where it acquired a
rotary motion. At one moment a
boat was going at the rate of about
nine miles an hour, and the next
it was perfectly stationary, having
stopped without any shock, but as
suddenly as if it had struck a rock.
In some instances minutes elapsed
ere the utmost exertion at the oar,
the whole crew pulling their best,
could impart the least motion to the
boats. They seemed as if held in
a vice by the hand of some hidden
giant — the sensation being all the
more peculiar from the contrast
with the rushing, frothing waters
around, in themselves the very sym-
bol of motion. Then, after some
moments of hard pulling, every
muscle being strained to the ut-
1871.] Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Conclusion. 1G5
most, the boat was released so sud-
denly that it bounded forward as a
spring would which had been kept
back by a rope that had suddenly
snapped. The sensation of being
in a small boat amongst such eddies,
whirlpools, and upheaving waves,
which, rising from below, broke on
the surface in great mounds of water
without any apparent cause, was
most exciting and enjoyable to the
strong-nerved man ; whilst the weak-
headed experienced a disagreeable
feeling about the stomach that
seemed to give a strong tendency
to grasp at something or somebody.
As we glided down this deep
river at the rate of about four or
five miles an hour, the scenery was
very pretty. Its breadth was from
three to four hundred yards ; the
banks were wooded to the water's
edge, with here and there a patch
of greensward peeping out through
the trees ; whilst occasionally one
came to an open park-like clearance,
where fine spreading oaks reminded
one of England. This river is the
frontier between British North
America and the United States.
There are no settlements upon either
bank, but the numbers of lodge-
poles showed that the locality was
a favourite one with Indians. From
Fort Francis to where Rainy River
discharges itself into the Lake of
the Woods, a distance of 70 miles
in a westerly direction, the naviga-
tion is unbroken. There are rapids
at two places, but they can be run
easily and safely ; and in ascending
the stream, boats are tracked up
them without discharging cargo.
At both, many Indian families
are always encamped, as they are
favourite spots for fishing, particu-
larly during the winter, as the water
never freezes there. There are wide
open spaces at these rapids, covered
when we passed with rich luxuriant
grass, small spots being under culti-
vation as gardens for potatoes and
Indian corn. There were also some
circular mounds of earth, one or
two being about twenty feet high.
We had not time to land and ex-
amine them, but the natives call
them underground houses, although
not now used as habitations.
It was a lovely day, and as there
was a good current in the river, we
determined upon trying the plan of
drifting along it during the night.
So, after the evening meal, we again
started, lashing the boats together
two and two, one man remaining
awake in each boat to steer, the
others lying down to sleep as best
they could. As the sun went
down, a dense mass of curious-
looking flies came streaming up
with the gentle westerly wind.
They were nearly white, with grey
wings and pale -yellow bodies, hav-
ing a tail more than an inch long
consisting of what looked like two
white hairs. They flew in a regular
column, closely formed up, without
any stragglers to the right or left,
which opened out with a sort of
tactical regularity when a boat
pushed into its midst. At a little
distance they had all the appearance
of a driving fall of snow. The pres-
sure from above caused vast mim-
bers of them to strike the water,
from which they had not the power
to rise again.
We had not been many hours
drifting along when black clouds
came up and hid the moon; the
wind freshened and brought heavy
rain with it, which soon wet us
through. We were making no way;
and it became so pitchy dark that
steering was impossible. We had
therefore to push into shore, and
await daybreak as best we could.
We reached the mouth of the
river next day in time for breakfast
at a small Hudson Bay post, for-
merly called Hungry Hall, from the
number of men who had from time
to time nearly died from starvation
1G6
Narrative of the Red Ricer Expedition. — Conclusion. [Feb.
whilst quartered there. It has now
been renamed Fort Louisa by the
Company, and, it is expected, will
become shortly a post of some im-
portance, being so advantageously
situated upon what will henceforth
be, until a railway is opened, the
highway for North-western emigra-
tion. Close to the post is an Indian
burial-ground, where there were some
coffins raised in the air on platforms
about six feet high ; chiefs only
and their sons are th'us honoured
after death. Around the post are
many Indian potato - gardens ; but
there were very few families there
as we passed, every one that could
being away from the ordinary hunt-
ing-grounds at this season, for the
purpose of collecting wild rice, which
abounds in some neighbouring loca-
lities.
In every part of Rainy River
sturgeon are found in great abun-
dance, one of fifty, sixty, or more
pounds being no extraordinary fish.
It is very good eating, and is a
great staple of food amongst the
poor half-starved Indians.
The land upon each side is low
and marshy at the mouth of Rainy
River, from which rose up quanti-
ties of wild duck, disturbed at their
feast upon the wild rice by the noise
of our oars, and by the cheery laugh-
ter and songs of our men. A
large sand-bar has formed in the
Lake of the Woods immediately
across the mouth of the river, upon
which great seas, rolling in from the
ocean-like lake beyond, broke with
a loud roar, sending up clouds of
spray in an angry fashion. Looking
out westward as we passed into the
space between the bar and the shore,
where the water was calm as in a
harbour, the lake was covered with
" white-horses " — bespeaking, as the
breeze was freshening, by no means
a pleasant day's work for us. No
open boat could have crossed the
bar ; so we turned northward, keep-
ing near shore ; but between it and
a line of sandy dunes, which seemed
to be a continuation of the bar at
the entrance to the river, and which
had been formed most probably —
as the bar has been — when the
river's mouth was more to the north
than it is at present. These sand-
banks extended some six or eight
miles, running tolerably parallel
with the shore, and from a thou-
sand to two thousand yards from it.
The water was very shallow at
places ; and as we got towards the
end of the protecting sand-banks,
the force of the waves increased, so
that all chance of beating to wind-
ward under sail was out of the
question. We were therefore forced
to put into a rocky island partly
covered with trees, where we were
detained two days by a heavy
westerly gale — a severe trial to our
patience. When we did get off, a
journey of two days, sometimes
under sail and sometimes having to
depend solely upon the oar, took us
to Rat Portage, at the northern ex-
tremity of the lake, where the Winni-
peg River flowed out of it. Some of
us were without guides in crossing the
lake, which for miles at places is
crowded with islands of all shapes
and sizes ; and as the maps were
altogether wrong, many wandered
about at the northern extremity of
the lake searching in vain for the
mouth of the Winnipeg River. The
Lake of the Woods is about seventy-
five miles long, with an average width
of about seventy miles. It is in reality
three lakes, separated one from the
other by clusters of islands, all more
or less pretty, some having fine per-
pendicular cliffs tinted with many
shades of red, and standing majes-
tically out of the water. All are
well wooded, and in some there are
a few acres under cultivation as gar-
dens, where the Indians, from time
immemorial, have been in the habit
of growing potatoes and maize. The
1871.] Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Conclusion. 167
water in the lake is nearly luke-
warm, being from 70° to 78° Fahr. :
it is, except at a very few places,
of a dark-green colour, and almost
opaque from a profuseness of con-
fervoid growth. These confervas are
minute, needle-shaped organisms, of
a bright green hue, and about half
an inch in length. They abound
throughout the lake, and are in such
quantities at places that the water
resembles green-pea soup. When
pressed between the teeth they have
a pungent flavour like mustard. Our
musquito-nets were here very use-
ful for straining the water ; but even
after that process had been gone
through, it was not fit for drinking
until boiled. A few of the long
deep bays receding from the lake
are free from this substance ; and
upon their banks lived the majority
of the Indians who belong to this
neighbourhood.
To lose one's way upon an ex-
panse of water like the Lake of the
Woods, and to wander about in a
boat, as the writer did, through its
maze of uninhabited islands, where
no sound was to be heard but the dip
of the oars at regular intervals, or the
distant and weird-like whistle of the
loon, is to experience the exquisite
sensation of solitude in all its full
intensity. There are trees and rocks,
and earth and water, in all their
varied and united beauty, but no
sign whatever of man's handiwork
anywhere. Oh ! if it was not for the
trouble of having to cook one's own
dinner, how delicious would be exist-
ence passed in the society of nature !
The drainage of an immense
country is collected in the Lake of
the Woods, which flows into Lake
Winnipeg by a river of that name.
This river begins in the former lake,
flowing from it by several channels,
all more or less romantically pictur-
esque in their scenery, and at the
entrance to each of which there are
falls about thirteen feet high. Upon
one of the central islands thus formed
is the Hudson Bay post of Eat
Portage. It is approached by a most
intricate channel winding round
islands in such a manner that a
stranger would have very great
difficulty in finding it. There is
a nice little farm there, and a
good garden, the vegetables of
which were a great treat after our
journey of so many days through
a wilderness. There was a most
striking difference between the cli-
mate of Shebandowan and on the
shores of this great lake : every day's
journey from the high level of the
former place brought us into a more
genial temperature, humming-birds
having been seen for the first time
at French Portage before we reached
Rainy Lake ; and the corn was being
cut as we left Fort Francis, where
the summer is very early. The
post at Hat Portage consists of a
few log -houses surrounded by a
high wooden palisading. It stands
on a bank some fifteen feet high, and
when viewed from the river, bears
a strong resemblance to a Burmese
village. As you ascend the bank to
enter the post, you are surrounded
by a pack of the leanest- looking and
most cur-like dogs, who are always
quarrelling amongst themselves, and
have starvation written on their
countenances, as well as evidenced
by their bone - protruding flanks.
They are to the Indians, or the
dwellers in the backwoods, during
winter, what canoes are to them in
summer. These dogs drag their
traineaux, or toboggins as they are
indifferently called, and are capable
of lengthened exertions over snow-
tracks where no horse could travel.
In summer they are turned loose about
the post, and pick up enough to eat
as best they can among the Indians
encamped around it ; but in winter
they are regularly fed upon fish.
The gentleman in charge of Rat
Portage had been there for thirteen
168 Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Conclusion. [Feb.
years, without having had, during
that period, any further glimpse of
civilisation than what could be ob-
tained at some of the other posts. He
was a half-breed married to a squaw.
It is next to impossible that any
man could lead such a solitary life
and still retain the intelligence and
enlargement of ideas imparted by
even an ordinary country - school
education. Men's minds are too
prone to assimilate with the minds
of those with whom they are ex-
clusively associated, to retain, after a
series of years spent amongst ignorant
heathens, many traces of education or
civilisation. Great, therefore, was
our astonishment at finding the table
neatly arranged with breakfast things,
laid out on a clean table-cloth, when
we entered the house the morning
after our arrival. Thrice blessed is
the man who first discovered the plea-
sures of eating. Your gourmet in
refined life really knows nothing of
them ; nor has he ever enjoyed the
rapturous sensations which broiled
fish, boiled potatoes, and tea, afforded
us that morning. En route, our daily
meals were always cooked and eaten
in a hurry. A picnic once a-year
is very pleasant to the man accus-
tomed to eat his dinner for the fol-
lowing 364 days in a white cravat,
and with his legs under an artisti-
cally-decorated table ; but to eat
one's breakfast, dinner, and supper
of salt pork, beans, and biscuit, sit-
ting on a log or stone, day after day
for months together, is, to say the
least of it, rather monotonous, and
makes one appreciate the luxury of
a chair, table, and clean table-cloth
in a remarkable degree.
At Eat Portage more letters were
received by the officer commanding
from the Eed River Settlement, urg-
ing the necessity of haste, and beg-
ging of him to send on even a couple
of hundred men in advance, for the
purpose of inspiring confidence, and
of putting an end to the feelings of
doubt and apprehension of impend-
ing danger, then universal amongst
the loyal inhabitants. Eiel was still
in Fort Garry, surrounded by armed
men and the banditti composing his
government. He still ruled most
arbitrarily ; and although he had
permitted the Hudson Bay Com-
pany to recommence business, he
had forced its representative to pay
a large sum for the privilege of
doing so. The chief of the Swampy
Indians (who inhabit the banks of
the Red River for a distance of about
fifteen miles from where it falls into
Lake Winnipeg) wrote volunteering
the service of his people in any way
in which they could be made useful.
They had been stanch and loyal
throughout all the half-breed dis-
turbances, and had always been most
anxious to take up arms against the
rebels. The dread of calling in such
a dangerous element as these Indians
would have been, had hitherto de-
terred those most anxious for the re-
establishment of order from making
any use of them. This Indian chief
complained greatly in his letter of
the inconsistency of our conduct in
having made a practice of punishing
Indians when they robbed or com-
mitted any crime, whilst the gang
of robbers under Riel was allowed,
he said, to overturn the lawful
government of the country, to pil-
lage private property, to imprison
loyal men, and even to commit
murder with impunity. A number
of the English -speaking people of
the lower Red River Settlement
had, under the sanction of the Pro-
testant bishop, started off up the
AVinnipeg River to meet us with
some large Hudson Bay boats,
having experienced guides and
crews, for the purpose of assisting
us in descending that river. Its
navigation is generally esteemed to
be most dangerous, and none but
those well skilled in the voyageur's
art, and acquainted with this river
1871.] Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Conclusion. 169
in particular, will ever attempt to
take "boats along it. We were very
deficient in good steersmen, and had
not more than a few guides — ob-
tained at Fort Francis — who knew
the route: so when this party of
men, under charge of the Rev.
Mr Gardner, an English clergyman,
met us at Rat Portage, we realised
for the first time that there was
really an active party in Manitohah,
who had not yet bowed the knee be-
fore Baal ; that there were men whose
loyalty was not of the lip only,
but a reality, for which they were
prepared to leave their homes, and
share the dangers to be encountered
by their countrymen who were
struggling through a vast wilderness
to their assistance, and in order to
relieve them from the tyranny to
which they had been so long ex-
posed.
The description given to us by
these men of the dangers which
were before us, of rapids where the
least false step would send us over
heavy falls into whirlpools of such
magnitude that the largest-sized
boats are quickly ingulfed in them,
made many of us wince. When
shown the boats in which we had
made the journey up to that point,
and in which we expressed our
determination to go on, they shook
their heads in mournful astonish-
ment. Here, as throughout the
whole of this Expedition, we found
a general conviction stamped upon
the minds of every one of every class
that we met, that the British sol-
dier was a fine brave fellow, who,
as a fighting man, was superior to
two of any other nation, but ut-
terly useless for any other purpose.
They thought it was impossible
that he could carry loads, perform
heavy bodily labour, or endure
great physical fatigue. It need
scarcely be added that we now bear
a very different reputation in those
parts ; and it is not saying too much
to assert, that we left behind us a
character for every manly virtue.
Our men soon acquired considerable
skill in managing their boats, in
portaging, &c. &c. ; and the natural
cheery energy of the British charac-
ter shone out brilliantly when dis-
played side by side with the apathy
and listlessness of the half-breed
voyageur.
We were informed that it would
take us about twenty days to get to
Fort Alexander, at the mouth of the
Winnipeg River. This was very
discouraging, because we had been
previously told by our leader that
we should reach Fort Garry about
the 23d of August, which would be
impossible if it were to take us so
long in descending the river.
The journey down the Winnipeg
River can never be forgotten if once
made. The difference of level be-
tween the Lake of the Woods and
Lake Winnipeg is 340 feet — the
distance between them by river be-
ing about 160 miles. The descent
down that number of feet is distri-
buted throughout 30 falls and rapids,
presenting every variety of river-
scenery that nature is capable of.
For the first fifty miles there are
numerous islands — so much so, that
the river is a succession of lakes, or
as if there were four or five rivers
running side by side, uniting here
and there only to separate a few
miles lower down. At some points
it is, however, contracted into one
or two comparatively narrow chan-
nels, where the great rush of water
resembles a magnified mill - race.
The passage of such places is always
more or less dangerous, particularly
if small islands or large rocks divide
the rapids into several channels,
crossing one another before they meet
in the boiling caldron of foaming
water below. Numerous were the
hair-breadth escapes : in many in-
stances the lives of boats' crews
seemed held in the balance for some
170
Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Conclusion. [Feb.
moments — more awful for those who
watched the scene from the bank,
than for the soldiers actually in the
1-oat. Providence — a noble term
which this war in France has taught
newspaper writers to sneer at —
watched over us in a remarkable man-
ner ; for although we had one or two
boats wrecked on this mighty river,
and many men were for minutes in
imminent danger, the whole force
reached Lake Winnipeg without any
loss of life.
There is no more deliciously ex-
citing pleasure in the world than
that of running a really large and
dangerous rapid in a canoe, or in a
small boat. As your frail skiff
bounds over the waves, ever and
anon jumping as it were from a
higher to a lower level, whilst the
paddlers or oarsmen tug away with
might and main, and the outcrop-
ping rocks are cleverly avoided by
the skilful bowsman and steersman,
every pleasurable sensation is ex-
perienced. As each boat turned into
the slack water below the rapid, one
took a long breath of relief, and the
world and life itself seemed to be
different in the calm stillness there
from what it was when we were
dashing through the roaring, rush-
ing waters in mid-stream.
No length of time, nor any amount
of future adventures, can erase from
the writer's mind his arrival at the
Slave Falls. He was in a birch-
bark canoe manned by Irroquois,
one of whom acted as guide. The
regular portage for the boats was
several hundred yards from the falls,
and lay in a slack- water bay, reached
without any danger as long as the
boats kept tolerably well in towards
the bank on that side. Our aston-
ishment was great at finding the
guide take the canoe out into mid-
stream, where the current ran at
an exciting pace, becoming swifter
every yard, until at last, as one ap-
proached the vicinity of the falls,
it was palpably evident that we
were descending a steeply-inclined
plane. Consoling ourselves at
first with the reflection that the
guide knew best what he was
about, we sat motionless, but, let us
confess it, awe-stricken, as we swept
into the narrow gully at the end of
which the great noisy roar of falling
waters, and the columns of spray
that curled up like clouds into the
air, announced the position of the
fall. We were close to the brink.
We appeared to have reached that
point which exists in most falls
from whence the water seems to
begin its run preparatory to a good
jump over into the abyss below ;
and we knew, from having watched
many great cataracts for hours, that
it was a bourne from whence there
was no return. Quick as lightning
the idea flashed across us that the
Indians had made a mistake, and
that everything was over for \is in
this world. In that infinitesimal
fraction of time a glimpse of the
countenance of the sturdy bowsman
rather confirmed this idea — his
teeth appeared set, and there was
an unusual look in his eye. All
creations of our own heated fancy ;
for in another second the canoe's
head swept in towards the rocks,
and was turned nose up stream in
tolerably slack water, two of the
paddlers jumping out and holding
it firmly there. All our poetical
fancies were rudely dispersed by a
cheer and chorus of laughter from
the Irroquois crew. The breaking
of a paddle in the hands of either
bowsman or steersman would have
been fatal at that critical moment
when we turned sharply in to the
bank, the stern being allowed to
swing round in the heavy stream,
and by so doing, aid in driving
the bow inwards. Nothing could
have saved us if such an accident
had occurred ; yet here were these
Indians chuckling over the danger
1871.] Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Conclusion. 171
they had only just escaped by the
exertions of their greatest skill and
of their utmost muscular power.
They had needlessly and wittingly
encountered it, for they could have
gained the shore about a hundred
yards higher up with comparative
ease, and then lowered their canoes
through the slack- water pools in the
rocks along the side to the place
they had only reached with extreme
danger. There was no use in
arguing with them on the subject ;
they had confidence in themselves,
and gloried in any danger which
they felt certain of overcoming. If
any of these Indians say they can
take you down a rapid, reliance
may be placed in their doing so, as
they will not attempt what they
feel would be beyond their powers.
Therein lies the great difference
between them and the white-faced
voyageur, who is so often foolhardy,
and prone to allow his pluck to
overtax his strength and skill.
The name of Slave Falls is in
memory of a base, cruel act perpe-
trated there some generations ago
by the Chippewahs. The Sioux of
the plains have always been their
hereditary enemies, and from time
immemorial raids have been made
by each into the other's country.
The Chippewahs upon one of these
forays had taken two prisoners,
whom they kept as slaves. To
gratify some passing whim, or to
afford amusement to their children,
they one day bound these poor
wretches in a canoe, and in that
manner sent them over these falls,
so sublime by nature, but put to
a cowardly and degrading use by
what we are taught to call nature's
noblest creature — man.
The banks of the river are
wooded everywhere, poplar being
the prevailing timber, interspersed
here and there with poor birch and
stunted pines. The syenite rocks
and granite boulders were very
grand at places ; and occasionally
river - scenery was presented upon
the largest imaginable scale.
Several large-sized rivers join the
Winnipeg, particularly from the
west, up some of which the Hud-
son Bay Company have outlying
posts. About half- way to Fort
Alexander is an English missionary
establishment, with a good farm at-
tached, and a few Indian log-shan-
ties scattered around it. No clergy-
man resides there, but it is presided
over by a catechist, who has a school
where he teaches English, to about
twenty or thirty children. Now and
then we came to a spot capable of
cultivation ; but, as a general rule, the
land on the Upper Winnipeg is poor,
and unsuited for settlement.
We had a good deal of rain whilst
descending it ; but as we neared Fort
Alexander the weather mended con-
siderably, the days being warm and
balmy, although the nights were al-
ways cool and sometimes extremely
chilly.
The locality most celebrated for
its danger is at the "seven por-
tages," where the boats have to be
unloaded arid everything portaged
that number of times, although
the entire distance from the top
of the first to the bottom of the
seventh is only two and a half
miles. The work was most wear-
ing upon both men and boats :
every one looked forward to Fort
Alexander as the end of their hard
work, it being clear - sailing from
thence to Fort Garry. The finest
scenery on the river is at Silver
Falls ; there is nothing that can
compare with them in Northern
America to the eastward of Red
River. Niagara is a thing apart, as
there is nothing elsewhere that can
be likened to it. Silver Falls, as a
great rapid, also stands alone. Time
pressed, so we had to hurry past
them ; but their magnificent gran-
deur will long remain impressed
172 Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Conclusion. [Feb.
upon the memory as a glorious pic-
ture, illustrating the vast power of
running water. Owing to some
dividing rocks above, the stream
rushes down this steep incline in
two separate volumes, which appear
so to jostle one another in their
downward race, that in the centre
the water is pushed up into a high
ridge, marking their line of contact,
until both are lost in the great chaos
of foam, spray, and broken water
below.
The leading brigades reached Fort
Alexander on the morning of the
18th August, having descended
the river without accident in nine
and a half days instead of twenty,
as the Hudson Bay Company voy-
ageurs, who were ignorant what
well - led British soldiers can do,
said we should take. By the even-
ing of the 20th August all the
regular troops were concentrated
there, the brigades of militia being
echeloned along the river in rear,
at close intervals one behind the
other. There was not a sick man
amongst those collected at Fort
Alexander — all looked the picture
of health and of soldier-like bearing.
Oh for 100,000 such men ! They
would be invincible. Up to the
20th of August it had rained upon
thirteen days in that month. The
work had been incessant from day-
light until dark, but no murmur was
heard. The men chaffed one an-
other about being mules and beasts
of burden ; but when they saw their
officers carrying barrels of flour and
pork on their backs, and fairly shar-
ing their fatigues, eating the same
rations, and living just as they did,
they realised the necessity for exer-
tion. There must surely be some
inherent good in a regimental sys-
tem which can thus in a few years
convert the British lout into the
highly-trained soldier, developing
in him qualities such as cheerful
obedience, endurance, &c. &c., un-
known to the beerhouse - lounging
rustic.
A fresh batch of news from Fort
Garry was here obtained. liiel had
summoned together his followers,
who had assembled to the number
of about 600, and had endeavoured
to organise a force to resist, but had
not received the support he expect-
ed. He had also called a council,
who met in secret conclave, no Eng-
lish-speaking man being admitted.
Of course it was not known what
had passed upon that occasion; but
when the council broke up, an or-
der was sent to the Hudson Bay
Company forbidding any further
sale of gunpowder or bullets. This
was done, our correspondent alleged,
to prevent the supply of ammuni-
tion running short should they
require it. Kiel had been told that
the governor would not go into the
Settlement with Bishop Tach£, as
the rebels had hoped, and to accom-
plish which had been one of that
prelate's objects in going to Canada.
Kiel's mind was still much troubled
upon the subject of an amnesty,
which the Canadian Government
did not seem in any haste to grant.
All letters received ended in the
usual strain, " come on as quickly as
you can ; we are in momentary dread
of our lives and property." The
general tenor of the news proved
two things — first that there was
every possibility, almost amounting
to a probability, of resistance being
offered; and secondly, that should
our advance be opposed, the number
we should have to meet would be
small compared with that at Kiel's
disposal during the past winter. It
was therefore determined to push on
at once with the 60th Rifles, the
detachments of Koyal Engineers and
of Koyal Artillery with their two 7-
pounder guns.
We waited half a day in hopes
that the two leading brigades of
militia, which were known to be
1871.] Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Conclusion. 173
close behind, might come up ; but as
they did not do so in that time, we
started without them, for the wind
was fair, and when foul it is often
impossible to get round the point at
Elk Island in Lake Winnipeg for
days together.
There are numerous clearances
in the vicinity of Fort Alexander,
where some half-breed farmers have
established themselves. There is
also a very fine farm belonging to
the post in a good state of culti-
vation. The land is very rich for
about half a mile or a mile back
from the river, beyond that being a
succession of swamps impassable
during the summer, but travelled
over when frozen in winter. The
Fort is like the others already de-
scribed, but is on a larger scale, and
has a less decayed air about it. It
stands on the left bank, which is
about twenty feet above the water,
and is two miles from the mouth of
the river. There is a Protestant mis-
sion here, and much good is done by
its schools, in which English is
taught. The 21st of August being
Sunday, there was a parade for
divine service in the morning, at
which the servants of the Hudson
Bay Company, and the few half-
breed farmers in the neighbourhood,
joined us in prayers for the success
of the operation we were about to
undertake.
The afternoon was lovely, with
a bright warm sun shining down
upon us as our fleet of fifty boats
hoisted their sails, and started with
a light wind from the S.W. It
was a very pretty sight, and a sub-
ject well worthy of an artist. As
we rounded the point of Elk Island,
eighteen miles N. W. from Fort Alex-
ander, evening was falling fast; so
we halted for the night in a bay
with a -wide sandy beach between
the water and the high overhanging
bank, which was covered with tim-
ber, chiefly birch. The boats drew
up in a long line, side by side, with
their bows on the beach. Fires
were soon lighted, and a few tents
pitched here and there. As one
looked down from the high bank
upon the busy scene below, where
all was cheerful bustle, the hum of
voices, the noise of the axe chop-
ping wood, and now and then the
crashing sound of a falling tree, one
realised how quickly the solitude of
the forest is transformed into life
by the presence of man, endowed
as he is with so many wants. The
climate was that of the south of
Europe ; and as the sun set beyond
a horizon of water, one might have
imagined one's self in some Grecian
island looking out upon the Medi-
terranean, the beach covered with
the crews and boats of a corsair
fleet.
Reveille sounded next morning
ere it was light ; and after a hurried
breakfast, we once more embarked,
steering about S.W. for the mouth
of the Eed Eiver. Lake Winnipeg
is 264 miles long, by about 35 miles
in breadth, and has an area of 9000
square miles. It drains about
400,000 square miles of country.
Its average depth is not more than
from 6 to 8 feet ; and those who
have navigated it for many years
say it is filling up more and more
every year. Owing to this shallow-
ness, a little wind soon raises a very
heavy sea, the waves being so high
at times for days together that no
boats can venture on it. Many of
the detachments in rear were thua
detained at Fort Alexander and in
the neighbourhood of Elk Island.
As we approached the mouths of
Eed Eiver, the water became so
shallow at places that many of our
boats grounded ; but as the day was
calm and the bottom was muddy
they did not suffer any damage.
The scenery is extremely dreary as
one nears the river — not a tree to be
seen, and only a few bushes at places
174
Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Conclusion. [Feb.
where the land seemed to be some-
what higher than elsewhere. Great
flats of alluvial deposit stretched
out into the lake, all densely covered
with reeds and rushes, a fitting
home for the flocks of wild-duck
that quacked out a greeting to us
as we approached them.
Where the left bank terminates
there is a little firm ground, upon
which a few Indians were encamp-
ed, who fired their guns off as a
salute as we landed to cook dinners
at about 1 o'clock. A few presents
soon made us friends ; and they
consented to man a canoe to take
up a loyal half-breed whom we had
with us to the Lower or Stone Fort,
as it was considered desirable that
we should communicate secretly
with the Hudson Bay officer in
charge of that post. Dinner over,
we lost no time in pushing on ; but
the wind, unfortunately, was blow-
ing down stream, so that pulling
against the current was laborious
Avork. We advanced in three lines
of boats, the guns in the leading
boats of one line, and kept ready
for action at a moment's warning.
We had hoped to have reached the
Lower Fort by evening ; but night
coming on when we were still
about twelve miles from it, we were
forced to halt opposite the Indian
settlement.
The chief of these loyal swampy
Indians soon made his appearance,
and had a pow-wow with Colonel
Wolseley, being dismissed, after a
lengthened conversation, with pre-
sents of pork and flour. He told
us that although every one had long
been expecting us, no news of our
whereabouts had lately reached him;
so that, until he saw the fleet com-
ing round the bend in the river, he
was not aware that our leading de-
tachment had even reached Fort
Alexander.
The Hudson Bay Company's
officer from the Lower Fort having
been sent for, arrived in the middle
of the night, and corroborated this
statement. No one at Fort Garry,
he said, expected us so soon, or
knew anything of our doings fur-
ther than that some of our boats
had been seen on the Lake of the
Woods.
An early start the following morn-
ing, the 23d of August, enabled
us to reach the Lower Fort in time
for breakfast.
As we advanced towards it, the
people turned out from every house
on both banks — the men cheered, the
women waved handkerchiefs, and
the bells of the churches, which are
all Protestant below Fort Garry,
were rung to manifest the universal
joy felt at seeing us. At some
places numbers of Indians were en-
camped, who welcomed us by the
discharge of firearms. As each man
emerged from his wigwam, bang,
bang, went his double-barrelled gun.
As we neared the Stone Fort the
farms became better, and the left
bank more thickly settled — the op-
posite side of the river being covered
with poplar, aspen, and thick under-
growth. The banks became higher
and steeper as we ascended the
river, exposing to view a section
which would have delighted a geo-
logical explorer. The surface was
composed apparently of alluvial
clay and vegetable mould, four or
five feet deep, lying over clay in-
terspersed with boulders to a depth
of about ten feet; under it again
was stratified limestone of a highly
fossiliferous character, and of a light
brownish-yellow colour — it was the
first limestone we had seen during
our journey. The upper half of the
banks was nearly perpendicular ; the
lower half, being composed of debris
from the clay, boulders, and disin-
tegrated limestone, formed an easy
slope. When wet, the mud formed
from these substances is of such a
soapy and sticky nature that it is
1871.] Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Conclusion. 175
almost impossible to walk over it
without losing your shoes.
As we pulled into shore in front
of the Stone Fort, we were welcomed
by cheers from all the people, who,
from below, had proceeded there on
horseback as soon as they saw us
row past their farms. The union-
jack was hoisted by the servants of
the Company — an emblem of nation-
ality that none had dared to display
for many months. Joy was writ-
ten on every one's countenance.
The Lower or Stone Fort is
twenty -one and a half miles by
road from Fort Garry, and stands
on the left bank of the river.
It is a square enclosure, with large
circular bastions at each angle, the
walls being of substantial masonry
and loopholed throughout. There
is a good steam-mill, where the Hud-
son Bay Company grind all the
flour they require in this northern
department. The stone used in all
these buildings is quarried from the
bank on which the Fort stands, which
is there about forty feet high. We
discharged all surplus stores here,
retaining only enough provisions
for a few days, so as to lighten our
boats as much as possible. A com-
pany of the 60th Rifles was mounted
on ponies and in carts, and extended
as a line of skirmishers on the left
bank, with orders to keep well
ahead, but always in communication
by signallers with the boats. An
officer on horseback was sent to ex-
amine the right bank, so as to pro-
tect us from surprise there, although
there was little chance of any op-
position being attempted on that
side, even should Eiel intend fight-
ing. That bandit potentate, accord-
ing to the news of the day before
from Fort Garry, was still in the
Fort, awaiting the arrival of his
friend Bishop Tache", who was hourly
expected. Strict watch and guard
was still maintained by his armed
followers, whose numbers varied con-
stantly. We took every possible
precaution to prevent intelligence of
our arrival in the river from reach-
ing Fort Garry. No one was per-
mitted to pass in that direction,
although every one was allowed to
come within our line of skirmishers.
This was done so successfully, that
although we halted for the night at
only six miles from the place, Riel
did not know positively that we
were in the river. A vague report
of some boats with men in them
being on their way up towards the
Fort had reached the village of
Winnipeg ; but there had been so
many previous rumours of a similar
nature from week to week in the
two preceding months, that no one
credited it. We subsequently as-
certained that Eiel and O'Donoghue
rode out late at night in our direc-
tion ; but heavy rain coming on as
they approached our pickets, and
being in dread of capture, they re-
turned without any certain informa-
tion regarding us.
Our advance up the river had
much of a triumphal procession
about it. Every church-bell rang out
its peal of welcome ; ladies in their
best toilettes, squaws with papooses
on their backs, the painted warrior
of the plain — all testified joy after
their own fashion. There are some
small rapids a few miles above the
Stone Fort caused by a ledge of
limestone cropping up and forming
a natural dam to the waters above.
The detention caused by having to
pole and track up so many boats at
one time enabled the inhabitants to
get a good view of us ; so they as-
sembled in numbers to do so.
The wind being against us, we
had to halt for the night at a point
six miles by road from Fort Garry.
Our bivouac was carefully watched
by a cordon of sentries on both
banks of the river, and trustworthy
men were sent forward into the vil-
lage near the Fort to gain informa-
17G
Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Conclusion. [Feb.
tion, and meet us in the early morn-
ing, as it was intended to march
upon the Fort at daybreak. The
" shave " that night was, that we
should have a fight ; and it was
well that we had something to cheer
us, for a more dreary attempt at re-
pose it is impossible to imagine.
It began to pour with rain soon
after nightfall, and continued with-
out cessation until morning. To
march upon Fort Garry was out of
the question, or at least it would
have been folly to have attempted
it, when we had the means of going
there by water, as the face of the
country was changed into a sea of
mud. Roads there are none on
these prairies in the ordinary accep-
tation of the term. Places between
which there is any traffic are joined
by cart-tracks, for which a width of
about eighty yards is allowed when
they pass through a farm ; so that
when one spot becomes cut up, the
traveller can have a wide margin to
select his way from upon each side
of the old path.
This necessary change of plan
was annoying, as we had looked
forward to advancing upon the Fort
in all the pride, pomp, and circum-
stance of war.
As we bent over our fires at day-
break, trying to get some warmth
for our bodies, and sufficient heat
to boil the kettles, a more miserable-
looking lot of objects it would be
impossible to imagine. Every one
was wet through ; we were cold and
hungry ; our very enemies would
have pitied our plight. A hurried
breakfast of tea and biscuit was
soon over, and we were again in the
boats by 6 A.M., rowing in three
columns towards Fort Garry, as
upon the preceding day. It poured
heavily, and the country was at
places a sheet of water, through
which our skirmishers on the banks
had to wade as best they could.
As we approached the Protestant
cathedral, the union -jack was run
up to the steeple, and its bells rang
out a musical welcome to the ex-
peditionary force. The left bank was
neatly cultivated and well settled,
the population being entirely of
English and Scotch descent. The
other bank was a tangled mass of
poor timber, and an underbrush
consisting of hazel and rose bushes,
intertwined with Virginia creeper.
The moderately-rapid current in the
river has, in the course of ages, cut
out for itself a canal-like channel,
which averaged from 150 to 300
yards in width. The floods in
spring, when the ice breaks up, have
in the last twenty years doubled in
some places the distance between
the banks, which are of most tena-
cious clay, steep throughout, and
generally about thirty feet high.
We landed at a place called Point
Douglas on the left bank, where the
river makes a great bend to the east-
ward ; so that, although it is only
about two miles by road to the Fort,
it is about six there by river. Our
skirmishers had collected a few carts
and horses, sufficient for the con-
veyance of some tools, ammunition,
&c. &c. The guns were fastened
by their trails to the rear of carts,
and dragged along in that manner.
Messengers who had been sent on
the previous evening to the village
of Winnipeg joined us here with
information that Kiel and his gang
were still in the Fort, and that the
current rumour was that he intended
to fight. He had distributed addi-
tional ammunition amongst his men,
and the gates were closed and the
guns loaded.
The men were quickly ashore,
and advanced towards the Fort
under cover of a line of skirmishers.
It was heavy work marching through
the deep mud with a driving rain
beating in our faces, making it very
difficult to see more than a few hun-
dred yards before us. Notwith-
1871. J Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Conclusion. 177
standing all these drawbacks, the
men's pace was most elastic, and
they were in the highest spirits at
the prospect of a fight, which all
the inhabitants we encountered
now assured us we were certain of
having. The village of Winnipeg
is a small collection of houses,
chiefly of wood, situated about 800
yards north of the Fort, with which
a straight road connects it. The
Fort is in the right angle formed by
the junction of the Assinaboine with
the Red River, being north of the
former, and west of the latter stream.
It was known that there was a boat-
bridge over the Assinaboine, imme-
diately opposite the southern gate of
the Fort It was therefore desirable
to draw our line of attack round it,
so as to command the two rivers,
and so getting the enemy into the
corner formed by them, prevent his
escape.
Instead, therefore, of passing
directly through the village, we
swept round to the west, leaving it
on our left; and when clear of it,
swung round our right with the in-
tention of taking up a position com-
manding the bridge. The people in
the village assured us that Riel was
in the Fort, and intended to resist.
Several were asked to go forward in
advance of our skirmishers, to ascer-
tain if the southern gate was closed
and the walls manned ; but all
feared to do so. As we passed the
village we could see the guns in the
embrasures bearing in our direction.
Some people in buggies were de-
scried going off from the Fort west-
erly, but were brought to a halt
by our skirmishers. They proved
to be some of Riel's counsellors ;
but nothing could be learned from
them. The atmosphere was so
thick that it was difficult to make
out, even with our glasses, whether
men were or were not standing to
the guns which we saw. We ex-
pected every moment to see a puff
of smoke from an embrasure, to be
followed by the whizz of a round-
shot past our heads. Every mo-
ment increased the excitement : the
skirmishers quickened their pace as
they neared the place, as if in dread
lest others should enter it before
them. Everything remaining silent,
some staff officers were sent gallop-
ing round to see if the southern
gate was open, and what was going
on in rear of the Fort. They soon
returned, bringing word that it was
evacuated, and the gates left open.
This was at first a sad disap-
pointment to the soldiers, who, hav-
ing gone through so much toil in
order to put down the rebellion,
longed to be avenged upon its au-
thors. Our victory, although blood-
less, was complete. We dragged out
some of the rebel guns, and fired a
royal salute as the union-jack was
run up the flagstaff, from which
had floated, for so many months, the
rebel banner that had been worked
for Riel by the nuns in the convent
attached to Bishop Tache^s cathe-
dral. The scene inside the Fort was
most depressing : the square in front
of the principal house was under
water, and there was mud and filth
everywhere. Riel and some of his
friends had remained in the Fort up
to the last possible moment, and
had only left when they saw our
skirmishers. Their breakfast was
still on the table ; and their clothes
and arms lay scattered about through
the numerous houses they had occu-
pied, in a manner denoting the sud-
denness of their departure.
Every one was drenched with
rain ; and as the ground round the
Fort was deep with mud, the men
were temporarily lodged in the store-
houses and buildings within it.
Fort Garry is a rectangular paral-
lelogram, surrounded by high walls
of masonry, except on the northern
side, where they are formed of large
square logs placed horizontally, one
178 Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Conclusion. [Feb.*
over the other. At each of the
southern angles, and half-way down
the eastern and western faces, there
is a circular tower affording flanking
defence to the place. The Assina-
boine River flows at about a hundred
yards from its southern side. Like the
Red Eiver, its banks are steep, and of
very sticky clay, the Fort being about
forty feet above the water's level.
Looking east over the Red River,
one sees the Roman Catholic cathe-
dral, with its monastery, convent,
and bishop's palace, all well-built
and neatly-kept buildings. Close
to them are some miserably squalid
cabins belonging to French half-
breeds, whose houses generally are
vastly inferior in every respect to
those of British origin. The eastern
horizon is formed of trees, chiefly
poplar and aspen ; for although the
regular wooded country is not reach-
ed for about thirty miles west of Red
River, still there are numerous belts
of wood intersecting the prairie in
that direction. Looking up that
river towards the south, the eye
wanders over a series of wretchedly-
tilled farms, with their houses and
barns situated upon both banks, and
interspersed here and there with
patches of poplar, dwarf oak, wil-
low, and underbrush. The banks
of the Assinaboine are skirted by
woods of a similar description, having
occasional clearances for the squalid
houses of the French half-breeds,
who occupy the adjoining farms.
Looking north, the whitewashed
buildings constituting the village of
Winnipeg, and the farmhouses of
well-to-do English-speaking people,
give an air of prosperity to the land-
scape : in the distance is the square
tower of the badly -built English
cathedral, all out of the perpendi-
cular, and foreboding a fall at no
very distant time.
The one point of view having
peculiar interest to the stranger is
gained by turning west or south-
westward. Ear as the eye can see,
there is stretched out before you an
ocean of grass, whose vast immen-
sity grows upon you more and more
the longer you gaze upon it. Gallop
out alone in the evening for a few
miles from the Fort towards the
S.W., and the most unimpression-
able of mortals will experience a
novel sensation. A feeling of in-
describably buoyant freedom seems
to tingle through every nerve, mak-
ing the old feel young again. Old
age and decrepitude belong to civil-
isation and the abodes of men. We
can even associate it in our mind
with mountains, whose rocks them-
selves appear as monuments of pre-
ceding centuries ; and the withered
and fallen trees in ancient forests
seem akin to it : but upon the bound-
less prairies, with no traces of man
in sight, nature looks so fresh and
smiling that youth alone is in con-
sonance with it.
Notwithstanding the badness of
the weather on the day that we took
possession of Fort Garry, numbers
of the loyal inhabitants came in to
see their deliverers. All were most
anxious that immediate vengeance
should be taken upon the rebel
leaders, and many volunteered to
capture Riel and others of his gang,
who were stated to be still within
easy reach. The officer command-
ing the troops had had no civil au-
thority conferred upon him by the
Canadian Government, so it was not
in his power to issue warrants for
their arrest. The Ottawa Ministry
had intended that the civil Lieuten-
ant-Governor whom they had ap-
pointed for the province of Manito-
bah should have arrived at Fort
Garry either with or -immediately
after us. We reached that place on
the morning of the 24th August, but
he did not get there until the even-
ing of the 2d September, no arrange-
ment having been made by the
Canadian Ministry for the govern-
1871.] Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Conclusion.
merit of the province during that
interregnum. Colonel Wolseley
found himself in a difficult position.
The most influential people, longing
for some form of government that
would be strong enough to afford
the community protection, begged
him to assume the position of pro-
visional Lieutenant-Governor. To
have done so would have been
illegal; for the Hudson Bay Com-
pany, represented by its officers,
were de jure the rulers of the coun-
try, until an official communication
had been received announcing its
transfer to the Dominion of Canada.
As the rebels had bolted without
firing a shot, to have proclaimed
martial law would have been un-
warrantable. He therefore insisted
upon the senior officer of the Com-
pany then present being recognised
as governor of the province, as if
there had never been any rebellion
whatever, and as if the rule of the
Company had continued without
any break, until the newly-appointed
Lieutenant-Governor arrived.
Few, except those who have had
revolutionary experience, can form
a just idea of the condition of affairs
on the Red River for some days
after our arrival. There were no
police to maintain order ; all those
who had during the past winter suf-
fered in body or in property from
Riel's tyranny, considered they were
justified in avenging themselves up-
on those who had had any connec-
tion with rebel affairs. The reaction
from the state of fear and trembling
in which all had lived for the pre-
ceding ten months was too great for
many, and there was some little
trouble in keeping them in proper
restraint. The rebel leaders had
disappeared, but many of their ad-
herents had merely gone home, hop-
ing to be forgotten through the in-
significance of their position. Those
who had remained loyal were loud
in expressing their discontent at
VOL. CIX. — NO. DCLXIV.
these rebels being allowed to live at
large.
Every precaution was taken by
the military to prevent any serious
disturbance. Armed parties patrol-
led about the Fort and through the
village each night until everything
was quiet, and a few special con-
stables were sworn in as policemen
to assist in preserving order in the
town. Unfortunately, whisky was
to be had in every shop in the
village ; and the Indians who had
served with us as voyageurs added
to the excitement by their noisy
drunkenness. The Lieutenant-Gov-
ernor was hourly expected ; but
as day after day passed without
his being heard of, a good deal of
nice management was required to
keep things quiet, and prevent any
collision between the loyalists and
those who had recently been in
arms against her Majesty. If mili-
tary rule had been resorted to, quiet
and peace could have been easily
maintained; but it was considered
essential for political reasons to keep
the military element in the back-
ground as much as possible, and to
make it appear that law and order
were maintained there in the same
manner as in the other Canadian
provinces. The difficulty of doing
so may be partially appreciated
when it is remembered that all the
former machinery of government
had disappeared, and even the few
magistrates who remained were
afraid or disinclined to act. There
was no law officer of any descrip-
tion ; so that in reality order was
kept by the moral effect produced
by the presence of the troops, and
by the consciousness that they would
be used at any moment if necessary
for the suppression of disturbance.
There were occasionally rumours of
armed bodies of rebels collecting on
the frontier, or in the plains to the
west ; but as soon as the people
generally perceived that no arrests
N
180
Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Conclusion. [Feb.
were being made by the military,
and that even the few leading rebels
who had been captured by our
skirmishers in their advance upon
the Fort had been released without
any trial whatever, public confidence
revived. Even the poor ignorant
French half-breeds, who had been
misled by their priests for political
objects, accepted the position, and
settled down to their ordinary occu-
pations. In such sparsely - popu-
lated countries, revolutionary move-
ments hold within themselves the
germ of dissolution. It is difficult
to collect the men together for
action; and if collected, it is diffi-
cult to obtain food, or funds to buy
it for them. Riel got over this
difficulty by seizing upon the Hud-
son Bay Company stores of pro-
visions as a preliminary step in his
rebellion. He was thus able to
feed, clothe, and pay his soldiers
at the Company's expense. If at
the outset of his revolutionary
career Fort Garry had been set on
fire, and all its stores of food,
money, clothing, ammunition, &c.
&c., thus burnt, the rebellion would
have been smothered and buried in
the smoke and ashes.
Kiel in his fall experienced the
fickleness of Dame Fortune. On the
23d August he was the despotic
potentate issuing orders like a dic-
tator, there being none to gainsay
him. Early in the forenoon on the
following morning he might have
been seen accompanied only by one
follower, both on stolen horses, gal-
loping through the rain and mud,
their backs towards the scene of
their villany. Let us hope that as
he passed in his flight the spot
where the poor Canadian volunteer
had been murdered by his orders, he
repented him of his crime. These
two worthies, the master and the
man, having crossed to the right
bank of the Red River, fled south,
thinking they were safer from pur-
suit on that side of it than if they
followed the regular road to Pem-
bina, which runs on the western or
left bank of that stream. Night
having set in, they bivouacked on
the plain, and upon waking the
following morning discovered that
their horses had disappeared. They
were without food, but their pockets
were well lined with stolen money.
Having lost their horses, and that
side of the river being little in-
habited, it was necessary for them
to cross to the other bank. There
was no boat, so they set to work
pulling down a fence to make a raft.
They could not find enough rope 01
cord to fasten it together, so Riel'f
follower — his late " Secretary oi
State" — took off his trousers and
used them for that purpose. Upon
landing on the other side they were
assailed by the farmer, who had seer
them pulling down his fence, and
were forced to disgorge some o!
their plunder as compensation foi
the damage. Two days afterward;
they reached Pembina — Riel wit!
bare feet, swollen and sore from th<
journey. He found that he was noi
at all well received by the Ameri
cans there, who had taken umbrage
at his having imprisoned their con
sul ; so he went to St Josephs, a vil
lage about fifty miles to the west
and within a few miles of our fron
tier. He had previously sent i
large proportion of his plunder t<
that place; and, according to th<
latest received accounts, he is stil
there, living comfortably in the en
joyment of his stolen property.
The first detachment of the reg
ular troops started from Fort Garrj
on their return -journey to Canadf
on the 29th of August, and all o
them had left on the 3d of Septem
her. The two militia regiments hac
been quartered, one in the Lower o:
Stone Fort, the other in Fort Garry
The regulars had all crossed th<
height of land near Lake Superio:
1871.] Narrative of the Red River Expedition. — Conclusion. 181
on their return -journey before the
1st of October, and were in their
barracks at Quebec and Montreal
before the autumn had closed in.
So ended the Red River Expe-
dition— an undertaking that will
long stand out in our military
chronicles as possessing character-
istics peculiarly its own. The force
which landed at Massowah in 1867
had to march about 400 miles
inland, through an inhabited coun-
try where supplies were obtain-
able, to relieve some British pri-
soners held captive by a sove-
reign, half tyrant, half madman.
Europe was in profound peace at
the time, so all eyes were turned
upon its doings. Although there can
scarcely be said to have been any
fighting, as we had not even a man
killed, still our Ministry was glad to
have an opportunity of attracting
so much general attention to a
military operation entirely English;
and many think that for the mil-
lions spent upon it, we, as a nation,
received an equivalent in proving
before the world that we were still
capable of military enterprise. The
force sent to the Red River for the
parpose of crushing out rebellion
$hgre, had to advance from its point
of disembarkation more than 600
miles through a wilderness of water,
rocks, and forests, where no supplies
were to be had, and where every
pound -weight of provisions and
stores had to be transported for
miles on the backs of the soldiers.
Happily its object was accomplished,
as in the expedition to Abyssinia,
without any loss of life. A great
war was raging in Europe whilst
this Expedition was forcing its way
over and through the immense
natural obstacles that lay in its
path. All thoughts were of affairs
upon the Rhine ; no one could spare
a moment's reflection for the doings
of this little British army. No
home newspapers cared to record its
success, nor to sound one single note
of praise in its honour. By the
careful administration of General
Lindsay, and the officers he had
selected to carry out his orders, the
total expense of the whole Expe-
dition was under £100,000, one
quarter of which only is to be paid
by England. There was no reckless
waste either in material or in money.
Such a careful economy was exer-
cised in its organisation, and in ad-
ministering to its subsequent wants,
that it may be safely asserted that
no such distance has ever been tra-
versed by an efficient brigade num-
bering about 1400 souls, in any of
our numerous little wars, at such a
trifling cost.
The English flag had been pulled ]
down, and the standard of rebellion 7 $ S
had been raised at Fort Garry. A . ,
man loyal to his Queen had been "''
murdered, loyalty having been his
crime. Men were imprisoned and
robbed without even the mockery of
a trial. The perpetrators of these
crimes believed that the wilderness
which separated them from civilisa-
tion would secure them from pun-
ishment; but the manner in which
our Expedition performed its allotted
task, proved that no distance or in-
tervening obstacles can afford protec-
tion to those who outrage our laws.
The province of Manitobah, re-
lieved from the oppression which
Riel had established, has a great
future before it. Notwithstanding
the severity of its long winter,
nature has been so bountiful to it in
the fertility of its soil, that it only
wants a population and railway con-
nection with the sea-coast, to make
it at no distant period the granary
for our empire.
Lord Lyttelton's Letter to the Vice- Chancellor
[Feb.
LOED LYTTELTON'S LETTER TO THE VICE-CHANCELLOR OF OXFORD
ON THE STUDY' OF GREEK.
LORD LYTTELTON, in the month
of June last, addressed a public
letter to the Vice-Chancellor of the
University of Oxford, which raises
a most important question in the
superior education of England. In
his capacity of head of the Commis-
sion for the reconstruction of En-
dowed Schools, he invites the Uni-
versity to modify its educational
system so far as to dispense with the
study of Greek for some of its stu-
dents. He proposes that a new
class of students shall be formed at
the University, who shall be per-
mitted to acquire the academical
degree and honours without any
knowledge of Greek.
This is a very large and serious
proposition. It may affect, at least
for a time, only a very small num-
ber of students ; but its bearing on
the superior education of the nation
is manifestly very heavy. It is
admitted that it will produce a large
effect on many schools in the coun-
try, both actually existing and to
be erected. Its action, indeed, on
these schools, is urged as the chief
ground for the adoption of this
measure. It becomes, therefore,
extremely important to ascertain
carefully the character of this pro-
posal, and the nature of the reasons
on which it is founded. Lord Lyt-
telton does not discuss the omission
of Greek on its merits ; he urges no
reason for the change he proposes,
which rests on an examination of
the part which the study of Greek
performs in education. He pleads
arguments which are not his own.
He takes his stand on a demand
for a scientific education, and which
comes before the Commission of
which he is chief. As a Com-
missioner he is called upon "to
establish schools which, by way of
distinction, may be called modern
— that is, schools in which Greek
shall be excluded in order to pro-
vide adequate test and encourage-
ment for the study of Modern Lan-
guages and Natural Science ; " and
when the Commissioners propose to
establish such schools, they are met
by the objection that the Univer-
sities will be closed to the pupils,
however competent, unless they shall
spend money and time in acquiring
the quantum of Greek which is ex-
acted from all who go there. The
University of Oxford, therefore, is
asked to modify its system, and to
omit Greek from its requirements
in the case of scientific students, not
because Greek is an undesirable
element of education even for these
students, but because a certain num-
ber of parents demand a scientific
education for their sons without
Greek.
ISTow, on the very face of it, the
fact that some parents do not wish
their sons to learn Greek, is an ex-
ceedingly poor reason for calling on
the universities to abandon what
has been hitherto an integral portion
of their education. Surely it would
have been only natural and becom-
ing in the Commissioners, when ask-
ing those responsible for guiding
England's best education to modify
their course, to discuss the merits
of the change proposed. Lord
Lyttelton, it is true, declares that
" the demand made by so many
parents is supported by strong
proof of its reasonableness ; " but
when he requires Oxford to " con-
cede this demand ungrudgingly,"
he does not tell Oxford what that
proof is. The Commissioners, there-
fore, appear in their official address
1871.]
of Oxford on the Study of Greek.
183
as the mere mouthpiece of the ideas
of other people — a position not very
dignified either for Oxford or for
the Commissioners themselves.
However, the Commissioners have
addressed the University of Oxford,
and have thus raised a question
which, though unopened by them,
deserves the clearest and fullest
discussion. It is true that many
parents seek the advantage for their
sons of the education offered them
at the universities and public
schools, but desire to erase Greek
from the curriculum. They wish to
substitute natural science, modern
languages, and other elements of
knowledge, for this ancient classical
language. It cannot be denied that
this desire is felt not only by those
whose conception of education is
the acquisition of knowledge which
may be useful for the occupations
of after-life, but is also shared by
minds of high order, who conceive
that science, as the ground of gen-
eral training and refined culture,
possesses a decided superiority over
classical education. The nation,
therefore, situated as it now is, has
the right to ask of the Universities
and the higher schools, what is the
worth of the classical education
which they impose on the best
youth of the people? and it is a
question which every scholar ought
to be prepared to answer.
What is the use, then, of making
a boy spend so many years on the
study of Greek and Latin? How
is Lord Lyttelton's parent to be an-
swered, who complains of the hard-
ship of being obliged to forego a
public school and University for his
son, or else being compelled to mis-
direct so much time and so much
energy to so unprofitable a purpose 1
Those whose hearts are set on
worldly success for their sons, and
men of science in league with them,
exclaim that the classics — above all,
the Greek — fit the scholar for no
definite profession, and impart no
useful learning : and they will in-
sist on their more excellent way.
They claim equal, if not more than
equal, efficiency in developing cul-
ture for the scientific studies, whilst
they intrench themselves in the
varied knowledge which their stu-
dents will find available for car-
rying on their subsequent career.
Thus the burden of proof falls on
the system which requires annually
thousands of English boys to devote
their own time and the money of
their parents to the study of dead
languages ; and the load is heav-
ily aggravated by the conscious-
ness that very few only of these
youths will ever acquire anything
but the most meagre acquaintance
with those ancient tongues.
This is the cause which classical
scholars are summoned to defend.
Can it be sustained against the
attacks of adversaries so intellectual
and so vehement 1 We hold that it
.can — that the nation judges rightly
in adhering to classical education —
that for general excellence no other
training can compete with the classi-
cal. But the nature of the problem
must be clearly understood. We
do not deny the necessity or the im-
portance of some distinctly useful
attainments in the education of the
young. We do not dispute the ex-
pediency of teaching a certain amount
of arithmetic, modern languages,
geography, and physical science to
the young. Let the shortcomings of
schools in this respect by all means
be remedied. We make no objection
to an inquiry being made, however
rigid, into the inefficiency of Eton
and Harrow, and their comrades, in
these important matters. Our quar-
rel with the advocates of science and
utility begins later. It bursts out
when the claim is advanced that
these special attainments are more
excellent in themselves than the
general culture; or, as Professor
184
Lord -Lytteltoris Letter to the Vice-Chancellor
[Feb.
Huxley and others maintain, that
they contain that very general cul-
ture itself which is held to be su-
preme, and that in a purer and
more educating form than the
study of the classical languages.
We say in reply, that the quality of
education is not to be measured
by the amount of accurate informa-
tion which it supplies. On such
a principle, the possession of pro-
fessional and technical knowledge
would be entitled to claim suprem-
acy in education. A sailor knows
how to navigate a ship, and a ship-
wright how to build one ; a Bir-
mingham artisan is deeply versed in
the nature of metals and the skill to
work them; a watchmaker displays
a vast amount of delicate and refined
skill in the construction of a chro-
nometer ; a Lincolnshire farmer
brings great thought and judgment
to bear upon the cultivation of the
wolds. How many men, whom the
world agrees to call educated, pos-
sess knowledge of equal accuracy
and extent with that wielded by
these professionals ? If accurate
knowledge is education, must not
mechanics and artisans be ranked
amongst the most highly educated
minds of a nation1? And is not
this a reductio ad absurdum ?
We shall be told that it is not
the knowledge actually acquired
which is the true test of education,
but the power of thinking de-
veloped in the attainment of the
knowledge, the familiarity with
theory and its processes, and the
ability acquired to employ with
skill and success the various facul-
ties of the mind. We accept the
standard, we consent to try the issue
by this principle. The educated
man, then, is not the man who
knows most things accurately, but
•he who has attained the best com-
mand of his instrument — who has
trained his mind to perform its
work well, whatever that work may
be ; who has faculties capable of
meeting the demands of the high-
est and widest culture. It will be
no longer the man who can enume-
rate all the shells in existence, nor
recount all the salts ; no, nor even
those who can explain the theories
of the salts and colours. The
quality of the knowledge must be
taken into account, and its range
over the multiple elements of man's
nature ; its power not solely or
chiefly over the material constituents
of human existence, but over the
spiritual and intellectual properties
of the human soul. Here it is that
we affirm that the importance of the
general education far surpasses the
special, and that for aiding the
ends of this higher education no
instruments are comparable to the
Greek and Latin languages and their
literatures.
I. Solid reasons may be assigned
for this judgment. In the first
place, they are languages ; they are
not particular sciences, nor definite
branches of knowledge, but litera-
tures. Great claims to superiority
have been advanced for them on the
ground that they cultivate the taste,
and bestow great powers of expres-
sion. These claims cannot be con-
tested. The Greek and Latin writers
were great masters of language, and
on that very account have served as
models of expression and taste for
more than twenty centuries. No
modern writers pretend to excel in
finish, and in delicacy and power
of expression, their predecessors in
Greek and Latin. So far, then,
the merit proclaimed for Greek and
Latin can be sustained ; but, on the
other hand, we feel that at times
undue stress has been laid upon it.
The peculiar value of a classical edu-
cation is not the study of language,
great as that is. Success in the
powerful and refined use of words is
realised by few students, either at
school or college. Compared with
1871.]
of Oxford on the Study of Greek.
185
the many years and the large ex-
pense involved in classical training,
the happy use of language, even
•were it attained by the majority of
its disciples, is no adequate justifi-
cation. Most of all is the mischiev-
ousness of this misconception felt
when composition is held up as the
great aim to be achieved. Skill in
classical composition is unquestion-
ably a very distinguished accom-
plishment. It necessarily implies
very high culture, and the posses-
sion of many attainments besides
the power of expression. But it
is a gift bestowed only on the
few; and to make of it the staple
of general education is as senseless
as it would be to require English
education to consist in writing
verses. The time and effort de-
voted to composition, prose or
verse — though, of course, the latter
in the greatest degree — is a flagrant
waste of time, and always a radical
misconception of the value of clas-
sical education. There is many a
man who can read and understand
French or German perfectly, and
yet would be unable to write ten
lines in either of these languages with-
out falling into grammatical error.
Would the world acknowledge that
he was unacquainted with French
or German — that his knowledge
of the language, because unaccom-
panied by the power of writing it
correctly, was a failure? Is it no-
thing, or rather, is it not almost
everything, to be able to master the
writings of the great French or Ger-
man authors with ease and accuracy1?
Let honours and prizes be awarded
to fine composition in Greek or
Latin — it is a standard to be held
up, an attainment meriting distinc-
tion ; but to make it a necessary or
even a chief part of classical educa-
tion, is to imperil the continuance
of that mode of training. Classical
education, so conceived, cannot be
defended against the assaults of
enemies who can point to so many
other means of cultivating the mind
— it cannot hold its ground in our
day — if placed on such a basis. Nor
is the study of classical composition
necessary for acquiring the faculty
of speaking and writing well in
English. On the other hand, Ger-
man professors may write Greek and
Latin well — their prose, in their own
tongue, is about the worst in Europe.
France gave up the study of Greek
for nearly a century : what writings,
for style and finish, shall we com-
pare with the prose of a Cousin or
a Saint-Beuve 1 The educational
value of Greek and Latin is some-
thing immeasurably broader and
better than this single accomplish-
ment of refined taste and cultivated
expression. The problem to be
solved is to open out the undevel-
oped nature of a human being ; to
bring out his faculties, and to im-
part skill in the use of them ; to set
the seeds of many powers growing ;
to give the boy, according to his cir-
cumstances, the largest practicable
acquaintance with life — with what
it is composed of, morally, intellectu-
ally, and materially. For the accom-
plishment of this great work, what
instrument can be compared with a
great literature? With how many
elements of thought does a boy
come in contact when he reads
Herodotus and Homer, Thucydides
and Aristotle ! How many ideas
has he acquired ! how many regions
of human life, how many portions
of his own mind, has he gained
insight into ! How familiar has
he become with countless elements
of human existence, whether indi-
vidual or social ! Let the youthful
spirit be penetrated with Homer,
and think how vast an intimacy
he will have acquired with the
feelings, the passions, the play of.
the human mind in all ages and
under all circumstances, with all
that most emphatically constitutes
186
Lord LyHeltorfs Letter to the Vice-Cliancellor
[Feb.
a human being. Will any one
assert that to know about the dis-
tance of the sun from the earth, to
be able to calculate the velocity
of light, to have learnt that heat
is motion, is better for man, is
more truly his happiness, than to
have grasped and to sympathise
with the deeds and the emotions
described by Homer? Or think
again of Thucydides and Demos-
thenes, and what the student who
has dived into the depth of their
minds will have gained — what light
•will have been shed on the laws
which regulate human society in all
times, on the essential elements of
political association, on the relations
of man to man, on the impulses of
human nature itself. Every glow-
ing word will awaken a correspond-
ing emotion ; every deed recorded,
every motive unfolded, every policy
explained, will be pregnant with
instruction ; and that instruction
will be valuable, not so much for
the definite application which may
be made of it to particular cases,
but infinitely more for the acquaint-
ance with human nature which it
has generated, the readiness for
action it has produced in a world
now become familiar, and the skill
and tact it has created in the use
of all the faculties of the mind. A
man may be able to describe all the
animals in the sea, or to reckon up
all the kings that ever reigned in
Europe, and yet be very imperfectly
educated. But the unfledged boy,
who starts with a mind empty,
blank, and unperceiving, if only he
has been in contact with a com-
petent teacher, is transformed by
passing through Greek and Latin :
a thousand ideas, a thousand per-
ceptions, are awakened in him —
that is, a thousand fitnesses for life,
for its labours and its duties.
But is he able to reason, asks the
mathematician1? Can he correctly
deduce conclusions from premises ?
Is he not a slave to authority, a pas-
sive recipient of matters dropped
into his ears, but not reasoned out
by his understanding? inquires Pro-
fessor Huxley. Can he follow a
chain of sequences, and convert his
knowledge into living truth 1 The
answer is easy and decisive : He
can do all these things, if he be
properly handled by a competent
teacher. Everything turns on that ;
for it is possible to learn languages
by rote, and to get small good out
of the operation. The teacher must
challenge the scholar as he pro-
ceeds, if the benefit of classical edu-
cation is to be won. When Pro-
fessor Huxley speaks of the routine
learners of classical grammar, we
must remind him in turn of the
prodigious amount of arithmetic and
algebra and the calculi which may be
piled up in the brain with small ex-
ercise to its reasoning faculties. Geo-
metry is a very thinking process ;
but many a formidable problem has
been solved by the calculus with
little more reasoning than is invol-
ved in the calculating machine of
Mr Babbage. Then, is it not very
possible to acquire a large famili-
arity with chemistry with very
little continuous thought1? To
us it is as clear as that the sun
shines in the heavens, that the
study of the literature of Greece
and Eome, most of all of Greece,
furnishes the means for developing
and exercising thought in a young
student, with which no field of
science can compete. If a young
man is to be taught how to think,
how to reason closely and accur-
ately, how to penetrate the workings
of the understanding, how to perceive
the multitudinous relations and logi-
cal combinations of the intellectual
faculties, give us, we say, Thucy-
dides, Aristotle, or the Epistles of
St Paul, and we will enter the lists
against any other form of mental
discipline. Only he must have a
capable teacher.
This essential condition of sue-
1871.]
of Oxford on the Study of Greek.
187
1
cessful education exposes us to the
question, Is all this fine theory re-
alised in practice ? Are the boys
•which issue forth from the famous
schools of England and her univer-
sities models of cultivated intellect ?
Is it not the plain truth that
the general feeling of parents com-
plains that their sons spend long
years and much money in ponder-
ing over Greek and Latin books,
and enter into life with little
knowledge, with slender culti-
vation, and small aptitude for
the efficient discharge of any
single profession? The accusation
cannot be denied. English youths
are not educated as they ought to
be, but not because the instrument
employed is inefficient, but because
the teaching is defective. The
boys of the greatest talent, and
the honour- men at college, have
an education which marches on a
level with that given in any coun-
try or any school of science. But
the state in which the mass of boys
at school and pass -men at college
are turned out is a disgrace to the
nation. Classical education, unless
worked by a man who has the gift
of teaching — who knows how to in-
terest and develop the scholar —
how to force him to think at every
stage, — who can throw himself in-
to his mind, and, still more, set the
pupil to look into and understand
the mind of the master, — is a very
sorry affair. We freely but sorrow-
fully concede this lamentable fact to
Professor Huxley. But then we
draw the opposite conclusion from
the common premise. We condemn
the classical teaching, and to no
small extent the schools of England,
but we acquit the instrument em-
ployed. Reform the schools and the
teachers, we say, and then you will
find that no other method will yield
you such good results as the classical.
In the schools and the universities
let the right workman be employed,
and let the arrangements of the
school allow him to have free play,
and the complaint that boys fresh
from school or college know little,
and that little badly — and have minds
untrained to reason, with no power
of setting to work in the right way
in any profession they may take up
— will speedily diminish.
But we must here guard against
a misunderstanding very easy to
occur. Professor Huxley lays vast
stress on the accuracy of scientific
training — the store of exact know-
ledge accumulated. But this is to
ignore the question at issue. We
have already pointed out that pro-
fessional men of almost every class
— farmers, artisans, and manu-
facturers— possess, as a whole,
exact and accurate information far
exceeding that of which the men
called educated, of any kind, can
boast. Nor is exactness the quality
of knowledge to be chiefly aimed at
in education, and that for a very
decisive reason. Mathematics ex-
hibit exact science, because they are
composed of strictly logical deduc-
tions from definite premises. They
are expansions of what is con-
tained in these premises. But
those elements of man's nature
which constitute by far the largest
portion of his multiple existence,
furnish no premises of this quality.
The truth which they furnish is con-
tingent and probable, but not abso-
lute truth. The motives which
govern men's actions never act singly;
the combinations of them from which
conduct proceeds assume the most
diverging forms. One cannot say of
a single motive — give it existence
and the resulting action will fol-
low ; for it is ever controlled by
other motives, and the final result-
ant is hard to foretell. We know,
singly, the conduct which selfish-
ness, anger, love, hatred, jealousy,
are calculated to produce; will any
one pretend that these emotions
always generate their precise effects
— that men will never injure their
188
Lord Lyttelloris Letter to the Vice-CJiancellor
[Feb.
pecuniary advantage in order to
gratify resentment, jealousy, or pas-
sion? Are accurate premises pos-
sible here, whereby human conduct
may be predicted with the same ac-
curacy as the effects of carbonic acid
upon lime 1 Are exact premises
obtainable in the construction of
government, so that one may make
a constitution in the same way as a
watchmaker, learned in metals, con-
structs a balanced pendulum ? Are
the affections, tastes, social feelings,
products of exact and scientific
workmanship? Does every son
love his father, though his father
may be the most excellent of man-
kind ? Were exact premises within
the reach of Germany when France
assailed her with war? And yet,
will it be asserted that there is no
knowledge to be had from contingent
matter, no information worth acquir-
ing in such an undulating region, no
general acquaintance with man's be-
ing attainable, because we are un-
able to declare that the existence of a
motive is a warrant for the genera-
tion of its effect 1 Nay, is not this
probable, inexact, contingent know-
ledge, the knowledge which above
all others it concerns every man and
woman to acquire ? We have heard
an eminent barrister, who was also
a great mathematician, declare that
one of the most embarrassing diffi-
culties he had to encounter in the
exercise of his profession, and one
of the very hardest to overcome, was
the inveterate habit which his
mathematical education had created,
of assuming the perfect accuracy of
his premises, and the consequent
absolute trustworthiness of the de-
ductions which logic derived from
them. He found himself incessantly
landed in untruth and obscurity ;
and the cause of his error was the
inaccuracy of the premises which
common life supplied him with in
his briefs. Thus the very strictness
of the scientific training which he
had received was the most grievous
obstacle to his efficiency as an
adviser and an advocate. What
reply can Professor Huxley make
to such a fact, if he persists in
dwelling on the superiority of
scientific training? Will he say
that our mathematician ought to
have had recourse to the inductive
process, and thereby ascertain how
far his premises might be trusted ?
But that is the very process, the
very inductive method, which clas-
sical education sets to work — only,
unfortunately, at the end it can ar-
rive at probabilities only. Profes-
sor Huxley may despise probabili-
ties, but they are the very essence of
human life. Science, and still more
mathematics, would be more accurate
and would unfold the boy's intellect ;
but they would leave him empty of
countless perceptions, destitute of a
multitude of insights into things mo-
ral, social, and political, which con-
stitute the most important parts of
human life, and of his own being.
II. Wa have now reached the se-
cond excellence of a classical educa-
tion— the greatness of the literature
which is its instrument. The work
to be accomplished is the opening
out of the mind and nature of the
young ; and there are no means for
obtaining this end so effective, or so
satisfactory in the quality of the
results achieved, as the bringing the
nature to be developed into contact
with the highest form of greatness.
The principle of rearing up the
young by safe mediocrity is simply
detestable ; it contradicts the very
conception of education. The ele-
vation of the model placed before
the eyes of the student is here
of vital consequence; the power
and range of the training force can-
not be too large. No writer can be
too lofty to=be placed in the hands
of the young, no man too great to
be a schoolmaster. The highest de-
velopments of human nature, whe-
ther exhibited in written book or
living teacher, are precisely the
1871.]
of Oxford on the Study of Greek.
189
tools which education should em-
ploy. The difference between a
great and a mediocre mind, a power-
ful and an ordinary nature, in their
modelling force on the young, is in-
finite. The greater the excellence
presented to the young — the richer,
riper, and more varied the qualifica-
tions of the educator — incomparably
the more valuable and productive
will be the action brought to bear
on the pupil. The society of the best
and greatest men, the companion-
ship of the noblest and loftiest
thoughts, are the most powerful
educators down to the end of life.
It never ceases to train and to influ-
ence ; and if it moulds men ripe in
years, how much more the young,
the ardent, and the impressionable !
Now, if such companionship is the
very core of the highest education,
where, we ask, is the literature
which can compare with the Greek
for the number and greatness of
the minds it contains, the range
and depth of their thoughts, and
the nobleness of their conceptions 1
Where else are to be found such
ability of treatment, such a div-
ing down to first principles, such
perfection of form and expression,
such cultivation of every force and
element which belongs to human
nature? In poetry, history, philo-
sophy, politics, and countless other
regions, utterance upon utterance of
the most concentrated force, of the
tersest expression, of the richest
eloquence, of the nicest and most
subtle discrimination, strike succes-
sive blows on the imagination and
the thinking faculty of the student.
They disclose to him what human
nature is capable of, the height
which it has reached in the past,
and which the future is summoned
to climb also ; in a word, all the
wonderful powers of the human in-
tellect, and all the noble emotions
of the human soul. What more
effectual remedy can be devised
against the most formidable danger
which warps even minds of strong
intellectual grasp — one-sidedness ?
Where so well as in Greek can
boy or undergraduate be initiated
into so many things, catch so many
vistas of what human nature is and
can do, or acquire so fruitful a fa-
miliarity with manly and cultivated
thought, as in the pages of Homer
and Sophocles, Aristotle and Plato,
Herodotus and Thucydides, ^Eschy-
lus and Demosthenes 1 Their power
and their greatness have been ac-
knowledged and reverenced through
the course of revolving ages. They
have been the founders of civilisa-
tion ; they have hewn out the roads
by which nations and individuals
have travelled, and travel still. The
Greek type is the form of the thought
of modern Europe. The writings
of the Greeks are fresh and living
for us now. What more splendid
proof of profound truthfulness to
nature can be given than the eter-
nal freshness of the Greek writings,
their genuine and ever - renewed
modernness? Homer and Thucy-
dides are wonderful reading for us
now, — none better. We know of
no richer mine for the man who
seeks to be a statesman, and desires
to learn the deepest elements of poli-
tical life, than the speech of Peri-
cles in Thucydides. It will teach
more about man and his political
nature than whole volumes of the
best modern political writers. No
man on earth ever had a profounder
conception of the abiding same-
ness of human nature in all ages ;
no man apprehended its political
instincts more faithfully, or so accu-
rately described the forces which
rule political existence for all ages.
Nothing can be read — no, not Burke
or De Tocqueville — which is more
modern than Thucydides.
III. The third merit which we
claim for classical education is the
very quality for which its rejection is
most commonly demanded. Greek
and Latin are dead languages, and
190
Lord Lytteltoris Letter to the Vice-Cliancellor
[Feb.
that is a characteristic of the highest
value. What is the use, say money-
seeking critics, of forcing our boys
to learn languages which nobody
speaks? Some excuse may perhaps
be pleaded for Latin ; it enters in-
directly, but largely, into many
modern matters. But what can be
said for Greek? The literature it
contains belongs to the past — the
nations and the societies of which
it speaks have passed away — the
social and political feelings it de-
scribes are numbered among the
things departed. Then why live
among the dead ? We answer that
the literature is alive, and that the
deadness of its language is an in-
valuable quality for the purposes of
education. Living languages are
learnt by the ear. They are appre-
hended mechanically. Their pos-
session need not denote much intel-
lectual development in those who
can speak them. Many a dull little
boy, many an untutored peasant,
can speak two or three languages,
and yet but a small demand may have
been made on the intellect for ac-
quiring them. There is an absence of
thinking in the process, which strips
it of educational value. Modern
languages are not difficult enough to
compel the learner to look into the
machinery of language, much less
into the thoughts of the writer or
speaker, so as to grasp his meaning.
We are not speaking of their useful-
ness in after-life — our business now
is with general culture; and here it
is that they are too easy to be effi-
cient instruments for the work re-
quired. But is not German at least
hard enough? No. The run of the
expression is modern — the manner
of writing conforms with modern
ideas. The meaning comes naturally,
without much investigation : it is
easy to grasp what is said. Nor are
the logical relations of the language
observed by the student ; there is
too weak a call for reasoning re-
search to develop the faculties.
It is precisely the reverse with a
dead language, especially a language
whose construction does not coin-
cide with that of a modern tongue.
Every part of it is obscure : it must
be learned by rule ; the relations
first of grammar, then of logic, must
be carefully observed. Amongst the
meanings assigned to a word in the
dictionary, thought and judgment
are called into play to select the one
which suits the passage. The laws
of thought are thus gradually im-_
bibed ; and if a good teacher con-
ducts the operation, every blunder of
the student becomes an occasion for
much intellectual exercise in correct-
ing it. The final result ought to be
— and will be, if the teacher under-
stands his business — the assurance
gained by the scholar that he has
mastered the sense of the writer ;
and this means intellectual insight,
assurance built on intelligence, dis-
cipline, and education. The mind
under training, whether it animates
the little lad in the second form,
or is stirred by the ambition which
gazes at university honours, is com-
pelled at every moment to perform
acts of perception and judgment, to
discriminate and to select, to carry
out the very processes which are so
vaunted in the inductive and scien-
tific methods. In a dead language,
where the land is strange — where
association does not unconsciously
bring up the sense of each word —
where the mode of thinking is un-
familiar, and the links that bind
words together have to be searched
for at the intervals often of seve-
ral lines, and can be found only
by a perpetual application of the
laws of logic and grammar, — to mas-
ter the thoughts and expressions
of a great writer is an educational
machinery of supreme efficiency.
But there is a still greater advan-
tage to be reaped from this method
of education.- In no other way can
the student be so thoroughly com-
pelled to come into the closest union
1871.]
of Oxford on the Study of Greek.
191
with the mind of the writer ; by no
other instrument can he be so forced
to enter into the very depths of the
great man's being. That is the
specific excellence of a Greek edu-
cation. Of course there must be
the teacher to work this noble in-
strument. The supposition of such
a teacher is always at the root of
everything that we say here ; not
a mere lecturer, or propounder of
learning, however magnificent or
profound, but a real instructor, a
catechiser, a companion of the stu
dent's thoughts. Thus education
reaches its perfect type — the de-
velopment of one human being by
another, the interpenetration of a
young mind by a great one. Thus
the pupil is subjected to two mighty
powers at the same moment ; the
great dead writer into whose inmost
essence he is compelled to enter, and
the sympathetic teacher, who gives
vitality to the whole operation.
But what constitutes the gift of
teaching? Assuredly not the mere
possession of a large amount of
solid learning. It consists rather
in sympathy and quick intelligent
perception ; in the ability to place
one's self in the exact position
of the learner — to see things as he
sees them — to feel the difficulties
exactly as he feels them — to under-
stand the precise point at which the
obstacle bars the way — to be able to
present the solution exactly in the
form which will open the under-
standing of the pupil, and enable
him, in gathering the new piece of
knowledge, to comprehend its nature
and its value. Such a teacher will take
the mind of the boy as his starting-
point, and will just keep ahead of
his intellectual state, so as to furnish
him with such matter only as he will
be able to assimilate ; his questions
will range just above him, and yet
not be out of his reach. Above all,
he will feel the true essence, the
one function of his office, to be to
make the boy's mind act for itself,
to assist him to think and to under-
stand. As the pupil advances, he
will awake the perception of broader
relations, he will suggest principles
and general ideas, he will so handle
his own stores as to let the pupil
catch first glimpses, then successively
clearer outlines of the ultimate form
which his knowledge must assume,
whilst the charmed disciple is brought
to rejoice in his own strength, to
feel that he too has the power of
grasping broad and high truths, to
become conscious that he also may
crown the heights on which the
teacher stands. All this is to be
found in a classical education, in
the study of the Greek and Latin
literature, in their poetry, their his-
tory, their moral and political philo-
sophy. Nor will manifold processes
of the strictest reasoning be want-
ing, nor arguments as close and as
continuous as in any induction of
physical science. For the develop-
ment of the learning faculty of .the
pupil we would fearlessly back a
good teacher, with Greek and Latin
writers for his instruments, against
Professor Huxley and any scientific
instrument which he may choose to
employ. And one great advantage
the classical pupil will enjoy — the
deadness of the said languages will
force him to travel slowly, to dwell
on the thoughts and the expressions
of the writers, to probe their inmost
minds, and by intelligent selection,
reasoned out at every step, discover
a rendering which will fit the argu-
ment and give satisfaction to the
passage handled and the general
context. Thus we reach the cul-
minating point of a classical edu-
cation— that there is no man so
great who may not find in the im-
parting of this training a field worthy
of his powers. There is no quality
of his nature which may not be
applied to influencing the mind
of the pupil, and moulding his
development. A purely scientific
training must fail to furnish oppor-
Lord Lytteltorfs Letter to the Vice-CJiancellor
[Feb.
tunities for many things in the
teacher's being to come forth. A
great literature embraces the whole
of human thought and human
existence. The scientific element
need not and ought not to be ab-
sent. We would gladly see some
portion of science, small it may
be, but accurately and intelligently
grasped, form a part of every clas-
sically-trained boy and undergrad-
uate, for education cannot be too
wide. Its ordinary representative
in most public schools is arithmetic ;
but how much scientific intelligence
is developed by the manner in which
arithmetic is taught? It is com-
municated mechanically, and worked
much in the same way as a carpen-
ter applies the figures on his rule.
Well may Professor Huxley de-
nounce such teaching. No prin-
ciples are explained, the reasons
why the rule is framed in such a
form are not given or imbibed, the
intellectual faculty is unexercised;
and arithmetic becomes, not an un-
derstood science, but a mechanical
art of the most unintelligent kind.
Worse education cannot be con-
ceived, even though the utility of
getting up the multiplication-table
by heart may be real.
Here, again, we thoroughly share
the astonishment expressed by Pro-
fessor Huxley, when he exclaims:
" You will very likely get into the
House of Commons; you will have
to take your share in making laws
which may prove a blessing or a
curse to millions of men. But you
shall not hear one word respecting
the political organisation of your
country : the meaning of the contro-
versy between Free-traders and Pro-
tectionists shall never have been
mentioned to you : you shall not so
much as know that there are such
things as economical laws." — Lay
Sermons, p. 47. The omission here
described is the more discreditable,
because the laws of commerce lie in
a classical education. Every great
historian — Thucydides, the orator
Demosthenes — furnishes countless
opportunities for entering into the
commercial elements of human asso-
ciation. To neglect to give this ex-
planation, to fail to call the attention
of the scholar to the existence and
the working of these laws, is an
offence against classical education
itself; it is to abandon one of its
essential elements. But when Pro-
fessor Huxley adds, — " The mental
power which will be of most import-
ance in your daily life will be the
power of seeing things as they are
without regard to authority, and of
drawing accurate general conclusions
from particular facts. But at school
and at college you shall know of no
source of truth but authority, nor
exercise your reasoning faculty upon
anything but deduction from that
which is laid down by authority,"
— we are taken aback by the igno-
rance of the quality of the education
imparted at school and college here
displayed. But there is something
more deeply seated in the Professor's
mind than misapprehension of fact.
If the English people are called
rightly a "wonderful people, Eng-
lishmen who are to be quoted
in the time to come as the stock
example of the stolid stupidity of
the nineteenth century," surely the
writer of the following passage
is a wonderful man : " But if the
classics were taught as they might
be taught ; if boys and girls were
instructed in Greek and Latin not
merely as languages, but as illustra-
tions of philological science ; if a
vivid picture of life on the shores
of the Mediterranean two thousand
years ago were imprinted on the
mind of scholars ; if ancient history
were taught, not as a weary series
of feuds and fights, but traced to its
causes in such men under such con-
ditions ; if, lastly, the study of the
classical books were followed in
such a manner as to impress
boys with their beauties, and with
1871.]
of Oxford on the Study of &reek.
193
the grand simplicity of their state-
ment of the everlasting problems
of human life, instead of with
their verbal and grammatical pecu-
liarities,— I still think it as little
proper that they should form the
basis of a liberal education for
our contemporaries, as I should
think it fitting to make that sort
of palaeontology with which I am
familiar the backbone of modern
education." A most marvellous
utterance, truly. So then, real and
deep knowledge of a life lived by
nations who founded civilisation,
produced works as great as any
generated in modern times, and
formed empires which lasted for
ages, building them on principles
of law which to this day lie at the
foundation of great States — a vivid
perception of the living elements
of taste and beauty — above all,
the apprehension of the everlasting
problem of human life, — all these
things are not a liberal education,
but palaeontology, superannuated
records of past existence, no bet-
ter nor more cultivating than
the knowledge of the bones and
jaws of a megatherium. Liberal
education — that education for which
the people, the idiotic people, of
England are summoned to thrust
aside the knowledge of the everlast-
ing laws of human life and human
nature — is something higher and
more ennobling. Then, what is it 1
what is this liberal education, which
is the last conception of philosophic
thought? Professor Huxley says
not, unless it be the knowledge of
"when and how any article of
commerce is produced ; of the differ-
ence between an export and an im-
port ; of the fact that Tasmania is
a part of New South Wales ; of the
working of a steam-engine, and the
nature of the raw products one em-
ploys." What is the meaning of
the word "liberal," we beg to ask
Professor Huxley ?
It remains for us to add a few
words on the recommendation given
to the University of Oxford to omit
the study of Greek from a certain
class of her students. As we have
already remarked, Lord Lyttelton
does not discuss the question whe-
ther Greek is so valuable a portion
of superior education that the Uni-
versity would do wrong in relieving
any portion of her scholars from its
study. He contents himself with
pointing out that there is a demand
for an education which excludes
Greek, and affirming, without dis-
cussion, that the University ought
to supply that demand. But the
University of Oxford has other con-
siderations to take into account than
a mere regard for the supply of a
popular demand. It cannot forget
the position it occupies with refer-
ence to the general education of the
whole nation — a position which
Lord Lyttelton himself recognises.
The determination of the standard,
the regulation of what the higher
English education shall be, rests
with the English universities, as it
does with the German ; and it must
always be a grave matter to make
any alteration in that standard.
Nor is that all. It may be the
function of the University to tell
the people that they do not under-
stand the nature of the problem,
and that it is the responsible duty
of the universities to take care
that culture shall not be sacrificed
to considerations of utility. There
are commodities for which the
taste has to be developed — which
the uninstructed popular mind
is not quick to value, and from
which there is a perpetual centri-
fugal force diverting popular esti-
mation to some inferior article.
And then a second question arises.
Supposing that the University con-
curs in the opinion that some stu-
dents at school might justly be ex-
empted from the study of Greek,
might not the extension of that ex-
emption to the curriculum of the
194
Lord Lyttelton's Letter on the Study of Greek.
[Feb.
University have a far -wider bearing
than the single case of these stu-
dents ? Might not the general study
of Greek suffer thereby some dis-
credit ; and might not many schools,
now feeling that Greek was not
indispensable at Oxford, organise
themselves on the basis of a wide
omission of Greek ? The concession
to the demand of parents, not be-
cause they desire a thing which the
University esteems to be better, but
simply because they ask for it,
threatens to establish a most danger-
ous principle ; it transfers the deter-
mining of what is good education
from a competent to an incompetent
authority. As time proceeded on,
parents would be encouraged to ask
for much more, and they would
more and more feel that their judg-
ment ought to prevail. As the
guardians of the. intellectual culture
of the nation, the universities are
bound to pause before they establish
such a precedent. We are firmly per-
suaded that the number of additional
students who would enter the schools
of Oxford would be absolutely
trifling ; and the opinions of experi-
enced schoolmasters we have found
to confirm our own. Adequate
motive, therefore, for such a
change does not exist. Nor must
the warning supplied by France be
unheeded. After the great Revolu-
tion, France gave up the study of
Greek and betook herself to mathe-
matics and the physical sciences ;
but with what result? That she
repented of the deed, and bewailed
the injury it had inflicted on su-
perior French education, and has of
late years striven hard to restore
Hellenic studies to her schools.
But the question still remains.
The study of Greek may produce all
these excellent results in scholars of
superior ability. Well, what is it
worth to pass-men and boys of in-
ferior talent ? Do they obtain from
this strange and difficult language
educational benefits of much value?
Would the absence of Greek pro-
duce any perceptible deterioration
of the quality of their education,
and would it not leave them free
for the pursuit of other knowledge ?
Kay, would not scientific studies be
positively better than Greek produc-
tion of even elevated intelligence]
In answer to these questions, we
affirm, in the first place, that it is
perfectly feasible to make Greek a
real and most beneficial study for
the average quality of scholars.
Experience has demonstrated the
fact. Dr Arnold at Rugby did ren-
der the study of Greek the centre of
education for the three upper forms
of the school. The education which
he there gave came mainly through
Greek. Greek was the staple in
those three forms for all the boys —
not for the best only, but for all.
The results of classical education,
such as we have described them, were
realised by those forms not in equal
degree by all the boys in it, but still
in a real sense by all. To have said
that 'Greek was a failure at Rugby
under such a teacher as Arnold for
the mass of boys, would have been
absolutely impossible, unless the
study of Greek itself by any boy
were declared to be necessarily and
always a failure. It is a matter of
teaching. What Arnold did others
have done, and are doing also ; but
it is true, also, that there is a large
amount of inefficient, leaden, me-
chanical, unintelligent teachers of
the classics all over England. It is
by dwelling on this undeniable fact
that Professor Huxley wins the ap-
pearance of proving the inferiority
of classical culture. If he had ex-
amined the three upper forms at
Rugby, he would have seen what
Greek literature could do, not only
for the clever, but also for the aver-
age boy.
1871.]
Who Primed Prince Gortschakoff ?
231
Prince would accept " all the treaty
of Paris except that part about the
Black Sea." There was, besides, a
sort of easy levity in the way that
he made this assurance, as though
he was only enunciating a proposi-
tion familiar to us all ; and that if
any apology were called for, it would
be for having uttered a common-
place. Here was a new discovery
in ethics, not to be thought the
less of that it came from beyond the
Neva ; " and we set off to speculate
how a general repudiation of all
contracts would relieve life of a
great many embarrassments, and
simplify existence in a very remark-
able degree."
Such of us as had not been, as
the phrase is, " married in heaven,"
imagined visions of Doctors' Com-
mons and Divorce. Few contracts
sustain all that expectation would
adorn them with, and perhaps
the connubial contract might be
no luckier than its fellows. Cer-
tainly, if husbands were not called
on to show cause why, more forcibly
than Prince Gortschakoff, the Court
of Arches would have a busy time
of it these next sessions. Less am-
bitious souls were satisfied with a
polite intimation to their tailors
that they would pay no more bills —
that the sentiment of remuneration
jarred upon "their sense of dignity ;"
and they appealed to Mr Poole him-
self, or Count Beust, whether, with
that elevated sense of justice that
characterised him, he would not "on
consideration" add the inestimable
force of his own concurrence to
their argument.
All of us, or nearly all of us, had
contracted some tie or other in life
whose convenience was at times
questionable, and if this Russian
Prince was only correct in his logic,
it was sheer folly to be bound any
longer by whatever we disliked. In-
conveniences would accrue, even
troubles in certain cases might
follow; but there is a wonderful
spirit of accommodation in life —
nothing is nearly as bad as is ap-
prehended ; and when we assure the
world that, so far from the breach of
one treaty serving to unloose the
ties of contract, or rendering us in
any degree less observant of other
pledges than heretofore, mankind
will see in us the most energetic apos-
tle of the sanctity of all agreements,
and, in point of fact, strongholds
against all attempts to weaken the
sacred obligation of a bargain.
To come back to Prince Gortscha-
koff, from whom we have been so
ruthlessly plagiarising all this time,
he said all this, and more ; and he
very triumphantly asked if any one
could dare to continue the im-
position of restrictions now, which
he would not presume to suggest at
the present moment if unimposed.
Certainly Lord Granville could
not have liked the turn the corre-
spondence was taking, for he sent a
special messenger to Count Bismark
to bespeak his good offices. The
Count is an ingenious man, and he
suggested a Congress. A Congress
is usually .called to discuss some
question of international difficulty,
and arrive at some mode of solution
sufficiently palatable to be acceded
to by all — that is to say, by a
treaty. To make a treaty, however,
for the sole purpose of declaring
that treaties were no longer to be
considered binding ; that one dis-
sentient dissolved the obligation,
and left him free to take such a
course as he pleased, — was at least
something novel : and possibly, if a
Bull were to be enacted, a graceful
compliment might have been paid
to Ireland, and the seat of the Con-
gress been Dublin. The Con-
gress, however, is to be held in
London ; and what it is to do when
it meets, or what any one expects of
it, is the problem that, while we
write, disturbs the world.
232
Cornelius Cf Dowel.
[Feb.
Count Beust, who has already
discussed the whole Gortschakoff pro-
position in liis two despatches, and
shown very decisively why he en-
tertains a strong conviction on the
question, assures the Prince that he
will meet the Congress with a mind
totally unprejudiced and uninflu-
enced by previous discussion ; that
he will, in short, be in that frame
of mind — as jurymen are earnestly
entreated to be by a judge in a
weighty cause — wholly free from
all external influences, and unmoved
by anything they may have heard
without. This is all the more com-
mendable on his part, as it pledges
him to forget much that he has
said only a few days ago.
Then if France will depute a re-
presentative, it is likely enough the
envoy will be far more eager to in-
duce a discussion on the condition
of Paris than on the neutrality of
the Euxine ; while there is no rea-
son on earth that Count Bisniark
should not bring on the Luxembourg
question, or any other small matter
that is troubling him.
Meanwhile our journalists say
Prince Gortschakoff has not with-
drawn his original despatch. He
admits that it is not unreasonable
in the other parties to like to talk it
over; and he is willing " to talk it
over " in a Congress, if they like. He
is the most courteous and polite of
men ; and he will do anything they
like — but one ; he will not change his
opinion. Now, when a gentleman
shows a conciliatory spirit of this
order, nothing short of actual ob-
structiveness could stand against
him. Some narrow-minded people,
notwithstanding, do object, and say,
How are we to discuss what is al-
ready prejudged ? How expect argu-
ment to prevail where one party has
declared his convictions are not to
be shaken ?
It is fortunate for us that the
Prince himself should be able to
relieve us from this difficulty; and
in the columns of a newspaper,
which has the credit of what are
called " Ministerial inspirations," do
we find the mode of exit from the
present embarrassment. The ' Go-
loss' says : "When the Congress as-
sembles it will learn at length the
justice and the moderation of the
Russian demands ; and by giving
them the sanction of its own con-
currence, Prince Gortschakoff's man-
ifesto will be confirmed, and the
peace of the world assured."
It is impossible to add another
word to a statement so satisfactory;
and the triumph of the Prince's diplo-
macy would be complete if it were
not a plagiary.
"We live in an age so abounding
in intellectual activity, that probably
originality is all but impossible in
any present case. Not even flattery
could exempt the Minister from the
charge, since the expedient he sug-
gests has been derived from a land
in the closest relations with his own.
It came from Greece. WhenTakosAr-
vanitaki, the chief brigand of the band
who murdered our countrymen near
Marathon, was negotiating for the
terms on which their lives might be
spared, he strongly insisted on an
amnesty. It was in vain that the law
officers of the Crown protested the
thing to be impossible ; in vain they
demonstrated that, until he and his
followers had surrendered and sub-
mitted to a trial, they could not be
made the subjects of royal clemency.
There was no means of persuading
this man that he was wrong. It
was as much beyond all human
power of argumentation as to try and
convince Prince Gortschakoff that
he had no right to absolve himself
from a treaty when he had obtained
only his own consent. Takos kept
on repeating, " It may be illegal, as
you say ; and I reply, make it legal.
They who made these laws can un-
make them, and I ask no more."
1871.]
The, Healing Measure.
233
So says Prince Gortschakoff — I ad-
mit all that you say. I signed this
treaty of Paris. I was present when
its conditions were discussed, and I
was not at the time disposed to re-
gard the terms as being either oner-
ous or oppressive. Now, however,
that one of the parties to the com-
pact is utterly unable to stir hand
•or foot in support of his convictions,
I deem the moment favourable to
extricate myself from my pledges.
You tell me it is illegal, and I will not
say I can contradict you ; but I will
suggest to you what will satisfy us
both. Make it legal, and you will
.acquire all the force of your connec-
tions, and / shall gain the freedom
of the Black Sea.
It is said, however, by high axitho-
rity, that exception has been taken
rather to the manner than the mat-
ter of the Gortschakoff demands ;
that the mode in which he an-
nounced his master's intentions was
intentionally insulting and offensive ;
that instead of approaching the
question as a subject of just com-
plaint and unmerited hardship, he
took the law into his own hands,
;and decided his cause for himself.
Such conduct was pronounced by
one of our journals as "gross, brutal,
and undiplomatic." I remember an
Irish judge, in sentencing a man.
who had beaten his wife to imprison-
ment, denouncing his act as un-
manly, inhuman, and, in fact, " ille-
gal." Gortschakoff has been all
these ; and what we complain of is,
not that he wants to rob the house,
but that he has kicked in the door !
Could you not have rung the bell ]
was there no knocker ] we mildly ask
him; while we more than insinuate
we are ready not only to let him
in, but to have his wicked will of
the premises when he is there !
These are Eussian manners, say we,
and we are not used to them in this
part of the world. If that is all
you have to complain of, rejoins the
Prince, I am quite ready to make
you a proper apology ; only open the
door, and I'll make you my politest
bow as I pass in.
If the occasion could warrant a
wager, I would bet that this would
be the end of the Conference, and
that here, at least, Gortschakoff
would be more successful than
Takos.
THE HEALING MEASURE.
It is a maxim of approved wis-
•dom, that when called on to take
•some determined line for which you
have not any immediate precedent,
you should announce your decision,
but give no reasons for your act. The
advice has a wide application, and
there are few of us who have not at
some time or other of our lives felt
its wisdom. For my own part I
was never more forcibly struck with
its practical value than when I read
the letter in which the Minister jus-
tifies the liberation of the Fenian
prisoners. Had it been simply an-
nounced that these men should be
free on a certain day, we each of
us might, according to temperament,
time of life, nationality, and party
leanings, have conjured up some
reason for the policy that might
have sufficed for ourselves. One
might have ascribed it to kind-
heartedness and benevolence, stimu-
lated by a season when such quali-
ties are in their fullest force. An-
other might have thought that en-
ough had been done for punishment,
and enough for example, and that
to do more would savour of vindic-
tiveness. A third might less gener-
ously have hinted at the exigencies
of party, and a bribe for the Irish
vote; or a high-faluten journalist
234
Cornelius O'Dowd.
might have deemed the policy the
cont re-coup to that of Count Bis-
mark, who is sending dissentient
deputies to prison at the very mo-
ment when we in "happy England"
are liberating our imprisoned traitors.
There is not one of these reasons
totally devoid of a certain force ; and
however little they may have in
common, there is yet in their com-
bined agency an aggregate of loose
argument that might account for
the policy.
The only totally inadmissible
reason for the act of grace was the
one alleged, that " the altered condi-
tion of Ireland was such as to justify
the policy." "Where the Irish Chief
Secretary discovered the evidences
of this happy change one might be
curious to learn. Have the popu-
lar party expressed any alteration in
their opinions, contrition for the past,
and promised amendment for the
future ? Has any leading national-
ist declared that " the healing mea-
sures" have brought balm to the
wounds, and salve to the sores, of
Ireland1? Have the newspapers most
in the confidence of the people ceased
to menace England, and warn her
that the moment of her difficulty
may be Ireland's opportunity, and
that her lawsuit with America may
possibly be tried in Tipperary?
Where are the evidences of the
happy change ; or where, even in the
petitions of the Amnesty Commit-
tees, is there an expression to be
found that would justify a Minister
in saying that the offence for which
these men were convicted has died
out in the land, and that the legal
description of the crime may be
erased from the statute-book?
Let us no more imprison for
Fenianism than burn for Witch-
craft. They are both of them relics
of the past. I should be right glad
to believe this ; but though I do not
believe it, and though I believe that
no man now living will ever see the
[Feb.
day when it will be a fact too indis-
putable for denial, I am not sorry
these men are free.
Some traveller returning from
one of our penal settlements once
brought the very curious result of
his ethnological experiences in this-
shape. If you meet a Scotchman,
says he, amongst the convicts, he is-
sure to be a confirmed scoundrel,
while the Irish criminal may very
possibly be very little worse than
the mass of his countrymen. Now
I protest strongly that this judg-
ment be not misconstrued, nor malic-
iously interpreted. It means simply
this, that a great proportion of Irish
crime is less the frait of inherent
wickedness than of the movement of
passion in a very excited and excit-
able people ; that the confirmed
criminal is rarely found amongst
us; but that a large mass of our'
people are easily stimulated to acts
of vengeance for real or imaginary
wrong, and to vindication for sup-
posed insult; and that the notion so
studiously disseminated and express-
ed by agitation, that we are a de-
spised and trampled-down race, has
given to this spirit of resistance an
acrimony and a vindictive hate
that are not to be found in the
normal condition of the national
character.
I know nothing whatever of the
Fenian prisoners. I never to my
knowledge saw one of them; but I
am fully persuaded that they are
neither much better nor worse than
some hundreds of thousands of Irish-
men; and that, this craze of a regen-
erated independent Ireland exceptedr
they are, in all probability, not bad
fellows at bottom — ready enough
to do a generous tiling, and very far
from being deficient in other good
qualities.
It is of these men the Minister
writes, — " The same principles of
justice which dictated their sen-
tences would amply justify the pro-
1871.]
TJie Healing Measure.
235-
longation of their imprisonment if
the public security demanded it."
Now, if this passage has any mean-
ing at all, it is, that the public se-
curity has been hitherto provided
for by the incarceration of these
men who, if at large, would have
been an imminent peril to the State.
But I can neither admit this nor
accept it as a just view of their con-
demnation. They were sentenced
to imprisonment partly for punish-
ment, partly for example. Of that
terror of which the Minister speaks
so touchingly, that their mere pre-
sence at large might occasion, I am
not aware that the large class of
Irishmen have confessed to having
experienced it.
If I do not ask what is the im-
provement so manifest in Ireland
that warrants the experiment of their
liberation, it is simply because I
desire to limit myself to the fact
that, whatever may be the policy of
the pardon, there cannot be a word
said in defence of the reasons alleged
for the act.
Ask any Irishman, of any party,
who has given much attention to
the condition of the country, and is
able to speak dispassionately on the
subject, what he believes to be the
greatest evil of the land and the
strongest obstacle to all betterment,
and he will tell you it is Insecurity.
The law, that ought to be the type
and emblem of immutability and
permanence, is of all things the
least certain. The prosecutions and
convictions which elsewhere might
be accounted matters of almost cer-
tainty, are in Ireland questions of
pure chance. The county, the ac-
cidental condition of political events
at the time, the nature of the jury,
the tone of public feeling, have
all their influence ; and last of all
come the supposed exigencies of
party, to make political capital out
of interference with the course of
law, and see post facto reasons for
a remission of punishment.
It is not a wise legislation that,
makes political life a profession, but
it is a million times worse to make
it a game of chance. Irishmen, like
most warm-tempered people, have too
much of the gambling element in
their natures, and it is scarcely wise
to add to the temptation of treason
the triple chances of escape.
It is because everything has been
tried in Ireland but an immutable
administration of the law that I ask
for this. You have crushed what you
called " ascendancy," uprooted the
Church, and shaken the rights of
property ; you have discouraged the
Protestant, and derided his attach-
ment to England ; while you have
petted the Romanist even to coquet-
ting with the Pope ! You have opened
the jails, and in a measure rebuked
the legality that had made them
places of punishment. Why not,
in this zeal for experiment, adventure
upon one novelty more 1 Make the
law of the land fixed and unchange-
able. Let it be clearly understood
that amnesty committees and felon
sympathisers have no pretension
to approach a Government; and that
whatever may be the strength or
difficulties of party, nothing shall
warrant an interference with the
course of law, still less with the sen-
tence when the law has decreed it.
236
Cornelius O'Doicd.
[Fob.
THE SHADOWS BEFORE-
" If Genius should ever employ
itself in the work of statecraft,"
says Henri Heine, " its distinctive
mark will be, ' always to be apro-
pos.' " The merit of the character-
istic is a very high one ; and if ex-
amples are not readily at our hand
to sustain the assertion, it is only
because this form of mind has
not usually been conceded to our
rulers. Mr Pitt was probably the
strongest exception, since whom,
not even Peel himself could lay
a just claim to the " diviner ele-
ment."
The present Premier certainly
fulfils many of the conditions of
the great gift, but is very far from
sustaining the Heine test if the
" apropos " should ever be received
as the distinctive mark of genius.
The commemorative dinner to
Mr Cobden's memory which, so to
say, heralded the greatest war the
world has ever seen, and the lavish
praises bestowed on one whose dis-
tinctive merit was declared to be,
that he had "made the policy of
peace a necessity," is still fresh in all
our memories.
The wannest advocates of Free-
trade will no longer pretend that
universal peace was amongst its
triumphs. Buying in the cheapest
and selling in the dearest markets
• — admirable precepts as they are —
are no securities against the workings
of ambition, the natural promptings
of race and nationality, and the re-
ligious belief of certain peoples in
" inevitable destiny."
To make the health of Father
Matthew the charter toast of a so-
ciety dedicated to hard drinking
and intemperance, could not be a
stronger outrage on propriety and
the fitness of things, than to select
the time of the late Cobden festival
to commemorate the merits of the
great peace-maker — Si quart's monu-
ment urn, look at Solferino and
Sadowa, and now at Sedan ! Sing
your hymn to peace, and the guns
that thunder around Paris shall
play the accompaniment to your
melody.
The very smallest ingredient of
that imaginative element which dis-
tinguished Edmund Burke would
have arrested the possibility of this
blunder. The great Irishman would
have foreseen how far the Cobden
policy had penetrated, and where it
had failed to influence the acts of
statescraft. He would have con-
ceived a situation in which men's
thoughts soared to something above
a balance-sheet, and dreamed that a
nation was a greater thing than a
counting-house ; and he would have
calculated on the very reaction
which should drive them from the
pursuits of material profit to specu-
lative projects and daring achieve-
ments, as it were, in insolent protest
at being set down amongst "these
nations of shopkeepers ! " When the
venerable authority at F. 0., whom
Sir Henry Bulwer styled the Nes-
tor, and whom an Irish editor,
thinking to quote the epithet, by a
perhaps pardonable blunder, called
the "'Nest-egg' of Downing Street,"
told Lord Granville that he had ac-
ceded to office in a time of unusual
dulness and tranquillity, the feli-
citation had the customary fate of
an official prediction. It was uttered
last July, and we know Avhat has
happened since midsummer.
After all, it might be said, if the
Emperor of France was so ignorant
of the state of policy in South Ger-
many before the war, as to fancy he
would have had Bavaria for an ally,
there is surely some excuse for our
ignorance of all things Continental.
All this, however, should not ex-
1871.]
cuse us for not seeing what is hap-
pening before us at home. Now, if
there be any movement on which
we might calculate as a certainty in
political life, it will be an agita-
tion for the disestablishment of the
Church. The large party who allied
themselves to the Minister in his
attack on the Irish Church have
never disbanded themselves under
the impression that the campaign
was over and the war ended. Far
from it. The outpost — and it was
only the outpost— carried in Ire-
land, has only emboldened them as
to the greater struggle that is before
them. With the exception of that
cant — which was never an argument
— the "badge of conquest" cry, there
is scarcely anything which was al-
leged against the Irish that cannot be
employed against the English Estab-
lishment. Methodism, and the va-
rious other forms of Dissent, will
enable them to dilate on the short-
comings of that avhich is not the
Church of the people, and we shall
be triumphantly asked if the afflu-
ent classes of England are not rich
enough to support their own form
of worship. We know what a large
class of people are interested in ex-
cluding the bishops from the House
of Lords ; and as the same persons
are candid enough to declare that
they regard that Chamber as an
anomaly, they have abundant reason
for denuding it of as much learning
and eloquence as they can, before
they open the attack in form.
I am not more certain that the
assault on the Church will be made
than that it will succeed. In that
unsated and unsatiable passion for
putting down which besets us, no
agitation is hopeless, no prospective
destruction can be called impossible,
41 quelche non han fatto i Barbari,
hanno fatto i Barbarini." If the
Whigs will not do it, the Radicals
•will We may rest assured that
when the stone is once set in mo-
237
tion there will not be wanting the
hands to impel it.
I know that by many the contin-
gency is not looked forward to with
fear, as regards the interests of true
religion. I know that while to some
a State connection is regarded with
distrust and positive dislike, there
are others who believe that the effi-
cient and working character of the
Church would benefit by its being
solely dependent on the voluntary
principle, and becoming of necessity
the people's Church. Into this
question I have no pretence to enter.
I would only call attention to the
fact, that if, as many think, the
coming session be a time in which
this momentous matter will be dis-
cussed, there was a strange apropos
in that letter of the Prime Minister
which has just appeared in print,
regarding the maintenance of the
Pope and his prerogatives ; and —
shall I own it ? — it is exactly by the
ill-timed publication of this letter
that I infer Protestantism to be
doomed, and the Established Church
to be in danger. Mr Cobden's
health — the peace-maker, par excel-
lence— had scarcely died out in the
hip-hurrahs, when the telegraph told
us that France had declared war;
and I shall be greatly surprised if
the debate on the destruction of
the Church be not followed by
some proposition in aid of the sove-
reign Pontiff, and a supplicatory
appeal to Victor Emanuel to treat
his prisoner with generosity and all
the deference that is his due. Who
knows if the same order that shall
declare Lambeth for sale shall not
be followed by the offer of Malta to
the Holy Father?
Many of our public writers con-
fess themselves unable to account
for this touching evidence of the
Premier's sympathy for the Pope,
and that startling avowal that his
" case had long been one of great in-
terest to the Cabinet." Still, as the
238
New Year's Musings.
[Feb.
Administration seem to have a spe-
cial fondness for healing measures,
and a great skill in their concoction,
it would be a pity to deny them
such an opportunity for their art.
Indeed, that soothing syrup which
we so often see advertised as a real
blessing to mothers, would seem to
be totally eclipsed by the Whig
anodyne, that can assuage the con-
vulsions of Treason, and calm all
the tremors of Popery.
What is really unfortunate is to
find that the time chosen to watch
over the Pope's interests should
be that in which the Established
Church is to be put on its trial.
Here is a fatal " malapropos," and it
is not hard to see how the backwater
of the one measure will react on
the other. Mr Miall, however, was
" piqued " at the close of the last
session ; and of all the good quali-
ties of his sect, I have never heard
that the most conspicuous was an ex-
aggerated forgetfubaessof past injury.
NEW YEARS MUSINGS.
COLOURED GLASS.
BUT little art is required to de-
light the senses and imagination of
childhood. Hold but a piece of col-
oured glass before the child's eyes,
and he is satisfied that a familiar
scene has become suddenly a fairy
landscape of red or gold, with en-
chanted castles or Arabian splendour.
The unreality of the vision is the
last thing that he thinks of. He is
only too well pleased to see things
in such a light; he cherishes the
delusion; the enjoyment is thorough.
It is experience which teaches men
to beware of such illusions — which
cautions them as they grow and
grow that it is necessary in this
work-a-day world to look at things
in their work-a-day dress. So gen-
erally has such a maxim been recog-
nised, that the common complaint is
of its extreme influence in the for-
mation of modern character : the
age has been characterised as stern,
unimaginative, material. Yet in all
ages — even in this so-called age of
iron — there have been always some
who, by nature or circumstances,
either never forsake, or are prone at
inconvenient times to return to, the
delight of looking through coloured
glass. Shakespeare would appear
to include the whole dreamy genus
under the three heads of "the lu-
natic, the lover, and the poet," and
he places no limit to its power of
self-deception : —
" Such tricks hath strong imagination,
That, if it would but apprehend some joy,
It comprehends some Lringer of that joy."
According to modern definitions,
it would be necessary to extend the
series ; for there are many who can-
not be called accurately either lu-
natics, or lovers, or poets, who are
nevertheless " of imagination all
compact " with these. There is, for
instance, the religious enthusiast, who
in every century spots Apollyon and
Antichrist, and gives the latitude of
Armageddon, and has advices about
the millennium. There is the more
dangerous,' zealot, who is convinced
that the world as it is can be, and
ought to be, governed as if it were
a handful of primitive Christians ;
who recognises no impediment to
the literal working of the Scriptural
precepts ; approves no law which
cannot be supported from the book
of an evangelist or prophet, accord-
ing to his own interpretation. But
1871.] Coloured Glass.
there is, also, the man who does not,
and will not, know the world as it
is ; who, ineffably conceited, has ima-
gined a world formed and coloured
according to his own fancy, and in-
sists that this, and this alone, shall
"be recognised as the world we live
in. It is fortunate that these vision-
aries are for the most part shy and
inactive. They do not force their
fancies on a large circle of victims,
and are moody and indignant rather
than importunate. Here and there,
however, it happens that they are
men of talent in respect of every-
thing except what is called common-
sense. They know how to dazzle
and persuade, and are therefore very
apt to mislead. But the most dan-
gerous case of all is when the slave
of the coloured-glass passion is not
only learned and accomplished above
his fellows, and therefore gifted with
the power of fascination, but has
been, by unhappy accident, exalted
to a position from whence his words
come with authority. For it is piti-
able that the powers of learning and
eloquence should be wasted upon a
delusion : authority is abused when
it is made a means of disseminating
what is untrue.
We make these observations after
reading, not for the first nor second
time, the remarkable work of ima-
gination, which, under the title of
"Germany, France, and England,"
has been amusing thousands of edu-
cated men in the autumnal pages of
a quarterly periodical. The first
thing that strikes the reader, as the
humour of the article becomes ap-
parent, is the utter abandonment
with which a dreamer will give him-
self up to his hallucination. No
scruple as to whether the time was
propitious for the announcement of
his glamour, no thought that men's
minds were forcibly possessed by
far different ideas beaten in by the
hard logic of facts, seems for a
moment to have withheld the au-
239
thor. Whether in season or out of
season (and one thinks that the
effusion is lamentably out of season),
he was determined to publish what
his coloured spectacles revealed to
him, and with fanatic hardihood he
called upon his countrymen to look
at things through a similar medium.
Men of the world, even the most
positive, know well that when one
would expound a new theory, it is
above all things desirable to select
a favourable occasion, when the
world is in some sort prepared for
the doctrine, when discoveries or
events, publicly known, assist the
proof. They do not, when all the
world is shuddering at thoughts of
" guns and drums and wounds," pro-
duce their pouncet-box, and talk
daintily of parmaceti and villanous
saltpetre.
Whatever may have been a
reader's conception of the state of
things in general, and of the con-
dition and position of England in
particular, he will probably find in
the article in question some startling
contradiction of his belief, though
his notions may be extreme. He
will there read " that a new law of
nations is gradually taking hold of
the mind, and coming to sway the
practice of the world ; a law which
recognises independence, which
frowns upon aggression, which fa-
vours the pacific, not the bloody
settlement of disputes, which aims
at permanent and not temporary
adjustments — above all, which re-
cognises as a tribunal of paramount
authority, the general judgment of
civilised mankind." What a power
this writer's spectacles must pos-
sess ! ! If accident should push
them up for a moment, or if he
should have resolution to take a
peep over the rim, what a different
scene would meet his eyes from that
which his spectacles present ! The
real picture would show not only
France and Germany rushing at
240
New Year's Musings.
[Feb.
each other's throats with more than
Red Indian implacability. It would
show Russia so disdainful of " the
law which frowns upon aggression,"
that she is openly attempting to
compass the subjugation of Turkey ;
that she has flung in the faces of
the signatories of the treaty of 1856
the obligations which by that treaty
are imposed on her, and declared
that she will violate them at her
pleasure ; that the East is convulsed
in consequence. It would show
Prussia also so defiant of right, that
she is, by an unblushing assertion of
her will in opposition to law, at-
tempting the appropriation of Lux-
embourg. It would show Italy in
the act of seizing the States of the
Church. It would show Spain in
a state of confusion and lawlessness,
with the ashes of her murdered
Marshal scarcely cold. It would
show Austria troubled and appre-
hensive, distrustful of what Prussia
on the one hand, and Russia on the
other, may be designing against her.
It would show England pecked at
from all sides, disarmed, humiliated,
her councils timid and vacillating,
her utterance faltering and meek. It
would shoAV, as an example of the
aim at " permanent and not tempo-
rary adjustments," the convocation
of a Conference avowedly summoned
to temporise with one of the most
pressing calls that can demand from
nations the infliction of summary
justice.
The law which favours the pacific
and not the bloody settlement of
disputes is not, we fancy, a modern
invention, to those who take a
rational view of things past and
present. Most nations who have
emerged from the cloud of barbar-
ism— at any rate, most nations who
have attained to a literature of their
own — have admitted, and still will,
in their calm, unimpassioned periods,
admit, the sin and inexpediency of
wars. This is no new doctrine.
The novelty is in imagining that, at
the present time, any nation, with
cupidity, or emulation, or revenge
aroused, will be guided by such a
doctrine. The good old plan, that
they will take who have the power,
and they may keep who can, was
never more practically effective than
now. On what can unscrupulous
statesmen found their schemes of
robbery and fraud, if not on the
firm belief that the peoples whom
they represent will eventually not
refer the cases to a congress of na-
tions, but act arbitrarily, and uphold
by force of arms their arbitrary acts ?
When Louis Napoleon and Bismark
were chaffering over the fate of Bel-
gium, there was little thought of
any deference to the judgment of
civilised mankind, we trow. If that
nefarious project had taken effect,
who can doubt that the perpetrators
would have scoffed at the idea of a
judgment of nations, and defied the
civilised world to balk them of their
will?
But the coloured glass makes one
see Europe as a family. " In truth,"
says the author whom we are won-
dering at — " in truth the nations
of Europe are a family." If they
are so, they compose just such a
family as might prowl round the
board of Mr "William Sykes, where
brother would point a fork at
brother's eye, sister would seize
sister's mess and send the mustard-
pot at sister's head, and father
would correct mother to fill up
the interval between the courses.
Eamily, indeed ! But our author,
looking through his tinted lens, has
no idea of satire. It is clear from
the context that he sees them as
a family bound together by ties of
affection, of common interest, of
similar habits and breeding, of like
associations. When Mr Swiveller
called the kitchen- wench a mar-
chioness, he consciously sullied the
eternal beauty of truth, but palliated
1871.]
Coloured Ghi*at.
241
his sin by the plea that this made
things look natural. Our author has
no apology to make — he simply
tells us what his spectacles show
him ; and though this is the very
opposite of the fact, he describes it
in all sincerity.
"We cannot refrain from noting
here two little splenetic passages,
the only ones, be it remarked, in the
whole of the paper ; for so absorbed
is the writer in his fairy vision, that
he shows little disposition to combat
the views of others. He mentions
in one place " that state of highly-
armed preparation which, we are
affectedly told, is the true security
for the avoidance of quarrels among
men." Now, is it not apparent
that, for want of armed preparation
of some kind, Great Britain is at
this moment xinable to do the good
to others which she desires, or to
keep herself from indignity 1 It is
one thing to look upon a state of
highly-armed preparation as a secu-
rity for the avoidance of quarrels,
another to hold that total unpre-
paredness is a security. "We cer-
tainly do not think with those, if
any such there be, who regard
armament as a guarantee for peace.
Whether it be so or not must de-
pend on the dispositions of those
who are armed. It is to be feared
that the seer's intention here is not
so much to disprove the doctrine
which he attacks as to suggest the
truth of its opposite. "What ice have
heard said, not " affectedly," and
what we are quite willing to endorse,
is this — that in the present state of
the European "family" no member
can exert influence without being
able to throw such weight into the
scale as may incline the balance.
The influence may be good or bad,
peaceful or warlike, but it will not
exist at all for a country confessedly
helpless. Talking and writing go
for very little in these hard times ;
there is far more persuasion in hard
knocks. But we say this with the
full admission that an armed force
may be abused as well as used — may
be made a means of oppression and
wrong as certainly as of true secu-
rity. We say that two conditions
are required for a nation that would
work effectually for peace — a peace-
ful inclination, and material power
to restrain those who are not peace-
ful.
The other bit of envenomed rhet-
oric is contained in an allusion to
the King of Prussia, whose piety, it
is said, never failed him during tho
Danish transactions. This ill-natur-
ed shaft, shot by a man who posses-
ses the glorious faculty of seeing the
most shocking objects en couleur de
roue, is not so excusable as if it pro-
ceeded from a mind embittered by
the contemplation of things as they
are. One is driven to think that
there must be some little grudge,
some envy, perhaps some rivalry —
hah ! can that be it 1 Are his Ma-
jesty and our author two of the
same trade1? Does the seer of
peaceful visions occasionally him-
self court for opinion by making
long prayers, and being of a sad
countenance as the hypocrites are ?
Is he himself a professor of the
snuffle and the downcast eye ? Does
he, too, let his light shine before
men] Is Saul also among the pro-
phets 1 If so, we understand the
sneap. The king is jeered at as a
dull competitor — is denounced as a
poacher.
To return to the bright visions.
The descriptions which we have
hitherto been considering, curious as
they are, can yet be read with an
equal mind, as being the romance
phase of what concerns principally
our neighbours. We can afford to
smile over them, to contrast their
fiction with the stern reality, to
speculate in regard to them on
the physical or mental peculiarities
which, in a mind otherwise so logi-
242
New Year's Musings.
[Feb.
cal, can produce such false imagina-
tions. But it is different when
our author comes to speak of Eng-
land. His phantasnia begins then
to touch us too nearly even for en-
durance. The cruel sham but re-
calls with aggravated poignancy the
sad reality. Chords are touched
whose vibration is intolerable. The
thought of the security that might
have been, compared with the danger
and degradation that are, bids our
blood run chill and our minds to
sicken. It is as when the mother
of Mucklebackit in ' The Antiquary,'
at her grandson's funeral, raises a
glass of wine to pledge the company,
saying, " May we hae mony sic
happy meetings !" As, one and all,
that assemblage shrank from a toast
which there spoke of happiness, so
shrink we from the picture of a
glowing happy England, because we
know too well to what England has
come down — because our woe is too
keen to bear mockery even from
those who know not that they mock.
With what feeling can a patriotic
Englishman read, for instance, the
following : " But so far is this
state of facts from implying either a
•condition or a policy of isolation,
that it marks out England as the
appropriate object of the general
confidence — as the sole, comparative-
ly, unsuspected Power. In every
-quarrel, in every difficulty, it is her
aid that is most courted ; it is by
her agency that parties, if they seek
a mediator, prefer to come together ;
it is under her leadership that neu-
trals most desire to move." How
bitter is this fooling ! The spec-
iacles must show to the seer Bis-
mark and Gambetta imploring Eng-
land to reconcile them, Gortschakoff
throwing all his care upon Great
Britain, asking only her counsel and
countenance, the neutral Powers on
the tiptoe of expectation, obedient,
devoted, waiting only the word of
command from Britannia, who, armed
ccip-ci-pie, ready for all chances, strong
in counsel, resolved and inexorably
just, gives the signal by which all
the chivalry of Europe moves. We
are not told whether the optical
snare extends across the Atlantic;
but if it does, it must there show
Benjamin Butler snorting the praises
of England, and declaring that her
friendship is better than dollars ;
Orator Sumner also stamping out
the Alabama claims ; and head-centres
innumerable kissing St George's
cross, while they howl "Rule Britan-
nia ! " God save the mark ! We
cannot dwell on this branch of the
subject.
The clear easy style of the paper,
the aptness of the illustrations, the
arrangement and force of the argu-
ments, could not fail to affect the
reader pleasantly were the subject
only fact instead of mirage. But
to see so much power wasted on
what is unreal must excite unfeigned
regret. The one marring infirmity
of looking through coloured glass
has taken all power of instructing
from a mind which, gifted with an
accurate vision, would have been
highly capable. If incompetent to
teach, of course such a person is in
a much greater degree unfit for ac-
tion. Action must be for those
who can see through a natural me-
dium. Should a dreamer be trusted
with the conduct of important af-
fairs, he would soon play before
high heaven such fantastic tricks as
make the angels weep.
AMICABLE RELATIONS.
It would be impossible to intensify
the condemnation or the contempt
manifested by our party of peace
for a firm and dignified foreign
Amicable Relations.
1871.]
policy. Wars and quarrels, they
said, arise from unbecoming arro-
gance, from undue maintenance of
what we call our rights, from im-
patience of the just claims of others,
from interference in the quarrels of
foreigners — above all, from the know-
ledge that we possess the means of
going to war. Their counsel there-
fore was, to be rid of our army and
navy, so that under no provocation
and in no extremity we might
be able immediately to help our-
selves ; to be meek in setting forth
our own rights and opinions ; to
refuse to concern ourselves with any
dispute which might not immedi-
ately affect us ; and to entertain all
manner of demands, no matter what
discussions or correspondences they
might involve us in. This modera-
tion and innocence, this unobtrusive
amiability, cannot fail to impress
even the rudest and most quarrel-
some of our neighbours, who must
sooner or later be charmed by our
sweet humility ; while from those
who are at all softened by culture,
it must earn us admiration, respect,
love, nay imitation ; for our beautiful
example is to convince the whole
world of error, and bring it step
by step to the fulness of brotherly
love.
It took a long time to induce the
people of this country to test these
kindly doctrines. Our older states-
men, and our elders generally till
lately, could remember long wars
and the passions which moved men
in those troubled times. They let
the peaceful evangelists prattle away
without contradiction, but they'^took
care that the peace doctrines should
be confined to talk, not brought into
act. Wary seniors these were, who
knew men and cities, whose youth
had been passed amid stir and ex-
citement, who smiled at the babble
of a theory, and acted like men of
this world. Not all the talk — not
all the inkshed that could proceed
VOL. CIX. — NO. DCLXIV.
243
from an inexperienced vain gener-
ation— for an instant dimmed the
perceptions of these veterans ; they
refused to hear the voice of the
charmers, but they did not conde-
scend to answer what appeared to
them self-evident trash. Here and
there an utterance from one of them
would become known, and would
be seized upon by the country as an
oracle, so refreshing was its sound
clear tone and manly argument
after the vapid whine of the pro-
fessed talkers. Notably, a letter
from the late Duke of Wellington
to Sir John Burgoyne, which was
never intended for publication,
found its way into print by acci-
dent, and immediately took posses-
sion of the public mind. In it the
country was reminded of the kind
of title by which England holds
most of her possessions. It was
shown that what England had ac-
quired by the sword, other nations
might consider themselves warranted
in taking from her by the sword, if
they could. Mention was made,
too, of the defeats and humiliations
which England, in the day of her
strength, had inflicted on other
nations. It was not said that these
were unjustly or even \innecessarily
inflicted ; but it was wisely ob-
served that the nations which had
been obliged to endure them would
never allow that they were deserved,
would never cease to cherish the
hope of retaliating, would never
forbear to retaliate, if fate or our
own folly should give them the
opportunity. The practical advice
which lay behind these arguments
was, that if we wished to be left to
the quiet enjoyment of what we had
got, our only plan was to show that
we knew how to defend it.
The nervous style, the unanswer-
able reasoning of this letter, could
not fail to make a deep impression.
So effectually did it open men's
eyes, so completely did it invert for
244
New Year's Musings.
[Feb.
the time the current of public feel-
ing, and expose the fallacies of the
peacemongers, that the whole of
these amiable men were beside them-
selves with chagrin, and one or two
of them broke out into railing, as
unhappily it was their nature to.
Loudest in abuse was the eminent
peace-doctor, Mr Eichard Cobden,
who could find nothing better to
say by way of refutation than that
the Duke was tottering on the very
verge of the grave. "He is seventy-
seven years old," said the dema-
gogue, " which explains it all,
and excuses it." This was a
grave mistake, as the scoffer soon
found to his cost. The people had
been too felicitously taught, too
much relieved of their doubts by
the Duke's unaccustomed searching
rhetoric, to tolerate again imme-
diately the old leaven of objurga-
tion and cant. The whole press,
the whole public, rose up without
distinction of parties to condemn
the upstart who had dared to launch
a jeer at words which had so emi-
nently satisfied the general require-
ment. The good impression, however,
died away, and the great Duke died ;
so the old peace fallacies began again
to prevail, but were rudely inter-
rupted by the Crimean "War, into
which we drifted under the feeble
guidance of the first Administration
that ever gave the least countenance
to the preachers of peace. Of course,
while we were at war the party was
kept pretty quiet, but it was not
long after peace was made that they
began again, exercising more or less
influence. Their errors were ex-
posed now and then by such men
as the Napiers, and continually by
Lord Palmerston ; yet, by mere
iteration and vehemence, these errors
gained countenance, until at last, in
an evil hour, an English Administra-
tion was formed which was known
to be wholly subject to the dicta-
tion of the Peace-at-any-price party.
Thus the doctrines were brought
to a test. They were no longer to
be maintained by argument and
exhortation alone, but the country
had an opportunity of judging by
results in what direction they were
likely to take us. It is commonly
a disadvantage in political experi-
menting, that the effects of innova-
tions are slow in being developed,
and that a succeeding generation has
to read the lesson derivable from
their predecessors' .acts. In this
case, however, the sad proof was
not so long delayed. Not a decen-
nium, not a lustrum, not an olym-
piad had elapsed before the conse-
quences of the grievous fallacy were
too painfully apparent. So rapid
was the baneful progress of a Peace
Ministry, that they had not been in
office two years before they had so
damaged the condition and position
of England, that the gravest and
most unfeigned alarm was felt from
one end of the country to the other.
We begin the year 1871 so friend-
less, so disliked, and so disabled,
that the nation may well be dissatis-
fied and dismayed.
We have notoriously gained the
ill-will of both the belligerents on
the continent of Europe. We have
incurred the contempt and conse-
quently the insult of Russia, who
has coolly told us that she repudi-
ates the obligations into which she
entered fourteen years ago. The
opportunity thus given us of stand-
ing forth and vindicating our own
honour, and, at the head of a con-
federation, insisting on the rights
of Europe, has been not only ne-
glected, but turned to our disgrace
and degradation in the eyes of those
Powers whom a common interest
would have inclined to accept our
leadership. Victorious Prussia is
favouring the designs of Russia
against us. And, on the other
side of the Atlantic, the United
States of America are reviving old
1871.]
demands and inventing new ones,
•with the avowed intention of add-
ing to our embarrassments and dam-
aging us materially. Our standing
or falling is looked for with politi-
cal indifference by the nations ; as a
matter of sentiment there is scarcely
one, great or small, that will not re-
joice to see us humbled. It is not
to be wondered at if with the loss
of prestige abroad comes the re-
vival of domestic troubles — Fenian-
ism, Eepublicanism. This is truly
a glorious result of two years' gov-
ernment by a peace - seeking Min-
istry !
Is it then so wicked and so irra-
tional a thing to desire peace and
goodwill, that to entertain such a
desire is inevitably to incur merited
punishment, moral and material?
Certainly not. Such is not the ar-
gument of those who oppose the
peacemongers, although the latter
are fond of saying that it is, and of
imputing to all who will not swal-
low their doctrines whole a crimi-
nal desire for Avar. It is not the
desire for peace which the other
side condemns, but it is the seek-
ing after peace by inadequate, silly
means — means which must not only
fail of their object, but which tend
to bring about the very evils which
they are intended to avert, while at
the same time they render us incap-
able of repelling those evils. We
are not denying the truth that a
meek, unassuming deportment, an
unselfish course of dealing, a with-
drawal from broils and contests, may,
and often do, induce forbearance if
not respect, a good name if not
worldly benefits. But in order that
the virtues may bear this fruit, con-
duct must throughout be consistent ;
others must be convinced of the
genuineness of the self-denial. And
here it is, we take it, that the plans
of the Peace party are at fault.
They imagine that the world will
take them at their word and believe
Amicable Relations.
245
in their sincerity. We know that
the world will do no such thing.
We can understand, moreover, why
the world should not be in a great
hurry to believe our professions, and
should attribute to us very different
motives from those which we put
forward. They look at our great
possessions and remember the means
by which many of them came into
our hands. Some of the Powers
felt, not so very long ago, the qual-
ity of our teeth. There are few of
them over whom we do not hold
some little souvenir of what the
British Lion can do when he is
stirred up with a long pole. The
faintest suspicion may come over
them, that not peace for peace's sake,
but undisturbed enjoyment of great
wealth, is what we really want.
Now, we are very far indeed from
saying that Britain has not the best
possible right to all that she owns.
She got it hardly and honourably,
and Heaven send that she keep it
long ! But we can hardly expect
our neighbours to join in this senti-
ment, to forget antecedents, and pos-
sibly old rights which they fancy that
we have overridden, and to credit us
with a resolution to devote ourselves
henceforth to peace and brotherly
love. Then, again, the professors of
the peace doctrines themselves do
not exhibit that coincidence of life
and doctrine which constitute lucid
proof of honesty and sincerity.
On the contrary, many of them
have shown dispositions the most
pugnacious and offensive. Notori-
ously Mr Bright, the most promi-
nent of the Peace party, though he
condemns national wars and provo-
cations, does not in the least abstain
from injurious language, the gravest
imputations, and wholesale denunci-
ations— the very offences which en-
gender envy, hatred, malice, and all
uncharitableness. And then it is
not so long ago, when there was
war in the United States of America,
246
New Year's Musings.
[FeK
that Mr Bright' s intense love of
peace seemed suddenly to decline.
He had not so much to say against
war when it was waged for a politi-
cal purpose of which he approved.
Now, we are not questioning Mr
Bright' s sincerity. We believe that,
according to his lights, he does
honestly and conscientiously act in
accordance with his principles ; and
we know that when his doctrines
were out of favour during the Crim-
ean War, he suffered unpopularity
for them, and bided his time until
they could again be received, there-
by contrasting most favourably with
his head-pupil, who, when he found
himself associated with a losing
cause, was troubled with convictions,
and turned his coat inside out. But
Mr Bright, whatever his belief may
be, has his weaknesses as well as
the rest of us, and these weaknesses
he does not conceal. However,
therefore, we may ascribe to him
honesty of purpose, we cannot hope
that foreigners Avill shut their eyes
to the inconsistencies that we have
been pointing out. In a word, to
imagine that we can persuade other
nations to seek peace, and ensue it,
by loud professions, or even by cast-
ing away our sword and shield, is
absurd.
But we have said that we do not
differ from Mr Bright and his party
as to the desire of preserving peace,
but only as to the means by which
the desire is to be satisfied. What,
then, according to our view, are the
most promising means of preserving
peace ?
If men are so blinded by passion
or interest that they refuse to listen
to our protestations, and only insult
our unarmed innocence, it is clear
that before we can preach with
effect we must make ourselves re-
spected. Talking will not do this.
The peoples with whom we have to
deal are so constituted that they
will reverence only those who show
a clear appreciation of what is due
to themselves, and a resolution and
ability to exact their rights. The-
powerful alone can afford to be paci-
fic. Inspire foreign Governments
with the belief that you are able-
and ready to resist encroachment
and to chastise impertinence, and
then they will not misconstrue your
motives when you show a preference?
for peace. The Peace party will tell
us, that to assume such an attitude
is to become quarrelsome and menac-
ing ; but those who know anything
of the world can tell them that it is-
no such thing. There is a perfectly
dignified and undemonstrative bear-
ing which, though indicating con-
scious power, is most studious not
to offend or provoke. It is not
enough that in the cause of peace
we refrain from molesting others; it
is necessary also that we possess the
means of preventing them from
molesting us. On these two condi-
tions the maintenance of peace is
probable ; on the one condition of
mere unwillingness to fight, it is
impossible. We need hardly say
more particularly what we mean.
We must maintain an efficient army
and navy, especially a navy ; and
we must let it be understood that
when gentle means fail we intend
to use these forces, although we
greatly prefer the use of gentle
means. It is astonishing how such
a course will open the understand-
ings of the contentious, and incline
them to receive our doctrine. The
late Lord Palmerston seems to have
understood thoroughly this truth.
He was constantly accused by the
Peace party of an indifference to
quiet — nay, of a positive desire for
strife ; and yet in a very long career
he never committed the country to
a Avar, while it may be asserted that
by his judicious method of showing
a bold front, and letting opponents
see that he knew how to hold his
own, he often averted that calamity^
1871.]
Amicable Relations.
247
And it is true, not only that we
can keep our own and enforce what
we know to be right by keeping up
•our strength ; it is also true that by
this means we can obtain that credit
for moderation and disinterestedness
which the Peace party bid for in
vain. When the British force
marched back from Abyssinia, hav-
ing gallantly rescued the prisoners
and punished their captor, there
came from all sides an ungrudging
acknowledgment of the generous
impulse which alone prompted that
•expedition. It was patent to all
who regarded the aifair that we pos-
sessed the pOAver to gain ulterior
•ends, had that been our desire. They
could not help believing in the
singleness of our intent, and they
yielded their admiration accordingly.
But, as we have said, they are not
half so clearly convinced by all the
groanings about war and its hor-
rors, and the platitudes about peace.
They suspect strongly an arriere
pensee directed to the breeches-
pocket — nay, some do not hesitate
to suggest a little paleness about the
liver.
Taking the designation in its
broad sense, we may say that all
England is a Peace party, but it is
divided into sections, which pursue
the same dear end of peace by very
•different means. We do not at all
deny the zeal of the professing Peace
men, but say that it is not accord-
ing to knowledge. We claim for
ourselves an equally ardent but a
more intelligent zeal. And we cite
the pitiable condition in which our
country stands in proof that, at any
rate, the Peace professors are incap-
able of leading the world to the pro-
anised goal, but, instead thereof, have
brought us to the brink of most
•calamitous strife.
We had hoped to be able before
closing this notice to say a word
concerning hope of peace ; but, alas !
as far as military events can induce
it, peace seems to be no nearer. If
the Prussians will not attack, and
the French can endure their priva-
tions, how can the end of the war
come ? The languor and indecision
now observable could hardly have
been anticipated in the rapid period
of Sedan and Metz. Meanwhile, if
the quarrel cannot be brought to a
close by arms, there is the faint
chance that the Conference may find
means of healing it. It is not an
unpromising sign that M. Jules
Favre seems at length disposed to
accept a safe-conduct and take part
in the proceedings. With represen-
tatives of the two belligerents, and
of other great Powers, competent
and ready to mediate, all assembled
round the same board, a compromise
must surely be made if compromise
be possible.
But while our regard is "before
Paris," there is a transaction to be
noted of that neighbourhood, for
the moment overshadowed by the
war, but of far greater consequence
to Europe than the restoration of
peace between two of her nations.
The acceptance by the King of
Prussia of the Imperial title, which
is the outward and visible sign of
the unification of Germany having
taken form and substance, is fraught
with interest to the whole world.
For if it be European progress which
is lighting the earth, then the earth
for weal or woe will feel the great
change which has been formally
heralded from Versailles. A new
primacy has been established among
the nations of the Old World, and
the anxious thought arises whether
we are to be driven back towards
barbarism, or whether knowledge,
improvement, the elevation of our
nature, are to receive a fresh impetus,
own a glorious leader. The new
Emperor promises fairly, of course j
and happily there are reasons, de-
rivable chiefly from the known char-
acter of the German peoples, for an-
248
New Year's Musings.
[Feb.
ticipating much good. But, on the
other hand, in the Government, in
the Court, there is a savour of some-
thing so like Nspotoonism, so like a
lust of subjugation rather than a de-
sire to benefit, something so tortuous,
so unscrupulous, that men may well
stand awe-struck in its presence.
Surely, in such circumstances, it
would be wise to restrain to the
greatest possible extent the arro-
gance which may follow victory, to
provide the greatest inducement for
choosing the higher path — not to
wait supinely till the disposition of
Prussia shall be declared, but to
take a bond of fate. It would
be well if the nations of Western
Europe could at once strengthen
themselves and stand ready to
avert the possible sword that is un-
sheathed, and may intend not to be
quiet. That they are not associat-
ing themselves for this holy end is
due to the fact that they are individ-
ually weak and have no leader.
They have no leader because England
is recreant : England is impatient of
wars Avhich interrupt her commerce,
disturb her repose, and falsify the
predictions of her prophets. Be-
cause she does not like war she
refuses to recognise the full im-
port of the war that exists, which is
not a quarrel between two foreign
nations only, but a rude unsettl-
ing of the equilibrium of Europe.
She will not consider that there is
a spirit of evil at large, whose future
movements none can predict, that
issues of life and death are depend-
ing. Is it a time, then, " to receive
money, and to receive garments, and
oliveyards, and vineyards, and sheep,,
and oxen, and men-servants, and
maid-servants," when every people
with the least foresight would be up
and doing] Austria alone of the
non-belligerent nations appears to
comprehend the gravity of the situa-
tion. Austria alone has spoken out
as becomes a nation, has stood in
the gap when others failed of their
duty, has made us feelhowour Minis-
ter ought to have acted and spoken.
But we believe that England is, at
any rate, beginning to perceive that
there is something more than a
passing shower in the air, that it
will not do to get xmder a tree
and expect the sun to shine again
presently. Still she does not see
the greatness of the danger. She
does not reflect that her affairs
are administered by a set of men
who dare not, under any circum-
stances, break with the Peace-at-
any-price party, who may be strongly
tempted to a course inconsistent
with the honour and the true
interests of the country. Surely
in such a crisis the Ministers of
England should be wholly un-
shackled; not "slaves of any uto-
pian theory, not trammelled by
silly utterances and obligations in.
respect to war and warlike prepara-
tion !
We could hail the German Empire
with more satisfaction if we kneAv
only that the British Empire was
under truer guidance.
DEAD-SEA FRUIT.
If any man ever proved the vanity
of human devices, we imagine that
the Prime Minister of England must
have proved it now. Two years
only have elapsed since, with an
overwhelming majority, he took
office ; two years and a-half since
he made his successful bid for place
by proposing to disestablish and
disendow the Irish Church ; a little-
more than two years since he an-
nounced that our military and naval
expenses were excessive, and ought
to be curtailed. He was extremely
1871.]
Dead-Sea Fruit.
249
popular at the beginning of 1869.
He commenced his administration
under such favourable circumstances
as have fallen to the lot of few.
Since then no untoward accident,
no single adherence to any great
principle, has suddenly placed a gulf
between him and his admirers ; and
yet he has contrived not only to
alienate enthusiasm from himself,
but to render it extremely doubtful
whether his Ministry can endure
through another session of Parlia-
ment. One is absolutely amazed at
the blundering perversity which in
so short a time can have dispelled
so many advantages. If he had
tried to ruin himself at such a pace,
he would probably have failed.
Nothing but an intense devotion to
success, without the least perception
of how success was to be achieved,
could have lost such a game against
time. That he might make haste
to be great, he sacrificed what to
most men is dearer than greatness ;
but as one who sails against an un-
suspected current, he drifted steadily
from his object, till, now, it seems
unattainable. He plucked his apple,
but,
" Fondly thinking to allay
His appetite with gust, instead of fruit
Chewed bitter ashes."
Though this is the greatest of Mr
Gladstone's reverses, it is by no
means the only one. It attracts
general attention because of his high
position. But in truth his whole
career has been a sequence of violent
ups and downs — of large successes,
followed certainly by large disap-
pointments. Oxford thought high-
ly of him, and treated him with the
greatest distinction, then reproached
and dismissed him. South Lanca-
shire made him her joy, and then
turned from him with loathing.
Greenwich sprang up and prayed
for the honour of worshipping him ;
now the relations between them are
certainly not those of idol and idol-
aters, unless they be such relations
as exist where disappointed devo-
tees flog their inexorable images.
To return to our figure of a ship
apparently borne gallantly on her
course, but really carried astern by
a treacherous current — such has been
our Premier's voyage. "While seem-
ingly working towards his goal he
has really been losing ground — for-
feiting the good opinion of the high-
est and most intelligent, and falling
back by a certain retrocession upon
baser and less discriminating appre-
ciation. It is no bar to our argu-
ment that his greatest elevation was
attained only two years since, for
this elevation was given to him by
the most fickle and least reflecting
classes to which he has ever ap-
pealed ; and the speed with which
they have grown tired of him shows
that it was a popular impulse, not a
fixed national purpose, which lifted
him up.
It is well worthy of remark that
all the ruptures between Mr Glad-
stone and his constituents have
been on the same imputed grounds.
The constituencies have all said (we
do not say it) that he has betrayed
them. Oxford University sent him
to curse her enemies, and then, like
Balak, complained that he had
blessed them altogether. South Lan-
cashire's complaint, as far as can be
gathered from the cries of the elec-
tion in 1868, was that Mr Gladstone
was a turncoat. The language of a
requisition lately composed at Green-
wich, and now notorious, is, that
Mr Gladstone has " abused his
trust." Now, these coincidences
are, to say the least of them, very
striking. Such an accusation to be
brought against Mr Gladstone of all
men, and to be thrice repeated at
diflerent periods in his life! We
have said that we do not make the
charges, and are unable to decide whe-
ther they are proven or not proven.
It is certain, however, that we have
250
New Year's Musirtgs.
[Feb.
one or two complaints to make
against tlie right honourable gen-
tleman, which have a disagreeable
likeness to those put forward by
his past and present constituents.
We cannot quite forget his conduct
to the Irish Church. And we think,
and have said before, that the con-
dition to which the three kingdoms
have been reduced looks very like a
betrayal — as if party interests had
been pursued at the expense of
national.
But to estimate the significance
of all these quarrels we have to con-
sider that every one of them marks
the "love to hatred turned" of a
powerful class. First the Premier
was discarded by the learned mem-
bers of the university, a body with
whom, if with any, we should have
thought his sympathies to reside.
Then the landed influence of his
native county division could not
away with him, which was a dis-
missal still more damaging than the
first. And finally, having thrown
himself upon "his own flesh and
blood," he is considered by the
electors of Greenwich, or at least
by a portion of them, too slippery
for their representative, and re-
quested to resign. One would
think that the lowest point of de-
gradation was now reached. But
no, — Mr Gladstone's ingenuity iu.
falling is not exhausted ;
"And in the lowest deep a lower deep
Still threatening to devour me opens wide."
Perhaps we may hear yet of a jilted
Beales or a Finlen tradito.
Our power of analysis and our
space are both insufficient for giving
a full explanation of this most piti-
able gravitation toward the lowest
room. The condensed reason, as it
seems to be finding expression in
the country, is, that Mr Gladstone
is certainly great in words, written
and spoken — that he has an inex-
haustible supply of them at the
service of anybody and everybody
— and that by them he raises an
opinion of his general ability, and
of a strength of character which
he does not possess ; — for words,
men say, are not works. We
may observe, too, that there is a
want of dignity in Mr Gladstone
— a readiness to (we borrow the
phrase from the ' Saturday Re-
view ') descend into the gutter to
serve a temporary purpose, which is
most damaging to the people's esti-
mation of him. When he quarrels
•with a class, the breach is irreme-
diable : and he has incurred the
censure of so many classes, that if
he should be now, as he probably
will be, declared incompetent, there
is an end to his hopes, a long fare-
well to all his greatness. If ever a
man ventured, "like little wanton
boys that swim on bladders," far be-
yond his depth, Mr Gladstone has
done so. With the presumption of
a conscious master of words, and
with the short sight of inexperience,
he caught at the opportunity of
unseating Mr Disraeli's Ministry in
1868, little suspecting that the cry
for disarmament which he then raised
would so soon work woe to himself.
His accession to office by means of
that most discreditable attack looked
like a triumph, but may prove to
have been but the temptation to his
severest fall. For if it be truly said
that he loses the confidence of every
one who trusts him, he is sure,
sooner or later, to incur the distrust
of the householders by whose votes
he rose to power, and then
Let us whisper in your ear, reader
— for it is too soon to say it aloud,
though ere long it will be proclaimed
from the house-tops — in your ear;
nearer ; Mr Gladstone is a failure !
1871.]
Before Paris.
251
BEFORE PARIS.
The sluggishness of the siege of
Paris during the months of October,
November, December seemed to in-
dicate that the foresight of the great
Von Moltke had for once been at
fault. He can never by deliberate
arrangement have appointed siege
operations to take place in the dark-
est dajrs of winter, when the frozen
ground resists the spade, when the
hardiest troops can hardly stand to
their work, when the transport is
most difficult, when the protection
of ammunition in field-magazines is
wellnigh impossible, when the ele-
ments are so likely to second the at-
tempts of the enemy, when disaster,
if it should come, would be heaviest.
The voluntary acceptance of so much
risk, such certain loss, is not excused
by the consideration that the attack
from without would be doubly effec-
tive when it could be seconded by
the pressure of cold and famine from
within. Loss of time in the opera-
tions of war is an error of the grav-
est kind ; and want is as likely to
excite ferocity and confirm fanati-
cism as to quell the spirit of the
defenders. On the whole, we in-
cline to reject the supposition that
this long interval was in the pro-
gramme. There has probably been
miscalculation somewhere, and the
Prussians are supremely lucky in
that their enemies have known so
little how to profit by the delay
and by the inclement season. It
would be presumptuous to con-
demn a course taken by one who
has proved himself so able as
the veteran chief of the Prussian
staff ; but we may perhaps say with-
out immodesty that the reason for
not proceeding with the siege as
soon as the investment was formed
is not apparent. At that time the
troops inside the city were in great
proportion untrained; nothing could
have been in order for a siege, even
though stores might have been ac-
cumulated; the country generally
was paralysed by the huge disaster
at Sedan, and was for the time un-
equal to the smallest effort. Every
one then looked for the attack, but
the attack did not take place. There
were, perhaps, excellent political
reasons why the attack should not
be made then, nor at all ; but it is
now evident that these reasons were
not allowed to prevail. The attack
was to be, and it is hard to assign a
good military reason why it did not
take place earlier. Grant that there
was hesitation from any cause, and
the prestige which the foresight and
decision of Prussia had obtained
disappears.
Be the cause what it may, we see
the campaign, broken off, as it were, in
the autumn of 1870, resumed, after
a long hiatus, in 1871. On hearing
again in the peaceful Christmas ho-
lidays of the din and dire accom-
paniments of battle, the mind can
hardly help reverting to the weird
legends which the season brings back
— is fain to think that the fierce on-
set, hushed suddenly and paralysed
for months by some enchanter, had
with the changing year been re-
lieved from the spell, and the de-
mons of war let loose again to ply
their infernal mischief and redden
the gloom of winter. Once more
the character of the defences ot
Paris rises to importance among the
forces which may decide the dura-
tion, or possibly the fortune, of the
war. As was said in a former paper,
there is a continuous enceinte, with
a circuit of over twenty miles, en-
closing the city and forming the
body of the place. The escarp, or
retaining-wall which supports the
earth of the ramparts, is high enough
to make escalade extremely difficult,
252
New Year's Musing.
[Feb.
and is said to be of good masonry ;
so that it will take a good deal of
hammering before it gives way.
The outer bank of the ditch has no
wall ; the earth lies at its natural
slope — i.e., an angle of 45 degrees ;
and outside the ditch altogether
runs another bank about twelve
feet high, masking a passage be-
tween it and the ditch, which pass-
age is called the cover ed-icay. There
is no outwork properly so called,
but there are many detached forts
at various distances (none of them
less than an English mile) from the
enceinte, and of different degrees of
strength. These forts have been ir-
regularly placed according to the
nature of the ground, and many of
them are respectable works. In
the majority of cases, each fort is
within supporting distance of two
other forts, but one or two are iso-
lated, and must be self-supporting.
In particular Mont Valerien, the
strongest of them, stands alone. In
a regular attack, which seems to be
what the Prussians are now begin-
ning, some of these detached forts
must of necessity be reduced before
the besieger can attack the enceinte ;
and to reduce them now will, if
there be any meaning in the de-
fence, be a more difficult matter
than it would have been in the
autumn, because the besieged have
used the interval to construct earth-
works for the purpose of connecting
and supporting the permanent de-
tached works.
Two statements have been made
in reference to the present value of
these works, and if either of them
be true the exact strength of the
walls will not be of very great mo-
ment. One is that ammunition and
stores are failing ; the other, that
when they have got formidable
works, the garrison have not got
constancy to defend them. In proof
of the latter statement the hasty
abandonment of the redoubt on
Mont Avron appears to be strong
evidence. Nevertheless both state-
ments may arise from vain imagina-
tions, in which case we fall back
upon the former assertion, that the
forts must be reduced and the mile
of ground between them and the
enceinte then crossed under, cover
by the besieger — i.e., in zigzag
roads, as was explained in our
October number.
By reference to the same October
number it will be seen that we ven-
tured to state in what method it was
likely that the Prussians would deal
with the forts. It was there said
that they would drown these works
in fire, and beat them to pieces. So
far as can be perceived, this is the
very course which is being pursued.
The besiegers will not condescend to
open trenches against the outworks,
breach their ramparts, and then
enter through the breaches ; but he
seems to contemplate so battering
them that the defenders shall be
driven out. This, let us remark,
woidd be impossible if there were
an approach to equality between
attack and defence. From the bat-
teries of such forts, if properly
manned and fought, a besieger ought
to get, in the first instance, quite as
warm treatment as he might give.*
As January rolls away, the chance
of the French armies which operate
outside the Prussian cordon being
able to avert the fate of the capital
rolls away also. Paris is left to the
skill, constancy, and valour of its
defenders, and according to their
strength so will its days be. We
* The attacking power of a whole empire is directed on one city. Moreover, it
is certain that the redoubt on Mont Avron did not do its best ; hence there is reason
to fear that the forts may not be doing their best.
Since the text was written, however, the game has become a little plainer. There
is doubt as to whether the attack is in earnest, and there may be justification for
the forts reserving their fire.
1871.]
Before. Pari*.
255
never thought the defence of the
city a wise proceeding; neverthe-
less we hope that, having called all
the world to witness their devotion,
the garrison will at least make a
stand that shall be worthy of such
earnest promises. But it is to be
feared that these determined men
can now do no more than sacrifice
themselves dearly. Whether the
resistance be long or short, the in-
evitable end seems to loom through
the mist. When the city falls, there
must be practically an end of the
war. That fatal question, "which
of us is greater1?" will have been
solved, and mankind will be at
leisure to sum up the blood and
tears and ruin which the solution
has cost.
Supposing, now, that the attack
be proceeded with in the usual man-
ner, and without more pauses, the
place, if well defended, might hold
out to the middle of February. By
that time the walls at least must
fall, and any resistance which might
follow would be made among the
streets and houses. And we have
no warrant whatever for presuming
that such fighting will not occur.
" Oh ! but when once the city walls
are taken they must see that there
is an end," people are beginning to
say. It is, however, by no means
certain that they will see anything
of the sort. They could see nothing
after Sedan ; they could see nothing
after Metz ; they could see nothing
when the First Army of the Loire
collapsed; nor when the Govern-
ment removed from Tours ; nor in
the defeats of Faidherbe or Chanzy ;
why should they see after the cap-
ture of the ramparts ? It is better
sometimes that people should know
when they are beaten, one begins to
think, though even yet this war may
not furnish a proof that it is so.
But those who could see no sense in
defending Paris, in turning out raw
levies by hundreds of thousands
to gorge the dogs of war or to fill
German prisons, and in keeping
France for months in a state of par-
alysis, will be slow to recognise the
utility or the merit of bringing Ate
hot from hell right up to the hearth
and the altar. We read in the cor-
respondents' letters that a stray shell
falling now in a street of the city
causes no consternation, and per-
haps an irruption of Prussians, if it
occur, may be looked upon as only
the commencement of the real
struggle. Notwithstanding the ac-
counts of the unpopularity of the
commandant, of the attempts of the
press and of parties to alter the
plan of defence, of the hope of the
city being sustained by belief that
Chanzy with a delivering army is
at hand, and that they can hear his.
distant guns, we do not feel at all
certain that a capitulation will take
place, or that the last horrors of fire
and sword will not be defied.
The great circuit of the attack is,
so far as we know, without a preced-
ent. It is, of course, necessary to
thoroughly invest the whole fortress ;
but when this is done, old maxims
prescribe the selection of one or two-
faces for attack. Upon the attack
of these faces the besieger is then
directed to concentrate his means,
working steadily along upon their
salients, and neglecting the faces
and the detachments which do not
thus come in his way. But as yet
it is impossible to say where the
Germans mean to breach the en-
ceinte, or to say why their method
is so peculiar. By-and-by, perhaps,
those who may live to see the end
of this terrible war may be enlight-
ened as to the reasons for not mak-
ing approaches in the old way, and
may see the whole theory of attack
revolutionised. One is apt to sus-
pect at first that the increased and
more deadly range of the rifled
musket may have something to do
with the change, and may have
thrown the whole burden of the
attack on the artillery ; but when
254
New Year's Musings.
[Feb.
one reflects, it is clear that the re-
lative ranges of small-arms and can-
non are not veiy different no\v
from what they were in the old
smooth-bore and exclusively muzzle-
loading days. Of old the small-arm
was formidable to the besieger at
the distance of two hundred yards,
as indicated by the position of his
second parallel, and his artillery
was effective at about eight hundred
yards from the place, — his first bat-
teries being erected at that distance.
Xow, nine hundred yards for the
musket, and from three to four
thousand yards for cannon, may be
assumed. One doubts, therefore,
after all, whether the changed wea-
pons be the cause of the new system,
or rather of the experiment, or whe-
ther a mind as penetrating as his *
who invented the ricochet fire has
invented a new application of the
arms so as to give a decided superi-
ority to the attack over the defence.
We are aware that it has been
hinted that the artillery attack is,
after all, but a sham attack — a
little noise and smoke to quiet
impatience on the further side of
the Ehine, and that now, as in the
beginning of the siege, famine is the
real assailant in which the Germans
trust. But we can hardly believe
that such approved leaders would
condescend to such deceit ; neither
can we quite understand the reasons
which are supposed to recommend
all this " sound and fury, signifying
nothing," to cover a delay of wliich
there is no need. We repeat that,
notwithstanding that the Germans
seem likely to have things their
own way, wilful delay is unwarrant-
able.
While we wait for later intelli-
gence which may peradventure ex-
plain more clearly the design and
method of the attack, let us quote,
as indicative of the feelings en-
gendered by the siege, a passage
from the ' Gaulois,' a Paris paper,
and copied in the ' Daily News '
of the 13th January. In it the
enemy are called Prussian beg-
gars, Prussian scoundrels, bandits,
Vandals, and the right is claimed
of hating them with a royal hatred.
And it goes on to say, " You will
see by the hatred which we shall
ever bear to you, that we too know
how to love — our time will come
some day, be assured. This Jan-
uary 1 of the year 1871 inaugu-
rates a terrible era of bloody re-
venge. Poor philosophers of uni-
versal peace,, you see now the value
of your grand phrases, and of your
humanitarian dreams! Vainly you
imagined that the world was enter-
ing into a period of everlasting
peace and progress. Wonderful
progress, indeed, has 1870 brought
us ! You never calculated on the
existence of these Huns. We are
back again now in the midst of all
the miseries of the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries. The memory
of to-day will be written on the
hearts of our children. ' It was the
year,' they will say, ' when we re-
ceived no presents, when we did not
kiss our father, because of the Prus-
sians. They shall pay for it !' Let
us hope that the payment will com-
mence this very day. But if we
are still to be vanquished, we will
leave to our children the memory of
our wrongs, and the care to avenge
them." Such writing gives little
ground for hoping that the causes
of Avar will die out with this war.
The battles of August and Septem-
ber might perhaps have been for-
gotten or condoned, but the incidents
of this siese will no doubt rankle
* Vauban. He found that by slightly elevating a gun, so that its line of fire would
pass above the enemy's rampart, he could, Avith a reduced charge of powder, pitch
over the parapet a shot wliich would make several hops after it first struck the ground.
So, by making batteries on the prolongations of the lines of ramparts, he sent destruc-
tion among guns, gunners, and musketeers along the inside of the walls.
1871.]
Before Pa;vV.
255
for years, perhaps for generations to
come. Shut in as the civil popula-
tion of Paris are, they have nothing
to do but to brood over their troubles
— their wrongs, as they think them
— and to vow vengeance, and record
harrowing details to keep the feud
alive in the breasts of their descend-
ants. This is one reason why to
besiege Paris Avas an ill-advised
measure — a reason also why, if siege
there was to be, it should have been
prosecuted with vigour, and brought
to a close as rapidly as possible. If
this Avar be, as it probably is, the
product of the Avars waged in the
beginning of the century, it is
likely also to be the parent of
Avars for many a year. If a French-
man may ever see that he has
opportunity of injuring Prussia,
he will always think that he has
the justification. We must hope
that opportunity will not occur un-
til time shall have cicatrised these
wounds, noAV so agonising, and that
neAV interests, new relations, new
distributions of poAver, may fuse the
elements of nations and Avear out
the bitter grudge. There is some
comfort in the reflection that French
threatenings do not invariably take
effect. England has in times past
been told to expect annihilation on
an early day, ami, when the Russians
objected to the French Avintering
in MOSCOAV, and \vithout great cere-
mony drove them out, the sense of
injury among the French, and their
denunciations of future vengeance,
Avere extreme. Yet, except the Cri-
mean War, Avhich Avas not a very
savage Avar, France has had no fight
Avith Russia. She probably will for-
get Russian, in occupying herself
Avith German, injuries.
And Avhile Ave are speaking of
the ' Daily NCAVS,' let us notice a per-
plexity of one of its correspondents,
Avhich may have been, and may be
still, a perplexity to many beside.
The correspondent saAv iron in any
quantity arching through the air,
hissing, Avhistling, and falling upon
Paris. He speaks of this to his
familiars in the camp as " the bom-
bardment," but is told that this is
not a bombardment. If not, then, if
this isn't a bombardment, he would
like very much to knoAv Avhat is.
Unquestionably to send a shoAver of
bombs into a place must be to bom-
bard it, in the broad sense of the
Avord. But in military phrase there-
is a distinction, Avhich AVC take to be
this: When fortifications defend-
ed by artillery are also attacked by
artillery, the fight is between bat-
tery and battery, betAveen soldier
and soldier; it is a battle and no-
thing else, although Avaged by parties-
Avho are both under cover. In this
case military men are used to speak
of "the fire" of the besieger, or
" the fire " of the place, not of bom-
bardment as proceeding from either
side. They resenre the Avord bom-
bardment for an attack by shells
made with the sole object of
destruction, and it generally im-
plies that an armed force is endea-
vouring to burn or destroy an un-
armed population, buildings, or
shipping. Thus there is an in-
equality about bombardment, a
punishment of the feeble and un-
resisting which makes the term to
some extent odious. We believe
this to be the true practical distinc-
tion, although it Avill probably not.
be found recorded on any learned
page ; and it is no discredit to the
lively correspondent of the ' Daily
NCAVS' that he does not understand
it ; far less is it to his discredit that
he honestly avows his difficulty.
There are correspondents more mili-
tary than Charles XII., more
technical than an engineer's siege
journal, Avho, though they may
not be very accurate as to facts, and
may be given to Avriting occasional
nonsense, Avould defend their per-
fect familiarity Avith military prac-
tice and speech as jealously as they
would their purse or their dinner.
256
New Year's Musings.
[Feb.
Being in the vein of investigation,
we venture to give our reading, too,
•of another expression which seems
to bother a writer here and there.
It is common to read of " the bat-
teries" as opposed to "the forts," as
if only the besieger had batteries and
the forts had none, but replied from
some mysterious source to the be-
sieger's fire. We take it that wher-
ever cannon are grouped or massed
together for action, there is a bat-
tery. Every fort has its batteries
in convenient places, and in every
fort that we have seen each battery
has a name.
The few days that have elapsed
since we began to write of the
doings before Paris have brought
forth accounts which give some
colour to the belief that there is
no soul in the German field-attack.
The batteries go on firing, it is
true, and there is a notice here and
there of trench - work ; but there
is no evidence at all of the regu-
lar approaches which would by
this time have been far advanced
if they had been undertaken with
earnestness. It is just such a de-
monstration as might be made in
order to quiet an impatient party
at home. Possibly the distance" at
which the Germans keep may ex-
plain in some sort Trochu's unreadi-
ness to make sorties. He, too, per-
haps, is playing his game of patience,
waiting till his enemy may venture
within rifle-range, or may execute
some heavy labour which the French,
without leaving the shelter of their
guns, may destroy after rushing sud-
denly out. If this be the real ex-
position of the game that is going
on, the French side of it is justified
rather than the German, and the
French loss of means and labour is
decidedly less, supposing always that
the pressure of famine can be toler-
ated for a few weeks longer. Ac-
cording to this view, it is manifest
also that the Parisians are acting
foolishly in trying to compel sorties.
If Trochu can arrange his account
with the famine for a few weeks
longer, he is quite warranted in
reserving his rush upon the Ger-
mans until he may get them at
greater advantage, which he mu*t
do if they should be at length
driven to work up to the enceinte.
The daily cost to the Germans of
thus sitting and looking' upon Paris
must be enormous, which, however,
is a point for them to consider, as
they have the initiative in the con-
test. Their honour is concerned in
their capturing Paris ; but the busi-
ness of General Trochu is to prevent
the capture, to parry their thrusts,
counteract their moves, and destroy
their works : he is by no means
bound to march afield, like Hector,
to fight his enemy on the plain
when he has the security of his
walls.*
The last intelligence which reaches
us before going to press is of M.
Gambetta's speeches at Lille. It is
plain that he intends his country
to drink the cup of sorrow to the
dregs ; while, on the other hand,
he has no rational hope of success
to offer, only the old vague promises
at which the heart sickens. Will
history describe M. Gambetta's con-
duct as patriotism 1 It is much to
be doubted. — January
• * " Car la ddfense £tant par essence borage a contravier en tout les progres de
1 attaque, il faut que rien ne s'y fasse qui ne tende efficacement a ce but. Eien n'y
doit done 6tre abandonne au hasard, ou, ce qui revient au me'me, au caprice d'agens
peu on point e'claire's !" — Bousmard : 'Essai Ge'ne'ral de Fortification.'
"En un mot, si la science de 1'attaque n'est autre chose que Tart de se rendre
mditre d'une place donnee, dans It, moins de temps et avec la moindre perte possible,
celle de la defense devra 6tre definie I'art dcfaire achetcr la prise d'une place donnee
par la plus grande perte possible d'hommcs et de temps." — Ibid.
1871.] Wakf, England, Wake! 257
WAKE, ENGLAND WAKE !
AND thought we that His reign could cease ?
And thought we that His day was done ?
For that the gentle hand of Peace
Had loosed the War-God's fiery zone 1
"Wake, England, wake ! let heart and hand be steady !
Still for thy motto take : Eeady — Aye ready !
A touch ! — a flash ! — He breaks his chain,
And starts to new and awful birth,
To loose Hell's husbandmen amain,
And sow in blood the fallow earth.
This is no time for pride of pelf ;
This is no time to sleep or save :
Britain, arise and arm thyself !
Peace has no home this side the grave.
Wake, England, wake ! let heart and hand be steady !
Still for thy motto take : Eeady — Aye ready !
Men tell us that our arm is weak ;
Men tell us that our blood is cold ;
And that our hearts no longer speak
With the rich trumpet-note of old.
With threat and taunt, with scoff and sneer,
They gather round the lion's den,
And deem him all too deaf to hear
The groAving tread of armed men.
Wake, England, wake ! let heart and hand be steady !
Still for thy motto take : Ready — Aye ready !
Above, around, and east and west,
The storm-clouds muster swift and dark ;
Think ice the flood of fire to breast,
Safe in our isle as in the ark ?
The Prussian is at Paris' gates —
The Prussian dons the iron crown,
And marshals all the vassal States
That at his mailed foot bow down.
The Russian crouches for his spring —
Columbia rails in England's tongue,
And waits to pierce, with mortal sting,
The mighty loins from which she sprung.
Wake, England, wake ! let heart and hand be steady !
Still for thy motto take : Ready — Aye ready !
258 Position of the Government. [Feb.
Faint not nor fail, ye sons of those
Who were the bravest born of men :
Our nearest friends may be our foes
Ere Christmas-tide come round again.
Though praying yet for peace on earth,
Keep dry your powder while you can,
Forearmed to meet for home and hearth
Man's message of good-will to man.
Pray we that soon, on every land,
The reign of all the saints may come ;
But till its dawning, sword-in-hand
Await we that millennium.
"Wake, England, wake ! let heart and hand be steady !
Still for thy motto take : Keady — Aye ready !
H. C. M.
THE TEMPLE, Jan. 1871.
POSITION OF THE GOVERNMENT.
NOBODY can be surprised to find,
not even the persons most deeply con-
cerned, that the confidence of the
public in the present Administration
has received a serious blow. Even if
tunes had continued as smooth upon
the surface as they were, or seemed
to be, when Mr Gladstone made his
first great bid for power, a like re-
sult must have been brought about,
though not perhaps so speedily.
Statesmen who force their way into
office as the avowed advocates of
revolutionary measures, greatly de-
ceive themselves if they imagine
that, having carried the points to
which they were pledged, they may
there stand still. The appetite for
change among revolutionary consti-
tuencies " grows with that it feeds
on." The Bill to Disestablish and
Disendow the Protestant Church in
Ireland, appealing, as it did, to the
sectarian prejudices of some and
the pure republicanism of others,
was accepted by both sections of
the extreme Liberal party as a fore-
taste, and nothing more, of better
things to come. So also the Irish
Land Act falls so far short in its
immediate effects of what was ex-
pected from it, that though accom-
plishing, in point of fact, the greatest
social revolution of modern times, it
is yet ridiculed and denounced as a
delusion and a snare by the very
men whom it is designed to benefit.
A similar spirit already manifests
itself in regard to Mr Forster's Eng-
lish Education Act. The law as it
stands declines to recognise religious
instruction as a necessary element
in popular education. But because
it permits such element to be intro-
duced at the option of school-man-
agers, no inconsiderable portion of
the Liberal party are dissatisfied.
Mr Gladstone will find himself, or
we are mistaken, constrained to
choose ere long between a modifica-
tion of the law, so as to make popu-
lar education purely secular, and
the loss of the hearty support of the
National Education League — by no
means the least influential section of"
the party which chose him to be its
leader. And, finally, this same
question of education for Ireland
1871.]
Position of the Government.
259
has assumed such an aspect, that
the Ministers who raised it to serve
their own purposes do not know
how to deal with it. Cardinal Cul-
len will be content with nothing
less than the incorporation and en-
dowment of a distinct Roman Cath-
olic University, with the substitu-
tion for the national-school system
which the late Lord Derby estab-
lished, of a scheme which shall put
the elementary education of the
Irish people absolutely in the hands
of the priests. Now if there be one
political arrangement to which, more
than all others, Scotch Presbyterians
and English Dissenters are averse,
it is that by any means, and in any
shape, the power of the Romish
priesthood should, in any portion
of the empire, be increased. No-
thing tended more to provoke the
wrath of these persons against the
Tory Government than their as-
sumed negotiations with the Romish
bishops in Ireland, though these
came to nothing. Let Mr Glad-
stone give way in ever so slight a
degree to the demands of the same
bishops as they are now put for-
ward, and he will drive from him
at least a good half of the Scotch
and English constituencies to which,
while they acted in unison with
Irish Roman Catholics, he owed his
accession to office.
Another difficulty, having its root
in Ireland, besets him ; and it is the
more formidable that neither he nor
anybody else seems to have contem-
plated its possible occurrence. The
Irish Roman Catholic laity, without
changing their faith, begin to ex-
hibit unmistakable symptoms of
impatience of priestly domination.
To what cause this remarkable fact
may be attributed, if to any in
particular, it is not easy to say.
Doubtless many causes have contri-
Kmted to produce the result. For
ixample, the national schools, not-
withstanding the undue hold over
VOL. CIX. NO. DCLXIV.
them which the Romish hierarchy
contrived of late years to establish,
certainly did their part in this work.
A reading people becomes, by degrees,
an inquiring people ; and though
they may not always, in their search
after knowledge, commit themselves
to safe guides, they seldom fail to
discover on what points their old
instructors — especially if these hap-
pen to be, as the Romish priests
notoriously are, opposed to such
inquiries — misled them. Neither,
we suspect, now that the excite-
ment of the struggle is over, have
the priesthood done much to con-
firm their hold upon the people by
the part which they played in over-
throwing the Established Church.
The people begin to discover that
the question at issue was never their
question at all. Their clergy, while
yet it was in the distance, persuaded
them to the contrary ; and believing
that rent-charges, ceasing to be paid
to the parson, would go into their
own pockets, the people marched
to the hustings under the priest's
leadership, and voted as he de-
sired. But now, the measure is car-
ried, and they receive from it no
advantages whatever ; while the
dues and fees to the priest, from
which they expected to be ex-
empt, are claimed under the old
sanction of spiritual terrorism with
as much tenacity as ever. Now
the Irish are a remarkably shrewd
people, especially where their per-
sonal interests are concerned. They
see that the priests deceived them.
The poor parson, whom they helped
to rob under the delusive idea that
what was taken from him would go
to themselves, was, in all the rela-
tions of social life, their best Mend.
And they are positively angry — in
remote country districts especially
— with their own clergy, for having
beguiled them into driving him
away. Moreover, the priests them-
selves are by no means satisfied with
260
Position of the Government.
[Feb.
the issues of the move. They did
count on gaining what the Church
lost, in spite of the protestations to
the contrary of their lay advocates
and bishops ; and as they already
begin to clamour for the restitution,
as they call it, of the old cathedrals
and parish churches, so it is quite
upon the cards that they may
aspire even yet to be recognised as
the established or dominant clergy
in the land. Thus Mr Gladstone is
exposed to fresh solicitations from
that particular body through whom
it is his policy to govern Ireland.
If he turn a deaf ear to their de-
mands, the priests will throw him
over. If he yield to them, a spirit
will be evoked among the people
which may prove too strong both
for him and his allies.
Again, a very remarkable change
has passed, or is passing, over
public opinion in Protestant Ire-
land. The English connection, to
maintain which Irish Protestants
were ready, ten years ago, to shed
their blood, has lost all value in
their eyes. "We are not prepared
to say that the upper stratum of
Churchmen, the nobles and great
landed proprietors of Ireland, are
at this moment, or are likely to
become, ferocious repealers. More
British than Irish, living a larger
portion of their time in England
than in Ireland, they still retain a
prejudice in favour of the Union,
though it is certainly not what it
once was. But the bulk of the
middle classes, especially the Pres-
byterians and Orangemen of the
north, are passing over one after
another, and by shoals, into the
camp of the Nationalist party. They
argue thus : "What do we gain from
the connection 1 The English Par-
liament has violated the conditions
on which our fathers agreed to
surrender their right to self-
government. The English Parlia-
ment has passed laws, making them
special to Ireland, which bring us
near to Communism, and must,
when pushed to their legitimate
issues, land us there. Romanism,
to restrain which, and keep its
slaves from chronic rebellion, our
ancestors gave up their homes in
England and Scotland and settled
in Ireland, is by the English Parlia-
ment pampered and petted, and, in
the persons of its hierarchy, raised
to be our master. Could we be
worse off than we are if the legis-
lative union were dissolved ? Is it
not, on the contrary, more than
probable that we should be better
off? Consider how, for lack of
capital and enterprise, our trade
languishes; how mischievously the
curse of absenteeism operates up-
on society in all its ramifications;
how strong the tendency of recent
legislation is to increase this evil;
how surely and how soon the restora-
tion of a domestic Parliament would
stop it. Can anybody doubt that
one of the first measures passed by
an Irish Parliament would be one
compelling the owners of large
estates to sell or reside upon their
property? Can anybody doubt
that the immediate consequence
of such residence would be a strong
stimulus to industry, and the ap-
plication of capital to improvements
in manufactures as well as in agricul-
ture ? Don't talk to us at this time
of day about the inevitable ascend-
ancy of Romanism in a domestic
Parliament, much less of a course of
legislation having for its object the
extinction of free thought on reli-
gious subjects. These things we
might have apprehended a hundred
years ago ; but our laity, even in the
humblest stations, are no longer the
slaves of the priests. Remember
what was done a year ago in Tip-
perary. Take note of the issues
of the recent contest in Meath.
Can you discover in one or other of
these events any signs of the danger
1871.]
Position of the Government.
261
to conscience with which you
threaten us1? You may affect to think
lightly of O'Donovan Rossa's return
for Tipperary, attributing the cir-
cumstance to the peculiarities of the
case. Tipperary is the very heart
and focus of Ribbonism in Ireland,
and the people seized the opportunity
of showing how entirely they sym-
pathised with the leaders in the
Fenian movement. It was this feel-
ing, and no settled determination to
act for themselves, which induced
the electors of Tipperary to choose
for their representative a captive in
his cell. Perhaps so, but can the
same be said of the Meath election ?
No. Excitement, true or false, had
nothing to say in guiding that issue.
There we have sure manifestation
of such a change of public opinion
in Roman Catholic Ireland as it
had never entered the mind of man
to calculate upon ; and about the
steady progress of which, over an
area continually widening, there can
be no doubt. Mr Plunkett was the
representative man among conscien-
tious and well-born Roman Catholic
laymen. Put forward by Cardinal
Cullen, taken up by the priests,
recommended from every altar to
the support of the people, he is by
the people rejected, and a stranger
from another county called in at a
few days' notice ; and, most remark-
able of all, a Presbyterian by reli-
gion is elected by a majority of well-
nigh two to one. If this feather
thrown up does not show in what
direction the wind is setting, there
is no truth in auguries. We go in,
therefore, for a native Parliament,
because the mass of the people desire
it ; and we are strengthened in the
determination by hook or by crook
to get what the people desire, be-
cause the priests take the other side
in the controversy."
It seems then to us that Ireland,
which did so much to bring Mr
Gladstone into power, is very likely
to go as far as any other portion
of the kingdom to make his con-
tinued tenure of office irksome, if
not impossible. Not that he sits
upon a bed of roses, in conference
with all his nominal supporters
elsewhere. The more thoughtful
and influential of the Radicals of
England and Scotland believe that
they have great reason to com-
plain of him. Why, in the readjust-
ment of the Cabinet, rendered neces-
sary by Mr Bright's resignation, did
he carefully shut the door of high
office in their faces ? Why, too, did
Mr Bright resign ? There are those
understood to be deep in his confi-
dence who decline to attribute the
incident entirely to broken health.
Ill Mr Bright has been, and still is,
though he is fast recovering. In-
deed the state of his health, while
it required him to seek repose, has
never been such as absolutely to
prevent his taking an interest in
public affairs. He might not attend
— we know that he did not attend —
the very few meetings of the Cabinet
which took place during the recess.
But he was not kept in ignorance of
the matters under discussion ; for
the intercourse by letter between him
and Mr Gladstone has, we are told,
been frequent, and of late more than
frequent. Something else, then, than
physical inability to support his col-
leagues in the House, and co-operate
with them in Council, must have led
to his severance from the Government.
What that something is we shall pro-
bably find out soon after Parliament
assembles. Meanwhile it is certain
that the section of the Liberal party
which follows his lead is out of
humour ; that they look upon Mr
Bright's retirement as a great mis-
fortune to the public, and on the
refusal of Mr Gladstone to replace
him with Mr Stansfeld, or Mr Mun-
della, or some other prominent mem-
ber of their body, as a slight and
a wrong done to their party. It is
262
Position of the Government.
[Feb.
probable, therefore, that if embarrass-
ments arise, as they are pretty sure
to do, in the course of the session,
the sturdy phalanx which occupies
the front benches below the gang-
way will not prove the compliant
friends whom Mr Gladstone has
heretofore found them; and that for
such services as they render they will
expect a higher price than, out of
compliment to Mr Bright, they were
accustomed to exact six months ago.
Whether Mr Gladstone is prepared
to pay that price remains to be seen.
Whether, paying or refusing to pay
it, he will be able to hold his course,
time alone can determine. All that
we know for certain is, that he is at
this moment steering between Scylla
and Charybdis.
But we are not yet done with
Mr Gladstone's difficulties • — with
the difficulties which, apart from
incidental and unlooked-for misfor-
tunes, it was obvious from the first
that he would be confronted with,
as soon as the work of- social revolu-
tion which he had cut out for him-
self should be completed. The
mode in which his great measures
were brought forward, the strong
language made use of in press-
ing them upon public attention,
the encouragement given to agi-
tation, and even to outrage, as
a means of averting defeat and
securing victory — these things have
not been without their influence
on public opinion both in Ireland
and in England. Mr Butt's ad-
dress to the " patriots " set free
from prison, yet exiled from their
native land, expresses not his own
views, but the views of the en-
tire population. The part played
by Fenianism in obtaining for Ire-
land whatever advantages recent
legislation may have given her, Mr
Butt, in his address to the exiles,
has clearly set forth. Nor is this
done in a commonplace declamatory
sort of way. The ipsissima verba
of the great statesman are quoted,
crediting to Fenianism, and the out-
rages attendant on it, all the merit
of bringing the people and Parlia-
ment of England to reflect upon the
wrongs done by them in times past
to trodden-down Ireland, and to ini-
tiate a course of policy which shall
redress these wrongs. There is
little doubt that Mr Butt's speech
will bring forth fruit abundantly
on both sides of the Atlantic.
The national press at home will not
allow its many readers to forget the
advice which the address covers.
The high-minded exiles will go about
from platform to platform in the
land of their adoption, aggravating
the hatred, which is already keen
enough in the Fenian brotherhood,
towards England. Thus, all Mr
Gladstone's efforts to conciliate the
Irish, and inspire them with con-
fidence in himself, operate in an ex-
actly contrary direction. He makes
no friends among the masses, to
gratify whom he passed laws that
are unjust. He makes enemies of
the upper and middle classes by
outraging every sense of right among
them. The concord and unity of
which he spoke as waiting upon
his policy is as far distant as ever.
Take an example or two of the
working of that blessed law, which
was to smooth down all differences
between landlord and tenant. A gen-
tleman lets, on yearly tenure, a house
and four acres of land, for which
the rent exacted is forty pounds
a -year. By -and -by the landlord
wishes himself to occupy the house,
and gives his tenant due notice.
There is no pretence of foul play on
either side ; but forthwith the ten-
ant brings an action against the land-
lord, and having paid him exactly
£160 for four years' occupancy,
claims to be compensated for dis-
turbance with £270, and carries his
1871.] Position of the Government. 2G3
point.* A harmless process-server guage after two years' experience of
delivers the documents which are the policy which was to insure the
intrusted to him, and goes his way. loyalty and internal peace of the
He is shot dead on the road, and no- sister isle, what can the prospects be
body can or will come forward to of the Minister himself, about to
say by whom the murder was com- face a Parliament discontented with
mitted. These are not solitary in- many things, and not least so with
stances, be it observed. Deeds like the condition to which Ireland is
these are of constant occurrence, and reduced ?
in all parts of the country. Indeed Again, the state of feeling among
to such a height has the evil risen, English and Scotch Liberals, as it
that the Lord-Lieutenant is driven has shown itself in various ways, is
at last to meet it with threats. Now, not, to say the least, reassuring,
if Mr Gladstone's representative be Never, surely, did a man in Mr
compelled to use threatening Ian- Gladstone's high place so often and
* The following, which we extract from the ' Standard' of the llth of January
last, gives a ludicrous but correct account of the working of the Land Law : —
" If the cases under the Land Act increase in number and difficulty in proportion
with those which have already, for the short time it has been in force, come before
the Chairmen of Counties in Ireland, there will soon be a demand for the increase
of the number of those judicial officers. Out of the many that have come before
these tribunals, only one case has been decided, the chairmen in all the others find-
ing some knotty point which obliged them to suspend their judgment. Even this
case was settled by a sort of compromise. It was tried at Ballymena Land Sessions.
The plaintiff, a Mrs Moore, sought to recover £700 (which her counsel reduced in
his statement to £500) from her landlord, Mr G. T. Macartney, of Lissanoure Castle,
under the third and fourth sections of the Act, for disturbance (four years' rent) and
improvements to her house and farm while in the occupation of her husband, from
1852 to 1867, and since his death in 1867 by herself, as his successor in the pre-
mises. When the cause had proceeded for some time, after a conference, it was agreed
that judgment should be given in favour of the claimant for £350, and that the
rent which was due by her should be forgiven. His worship pronounced judgment
accordingly.
"In another case — that of 'Garrihy v. Molony' — still pending at the County
Clare Court, before Mr O'Shaughnessy, Q.C., Garrihy, a tenant, sublet to Molony
a house and sixty perches, the agreement being that Molony was to give him two
days' labour a-week as payment, and in case the weather prevented labour, two
shillings in money. Garrihy served a notice to quit, but Molony clings to the sixty
perches, or must get for surrendering them £96. It is alleged that he, upon this
patch, ' improved the dwelling, cleared, reclaimed, drained, and subsoiled. ' As the
Chairman expressed a general opinion in favour of the claim, it will possibly be
granted, and Molony put in possession of a little fortune through being put out of
possession of a few perches of land. Another Clare case shows that the landlord is
not excluded altogether from the privileges of the statute. Captain Stacpoole seeks
power to evict a tenant without any compensation, on the ground that he is a ' non-
improving ' holder, having ' neither value nor stock ; ' and if the Chairman sanctions
the application, there will be a precedent for evicting hundreds of tenants without a
farthing. Mr Coffey, Q.C., had before him, at Magherafelt, on Saturday, the claim
of a tenant for £166, 17s. 6d., who held seven acres and a rood, and paid £9, 10s.,
a-year. This sum of £166 was compensation for disturbance solely. The Chairman
remarked, ' You wish the whole of the fee-simple of the estate at 20 years' pur-
chase.' On being argued with on the policy of the Act, the Chairman once more
remarked, ' Your claim amounts to this certainly — you want the fee-simple of the
estate.' The tenant's counsel still pressing his client's legal right, the puzzled judge
continued, ' According to your arrangement, I am to hand it over to you. It is no
use to say that the policy of this Act is to take and improve a man out of his estate
— to have a tenant coming at the expiration of a term, and saying, You have no
claim 011 this estate j I will keep it.' The matter stands over."
264
Position of the Government.
[Feb.
so grievously commit himself by the
misuse of his pen. His letter to Mr
Dease, on the subject of the Pope's
loss of temporal sovereignty, is at
once the most ill-judged and unfor-
tunate of productions. What busi-
ness had he to notice the impertinent
appeal from Stradbally at all? The
Pope, regarded as a temporal sove-
reign, had his proper place in the
political relations of Europe. Fifty
years ago England might, perhaps,
have objected to any interference
with that place, because recent
treaties had established for him, not
less than for other restored sovereign-
ties, the rights from which conquest
had ejected him. Possibly there
may still be among English states-
men those who look with little
favour upon objects gained by
violence and the breach of treaties,
even if in the end they hold out
some prospects of good to mankind.
But for the Minister of a Protestant
Queen, the administrator of the
affairs of a Protestant empire, to
assure a Eoman Catholic member of
Parliament that her Majesty's Gov-
ernment consider all that relates to
the adequate support of the dignity
of the Pope, and to his personal
freedom in the discharge of his
spiritual functions, to be legitimate
matter for their notice, is going
very far beyond what public opinion
will tolerate. What are the due
discharge of his spiritual functions
by the Pope to the Protestant people
of this country ? What right has a
Protestant statesman, speaking for
the Government of a Protestant
Queen, to assume any responsibility
for the maintenance of the Pope's
independence, regarded as a Supreme
Pontiff? A Supreme Pontiff is either
the visible head of the Church upon
earth, or he is nothing. Does Mr
Gladstone so regard the Pope, as to
justify his writing officially about
him thus? Mr Gladstone's un-
friends more than insinuate that he
has been admitted into the commun-
ion of the Church of Rome — though
secretly, " for fear of the people."
We believe nothing of the sort ; yet
surely language such as this, em-
ployed on an occasion so little urgent,
cannot but go some way to gain
credence for the scandal. Be this,
however, as it may, we are not sur-
prised to find that other bodies be-
sides the General Assembly of the
Free Church of Scotland should be
up in arms against so extraordinary
a procedure. We shall be very much
astonished if Mr Gladstone fail to
hear more of the matter when Parlia-
ment meets.
Again, Mr Gladstone's friends are
quite mistaken if they suppose that
his hold upon the lower stratum of
the Liberal party — upon the gentle-
men who get up processions and
tear down railings when refused
admittance to the parks — is at all
what it was two years ago. The
promotion of Mr Beales, politic as it
seemed to be, cuts two ways. There
is proof enough in the act that
the Government recognises and
values the support which it received
in the hour of need from that re-
spectable gentleman and his adher-
ents. It gives all the sanction, like-
wise, which could be expected from
constituted authority, to breaches of
the peace, provided they go to in-
sure the success of a Liberal mea-
sure ; and it shuts the mouth of a
demagogue at a time when his
speech might have been inconveni-
ent. But in the lower stratum of
the Liberal party there is at least as
much of self-seeking — of personal
jealousy bet ween man and man — as in
any other order of society among us.
We doubt whether Professor Beasley,
or Mr Harrison, or Mr Odger, or Mr
Applegarth, is at all drawn closer to
Mr Gladstone and the Government
out of gratitude for Mr Beales's pro-
motion. Probably each of these
distinguished individuals is of opin-
1871.]
Position of the Government.
265
ion that he has done as much for
the Liberal cause as the newly-made
county-court judge, and it is just
possible that they may all prove
hereafter less pliant, should some
emergency arise, than could be
wished. Indeed they are already
showing signs of impatience on a
matter which, for other reasons than
any assigned by them, occasions
both anxiety and grief to better and
wiser men than they will ever be.
The proceedings at the great meet-
ing in St James's Hall are ominous
of a break-up in the Liberal party,
and therefore full of danger to its
chief. It may be, it probably is, the
fact, that Messrs Beesley, Harrison,
& Co., take a far deeper interest in
the success of the French Republic
than in the risk to which France
is exposed of dismemberment. But
there is no mistaking the object of
their resolution, which, though op-
posed, was carried by an overwhelm-
ing majority : " That this meeting
condemns and resents the conduct of
Mr Gladstone ; firstly, for his per-
sistent refusal to accord full official
recognition of the existing Govern-
ment of France ; and, secondly, for
compromising the honour and safety
of the country by the vacillation
and feebleness of his foreign policy."
Again, recent proceedings in the
borough for which Mr Gladstone
sits fling dark shadows before him.
The constituency which, only two
years ago, opened its arms to the
rejected of Oxford and of South
Lancashire, repents of what it did,
and petitions its member, Prime
Minister though he be, to resign the
trust which he has abused. There
is no record, as far as our knowledge
extends, of any such procedure in
times past, or anything approaching
to it, in this country. For it is ab-
surd to argue, as the ministerial
newspapers do, that the Greenwich
memorial is a Tory stratagem. It
took its rise in feelings quite apart
from
any which have their roots
in mere party differences. Green-
wich is suffering from the effects of
Government measures, be these in
themselves wise or unwise, to an
extent of which only they who live
within the limits of the borough can
form an adequate conception. The
abrupt and ill - timed closing of
"Woolwich dockyard completed the
distress which the suppression of
the Royal Hospital and of the dock-
yard in Deptford had begun, and
left in the minds of the voters a
bitterness to which they were glad
to give utterance in the memorial, by
whomsoever suggested.
If the preceding statements be
correct — and we know of no reason
why their correctness should be
questioned — enough, as it appears
to us, has been said in justification
of the sentence, that had the times
been as smooth upon the surface
now as they seemed to be when
Mr Gladstone made his great bid
for power, the decline of his popu-
larity, and of that of the Government
over which he presides, would still
have been, by this time, inevitable.
But other causes of dissatisfaction
are rife than the apprehension
among the more eager of his original
supporters that the tide of change
has reached the full. The economies
of the Government, from whatever
side we view them, give little sa-
tisfaction to any one. Clerks are
sent adrift from public offices on
the ground that their services are
not needed, and mortal enemies are
made of them and of their friends,
without diminishing, in any percep-
tible degree, the public expenditure.
For every clerk so dismissed is
dismissed with a pension ; or else,
being put upon what is called the
supernumerary list, he continues to
draw his salary at the same rate as
before, and will go on drawing it
till he can be reabsorbed into tho
office. Not so in other and more
266
Position of the Government.
[Feb.
modest directions. At a moment,
the most unfortunate that could
have been chosen, dockyards were
suddenly closed, and the officers and
workmen sent about their business ;
the former with their half-pay, the
latter to starve. In every arsenal
work was simultaneously suspended
in order that, to the utmost attain-
able degree, artisans and labourers
might be weeded out ; while stores
of all descriptions — timber, cordage,
anchors, iron, &c. — were sold at a
tenth of what they originally cost,
the amount being credited to the
public as so much clear gain. The
results were, that Mr Lowe was able
to bring back the property -tax to its
first figure, fourpence in the pound ;
and that far and near, throughout our
seaports and in the capital, a cry
arose that families were starving.
Meanwhile troubles accumulate
on the Continent, more alarming by
far than any with which the present
generation had a previous oppor-
tunity of becoming acquainted.
France and Prussia, after scowling
on each other for years, formed
or created a ground of quarrel. It
seems incredible that the British
Government should have failed to
anticipate the results in which this
jealousy of races must sooner or
later issue. Yet the British Govern-
ment recognised no such possible
contingency, or at all events acted
as if no such recognition could be
accepted. Never, perhaps, in the
history of statesmanship was such an
exhibition of imbecility made as in
Lord Granville's naive announce-
ment to the House of Lords, that
there was war on the Continent.
He had recently succeeded to Lord
Clarendon at the Foreign Office ;
and, according to his own showing,
had received from Mr Hammond,
the permanent Under-Secretary of
State, an assurance that, so far as
foreign affairs were concerned, there
was not a cloud on the political
horizon. This occurred one day in
last July, on the occasion of his first
visit to his new office. But behold,
ere four - and - twenty hours were
passed, and before he had time to
congratulate himself and his friends
on the pleasant prospects in their
future, the clouds gather and a
tempest bursts with incredible fury
over the fairest provinces of Europe !
And Lord Granville is simple enough
to hurry down to the House of Lords
and announce that he and his Under-
Secretary, and all the rest of the Ad-
ministration, are taken by surprise.
Can such an excuse for lack of fore-
thought and prevision be accepted ?
Is it to be endured that a rich
country like this, which has its
ministers at every court, and its con-
sular agents supposed to have their
eyes open at all the great marts of
foreign industry, shall not be warn-
ed of coming events so stupendous
as have marked the progress of the
last six months'? Frankly, we do
not believe in the utter ignorance
that was pretended. Enough had
been shown in the Luxembourg con-
troversy of the spirit which animated
both France and Prussia, to put
statesmen gifted with ordinary pru-
dence upon their guard. And one
such statesman the Cabinet was sup-
posed to boast of, while yet Lord
Clarendon lived — a man trained to
his craft by long residence abroad,
and a familiar acquaintance with
the political views of foreign Govern-
ments. Whether Lord Clarendon
warned his colleagues of the danger
that threatened the peace of Europe,
and urged them to postpone their
economic hobbies till England
should be in a position to make her
influence felt abroad, we have no
means of judging. It seems more
than probable that he did, though
doubtless with that diffidence, that
disinclination to hold his own in
dispute, which was the weak point
in his character. Be this as it may,
1871.]
Position of the Government.
2G7
we all know how the occasion was
dealt with. Either the Cabinet re-
fused to recognise the approach of
danger, or they counted on being
able by moral suasion to aveit it
again, as it had been averted before.
While the rest of Europe was
arming, they hastened to disarm.
Trained soldiers were discharged ;
ships of war were put out of com-
mission ; magazines were emptied ;
arsenals silenced. Not since just
before the outbreak of the first
French Revolution was England so
powerless as in last July, and the
consequences are upon us.
We have spoken elsewhere about
the origin of the Franco-German war,
throwing the chief blame — where we
still believe it ought to rest — upon
the French nation. Their wounded
vanity would not endure that Prus-
sia should exercise greater influence
in Europe than themselves, and
they seized the opportunity which
the candidature of a German prince
for the Spanish throne afforded, to
measure swords with their military
rivals. It is the fashion now to
gay, that not the nation but the
Emperor sought the war. This is
a false representation of the case.
Probably, had the Emperor shown
too ready a disposition to accept
the withdrawal of the candidate as
closing the controversy, he might
have damaged himself in public
opinion. And such damage to him-
self, circumstanced as he then was,
would have been fatal, sooner or
later, to his dynasty. But no as-
sertion can be less correct than that
he dragged the nation into war for
dynastic purposes. It is true that
he gave his voice for war in opposi-
tion to the majority of his Cabinet,
— but what then? He could not
help himself. The people were in a
state of mind which a telegram, im-
perfectly deciphered, as subsequent-
ly proved to be the case, lashed into
frenzy; and the sole choice left to the
Emperor was, to direct the tide by
going with it, or to be swept away
by it. Had England been prepared
at that moment to say that she
could not permit the war — had she
been able to show that her sword
was of weight enough to turn the
scale against whichever Power fired
the first shot — we no more doubt
than we doubt our own existence
that not a shot would have been
fired. Prussia did not desire war,
though well prepared to accept it.
Napoleon needed only some fair
excuse to hold back from it ; be-
cause, both from policy and from na-
tural temperament, Napoleon III.
hates war. But England had no
sword to fling into either scale.
The Government knew this, and,
venturing upon nothing beyond a
remonstrance, they proclaimed their
own neutrality, and left two nations
— towards both of whom they pro-
fessed the most friendly sentiments
— to rush at each other's throats
and fight it out.
It has been our misfortune for
many years back — indeed, ever since
the Manchester school got into the
ascendant — to have pressed upon
us, in newspapers, in pamphlets,
and speeches, both on stump and
in the House of Commons, that the
first duty of the Government is to
avoid mixing up England in the
affairs of other countries — in other
words, that it is both prudent and
praiseworthy to abstain from trying
to exercise any influence beyond the
four seas, except such as may induce
foreign nations to receive our cotton
goods, and to give us in exchange their
silks and wines and corn on fair terms.
The old doctrine of the balance of
power in Europe is quite gone out
of date, and in its room we are urged
to accept it as a political axiom, that
all nations, and especially an insular
nation like England, best consult
their own honour and safety if they
decline to interfere in the quarrels
268
Position of the Government.
[Feb.
of other nations, as soon as these
pass out of the sphere of peaceful
arbitration. A little passing incon-
venience may from time to time be
occasioned by rigid adherence to this
principle. But the principle, as it
is a sound one, so in time it will be
recognised all over the world, and the
policies of nations become, for the pro-
motion of the arts of peace, a sort of
federal policy ; in matters which are
not peaceable, one of strict isolation.
For the world has learned much
since the days of our grandfathers.
Material wealth, substantial com-
forts, these are the great objects for
which nations as well as individuals
now live ; and the nation which
keeps this great truth most con-
stantly in view, must in the end
take the lead of all other nations.
This view of things culminated, we
believe, about the period of the first
International Exhibition. Wars
were ended then, the reign of peace
had set in, and the best thing Eng-
land could do was to disband her
armies, lay up her fleet in ordinary,
and try to become the workshop of
the world.
It would be to repeat a tale thrice
told were we to show how, year
after year, subsequently to this
closing of the temple of Janus, events
more and more falsified the anticipa-
tions of our philosophical instruc-
tors. Human nature seemed to
take part against them. Nations,
like individuals, continued to be
moved by more than a regard to
material advantages, and persisted
in acting one towards another as
ambition, national jealousies, and
rivalries might suggest. How long
was it after 1852 before peaceful
England found herself involved in
war with Russia ? What has been
going on in Italy since that date ]
Even the great Western Republic,
having nobody else to contend against,
battled with herself ; while, at the
same time, she so interfered in the
internal affairs of Mexico as to
deprive that unhappy country of
her last hope of getting a Govern-
ment strong enough to substitute
for anarchy the reign of law. And
when we turn our eyes elsewhere,
what is the spectacle that meets
them ? In Spain, revolution. In
France, whether Republic or Im-
perial, a determination to give the
law to all her neighbours, mixed up
with an irrepressible yearning for
territorial aggrandisement. In Ger-
many we see an ambition, laudable
perhaps in principle, but in its
development overriding all consid-
erations of justice and equity — that
nations cognate, yet weak because
they stand apart, should become
one. The events to which this
ambition led are fresh in our
memories, if indeed they can as yet
be said to have summed themselves
up. For successful war is a mighty
instrument to change the dispositions
both of peoples and their rulers.
And the German tongue is spoken
elsewhere beyond the geographical
limits of Germany than in Alsace
and part of Lorraine. Meanwhile
Russia is gathering up her strength,
and more than repairing the damage
that she took at the hands of Eng-
land and France sixteen years ago.
Austria, too, weakened as she is,
still puts , herself in an attitude of
defence ; and all the smaller states —
Holland, Belgium, Switzerland —
are bristling with bayonets. Now,
these results did not come about in
a day. Continental Europe has
been a huge camp for not far short
of twenty years, without, as it would
seem, giving an hour's serious un-
easiness to the Liberal Governments
which have in this country succeed-
ed one another. Only during the
brief reigns of the Tories — first
in 1859, next in 1867 — was any-
thing done to keep us abreast
of the warlike preparations going
on elsewhere ; and invariably on
1871.]
Position of the Government.
269
the return of their rivals to
Downing Street, the work which
the Tories had begun was interrupt-
ed, and, as far as it was possible, an-
nulled. But if they kept down the
fighting powers of the nation, the
Liberals found ample employment
in remodelling the machinery by
which both navy and army used
to be directed. How mischievous
this policy of change has been in
the case of the navy, we took occa-
sion so long back as June of last
year to show. In the article for that
month, entitled " The Admiralty,"
the writer, Admiral Martin, whom
we need not now hesitate to name,
proves to demonstration that the old
Board of Admiralty, though not per-
fect (what human institution is?),
was a thousand-fold better suited
than the new for the wise administra-
tion of that branch of the public
service over which it was set. " In
such a department as the Admi-
ralty " (we quote from the paper in
question) " there must be distinct
branches, which ought to work with
a mutual and earnest desire to as-
sist each other in a common purpose,
and for a common credit. These
ends were attained by the branches
being severally allotted to differ-
ent members of the Board, who,
collectively in council, determined
on all matters tending to change
any established principle of the ser-
vice, as well as on all measures of
importance. ' Boards,' as these
meetings were called, were held
daily, or very frequently during
each week ; and their decisions,
which were at once minuted, were
paramount in every branch. The
branches being superintended each
by a member of the Board, mea-
sures were systematically under-
taken, unexpected hindrances were
encountered, and unexpected facili-
ties were improved by a correspond-
ing adjustment of work. Each
superintendent of a branch being
a party to the decisions, an indivi-
dual character was as certainly im-
parted to the results as if they had
issued from one person only. But
setting aside theory, undoubtedly
this system, approved by such Min-
isters as Sir James Graham, Sir
Francis Baring, Lord Halifax, and
the Duke of Somerset, after each
had enjoyed many years' experience
of Admiralty business, is likely not
only to possess merit, but merit of
the highest order."
"Whatever merit might attach to
the system, it received no recogni-
tion from Mr Childers. Bringing
to a great department of State the
views of a trader, he no sooner
found himself in power than he
proceeded to revolutionise the entire
office. " The Board meetings have
been discontinued in any proper
sense, and most important measures
have been acted upon by some
Lords, of which other Lords have
known nothing." " The notorious
result of the altered organisation of
the Admiralty is an absence of any
common principle of professional
policy, a want of concert among the
branches, conflicting regulations,
and ill-advised orders. In short, it
is admitted by those who are com-
petent to judge of the manner in
which Admiralty business is con-
ducted, that the changes in the con-
stitution of the department would
have subverted its administrative
powers, even had the branches been
under the guidance of the most
discreet and the wisest men. The
chaos into which the Admiralty is
plunged, shows that the Lords are
unequal to their work."
That this sentence, pronounced
upon the Admiralty as now consti-
tuted, by one whose intimate ac-
quaintance with the service gives
enormous weight to his opinions,
is not too severe, there needs but a
glance into recent proceedings to
demonstrate. The office, in Mr
270
Position of the Government.
[Fe*.
Childers's hands, has become disor-
ganised.* It is discourteous to all
who have business of any kind to
transact with it. " Its harsh treat-
ment of civilians, its want of sym-
pathy for the active service, and the
disdainful extinction of the naval
element at the Board, have destroyed
feelings the loss of which is deplor-
able." One would really think,
Avhile reading these details, that
it was the War Office, not the
office in "Whitehall, of which the
portrait is presented. For thus the
story continues to run : " The dan-
gerous theory, that the navy should
be ruled absolutely by a Minister,
in the sense that his professional
advisers shall be released from re-
sponsibility, is avowedly brought
into practice at the Admiralty. If
the naval advisers of the Minis-
ter are to be absolved from direct
official responsibility to Parliament,
a great national danger is incurred."
Again, after pointing out how idle
it would be to rest, as Mr Childers
is disposed to do, upon private
yards, for the construction and main-
tenance of the fleet, the writer goes
on to say : —
"A very objectionable change has
just been made in the dockyard
administration, by abolishing the
storekeepers, and transferring their
departments, as well as that of the
engineers, to the master shipwright.
This will increase a previously-ex-
isting evil; for the master shipwright
has been so much confined to his
office that he could not sufficiently
supervise the building and equipping
of ships. It is, moreover, fatal to
the important principle (so essential
for any effectual control of ex-
penditure), that the person issu-
ing stores ought not to be he
who expends them." Surely Mr
Childers must have taken counsel
with Lord Northbrooke before ar-
riving at this curious conclusion.
In the Committee on Army Admin-
istration, over which the noble Lord
presided, and of which the members
were two civilians — one, Mr Stans-
feld, Parliamentary Secretary to the
Treasury; the other, Mr Anderson,
of the Audit Department in the
Exchequer — the idea of exercising
any check upon expenditure, other
than the party expending might
establish for himself, is held up to
ridicule. Verily we have fallen into
strange hands at both the great
sources of national expenditure.
No wonder that the estimates con-
tinued to go up in spite of a
perpetual chorus of economies. It
will be well if to this be not added,
when the hour of trial comes, a
display of inefficiency which shall
prove fatal to our very existence.
Against that catastrophe, so far
as the navy is concerned, we have,
thank God, to oppose the indomit-
able courage of British seamen, the
high training of British officers, and
an ironclad fleet, to which the
Tories gave the first impulse, and
which is now more than a match
for any other two navies in the
world. Give the fleet fair play — in
other words, keep it always in home
waters — and a descent upon our
shores, except for predatory pur-
poses, is impossible. But an iron
fleet which consists at most of forty-
eight or fifty sail, an immense pro-
portion of which, by the by, carries
armour only from 4| to 6 inches in
thickness, cannot afford adequate
protection at once to the English
* In thus expressing ourselves we desire to bring no graver charge against Mr
Childers, than that, in common with his colleagues at the War Office, he entirely
mistook the proper objects for which the office over which he presides exists. Mr
Childers is an able man, whose state of health all who know him deplore. But he
lias not made a good First Lord, any more than Mr Cardwell has made "a wise"
War Minister.
1871.]
Position of the Government.
271
coasts, to the colonies, and to the
maritime trade of the country. You
must scatter it when war comes, be
the disinclination so to do as strong
as it may; and when scattered, it
obviously runs the risk of being
overmatched somewhere. Now this
somewhere might be in the Channel,
or the North Sea, or away in the
Atlantic; for Ireland must be
guarded with even greater jealousy
than Great Britain. Are we acting
wisely, then, in placing for purposes
of defence our entire dependence on
the fleet? The nation has an-
swered this question in the negative,
and we have only to indorse the
nation's opinion. We cannot trust,
even for purposes of defence, en-
tirely to the navy. We must have
a thoroughly efficient army — effi-
cient in point of numbers, efficient
in organisation and armament, effi-
cient in its system of administration
and supply — to act with or sup-
plement the fleet. Have we such an
army 1 No.
Again, there are treaties in exist-
ence which bind us to defend the
integrity of more than one Conti-
nental State, should it be assailed.
We are guarantees to Turkey for the
integrity of the Ottoman Empire.
We are guarantees to Portugal, to
Belgium, and to Luxembourg, that
the neutrality of all these shall be
observed. Possibly the Ministers
who laid these obligations on the
country may have committed an in-
discretion ; but a country cannot,
any more than an individual, escape
from its obligations, however in-
convenient they may be: and thus,
whenever Portugal or Turkey, or
Belgium or Luxembourg, calls upon
us to come to her support, we must
go, or forfeit our good name among
men. Now, no country, especially
a commercial country like England,
can afford to lose caste among the
nations. If we be unable or indis-
posed to help those who have a
right to our support in their hour of
danger, we shall soon find that our
own hour of danger has struck. A
Power once great, and still rich, no
sooner exhibits signs of feebleness
than it becomes the object, first of
insult, and by-and-by of outrage, to
other Powers. How long will it be,
after we shuffle out of our obliga-
tions to any one of the four states
just enumerated, ere the Union-jack
shall cease to protect the merchant
ships over which it waves, and our
rights of fishery, both in Europe and
America, be invaded ? And yet,
were we not on the very point of
backing out of our obligations to Bel-
gium ] Perhaps Mr Gladstone never
did more damage to himself and to
his Administration than he brought
upon both at the opening of the
Franco-Prussian war. It was not
enough that the state of our arma-
ments rendered interference on the
part of England to stop the war
impossible. The Minister, when
questioned in the House of Com-
mons respecting the intentions of
the Government in the event of an
invasion of Belgium by either of the
belligerents, refused to give a cate-
gorical answer. Had Lord Gran-
ville • followed his example, and
practised like reticence in the House
of Lords, our belief is, that in both
Houses a vote of want of confi-
dence in her Majesty's Ministers, if
moved, would have been carried
by acclamation.
But it is not in this particular
alone that the Government has shown
its incapacity to deal with great na-
tional difficulties when they arise.
No doubt the reorganisation of the
military resources of the country is
not a work to be performed in a day.
And we can well understand that
gentlemen, wholly unaccustomed
throughout their previous lives to
consider such a subject otherwise
than as one carefully to be avoided,
should be at a loss how to deal with
272
Position of the Government.
[Feb.
the advice which pours in upon them
like a flood from all quarters. But
what we blame the present Govern-
ment for is, that they should have
refused to seek advice earlier, except
from partisans whose sole object
appears to have been to win their
favour by pressing forward reduc-
tions. For example, there is no
excuse — there can be none — for the
state of absolute destitution in which
we suddenly find ourselves in the
important matter of serviceable gun-
powder. Mr Cardwell, when ques-
tioned on that head towards the
close of last session, stated that the
magazines were full, and that he
had facilities for producing in a week
or a fortnight (we forget which) as
much powder as was expended in
the siege of Sebastopol. The state-
ment was literally true, yet substan-
tially most inaccurate. The maga-
zines are full of old powder, the use
of which, after a few rounds, would
disable the guns on which we now
rely. Of pebble-powder, however,
which alone will be used for rifled
artillery in future wars, there is not
on hand more than enough to supply
each gun which has been lately
mounted on the defences with
twenty-five rounds. And we are
buying it as fast as we can from
private makers at not far short of
double the price which, when the
pressure ceases, they will be ready
to take for it.
It is not, however, necessary, con-
sidering the exposures which it has
undergone elsewhere, to demon-
strate, by reference to example, in
this place, the absolute worthless-
ness of the military system, con-
sidered as a whole, which Liberal
statesmen have set up. Everything
connected with the regular army,
with the militia, with the volunteers
— their armament, their organisation,
their equipment and means of trans-
port— is at sixes and sevens. Com-
mittees sit daily to inquire and to
report ; and their printed reports,
with the evidence which they collect,
are cast aside as so much waste
paper. Lord Elcho writes letters,
the tenor of which is at variance
with what the Secretary of State had
uttered in the House of Commons ;
and the Secretary of State, seizing the
occasion of the address of the Green-
wich electors to Mr Gladstone, puts
a gloss both upon his own speech
and upon his subsequent conversa-
tion with Lord Elcho, such as the
noble lord can hardly fail to notice
when he and Mr Cardwell are sit-
ting near each other in the House.
Meanwhile Mr Cardwell is not idle.
He failed to get the 20,000 men
for whom he took a vote in August
last ; he is arranging to take an-
other vote for 20,000 men more, as
soon as Parliament meets. Will
he get them ] If he was slack pre-
viously to July 1870 in providing
proper armament for our forts and
ships and men, he is pushing on
the operation now with great vig-
our. There is reason to believe,
also, that, advised by Sir William
Mansfield, he had arranged a plan
of extensive and national military
organisation. The exact amount
to be added to the estimates was
even named — viz., four millions.
But the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer, when appealed to, de-
nounced the scheme as preposter-
ous, and refused point-blank to go
beyond two millions in excess of
what was voted for the service last
year. Hence the miserable pro-
gramme of which, by some means
or another, the ' Standard ' got pos-
session, and with which, as all that
the Government means to attempt,
the Houses are expected to be con-
tent. How the Houses may treat
the announcement that we are to
be put off again with a paltry in-
crease to the regular army, it is not
for us to guess. But two points
seem quite clear. The country is
1871.]
Position of the Government.
273
perfectly well aware — first, that of
the 20,000 men voted last year
not 10,000 were enlisted ; and
next, that if thrice 10,000 men
were added to the regular army
this year, we should still be
contemptible in the presence of
such an emergency as the present.
The country will therefore reject
the paltry proposal if it be made,
and insist upon one of two things
— either that the present Ministers
do their duty, or that they make
way for others who will.
It is for these and other reasons,
to enumerate all of which would
overstep the limits at our command,
that an Administration which came
into office borne breast-high on the
tide of popularity is fast becoming
— we may rather say has already
become — an object of distrust to the
whole empire. The incapacity of
its chief to deal with foreign affairs
is scarcely more fatal to his influ-
ence than the line which it pleases
him to take in domestic matters.
On all sides we hear the question
asked, What is Mr Gladstone ? Is
it because he has joined the com-
munion of the Church of Rome that
he writes to one man about sustain-
ing the Supreme Pontiff in the in-
dependent exercise of his spiritual
functions ; and when fairly and
frankly taxed with apostasy by
another, that instead of treating
the impertinence with the contempt
which it deserved, he fences with the
charge while seeming to rebut it?
Is it because he thinks of playing
a Palmerstonian game, that he
fills his Cabinet with old Whigs,
leaving his Radical friends out in
the cold ? Is it because he is still
at heart a Eadical, bent on further
constitutional changes, that he ac-
cepts with gratitude the address
of the extreme Liberals of Green-
wich, and thus keeps his1 seat for
a borough which has invited him
to resign ? Is he playing fast and
loose with Dr Candlish in Scot-
land, with Cardinal Cullen in Ire-
land, with Mr Miall in England ?
Is his mind so wholly engrossed with
parish matters that he cannot give a
thought to those imperial questions,
on the right solution of which will
depend our existence as a great
Power now and for evermore 1 People
blame Mr Cardwell, Mr Childers,
and Mr Lowe. They deserve to be
blamed, each in his own degree.
But the great culprit of all is he
who formed the Administration,
and presides over it, and against
whose deliberate judgment no oppo-
sition could prevail, if he were cap-
able of taking a correct view of
what the country really needs, and
of the measures to be pursued in
order to supply them. Yet this
man can find time, or the world
belies him, to write at least one
paper for a Review, of which the
obvious effect must be, accepting
the fact of its authorship, to exag-
gerate against England the just in-
dignation of Germany. Mr Glad-
stone has done many foolish things
in his day, and said very many
foolish and mischievous things. But
anything at once so mischievous
and insane as the inditing of the
essay to which we refer, it is hardly
possible to conceive that even he
could have committed. For our-
selves, we discredit the story, and
only wonder that, for his own sake,
ho should hesitate to get rid of
such a serious imputation by frankly
and openly contradicting it.
On the whole, then, our position
seems to be this : We have the
misfortune to have at the seat of
power a body of men who won their
way to the places which they still
hold by bidding against the great
institutions of the country. The
particular measures which they un-
dertook to carry they carried trium-
phantly. But those who lifted them
into office desire a great deal more ;
Position of the Government.
[Feb.
and because they hesitate and hang
back, their quondam friends fall out
with them. The men thus lifted
into power on the crest of a revolu-
tionary Avave, have no notion of
governing on imperial principles.
They never look beyond the require-
ments of the hour — their beau
ideal of policy is to diminish taxa-
tion. The colonies and dependen-
cies of England, on which, to use a
well-worn phrase, " the sun never
sets," are to them as if they had 110
claim on their attention. These two
small islands, with the wants and
wishes of their inhabitants — often
unreasonable, not unfrequently un-
just— engross the whole of their care,
and that, too, after a fashion which
makes them perfectly indifferent in
regard to the terms in which they
are spoken of by other nations all
over the world. They cannot see
that a people which is both hated
and envied must sooner or later
be struck at. They have not the
heart to resent insults, or to put
themselves in a plight to resist more
serious aggressions. "Will the coun-
try endure that this state of things
should last? Oh, but who is to
succeed, then] Well, there is a
difficulty there. What could induce
Lord Derby to commit himself, as
he did, to a policy of national de-
fence so puerile as that which he
expounded to the volunteers of East
Lancashire? Why is Lord Salis-
bury silent ? If he had been pre-
sent at the distribution of prizes to
the London Scottish, and backed
up, as we cannot doubt that he
would have done, Sir William Mans-
field's soldierly and statesman-like
view of the crisis,* he would have
fixed upon himself the eyes of that
large and increasing number of men
who need but the appearance of a
competent leader to form themselves
into a party divorced from worn-out
traditions, or banded together for the
defence of the country and its honour.
But the question of a Government
to succeed the present has not yet
been raised. We have Mr Glad-
stone and his friends, and we may
be obliged to keep them ; or if, as is
possible, they break down, it would
be a libel on the intelligence of the
country to suppose that then must
come the Deluge. For ourselves, we
do not hesitate to say that we an-
xiously desire to see the best of the
moderate men on both sides — the
best of moderate Liberals and the
best of moderate Conservatives —
come together for the sole purpose
of saving the monarchy, and giving
back to it its legitimate place in
Europe.
That our present rulers are cap-
able of effecting these ends, neither
their friends of the press, nor their
quondam supporters among the con-
stituencies, seem any longerto believe.
Of the frame of mind into which
the electors are falling, some very
curious specimens are now before
us. Take the following as not the
least remarkable among them.
Three Liberal statesmen — two of
them actual members, the third an
* We must guard ourselves against assenting to the whole of Sir William Mans-
field's views. His proposal to limit the command of a regiment to five years— because
for five years only a brigadier holds his command — is astounding. We had thought
that regiments were regarded as families — that the beauty of our system was in so deal-
ing with them. But if you change your lieutenant-colonels every five years, why not
your captains also ? Brigades change in the regiments which compose them over and
over again within five years — what similarity is there between their condition and that
of battalions ? Neither was Sir William more happy in his reference to the customs
of the navy. The wisdom of paying off ships only that they may be recommissioned
every three years, is at best questionable. But if the parallel is to hold, we must
disperse the men of our battalions periodically, as the crews of ships are dispersed.
Will any man acquainted with the service advocate such a proceeding as this ?
1871.]
Position of the Government.
275
ex-member, of the Administration —
went down the other day to visit
their constituents, and to give an ac-
count of their stewardship. The two
gentlemen still in office, Mr Forster
and Mr Stansfeld, met with a recep-
tion the very reverse of cordial. The
former, while the meeting was in
progress, heard himself roughly con-
demned by many voices ; and, at the
close of the day, a vote of cen-
sure was carried against him for the
part which he played in promoting
the Government scheme of National
Education. The latter, because he
avowed himself antagonistic to the
opinions on that head entertained
by his colleague, was so far favoured
that his constituents condescended
to signify their approbation. But
this did not prevent the meeting
from expressing entire want of confi-
dence in the Government, and forc-
ing their member, in his attempt
at a defence, into the utterance of
the vaguest and most self-contradic-
tory platitudes. Very different was
the treatment awarded to Mr Ot-
way, who, disapproving the policy
of the Government, had resigned
his place as Under-Secretary of
State for Foreign Affairs, and be-
come an independent member of Par-
liament. For him the electors of
Chatham could not say too much.
When he ceased to speak in mea-
sured terms of condemnation about
his late colleagues and their doings,
a resolution was passed, by an over-
whelming majority, " expressing
entire satisfaction with his public
conduct, and pledging the meeting
to give to him their entire confidence
and support."
These are ominous occurrences,
more than justifying what we have
said elsewhere respecting the posi-
tion of the Government, yet they
are scarcely more ominous than the
comments made upon them by the
'Times.' On the 21st of January
last, an article appeared in that
VOL. CIX. — NO. DCLXIV.
journal, which, after analysing fairly,
and therefore with great damage to
her Majesty's Ministers, the pro-
ceedings at Bradford, Halifax, and
Chatham, concludes thus: —
"There is no wish either in Parliament
or the country to upset the present Gov-
ernment, yet it is better the truth should
be told. There is an uneasiness, a certain
amount of dissatisfaction, of vague discon-
tent^ want of perfect confidence, manifest-
ed by a thousand signs to those who keep
their eyes open to see what is to be seen.
Men say that the strongest of the Minis-
ters bury themselves in their departments ;
the way in which they avoided meeting
during the autumn was a scandal ; and
there is a fear — which cannot, perhaps, be
supported by strict evidence — that when
they meet they shrink from difficult ques-
tions, turn away their eyes from hard
tasks, and hope that by some wonderful
luck such difficulties may be got rid of by
being left alone. Hence, possibly, an
almost jealous attention was devoted to
Mr Stansfeld's speech. A modification of
the Ministry is imminent, or is even now
in progress, and Mr Stansfeld is named as
the man who is to come into the Cabinet
as the representative of advanced Liber-
alised— of the party that has ideas and
aims. Under such circumstances, what is
to be said of his speech on Thursday at
Halifax ? It is a bad copy of the bad
manner of his master. It may advance
him at once to a seat in the Cabinet — for
•no flattery is so sweet as imitation — but it
will not advance him in the judgment of
the public. We exhort him to stop in
his career of declension before it is too late.
Let him get back out of the bad way with
all speed, and we will do our best to for-
get that he ever wandered into it."
Meanwhile in Ireland the plot
thickens. The attempt to assassi-
nate Supple, the police constable,
has brought to light a state of things
more alarming than our worst fears
had represented it to be. " Per-
sons," we quote from the ' Dublin
Evening Mail,' " who have been for
some time under the special protec-
tion of the police, have withdrawn
themselves from that guardianship,
and thought it wiser to pay black-
mail to the Ribbon exchequer than
to rely upon the law of the land.
This is openly said, and the English
276
Position of the Government.
[Feb. 1871.
Government should be made aware
of the fact." " The reign of terror
is not narrowed to Westmeath only,
but those who know the country
well say openly that the persons
who maintain the Eibbon system
there are well known, and that they
could be easily laid hold of." Nor
are things much better nearer to
Downing Street. When volunteers
hold public meetings to protest
against orders issued from the War
Office, and when the protesters are
sustained and urged on by leading
demagogues, not being volunteers, to
assert their rights as English citizens,
the work cut out both for the War
Minister and for the Home Secre-
tary would appear to be serious. On
the whole, our prospects, whether
we look abroad or at home, do not
become brighter the closer we ex-
amine them.
P.S. — Just as the above sentences
were going to press, an original and
curious correspondence between Mr
Arthur Kinnaird and Mr Gladstone
came under our notice. The Liberal
and pious member for Perth seems
to have been greatly scandalised by
Mr Gladstone's epistolary intercourse
with Mr Dease. In conjunction
with his friend Mr J. Chambers, he
protests formally against the Pre-
mier's phraseology, and forthwith
sees and converses with him there-
anent. Still dissatisfied or in doubt as
to the right honourable gentleman's
meaning, he writes again, after an
interval of a fortnight ; but, on this
occasion, in a more familiar style.
We should spoil the effect of this
subsidiary correspondence were Ave
to give it otherwise than in full.
" PALL MALL, Jan. 19, 1871.
"Mv DEAR GLADSTONE, — With refer-
ence to our interviews about your letter
to Mr Dease, am I right in distinctly
understanding from you, that the expres-
sions used by you were in no wise in-
tended to pledge the Government to do
anything to mix itself up in any manner
with the Pope's spiritual power, but
merely designed to express their readiness,
should any restraint be placed upon his
person and personal acts by the civil
power contrary to the principles of complete
civil and religious liberty, to represent
this personal grievance to the State and
Government, especially bearing in mind
that the many millions of British subjects
are interested in him, through their re-
ligious connection with him ? — Ever
yours most truly, A. KINNAIRD.
"The Right Hon. W. E. GLADSTONE."
The idea of securing civil and
religious liberty to the Pope is
comical enough. The laboured and
awkward terms in which the whole
question is put are not less so.
Here is the reply: —
"CARLTON TERRACE, Jan. 19, 1871.
"MY DEAR KINNAIBD, — You have quite
accurately understood those expressions
in my letter to Mr Dease to which you
refer. With many thanks, truly yours,
"W. E. GLADSTONE.
"Mr A. KINNAIRD, M.P."
Comment upon these epistles
would be superfluous. We com-
mend them to the serious attention
of Cardinal Cullen, Dr Candlish,
Mr Miall, and Mr Punch.
Printed by William Blackwood <L- Suns, Edinburgh.
BLACKWOOD'S
EDINBUKGH MAGAZINE.
DCLXV.
MARCH 1871.
YOL. CIX.
FAIR TO SEE. — PAET III.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE programme of the Cairnarvoch
party for the 13th of August had
been to shoot over some ground
lying near home, not to start till
after the family breakfast, and to
make a short and easy day of it.
The plan was, however, upset, as
so many plans of the sort are, in
the Highlands, by the weather.
The sun had gone down upon the
12th in a blaze of glory, and Ben
Scarrig, where his last rays lingered,
had signalled from cloudless glit-
tering peaks all manner of golden
promises for the morrow ; but a sud-
den change had set in after mid-
night, and a mournful tableau it
was which met the eyes of the
sportsmen when the inexorable
reveille of Hamish M'Erracher
roused them from their slumbers.
The mountains were swathed in
horrible wet-blankets of cloud. On
the lower hills the pine-trees loomed
through stagnant mists with a de-
jected, blue-devilly aspect. The
linn and the swollen river moaned
wearily, • wearily ; but, save for
VOL, CIX. — NO. DCLXV.
their monotonous lamentation,* a
dumb and dreary stillness held the
air. The rain fell perpendicularly,
and in buckets; for there was not
a breath of wind, and the motion-
less clouds wore in their stolid im-
mobility the look of that most in-
veterate class of kill-joys who have
" a duty to perform."
Even the terriers, who usually
hailed the piper's first note with a
storm of rival howling, this morn-
ing, with their quaint impression-
ableness to the weather, only half
rose in the various nooks where
they bestowed themselves, and with
one querulous half-yelp, half-yawn,
subsided again, and left Hamish un-
disputed master of the situation.
It was, of course, agreed on all
hands that shooting was out of the
question ; and the party separated
after breakfast to do battle with the
" enemy " according to their several
inclinations. Bertrand and Pigott
betook themselves to their private
sanctum, where, what with writing
letters, loading cartridges, drowsing
278
Fair to See. — Part III.
over the newspapers, abusing the
weather, and smoking tobacco, they
managed to pass the forenoon well
enough.
M'Killop disappeared with Tainsh
into the business-room to discuss
the pros and cons of a certain in-
vestment in land meditated by the
former : Mrs M'Killop went about
her household cares; and Morna,
finding that Mr Duncanson was cut
adrift, and disposed to inflict him-
self upon her for the forenoon, made
an early retreat to her sanctum,
leaving the young laird to his own
sweet thoughts, and the distraction
of a match between his right hand
and his left in the billiard-room.
By these dispositions, when Mrs
M'Killop returned to the drawing-
room she found it empty; and
when, some half an hour later, Mr
Tainsh repaired thither from his
conference in the business-room, he
found that lady by herself; and Mr
Tainsh was glad of this, for a tete-a-
tete with his hostess was exactly
what the factor coveted at the time.
Rather a desperate expedient for
killing a wet day, it may appear at
first sight, but Mr Tainsh had
something much more serious in
view. We know that the public
credited him with matrimonial in-
tentions, and the imputation was
correct ; and it was because it was
correct, not merely in a vague,
abstract way (beyond which the
public did not go), but definitely
and concretely so, that he was
thus willing to face Mrs M'Kil-
lop in her den, prepared even to
endure a general parade and " march
past" of her shadowy ancestors,
from the days when Kenneth, son
of Alpin, ruled the land. The
truth of the matter is, that the fac-
tor's matrimonial aspirations were
closely connected with a young lady
who has not as yet made her ap-
pearance personally on our stage,
but who, from certain stray allusions
to her on the part of her step-mother
and step-sister, may be expected to
be found dangerous to the male sex
when she does make her entree. It
is quite certain that Mr Tainsh had
found her so. Miss Eila M'Killop
had produced a very powerful im-
pression upon him, even at first
sight : he had nursed the impres-
sion, and subsequent meetings had
confirmed it : eventually he had set
himself in a business-like way to
consider the pros and cons of the
matter ; and seeing no prudential
reasons why he should not indulge
his fancy, he had "concluded" to
fall in love with her, and had done
so accordingly. That he had re-
ceived encouragement from the lady,
it is not for us to say ; but it is very
possible that he had. He was by no
means ill-favoured or disagreeable in
his way : he was reputed rich : the
lady had really no substantial reasons
for affecting social superiority ; and
why not Tainsh as well as another ?
Besides, encouragement by no means
implies ulterior consent, as many
dear but haggard readers must be
too well aware. The neighbour-
hood of Cairnarvoch was thinly
peopled ; visitors to the castle were
few and far between; and if a young
lady in such a situation is not to
keep her hand in when chance occa-
sions offer, what, pray, is to become
of her skill of fence when the foil
is exchanged for the small sword,
and she wishes to use the latter to
the best advantage in real earnest ?
So it is very probable that Mr
Tainsh had something to go upon ;
but if it were so, being a prudent
man, he was anxious to know a
little more about the ground he
occupied before he took action : he
was also desirous of securing an
ally ; and there were one or two
little matters of finance which, as a
man of business, he thought might
stand some elucidation. And hence
his hardihood in plunging into a
1871.]
ttte-a-tete with Mrs M'Killop. That
lady (who had no suspicion of the
factor's views — for Tainsh was a sly
dog) was always friendly and cor-
dial to him. Her manner, indeed,
was intended to mark that a social
Gulf did yawn between them, albeit
masked, as much as was possible,
by her gracious artifices of con-
descension ; but Tainsh was happily
as unconscious of the Gulf as of her
benevolent efforts to ignore it ; and
lience they met on very easy and
pleasant terms.
" Well, Mr Tainsh," she said, as
he entered, "and what are you
going to make of yourself all this
ongnweeong day ? "
"There is a certain cure for
onnwy in your company, Mrs
M'Killop, and here I come to avail
myself of it," replied the serpentine
factor.
"A very gallant speech, Mr
Tainsh; but you shouldn't throw
away such pretty things upon an
old Avoman."
" If you begin to call yourself
old, Mrs M'Killop, it will be time
for me to give up making pretty
speeches."
" As if we were contemporaries ! "
" Much about a muchness, I
should say."
" Oh you flatterer ! You can't
be forty ? "
"2sTo, I'm not quite forty; you
have only the advantage of me by
a year or two, though, if you are."
" If I am ! As if you thought I
was no more than that."
" I can only go by your looks,
you know, Mrs M'Killop ; and if
they won't help you to be more
venerable, it is not my fault."
" Bless the man ! I might be a
grandmother."
"A mere matter of climate. If
you come to that, I might be a
grandfather."
" Well, all my family are said to
wear well. At eighty -nine my
Fair to See.— Part III.
279
grandmother — Mrs M'Kechnie of
Tillywheesle — had a cheek like an
apple."
" I can well believe it," said
Tainsh, groaning in the spirit.
" She had the M'Cuaig com-
plexion, of course."
" Yes, that would account for it
in a measure," said Tainsh, endea-
vouring, by intelligent assent, to
stem the tide of her reminiscences.
" Oh ! you've heard of it, then ? "
" Heard of it, iny dear madam ! "
and the factor seemed all astonish-
ment that it should enter into the
heart of woman to imagine ignorance
on that point. " Heard of it ! " he
repeated. "Yes, and I have seen
it, too, which is still better," fasten-
ing his eyes meaningly on his
hostess's cheeks, which suggested
something terribly tough and under-
done.
" Ah ! Mr Tainsh, I'm not what
I was ; if you had seen me when
poor dear Grant first met me, you
might have spoken."
" I'm certain I would," cried Mr
Tainsh, plunging recklessly across
the social Gulf, and interpreting her
words as a matrimonial idiom of the
provinces.
"I think not, in your sense,
Mr Tainsh," said the lady, with
dignity. " I don't think you would ;
I was very particular."
" Yes, yes, ma'am, justly so ; but
you see, men will be reckless ; they
won't calculate consequences ; they
rush upon — upon — eh ? — you know. ' '
"There were many such, Mr
Tainsh, eligible and ineligible."
" You don't need to tell me
that."
" It's not fair to mention names,"
sighed the lady.
"Perhaps not," Tainsh assented,
hopefully.
" Yet there can be no harm in
saying that Sir Eonald M'Tammy
was one of them. He died, you
know."
280
Fair to See.— Part III.
" A broken heart, ma'am ] "
"I — I — have my suspicions.
They said it was climate and — and
l>ra — , well, well, I have my own
sad thoughts at times."
"No moral blame could attach
to you, ma'am," said Tainsh.
"Well, Mr Tainsh, if I was
guilty, it was unintentionally so.
I could blame myself more in the
case of Lord ; but he is alive.
I will change the subject, Mr
Tainsh, if you please."
"Amen," thought the factor,
most devoutly.
" And, Mr Tainsh, with all this
nonsense you talk about beauty and
love-making, and so forth, are you
never going to get married yourself 1
I'm sure you have a good large
number to pick from, and many
things in your favour."
Mr Tainsh brightened up. "You're
very kind," he said, " perhaps you
can suggest some one 1 "
" Well, there's Miss Trotter, the
town-clerk's daughter."
" Oh no! she's not in my style."
" Then, there's Miss Gregorson,
at the Knowe."
" I couldn't think of her."
" She has £8000."
" Money is not an ob , at
least not my primary object."
"Then whynot Bessie M'Alister?"
" She would never do."
" Upon my word, Mr Tainsh,
you're mighty particular ! And her
mother was my own father's second
cousin."
" Oh ! I know the connection
would be most desirable, most un-
exceptionable, but connection and
blood are not my — ahem ! — my
main objects."
"Good heavens, man ! what would
you have 1 You won't be satisfied
with money, and you turn up your
nose at good blood."
" No, no, Mrs M'Killop, not so,
but I am a little ambitious ; I want
beauty and grace, Mrs M'Killop, and
refinement ; and I'm sure you can't
blame me for that. Can you think
of no one with these qualifications,
who wouldn't turn up her nose at a
plain, honest fellow 1" and he put
on a most meaning and insinuating
expression.
" I can't blame you, I'm sure, Mr
Tainsh, but these qualities are not
so common in the country-side."
" I am sure you have not to look
very far from home to find them."
" I vow I can't think where I'm
to look."
" Suppose you don't look abroad
at all, ma'am, but think of some one
who — who — some one, I may indeed
say, who — that is — upon the whole-
— who very certainly does — hypo-
thetically of course," (Mr Tainsh had
apparently lost his idea, and was
groping about for it all over the-
English language), " still in all
essentials identically — call you —
call you by the most endearing of
names." The idea came at last man-
fully through the ruck of words.
"Mr Tainsh! Sir! you forget
yourself," said Mrs M'Killop, rising-
like an insulted archduchess. " You
forget, sir, certain things — certain
points which you should not forget,
Mr Tainsh. I have very different
views for my daughter — very dif-
ferent indeed. She is not going to
throw herself '
" Excuse me, Mrs M'Killop,
you quite misunderstand me," cried
Tainsh. The social Gulf yawned
wide to his perceptions for the first
time, but the factor, though respect-
ing himself, was not the man to
allow any sentiment of amour propre
to interfere with an important object ;
so, instantly suppressing his atonish-
ment and any resentment he might
feel, he accepted the idea of the Gulf,
and turned it adroitly to his own
account.
" You quite misunderstand me,,
my dear madam ; pray be seated,
and listen to me."
1871.]
Fair to See.— Part III.
281
" You can scarcely have forgotten,
Mr Tainsh, the claims which my
child has to a considerable alliance."
" Oh, no, no, no ! " cried the
factor.
" On her father's side, you must
be aware "
" I am perfectly aware of it — I
assure you."
" While I need scarcely remind
you that, though now depressed, —
impoverished, — confiscated, — ex-
tinct in the male line, — from not
less than three families of immense
antiquity on my side does the child
derive some title to hold up her
head and look high."
" I know it — I know it," groaned
Tainsh.
" Hector M'Cuaig "
" He was one of nature's nobles,
Mrs M'Killop."
" I don't like the phrase, Mr
Tainsh ; it has a Radical twang to
my ears."
" I mean that a mere patent of
nobility could have added no dis-
tinction to him"
"Perhaps not — perhaps not; then
Tork M'Whannel "
" Oh dear ! — oh dear !" thought
Tainsh, seeing that the entire liturgy
was impending ; " this must be
.stopped at any price;" then he went
on aloud with great volubility —
" Yes, ma'am, Tork M'Whannel
was certainly one of our most emi-
nent men of his day, take him from
no matter what point of view ; and
indeed I have to ask you for some
memoranda about him, but not
now, for I must hasten to explain
that I had no thought of aspiring —
.of evening myself — to a match with
your daughter."
" Indeed, sir !" said the unreason-
able female, half inclined to resent
Tainsh's deadness to her daughter's
.charms.
" No, ma'am, I fly lower. I
aspire, I admit it, but I hope not
.too unreasonably. I will ask you
to be my confidante ; I know I could
not find a more judicious one. I
feel certain you are my friend, and
I could not have a kinder friend.
It was to your step - daughter I
alluded."
"Miss M'Killop, Mr Tainsh!"
At this juncture Mr M'Killop en-
tered the room, and remained for
five minutes or so, rummaging about
for a book or a paper. The conver-
sation of course dropped, but the
diversion was in favour of Mr
Tainsh, for it gave Mrs M'Eallop
time to reflect, to clear her mind of
ancestral hazes, and to reflect upon
the attitude she would do well, in
her own interests, to adopt. Her
first idea was that Mr Tainsh was
by no means treating the gulf with
proper consideration ; he was a good
deal too free with his pontooning ;
he was aspiring to marry the daugh-
ter of HER husband, and that seemed
a little too strong. Mythical as
was most of her pedigree, it was, be
it observed, or had become, all gos-
pel to her; and, indeed, she went
so very far back for her gentility
that she was safe from any practical
disillusionment — about as safe, for
instance, as Odin and Thor from any
risk of losing their status by a
serious exposition of the untruth of
the Scandinavian theogony. But
the more practical side of her char-
acter soon asserted itself in the mat-
ter, and then Mr Tainsh was remem-
bered as a man of substance, well
to do, with an improving position,
and every prospect of having the
means to become one day landowner
and laird himself; in any case, he
was independent of subsidising.
That was so far well ; there would
be none of the disagreeables of a
pauperised connection ; but, before
and above all, there would be a per-
manent rectification of the bound-
aries between herself and her step-
daughter. Her personal relations
with that young lady had not been
282
Fair to See.— Part III.
[Marclu
satisfactory to her. In the inter-
necine war which naturally rages
between two ladies so connected,
the issue is generally in favour of
the step-mother; it ought to he
twenty to one on her, at least.
Holding as she does the key of the
position, having the arsenals and
munitions under her command, and
fighting in the name of the acknow-
ledged sovereign, the tactics of the
opponent can seldom achieve more
than brilliant guerilla successes, and
these only for a time. But, in this
case, Mrs M'Killop was not satis-
fied that her victory had been in any
sense complete. For one thing, the
enemy would not fight, and, avoiding
battle, contrived practically to carry
everything her own way by finesse ;
and thus, while loudest in her pro-
fessions of affectionate homage to
the queen-regent, confounding the
politics of that potentate, and mak-
ing her ridiculous to herself and all
her subjects. K"ot a little did Eila's
powers of fascination over the other
sex embitter her step-mother against
her. Having the match-making
propensities of a frivolous and vulgar
mind, and being, moreover, the
mother of a marriageable daughter,
it was intolerable to her, with her
very limited field of operations, that
every little project and scheme she
formed was invariably counteracted
by " that minx Eila ; " not a whit
the less so that it was done in an
apparently unconscious and effort-
less way. The few men who came
saw her, and she conquered; and
poor Morna was nowhere. But still
the conqueress remained satisfied
with the moral results of her vic-
tories, declining the only results
which would have been a boon to
her step-mother. " What would I
not give to be rid of her ?" had been
for many a day the refrain of Mrs
M'Killop's daily thoughts on the
subject; and the conclusion which
five minutes' reflection now brought
her to was in harmony with it — in
other words, that if Mr Tainsh.
would be good enough to take Eila
away he was very heartily wel-
come to her, and also to any as-
sistance which her step-dame could
give him in the matter. When Mr
M'Killop left the room, therefore,
she recommenced the conversation,,
determined to conclude an alliance
with the factor; but, at the same-
time, to indicate the necessity of his-
keeping to his own side of the Gulf,
that alliance notwithstanding.
" It was to my step-daughter, Mr
Tainsh, I am to understand, that
you alluded in your — your very un-
expected communication 1 "
" It was to Miss M'Killop that I
ventured to allude ; and I am afraid
I appear somewhat bold and aspir-
ing."
" To a certain extent you do, Mr
Tainsh," said the lady, torn between
her desire to underrate Eila and to*
preserve her own dignity; "to a
certain extent you unquestionably
do."
"I feel that I am unworthy of"
her."
This was exactly what Mrs M'Kil-
lop did wo^feelasto Eila personally ;
so she was again ambiguous. " To
a certain extent, no doubt, it would
appear so to the world."
" Her graces and accomplishments.
— even her youth — entitle her, I
feel, to more ambitious views f
but "
" There are other considerations,
Mr Tainsh, which you seem to miss,
but which possibly the world would
make more of than those you allude
to. Of course, personally, there is-
nothing to be said against you, and
a great deal in your favour ; but you
must remember that, however re-
speetcible your social position may
be, respectability in such a case is
alway supposed to be understood ;,
and some people have their ideas,
Mr Tainsh, as to — as to — I don't-
1871.]
Fair to See.— Part III.
283
well know how to express myself —
as to what may appear in this case
some inequality."
Her language was sufficiently am-
biguous, and Tainsh took advantage
of it.
" I freely admitted," he replied,
" that her many qualities entitled
her to a more ambitious match."
How stupid he was ! he would
keep hammering away about Eila's
qualities instead of devoting himself
to Mrs M'Killop's, and to her social
requirements. It was not to be
stood any longer, however, and Mrs
M'Killop discarded ambiguity at
last. "Well, Mr Tainsh, if you
won't take a hint, I must suggest
to you that you can hardly look
upon yourself as socially the equal
of my step-daughter."
" I protest " Tainsh began ;
he was going to add that the in-
equality was not perceptible to him,
but paused on the very threshold of
his mistake, and went on diplomati-
cally. " I protest, ma'am, that, in
these days, refined shades, or even
strongly -marked shades, of differ-
ence appear to be made little of;
affluence, respectability, and an im-
proving position bridge over such
difficulties nowadays with great ease.
We have only to look at the upper
ten thousand "
" / am not accustomed to look
anywhere else, Mr Tainsh."
" Of course not, ma'am, and your
own experience must teach you how
little is now made in such circles, in
your circles, I should say, of social
disparity, provided there are coun-
terbalancing advantages."
"It is a sadly democratic age,
Mr Tainsh, and what you say is
very true ; but in other respects I
am free to admit that you are per-
haps entitled to aspire to Eila."
She had now placed Mr Tainsh
on his own side of the Gulf, and
was, for the future, at his dis-
posal.
" Do you think I have any reason
to hope ? " asked the factor.
" It is impossible for me to say
certainly that you have any reason
to hope ; but I can see no reason
why you should not hope — and
succeed, too — if you play your
cards well."
" May I at least hope for your
support 1 "
" Well, Mr Tainsh, I have a re-
gard for you, and what I can do I
will do, but I warn you that my
influence is not great."
" Thank you, thank you, thank
you. When does Miss Eila return?"
" In a few days."
" Unfortunately, my stay here
must terminate to-morrow."
" You shall be asked back next
week."
" You're most kind and consider-
ate. I shall never be able sufficiently
to thank you." And they cordially
clasped hands in ratification of the
alliance.
" I spoke," continued Mr Tainsh,
when this important pact was con-
cluded— " I spoke of money as not
being my primary object."
" It was unnecessary, Mr Tainsh;
if all tales be true, it can be no object
at all."
" Comparatively."
" Why not say positively 1 "
" Well, you see, Mrs M'Killop, I
am a man of business."
"Coining money; — you all do."
" Yes, but to coin money, money
has to be risked ; and in marrying,
without any selfish motive, the ex-
istence of a fortune ^of — of even
modest dimensions, on the part of
the lady, is always a comfort to a
man of business."
" To most men I should say, Mr
Tainsh."
" Yes, but to an unselfish man of
business there is an especial comfort
in feeling that there is for his wife
a provision free from all risks of
speculation, and so forth."
284
Fair to See.— Part III.
" Settlements, I believe, Mr
Tainsh, secure all that, and a man
who can't make settlements does
wrong to many ; and as for specu-
lation, I'm sorry to find you are a
speculator. It would be a great
responsibility to countenance the
marriage of one — in whom — ahem !
— interest is felt — with a specula-
tor."
" I don't call myself a speculator,
but there are risks in my business,
and sudden large calls for money
to assist clients, requiring a con-
siderable free capital; and if one had
any sort of idea, any sort of approxi-
mate idea of what — that is, of the
kind of portion "
" Do you remember what you
said about counterbalancing advan-
tages ? it seems now that these are
melting away ; so let me recommend
you to wait till you can disengage
a sufficient portion of capital for a
settlement, before you turn your
eyes in a certain direction."
" Then I am to understand that
Miss M'Killop's portion "
" You can understand nothing
about it from me, except this, that
if you think you are entitled to be
mercenary, / don't ; and I wouldn't
countenance your views on any such
footing. Upon my word, sir, you
do set yourself up ! " And the lady
bridled up and snorted a very well
feigned snort of wrathful surprise.
Tainsh was beaten ; he was in the
position of a cabman or other ma-
rauder who, having originally ob-
tained more than his due, is thereby
emboldened to ask for yet more, and
finds himself summarily snubbed and
threatened with the police. So he
changed his course, disavowed all
mercenary motives, and vowed he
would be the luckiest of men if he
got Eila penniless ; and the alliance
was restored to its original footing.
While these diplomatic relations
were being established in the draw-
ing-room, and while the forenoon
[March
was being passed in a kind of the-
oretical discontent by Pigott and
Bertrand in their own premises,
Morna was finding it very dull work
all by herself in her retreat. Twice
had she essayed an invasion of the
drawing-room, and twice had the
mysterious pause, consequent on her
entrance, warned her that its oc-
cupants could dispense with her
company. Twice had she entered
the billiard-room, but only to find
it occupied by Duncanson solus,
and, with a hurried excuse, she had
made off again ; for indeed the ex-
pression of that gentleman's face was
not inviting. In the first place, he
was bored with the weather; in the
second, with his own society ; in
the third, he felt that he was being
ostracised and neglected ; in the
fourth, he was full of wrath against
Morna for not seizing the opportun-
ity of having a tete-a-tete with him
when " these interlopers " were out
of the way ; and if anything was
wanting to fill up the measure of
his discontent, it was well supplied
by the recollection of yesterday's
deep discomfiture. When, there-
fore, within a very short distance of
luncheon, Morna again made her
appearance in the billiard-room, with
the intention of staying there, even
tete-a-tete with Mr Duncanson, till
luncheon released her, she found
that gentleman in a very thundery
state of mind indeed — a state of mind
which had decided him to beat a
retreat from the place altogether.
"Still alone?" said Morna, enter-
ing the room.
" Still alone ; and, for your sake,
I'm very sorry for it."
" For my sake ? Don't you be-
lieve in your own unassisted powers
of amusing me, then, on this dreary
day?"
" You don't seem to, at all events,
or perhaps I might have had a
chance of trying."
" Oh ! I have had so many things
1871.]
Fair to Sec.— Part III.
285
to do ; but I hope you have not
"been very dull. Mr M'Killop never
can tear himself away from his
letters and share-lists till after
luncheon. Mamma and Mr Tainsh
are hatching some treason in the
drawing-room ; but where are the
others?"
" The others ? oh, I don't know
anything about them. The only
person I would have cared to see
here was yourself, more particularly
as I am going away."
" Going away ! I thought you
were going to stay the whole week.
We hoped you were."
"Is that true? did you hope?"
" How very cross and rude you
are ! Why are you going away ? and
may I ask why you are angry with
me?"
"Well, I am — no, I'm not — I
can't be angry with you; but I
can't stand these fellows here —
they're not the form I've been used
to, I can tell you ; and — and my
father wished me to come back to-
morrow if possible, and, though he
had a crotchet about not shooting
this year till the 20th, this weather
will alter his plan."
" And won't you come back
again ? " said Morna, with instinc-
tive hospitality.
" I think not."
" Then you are going to let Mr
Cameron beat you — as to the shoot-
ing, I mean — without another trial ?"
iNot a very lucky remark.
" Ah ! I forgot that ; we can
settle that some other time : I am
positively going to-morrow at any
rate. I have written for my dog-
cart."
" I am very sorry," said Morna —
•even Morna the truthful; for all
men and women must justify the
hasty Psalmist once at least in a
lifetime, it is to be supposed.
rire you really, now?" said
:anson; "well, if I thought
' " snarl ! " went the pipes ;
" boom ! " went the gong ; and the
six terriers, forgetting their depres-
sion in the prospect of a meal, bow-
wowed an energetic chorus ; and the
door opened, and Mr M'Killop
walked in, and walked them off to
luncheon. At this meal it tran-
spired that Duncanson was going
away next day, also Tainsh ; where-
upon it was moved by Mrs M'Killop
that they should both return to-
wards the latter part of the follow-
ing week, which being seconded by
Mr M'Killop, and Morna having
said, under pressure of a full-faced
stare from Mr Duncanson, " Pray
do" — the motion was carried
with a slight formal resistance
on the part of the invited. Lun-
cheon over, a visit to the kennels
and stable was agreed to by the
gentlemen ; and four of them started,
leaving Bertrand, who had gone to
his room for a cigar-case, to follow.
It was not, however, fated that
he should follow ; for as he came
down -stairs the door of an ante-
drawing-room where music took
place had to be passed. It was wide
open ; exactly opposite the door
stood a piano ; at that piano sat
Morna ; on it she was playing; and,
of course (her back being to the
door), all unconscious of an audience,
she lifted up her voice and sang.
Bertrand softly entered. It was
the " Water - spirit's Lament" she
Perhaps it may have been that
she believed herself to be alone, or
it may have been the effect of the
accompaniment — at all events, the
song seemed to be given with even
more power and pathos than when
it enthralled Bertrand by the river-
side. When it was finished she
continued mechanically touching
the chords of the symphony for a
time, Bertrand remaining silent. At
last she looked round, started on
finding that she was not alone, and,
blushing a delightful blush which
286
Fair to See.— Part III.
intensified the expression of her
eyes, said, —
" Mr Cameron ! you here 1 I
thought " (surely this could not
have been her second within an
hour ?) " you had gone to the ken-
nels/'
" I was going to the kennels,
"but the voice of the siren drew me
hither instead ; and if she will allow
me, here will I remain."
The siren, who had so steadily
avoided Mr Duncanson, made no
objection, and Bertrand did remain.
It would be grossly unfair, however,
to weary the reader with what was
after all something like a drawing-
room repetition of their tete-d-tefe
by the river. There was more
music indeed, but there were long
pauses between the songs, and plea-
sant entfactes both grave and gay,
wherein considerable art in non-
sense was displayed, and not a little
nonsense about art; whereinjmirth
and earnest mingled with sprightly
facility in the mutual self-revela-
tions of two frank, fresh spirits
charmed with the novelty of the
process. Very dangerous sort of
work all this, of course, but these two
young people did not seem to feel
the slightest alarm ; and so, while
the rain plashed drearily without,
and the invisible sun passed west-
ward behind the surly clouds, there
was a good deal of brightness and
sunshine in the music - room of
Cairnarvoch at all events. Twice,
at intervals of an hour or so, Morna
had said, " Ought you not to go to
the kennels now1?" and twice had
Bertrand replied, " In five minutes."
The third time she made the re-
mark, it was answered by the yell
of the bagpipes, the thunder of the
gong, and all the inevitable dogs.
" The kennels have come to me, it
would seem," laughed Bertrand ;
but Morna started up in amazement
and confusion.
" The dressing-gong ! " she cried :
[March
"I thought it was only what
a time we must have been here ! "
and thereupon hastened from the
room with a heightened colour. She
had clearly taken no note of time.
It transpired that the four gentle-
men had gone for a long wet " con-
stitutional," and as Bertrand was
supposed to have missed them, and
as Mrs M'Killop (having slept the
whole afternoon and wishing to
conceal the circumstance) was un-
aware of the music -room episode,
Duncanson had had no means of
knowing that Bertrand had been
monopolising the young lady to
whom he appeared to grudge the
attentions of other gentlemen.
The evening passed off without
any remarkable incident : a long
wet day in the Highlands takes the
curl out of the sprightliest : the ani-
mal spirits that have been struggling
against atmospheric pressure since
breakfast, necessarily experience
some exhaustion by nightfall. Thus
the dinner- conversation was less
lively than on previous evenings,
and the flow of mirthful anecdote
not half so well sustained ; and Dun-
canson, who had obtained undis-
puted possession of Morna, found
that he was able to get a hearing
from her, without seeing that her
attention wandered to other parts of
the table. Therefore Mr Duncan-
son's temper was reasonably good,
and while he abstained from giving
offence to the others, he did his very
best to make himself agreeable to
his fair neighbour. Her attention
was rather suspiciously earnest, and
if Duncanson had been a closer ob-
server, even he, following certain
shy, quick glances of hers, that at
rare intervals sought another face
than his, might have suspected that
her appearance of interest in the in-
tellectual garbage which he admin-
istered was not due to his offering,
but, in fact, to some entirely differ-
ent caiise. The truth is, Morna
J71.]
Fair to See.— Part III.
287
ras distraite — she may have had a
.hundred reasons for being so — and
she concealed her distraction by an
apparent concentration on her neigh-
bour's conversation, or rather on the
monologue which he would have
dignified by that name. Then the
shy glances ? Of course they were
directed to Bertrand. Naturally
enough. Probably she was dis-
pleased with him for not offering to
save her from her present partner-
ship, or perhaps but after all, if
it was her good pleasure to be dis-
frt.tifi', and to glance in such or such
a direction, what have we got to do
with it? Why pry1? One thing is
certain, that Bertrand could not be
accused of exchanging glances with
her; their eyes may have met, of
course, but he had got involved in
a long discussion with Mr Tainsh as
to the feasibility of converting a
portion of his uncle's property into
a deer-forest; and taking up every-
thing he did take up with immense
energy, he was ungallant enough to
be devoting his attention entirely
to this topic; so that the eyes he
looked into were not those of Morna,
but the green orbs of Mr Tainsh,
glittering with the light of argu-
ment and self-interest. And well
they might, for was not Mr Tainsh
a lawyer and a factor ? And did not
Bertrand's proposal amount to the
annihilation of six tinkerable and
renewable leases, to the suppression
of six tinkerable and renewable
steadings — to the extinction, that
was, of twelve sources of arbitration,
legal communings and compromises,
besides coveys of annual letters at
six-and-eightpence apiece? So the
argument was engrossing, and the
battle raged between them over the
dinner; was revived, after a lull, over
the wine ; was carried into the draw-
ing-room, raged there intermittently,
and finally smouldered out in the
smoking-room among the ashes of
the last cigar. In this way Dun-
canson had again a clear field with
Morna, only disturbed by a short
inciirsion on the part of Pigott, who,
however, soon retired to mild ecaiie
with Mrs M'Killop; and Duncan-
son was in high delight, for it would
appear that in his brutal, abomin-
able, jealous, bearish way, this fellow
liked Morna, and might even
but sufficient for her day be the evil
thereof.
She did not seem to have enjoyed
her evening so much as her com-
panion probably imagined she had.
He bade "good-bye" to her (as
his morning start was to be early)
when the ladies retired for the night,
and, sinking his voice into a tone of
tender confidence, said, " I would
not be coming back again next week,
if it was not for what you said : did
you mean it?"
"Of course I did," said Morna; " I
always mean what I say;" but at
that moment she had no idea what
she had said.
"Thank you," said Duncanson,
gently pressing her hand; and he
went away to the smoking-room
radiant, and she to her room not the
least radiant, but quite the reverse,
and sat at her dressing-table for an
hour doing nothing, not even look-
ing at herself (which, for eighteen
and beaux yeiix, is, to say the least
of it, abnormal), but apparently
thinking hard, and thinking, more-
over, hard thoughts both of herself
and some other party unknown ; for
now and then she muttered with
great energy, " How I detest him !
how I do loathe and detest him ! "
And again, " How I despise myself !
how contemptible I am ! how — oh,
dear! oh, dear!" with which inter-
jections she would cover her face
with her hands for a moment, and
then fall to thinking again.
The days that succeeded the de-
parture of Tainsh and Duncanson
pretty much resembled their prede-
cessors. One day fine, and devoted
288
Fair to See. — Part III.
to the slaughter of grouse; the next a
gloomy day, set apart for rest and the
art of fishing, as understood by Ber-
trand and Morna, and theoretically,
but not much more than theoreti-
cally, supervised by Mrs M'Killop,
when it was understood that Pigott
was not to be of the party; the third
wet, perhaps, admirably adapted for
-a seance in the music-room, or half
wet and half dry, so as to suit itself
to a combination of amusements.
The dinner-table was, on the
whole, cheery and pleasant ; it lost
-something by Mr Tainsh's absence,
who was both voluble and adaptive,
but that was balanced by the ab-
sence of Mr Duncanson's moody
countenance and the perpetual gene
of his difficult temper. Mrs M'Kil-
lop did not share the general feeling
of relief at his absence ; she, in-
deed, regretted it — poignantly ; for
though her match-making spirit
might have had some consolation
in observing the relations that were
springing up between her daughter
and Bertrand, still she had fairly
come to a decided preference for the
absent Duncanson, based rather on
prudential than on personal grounds.
He, as she has already informed us,
in her half-awake revelations, was a
certainty as to fortune ; he was a
" bird in the hand," and a bird who
had shown no disposition to surren-
der to the lures of the arch-fowler,
Eila ; whereas Bertrand was no cer-
tainty in any sense, and, moreover,
had very soon to be subjected to the
test which Duncanson had, for a
wonder, withstood. Again, the lat-
ter gentleman had demonstrated
during his late visit, amid all his
unpleasantness — and even by it —
symptoms which did not fail to in-
spire Mrs M'Killop with much more
definite hopes than she had hitherto
cherished. So, mourning his ab-
sence, it was with far from an
approving eye that she noted the
.growing intimacy between her
[March
daughter and her guest ; and indeed
it is to be doubted if anything, save
an all-engrossing passion for six-
penny ecarte which she nightly in-
dulged with Captain Pigott, would
have prevented her from personally
superintending a certain tete-a-tete
on the terrace, which, when the
weather was fine, a staircase lead-
ing from the open drawing-room
windows, invited Morna and Ber-
trand to make a considerable portion
of their evening's programme.
To neutralise the effects of these
promenades, she felt that her own
personal presence would have been
necessary, for private remonstrance
with Morna might, as she expressed
it, only " put nonsense into her
head;" but ecarte carried the day,
and she left the rest to the chapter
of accidents, relying mainly on the
shortness of the time during which
the danger would subsist.
What happened in these terrace-
walks ? Was there any danger such
as Mi's M'Killop apprehended?
That they were agreeable we may
suppose, or they would hardly have
been persisted in; but perhaps a
small fragment of conversation the
night before Eila arrived, may
throw a little light on the matter.
" I am so sorry to go in to-night,"
said Morna, when, ecarte concluded,
the maternal telegraph was seen to
be working at the window.
"So am I," said Bertrand; "I
always am; one never can get
enough of a real summer night like
this."
" And this will be our last sum-
mer-night walk, I fear."
"What has inspired you with
that midsummer-night's dream ? "
" Oh ! our little square party —
for Mr M'Killop counts for nothing
— will be broken up to-morrow, and
then back will come Mr Tainsh,
and back will come Mr Duncanson,
and then "
"What?"
1871.]
" Nothing."
" Mysterious."
" Oh no ! not the least ; I had
finished."
" Perhaps you were going to add
that Mr Duncanson would insist on
joining us ; it was my idea."
" How I detest him ! "
" He icitt insist notwithstanding ;
but I daresay we shall be able to
induce the whole of them, except
the ecartists, to make a drawing-
room of the terrace ; and so we shall
still have sxtmmer nights al fresco,
and, as you don't appreciate Mr
Duncanson, we shall be able to save
you from a tete-a-tete"
" Oh, that would be quite differ-
ent," said Morna, sadly, absently ; a
tone which she corrected with a ra-
ther blundering alacrity, explaining
— " I mean that it would be very
different if we could — very nice in-
deed ; but I suspect they wouldn't.
Let us go in, I am so tired, and it
has become so cold."
Her manner and voice had changed
very suddenly, and her impatience to
return to the house was so incon-
sistent with her remark of half-a-
minute ago, that Bertrand puzzled
himself as to how he could have
offended her.
" What on earth do you and the
fraulein find to talk about, Bertrand,
in your numerous tetes-d-tetes 1 " was
Pigott's somewhat comprehensive
question in the smoking-room after-
wards.
" Well, to answer that, I shall be
obliged to divide my reply into a
good many paragraphs. First pa-
ragraph "
" Xo, no ; we'll not take such a
large view of the subject. I sup-
pose, on the whole, there is a good
deal of the old story. I suppose
that, in the long-run, the paragraphs
tend to the old conclusion and prac-
tical application 1 "
" What do you mean 1 "
"I mean that I suppose the
Fair to Sec.— Part III.
2S9
Platonic theory has been abandoned
and Duncanson disestablished."
" Then you are all wrong — as to
the first clause, at least ; for, as to-
the second, she never cared a straw
for the fellow."
"The second clause of your an-
swer contradicts the first, for —
though, of course, practically I
know nothing of such matters — I
should imagine it was rather a
straining of the Platonic system to
exchange confidences of so delicate
a nature."
"Well, you see, Pigott, you are
rather an ass."
" If to be ignorant of that sort of
rubbish is to be an ass, an ass let me
continue to the end of time. I've
often wondered, by the by, that,
with all your amazing follies, it has
not arrived to you to fall in love
before."
" How do you know, pray ? "
" Know, my dear fellow 1 If you
had, what a row there would have
been about it ! what whirlwinds,
and tempests, and fiery flames, and
desolation ! I quite shudder to
think how well I should have known
about it."
" As we are in an argumentative
mood, let me suggest to you that
that conviction of yours ought to
prove to you that the Platonic sys-
tem still prevails."
" I don't admit it ; everything
must have a beginning, — a fever has
its initial stages before the crisis
comes. Do you mean — do you dare
— to tell me that you don't care for
that girl ]"
" Care* for her? Of course I do ;
but — but — not as you mean. I
think she is one of the nicest girls
I ever met, — clever, cheery, good-
tempered, and "
" Very fond of me," suggested
Pigott.
" I'll be hanged if she is ! " cried
Bertrand.
" I was speaking in your person,
290
Fair to See.— Part III.
[March
you blockhead ; but you help my
diagnosis."
" Confound your diagnosis ; what
are you driving at ? Why shouldn't
I like the girl as a friend? If it
conies to that, why shouldn't I be
in love with her, if it suits my con-
venience to be in love with her 1 I
haven't taken the vow of celibacy.
If it amuses you to think I am in
love with her, I have no earthly ob-
jection ; and I don't see why thou-
sands of fellows shouldn't be. She's
decidedly pretty."
" Oh, come, Bertrand ! Ha ! ha !"
" Yes, she is ; her eyes are beau-
tiful; when she is animated they
are — perfectly beautiful ; her hair is
the colour of all others I admire ;
every one will admit that her voice
is angelic, — any fool can understand
th a t, — and — and "
" You needn't bellow like a bull
of Bashan : I'm not deaf, and I don't
object to any amount of admiration
provided you don't rehearse it all to
me. It will suit my comfort to a
marvel if you continue to fancy the
Platonic system still Avorking : pray
keep the fires banked up, or I know
Cairnarvoch will be too hot to hold
me. If there is one thing more en-
tirely crushing than another, it is
to be shut up with a fellow who is
in love. I was on detachment with
Baker once. I knew the villain was
in that state when we went out, and
I trembled. I put on my hardest
and most unsympathetic manner to
dam up his confidences ; but it was
of no use. The second evening, out
it all came, and after that, we break-
fasted, lunched, dined, and supped
upon Anna Maria. She went with
us to parade ; she mingled herself
with our tobacco ; she popped out
of soda-water bottles ; she came by
the post and had to be read aloud —
sometimes with tears ; she was writ-
ten upon reams of paper, read aloud,
kissed, wept over, and posted. I
tried a counter-irritation ; I got up
a spurious opposition ; I decided to
have a big name for my goddess, so
I selected ' Thomasina,' and I thun-
dered it out Avith the full strength
of my lungs whenever Anna Maria
came on the tapis. The stratagem
was entirely a failure. Baker Avas
a sympathetic fellow ; he became
deeply interested in Thomasina, and
I found that she only gave him ad-
ditional leverage for hoisting his
Dulcinea into notice, besides sorely
taxing my powers of invention to
keep up the alternate A-erse in GUI
idyll. So I got recalled to head-
quarters : I don't think I could have
survived another fortnight. You
can understand, therefore, that I
think this calm phase of yours is
much to be commended. Stick to
it."
" Keep your mind easy ; but as to
your saying that Morna is not
pretty "
" I declare it's past midnight,"
cried Pigott, jumping up, "so I
shaU go and dream of ' THOMAS-
' "
CHAPTER IX.
A coming event that is tardy in
its advent, and yet perpetually keeps
casting forward the shadoAv of its
influence upon other circumstances,
holding them, as it were, in a pro-
visional condition, and in a state of
suspense, is as worrying in fiction
as it is detestable in real life ; and
therefore we are glad that Miss Eila
M'Killop is now going to present
herself in proprid persona, and to
give us an opportunity of judging
of her on something more than
hearsay evidence. "We have heard
a good deal about her — contradic-
tory evidence, indeed — and we have
Fair to See.— Part III.
1871.]
seen her influence working opposite-
ly in the persons of her step-mother
and of Mr Tainsh ; and it is certainly
high time that she should appear
and show us what she really is. At
the commencement of the shooting-
season she had been away from
home for a few weeks, on a visit in
another part of the country ; and if
her step-dame's wishes could have
effected it, her visit would have
been prolonged, as we have seen,
for not a few weeks to come : and
indeed it might so have been, but
for the empressement with which
Mrs M'Killop had, in her letters,'
begged her, if she was enjoying her-
self, by no means " to consider them"
or to think of hurrying home, where
of course they missed her sadly, &c.
&c. But this manceuvre Eila inter-
preted in her own way, and the re-
solution she took from it was rather
to abridge her visit. In the interval,
however, the Tainsh episode had
supervened, and also Mr Duncanson
had developed very hopeful symp-
toms ; so that altogether, when the
time of her arrival came, her step-
mother could face it with fortitude
and even without fear — a state of
things which would have sorely dis-
appointed Eila if she coidd only
have divined it. The day following
the events narrated in the last
chapter was the day fixed for her
return, but, as her movements de-
pended upon no public conveyance,
it was uncertain when she might
arrive ; and therefore, as she had not
made her appearance when Hamish
sounded for dinner, the party sat
down without her. They had scarce-
ly done so, however, when the
sound of carriage-wheels announced
an arrival, and, shortly after, the
butler intimated that it was the
arrival of Miss M'Killop. Mrs
M'Killop probably felt that the
presence of her antagonist might
not have a sharpening effect upon
her own appetite — over which she
291
watched with a maternal tenderness
— and made an effort to have one
more meal in peace.
" The dear child," she exclaimed,
"will be sadly tired. Jinkyson,
send to Miss M'Killop and say that
she is on no account to hurry ; she
can have dinner sent to her by-and-
by, if she wishes it."
"Wishes it, Elizabeth !" said Mr
M'Killop ; " after a thirty miles'
drive, the child will wish it, it is
to be hoped."
" Tut, M'Killop, what a chatter-
box you are ! She will take hours
to dress, you know — won't she,
Morna? — and keep us all waiting.
Order dinner for Miss M'Killop in
the library, Jinkyson."
On this occasion, however, Miss
M'Killop did not take hours to
dress, for in a minute or two after
the order for her relegation to the
library had been given, the door
opened and she entered — we should
rather say glided into — the room.
Without a pause to look at the
company — without a glance for any
one else, as if hurried away by some
impulse of passionate devotion for
her step-mother, she undulated swift-
ly up to that lady, threw her arms
round her neck, and embraced her
with immense effusion, a challenge
which was amply responded to by
Mrs M'Killop, who, clutching Eila
with the hug of a Cornish wrestler,
dealt upon her fair face a long
series of deliberate kisses, select-
ing every now and then a new
" claim," so to speak, to work upon
— first on one side of the nose,
then on the other, then under one
eye, then on the chin, then on the
forehead — and punctuating each kiss
with a low murmur of satisfaction,
such as a schoolboy may occasionally
be observed to emit when employed
in consuming some sweetmeat to
which he applies the epithet "gol-
optious."
" Dear child," said Mrs M'Killop,
292
Fair to See.— Part III.
holding her out at arm's-length to
recover breath — provisionally re-
leasing her, as a cat might a mouse,
but ready to reclaim her on the
slightest provocation, — " dear child,
how we have missed you ! "
"Have you, dear mamma'? and
so have I missed you all terribly;"
whereupon Mrs M'Killop opened an
entirely new set of " claims," and
worked them out unmercifully.
" Eila, let me introduce to you
Captain Pigott and Mr Cameron,"
said her father, who seemed to
fidget a good deal while these de-
monstrations were in progress. The
gentlemen made their obeisances,
and Eila, seemingly aware for the
first time of their existence, be-
stowed on each a smile that might
have quickened the pulse of an
octogenarian. To Bertrand's eyes,
through which we propose to look
at Eila, there was presented in her
person the realisation of an ideal
which fancy had often revealed to
him before in dim but beatific
visions, as, sighing for the beauti-
ful, he roamed about the shadow-
land of day-dreams. A figure so
light, so airy, moving with such an
indescribably effortless ease and
grace that it seemed as if the at-
mosphere dared offer no resistance
to a shape so ethereal, but fell back
wondering, to make way for the
witchery of each new movement.
The beautiful head and face which
crowned this sylph-like form were
worthy of it. In average faces the
power of expression is pretty evenly
divided among the leading features,
but in Eila's her eyes seemed almost
to monopolise it. It would have
been hard to find a sweeter mouth
when the eyes were smiling j it
would have been difficult to match
the delicate outline of the face, or
the exquisite chiselling of every
featural detail ; nothing could be
more finished than the contour and
pose of the high-bred little head,
H [March
or more luxuriant than the almost
embarrassing wealth of her glossy
brown hair ; but from all these the
attention was at once withdrawn
when her grey eyes flashed upon
the spectator from their mysterious-
depths some look in which all her
expressional power was concentrat-
ed. Eyes like these might suggest
the idea that they would either see
too much or tell too much, unless
they were under some remarkable
control ; but this they were, for the
expressional centralisation made the
control of expression very complete
indeed. When in repose her eyes
were habitually half concealed by
their singularly long and beautiful
dark lashes, and then her expression
was soft, dreamy, and pensive ; but,
when called into animation, she
seemed able to raise or lower these
silky veils with the subtlest gradua-
tions, so as to reveal the exact shade
of emotion it was her pleasure to
reveal, and nothing more. Thus,
while no face could beam with a
franker intelligence, none could be
more inscrutable. The bloom of
Hebe lay upon her cheek — a bloom
of mingled richness and delicacy,
which the pure blood of the north
cannot supply, and which in this
instance came by inheritance from
a Mexican mother.
Such was Eila M'Killop — a sight
to make an old man young. The
look with which she favoured the
gentlemen on their presentation was
quite a study in its way. Her eyes
were on this occasion thoroughly
unveiled, and from their beautiful
depths came such a beam of kindly,
frank, gracious cordiality, that Bert-
rand's heart vibrated like the index-
needle of a telegraphic machine, and
there seemed to strike into his be-
wildered mind some vague, dreamy
association of a SAveet strain of
music floating through the rosy air
of a still summer morning, amid
the exquisite breath of dewy wild-
1871.]
flowers. Even Pigott was not un-
moved, for he actually forgot, until
it was all but too late — that is, for
a full minute — the glass of sherry,
with which no well-regulated palate
•can dispense as an immediate sequel
to clear soup.
Morna glanced across the table to
see the effect produced by her step-
sister. By what law of association
was it that a certain strange new
light upon Bertrand's face instantly
recalled to her her own self-reviled
image in the mirror on the afternoon
of that pleasant day when he and
she had first sat by the river ? and
recalled it with a sudden indefinite
sense of pain 1
Eila having satisfied the cravings
of her step-mother's affection, and
having done a little business in the
.same way on her account with her
father and with Morna, seated her-
self between her father and Ber-
trand, and proceeded to satisfy the
curiosity of her relatives as to her
own history during the last few
weeks.
" You have greatty enjoyed your-
self, dear child, I fondly hope ? " said
Mrs M'Killop.
" Pretty well, thanks, dearest
mamma." (N.B. — These ladies were
for ever expressing by lavish terms
of endearment the ferocious and
truculent feelings which each, au
fond, cherished for the other.) " They
were all so kind, and pressed me so
to stay that I could hardly make my
escape ; but I did long to be home
again; so here you have me back to
tease and worry you all;" and she
favoured Pigott with a three-quarter
glance, which seemed to say, " If
you are very good and nice, perhaps
you shall be teased and worried too ;
don't despair." But Pigott was not
going to let himself be surprised
again. He was at that moment earn-
estly engaged with a splendid piece
of salmon, and if he had spoken out
the aspiration of his heart, it would
VOL. CIX. — NO. DCLXV.
Fair to Sec.— Part III.
293
have been this : " Oh ! if old M'Kil-
lop would only produce some of that
Steinberg ! " His eye, therefore, was
as dim and responseless as the sal-
mon's on the sideboard; and Eila,
recognising intuitively a subject who
was to be no subject of hers, said
inly, " Here is an oyster." That
even this impenetrable mollusc could
be turned to her own account, how-
ever, in some shape or other, was
obviously the young lady's convic-
tion ; otherwise why should she have
turned upon him the battery of her
brightest glances during dinner?
why should he have been selected,
and Bertrand, who sat by her, left
altogether out in the cold ]
Pigott, who saw through, or flat-
tered himself that he saw through,
everything, by no means allowed his
tranquillity or his dinner to be dis-
turbed by his high privileges. "Don't
know what her game may be, just at
present," he thought; "but it ts'a
game : tremendous pair of eyes, to
be sure ! Salad, please, Jenkinson."
" Had you a large party, Eila 1 "
asked Morna.
" No ; a few people came from time
to time, and the house was pretty
full for ' the Twelfth ;' but most of
the people were rather stupid. It
didn't seem like ' the Twelfth.' The
gentlemen didn't seem to care about
shooting even ; they went out late
and languid; they came home early
and languid ; they must have shot
languidly, I should think, from the
size of their bags ; they were too lan-
guid to speak even : then they sat
half the night in the dining-room
after dinner, but were no better when
they came into the drawing-room —
in fact, just the same, except that
their faces were red, and they fell
asleep in their chairs. They were
really rather dismal — so different,"
her eyes seemed to tell Pigott, "from
what you are, I am sure."
" Poor Eila ! you have been quite
a martyr," said Morna.
294
Fair to See.— Part III.
"Oh, quite; I hope you have
been more brilliant here ] "
"I think we have not been so
very languid at all events ; I think
we have been very happy."
" You have had people here ? "
" Yes, although it is not very civil
in you to suppose that that was ne-
cessary to our happiness ; we have
had Mr Tainsh and Mr Duncanson
here."
" How unfortunate I am to have
missed them ! "
" They are coming back, dear
choild," said Mrs M'Killop.
" I am so glad — when 1 "
" I believe the day is uncertain,
but very soon."
" I am so glad."
" I didn't know you were so en-
thusiastic about either of them,"
laughed Morna.
"Oh, indeed, yes; everybody likes
Mr Tainsh, and Mr Duncanson is
too singularly rude and ill-tempered
not to be interesting."
Mrs M'Killop's crest began to rise.
"My dear Eila," she said, "I beg
you won't run him down. He is a
remarkably clever, intelligent, agree-
able, well-principled young man."
"Of course, dear mamma, that
only adds to his interest. I am so
anxious to get his receipt for being
rude, and cross, and agreeable, and
stupid, and intelligent, all at the
same time, and still equally popular;
it would be most useful to me with
my shocking temper;" on which
score, however, her eyes confided to
Pigott that he at least need have no
anxiety.
" She'll tire of all this eyeing be-
fore I do," thought that gentleman,
turning on her a countenance as ex-
pressionless as the dead wall of a
cotton-mill.
" Yes, yes, Eila," laughed Morna,
" I wish you would get his receipt ;
you know how we all suffer from
your violence."
"Had you great sport on 'the
B [March
Twelfth,' Captain Pigott?" con-
tinued Eila.
"Oh yes, we had an excellent
bag."
" And who shot best ? "
" Mr Cameron, I think ; but it
wasn't quite certain — it lay between
him and me."
" That is his modesty, Miss
M'Killop," said Bertrand; "he
really made the bag ; my only tri-
umph was beating Mr Duncanson."
Eila turned her eyes on her next
neighbour for the first time, only
for an instant ; but she gave him
a full benefit which seemed to set
many powerful eight - day clocks
ticking all through his veins ; then
she dropped her long lashes and
said, —
" I hope he bore his defeat well,
and showed a great deal of high
principle."
" He showed a good deal of high
temper at all events," said Pigott.
" Oh, poor fellow ! he had lost
his money ; it was enough to put
him out a little," cried Mrs M'Kil-
lop.
" Yes, yes," assented Eila; " that
certainly was ; poor fellow ! it was
rather exigeant of you, Captain Pig-
ott, to expect him to keep his tem-
per, when it is so much less trouble-
some to lose it, and when he loses
nothing by losing it. Principle is
a most useful thing — I must really
take to it."
" You must have a private pick
at young Duncanson, I suspect,
Eila," said Mrs M'Killop, with
swiftly-rising choler. " Has he not
been sufficiently devoted, not enough
conquered by your bows ewes ? "
" Mamma, you are the cleverest
of people ; I am certain that must
exactly be the reason. I never
thoxight of it before; nothing else
could make me so blind to his
merits when you see them so clearly.
Now I think of it, he is not very
civil to me ; but then he is always
1871.]
preoccupied, and that is not Mr Dun-
cansoii's fault. Somebody else is the
real culprit — somebody else shoxdd
bear the blame," turning her wicked
eyes on Moma's blushing face; " and
I have been unjust to Mr Duncan-
son — selfish and unjust."
" You see, gentlemen," snorted
Mrs M'Killop, " how exacting this
young lady is. If you are not very
gallant you will be having your-
selves abused just like poor Mr
Duncanson."
" Oh, ungenerous mamma ! just
•when I have made the amende. We
had a charming picnic, by the by,
the other day," she continued, turn-
ing the subject, " to such a delight-
ful old castle."
"Dalquhairn, of course," cried
Mrs M'Killop; "the oldest pro-
perty of our ancestors the Parlanes,
Morna, confiscated in the '15 " (it
certainly could not have been at
all a paying thing to be an ancestor
of Mrs M'Killop's)— "a noble old
place — in the family for centuries
— for it is quite certain that Fear-
guish Parlane was killed at the
battle of Largs ; and if so "
" And if so, dearest mamma, it is
quite certain that he could have had
nothing to do with the picnic I
was going to tell you about, which
was not at Dalquhairn at all, but at
another noble old place — Aberlorna
Castle. You know it, I suppose ? "
" Know it ? In the year sixteen
hundred and "
" Yes. Well, it was at Aberlorna
Castle — a splendid old ruin hanging
on a cliff over the sea, and splendid
old woods all round it ; and such a
beautiful house ! — the modern house,
I mean — standing in such a situa-
tion, with terraces all down to the
very shores of the bay. We went
in a boat the last half of the jour-
ney ; and when we turned into the
little bay it burst on us quite un-
expectedly. On one side you saw
the ruin, and on the other the new
Fair to See. — Part III.
295
house — crumbling walls and mossy
battlements and ancient woods on
one side, and the beautiful bright
chateau on the other, with gardens
and shrubberies and terraces all in
the most perfect order. Such a con-
trast you know — ' a picture of the
Past and the Present in the same
frame,' as Captain Fearon said — and
the Lorna running down between
them, with a little cascade just
under the bridge that joins the
two sides — a light, airy-looking,
iron bridge. I never saw such a
lovely place ; and fancy its belong-
ing to some stupid old man who
never lives there, but is something
or other on the other side of the
world. If it was mine I could
never bear to leave it. I never
coveted anything half so much. I
wish the proprietor would adopt
me, or leave it to me, or some-
thing."
" And don't you know who the
proprietor is?" asked Mrs M'Kil-
lop.
" No — yes, by the by, I did hear
his name ; Sir Eichard or Sir Eobert
something or other."
" Cameron."
" Yes, that was it ; and a stupid
old creature he must be."
" Sir Eoland Cameron, my dear,"
said Mrs M'Killop, with awful em-
2?ressement, "is the proprietor. He
is also the uncle of our friend Mi-
Cameron here, who may not like to
hear his nearest relative spoken of
so lightly."
" Oh, Mr Cameron ! " cried Eila,
turning on him such a look of be-
witchingly innocent contrition, "I
do beg your pardon ; but of course,
you know, I couldn't possibly know
anything about it. I hope you are
not dreadfully fond of him. I hope
you are not very angry with me ? "
The eye-battery blazed into Ber-
trand point-blank, throwing, as it
were, incendiary bombs and all man-
ner of explosives and combustibles
296
Fair to See. — Part III.
right into the centre of his dazzled
and mazed inner consciousness.
"Angry with you, Miss M'Kil-
lop ! " he stammered ; " oh no !
that would be something like —
ha ! ha ! — oh no, that would be —
wouldn't it? Yes, I assure you, a
sort of impossible — ahem — eh ? he !
he!"
In acknowledgment of which ex-
tremely lucid disclaimer of outraged
family feeling, and perhaps in pity
for it, the eyes were slowly drooped,
and Eila went on, — " You know I
only called him stupid for not liking
his beautiful place, and I am sure
you agree with me that he ought to
like it."
" I am sure, if it is anything like
your picturesque description, he
ought to like it."
"What ! have you never seen it?"
"N — no, I am sorry to say I
haven't."
" Never seen your uncle's place ! "
"Never ; but now I am all curiosity.
I shall certainly go and see it before
I leave Scotland."
" You must indeed, and you must
go too, Captain Pigott ; you never
saw anything half so lovely. Do
you sketch ? "
'In a very small way," saidPigott.
' Oh, then, will you do me a
favour ? "
' With pleasure."
' A great favour, though."
' With great pleasure."
' Then you must take a sketch of
the tower from the bridge and give
it to me ; I worked at it for an hour
and a half, and could make nothing
of it. I shan't be happy till I have
a sketch of it."
" I shall be delighted to try ; but
if you failed to satisfy yourself, I
fear I am not likely to succeed in
doing so."
"Oh, I know you will" — as if
Pigott's appearance alone was con-
clusive evidence of his eminence in
art — " so it is a promise ? "
[March
" I am highly nattered by being
asked to make the promise, and you
may depend upon my doing my
best."
Eila thanked him with a sun-
beam (Bertrand could have thrown
a plate at him for the stolidity with
which he received it), and con-
tinued her account of the picnic,
which had no doubt been much like
other picnics; but which — described
by Eila in her musical voice, with
every little incident pointed by her
na'ivete, and her clear, silvery laugh
— appeared to Bertrand to have been
a festival of unrivalled attractions.
" It was wonderfully pleasant," she
concluded, " considering how dull
and stupid the people all were, ex-
cept Captain Fearon" (Bertrand
felt that the Captain's alleged viva-
city did not improve Ms opinion of
the picnic). " Nothing would make
them laugh; at last that made us
laugh, and I'm afraid we behaved
very ill" (Bertrand was sure Cap-
tain Fearon had, — " the snob ! ") —
"and at last I got quite into dis-
grace; for fat old Mrs Eingwood
tumbled into the sea when we were
re - embarking, and her daughters
screamed and nearly fainted, and
Captain Fearon was obliged to go
in after her (in shallow water, you
know) in his beautiful plum-coloured
knickerbecker stockings ; and she
was so heavy to pull out that Cap-
tain Fearon fell under the water,
and they both disappeared for a few
seconds, and then came up looking
so dismal" — here the recollection
revived Eila's laughter to such an
extent that she was unable to go on
for a time — "Mrs Eingwood looking
like a great seal, with her brown
front off, and Captain Fearon with
all his fine curls hanging like string
over his nose ; so that I laughed
till tears ran down my face, and I
could not help saying that it put me
in mind of the scene in the "Colleen
Bawn," where Myles jumps into the
1871.]
water after Eilah O'Connor : and
Mrs Eingwood scolded me, and her
daughters muttered something about
' heartlessness;' and Captain Fearon,
who is a great dandy" (ha ! ha !
Bertrand was glad of that), "was
quite cross and sulky, and wouldn't
speak to me, although we had been
such friends before, so that I was
really quite in disgrace ; and al-
though I tried all the way home to
apologise and be sorry, whenever I
looked at the two shipwrecked un-
fortunates I broke down again, and
so ended the picnic ; but I wouldn't
have missed the drowning scene for
anything." And Bertrand, listening
to the merry music of her laughter,
and absorbing stray fragments of sun-
beam as they passed on their way to
Pigott, felt that he woidd like to go
to a picnic with her, and behave ill
with her, and be in Coventry with
her, and even tumble overboard
with her (not Mrs Eingwood), al-
though it should be in stockings of
Tyrian purple and upper garments
of the costliest velvet.
And so the dinner passed off, and
the ladies passed away, and over
the wine Bertrand was very silent,
dimly wondering why Eila had
taken a sudden antipathy to him
(he had felt that she scarcely seem-
ed to notice his existence, and
he was unaccustomed to total
neglect from the fair sex), dimly
wondering why a glance of her eye
should make him feel — feel — like —
like — hang it ! like that ; dimly
wondering if she had made it up
with Captain Fearon, and what
sort of fellow Fearon was — that is,
when his plum-coloured stockings
were thoroughly dry, and his
hyacinthine locks restored to their
normal curl. No glory sat on the
insensate Pigott's face for all the
bright sunshine that had been
playing on it for an hour. Wool
was, as we are aware, Mr M'Killop's
conversational staple — colonial wool,
Fair to See.— Part III.
297
by preference ; and with him Pigott
was carding and teasing that lamen-
table topic, with an unruffled calm
Avhich, considering what he had
recently been enjoying, was to Ber-
trand simply inexplicable.
" She may hate me as much as
she likes," he thought ; " but as for
seeing anything in Pigott, she can't,
you know — simply can't. A capital
fellow, of course — a delightful fellow
among men, when he likes ; but as
for the other thing — oh no — oh
dear, no ! — preposterous ! "
In the drawing-room Morna did
not seem to be quite in her usual
spirits, but that might only have been
by comparison with the exuberant
gaiety of her step-sister. That
young lady had a hundred little
bits of airy gossip to tell, a hun-
dred little laughing sketches of her
visit and co - inmates to retail,
mysteries of dress to unfold, od-
dities to caricature, beauties to
expatiate upon, touching each sub-
ject with the lightest of touches,
and gliding from one to another
with a most facile espieglerie. At
last her budget was exhausted, and
she said, " Now, Morna, I've told
you all about myself ; now for your
experiences. What have you been
about ? "
" Nothing particular, Eila."
" Nothing particular 1 then I sup-
pose our two guests are as stupid
as they look ? "
"Stupid, Eila? do you think
they look stupid ? "
" Oh, dreadfully heavy ! — parti-
cularly the younger one, Mr — Mr
— the nephew of the uncle, you
knowl"
"Mr Cameron?"
"Yes."
"Well, you're quite wrong:: he
is not the least stupid; neither
is Captain Pigott. Oh no ! Mr
Cameron is not at all stupid — quite
the reverse — in fact, he is just "
Morna stopped, conscious that she
298
Fair to See. — Part III.
[March.
was blushing, and that her step-
sister was looking at her with a half-
smile from under her long eyelashes.
"Just what, Morna?" she in-
quired.
" Just as clever as most people
one meets, I mean."
" He is your friend, then, of
course ? "
" We are very good friends."
" Are they sociable ? "
" Yes."
"Both of them?"
"Yes — no — I don't know; why
do you ask 1 "
" Because it will make all the
difference while they are here. If
they are stupid and sociable, so
much the worse; if they are nice
and sociable, so much the better.
Are they nice and sociable 1 "
" Yes," said Morna, laughing ; " I
think they are nice and sociable."
" They don't look as if they had
been chloroformed in the evenings,
like the people at Strathinan ? "
" No, I think not."
" Well, if they are nice, they
mustn't be allowed to shoot every
day."
" They don't, as it is."
" Then what do they do with
themselves ? "
" Oh, they walk about, and do
all sorts of things."
"Fish?"
" Sometimes."
" That interferes with your mo-
nopoly."
"No, I fish too."
"With them?"
"Yes— at least Captain Pigott
never fishes."
" You fish with Mr Cameron,
then?"
" My dear Eila, what a catechism
you are ! "
" But you do, don't you ? "
" Yes, yes, I do sometimes."
" Then fie is nice and sociable ? "
" I said so before."
" And the evenings ? "
' Well, they pass somehow."
' Whist ? "
' tfo,"
'Music?"
' Xot often."
' What does mamma do ? "
' JEcarte."
' Oh, they play ecarte ? "
'Yes — that is — Captain Pigott
does."
" And how do you amuse Mr
Cameron, or how does he amuse
you ? "
" We talk sometimes."
" At rare intervals, — I under-
stand. Apropos of Mr Cameron, I
am dying to take you to see that
beautiful old castle. Suppose we
make an expedition there some
day soon — next week ? "
" Mr Tainsh and Mr Duncanson
are coming back, I think, next
week."
" Very well, we can take them
with us ; and oh, Morna, of course,
the very thing — we might get your
admirer, Mr Duncanson, to take us
there in his papa's yacht ; it would
be delightful, and make the journey
so much shorter."
" Yes, it would be very pleasant
without Mr Duncanson."
" Oh, you ungrateful . We
are just saying, Captain Pigott "
(the gentleman arrived at this mo-
ment)— "we are just saying how
charming it would be to make an
expedition round to Aberlorna
some day next week. You see I
am quite a fanatic about it. Do
you think you will be able to tear
yourselves away from the grouse for
one day — next week, perhaps ? "
"It would be charming," said
Pigott. " Any day you like to fix."
" Do let us arrange it, then;" and,
by the most infinitesimal soupqon of
a movement, it was suggested to
Pigott that he might seat himself
by her on the sofa, which he did,
stolidly, probably because he knew
it was a soft and comfortable seat.
Fait- to &e.—P<irt III,
-
1871.]
"What can she see in Pigott?
How the — what the — why the —
-what can she see in him ? " thought
Bertram!, strolling slowly up to
Morna, who was sitting, as she
iually was at this point of the
ivening, by the window, looking
out on the terrace.
" What do you say to it, Mr
Cameron?" she inquired.
I ? Oh, beautiful — perfectly
>vely ! that cloud — what a tint ! —
what fleeciness ! "
"You seem to be in the clouds
ourself, Mr Cameron," said Morna,
ooking up into his absent face.
"I was talking about the expedi-
tion."
"Ah, yes — of course, of course."
" And would you like it ? "
"Nothing so much," said Ber-
trand, entirely innocent of the sub-
ject on the tapis — he was in " the
fierce vexation of a dream " — a mid-
summer-night's dream : that sofa
was the bank whereon the wild
thyme blew — and there was Titania
sitting on it, "sticking musk-roses
in the sleek smooth head " of Bot-
tom the weaver.
"Even in Mr Duncanson's yacht?"
asked Morna.
" Has he a yacht ? He's very
lucky. I like yachting : and so
Duncanson has a yacht ? "
" Yes."
" Captain Pigott, are we to have
our ecarte to-night ? " cried Mrs
M'Killop.
" Certainly. I am perfectly at
your disposal," said Pigott, rising
and abandoning Titania with the
.same stolid calm.
" Does this go on every evening?"
asked Eila, also rising, and joining
the pair at the window. " Isn't it
-a little triste ? what do you do ? "
" We go out on the terrace.
We're going to-night — are we not,
Miss Grant?"
" If you like."
"Shall we go, then?" adding, as
299
Eila made no sign of moving,
" Won't you come, Miss M'Killop ?
You have no idea how beautiful the
hills look at this time of the even-
ing from the terrace."
" Thanks — not to-night; I believe
I am a little tired ; " and so Ber-
trand and Morna went out by them-
selves. But their walk that night
was far from a success. There were
silences, apologies, forced random
starts into the driest of subjects, again
silences, and then more apologies.
What could it all mean? It must
have been Bertrand's fault, he looked
so abstracted and dull ; and Morna
evidently thought so, for she looked
up now and then into his thoughtful
face in a simple, questioning way,
receiving, however, no explanation.
It was very mysterious and un-
pleasant.
The snninier seemed suddenly to
have taken to its golden wings and
fled. There was a cloud over every-
thing to-night, and a dullness. Was
it possible that from so sunny a
source as Eila's presence a sudden
mistral had come forth, blowing a
damp and obscuring haze between
two spirits hitherto so congenial?
Or whence else had it come ?
" I hear Eila singing, I think,"
said Morna at last, in a painfully
flat tone of voice; "and perhaps
listening to her would amuse us
more than walking here to-night.
Shall we go in ? "
Listening to her! Where was
Bertrand's wonted gallant enthusi-
asm ? Why was Morna not assured
that only one singing voice, and that
her own, could tempt him indoors
on such a night, and from a tete-a-tete
with her? She was not so assured,
at all events ; for Bertrand only said,
" Perhaps you would prefer it — I
daresay you are tired ; " and they
turned towards the house. As they
drew near to the windows, the re-
frain of Eila's song floated to them
very distinctly —
300
Fair to See.— Part III.
[Marcfo
" Come back to Erin, Mavoimieen ! Ma-
vourneen !
Come back, Aroon, to the land of thy
birth!"
Very sweet indeed would the lay
have sounded to any ears — very sweet,
and plaintive, and pleading ; indeed
the most obdurate Irish absentee
might have been half tempted back
to face " Rory of the Hills " in de-
ference to such an appeal ; but to
Bertrand it sounded something
more than very sweet, and he
walked into the room in a tumult
of thoughts betwixt pleasure and
pain.
What a heaven upon earth it
would be to be addressed as " Ma-
vourneen" by such a voice, in the
sunlight of such eyes ! Ah, what
bliss ! But did — was — could there
be any one so highly privileged 1
and if so, did he wear plum-
coloured knickerbocker stockings?
0 ashes ! 0 despair ! Eila rose
the moment Bertrand and Morna
entered ; nor could she be prevailed
upon to resume her seat at the piano.
" I am too humble to sing when the
prima donna is here to sing," she
said. " Dear Morna, I have missed
your music so much while I have
been away; you must sing some-
thing now — will you, to oblige me ? "
" I will try, but I feel sure that
1 am not at all in voice to-night. I
wish you would sing another, first."
" Oh no, I'm too impatient ; I
can't wait : do, pray, let us have
'Wings.'"
Morna complied, and Eila seated
herself on the sofa. And how did
it happen ? Was it by electricity, by
magnetism, by the teaching of some
strange spell, that Bertrand instantly
became aware that he might seat
himself beside her on the sofa, un-
rebuffed, and even welcome ? " How
it came, let doctors tell." Morna
had scarcely taken flight upon
" Wings," before Bertrand had gra-
vitated to the sofa ; and instantly
there seemed about him — such as
came about Launcelot in the castle-
of King Pelles — " a marvellous
greyte clearenesse, that the playcer
was as bright as though all the-
torches of the world had beene
there ;" and in his ears there was-
a voice as of " the low-tongued
Orient ; " and when " Wings " had
borne Morna to the end of their
pathetic flight of touching aspira-
tion, she found that no sympathis-
ing spirit had followed on her track.
Prom the sofa came a murmur as of
softly-flowing waters, and from the
card-table rang a shrill female cry
of triumph — " The king ! game and
rubber ! Three-and-sixpence, Cap-
tain Pigott!" Hereupon the sofa
woke up.
" Another ! oh, I beseech you for
another, dearest Moma !"
" Another, Miss Grant, as the
greatest of favours."
But the favour appeared to be
too great — at least it was not
granted. There was thunder in the
air, Miss Grant verily believed —
otherwise, how could she have such
a dreadful headache 1 — which made-
farther vocal effort impossible. There
must certainly be thunder in the
air — Miss M'Killop agreed — full of
sympathy and condolence. And
then Mrs M'Killop, snapping the
clasp of her purse on the evening's
winnings, thought that bed was the
best place for a headache, and car-
ried the young ladies off ; but before
they went, and even across their
leave-taking, the mistral blew again
with double bitterness, not merely
floating the damp mist between
Morna and Bertrand, but dropping
a sudden cloud-curtain between him
and the " marvellous greyte cleare-
nesse," so that it went from him as
it came to him, and he was again in
the cold, dank darkness — where,
however, he seemed to recognise,.
with an enhanced perception, that
Pigott was fearfully deficient in.
1871.]
King's Translation of Ovid's Metamorphoses.
301
every personal grace and allurement
— distressingly so — poor fellow !
They had rather a grumpy time of
it in divan that night. Bertrand
mooned and moped — while, as tad
luck would have it, Pigott's spirits
were more buoyant than usual, so
that he would have conversed
gladly; but, failing that resource,
so buoyant was he, that he fell
back on music. "With the ear of
an oyster and the voice of a saw,
and being only acquainted with
about the eighth part of an old
schoolboy tune, and words to match,
great results were not to be expected
from his performance. Still, it is
astonishing how far a slight and
rather inferior piece of music will
go sometimes; and on this occasion
Pigott managed, by dint of encoring
himself every second minute, to
satisfy his own requirements, and
eventually to send Bertrand off to
bed in a towering passion, by
nothing more elaborate than —
" Pretty, pretty Polly Ho-opkins,
How d'ye do-oo ? — how d'ye do-oo ?
None the better, Mr Tom-kins,
Of seeing you-oo— of see-eeing you : "
and then da capo.
KING'S TRANSLATION OF OVID'S METAMOEPHOSES.
THE mass of early Greek fable
which we call mythology has a
wonderful vitality of interest. The
legends which formed part of the re-
ligion of the ancient Greeks were
adopted as text-books for modern
schoolboys, in spite of some very
questionable characteristics which
might seem to unfit them as much
for one purpose as the other. And
now, just as they are losing the
hold which they so long maintain-
ed almost exclusively in our public
schools, they are becoming the sub-
ject of grave discussion amongst his-
torians and philologers, and the
storehouse of our modern poets.
It was long a reproach, fair or un-
fair, against the Eton or Harrow
boy, that he knew a great deal more
about the scandals of the court of
Olympus than he did about the
British Constitution. It would not
be difficult now to find readers of the
fairer sex who — thanks to Mr Morris's
graceful poems — know more about
Bellerophon and the Argonauts than
an average schoolboy.
It is therefore no very desperate
experiment on the public taste which
Mr King has made in undertaking
a poetical version of Ovid's Meta-
morphoses, especially as no tolerable
English translation exists. That
which is best known, edited and
published by Dr Garth in 1717 as
the production of " various hands,"
exhibits for the most part only
variety of bad taste and loose para-
phrase. The Latin original has
dropped out of use in our schools
of late years, in spite of the great
beauty of the versification and the
attractiveness of the stories in gene-
ral to the taste of boys ; and there
are, no doubt, some objections to
its use as a whole. But very many
of the passing generation remember
it as almost their earliest classical
acquaintance, and, we will be bold
to say, remember it with a very
lively pleasure. The ripple of Ovid's
melodious stream of verse charms
the ear and fancy still, and what
little mud it stirred up here and
there in its course, has left, it may
The Metamorphoses of Publius Ovidius Naso, translated in English Blank Verse
by Henry King, M.A. William Blackwood & Sons: 1871.
302
Translation of Ovitfs Metamorphoses,
[March
"be safely said, no permanent trace
behind it.
The name 'Metamorphoses,' or
Transformations, describes suffici-
ently the principal subject of Ovid's
poem. It is a collection of the cur-
rent legends of men and women
having been transformed, by the
vengeance or the caprice of the gods,
into lower animals, or into trees or
stones. Such legends had very pro-
bably an Eastern origin. But they
harmonised well with the popular
ereed of Greece, which gave a per-
sonal existence to every river and
mountain, and believed that in every
forest beech or oak there lay hidden
some spirit of the wood, Faun or
Dryad, which, upon occasion,
c. " Could slip its bark and walk."
Worse fables than these Trans-
formations, after all, have been can-
onised as national beliefs. It was
not an ungentle fancy, though it
might be extravagant, to see the
shadow of a lost humanity in the
favourite shrub or flower, or catch
in the note of a bird the tones of
human feeling. They were no sav-
ages, who could so sympathise with
the inanimate creation as to imagine
that the Narcissus and Hyacinth had
once been beautiful youths ; that the
anemone — Flos Adonis — was the
form in which the goddess of love
still preserved her favourite, and that
the mulberry drew its red juice from
the blood of the unhappy Babylonian
lovers ; who dreamed that they heard
in the whistling reeds the wail of the
lost nymph Syrinx, and saw in the
heliotrope, ever turning its face to
the sun, the love-lorn Clytie, vainly
striving to recall the lost affection of
Phoebus Apollo. No enthusiastic
florist, who gives to his favourite
flower some noble or graceful name,
and watches its development year
by year with affectionate interest,
can fail to have a kindly sympathy
with these imaginative Greeks.
Those men could hardly have, been
very cruel to the brute creation, if
they believed, even with a half-be-
lief, that into such lower forms had
passed the very self of some of their
national ancestors. Some such be-
lief would be wholesome enough
now amongst the ruffian class of our
population. It might check the
hand of the human brute who ham-
mers his unhappy donkey on the
head, or " twists the tail " of the
poor beast he is driving to slaughter,
if he knew that the Humane Society's
officer had the power of translating
him forthwith, like Apuleius, into
an ass, or giving him six months as
a bullock — a masculine lo — in old
Smithfield. But the metamorphoses
of modern science proceed in an in-
verse order. We are now taught
that it is the beast of exceptional
character (and who is also fortunate
in his matrimonial . selection) who
develops into a man, and not the
man who, for his sins, descends into
the beast. The new faith is scarcely
an improvement on the old. It is
more comfortable to believe, with
Ovid, that the monkeys were ori-
ginally an Ethiopian tribe, called
Cercopes — men with rudimentary
tails — who were developed into their
present form as a punishment for
their cheating propensities, than that
we ourselves are only improved
gorillas. The moral teaching of the
fabulist, that men may make beasts
or apes of themselves, if not very re-
condite, is at least infinitely higher
than the conclusion which seems to
follow from the other hypothesis —
that any such moral transformation is
really nothing more than going back
to the good old days of our fore-
fathers.
Ovid's moral sense is not of a
high order, as we have already
hinted, but certainly he teaches
nothing so dangerous as this. And
here, as to this question of the
morality of the heathen poet, let
1871.]
Translation of Ovid's Metamorphoses.
303
something be said once for all to
the readers of the present trans-
lation. That the themes chosen by
the Greek and Eoman poets were
often such as a purer taste would
avoid, — that they were sometimes
treated by them in terms which
offend our modern delicacy, — is
notorious to the merest smatterer
in the mythology and the literature
of these peoples. That an English
poet can deliberately choose some of
these deformities of classical genius,
and clothe them in language ten
times more objectionable, because
it is English, and not Greek or
Latin — the product of Christendom,
and not of heathendom — we have
unfortunately a striking modern ex-
ample. Let no such suspicion at-
tach to Mr King's volume. With-
out having recourse to the easy
expedient of omission, he has pas-
sed over the hazardous ground into
which his author occasionally leads
him with a light and safe step
which contracts little soil in the
passage ; which is more than can be
said for some earlier translators.
Pagan mythology is not to be re-
duced to the rules of our morality ;
but with this understanding, which
applies to all our dealings with
heathen literature, there is in this
translation of the Metamorphoses
no wilful offence against purity.
The care of the translator in this
respect does equal credit to his skill
and his good taste.
The Eoman poet collected to-
gether the marvellous legends which
were told in different forms by the
Greek fabulists, or which had been
introduced from other sources into
the national mythology ; adding
also here and there, it is conjectured,
some original fictions of his own.
Though he chose especially the sub-
ject of transformations, he did not
confine himself to this branch of
fable. He has shown considerable
ingenuity in weaving the whole
into one continuous series — connect-
ing the several legends by links
which are sometimes, it must be
confessed, of a very slight and
arbitrary character, but contriving
in this way to mould the poem into
a sort of romance-history of the
early world. He begins with the
first and greatest metamorphosis —
that of Chaos into order. It is not
necessary to discuss the question,
whether or not he drew any part
of his cosmogony from the Hebrew
Scriptures. More probably he fol-
lowed the traditionary account of
the origin of the habitable world
common to many faiths and lan-
guages. It is enough to notice
how remarkably the Mosaic record
of "the Earth without form and
void," and the " darkness on the
face of the deep," is reflected in
the description of the Roman fabu-
list :—
"A rude unfeatured mass, —
A mere vast weight inert, — discordant seeds'
Of ill-matched things in one huge heap
compressed.
No Titan * gladdened yet with light the
world ; —
No Phoebe filled anew her growing horns ; —
No floating Earth in ./Ether circumfused
By her own weight hung balanced; — round
the shores
No Amphitrite twined her circling arms.
Land, Water, Air, together mixed and blent; —
Land stable to no foot, — Water which gave
No space to swim, — and Air devoid of light."
His account of the creation of man
follows also the Mosaic order, plac-
ing him last in point of time of
all living creatures. The passage
is well known, and finely here trans-
lated : —
" Something yet lacked — some holier being
— dowered
With lofty soul, and capable of rule
And governance o'er all besides, — and MAN
At last had birth : — whether from seed
divine
* The Sun-god, in the older theogony, was not Phoebus Apollo, but the son of
Hyperion, of the race of the Titans.
304
King's Translation of OvicPs Metamorphoses.
[March
Of Him, the artificer of things, and cause
Of the amended world, — or whether Earth
Yet new, and late from JEther separate, still
Retained some lingering germs of kindred
Heaven,
Which wise Prometheus, with the plastic aid
Of water borrowed from the neighbouring
stream,
Formed in the likeness of the all-ordering
Gods;
And, while all other creatures sought the
ground
With downward aspect grovelling, gave to
man
His port sublime, and bade him scan, erect,
The heavens, and front with upward gaze
the stars.
And thus earth's substance, rude and shape-
less erst,
Transmuted took the novel form of MAN. "
Ovid follows the Greek Hesiod in
the legend of the four successive ages
of men, each degenerating from its
predecessor. First came the golden
age, before Paradise was lost, when
earth "brought forth all good things
in spontaneous abundance, and there
was no more need of labour than
there was of law. Those happy
days upon earth were when good
King Saturn reigned in heaven. He
was dethroned by the unfilial Jupi-
ter, and with this new ruler the
silver age succeeded — an age of
higher civilisation, but less virtue.
It was followed successively by the
ages of brass and iron, in which the
arts and the vices grew with equal
growth. Very far were these an-
cient poets from OUT modern philo-
sophy, which ascribes all vice to
ignorance, and all virtue to educa-
tion. In their estimate, ignorance
is not only bliss, but virtue. The
good old days were those in which
not only were " the miraculous arts
of reading and writing" unknown
to men, but they did not even know
how to sow, or to plant, or to build.
It was, according to their view,
" audacious wickedness " that first
invented ships, and dug into the
bowels of the tortured earth for iron.
And now we have filled up the cup
of our iniquity by railways, and
steam-engines, and compulsory edu-
cation !
The increasing wickedness of
mortals, which drew down upon the
whole race the vengeance of heaven,
is another point in the world's his-
tory upon which the fabulists are in
accordance with the Scriptures.
Ovid describes the Ruler of Olympus
as taking cognisance of the growing
corruption of mortals, in phrases
which bear a very remarkable re-
semblance to those used by the
sacred chronicler on another very
similar occasion : —
" Of man's condition to the skies
Report came, infamous : which to disprove
Still hoping, from Olympus down to earth
My way I took, and, putting off the god,
Disguised in human semblance walked the
world."
One might suppose the writer had
before his mind the very words of
the Book of Genesis : " Because the
cry of Sodom and Gomorrah is great,
and because their sin is very griev-
ous ; I will go down now, and see
Avhether they have done altogether
according to the cry of it which is
come unto me ; and if not, I will
know." The legends told — and
still we seem to hear the echo of the
figurative Hebrew phrases — that in
those days gods walked the earth,
and consorted at times with mortals.
In such guise did Jupiter ask hospi-
tality of Lycaon, king of Arcadia.
He, to test the quality of his strange
guest, set before him as a meal por-
tions of the body of an unhappy
hostage whom he slaughtered for
the occasion. Then the fire of heaven
fell upon the accursed house, and
Lycaon himself fled howling into
the woods in the shape of a wolf,
to indulge for ever in the horrid
banquet which he had devised.
Such is the germ, in the old mytho-
logy, of that strange superstition
which seems to have fixed itself for
many ages in the belief of the nor-
thern nations, and which is by no
means extinct even at this day.
But this single example, says the
poet, was not enough. The whole
1871.]
Kiity's Translation of Ocitfs Metamorphoses.
305
mortal race were condemned, and
the Deluge followed. Ovid gives at
length the well-known story of
Deucalion and Pyrrha, the sole sur-
vivors, and the authors of a new
race. From that point he no longer
follows the course of the world's
history, but becomes highly discur-
sive ; recounting, sometimes briefly,
sometimes with elaborate detail, all
the most striking of the legends
which he found in the early poets
and fabulists — the only current lit-
erature of his day — choosing, as has
been said, especially though not ex-
clusively, those which had some
case of transformation as . their cli-
max, and introducing them for the
most part by such links of connec-
tion as his ingenuity can devise.
Of course, in such a series, the
loves of the gods, as a favourite sub-
ject with his originals, occupy a con-
spicuous place. The stories are told
by the Eoman poet with a fluent
grace which loses little in the hands
of his translator. Apollo's courtships
were so far of an innocent nature,
that many of them may be resolved,
without much forcing of the alle-
gory, into a passion for flowers.
The story of the heliotrope has been
already noticed. The lotus had
once been his favourite nymph Dry-
ope. Daphne, pursued by his too
ardent attentions, and trying to
escape, is changed at her own prayer
into a laurel, just as the god's eager
arms are seizing her after a long
chase. Apollo's passionate appeal to
the nymph as she flies from him is
well rendered by Mr King : —
" Oh stay ! oh Maiden, stay ! No foe pur-
sues
Thy footsteps. Let the lamb the wolf, the
deer
The lion fly, or trembling doves the kite,
Their natural foes — 'tis love that follows
thee!
Ah Heaven! if thou shouldst fall, or thorns
should wound
Those dainty limbs — and I the cause ! Ah !
see
How rough thy path ! If thoxi mutt fly, yet
Less wildly, while less wildly I pursue !
Learn who it is entreats thy love ! No boor,
No shepherd I — no herdsman sues thee, rough
And brutish as his charge. Thy ignorance
flies
It knows not whom, unreasoning. Mine
the steep
OfDelphos, — Glares, — Tenedos, — the realms
Of Patara. My sire is Jove. My voice
Reveals what was, and is, and is to come.
Mine music, wedded to immortal song !
My shaft is sure — surest save one, whose barb
Stings now my inmost soul. Mine too the
fame
Of medicine. Me a grateful world surnames
' The Healer : ' and the virtues of all herbs
I know : alas ! that never one of all
Hath power on love ! and all the arts which
help
All others, fail to help their lord alone ! "
The description of the hot chase,
admirable in the original, is scarcely
less so in the translation : —
" As when the greyhound o'er the level plain
Pursues the hare, — both speeding, one for
prey
And one for life, — as nearer yet he wins
And nearer, — holds her now for sure, and
close
With eager muzzle pants ; — she, knowing
scarce
If she be ta'en or not, with hair-breadth turn
Baffling the gripe, one moment yet the fangs
Escapes, — so fared it with these twain : —
the God
To speed by passion urged, the Maid by fear.
But still the swifter he, to whom love lends
His wings. No respite ! On her steps he
gains,
Till, wellnigh in his grasp, upon her locks
She feels his hot breath play."
It would be impossible to repro-
duce faithfully in an English version
the Ovidian polish of the well-known
lines : —
" Alter inlisesuro similis, jam jamque tenere
Sperat, et extento stringit vestigia rostro ;
Alter in ambiguo est, an sit deprensus, et
ipsis
Morsibus eripitur, tangentiaque ora relin-
quit. "
But Mr King has not unsuccessfully
attempted it.
The nymph's name is still borne
by a class of pretty shrubs, the best
known of which is perhaps the mez-
ereon, or, as the Spaniards gallantly
call it, the "lady-laurel;" but our
common laurel is really one of the
cherry tribe, and must be assigned
to a humbler origin.
306
King's Translation of Ovid's Metamorphoses.
[March
One of the finest episodes — if the
term can be used in speaking of a
book which is, in fact, all episodes
— is that of the Fate of Phaeton ;
who, eager to make good his claim
to be the offspring, as he was reputed,
of the god of day, obtained from
that deity, in recognition of his birth,
the promise to grant whatever boon
he asked. Too late the father re-
pented of his promise, when the
youth made his reqiiest to drive for
one day the chariot of the sun.
Apollo foresaw the catastrophe, but
the oath which he had sworn by
Styx was irrevocable. Every one
knows the sequel — how the young
aspirant, like Prior's "Kitty," the
beautiful Queensberry,
" Obtained the chariot for a day,
And set the world on fire." .
It was in the tremendous confla-
gration which ensued, the poet as-
sures us, that the negroes were burnt
black — a statement which has at
least this to recommend it, that the
ethnologists have never been able to
account for the colour satisfactorily
in any other way. But the ration-
alists will not let this story alone.
Plato had explained it all away long
before Ovid got hold of it : " The
real meaning is," says he, " that in
the course of the revolutions of the
skies at long intervals there comes
a catastrophe, when the things on
earth are destroyed by fire, and then
those who live high up in mountains
and in dry places perish."
The story of the two unfortunate
lovers, Pyramus and Thisbe, is to-
lerably well known in outline
through the burlesque interlude in
Shakespeare's " Midsummer Night's
Dream." They were doubly unfor-
tunate in this, that they are insepar-
ably associated in most of our mem-
ories with Bottom the weaver and
his fellow-clowns. In truth, there
are original elements of comic absur-
dity in the story itself, which Shake-
speare was quick to discern. The no-
tion of two lovers conversing through
a chink in the wall, and imprint-
ing kisses on either side of the envi-
ous partition which separated them,
was a manifest temptation to its
personal rendering by Peter Snout,
with his lime and stone and rough-
cast. Shakespeare has condemned
the story to a comic immortality, so
far as English readers are concerned.
The heroine, though Ovid calls her
"fairest of the daughters of the
East," will always be associated in
our minds with " Flowers of odious
savours sweet ; " and our apprecia-
tion of the catastrophe, even in Mr
King's translation, is sadly marred
by our recollection of its present-
ment before the Duke of Athens.
Criticism repeats mechanically the
shout of the courtly audience —
" Well roared, lion ! — Well run,
Thisbe!"
The tale of Cephalus and Procris
— though known also to Bottom and
his fellows as " Shafalus and Pro-
cms" — has escaped better. Their
story was a favourite with the early
fabulists, and continued to be so
with modern romance-writers. JS"o
one tells it better than Ovid : its
tenderness suits the genius of his
verse better than the more violent
passions. He makes Cephalus the
Athenian relate his own unfortunate
history to Prince Phocus at the court
of his father ^Eacus at ^Egina.
Phocus had admired a javelin which
his visitor carried. It had been a
fatal gift, the owner told him.
Scarce two months of wedded hap-
piness had been spent with his
bride, Procris, when the goddess of
the morning became enamoured of
him while he was hunting —
" The golden-haired Aurora looked on me,
And snatched me, all unwilling, to her arms.
The Goddess pardon me ! — but, truth to
tell,—
Sweet as her roseate cheek, whereon the
dark
And light she parts in blest complexion met
1871.]
King's Translation of Ovid's Metamorphoses.
307
Of tenderest colour, washed with nectar-
dews, —
I loved my Procris better ! Procris' name
Was ever ill my heart, and on my lips."
The indignant goddess at last bade
him go back to his mortal bride,
warning him, however, that he
would Hve to repent his unworthy
preference. On his way home-
wards, jealousy awoke in his heart.
Had his Procris been faithful dur-
ing his enforced absence? He re-
solved to make experiment, and to
enter his home in disguise : —
" Some pretext won me audience, and con-
fused
I stood before her, and wellnigh renounced
The meditated trial, scarce restrained
From instant frank avowal of the truth
And the fond kisses that I yearned to give. —
Sad was she, but her sadness lent a grace
To others' smiles denied :— her absent Lord
Was all her thought. Judge, Phocus, if in
grief
So lovely seemed she, what in happier hours
The charm she wore ! * What need to tell
how oft
I tried her, or how oft her purity
My suit repelled, — how oft ' For one alone,"
She answered me, ' I live, though where he be
I know not — and none else ! ' Ah ! was I mad
With proof like this not satisfied ? * I was !
And with my own hand dealt my proper
wound,
And still my proffer raised, and for one kiss
Such lavish bribe I offered, that at last
Methought she wavered."
Then the husband declared himself,
and charged her with listening too
lightly to the love-tale of a stranger.
Procris, indignant at the stratagem,
fled to the woods, and became a
huntress in Diana's train. The
penitent bridegroom followed, and
won her pardon. In token of re-
conciliation she gave him two gifts
— a hound of surpassing fleetness,
and a javelin that never missed its
mark. So they lived once more
their first happy life —
"When morning lit the mountain-peaks
The chase would call me to the woods : —
nor train,
Nor horse, nor keen-nosed hound, nor knot-
ted net
I needed : — game enough this lance ensured.
And, when the sport had wearied me, I
sought
The cooling shade, the breeze that through
the glade
Breathed fresh, the air that tolerable made
The sultry noon, the air whose breath re-
stored
My fainting forces. ' Come ! come Aura !
come ! '
So was I wont to murmur — all too well
I mind it — ' to this bosom ! let me feel
Thy kisses on me ! Come, as thou art wont,
And cool this fever in my blood ! ' And
more,
So prompted by my Fate, of blandishment
Would add — 'Come! come! my one sole
pleasure thou !
Sole charm amid these solitary woods
That cheer'st me and refreshest, come, oh
come !
My longing lips await thee ! ' "
Some mischievous listener carried to
Procris the story of her husband's
passionate apostrophe — plainly this
Aura was some Oread nymph, with
whom Cephalus had rendezvous in
the woods.
"Again the woods I sought, and when the
chase
Was o'er, the quarry slain, upon the grass
I flung me, and ' Come, Aura, come ! ' I cried,
' I languish for thy kisses !' As I spoke,
From the nigh thicket seemed some moaning
sound
To issue, hardly marked : — ' Come, sweetest,
come !'
Again I murmured, — and the rustling leaves
Were stirred, as by the passage of some
beast, —
And quick I launched my javelin ! — Procris
'twas
That in her breast received it ! Procris 'twas
That shrieked and fell ! Too well I recog-
nised
In that sad cry, my Wife, and to her side
Distracted sprang ! Half-dead, her vest with
blood
Bedabbled, striving from her wound to draw
The dart— alas ! her proper gift !— I raised
The fainting form, more dear to me than life
Itself, and in my guilty arms sustained,
And with my torn robe bound her cruel
wound,
And strove to stanch the welling flood, and
wild
Besought her yet to live, nor leave that guilt
Of murder on my soul ! Too late ! Too fast
* The reader would perhaps like to see what Nahum Tate, Esq., Poet-I aureate,
makes of these lines : —
"How charming was her grief! then, Phocus, guess
What killing beauties waited on her dress ! "
There is not, of course, a word about the millinery in the original.
308
Kincjs Translation of OviJs Metamorphoses.
[March
The life-stream ebbed ! Yet some few eager
words
She nerved herself to utter,— ' By our bond
Of wedlock, Cephalus !— by all the Gods,
By all in me that charmed thee, — by the
Love
That, as I die, still warm and true for thee
Beats in this sinking heart, — ah ! grant me
yet
One boon, — nor take this Aura to my bed !'
Too late the fatal error of that name
I saw, and told : — what boot was then to tell,
When life was ebbing from her?— Yet her
gaze,
Long as it could, was fixed on mine, — my
lips
Received her latest breath,— and, unde-
ceived,
Methought her spirit peaceful seemed to
part !"
These extracts are a good speci-
men of the merits of both poet and
translator.
Modern mythologists discover in
this story, as in the whole cycle of
classical legend, a " solar myth."
Cephalus is the rising sun ; Procris
is referred to a Sanscrit root mean-
ing "dew;" and the beginning of
the story means nothing more or
less than this, — " the Sun kisses the
morning Dew."* But the course of
true love is as complicated in nature
as in humanity. Eos (Aurora), the
Dawn, loves the Sun, and woos
him to join her. Then Procris is
faithless, apparently, to her old love ;
but the new lover turns out to be
only Cephalus in disguise. This
is only poetical for " the rays of
the sun being reflected in various
colours from the dew-drops." At
last Procris is killed by the weapon
of Cephalus, and " he must kill her
because he loves her : it is the gra-
dual and inevitable absorption of
the dew by the glowing rays of the
sun which is expressed with so much
truth by the unerring shaft of Keph-
alos thrown unintentionally at Pro-
kris hidden in the thicket of the
forest." Well — allegory, and the
interpretation thereof, is a very fas-
cinating study. It is impossible to
say what deep meanings, physical or
metaphysical, may not be drawn out
of any story by an ingenious mind.
We are half tempted ourselves to
take up our parable after a homelier
sort, and to gather from the classical
text a warning against the pernicious
habit of early rising, and going out,
as Horace Walpole says, "before
the world is thoroughly aired."
Cephalus was. evidently an ardent
sportsman, not of these degenerate
days, but of that hardier age when
" The squires of old would awake the day
To the sound of the bugle-horn."
Procris, like an affectionate bride, of
course did not approve of his going
out to meet the Dawn — have we
not her very picture in the good old
hunting ditty, not yet forgotten in
"the Shires"?—
" The wife around her husband throws
Her arms to make him stay ;
'My dear, it rains, it hails, it snows, —
You cannot hunt to-day.' "
But, as the chorus tells, " a-hunting
he would go." And no good came
of it. He returned home late, and,
as was not uncommon with the
hunters of those days, so "dis-
guised " that his wife did not know
him. Then as to the latter part of
the story, about Aura; is not the
moral palpable, that if a gentleman
is heated, and wants to cool the
fever in his blood, about the most
dangerous thing he can do is to lie
down in a draught ]
No one has told so prettily as
Ovid the familiar legend of Action
— a favourite subject both with
ancient and modern painters — the
hunter who paid the terrible penalty
for having seen a goddess unrobed.
For he did not live in that age of
gold, when men were innocent, and,
as the poets tell us, could even gaze
on all the unveiled charms of im-
mortal beauty and take no harm.
We seem to get an inkling of a
deeper truth than the poet was con-
Max Mi 11 Vs Chips, ii. 87.
1871.]
King's Translation of Ovid's Metamorphoses.
309
scious of, in the fact that as man
degenerated from his original type,
the divinity was hidden from his
eyes — he must not look upon it and
live. So when the unhappy mor-
tal, though with no thought of idle
curiosity, comes suddenly upon the
secret haunt, in the cool grotto under
the pines of Gargaphia, where Diana
is bathing with her nymphs,* his
doom is sealed at once — he shall
never boast of what his profane eyes
have seen. Changed into a stag,
yet retaining all his human con-
sciousness, he is hunted down and
devoured by his own hounds —
eighteen couple, of whom the poet
is so conscientious as to give all the
names. Lucian, whose thorough
unbelief in the pagan theology of
Ms day has made some ingenious
persons hazard a theory that he was
a Christian in disguise — as though
scepticism as to one creed was pre-
sumptive evidence of faith in an-
other— Lucian is wittily severe upon
the goddess in the matter. In one
of his clever dialogues, he makes
Juno account for Diana's prudery
by the suggestion, that she was
afraid lest Actseon should publish
her ugliness — not her beauty — and
therefore set the dogs on him. She
— Juno — had found no need for
such scruples in the case of Paris.
Euripides, who had little reverence
for the sex, ascribes the implacable
vengeance of the fair huntress to
Actaeon's having boasted of his
superior skill in the chase. Graver
writers have dealt with the pretty
myth quite as hardly, in their wis-
dom : they have improved it into a
parable, telling us that Actseon was
nothing more or less than an Arca-
dian country-gentleman, who kept
too expensive an establishment, and
so at last "went to the dogs" —
being practically, if not literally,
" eaten up by his hounds."
A curious system of animated
nature might be drawn from the
myths of Ovid. Would you know
the natural history of the gecko, or
spotted lizard? He was once a
naughty boy called Stellio. Why
is the creature's body so blotched
all over, to make him doubly dis-
agreeable ? Because Ceres threw the
broth in his face, when he laughed
rudely at the eager way in which
she drank it. Tired out with her
sad search for her daughter Proser-
pine, the goddess had asked refresh-
ment from the boy's mother ; and
this was his punishment for his ill-
manners. The frogs, again, are at
best a disagreeable and unpopular
folk. There is no great harm in
them, if we may trust mere prosaic
zoologists; but, if Ovid's tale be
true, they deserve all the persecution
which village boys bestow upon
them. They too had mocked a god-
dess in her hour of sore need. When
the jealous queen of Olympus had
issued her interdict, and forbidden
any one to give shelter to Latona
and her new-born twins, at last the
exhausted mother reached the land
of Lycia.
" The Sun had scorched the fields,— the
weary way
And sultry Noon had parched her, — and her
breasts
Those little lips had dried. But, in a vale,
A limpid lake she marked, whereat a band
Of peasants gathered osier, rush, and sedge,
And all the watery growth that there was
rife, —
And down she knelt, and bent her to the
wave,
And would have drunk :— but from the cool-
ing flood
The loutish rabble drove her. What ! — she
cried —
Ye grudge me water ? — Water sure to all
Is common ! Nature not for this or that
The light of Day created, or the air
Outspread, or poured the wave; — for all
alike
* As a specimen of the way in which some of Mr King's predecessors have dealt
with Ovid, here is a line from Addison's version of this story: —
" ' Let's strip, my gentle maids, and wash,' she cried."
VOL. CIX. — NO. DCLXV. Y
310
King's Translation of Ovid's Metamorphoses.
[March
She made them. In the general stock my
share
Is all I claim. But, of your charity
G-ive what of right I waive. I seek not, I,
These weary limbs within your fount to
lave,
One draught is all I ask. My throat is dry,
My lips are parched; — barely they yield my
voice
Its way. One drop of yonder spring to me
Were nectar, — life renewed : — 'tis life itself
I beg of ye ! Oh ! let these little ones
I bear, your pity move !— And, as she spoke,
The unconscious Infants spread their baby-
arms."
Still they thrust her back, and in
wanton spite stirred up the water
into mud. Then the goddess rose
in wrath : —
" Keep then your pool ! — she cried —
And dwell in it for ever ! And the curse
Wrought instant. Now beneath the wave
they dive,
Submerged and lost to sight, — and now their
heads
Rise peering round the margin ; — now they
cleave
The surface ; — now upon the banks they
squat
And leap, and dive, and rise again. And
still
Their foul tongues rail in quarrel, —shame-
less still
Beneath the flood they croak, and croaking
seem
To strive for curses. Harsh and dissonant
Their voice, — their throats are swoln and
puffed, — their moiiths
Unsightly broadened gape, and scarce a
trace
Of neck, where head and body join, re-
mains."
Why do we all talk of " halcyon
days," and why did the seamen
hold in Pliny's time (and a great
deal later, probably, for sailors are
especially conservative of such tradi-
tions) that there were always seven
days, more or less, of calm weather
just before the winter solstice, while
the halcyon (alcedo ipsida) was
brooding its young ? Why, but
because Halcyone, turned into a
sea-bird with her husband as she
flung herself on his drowned corpse,
was a daughter of the Bang of the
Winds.
" Fond as of yore, still linked in that new
By the same bond of conjugal love, they pair,
And breed: and,in the Winter's sunnier calm,
Seven days and nights upon her floating nest
Alcyone sits brooding. Fearless then
Launches his bark the sailor. ^Eolus
Fast in their caverns locks the prisoned
winds,
And for his daughter's children smooths the
seas. "
The magpies — would we know
how they came by their chattering
note, and faculty of imitating all
sounds they hear 1 They were nine
sisters, daughters of the Macedonian
Pierus, who, too vain of their mystic
number and their powers of song,
dared to challenge the Muses them-
selves to a contest. The mountain-
nymphs were to be the judges, and
gave their decision against the new
aspirants. These last were dissatis-
fied, and railed against the award.
Then the patience of Calliope —
who had a poet's sensitive temper
— was exhausted, and she changed
her would-be rivals into birds : —
" The grove's disgrace— a flock of chatter-
ing pies —
And still incontinent of tongue, and hoarse
And dissonant with everlasting screech."
Ordinary naturalists will have it
that the woodpecker "tapping the
hollow beech-tree," does it to see
whether the insects are at home or
no. The theory has always been
open to the objection that the in-
sect, who must be supposed to have
his instinct also, would know better
than to answer the tap if he was.
But Ovid tells a different story. The
woodpecker was once a gay young
prince — Picus — who, spurning the
proffered love of the enchantress
Circe, was changed by her into a
bird ; and ever since, in deep dis-
gust at himself and his surround-
ings, has continued to strike his bill
furiously into every tree that comes
in his way.
We all admire the spider's web,
if we have patience to look at it,
though the creature itself is not
popular ; but the web is a work of
art indeed, far surpassing in fineness
and ingenuity of construction any
product of human shuttle and loom.
1871.]
King's Translation of OvicTs Metamorphoses,
311
No wonder! Arachne, the aranea of
our entomologists, was once a lady,
and a very clever one. She dwelt
in that land of Maeonia, whose wo-
men were far-famed for their accom-
plishments. So wondrous were her
performances, whether with the
needle or the shuttle, and such grace
was in all her movements as she
worked, that the wood-nymphs left
their bowers, and the Naiads their
streams, to stand and watch those
subtle and delicate fingers. She
was the favourite pupil, surely, of
Pallas Athene. But Arachne re-
pudiated any such instruction, and
claimed to be an original genius.
She even threw out a challenge to the
goddess herself. It was accepted
— not without a warning from the
immortal artist to her rival of the
penalties of failure. Let Ovid de-
scribe the contest through his trans-
lator ; it is a very spirited version
of a difficult passage : —
"The looms were set, — the webs
Were hung : beneath their fingers nimbly
plied
The subtle fabrics grew, and warp and woof,
Transverse, with shuttle and with slay com-
pact
Were pressed in order fair. And either girt
Her mantle close, and eager wrought; the
toil
Itself was pleasure to the skilful hands
That knew so well their task. With Tyrian
hue
Of purple blushed the texture, and all shades
Of colour, blending imperceptibly
Each into each. So, when the wondrous
bow —
What time some passing shower hath dashed
the sun —
Spans with its mighty arch the vault of
Heaven,
A thousand colours deck it, different all,
Yet all so subtly interfused, that each
Seems one with that which joins it, and the
eye
But by the contrasts of the extremes per-
ceives
The intermediate change. — And last, with
thread
Of gold embroidery pictured, on the web
Life - like expressed, some antique fable
glowed."
It seems at the least doubtful
whether, in point of design and
workmanship, the mortal had not
the best of it : but Arachne, with
the daring imprudence of genius,
defied the conventionalities, and
chose to represent in her pattern
some not very creditable passages
in the biography of the Olympian
deities. The angry Pallas tore the
web in pieces without waiting for a
decision, and struck the aspirant
fiercely on the head with a boxwood
shuttle— -and poor Arachne, unable
to endure such insult, straightway
went and hanged herself. In
mercy, says the poet — or in con-
tempt ? — the goddess bade her live
again as a spider : and still she
spins a web which no loom, since
Pallas gave up work, can equal.
True Art is immortal, survives all
angry criticism, and cannot be
knocked on the head by any known
process, — is this the moral 1
The fierce jealousy entertained
by the immortals of anything like
rivalry, in their own special depart-
ment, on the part of the creatures of
earth, appears continually in various
forms throughout pagan mythology.
It embodied, of course, a truth ; and
the excellent old commentators — who
tell us so much that we know, and
leave untouched so much that we
should like to know — are careful
to impress upon us that such pride
must have a fall. But the fabulist,
in some instances, left a loophole
for the satirist. The judge in such
trials was necessarily either of kin-
dred race to the competing deity —
in which case he clearly had no
business on the bench — or he was
mortal, and, like the mortal com-
petitor, amenable to the vengeance
of the higher power if he gave his
decision against him. Ovid tells
very briefly the story of Marsyas,
whom Apollo flayed alive for having
dared to compete with him as a
musician. It had been agreed be-
tween them that the victor should
work his will upon the vanquished.
Marsyas failed, according to the ver-
312
J&ny's Translation of Ovid's Metamorphoses.
[March
diet of the Muses — a modern coun-
sel would have challenged the whole
of the jury — and was immediately
flayed alive by the triumphant god.
" As a just punishment," says even
the learned writer of the biograph-
ical article in Dr Smith's useful dic-
tionary, treating the whole anecdote
as though it were historical. Lu-
cian — who could have written a very
curious Classical Dictionary, though
not exactly from the same point of
view as Dr Smith's contributor —
saw the trial in a different light :
he thought Apollo would very pro-
bably have been skinned himself, if
he had not had friends on the jury.
The present translator evidently
possesses one important qualification
for his work — a genuine admiration
for his author. He fully appreciates
those polished epigrammatic phrases
of verse in which Ovid abounds,
and which may best be described as
" prettinesses." Some severe critics
have called them " puerilities,"
but they only deserve the name in
so far as they certainly make his
verse attractive to boys, and give it
a permadent hold on the memory.
The list of popular quotations which
might be collected out of these Met-
amorphoses alone would surprise
many to whom the quotations them-
selves are familiar, but who would
be often at a loss to refer them to
their context. In rendering into
English the sparkling play of words
in which Ovid delighted, Mr King
has often been very successful.
Take, for example, these which
follow : — •
" Fades non omnibus una,
Nee diversa tamen, qualem decet esse sor-
rorum."
" Nor all in face
The same, nor different; so should sisters
be."
In the epitaph on Phaeton : —
" Quern si non tenuit, magnis tamen excidit
ausis."
" And if he strove
In vain, at least in no mean venture failed."
" Oraque nostra, tuurn frustra clamantia
nomen,
Implerunt fluctus."
" The salt sea chokes the lips, whose last
vain cry
Was on thy name."
"Sic pugnat, sic est metuendus Ulysses."
" So fights Ulysses ; and such arms, I own,
Men well may dread."
" Atque Ajax armis, non Ajaci arma petun-
tur."
" The arms
Want Ajax more than Ajax wants the arms."
" Invictumque virum vincit dolor."
" And passion conquered whom none con-
quered else."
" Inferias inopes, crinem lacrimasque relin-
quit."
"Poor funeral gift, yet all
She has to give — her tresses and her tears ! "
" Nee, quse sulfureis ardet fornacibus JEtne
Ignea semper erit : neque enim fuit ignea
semper."
"Time was, as yet the furnace at the heart
Of sulphxirous^Etna blazed — and time will be
When it shall blaze no more."
In this last the translation is an
improvement on the original, pre-
serving the antithesis without the
jingle, of which Ovid is too fond.
Here and there, in the desire to
give the full force of his author's
meaning, he has indulged in a
little more amplification than a
translator's licence strictly admits ;
as when we find the sneer of Ajax
against his rival Ulysses —
" Cui standi vulnera vires
Non dederunt, nullo tardatus vulnere fugit,"
thus rendered —
" He whose heart
Not left him strength to stand, found speed
enough
To fly, — / swear no wound was in his legs ! "
The last phrase, though no doubt it
materially helps the point, is Mr
King's own property, and neither
Ajax's nor Ovid's. So again, in
Ulysses' reply —
" Quae nisi fecissem, frustra Telamone cre-
atus
Gestasset Iseva taurorum tergora septem "-
"But for which feat of mine, your Ajax'
shield,
With all its seven-fold hides that fence his
wm,
Had wrought ye little help ! "
1871.]
King's Translation of OvicCs Metamorphoses.
313
the translator is harder upon Ajax
than even his rival was. But it is
so transcendent a duty in a trans-
lator to be readable, that the inser-
tion of an additional point is far
more excusable than the omission
of one. To give any really good
version of a poet into another lan-
guage requires no small share of the
poetic faculty in him who makes
the attempt ; and his constant
temptation naturally is to indulge
it. Mr King has perhaps been
carried away by this temptation
most in the two latter books of the
poem, in which it would certainly
be especially difficult for any trans-
lator to be at once perfectly faithful
to his author and attractive to his
reader. When, for instance, in the
passage in which is introduced
Pythagoras' s teaching of transmigra-
tion (xv. 165), the human spirit is
called
" The shifting tenant of a thousand homes " —
the vigorous phrase is Mr King's,
not Ovid's. So, in his version of
Ovid's sketch of the several ages of
mman life, from which it is more
lan possible that Shakespeare took
idea of his well-known passage
•though he makes the periods
aven, while Ovid is content with
six — Mr King has some fine lines
in which he describes the closing
scene : —
"And last — the holiday of youth played
out,
The strife and struggle of the middle years
Fought to the end, — the Veteran, leaping
down
The hill that slopes to age — the thief that
waits
Below to filch from frame and soul alike
All vigour of the past, nor in the wreck
Leaves trace of what he steals."
Vigorous and graceful as this cer-
tainly is, it can only be accepted as
a paraphrase of the original.
But it seems ungracious to find
fault in a portion of the work
which gives us such fine passages
as the sacrifice of Polyxena at the
tomb of Achilles — a passage in
which Ovid rises beyond his level,
and where his present translator
does him full justice : —
" Bosom and throat she bared — ' Ye cannot
deem
Polyxena would deign to live a slave !
Rather come death ! Though with such sac-
rifice
Ye win no grace of any God in Heaven !
Yet happier could I die, so of my fate
My mother knew not : — 'tis that only thought
That of its perfect welcome stints your blow !
Though, — for her tears, — her life, and not
my death,
Should justlier ask their shedding. Please
ye, press
Less closely on me, — 'tis not much to ask, —
My Ghost will freelier seem to seek the
Shades ;
And uncontaminate by the touch of man,
As maid should die, dismiss me ! Better so
The Power, whoe'er he be, ye think to please
Will thank ye for my blood ! — If yet one
word,
The last these lips may speak, can touch your
hearts,
'Tis Priam's child, the daughter of a King,
No nameless slave, beseeches ye to grant
Her corse unransomed to her mother's arms : —
Let tears, not gold, redeem it ! — Gold enough
She paid ye for such bargains while she
could ! '
She said : — nor in the throng was cheek
unwet
With weeping save her own : — the very
Priest,
Whose knife was buried in her proffered
breast,
Unwilling struck, and blinded by his tears."
There are many other successful
renderings, interspersed through the
volume, which tempt us to quota-
tion. Nothing can be better than
the version of the following passage,
well known to all readers of Ovid,
where the sculptor Pygmalion falls
in love with his own work : —
" S«pe manus operi tentantes admovet an sit
Corpus, an illud ebur : nee ebur tamen esse
fatetur.
Oscula dat, reddique putat : loquiturque
tenetque,
Et credit tactis digitos insidere membris,
Et metuit presses veniat ne livor in artus."
" And oft his hands the ivory tried, in doubt
If flesh it were or ivory, scarce the last
Convinced to think it. — Now upon her lips
A kiss he prints ; and deems his kiss returned;
Now lover-wise he sues, now passionate
Embraces : — fancies that the yielding limbs
Give to his touch, and fears their tenderness
To bruise."
It is worth while to compare with
314
King's Translation of OvicTs Metamorphoses.
[March
this original Mr Morris's treatment
of the same fable — scarcely less grace-
ful, though perfectly distinct: —
" No smile was on the parted lips, the eyes
Seemed as if even now great love had shown
Unto them something of its sweet surprise,
Yet saddened them with half-seen mysteries ;
And still 'midst passion maiden-like she
seemed,
As though of love unchanged for aye she
dreamed.
Reproachfully beholding all her grace,
Pygmalion stood, until he grew dry-eyed,
And then at last he turned away his face,
As if from her cold eyes his grief to hide ;
And thus a weary while did he abide,
With nothing in his heart but vain desire,
The ever-burning, all-consuming fire.
' Alas ! ' he cried, ' why have I made thee,
then,
That thus thou mockest me ? I know, in-
deed,
That many such as thou are loved of men,
Whose passionate eyes poor wretches still
will lead
Into their net, and smile to see them bleed ;
But these the Gods made, and this hand
made thee,
Who will not speak one little word to me ! ' " *
Again, in that fine picture of
Byblis writing her love-letter, the
translator's rendering is very happy
as well as faithful : —
" Incipit, et dubitat : scribit, damnatque
tabellas ;
Ex notat et delet ; mutat, culpatque, pro-
batque ;
Inque vicem sumptas ponit, positasque
resumet.
Quid velit, ignorat ; quidquid factura videtur
Displicet : in vultu estaudacia mixta pudori."
" Begins, then hesitates ; — begins anew ;—
Effaces what she wrote, and writes, and blots,
And writes again, and alters ; — all too warm
Is this, and that too frigid : — now she flings
The tablets from her, — now resumes the
task :—
What she would say, she cannot ; what she
says
Seems still amiss : and, at each word she
writes,
Boldness with shame holds conflict on her
cheeks."
Mr King tells, in the few lines
which stand in the place of a dedi-
cation, that " it had been his hope
to have been able to offer these
pages, as a token of respect, politi-
cal, social, and literary," to the late
Earl of Derby. He adds, " ' Diis
aliter visum ' ; but I prefer the ex-
pression of that vanished hope to
any substituted dedication." He
will be contented with the sum of
our criticism, if we say that his vol-
ume is worthy of the great name
with which he desired to associate it.
* ' The Earthly Paradise ' — Pygmalion and the Image.
1871.]
Frank Marshall. — Part II.
315
FRANK MARSHALL. — PART II.
CHAPTER IV. — THE CRIMINAL BEFORE HIS JUDGE.
WILSON sat in his lonely lodgings,
moodily reflecting on the sufferings
by which merit must needs be tried
in this vale. He had many things
to vex him : the Bluefolds evidently
did not know what was for their
good ; his principal client, he had
reason to believe, was not favour-
ably impressed with his conduct in
one or two recent transactions ; and
his work on colonial policy, which
was to set the political world in a
blaze, had been received as calmly
as the paradoxes of George Prim-
rose : no journal except the ' Penzance
Courier' had deigned to point out
its mischievous tendency. Alto-
gether, he was not displeased to
have his meditations interrupted by
the entrance of Frank, of late an
unfrequent visitor, who sauntered
discontentedly in, and cast himself
into a chair, without speaking.
"Well," said Wilson, "how do
you like your work at the Indus-
trial 1 It is a capital thing for you
to be engaged on a grand scheme
like that, instead of dreaming life
away while you are waiting for your
uncle's shoes."
" A nice thing you have let me
in for," answered Frank ; " I should
not wonder if we lost every six-
pence. I took him for a swindler
as soon as I set my eyes on him."
" Wright is as honest as any man
breathing ; but if there is a hitch I
cannot see how I am to blame."
" I do not want to find fault with
you," said Frank ; " and I have
nothing to say against Wright, only
he is such a fellow to talk, and will
not do any work : I mean that man
Leary who sold us the land. It is
my belief it no more belongs to
him than it does to the man in
the moon."
" It will throw you back a good
deal if he cannot make out a title ;
but, after all, there will not be much
harm done : you will be just where
you were, and the contract is at
an end."
" Maybe it is," replied Frank ;
"but we are not just where we
were, you see : he may be off to the
Rocky Mountains any day with the
purchase-money, and that is about
the whole capital of the Company."
" How the deuce did he get hold
of the purchase -money?" asked
Wilson.
" Why, I am afraid I was a little
to blame there," answered Frank.
" You see it seemed all plain sailing,
and he wanted the money at once
to send to his boys in Queensland —
he has sent it by this, I daresay,
confound him ! — and it was a great
thing for us to get hold of the land
at once, and he told me there was
another chap would give him XI 00
more if our cash was not ready, and
then Wright always kept telling me
not to raise any frivolous objection,
so I advised our people to pay the
money ; and now it seems he has
been insolvent since the time of
Queen Caroline, and owes money
to half the county : and there's a
brute of a fellow in the next parish
who is trying to make out that he
has got a right to burn bricks all
over our property for nothing until
twenty-one years after the annihila-
tion of the royal family, or some
precious rigmarole of the sort. It
is all a plant, of course, got up by
him and that infernal scamp, Leary."
" But you are not going to give
316
Frank Marshall. — Part II.
in, and let yourselves be done quiet-
ly, are you 1 " asked Wilson.
" Give in ! Lord bless you, we
have got a regular lawyer at work
now ! and as soon as he found what
our uncalled capital was, and heard
something about our shareholders,
he said it was the prettiest case he
had ever met with, and that there
was nothing like it in the books ;
and then he began to scatter the
fees right and left, I can tell you.
But that fellow "Wright goes on ever-
lastingly saying it is all my fault,
and that I have thrown back English
civilisation for half a century. I
am sick of the whole thing ; and as
there is no conveyancing for me to
do now, and our capital is locked up,
I shall go abroad for a few weeks.
But tell me something about your-
self. I have had no time to come to
chambers since this blessed Company
started. Am I to congratulate you?"
" That's all off for the present,"
answered Wilson. " They have
gone abroad for the summer, and
I don't suppose anything will come
of it after all ; but we need not talk
about that now."
" Well, I will not ask any ques-
tions, old fellow," said Frank ; " but
I am really very sorry, upon my
word. Come along with me, to
Switzerland, or Norway, or Egypt —
anywhere you like — and shake it off;
that's what I always do. I looked
into chambers as I came along, and
told our fellow I was off somewhere,
and that you would most likely
come too."
"I cannot move," answered the
lorn one ; " I have so many irons in
the fire."
So Frank went off by himself.
This he did not like, because then
he must make up his mind for
himself where he would go every
day, and he hated having to do this,
of all things ; whereas nobody who
went in Wilson's company need be
at the trouble of forming an opinion
of his own — and if he did, he had
to give it up. So, as he could not
bear starting alone without some
definite point to make for, he
thought he might as well go and
see how his uncle was getting on.
He would not be obliged to stay
longer than he liked, for he could
always plead business of the Com-
pany when the old man got tire-
some. When he cast aside the
frock-coat of the period, and put
on his much-loved tweed monkey-
jacket, stained by the suns of many
a broiling day, he flung from him
all the toils and losses of the Indus-
trial Company, and began to think
quite affectionately of his kinsman
Matthew and the peaceful valley of
Schwarzloch. Oddly enough, no
doubt of that old gentleman's joy
at beholding him ever crossed his
mind : he had been in possession of
that £3000 so long — i.e., some six-
teen days — that he had come to feel
towards it as a proprietor, and it
somehow escaped him that old
Matthew would not improbably
have something to say in the mat-
ter. The farther he got from Wright
the lighter his bosom became, and
the more cheerful was the view
which he took of the Company's
prospects; and if they were hung
up for a year or two, that was not
an unmixed evil : he would have
time to read up to be in readiness
to deal with all those sub-tenants.
Before he crossed the Swiss fron-
tier he had forgotten the whole
business, and had cut out the next
three weeks very much to his satis-
faction. He would leave his port-
manteau at the point where the
by-road to Schwarzloch quitted the
highway, then he would shoulder
his knapsack and walk up to the
baths : that might be about three
hours. His uncle would think it
unkind if he went away next morn-
ing ; so he could make out a day,
or perhaps two, very well, looking
1871.]
Frank Marshall. — Part II.
317
about in the direction of the Teufels-
kralle. Then he could get away
by the Hbllenthur ; or, if he found
that was too much of a grind, he
could strike eastwards. Murray
said nothing of a path, but there
was one marked on the map, and
his portmanteau might come round
by the road and meet him on Sun-
day at Sumpf boden or Fliegenmatte,
as the case might be. At either of
these places he would be sure to
find some fellow to join, and, of
course, could not quite determine
upon his route until he knew where
the other man wanted to go.
There is nothing like carrying
your own knapsack, especially the
first day, when the thing is all new
to you and your shoulders are not
raw. So Frank stepped gaily along,
•with a feeling that he was going
forth into the wide, wide world, or, to
give his thoughts a local colouring,
in die write Welt hinaus, plus the
conviction that an excellent supper
and bed awaited him that evening,
and that he could get rid of his
burthen the moment it became
troublesome. He had been in afflic-
tion for the last three weeks : She
was another's ; Leary had been too
many for him ; and everybody had
gone out of town except Wright,
who spent his evenings with him, and
sorrowfully pointed out that he had
riveted the fetters upon a despair-
ing peasantry. But Wright could
not get at him here : old Matthew,
who would be pleased to find his
nephew so busy, might be able to
suggest some dodge whereby to cir-
cumvent Leary ; and with joy and
thankfulness he was beginning to
recognise the familiar symptoms of
recovery from an undying and hope-
less passion. But had a seer, such
as whilom saw a shroud enveloping
the living man, met our friend as he
went gaily onwards exulting in his
deliverance from the cares of love
and business, he had said, —
" I see a sight he cannot see : the
unthinking lad is rushing to his
doom ; yon man is fey." But his
good angel slumbered. He often
does.
The road scrambled up and
down by the side of a stream
white with fury, and led him
through dense fir-woods, which at
no time allowed him to see more
than a few hundred yards ahead.
After some two hours of this he be-
came impatient for the glaciers, but
could see nothing of them until the
road turned sharp to the left across
a quaking bridge of pine-trees.
From this point he suddenly dis-
covered Schwarzloch nestling in the
meadows at the head of the valley,
and the Teufelskralle springing out
of the clouds in the distance. Here
he halted against a bank to take in
the scene and to ease his shoulders.
Presently he found he was not
alone ; a lady was sitting on a rock
by the water in the shadow of the
bridge he had just crossed, so deeply
engaged in the difficult task of
sketching a view whose lights were
constantly shifting, that she did not
hear his steps. This was Clara, of
course; and Frank, who had not
thought it necessary to get himself
up very elaborately to please the
eyes of old Matthew, immediately
began to bewail the absence of his
portmanteau. His limp old wide-
awake, admirably fitted as it was
to shelter the human head, was
ill suited to purposes of courtesy ;
gloves he had none ; and against
his knapsack Wilson had used all his
influence for many successive years.
However, there was no help for it,
so he slipped off his burthen and
advanced.
"Miss Bluefold, I believe? I
think I had the pleasure of meeting
you at Ascot. I hope you are stay-
ing at the baths?"
" Yes, we have been at Schwarz-
loch some days," said Clara, as soon
318
Frank Marshall. — Part II.
as amazement and dismay allowed
her to speak.
Most of us- would have been
charmed with the prospect of a row ;
but she, the kind little soul, had
been taking Frank's part for the
last few days, and rather feared she
had made matters worse.
" I am on my way there to see
my uncle, who is taking the waters ;
perhaps you can tell me if he is
still here."
"Mr Marshall is here; but I
hardly think — that is, I mean, do
you think he is expecting you?"
" Oh no ; he never expects me
till he sees me. But I am interrupt-
ing you, and the sun will be off the
valley in a few minutes. If you will
allow me, I will sit down and rest
while you are finishing your draw-
ing, and then I can carry your books
back to the hotel."
So down she sat again, drawing
away to gain time, but not to much
purpose. What was to be done?
Frank did not seem conscious of
the crime he had committed, and
she did not know whether she
ought to enlighten him. He would
wonder how she came to know all
about his affairs, and think she was
a marvel of inquisitiveness. But if
he went up to the house now, she
was sure that something terrible
would happen. That very morning
the old man had been consulting
her about founding a Greek profes-
sorship at St Bees, to which all per-
sons of the name of Marshall should
be ineligible ; and had told her he had
closed his account with his banker
because of that gentleman's fatuity
in honouring Frank's cheque. Pre-
sently Frank saw she was not doing
anything, and asked if he might see
her album. He did not greatly ad-
mire the water-colour, which had
been executed under difficulties, so
he turned over and found a series of
slight pen-and-pencil sketches which
tickled him immensely. All of a
sudden he shouted out, — •
[March
" By Jove, here's my uncle ! but
how savage you have made him
look ! Poor old fellow, I had not
an idea he was so ill ! It is a very
clever sketch, Miss Bluefold. I
know he does not bear pain well,
but I must say I never heard of
his shaking his fist like a maniac ;"
and he closed the book and looked
hurt.
" Dear me, Mr Marshall," cried
Clara, much distressed, " I did not
mean you to see that ; but it really
is not what you take it for. Your
uncle has not been ill at all ; but
he was very much vexed at some-
thing he had heard : and he did
look so funny when he was put out,
that I could not help just sketch-
ing the scene. It was very wrong
of me, and I quite forgot it was
in that book. I will tear it up
at once."
" Pray do not think of doing
that," said Frank, rather stiffly ;
" and I should like to have another
glance at it, if you will allow me.
It is really very like him," he went
on, laughing in spite of his annoy-
ance ; " but what could he have
heard to make him so fierce? and
what are all those papers he seems
to be kicking about ? "
" I hardly like to tell you, but I
suppose you ought to know. You
will think me such a very odd
person, meddling like this in your
family matters ; but those are the
shares in that Company of yours,
you know, for making gentlemen of
the labourers."
"Oh, is that all?" said Frank.
" I suppose he did not think it a
safe investment. I am not sure I
do not agree with him : but I must
try and make the best of it to him
to-night, and to-morrow we will
have it all out. I suppose he is
still rather sore about it ? "
" Indeed he is ; and it is not so
much about the money, but he is
furious at that passage in the pros-,
pectus about ' breaking down our
1871.]
great territorial aristocracy.' Only
this morning, when I said that,
after all, it was very kind of you to
be taking all this trouble for these
poor people, he declared that if
your names were not the same,
really and truly he would prose-
cute."
" It was that fellow Wright wrote
that about the aristocracy, and that
other bit about the ' workers of the
soil doomed never to enjoy its
fruits.1 The worst of that man is,
he never will scratch out anything
he has once scribbled down. But
what had I better do? I suppose
you would not like to go in and
break it to him that I am here ] "
" You stay here, and I will try
what I can do," said Clara; and
away she tripped.
" How infinitely better girls look
in these broad-brimmed straws than
in the soup-plates of the period!"
thought Frank, admiringly survey-
ing the retreating figure. " I don't
wonder that I was a little smitten.
She seems about the nicest girl I
ever saw, too, although she is rather
free with her pencil. I daresay my
uncle was a tempting subject."
Clara went back to the hotel in
an awful fright : she had talked to
old Matthew about his nephew a
good deal; and though she had
always said as much in Frank's
favour as she dared, the old man
seemed more exasperated every day.
He was always kind and almost
affectionate in his manner to herself,
but he had a wicked look about
him at times. She had been a good
deal perturbed, too, by Frank's being
so annoyed at the caricature ; so
that altogether the poor little body
was not quite so collected as usual.
She was a timid little creature, who
had never had her fair share of
scolding, for Moneybags never would
let anybody speak a cross word to
her; and when she reflected that
the old gentleman would most likely
Frank Marshall, — Part II.
319
fly into an uncontrollable fit of rage,
her head began quite to swim with
consternation. Perhaps he would
stamp and shake his fist, and this
idea brought the caricature into her
head, and then she laughed in spite
of her anguish. By the time she
got into the big sitting-room all her
diplomacy had left her, and she was
secretly a little hysterical, though
she showed no signs of it. The old
man was striding up and down, like
the beasts at feeding-time, wearying
for his dinner, for Clara's absence
had delayed the table d'hote.
" Well, Miss Clara," he said, with
more acerbity of manner than he
had ever shown towards her, " better
late than never : young ladies should
not take such long walks ; and you
are looking as if you had over-tired
yourself. I suspect we shall find
presently that you have done too
much, and have lost your appetite.
What has been keeping you so
long?"
This was just what she wanted
to tell him, but she could not bring
the words out ; so, aiter one or two
attempts at articulate speech, she
began to choke, and the tears
to show themselves. Mr Matthew
Marshall was horrified : such a thing
had never befallen him all his life
long. Here was a nice little girl
who had been trying to please him
all she could — had lent him her
books, and shown him her pictures,
and sponged his clumsy old ankle —
and just because she kept him wait-
ing for dinner half an hour, he had
been scolding her till she cried.
"I beg your pardon, my dear,
for speaking so rudely ; it's only
twenty minutes past six now, and
I am never in any hurry for my
dinner : but I was getting uneasy
about you, as you are generally so
punctual You must not mind
what an old bear like me says now
and then."
" It is not that," sobbed Clara — •
320
Frank Marshall. — Part II,
" you are always very kind ; "but I
have got something to tell you, and
I am so afraid you will be angry."
" You cannot have done anything
to make me very savage, my dear ;
so let me hear your little confession,
and then go and get ready for din-
ner."
" I met him : he is just outside
—Mr Frank Marshall." She had
not voice to say any more, and now
the murder was out.
The old man did not say any-
thing, but took two turns up and
down the room, and then stopped
opposite Clara, who was not quite
reassured yet.
"So he was afraid to come in
himself, and sent you to bear the
first brunt of it : I cannot say I
think the better of him for it. Go
and send him in to me — that is, if
you would be so kind," he added,
suddenly recollecting himself.
" You are not going to be very
angry with him, Mr Marshall?"
pleaded she.
" My dear Miss Bluefold, when
young men at my nephew's time of
life do wrong and silly things, they
have to take the consequences ; but
you need not be afraid that anything
will happen to shock your nerves.
Getting that little girl to come in
like that ; just as an idle schoolboy
sends his sister to beg him off ! II
me le payera"
Clara went back and gave her
message : she was still rather agitat-
ed, and her black eyelashes looked
a little dewy. As Frank looked and
listened, he felt that his strength
was departing from him, and that a
return of his malady was imminent,
and he said within himself, " I won-
der how far Wilson has got in the
business. He gave me to under-
stand that it was as good as settled ;
but I should like to know exactly
how the land lies, I must say. It
won't do for me to be staying here,
or I shall be making a fool of my-
self. But the worst of it is, there's
no help for it : my uncle won't
take it at all kind of ine if I go
before the week is out, at any rate."
Then aloud he said, "So he did
not utter a single imprecation !
— that looks bad. He does not
often take things this way, but he
is a long time coming round when
he does. I had better go and have
it over ; I hope you are not going
to leave us alone after dinner ? "
Then he went in, but on the way
found time to speak a word to the
landlord about his portmanteau,
which he said he must have up at
once, as he thought he might have
to stop some days, and did not want
Clara to see that wideawake again.
" Well, Frank," said the old man
as soon as the criminal appeared,
" it is very good of you, I am sure,
to tear yourself away from your im-
portant avocations for the sake of
coming to this dull little hole ! Do
you not feel, though, that you are
rather neglecting your duty to the
toiling millions of Great Britain ? "
No amount of word-painting can
express the bitterness which Mat-
thew threw into this quotation.
" I am sorry to find you are not
pleased with what I have been do-
ing, sir. I must own I think I
have been a bit of a fool, and that I
have got rather into a mess. I am
not much of a man of business my-
self, and I wish you would let me
go into the matter with you pre-
sently, and then you can advise me
. what we had best do."
" You want my advice, eh ? " an-
swered Matthew, with savage irony.
" It is about the dividend, I suppose,
— whether your enormous profits will
allow you to divide 10 or 15 per
cent, and how much is to be set
aside to meet contingencies. No,
Mr Director, you must excuse me.
I have belonged to a good many
companies in my time, and have
burnt my fingers like other folks "
1871.]
(we have reason to believe that in
making this last statement he was
romancing), " but I have always
made it a rule never to fetter the
discretion of the board." Then sud-
denly changing his tone, " I have
no wish to meddle in your affairs,
Frank ; you have taken your own
line, and must please yourself. I
know none of the gentlemen whose
names I see associated with yours,
and have no desire to make their
acquaintance. If they are not de-
signing swindlers, they are empty-
headed firebrands, who are putting
forth their puny strength to under-
mine the fabric of society. As for
their scheme, the best issue I can
wish to it is the ruin of everybody
who has anything to do with it. I
shall hardly regret the loss of my
£3000 if I see the name of your
Company in the ' Gazette.' As for
your own share in the business, we
will say no more at present ; in fact,
I cannot trust myself to say all I
feel. We will drop the subject for
to-day, if you please."
Then they went to dinner. Char-
ley came out of his room that day
for the first time : Clara had kept
him boxed up hitherto, but now she
was actually afraid to face the belli-
gerents alone, and so let him out on
sick-leave. He did not know any-
thing about the unpleasantness which
existed between the uncle and ne-
phew, and had a great deal to say,
fondly imagining himself to be the
hero of the party. His sister was
afraid to look up; for besides the
feeling that there was thunder in the
air, she felt she had made a fool of
herself, and was sure that Matthew
must take her for a goose. Frank was
soon alive to the fact that the ex-
igency was serious, and wondered
what his uncle was going to do to
him. That gentleman was a little
ashamed of himself for having made
Clara cry, and he feared she thought
he was a brute. Everybody was
Frank Mar shall. — Part II.
321
glad when the nuts came round ;
and the quality of the wine did not
tempt them to linger. Then Char-
ley proposed a rubber, but this no-
body seemed to relish ; then he
offered to teach Matthew bezique :
the old fellow would have preferred
a game of cribbage with Clara, but
he thought she was offended, and
he did not like to propose it ; so,
though he hated new inventions, he
felt constrained to accept the chal-
lenge, lest she should think him un-
amiable. Then what were the other
two to do ? There was no other
pack of cards, and they had got no-
thing to read except the Company's
prospectus. So they were obliged
to take a turn up and down in the
moonlight.
" I wish he would have it out,
and have done with it," began Frank;
"it is too bad of me to bore you
with all this, but for the life of me
I cannot think of anything else. I
do not like his nursing his wrath
this way. I suppose it is because
he cannot think of anything bad
enough to do to me all at once."
"I do not think he is quite so
angry now as he was," answered
Clara. " Do you know, I think I
would try him again, if I were you,
now he has had his dinner. I have
noticed that's the time the landlord
always brings his bill ; and then he
was a good deal put out just now,
because I was late for table d'hote.
I will go and send Charley to bed,
and then you two can have a com-
fortable talk."
" Well, there's no use in disturb-
ing them until they have done that
game," said Frank. " We had bet-
ter stay here a few minutes, and
watch the moon lighting up those
peaks. There are not three nights
in the year when you can see them
so well."
Bezique is a long game sometimes,
and it was a good half-hour before
Frank thought it would be safe to
322
Frank Marshall. — Part II.
go in and stop the players ; but he
was not impatient. It was very
pleasant outside, and a tete-a-tete
with old Matthew was not an allur-
ing prospect. At last Charley was
sent to bed, and Frank screwed up
his courage and went in — both
parties had been thinking a good deal.
"Well, uncle," began Frank, "I
am come to say good-night, for I am
thinking of turning in early after
niy journey. I am glad to see the
waters seem to agree with you."
" Do not go yet, Frank. I should
like to have a little talk to you first.
Just ring for two cups of coffee, will
you — it's included in the pension —
and come and sit down by the win-
dow. Frank, my lad, I take a good
deal of blame to myself about you —
I do indeed. I promised my poor
brother I would be a father to you."
" I am sure," said Frank, rather
touched, " you have always been
very kind. I am not at all surprised
at your not liking this Company busi-
ness, for I have been making a most
confounded ass of myself; there is
no use in denying it."
" JSTo, Frank, there is not any use
in denying it, so we will take that
for granted ; but it has been my fault
after all. If I had kept you up to
the collar ten years ago, you would
have been a good steady man of
business now, taking life in earnest,
and doing your fair share of work.
What a mistake I have made, allow-
ing you ,£300 a-year, and asking no
questions ! I ought to have known
that no man can learn to swim if he
sets out with a bladder under his
arm. Well, well, what's done can't
be undone ; but I will try and be
wiser in future."
[March
" Your money is your own, sir, to
do as you like with," said Frank,
considerably nettled. " If you are
going to stop the supplies, I do not
deny it will be unpleasant ; but I
daresay I shall manage to get along
as well as another."
" I should like to know what you
would do if I were to stop the sup-
plies, as you call it. I should be
sorry to hear of my brother's son
jumping off Waterloo Bridge or en-
listing in the Pope's Brigade. No, I
will tell you what I am going to do.
I suppose we may call that £3000 a
dead loss ?" Frank nodded. " Very
well, I am going to cut you down to
£100 a-year, and the remaining £200
shall go to recoup me for the loss.
This will teach you the value of
money, and you will have something
to live upon while you are learning
some occupation. It is not that I
want to save the money. When-
ever you come and show me that you
are setting to work in earnest, I will
give you a helping hand. You shall
never miss a step in life for want of
assistance ; but I must be satisfied
that you are really making your way,
for I am determined no longer to
support you in idleness. And now
good-night, and God bless you ! "
" Butter -hearted old ass that I
am," said Matthew to himself, as
he brewed a horrible compound
devised by the skill of Rossenarzt.
" I shall have the ruin of that lad
on my head."
" The old curmudgeon has cut off
my pocket-money," said Frank to
Clara, as they shook hands in the
passage ; " but as you must say
good-night now, I will tell you all
about it in the morning."
CHAPTER V. HOW LITERATURE IS MANUFACTURED.
Old Matthew used always to take
a bath some time in the small hours,
and then he was put to bed under
three feather-quilts, with orders to
stay there till somebody was at
leisure to come and tell him to get
1871.]
up. Consequently he did not make
a public appearance till it was get-
ting on for eleven o'clock. Charley
was not yet allowed to be at large.
So Clara and Frank had a quiet
breakfast all to themselves, at a
little table in a window looking
down the valley. The portmanteau
had arrived along with the rolls.
Matthew could not stand the house-
hold bread, and had arranged that a
messenger from the town on the
highroad should bring him some-
thing fit for a Christian every morn-
ing. Frank was in the lowest
spirits as he told his tale.
" I do not know that I can blame
the old fellow after all," he said.
" I have used him very badly, there
is no doubt about it. But what on
earth I am to do is more than I
know. For one thing, I must leave
this to-morrow. I cannot afford to
stay on here."
" What sort of thing are you
thinking of doing ? " asked Clara.
" There's nothing I can do. I
might perhaps be an usher ; but
there's that new Latin Grammar
come out since my time. However,
I must get back to town at once, and
look about me. I shall move into
lodgings at Islington to begin with."
" But there are so many ways of
making money. You are at the
bar, are you not?"
" Yes, I am, and much I have
made by that. I never had but one
job, and I have managed to ruin
my client horse and foot, as you
have heard."
" Some men make a good deal, I
know, by writing for the newspapers
and magazines, — did you ever think
of trying that sort of thing 1"
" I have tried that," answered
Frank. " Last year when I was in
Auvergne I thought I would write
about the place and the people, and
all that — and I took a good deal of
trouble about it — but it would not
do."
Frank Marshall. — Part IL
323
" What did the publisher say
to it?"
" I never sent it to anybody. I
showed it to a fellow who was with
me at the time, and who under-
stands that sort of thing, and he
said there was nothing in it; in
fact, he spoke so unkindly about it
that I was afraid to show it to any-
body else. By the way, I think he
is a friend of yours. It was Wilson.
He was one of the party at Ascot."
And he looked up from his omelette
to watch the effect of the name.
" Oh, it was that gentleman, was
it1?" said Clara, rather contemptuous-
ly, for his comments on her drawings
still rankled in her gentle breast.
"I do not think I would let Mr
Wilson's criticisms be decisive."
" I believe I have got it here, if
you would care to see it. I threw
it into my portmanteau, and have
never looked at it from that day to
this."
" Fetch it at once," cried she.
" I usually go at this time of day to
the churchyard for shade. I can
take it with me and read it there."
" And I will come along with you,
and explain the hard passages," said
Frank.
It was not very long, but she
could not make out the writing, so
he had to read it aloud. She made
no comments until he came to a
passage in which he described the
delight of a native at beholding an
Englishman for the first time. The
man in the blouse was represented
as saying, —
" Mon Dieu ! tu es Anglais !
permets que je t'embrasse."
" Do you mean to say he did it1?"
asked Clara.
" Ay, that did he—
" ' Syne he kiss'd me on ae cheek,
And syne upon the t'ither.' "
" I wish I had been present to
sketch the group," said Clara. " An
illustration of that little scene might
have done for your frontispiece."
324
Frank Marshall. — Part II.
Frank "was taken with the idea.
" Why should not you do it from
imagination?" he suggested. "I
really do think it would sell the
paper."
" I can only draw what I see,"
she answered ; " but I will tell you
what I will do for you," she cried,
with a shriek of delight. " If you
will get Heinrich Baur, my brother's
guide, and stand up against the wall
yonder in an affectionate attitude, I
will sketch you both in pen and
ink, and make you a present of the
copyright."
Frank did not see it at all ; but
she had quite set her heart upon it,
and was not by any means in the
habit of being contradicted. And
then she had really been very good-
natured the day before ; so at last
the only objection he could think of
was that Baur had not got a blouse,
and that there would be a breach of
the unities. But this only put an-
other queer idea into her wild little
head.
" Well, then, make a slight al-
teration in the title of your tour :
for ' Auvergne ' read ' Oberland ' :
while I was listening I could not
help thinking the valley of Mont
Dore must be very like this place.
You will have to make a few other
changes, of course ; but you can
stay a day or two and make them.
Any of my sketches which you think
will do you shall have, only you
must go and fetch Heinrich Baur — •
do, please — we will make him say :
' Der Herr sei ein Englander ! A us
London selbst ! Gott in Himmel,
ich musz ihn kiissen. Bitt 'um Ver-
zeihung.' "
Frank did not think very highly
of his descriptive powers, but never-
theless this suggestion did rather
shock him. But she was so very-
keen about it, and the paper had
been thrown away as rubbish ; and
above all, he so very much wanted
to stay where he was, that he con-
[March
sented to try, on condition that she
should help to make the alteration.
He would fain have stipulated that
Baur should make some frais de
toilette, but to this she would not
listen ; only she conceded that Frank
should be depicted with his back to-
wards the spectator.
Baur considered the result a
triumph of art ; he was beyond
measure elated, and insisted that it
must be shown to Johann and Uli.
They took a comic view of the per-
formance, and laughed so uproarious-
ly that Matthew came out to see
what was up. He was immensely
pleased, and asked what she was
going to do with it.
" Why, you see, sir," said Frank,
" I have got to make my living the
best way I can ; so, to lose no more
time, I am going to write an account
of the valley, and Miss Bluefold is
kind enough to say she will enrich
my little essay with some sketches
illustrative of the manners and cus-
toms of the aborigines."
" That looks like business, Frank ;
you must show me what you are
writing from day to day : my ex-
perience in literary composition will
enable me to make some valuable
suggestions which shall be very much
at your service. And if you want
some scribbling paper, I think I can
supply you. Here are these shares
in the Freehold Industrial : if you
cannot make the reverse side worth
more than the face, you will have
to take to some other trade."
" We will set to work this after-
noon," said Frank aside to his col-
league, "but we need not tell him
about the adaptation we are making."
" And as soon as ever it is done,"
said she, " I will write off to my
uncle, Mr Moneybags — he knows
all sorts of people that write, and
can do what he likes with the editor
of the ' Tyburnia.' "
After the first shock he felt at
dismembering and re-christening his
1871.]
Frank Marshall. — Part II.
325
first-born, Frank began to think
the work might turn out to be the
reverse of disagreeable. " I hope
you will continue to give me your
kind assistance, Miss Bluefold," he
said. " It ought to be a great satis-
faction to be able to put an honest
penny in a poor man's way. My
time's my money now, and it won't do
to leave off while the frenzy of com-
position is upon us ; so, if you don't
mind coming back to the workshop,
you may help me to earn a trifle
before dinner. I can't afford to
waste anything now, so I will take
these shares, uncle, which you are
good enough to say I may write on
the backs of. Just as well to get
them away from him," he muttered
to Clara, " and the prospectus too.
I find he sat up half the night study-
ing them, and the sight of them
drives him wild."
Clara was charmed at the idea
of writing a book, so back went the
confederates to the churchyard with
the MS., Murray, Charley's ink-
bottle designed by the Alpine Club,
which leaked over them both, and
a bundle of shares for the emenda-
tions.
" We had better consider the docu-
ment clause by clause, as they do in
the House. I suppose we may take
the first paragraph as read. It be-
gins, you know, There is no lovelier
spot in the universe than the valley
of Mont Dore, and goes on about
brawling torrents, dark pine-woods,
and the delights of being brought
face to face with nature after a long
compliance with the silly formalisms
of an effete civilisation. I meant
how jolly it was not to have to dress
for dinner. I won't bother you
with all that."
" I trust I shall never be found
to shrink from the discharge of any
duty, however painful," said Clara.
" I must hear it all, or I cannot con-
sider myself responsible. It is my
duty, and I will."
VOL. CIX. — NO. DCLXV.
So he read the first paragraph,
and that was passed.
" I do not know what is to be
done about the next bit," said Frank.
" It is my walk from Royat to Mont
Dore, and my meditations as I sate
on the top of the Puy de Dome,
looking over Clermont and the plain
of the Limagne."
" That must come out, every word
of it," said Clara, resolutely; for she
saw Frank's eye fondly lingering
upon the familiar phrases.
" I'll keep the meditations, at any
rate," said Frank, "and see if I
can't stick them in somewhere or
other."
" The feelings you describe as
having arisen in your bosom while
you sate on that lonely eminence
are highly creditable to you," said
Clara ; " but there's nothing within
a hundred miles of us at all calculated
to awaken such sentiments."
" I am not so sure of that : there's
nothing just about here, I grant you ;
but why should not I get out of the
train at that place, somewhere out
Basle way, where everybody loses
his luggage — I mean Olten ; there's
a good-sized hill close to the station,
and as nobody ever goes up it, why
should not I make the ascent, and
see and think just what I like ? I
have only got to alter the names ac-
cording to Murray, and it will pass
muster well enough. Now, then, I
will read : ' Here I left the track
[train] to pay a visit to the lion of
this part of the world — the extinct
crater of the Puy de Dome [Hauen-
stein]. The old fellow stands on a
dismal bit of high ground about four
miles from Clermont [Olten], sur-
rounded by a number of younger
brothers, and looks like a slop-basin
turned upside down on a tray in
the midst of a set of tea-cups. On
the summit a solitary shepherd, clad
in the strange Auvergndt cloak
[wildly quaint costume of Solothurn]
was icatching his flock, attended
326
Frank MarsJiall. — Part II.
l>y an ill-favoured wolf-dog, who
seemed to me to require as much
looking after as any wolf in the
arrondisement [canton]. As I sate
in a craggy nook, disturbed only
by the occasional scream of an
eagle whom my presence had
scared, I fell a-musing on the scene
before me.' It was Wilson who
mused, you must know ; he thinks
it his duty on such occasions. I
went and smoked a pipe with the
shepherd, who was uncommonly
glad to have a Christian to talk to,
and left our friend meditating on the
checkered past, and conjuring up
before his mind's eye the prospect he
would have witnessed had it been
given him to stand there in the year
15,000 B.C. and beheld the megathe-
rium seething in the glowing lava."
" Passons au deluge," said Clara.
"We will scratch all that out.
From all I have heard my uncle say,
I don't think the readers of the
' Tyburnia ' have a high opinion of
anything which happened before the
Reform BilL They will be quite
satisfied if you tell them what the
place looked like last year."
" Out it goes," said Frank, calmly
drawing his pen through the visions
of Wilson, for which he was not
disposed to make any great fight.
" You can't say that I resist whole-
some criticism, Miss Bluefold. Now
for the description. ' Below me lay
a wide plain, half veiled by a low-
lying mist, through which the tops
of three tall factory-chimneys were
faintly visible, and had something
the look of the masts of weird ships
upon a vast lake. As the hazy cur-
tain rolled away, I saw an endless
succession of towns, villages, and
manufactories, with all the signs of
that life and plenty which are in the
minds of its inhabitants when they
fondly speak of ( la belle France'
(to which the natives proudly point
as liberty's fair fruits). Directly in
front rose the grand old cathedral of
Clermont [ruin of Homburg], stand-
[March
ing out black against the snowy mist in
the background, and awakening .me-
mories of Peter the Hermit and the
devoted Crusaders — (of that romantic
incident when the despot's cruel
glee hastened on the freer hour).'
There ; I don't think that's at all
bad. All it wants to make it per-
fect is an illustration. Euin on a
hill in the foreground ; misty plain
behind, with low hills shutting in
the distance. Have you got any-
thing in your portfolio which might
stand for it with a little accommo-
dation?"
" What was that romantic inci-
dent which seems to have made such
an impression on you ?" asked Clara.
" I have not a notion. If the
editor knows, he will appreciate the
allusion ; and if he does not, he will
be ashamed of himself, and ask us
no questions. But I hope you will
help me with a drawing."
" Mr Marshall, the audacity of
your forgeries quite takes my breath
away. The only building I have
got is this sketch of the old church
at Calais, which I did before break-
fast. But you can't make anything
of that."
" I don't know about that,"
answered Frank, reflectively.
" Put a little mist on the water,
and there we have got the sea-like
plain which I talked about. Then,
if you wouldn't mind just taking off
the tip of the spire, and filling up
the foreground with one of these
hills and a few cherry-trees "
" You don't mean to say that I
must take out my old woman in the
Normandy cap ! "
" I do indeed ; and the railway
station, and the little boy making
faces at the Scottishman in the
Glengarry. Ah, Miss Bluefold !
who is resisting wholesome criticism
now 1 "
" I'm not insubordinate," pleaded
Clara ; " but it won't be a bit like
the place, and you will be sure to be
found out."
1871.]
"Do you stippose every fellow
who goes up there will have a copy
of the 'Tyburnia' in his pocket? I'm
sorry about the old woman, but we
will try and bring her in by-and-
by, when we come on to the cos-
tumes of the less - known Swiss
valleys."
Clara accepted the compromise ;
and then they came to a descrip-
tion of the fine old castle of
Murol, gutted in the French Revolu-
tion. Frank had exulted at great
length in this uprising of the
trampled peasantry, and had ap-
pended a touching romance of his
own, in which he represented the
grandson of the ruined noble now
contentedly earning an honourable
livelihood as a small grocer, beneath
the shadow of the walls wherein his
wealthy but miserable ancestors had
stifled the stings of remorse with
their unhallowed orgies. A slight
modification enabled this passage to
do duty as an episode of the Refor-
mation, and of the dispossessed
abbot converted into a Protestant
vine-dresser, edifying by his life and
exhortations the converted villagers
whom he had visited in the days of
his blindness.
Many similar changes were intro-
duced with general consent, and so
the afternoon wore away very plea-
santly indeed.
After dinner the draft sheets were
read in public, and Matthew was
amazed at his nephew's facility of
composition, and applauded himself
for having thus compelled him to
set to work ; while everybody con-
sidered the account of the Pic de
Sancy, the monarch of the mountains
of Auvergne, illustrated by the ac-
companying sketch of the Teufels-
kralle, a masterpiece of accurate
and spirited description. Specially
charmed was Matthew with the re-
port of a sermon which Frank had
heard in the Roman Catholic Church
at Mont Dore, and which he un-
scrupulously ascribed to the Re-
Frarik Marshall. — Part II.
327
formed pastor at Schwarzloch.
The preacher had bitterly rebuked
his flock for the vices of greed, cov-
etousness, and extortion towards
travellers to which they were ad-
dicted.
" A very sensible discourse that,"
he remarked. " I hope the land-
lord was there to hear it : but I
wish it had been delivered at the
beginning of the season. It is the
best thing in the paper. There is
an air of levity about what you
write mostly, Frank, which rather
grates upon me ; but you shall hand
it over to me when you have fin-
ished, and I will endeavour to re-
move this and other little blemishes,
which are the result of inexperience
and haste. There are a few thoughts
of my own, too, on the effect of sul-
phur waters upon gout, rheumatism,
and skin disease, which I will put
into shape for you, and you can in-
sert them in a footnote in some con-
venient place."
" It is very kind of you I'm sure,
sir ; we will attend to your sugges-
tions, especially to that about the
danger of writing too rapidly. I
quite feel I hardly do myself justice
if I do not take plenty of time.
There's no sort of hurry, and it
will be cheaper for me living here
than in London."
" You have done a fair stroke of
work to-day, Frank, and I shall not
mind your staying on here for a
while. I shall be able to see that
you don't idle away your time ; but
we will put it by for this evening.
Who is for a game of cribbage V
" That fascinating sport is not for
poor fellows like me, who are brought
face to face with the stern realities
of life. I must give my mind to
the completion of my task. You
were all very kind in approving of
my little description of the Teu-
felskralle by moonlight, but I am.
quite alive to its imperfections. It
was done in a hurry, as you say,
uncle ; and I must take a turn out-
328
Frank Marshall. — Part II.
side, and study the effects once
more. If Miss Bluefold will for-
give me for saying so, her very
clever illustration was taken when
the moon was at the full, and wants
just a touch to make it fit my de-
scription. If you would but let me
take a chair outside for you, a few
minutes' careful study of the scene
might make the difference of a
pound or two. Mr Bluefold will
be very glad to give you another
lesson in bezique, uncle, I am sure."
" All right," replied that young
gentleman ; u Mr Marshall catches
the points of the game faster than
any man I know. He will be giv-
ing me odds in a day or two. (I
won't play for money unless he
does," he whispered to Clara.) " I
hope you will do the Teufelskralle
before you go away. Depend upon
it, that's the first point the editor
will look at ; and if he finds that
you have not been up, he will
chuck the MS. behind the fire,
drawings and all."
So the colleagues adjourned out-
[Marcb.
side to execute the improvements.
The last touches to a work of art
always take time, and Charley had
to go and fetch them in, for they
got so absorbed in their task that
they forgot it was tea-time.
" Well, Frank," said the old man,
" stick to it, my boy. Hard work
is not pleasant at first, I know ;
but you will find it come easy after
a bit. An idle life is not a happy
one, depend upon it ; but you don't
seem to have done much to-night, I
must say."
" You are quite right, uncle. I
don't know when I have enjoyed
a day more. As to this evening's
work not seeming much, I daresay
you think so ; but I have got it all
in my head, and I think I see my
way. I natter myself the paper
will be a very presentable one, but
I must not be hurried. That's the
one danger I have to guard against."
So spake he, ignorant of the fu-
ture, and fondly looking forward to a
long series of literary consultations.
But the morrow brought a change.
CHAPTER VI. HOW INDUSTRY WAS REWARDED.
Charley, who for the last day or
two had been likening himself to
Ulysses, pent up midst barren crags
in uncongenial company, present-
ed himself at lunch with evident
symptoms of having shaken his sis-
ter's yoke from off his neck. " Tell
you what, Clara," he said, " I have
just heard from Golightly; he has
done the Jungfrau in 13^ hours,
including stoppages, and is going to
have a shy at the Teufelskralle on
Monday from Fliegenmatte. If you
and I start to-morrow by the Hb'llen-
thur we shall just catch him, and I
will have another try along with
him."
"You are never thinking of taking
a lady over the Hbllenthur," said the
dismayed Frank.
"You do not know my sister/'
said Charles ; " she came over that
little pass " (he scorned to recollect
the name of the poor little Col)
"last week in five hours without
turning a hair. You are not afraid
of it, are you, Clara 1 "
" I do not know how far it is,"
she answered; "but I am a very good
walker, and I do not mind trying, if
you want to go."
" Very well, then. I will go and
talk to Baur. "We shall have to
make an early start — we ought to
be well under way by 4.30;" and
away he went to collect the impedi-
menta.
" I was hardly prepared for such
a hurried start," began she, " or I
would have been more diligent about
the paper."
"But you will come out
1871.]
Frank Marshall. — Part II.
329
won't you, and try and finish it off1?
But I daresay you have a good deal
to do, as you are going so early?"
" No, I have very little luggage.
I can come for an hour if you like."
There was not much left of the
paper, but somehow it would not
get itself finished. Frank did not
seem able to offer any suggestions ;
and Clara, who had to do all the
work, was not so lively as usual.
However, they patched it up as well
as they could.
" I will write to my uncle at
once," she said; " and now I suppose
you will begin something else."
"Are you really obliged to go
away 1 " asked Frank. " Your
brother has never been in this part
of the world, and I am sure he does
not know what he is asking you to
go through."
" I promised I would not be in
his way, and then I am never
tired, so I think I shall do well
enough."
" But what will he do with you
while he and his friend are gone
skating over the icebergs 1 I sup-
pose he is not mad enough to
make you go with him."
" I believe Mr Golightly's sister
is with him ; she is an old friend
of mine, and we shall stay behind
and take care of one another."
" Why should not Miss Go-
lightly come over here1?" suggested
Frank. " Fliegenmatte is such a
place for ague, and — and — other
disagreeables ; then we could all
wait here comfortably till the heroes
came down crowned with laurel.
They would be able to supply me
with that account of the ascent
which your brother says I must
have."
" I am sure your conscience will
allow you to draw on your imagi-
nation, Mr Marshall. They do not
mean to come back this way; we
are all to go off to the far East, I
believe."
. Who were those people she seemed
so intimate with 1 Was there any
Mrs Golightly somewhere in the
background ? That fellow would
have such tremendous opportunities
of making himself pleasant ! And
then he would have Charley on his
side. Not that it made much mat-
ter, after all : she was going away,
and he was never likely to see her
again.
" I shall go back to town to-
morrow," he said ; " there is nothing
to keep me here now. Not that I
feel up to much work — in fact, I
do not see what there is for me to
do."
And he thought dismally of lodg-
ings at Islington, just opposite the
Angel : and how he should not
mind even that if — if it were not
that he would have to be there all
by himself.
" I shall look out for your paper
in the ' Tyburnia,' " said Clara : " it
has been great fun writing it, hasn't
it?"
It had been great fun, as she
said ; but it did not seem at all
funny now. Confound that Wil-
son ! If he had not introduced him
to that fool Wright, he might have
had a chance. But it would not do
for a poor beggar like him to be
thinking of that sort of thing.
" I daresay I shall do well enough
in time," he said. " Of course it will
be up-hill work at first ; and then,
perhaps, my uncle's stony heart will
soften when he sees I am sticking
to it."
" I must go in now," said Clara,
" for I shall not have any time after
dinner ; " and she left him with his
heart filled with bitterness towards
his uncle.
They had a very unpleasant din-
ner. Matthew was beside himself
Avith indignation against Charley,
who, he declared, ought to be put
in a strait - waistcoat ; while that
young gentleman treated him with
the urbane contempt with which
go-ahead youth generally receive
330
Frank Marshall. — Part II.
[March
the remonstrances of their elders.
Directly dinner was over, the brother
and sister disappeared to have all
things in readiness for the start.
The two Marshalls remained be-
hind, lonely, sad, and combative.
" Sweet little girl that," said
Matthew, at last, " and nice-look-
ing, too."
" Good-natured little party," an-
swered Frank, recklessly, not paying
much attention to his kinsman's
remarks, and not at all caring to
take him into his confidence.
" Frank," cried the old man, "you
are a blockhead — a consummate
blockhead ! "
"Thank you, sir; there's nothing
like candour between relatives."
" What do you mean by letting her
go away like this 1 Do you expect
to find a nicer in all London and
Westminster ? They tell me you
are always falling in love, too, with
every girl you come across : I have
seen you at it half-a-dozen times
myself. There was Alice Jenkins,
and that niece of old Potter, and
the red-headed girl we stayed in the
house with at Christmas ; and not
one of them fit to hold a candle to
our little friend up-stairs."
" I say," remonstrated Frank,
looking round apprehensively, "just
please to recollect that all the parti-
tions are made of wood : every word
you say can be heard all over the
house. As to the young ladies you
have named, we were always very
friendly, but nothing more, I do
assure you ; and, of course, all that
sort of thing is over with me now."
"I do not know that, Master
Frank. If you were to find a nice
little body like the one that sat
next to you at dinner, I would not
mind standing something to keep
the pot boiling. She seems a sen-
sible young woman, with no non-
sense about her. I should say you
might do very well together, in a
quiet suburb, on £250 a-year to
begin with : perhaps I might man-
age to have a room with you at
times, which, of course, would be a
help. There's something in her,
too : she has found out how to make
you work, which I never could."
" She is a dear little girl," said
Frank, with a slight tremble in his
voice ; " but she is not to be had
for the asking by a poor devil like
me. Do not you know that her
uncle, old Moneybags of Portman
Square, is going to leave her all he
has got 1 A nice figure I should cut
when he asked me what I proposed
to settle."
" Is she the niece of Mr Money-
bags 1 " asked Matthew, with greatly
augmented respect. " Then, upon
my conscience, Frank, you are a
greater fool than I took you for !
A very worthy man is James
Moneybags — I have a high regard
for him : but he is not the only
man in the City of London. I
tell you what it is, Frank ; you
only make it all right with the
young lady, and if James Money-
bags asks any questions, just you
refer him to me."
A tumult, as of a town taken by
assault, interrupted the conversation
at this interesting point. A carriage
and pair, obviously containing a
milord, and eke a courier, had arriv-
ed. Nothing equal to the magni-
ficence of the turn-out had been seen
for the whole season. A figure, from
head to foot encased in coats and
wrappers, alighted, and heavily
ascended the stairs towards the din-
ing - room ; the face was invisible,
but the voice exclaimed, —
" Mr Matthew Marshall ! an un-
expected pleasure this, sir ! nobody
here understands a word my courier
says, but no doubt you can tell me
if my niece, Miss Bluefold, is here."
It was none other than old Money-
bags ! We must try back a little,
and explain how he came to drop
out of the clouds upon them in this
way.
When Clara was gone off to Swit-
1871.]
zerland, her father and uncle got
rather demoralised for want of some-
body to take care of them. The
two elders got, in fact, to regard
themselves as a couple of old bache-
lors ; they used to go down to the
Crystal Palace in the middle of the
afternoon, and then come back and
go to the theatre as often as they
liked — Mr M. paid, of course, as the
other man never had any change.
Bluefold was not very good com-
pany at the best of times, but in
this round of debauchery he and
Moneybags naturally got very fond
of one another, like Tarn o' Shanter
and his wicked mate. A very jolly
life those old boys had of it : and
some time afterwards Moneybags
told Wilson, while they were dis-
cussing colonial politics over a
brandy - and - soda, that Bluefold
was a better fellow than he looked,
and that he could tell a good story
or two about him if he liked ; but
Wilson could not get him to say
any more. Well, one evening they
had been dining together in Port-
man Square, and were now repos-
ing, each of them in a leather
arm-chair, with his legs up. Money-
bags had got his flask of brown
sherry handy, and, to save trouble,
was drinking out of a claret glass,
when they began to talk about the
young folks, and soon got very con-
fidential.
" I cannot take it away with me,
you know, Bluefold," quoth Money-
bags ; " and I have neither chick
nor child of my own, so of course
all I have got will come to your
children one of those days. Now
Charley is a man, and can make his
own way ; and, besides, he is going
into a profession where a man does
not need to spend much, so I mean
to let Clara have my little bit of
savings."
" Charley is a good boy too, poor
fellow, and a little money would be
of a deal of use to him, as I happen
to know," said Bluefold.
Frank Marshall. — Part II.
331
" I am not finding any fault with
the lad, and I do not suppose that
a young gentleman fresh from col-
lege cares much what an old fogy
like me thinks of him ; and, besides,
he often tells me clergymen ought
not to marry. But I look upon
Clara as my own child — she is just
what her poor mother was at her
age ; and — of course this is between
you and me — if she takes a fancy to
some likely young fellow, I will
make them comfortable at once ;
they shall not be kept waiting till I
am under ground."
" I rather think we shall have
some news in that quarter before
long," said Bluefold. "I suspect
young Wilson means to try his luck,
after all."
" Nonsense ; you will hear no
more of him, take my word for
it."
" Well, I do not know, but a very
odd thing happened this afternoon :
the man who does most of our con-
veyancing is out of town — those
barristers do not stick to their work
as they used to — so I thought I
might as well give the job to our
friend Wilson. I took the papers
myself, for I wanted to ask him to
dine, as you and he seemed to get
on so well together, though I could
not understand a word either of you
said. I found he lived in a cluster
of chambers with eight other men —
not the sort of place, I must say,
where I should have expected to
find a man who has got so much
business. There seemed to be no-
body about but a little boy, and he
told me Mr Wilson was just gone
abroad — he believed he was gone to
Schwarzloch. I think we can guess
what has taken him there."
Up jumped the old man as if he
had been shot. " Bluefold, I must
leave you and the port to take care
of one another ; I am obliged to go
out of town to-morrow for a few
days, and I have got a host of things
to see to this evening. Simpson,
332
Frank Marshall. — Part II.
[March
just go out for a Continental Brad-
shaw, will you, before the shops
are all shut, and send William to
me the moment he comes in. I
have got to go on a journey in the
morning, and I shall want him to
be with me."
Now we will return from our
little digression. Moneybags, it
will be remembered, was anxiously
inquiring if Clara was still in the
house.
" Yes, Mr Moneybags," answered
Matthew, " she is ; but we are just
going to lose her, I am sorry to say.
That young scamp is going to run
away with her in the morning — a
very hasty and imprudent business
it is, in my opinion. I have said
all I can, but of course I have no
power to interfere ; but now you are
come, perhaps you will be able to
put a spoke in the young gentle-
man's wheel."
" You really mean to say she has
actually consented to go off with
him to-morrow morning!" cried
Moneybags, quite pallid with hor-
ror. " Go up, somebody, and send
her down ; I am sure she will be
guided by me."
Off went Frank to get somebody
to find Clara.
"Do not let them persuade you
to give your consent," said Mat-
thew ; " it is a great risk, and I do
not believe the girl cares much about
it herself; it is only for the sake of
pleasing that young fellow."
" How long has Wilson been
here?" asked Moneybags, appalled
at the promptitude of the enemy.
"Wilson? Wilson? There's no-
body of that name in the place ; the
only other Englishman is my ne-
phew Frank, the lad that has just
gone out."
Moneybags saw he had made
some mistake, and that matters were
not so bad as he had fancied, so he
asked what was the exact route that
had been chalked out for the next
day, and received a frightful account
of its perils and fatigues. Presently
Charley appeared.
" Hilloa, uncle, you are coming
out in a new line. I hope you
will make one of the party to-mor-
row. We are off 4.30 sharp. I
suppose you will ride to the foot of
the pass ? We cannot have all those
boxes with us though."
Moneybags waxed wroth. "Look
here, Master Charles, you may go
and break your own neck as soon as
you like, it will be no odds to any-
body, but you shan't break Clara's."
" There's no more risk than there
is in crossing Fleet Street," replied
Charley ; " but now you are here to
take care of Clara, she won't want
me any longer. We shall have
rather rough quarters at Fliegen-
matte, and women will be rather in
the way, so I shall go alone and
tack myself on to Golightly." And
a burden seemed to be lifted from
his fraternal breast.
" Well, Clara," said Moneybags,
as that young lady entered, " you
hardly expected to see me out here
among the icebergs. I have come
just in time to stop that madcap
scheme you have set your heart on.
It's the last time you two children
shall go off by yourselves any-
where further than Kensington
Gardens."
" I do not at all mind giving it
up, uncle, if you do not like it,
but I am not going to be scolded
by you directly you come."
" Charley has handed you over
to my charge, young lady, and I
mean to do my duty better than he
has done his. Why, you do not
look so well as you did when you
left London. You have been doing
too much. I won't have you out of
my sight for the next few days."
So Charley started next morning
at 4.53. He tuned himself exactly
and made a note of it, and he went
on his way and is " out of the
story," as the sagas have it.
Frank got up exceedingly early,
1871.]
determined to follow his uncle's
advice, and " make it all right with
the young lady," but he did not
find the job so easy. He had
hoped for another tete-a-tete break-
fast; but Clara took her coffee up-
stairs along with her uncle, in the
private sitting-room belonging to a
gorgeous suite of apartments which
the courier had engaged altogether
regardless of expense. She im-
mediately began at him about the
MS., and gave him no peace till he
had consented to look at it that
very morning. So she came down
and asked the author for it. That
gentleman wanted to keep her
down-stairs chatting with him, but
she alleged Mr M. would most
likely want her to read some of it
aloud up-stairs. He thought more
highly of it than she had expected.
" Some of it is very good indeed,"
he said ; " I am not so sure about
the illustrations. They look very nice
in a portfolio, but I cannot say how
they will come out if they are en-
graved ; and there are one or two
very bad bits of writing too. I
will come down and talk to the
young fellow ; of course he will
understand I have nothing to do
with the periodical, but I know the
sort of thing that Johnson likes."
The whole party assembled in
the window to hear the critic's
opinion.
" I have just glanced at the MS.
you have been good enough to show
me, Mr Frank, and I am disposed
to think it will suit the ' Tyburnia '
well enough. Very odd paper,
though, you have chosen to write
some of it on : and I am sorry to
see your name in large letters several
times, Mr Marshall," he added, turn-
ing to Matthew : " I thought you
were too old a bird to be caught by
promises of the millennium and 15
per cent."
" There's no fool like an old fool,"
answered Matthew, writhing in his
chair ; " I was blockhead enough to
Frank Marshall. — Part II.
333
take the opinion of a very injudi-
cious young friend who knows no
more of business than a baby. ("We
had better not tell him who my
friend was," he whispered to Frank,
" or you won't have a chance. He
will chaff me about the Industrial
as long as he lives.) I am glad you
like my nephew's little attempt."
" Yes," replied Moneybags, " I
think it does him a good deal of
credit; but it is very unequally
written though. I have marked
one or two passages which I would
strike out altogether, if I were you.
That long note, for instance, reads
like a bit copied from a cyclopaedia;
and then as for this other a little
further on, I cannot make head or
tail of it for the life of me."
A silence that might be felt
received these awful remarks, for
the censured passages were from the
gifted pen of Mr Matthew Marshall !
" My nephew is not responsible
for the notes, Mr Moneybags," said
that gentleman. " They were con-
tributed by myself; and I am
sorry to find they do not meet with
the approval of a gentleman whose
judgment on such matters is so
justly valued."
" My dear Mr Marshall," ex-
claimed the horrified critic, " you
misapprehend my meaning — you do
indeed ; the passages to which I
referred are full of valuable matter,
put together with rare ability.
Only I fear they are hardly in keep-
ing with the slight and airy texture
of the rest of the paper."
" Strike them out, Frank ; I had
flattered myself that the thoughts
I have thrown together with some
care might have been not wholly
unserviceable ; but as Mr Money-
bags thinks otherwise, I of course
bow to so high an authority.
Strike your pen through them.
Frank, do you hear ? "
After this unpleasant interlude,
Moneybags was afraid to make any
further comments, for fear of touch-
334
Frank Marshall. — Part II.
ing upon some more Matthew ;
so he handed back the MS., merely
suggesting that some passages
seemed to be afterthoughts, not
very neatly let in, and that Frank
might as well devote a little time
to effacing the marks of the joins.
Matthew went away in high
dudgeon to drink his three tum-
blers, and nobody seemed quite to
know what to do next.
" I hope, Miss Bluefold," said
Frank, at last, "you are not going
to desert me before my work's done.
This is a sort of joint affair, you
must know, sir, and I cannot under-
take the responsibility of making
alterations in the absence of my col-
league."
" Well, sit down at once, then,
and make them now, as you are
both here," said the old man.
" I cannot do that, sir ; the bit
that hobbles the most is that de-
scription of the lower part of the
valley, as seen from the church
yonder. If Miss Blueford would
not mind coming as far as that now,
we might put more life into it, you
see."
"Run along, Clara; he is quite
right — there is nothing like sketch-
ing from nature."
" I am going to stay at home with
you to-day, uncle ; we have so much
to talk over — and besides, you said
you would not let me out of your
sight."
" Go about your business, miss ;
I cannot have you here — I have
got letters to write. You look as if
a walk would do you good ; and as
for not going out of my sight, I can
see two miles up the valley from
this window."
So away they went to give a last
polish to the paper. It seemed to
take them a very long time, and
they got out of the old gentleman's
sight in spite of the commanding
view from his window. When they
came in again, he declared she looked
quite another person, and that the
[March
walk had done her all the good in
the world.
The afternoon witnessed the be-
ginning of a series of negotiations
between the high contracting powers
of Marshall & Moneybags, which
were prolonged for many weeks.
Frank began by informing his uncle
that he thought he might venture to
say that, in obedience to his instruc-
tions, and to do him a pleasure, he
had made it all right with the young
lady, and that he was now in at-
tendance to receive his blessing, and
to invite him to wait upon Mr
Moneybags. Matthew asked what
the mischief he meant by being in
such a confounded hurry. She was
a nice little girl enough, but her
uncle was the most insufferable snob
it had ever been his misfortune to
encounter.
" However, it is done now, I sup-
pose. I have passed my word, and
I will not go back from it. Mr
Moneybags has conducted himself
towards me in a manner which I
cannot but consider as very unbe-
coming ; but so great is my regard
for his niece, that if he has any
proposition to make to me, I shall
be ready to listen to him, so long as
he expresses himself with propriety;
but if that old man fancies I must
hearken to him with bated breath
because he associates with scribblers
in some low periodical, the very
name of which I never heard before
to - day, he is confoundedly mis-
taken, and you may tell him so
from me if you like."
But Frank did not tell him ; and
old Matthew presently meeting Clara
in the passage, was moved to bestow
upon her a paternal embrace before
he knew what he was about, and
after that he could no more refuse
to do her bidding than old Money-
bags himself. That gentleman re-
ceived the news very kindly indeed.
He was much taken with Frank, and
was enchanted to find that Wilson
was now effectually disposed o£
1871.]
Frank Marshall. — Part II.
335
He insisted on celebrating the occa-
sion by ordering up Swiss cham-
pagne in the most reckless manner,
regardless of Matthew's remon-
strances that it was twice the price
of clicquot, and must interfere with
the waters.
There was no allusion at dinner-
time to periodical publications, we
may well believe ; but as soon as
the rage of eating was appeased, the
young folks strolled out in the direc-
tion of the church, and then Frank
got quite sentimental over his first
literary effort, which he should al-
ways associate with the happy hours
spent beneath the shadow of the
humble village tabernacle, whose
gaily-painted spire was gleaming in
the moonbeams. The stateliest edi-
fice of marble would have no such
charms for him ; it would ever be to
him the holiest fane in Christendom.
Why should they ape the butterflies
of fashion who swarm to Hanover
Square ? Why should not the sim-
ple pastor, who dwelt in the sun-
stained cabin hard by, join their
hands on that spot where they had
learnt to know and love each other ?
There was no need for delay ; but
perhaps she deemed him precipitate
— he would wait till Monday week ;
nay, rather than vex her he loved so
well, he would adjourn his happi-
ness till the following Thursday.
" You will come in your old wide-
awake," said Clara, "and Heinrich
Baur must be best man ; then all
our sweetest associations will be re-
vived at that blissful hour."
" Gott in Himmel, ich musz dich
cu'ssen," retorted the insulted lover,
and the dialogue came to an abrupt
termination. He could not get any-
body to lend an ear to his proposi-
tion. Moneybags had already ar-
ranged that it should come off" in
Portman Square, and was talking of
pulling down the wall, and throwing
the little room behind into the din-
ing-room, and was concerting vari-
ous other schemes of Eastern magnifi-
cence, to all of which Matthew
hearkened with complacency, as he
would not have to pay the bill.
It is impossible to give even a
meagre abstract of the protocols
which passed between the two un-
cles when the financial question
came to the front. As far as money
went, Matthew was a man of his
word. The house of Marshall was
not going to be put to shame before
a Moneybags ; but he haggled horri-
bly about the limitations, and was
terribly unwilling to allow a six-
pence to remain under the control of
Frank, for whose business talents
he had conceived the profoundest
contempt. Moneybags, however,
who did not know anything about
the Industrial, stood out for either
treating the young people as if they
were grown up, or else putting off
the happy event until the principals
coidd go alone ; and as Matthew had
nobody to support him, he was fain
to give in, and allow them a little
pocket-money.
Frank made one unfortunate slip.
As soon as the preliminaries were
arranged, he insisted that the settle-
ment should be intrusted to Wilson,
marked with a stupendous fee ; and
very well drawn it was at last, only
the wedding had to be adjourned
three times, because that gentleman
repeatedly took exception to every
clause in the instructions. He does
all Bluefold's conveyancing now ;
and Moneybags, who has taken
rather a liking to him since the day
when he enticed him to his destruc-
tion, has thrown several good things
in his way. Next year, if the Com-
missioners assess him, he won't think
it worth while to appeal : he and
Frank are excellent friends ; but our
hero never could find out exactly
what happened at that dinner in
Bryanstone Square, for Wilson
fenced, Clara did not know, and
Moneybags is as silent as the grave.
336
More Rola di Roma.
[March
MORE ROBA DI ROMA.*
THE MAUSOLEUM OF HADRIAN, OR THE CASTLE ST ANGELO. PART II.
CHAPTER III.
THE influence of the family of
Alberic and Theodora still con-
tinued, and gave to the Papacy
three successive popes — Benedict
VIII, in 1012; John XIX., his
brother, in 1024 ; and Benedict IX.,
the nephew of both, in 1033. Bene-
dict is said to have been only ten
years of age when, by force of sword
and purse, he was elected. But
though there is some doubt as to his
age, there is none as to the crimes
with which his life was stained.
"YVe have this judgment on no less
authority than that of Pope Victor
III., who, fifty years afterwards,
occupied the Papal throne. "I
have horror to write," says Victor,
" what was the life of Benedict, and
how shameful, corrupt, and exe-
crable it was. After he had' suffi-
ciently long tormented the Romans
by his rapine, murders, and abomina-
tions, the citizens, no longer able
to tolerate his wickedness, rose and
drove him from the Pontifical seat."
In his stead Silvester III. was
chosen, simoniacally ; but he had
only reigned three months when
Benedict returned and drove him
from his chair, " resuming the tiara
he had lost, but without changing
his ancient manners." He again
sold the Papacy for a large sum to
an archpriest named John, who took
the name of Gregory VI., while Bene-
dict retired into his castle. When
Henry III. arrived in Italy there
were three Popes : Benedict IX., at
St John Lateran ; Gregory VI., at
Sta Maria Maggiore ; and Sylves-
ter, at St Peter's. All were declared
illegitimate, and the Emperor added
another, who was elected, and as-
sumed the name of Clement II.
The history of the Castle St Angelo
is connected with all the crimes and
vices of this saddest period of eccle-
siastical history, and there is little
satisfaction in recounting them —
" non ragionam di lor."
Alexander II. was elected Pope in
1061; but Henry IV. placed Cada-
loo on the throne as anti-Pope, under
the title of Honorius II. Honorius
came to Rome the succeeding year,
and endeavoured by force of arms to
possess himself of this dignity of
place, occupying by arms the Leon-
ine City and the Vatican. But
the Romans, under the command
of Goffredo, Duke of Tuscany, at-
tacked him and nearly succeeded
in making him prisoner. He was,
however, rescued by Cencius, the
son of the Roman prefect, and con-
ducted in safety to the Castle St
Angelo, then commanded by Cen-
cius. There he was strictly be-
sieged ; and after two years of im-
prisonment, in constant fear of his
life, he finally obtained his freedom
by paying 300 pounds of silver.
The contest of the Church with
the imperial party was not only not
determined by the death of Alex-
ander II., but greatly increased
under his successor, the celebrated
Hildebrand, who came to the Papal
chair in 1073. He had scarcely
been seated on the throne two years
when a conspiracy was formed
against him in Rome, the author
and chief of which was the same
Continued from our December Xutnbc-r.
1871.]
Caatle St Anrjelo. — Part II.
337
Cencius who had already sustained
the Pope Cadaloo against Alexander
II. Cencius, who held the Castle
St Angelo, had built a high tower
on the bridge before it, from which
he imposed an exorbitant toll by
force on all who passed. The
Pontiff, after vainly remonstrating
with him against this conduct, finally
excommunicated him. Irritated by
this, Cencius allied himself with the
King, and agreed to make the Pope
prisoner and bring him to Henry.
It was on the night of Christmas
1075 that he undertook to carry out
his project. While Gregory was
celebrating high mass, according to
custom, at Sta Maria Maggiore,
Cencius and his armed followers
burst into the church with their
swords drawn, and commenced cut-
ting and wounding the people on all
sides. The Pontiff, wounded in the
head, was then dragged from the
altar, despoiled of his ornaments, and
hurried away to prison in his aube
and stole. The populace, alarmed
at this violence, rushed to arms,
and gathering at the tower, where
Gregory was imprisoned, fiercely
assaulted it. Cencius, seeing the
dangerous position in which he had
placed himself, and fearing the vio-
lence of the people, fell on his knees
before the Pope begging for pardon.
This the Pope granted, on condition
that he should go on a pilgrimage to
Jerusalem in expiation of his acts ;
and then, approaching the window,
he made signs to the people raging
beneath, with the object of pacifying
them. But misinterpreting his de-
sign, and supposing he summoned
their aid, they broke into the tower,
where they found him bleeding and
wounded. After conveying him to
a place of safety, they then returned
and destroyed the tower. Cencius,
in the mean time, had made his escape
and fled from the town, ravaging, as
he went, the Campagna and the
lands of the Church,
This, however, was but the be-
ginning of other and more serious
and protracted contests with Henry.
The King and the Pope were both
determined men and equally jealous
of power, but the advantage of age
and experience was greatly on the
side of the Pope. Henry had just
passed his minority, and was only
twenty-three years old, while Hilde-
brand was sixty. One of the first
acts of the Pope was to convoke a
council to suppress the simony and
incontinency of the clergy. This
created great irritation in the Church,
and occasioned a temporary schism
in the Church of Milan. The
Countess Matilda — who, in addition
to the heritage of the ancient mar-
quisate of Tuscany, had acquired,
by the death of Godfrey of Lorraine
and his wife Beatrice in 1070, the
largest feoff of Italy — espoused the
cause of Gregory, and consecrated
all her enthusiasm, wealth, and
influence, to the building up of
the papal power. Henry, on the
contrary, defied the Pope, and
arrayed his strength against the
Church. While they were thus
drawn up against each other, Gre-
gory summoned the Emperor to
come to Home on an appointed day
to answer certain charges against
him, threatening him with excom-
munication in case he failed to
obey. Henry, enraged at this cita-
tion, convoked a council at Worms,
addressed violent letters to the
Pope, and ended by formally de-
posing him, on the accusation of
Cardinal Hugues le Blanc. To this
Gregory retorted by a deposition
of the King, and anathema against
him and his followers. Another
council was then convened at Pavia
by the Archbishop of Ravenna, and
Gregory, in turn, was excommuni-
cated. Upon this a considerable
and powerful party assembled near
Mayence and threatened to proceed
against Henry unless he should
338
More Roba di Roma.
come to Augsburg and submit to
the judgment of the Pope. Alarmed
at the opposition he had raised,
ft Henry decided to submit, and
accordingly came on to meet the
Pope, who on his side also ad-
vanced ; but, through the persua-
sions of Matilda, and doubtful
himself of the intentions and
good faith of the King, he stopped
on his way at the fortress of
Canossa, one of her strongholds
in Lombardy. Here he awaited
Henry, growing more imperious as
Henry yielded. At last the King
acceded to the severe conditions of
the Pope, and came to Canossa. The
castle was surrounded by a triple
wall, and he was admitted within
the second enclosure, his suite being
ordered to remain outside in the
first. There he deposed his royal
robes, retaining upon his person
nothing to indicate his rank ; and in
the bitter cold of winter, standing
with his naked feet in the snow,
he awaited the orders of Gregory.
For three days the haughty Pope
kept him there fasting from morning
to night ; but on the fourth he was
admitted, and, kneeling down, in
the presence of all the Court, he
kissed the feet of the Pope, and
made formal oath of submission
for the future. But even this
was not sufficient. Absolution
was only granted him condition-
ally. He was ordered to appear
before a diet of the princes of Ger-
many, and prove his innocence.
In case he succeeded in so doing,
he was to be allowed to retain his
kingdom, otherwise he was to be
deposed, and submit to the rigour of
the ecclesiastical law. Henry brave-
ly accepted the humiliation at the
time ; but the conduct of the Pope
had outraged even those of his own
party, and the Lombard lords in-
dignantly insisted that Henry should
break with the Pope, or that they
would break with him. The King
[March
desired nothing better, so enraged
was he with the cruel treatment to
which he had been subjected ; and
fifteen days later he again defied the
Pope. The excommunication was re-
newed, and Henry, in his turn, again
deposed Gregory in assembly of the
lords and bishops at Brixen ; and the
Archbishop of Ravenna, the enemy
of Gregory, was elected Pope in
1081, under the title of Clement III.
Accompanied by this anti-Pope,
Henry now marched upon Rome,
overwhelming the troops of Matilda
and Gregory, seized on the city,
where he received the imperial
crown, and drove Gregory to take
refuge in the Castle St Angelo.
There Gregory defended himself
successfully, and negotiations were
vainly carried on. He would not
agree to any terms which Henry
was disposed to accept ; and finally,
rather than yield, he called upon
Robert Guiscard to assist him with
his Normans against the King.
Fatal was that call to Rome. The
tall, flaxen-haired, ambidexter Nor-
man, with his broad shoulders,
ruddy complexion, and powerful
form, brought terrible disaster on.
the city. On his approach Henry
retired, and from the battlements
of the Castle St Angelo the Pope
saw the devastation of the city by
the troops he had himself called in.
Houses were sacked, the streets
were thronged with a wild and
tumultuous soldiery, who commit-
ted the most barbarous acts of mur-
der and rapine. The city was set
on fire in various places, and many
were the buildings which thus were
destroyed. Nor was Guiscard con-
tent with merely robbing the Ro-
mans— he even reduced many of
them to slavery. At last, however,
he withdrew, carrying with him the
Pope, and both followed by the
execrations of the people. Gregory
never again entered Rome, but re-
tired to Salerno, where he died say-
1871.]
Castle St Angelo.— Part IL
339
ing, " I have loved justice and hat-
ed iniquity, therefore I die in exile."
On the death of Gregory VII.,
Victor III. was elected Pope. But
conflicts still continued, the anti-
Pope Clement III. still holding pos-
session of the Pantheon and other
strongholds, while Victor occupied
the Castle St Angelo and the Leo-
nine City. On the festival of St
Peter the two factions came into
collision, each being determined to
celebrate it as high Pontiff in St
Peter's ; but when the troops of the
anti-Pope and his party came to the
bridge, they were assailed by the
troops of Victor, who, issuing from
the Castle, drove them back by force,
and thus enabled him to celebrate
mass undisturbed at St Peter's.
Victor and his troops were, how-
ever, soon driven out of the Castle
by Ferruccio, who took possession
of it for the anti-Pope Clement, by
whom it was held for some seven
years and defended against all at-
tack ; but in 1098 it was surrender-
ed to the papal party under Urban
II. for a large sum of money, being
the last of the Eoman fortresses
which yielded to him — and here
were celebrated the Christmas festi-
vals of this year.
The Crusaders again in 109G as-
saulted it, but it withstood all their
attacks, and they were forced to
abandon it. In 1099 Paschal II.
became Pope ; and serious contro-
versies having arisen between him
and Henry V., hostages were given
by the Pope, and solemn pledges of
peace were made. Among the terms
of agreement was one that no attack
should be made from the bridge and
Castle of St Angelo. Nevertheless,
during the Easter holidays, while
the Pope and clergy, barefoot and
in procession, were making the tour
of the tombs of the martyrs, they
were assaulted at the bridge with
volleys of stones and darts, and dis-
persed in confusion.
At a later period, the Emperor,
being indignant at the withdrawal of
certain concessions formally made
by the Pope, attacked him while he
was saying mass at St Peter's ; slew
in the melee a number of men and
boys who preceded him with palms
and flowers ; seized the Pope himself,
as well as all the clergy accompany-
ing him, and threw them into prison.
The Romans, resenting this out-
rage, assembled, attacked the body-
guard of the Emperor, slew a num-
ber of them, and drove the remain-
der out of the city. Not satisfied
with this, the next morning they
issued from the gates, renewed the
attack, and again routed the Ger-
mans. In this engagement, the
Emperor himself was wounded in
the face, and narrowly escaped with
his life. He was only saved by the
gallant self-sacrifice of Otto, Count
of Milan, who, in the utmost need
of the Emperor, set him upon his
own horse, and lost in consequence
his life. At last the Eomans
drew off, and, laden with booty,
entered the city, bearing with them
the corpse of Otto, which in their
rage they cut into small pieces and
scattered about the streets to be
eaten by the dogs. After their
retreat, the Germans rallied, pur-
sued them into the city, and over-
taking them near the Bridge St
Angelo, furiously attacked them.
A fierce struggle then ensued.
Thousands of persons were slain ;
and the Tiber, as Baronius tells us,
ran red with blood, and was filled
with corpses. As the Germans be-
gan to retire, a sally was made from
the Castle with fresh troops, which
again turned the fortunes of this
bloody day. After this, Henry
withdrew from Home, carrying with
him the Pope as his prisoner, and
shut him up in the fortress of Tri-
bucco, where, after an imprison-
ment of forty days, he made his
submission, and was set at liberty.
340
Mare Roba di Roma.
His successor, Gelasius II., who
came to the papal throne in 1118,
suffered even greater violence. Im-
mediately after his election he "was
seized by Cencio Frangipani, who
with an armed force broke into the
assembly of the Cardinals (" more
draconis iminanissimi sibilans," says
Pandulphus), trampled them under
foot, and seizing the Pope by the
throat, threw him down and drag-
ged him by his hair along the ground,
buffeting him and wounding him
with his spurs, and finally carrying
him to his house, where he secured
him with an iron chain; and all the
while, as Pandulphus says, the good
Jesus lay sleeping (" Jesu bono in-
terim dormiente "). Finally, how-
ever, he was set free ; but being again
assaulted, he was forced to flee from
Rome.
During the reign of Gelasius and
his immediate successors, the Castle
was the scene of various struggles,
now passing into the possession of
one party and now of the other.
Anaclet, the anti-Pope, took it by
force from Innocent II., and he, re-
turning in 1137, endeavoured in
vain to regain possession of it, though
subsequently he became once more its
master. The fortifications were at
this period greatly strengthened, so
as to enable the Popes to withstand
the constant and violent attacks of
the contending factions of the day ;
and, supported by the powerful
family of the Pierleoni, who guard-
ed it in their interests, they held it
until the year 1153, when Eugenius
III. died. Already several power-
ful families of Rome, among whom
were the Frangipani and the Pier-
leoni, had begun to fortify them-
selves in the ancient monuments
and tombs ; and taking different
sides — sometimes in favour of the
Pope, sometimes of the anti-Pope,
sometimes of the Senate — disturbed
the city by their continual conflicts.
Towards the end of the reign of
Innocent II., in about 1139, Arnol-
do di Brescia made his appearance,
and began with great power to preach
against the vices and crimes of the
clergy, and to denounce their profli-
gacy, ambition, and tyranny. This
remarkable man, who had studied
under Abelard, was gifted with an
eloquence equal to his learning. The
purity of his life was breathed upon
by no scandal; his principles were
above seduction; and his influence
was so great that the Church brought
against him all its weight to crush
him. Condemned by the Council
of the Lateran, he was forced to quit
Italy and seek refuge in Constance.
While there, St Bernard, writing to
the Bishop of Constance, said of
him : " His conversation is honey,
his doctrines poison ; he has the
head of a dove, but the tail of a
scorpion." And in another letter
he urged upon the Bishop that
the best thing to be done with a
man of such powers, in open revolt
against the clergy, was quietly to
put him out of the way. " Auferre
rnalurn ex vobis" are his words.
Arnoldo, however, escaped from this
persecution, and at the end of five
or six years reappeared in Rome ;
and here, surrounded by his dis-
ciples and friends, he publicly
preached, and strove to rouse the
spirit of the Romans by grand invo-
cations to liberty and j ustice. Under
his influence and through his labours
the Senate was re-established, and
in place of Prefect of the city, a new
office was created under the title
of Patrician, to which Giordano, son
of Pier Leone, was elected.
On the death of Innocent II.
Celestine II. was chosen Pope, and
after a short reign he was succeeded
by Lucius II. Lucius made friends
of the Frangipani, who, with Roger
of Sicily, opposed the new Patrician,
and the streets of Rome were the
scenes of constant battle and tumult.
The Senate attacked the towers
1871.]
Castle St Angela. — Part II.
341
of the Frangipani and their adher-
ents, and demolished them ; but
feeling itself too weak to withstand
its enemies alone, a deputation "was
sent to Conrad III. of Germany,
praying for his friendship and as-
sistance. They sought to conciliate
him by the humblest language. In
one address they say : " The Pope
and the Sicilians are united in an
impious league to oppose our liberty
and your coronation ; but our zeal
and courage have hitherto defeated
the attempts of their powerful and
factious adherents, especially the
Frangipani. We have taken by as-
sault their houses and turrets; some
of these are occupied by our troops,
and some are levelled to the ground.
The Milvian bridge, which they
had taken, is restored and fortified
for your safe passage ; and your
army may enter the city without
being annoyed from the Castle
St Angelo." The address ended
with a prayer to Conrad that he
would fix his residence in Rome
and rule over them. Their suppli-
cation was vain : Conrad refused to
assist them, and they were left to
fight for themselves.
Lucius, trusting to the strength
of his allies, now publicly attacked
the Senate ; and surrounded by
priests, in his pontifical robes, and
at the head of his armed troops, he
marched to the Capitol to expel
them from the city. But as the
procession approached the Capitol,
the people rose and assailed it with
stones and every missile they could
lay their hands upon. In this affray
the Pope himself was so severely
injured that he died of his wounds
a few days after.
Eugenius III., who was a friend
of St Bernard, and opposed to all
the liberties of the people, was then
elected. At first he refused to enter
the city, and though afterwards pre-
vailed upon to change this resolu-
VOL. CIX. NO. DCLXV.
tion, he remained but a short time,
and abandoned it in fear of his life.
It was then that Arnoldo di Brescia
returned, preaching the re-establish-
ment of the old forms of liberty, and
the exclusion of the Popes from, the
civil government.
In 1153 Eugenius died, and was
succeeded by Anastasius IV. ; and a
year after, Nicholas Breakspeare, the
only Englishman who ever sat in
the chair of St Peter, became Pope
under the name of Adrian IV.
Seizing upon the disaffection of the
people as a pretext, he placed the
city under interdict. The Eomans,
fickle as ever, began to murmur
against the Senate. It was near
Holy Week, and the masses, which
at this period they had been accus-
tomed to celebrate, could not be
performed while the churches were
closed. This, to their superstitious
eyes, was intolerable. They threat-
ened revolution unless they were
observed. The Senate was forced
to yield, and Arnoldo withdrew
from the city to the house of a
friend, in order to open a way of
conciliation between the Pope and
the Senate. At this conjuncture
Frederic appeared with his army at
the gates of Rome. Both parties
sought his friendship and support ;
but unfortunately for the Senate he
accepted the overtures of the Pope,
who in return offered him the Im-
perial crown. One of the first acts
of Frederic was to seize the friend
of Arnoldo who had given him
shelter when he left the city ; and
he, yielding to threats, surrendered
Arnoldo into the hands of the Pre-
fect of Rome, a devoted partisan of
the Pope, by whom he was imme-
diately conveyed to the prisons in
the Castle St Angelo. Before the
people could rally from their sur-
prise and fear, Arnoldo was brought
forth into the square in front of the
Castle and hung. His body was
2 A
More Roba di Roma.
then "burnt to ashes and scattered
over the Tiber.*
" Aspensus cruci, flammaque solutus ere-
mante
In cineres, Tyberim, tuas est sparsus in
undas
Ne stolidae plebis, quern fecerat, improbus
error
Martyris ossa novo ceneresve foveret ho-
nori.""t*
The Senate, meantime, had sent
out a deputation to meet Frederic
on his way to Rome, requiring him
to take oath to respect the ancient
customs and privileges of the city,
to preserve the citizens from assault,
and to pay 5000 crowns of silver
for his coronation by the Eoman
people. To this the answer of the
Emperor was, that it was his office
to command, and not to obey and
accept conditions ; and after a severe
lecture on the degeneracy of the
Romans, he dismissed them. Send-
ing forward a body of horse, he then
occupied the Leonine City and the
Bridge of St Angelo, which was
barricaded, and the following day
the Emperor and Pope made their
entrance through the golden gate,
their splendid procession glittering
in the sun, and marching through
the deserted streets to St Peter's,
where the ceremony of the corona-
tion was performed.
Meantime the Senate had con-
vened at the Capitol. On hearing
that their offer had been rejected,
they gathered their forces, precipi-
tated themselves into the Leonine
City, pouring over the Bridge of
St Angelo in solid masses, forcing
their way up to the very doors of
St Peter, and massacring the soldiers
of the Emperor not only on their
way, but even in the church itself.
Frederic, who had retired, no sooner
heard of this attack than he ad-
vanced with his arms into the Leo-
nine City, and there, in front of the
Castle St Angelo and on the Bridge,
a portion of his forces engaged in a
fierce contest with one body of the
Romans, while two other bodies en-
countered each other with equal
fury near a Piscinum, which has
since disappeared, in the Trastevere.
The battle raged with varying suc-
cess ; and notwithstanding the fierce-
ness of the attack, so obstinate was
the defence, that the Romans with-
stood during the whole day the on-
set of the best German troops. But
at last they were forced to yield,
after losing 1000 men killed and
drowned in the Tiber, a great num-
ber of wounded, and 200 prisoners.
In October 1209, Otho IV. entered
Rome and was crowned with much
pomp by Innocent III. All pro-
mised well, but the expected largess
of the Imperial party did not come ;
and in addition to this disappoint-
ment, the arrogant and violent con-
duct of the German troops at last
roused the ire of the Romans. The
cries of rejoicing which had resound-
ed through the city were suddenly
changed to those of tumult and
affray. The Romans fell upon the
Germans, and vainly did Ezzelino
da Romano endeavour to defend
them from the fury of their assail-
ants. Many a baron and soldier
perished that day, over a thousand
horses were killed, and the Emperor
was forced to abandon the city.
During the thirteenth century,
which was a period of faction and
fighting, the city had greatly suffered.
Its ancient monuments and tombs had
been turned into fortresses. Towers
of defence and attack were built
anywhere. The streets seethed with
perpetual tumult. The people were
* Sismondi says he was hung in the Piazza del Popolo, but the authorities he cites
do not bear him out on this statement. Otto Frisingius says : " A prefecto urbis ligno
adactus, ac rogo in pulvere redacto, neastolida plebe corpus ejus veneratione haberetur,
in Tyberim sparsus." Neither Cardinal d'Arragona nor Guntherus support Sismondi.
t Gunther. Ligurin. lib. til
1871.]
Castte St Angela. — Part II.
343
terribly oppressed by the nobles,
who, issuing from their strongholds,
pillaged their houses and shops,
seized upon any persons whom they
might meet, exacting large ransoms
for their restitution, braved the au-
thority of the Senate, and laughed
to scorn the ineffectual rage of the
people. There was no regard for art,
no care for the ancient buildings, no
consideration for the old historic land-
marks. Temples and statues were
toppled down and burnt for lime,
and the most wretched habitations
were planted against the noblest
structures of antiquity. Within the
city, so depopulated had it become,
whole districts were lying wasted
and in ruin. Vegetable gardens and
vineyards were planted even round
the Pantheon, the Minerva, and the
Porta del Popolo. The houses were
falling to decay, and the people
were looked upon as fit only to be
plundered. Peace had abandoned
Rome, and desolation wandered in
its streets. Every noble had his
tomb, or his tower, or his fortress.
The Senate barricaded itself. The
Pope was not safe out of his Castle.
On the island of the Tiber the Frangi-
pani had planted their towers. The
Orsini occupied the Trastevere quar-
ter round the Vatican, holding the
Castle St Angelo, the Theatre of
Pompey, and the Campo de Fiorf.
The Savelli were gathered in the
district where now stands the Can-
celleria. The families of the Marzana
and the Statii were in the Circus
Flaminius. The Pierleoni held the
Theatre of Marcellus and the quarter
of the Ghetto. The Colonna oc-
cupied the district extending from
the Piazza del Popolo to the Quirinal,
and were also fortified in the Mauso-
leum of Augustus. Near the Pan-
theon were the Sinnebaldi and Cres-
cenzi. At the Lateran were the An-
nibaldi. The Senate held the Capi-
tol. The Gaetani were on the Monti
by Sta Maria Maggiore. The Frangi-
pani held the Colosseum, the Septi-
zonium, the Arches of Titus, Con-
stantine, and Janus, and the Cir-
cus Maximus. On the slopes of the
Quirinal were the Pandolfi, the Ca-
pocci, and the Conti, where still
stand the remains of the Torre de
Conti and the Torre delle Milizie.
Such was the power of the nobles
that it completely overawed Senate
and people; and their cruelty and
lawlessness became at last so intoler-
able, that the Eomans again made an
attempt to strengthen themselves by
calling in the aid of Brancaleone,
whom they made senator in 1252,
Confiding to him absolute power.
Brancaleone was not a man to be
played with. He accepted the post
with a firm determination to assure
quiet to the city, and make the
authority of the Senate felt. His
administration was just; and so long
as his authority as senator was re-
spected, and the public peace kept,
no one had cause to complain of him.
But any infraction of these he
visited with quick and stern re-
prisals. Fortress after fortress of
recalcitrant nobles he attacked, and
in some cases hung from their win-
dows nobles and princes who had
dared to set him and the law at
defiance. The Pope trembled before
him, backed though he was by
powerful auxiliaries and friends ; and
when Brancaleone summoned the
Pontiff to return to the city of
which he was the pastor, and " wan-
der no more at large like a vagabond
and a proscribed person, abandoning
Rome to run after money, he humbly
obeyed the summons."
Meantime, despite the internal
struggles in Rome, the papal power
was steadily augmented abroad, and
may be said to have reached its
culmination during this century.
Innocent III., who succeeded Celes-
tine III. in 1198, and died in July
1216, raised it to a sovereignty be-
yond the utmost pretensions of his
344
More Roba di Roma.
predecessors. Gregory VII. had
indeed claimed in his contest with
Henry an equal authority, but he
had been finally forced to succumb,
and had died in exile. Innocent,
however, succeeded in maintaining
the authority he claimed, and em-
perors, kings, and princes bowed
before him. His pretensions were
unbounded. He claimed as Pope
that he was "vicegerent of God
upon earth," to whom " was in-
trusted government, not only of the
whole Church, but of the whole
world ; " whose rights rested on
" divine ordinance," and from whom
all kings and princes held their
power only by his permission. His
weapons were excommunication and
interdict ; and against them, in the
then state of Europe, swords and
spears were unavailing. Between
the rival claimants for the empire,
Philip of Suabia and Otho of Sax-
ony, he embraced the part of the
latter ; and Otho, who took the oath
of allegiance to Innocent, was
crowned by him in Rome despite
the opposition of the nobles. Even
Philip Augustus of France was
forced to yield to his authority ; and
John of England, after a vain
struggle, also succumbed. Spain,
Bavaria, Sicily, successively bowed
before him. JSTever before was the
papal power at such a height. But
fortune is fickle, and the wheel soon
began to turn. Between Gregory
IX. (who, after Honorius III., suc-
ceeded to Innocent III.) and Frede-
rick II. a fierce struggle took place
in 1227 ; and after a contest of three
years the Emperor prevailed, and the
entering wedge was inserted which
was finally to overthrow the papal
supremacy in Europe. Still, it main-
tained itself in power during the
century, though not at the height
it had reached under Innocent III.
In 1294 Boniface VIII. came to
the papal chair. The ambition and
arrogance of this Pope knew no
[March
bounds. He was cruel, avaricious,
and tyrannical, and by means of his
lavish indulgences he provoked the
reaction which finally led to the
Reformation. Between him and
Philip, surnamed the Fair, ensued
a serious contest. But Philip was
more than his match ; and at last the
Pope was driven to Rome a prisoner,
and surrounded with enemies. Too
proud to yield, he stood at bay and
vainly menaced. The historians of
the day draw a melancholy picture
of him in his extremity — a fallen
man sitting and gnawing the top of
his staff in despair, and finally, in an
access of fury, dashing his brains out
against the wall, in 1303.
Benedict IX., his successor,
reigned only eight months. Un-
equal to the task of supporting the
pretensions of the Holy See against
France, he vainly made concessions,
and perished at last, as it is said, by
poison. The power of the Popes
now rapidly declined. Clement V.,
who succeeded him in 1 305, obtained
possession of the papal chair by ser-
vile pledges to sustain the interest of
France ; and under him the papal
authority declined, and the papal
Court was removed to Avignon.
Here the Pope became the depend-
ant of France, and the Court stag-
nated in luxury and debauchery.
In 1310 Henry VII. received the
Iron Crown at Milan, and two years
after a general revolt of the people
took place. Henry seized his chan-
cellor Turnani, the chief of the re-
volt, and put him to death ; and at
the head of his troops marched on
to Rome, reducing on his way Cre-
mona, Lodi, Brescia, and all the
fortresses which opposed him. The
city he found fortified against him.
Robert King of Naples had sent
forward a considerable body of
soldiers under the command of his
brother John, and in conjunction
with the Orsini, they took posses-
sion of the Capitol, the Torre delle
1871.]
Castle St Angela. — Part II.
345
Milizie, the Church and Palace of
St Peter's, all the Trastevere quarter,
and the Castle St Angelo. The An-
nibaldi held the Colossexun and the
Aventine. The Frangipani were at
the Palatine, and the Savelli occu-
pied the Theatre of Marcellus ; while
the Colonna and Sciarra, who sus-
tained the party of the Emperor,
held Monte Mario, the Lateran, the
Porta del Popolo, the Mausoleum of
Augustus, and Sta Maria Eotonda.
As the Emperor approached the city,
he found himself' first opposed by
John, who had fortified himself
strongly at Ponte Molle ; but attack-
ing at once the bridge, he took it by
storm, and, driving the defending
party before him, entered the city.
A pause now ensued for a few days,
and then the contest was renewed,
and raged furiously for five days.
Churchmen, laymen, nobles, and
soldiers fought there in the melee
hand to hand. On the 26th the
towers of the Orsini, near the Minerva,
and San Eustachio, were taken after
a fierce struggle, and the forces of the
King fell back in rout and confu-
sion, pursued by the enemy. The
bells of the Capitol rang for storm.
Palaces were taken and set fire to,
the streets were encumbered with
corpses, and the adherents of the
King were hotly pursued by the
Imperial troops. When they reached
the Bridge of St Angelo, however,
they rallied, and again made a stand.
Prince John, issuing from the Castle,
reinforced them, and after a long and
terrible fight the fortunes of the day
again changed, and the Imperial party
was driven back with great slaughter.
Peter of Savoy, the senator's bro-
ther, Bishop Theobald of Liege,
Count Egidius of Warnsberg, Count
Robert of Flanders, and many other
persons of note, perished that day;
and the tombs of some of those who
then fell may still be seen in the
churches of Sta Sabina and the Ara-
coeli. Still later, an attempt was
made by the Imperialists to storm the
Castle St Angelo, but it resisted every
effort ; and the Emperor was forced
at last to accept his coronation in St
John Lateran, which was already in
his possession, on the 29th of June
1312. Immediately after this cere-
mony he retired to Tivoli, and then
to Tuscany, abandoning all further
attempts upon Rome.
CHAPTER IV.
The history of the fourteenth cen-
tury,, during the absence of the Popes
at Avignon (from 1306 to 1377), is
one of constant struggle between
various factions and families, and
between the partisans of Church
and State. The Colonna and Orsini
devastated Rome with their quarrels
and contests, and the dissensions
of Guelphs and Ghibellines creat-
ed chaos throughout Italy. No
sooner was a peace patched up
between the contending parties
than it was broken. At the time
of the nomination of Benedict
XII. in 1334, these two great
houses had just been reconciled ; but
'
the election of the Pope was the
signal for renewed hostilities, and
still more bloodshed. Anarchy
then reigned over Rome and all the
surrounding country. The Cam-
pagna and provinces were ravaged
by robbers, freebooters, and scat-
tered bands of soldiers, whose will
was law, and industry and com-
merce almost ceased to exist. In
1337, Jacopo Savelli attacked the
Castle of St Angelo, then in pos-
session of Giovanni Colonna, and
vainly endeavoured to reduce it by
machines ; and scarce a month or a
week passed without some outbreak
or other.
346
More Roba di Roma.
There were still, however, some
vestiges of popular government in
the assembly of thirteen magistrates,
who were at the head of their re-
spective wards, and were named
Caporioni. But the Pope had long
ago usurped the nomination of
senator, after Brancaleone's death,
and conferred this title always upon
some one of the powerful nobles,
who, far from exercising his author-
ity to keep the peace and execute
the laws, employed it solely to break
them for his own aggrandisement.
After the Pope went to Avignon,
there was nothing in Rome which
could justly be called a government.
It was now that Cola di Rienzi
rose and began to preach the " good
estate" and to attack the nobles, rous-
ing the enthusiasm of the people by
his eloquent appeals to their patriot-
ism, and his vehement denunciations
of their oppressors. His well-known
story is a romance and a tragedy,
which abler pens have written in
detail, and which here can only be
glanced at. He first appears as a
youthful deputy to Avignon to pray
for the return of the Pope to Rome ;
and though Petrarca was his col-
league and friend who accompanied
him on his mission, Rienzi seems
to have been the spokesman. On
his return we find him in the
Forum, standing on some ancient
fragment, and with strong and brave
words calling upon his countrymen
to awake from their apathy, shake
off the tyrannous yoke of the nobles,
rescue their country from the servi-
tude into which it had fallen, and
revindicate its ancient glory. The
people listened. The nobles sneered
and smiled. But Cola smiled not.
He was enthusiastic and in earnest,
and he carried the people with him.
Next we see him coming forth on
the morning of the 20th of May
1347 from the Church of St
Giovanni, to which he had, by
sound of trumpet, convoked the
[March
people to pray for the triumph of
the " good estate." His head is
uncovered, the Bishop of Orvieto is
at his side; and surrounded by a
crowd of youths, who share in his
enthusiasm, and fill the air with
shouts of joy, he marches down the
steps of the church under the old
portico of Octavia. Gonfalons and
allegorical standards of justice, lib-
erty, and peace, float before him,
borne by friends of the good cause.
A hundred armed men escort him,
and crowds of adherents follow in
his train. The procession slowly
advances through the streets until
it reaches the foot of the Capitol,
and there pausing before the old
basalt lions, he reads to them the
constitution of the " good estate."
The people accept it with cheers, and
he is named Tribune by acclama-
tion.
He had seized the opportunity,
when Stefano Colonna was absent,
to draw the curtain of this great re-
volutionary drama ; and when this
haughty noble returned, he affected
to despise the Tribune and his gov-
ernment. He soon learned his mis-
take. One of the new Tribune's first
acts was to send an order to Stefano
Colonna to leave the city. The
prince, furious at this presumption,
tore the order to pieces, and threat-
ened to throw Rienzi from the win-
dows of the Capitol. Then sounded
the great bell of the Capitol sum-
moning the people to arms. They
answered the appeal, and Colonna
and the other most powerful nobles
were forced to seek safety by in-
stant flight.
Then began his remarkable career
as Tribune. During its first days
his rule was distinguished by justicej
energy, and decision of purpose.
Peace was again secured, author-
ity established, law resumed, and
liberty seemed about to be restored.
But Rienzi's head was turned by
his success. He assumed the pomp
1871.]
Castle St Angela. — Part II.
34Y
of a sovereign. He distributed titles,
surrounded himself with ceremonies,
and multiplied feasts and proces-
sions. Flattered by the submission
of most of the Italian States to his
authority, his presumption and van-
ity increased as his prudence de-
clined. Not satisfied with the
plainness and simplicity which be-
came him as the head of a republic,
a theatrical spirit possessed him,
and an insatiable love of show.
He desired to be ennobled, and to
have the title of Knight, as well as
Tribune. To celebrate his installa-
tion as Knight, a splendid series of
ceremonies was arranged, to which
all the ambassadors, nobles, and
strangers of distinction were invited.
Towards ^evening he went to the
Baptismal Chapel of the Lateran.
The porphyry vase in which, accord-
ing to tradition, Constantine had
bathed, was filled with rose-water
for him, and he bathed in it. He
was then clothed in a white garment
and slept in the church. In the
morning, clad in scarlet, he showed
himself on the Loggia to the people,
and, accompanied by many nobles
and gentlemen, he was endued
by the Syndic of the city with
sword, girdle, and golden spurs, and
afterwards heard mass in the chapel.
He then made an address, in which
he cited the Pope, and Lewis of
Bavaria, and Charles of Bohemia, to
give reason for any claims they had
on Rome ; and pointing his sword to
these three points of the compass,
he exclaimed, " This is mine, and
this mine, and this is mine." The
day ended with a magnificent ban-
quet, at which was exhibited the
utmost luxury and expense ; and
from the nostrils of the Bronze Horse
of Constantine wine flowed con-
stantly for the people.
Folly had quite got the better of
him now, and his vanity was lead-
ing him swiftly to ruin. At a ban-
quet held shortly after, at which he
was dressed in a regal cloak fringed
with gold and rich embroideries,
Stefano Colonna, lifting up the
hem, said, " Are you not Tribune ?
and should you not rather wear
the modest dress of your equals than
these pompous ornaments ? " This
reproach, so far from producing its
proper effect on him, inspired him
with a notion that the nobles
intended to play him false. Short-
ly afterwards he issued a pro-
clamation that he had discovered a
conspiracy against the people and
himself, and declared that he would
cut off the heads of all those con-
cerned in it. The conspirators
were seized and brought forward,
and among them were seen the chief
of the princely families of Rome.
Solemn preparations were made for
their execution, when Rienzi, not
only suddenly and without reason,
pardoned them all, but conferred
upon them some of the most import-
ant charges and offices of the state.
No sooner were these nobles and
princes free out of Rome than they
began seriously to conspire to over-
throw Rienzi and his government.
They assembled their soldiers, and,
after devastating the country, threat-
ened to march upon Rome itself.
The Tribune, who was no soldier,
attempted to intimidate his enemies
by threats ; but finding that the
people grew clamorous for action, he
at last took up arms, and made a
show of advancing against them.
But after a few days, during which
he did nothing except to destroy
still more of the Campagna, he re-
turned to Rome, clothed himself in
the Imperial robes, and received
a legate from the Pope.
These idle flourishes did not
check the revolt, and Colonna ad-
vanced to the very gates of Rome.
Still Rienzi did not move to attack
him, but only rang the bells of the
Capitol, and recounted his dreams
of good augury. The Colonne, find-
348
More Roba di Roma.
ing the gates shut and hearing the
bells ring, supposed the Eomans
were prepared to resist, and deter-
mined to withdraw for a space. They
were in three divisions, and each
defiled before the gate; as the third
passed, at the head of which was young
Giovanni Colonna, the gate opened,
and he, supposing his friends had
command of it, spurred his horse
and rode into the city. His fol-
lowers, however, remained behind,
not daring to enter, and on he went
alone. Finding himself, however,
unsupported, he turned his horse
to fly, when he was thrown to the
ground, and the people rushing upon
him killed him on the spot. His
father Stefano hearing the noise,
now rushed in, hoping to save his
son; but he also lost his life in the
attempt, and his companions then
took flight, pursued by the Eomans.
Many of the Colonna troop were
slain; among others, Agapito Co-
lonna, who was found hiding in
a vineyard.
The Tribune celebrated this victory
with great vainglory. He returned
in triumph to the Capitol, harangued
the people, boasted loudly and with-
out decency of what he had done,
occupied himself with idle shows
and ceremonies, and so conducted
himself as finally to disgust his own
followers. His power soon began
to crumble away under him ; and
when, shortly afterwards, he endea-
voured to prevail upon the people
to rise and drive out the Count of
Minorbino, who had set his autho-
rity at defiance, he found that his
day was past. They listened pas-
sively to his eloquent words, and
when he cried to them, " after hav-
ing governed you for seven months,
I now renounce my authority," no
voice was raised to dissuade him.
He then ordered the trumpets of
silver to sound, and, clothed in all
his pomp, he marched through
Rome, accompanied by his small
[March
band of soldiers, and on the 15th
October 1347, intrenched himself in
the Castle St Angelo. Still the
influence of his name and his power
was so great, that it was not till
three days after that the nobles ven-
tured to return to Rome, and then
they found that Cola's power had
vanished. It faded away like a
carnival pageant, as that gay pro-
cession entered the Castle St Angelo.
There he remained until the begin-
ning of March, and then fled, and
found his way to Civita Vecchia,
where he remained with a nephew
of his for a short time. But his
nephew having been arrested, he
again returned to Rome secretly,
and was concealed in Castle St
Angelo by one of the Orsini who
was friendly to him. and his party.
The other branch of the Orsini
endeavoured to induce his friends
to deliver him up by offering
large bribes. But they did not
prevail; and Cola soon after fled to
Naples, fearing lest he should be
betrayed into the hands of the Car-
dinal.
Rome now fell into a state of an-
archy and confusion even worse than
it was when he assumed the reins of
power. Revolutions occurred. Bri-
gandage was renewed. Cerroni,
who had been installed as Prefect,
was forced to fly, and the administra-
tion of the government was then put
into the hands of Bertoldo Orsini
and Stefano Colonna. But provi-
sions growing dear, Orsini was stoned,
and Colonna only escaped with his
life by leaping out of a window in
disguise. Francesco Baroncelli was
then chosen as leader. He was as
resolute as Cerroni had been weak.
But the people would not tolerate
his rule, and he soon fell. In
1353 Rienzi returned with Cardinal
Albornoz, the legate of the Pope.
He was received with enthu-
siasm, and again installed in power.
But he was embarrassed in all his
1871.]
Castle St Angelo. — Part II.
349
actions by the Cardinal, who sought
only to make use of him, while he
himself exercised all the power. The
title of Senator of Rome was confer-
red on him, and the people forgave
him ; for the dire experiences of Rome
since his departure and his sad exile
had obliterated the remembrance of
his vanity and folly. But Rienzi
had lost the secret of his power in
losing his enthusiasm. He soon be-
came entangled in his position ; his
expedition against Colonna in Pales-
trina failed ; his punishment of Mon-
treal and Pandolfucci brought him
ill-will, and all things went badly
with him. At last, in October 1353,
a sedition broke out, and the mob
rushed to the Capitol with cries of
" Death to the traitor Rienzi ! " In
this extremity he was abandoned by
his guards, attendants, and friends :
only three of them all remained faith-
ful. But under the pressure of im-
minent danger, the spirit and courage
of Rienzi rose, and he showed his
better self again. He closed the
doors of the palace : the mob set fire
to it. He appeared on the balcony
clothed in his armour as knight,
and, with the standard of the people
in his hand, demanded to be heard.
But the populace refused to listen to
him, and drowned his voice in clam-
orous cries. There he stood in dumb
show praying to be heard, while the
populace raged below and pelted
him with stones and other missiles.
Pierced at last through the hand by
an arrow, he withdrew, overcome
by despair. Letting himself down
by sheets from the windows to the
terrace of the Cancelliere below, he
again made a desperate effort to ob-
tain a hearing, but in vain. Then
came the great question as to whether
he should rush in among his enemies
and brave certain death, or seek
escape by flight. Long he wavered ;
but at last he decided to fly. Tear-
ing off his robes, he put on the mis-
erable dress of the porter, rushed
down the flaming stairs and through
the burning chambers, where falling
rafters and ceilings threatened death
at every step, threaded the fiery pas-
sages in safety, and at last reached
the third door, breathed the fresh
air, and felt that he had still a chance
for life. At this very moment his
arm was seized, and a voice said,
" Where are you going 1 " He saw
that all was lost. But, at bay, he
did nothing mean. Again there
was a flash of heroic courage, not
unworthy of him. He threw off his
disguise, and, disdaining all subter-
fuges, said, " I am the Tribune ! "
He was then led out through the
door into the crowd : at the sight of
him it drew back arid was silent.
Firmly he walked as if among friends
instead of enemies to the base of the
basalt lions, where he had made his
first great call upon the people.
Standing there, undaunted by its
tumultuous cries, he stood for an
hour with folded arms, and looked
around upon the raging crowd. At
last, profiting by a lull of silence,
he lifted his voice to address them,
when suddenly an artisan at his
side, fearing perhaps the result of
his eloquence, and perhaps prompted
by revenge, plunged his pike in his
breast, and he fell. The wild mob
rushed upon his corpse ; they
mutilated it ; they cut off his head
and dragged it through the streets;
and at last, having wreaked their
passion on his senseless remains,
they carried them to the Mausoleum,
of Augustus, the fortress of the Col-
onna, and there, aided by the whole
Jewish tribe, burnt them to ashes.
By a strange chance, the last Tribune
of the people was burnt and buried
at the tomb of the ancient Emperors.
In the Mausoleum of Hadrian he
had trembled, a prisoner ; in the
Mausoleum of Augustus his ashes at
last found rest.
350
More Rol>a di Roma.
[March
CHAPTER v.
For twenty-three years after Ri-
enzi's death, the seat of the papal
Court remained at Avignon ; and
during this period, Home and the
States of the Church were harried
to death hy contending factions.
The legates, representatives of the
Pope, were treated with contempt,
despoiled of their houses and goods,
plunged into prison, and even as-
sassinated. At last Gregory XL
returned in January 1377. The keys
of the Castle St Angelo were sent
to him at Corneto; the papal Court
was re-established in Home ; but he
survived only about a year, and died
in March 1378. Then came the
election of a new Pope, which
was held in the Castle St Angelo.
While the conclave was sitting, a
crowd gathered around the place,
crying out, " Romano lo volemo" —
we will have a Roman for Pope.
Yet, notwithstanding this clamour,
Cardinal Prignani, Archbishop of
Bari, and a Neapolitan by birth,
was finally chosen, under the title
of Urban VI. When Cardinal Orsini
presented himself at the window to
announce that a new Pope had been
elected, the mob below cried out,
" His name, his name !" " Go to St
Peter's and you will learn," answered
the Cardinal. The people, misunder-
standing his answer, supposed him
to announce the election of Cardinal
Tebaldeschi, who was arch-priest of
St Peter's, and a Roman by birth.
This news was received with great
joy and acclamation, and the crowd
loudly called for Tebaldeschi, in
order that they might prostrate
themselves before him as Pope.
The Cardinals, alarmed at this de-
monstration of public feeling, be-
sought Tebaldeschi to assume the
papal insignia for the moment, in
order to calm the excitement. He
yielded to their persuasion, and the
crowd rushed to embrace him, and
kiss his foot and hand. But the
poor old Cardinal, who was crippled
by gout, suffered so terribly under
this demonstration, that he broke
down at last, and cried out piteously,
" I am not the Pope." The people,
enraged with the deception which
had been practised on them, broke
into still fiercer cries, rushed to arms,
and gathering round the conclave,
threatened them with death unless
a Roman was elected. But the con-
clave was strong in its position, and
finally the people were pacified, and
accepted Urban VI. Such, however,
was the fear of the Cardinals, that
they were with difficulty persuaded
to proceed to the Vatican and per-
form the ceremonies necessary for
the installation of the new Pope.
This, however, finally was done, and
the Castle was placed in the charge
of Pietro Guntellino, a French-
man, and garrisoned by a Gallic
guard, the French Cardinals re-
maining also within its walls for
safety. On the 20th of September
they withdrew to Fondi, and in con-
junction with other schismatics they
afterwards elected an anti-Pope under
the title of Clement VII. Guntel-
lino, who took part with them, on
being summoned by Urban to sur-
render the Castle, refused to do so
without the order of his compatriots,
the French Cardinals at Avignon.
Meantime the papal and anti-papal
party assaulted each other first with
citations, censures, and angry words,
and then with armed force. The
anti-papal party, having with them
the Breton and Gascon soldiery, and
the Savoyards of the Count of Mount-
joy, the anti-Pope's nephew, march-
ed upon the city, overcame the
undisciplined party of the Pope,
reinforced the Castle St Angela,
and fortified themselves in the Vati-
1871.]
Castle St Angela.— Part II.
351
can, ravaging the Campagna on their
way. The papal party now besieged
the Castle, attacking it with machines
and artillery, but for a year's space
it held out. Finally, on the 28th of
April 1379, the anti- papal party
were utterly routed by Alberico,
Count of Palliano and Galeazzo, at
the head of the papal, Italian, and
imperial forces. Terrible was the
bloodshed of this great battle, at
which, according to Baronius, 5000
of the anti-papal army fell. But
the Castle still refused to surrender,
and the French Castellano vigorously
defended it, pouring darts and bombs
upon the attacking forces, and set-
ting fire to the houses in the neigh-
bourhood. At last, however, he was
forced by famine to capitulate ; and
the Castle, " non sine divino miracu-
lo," says Urban VI., came into the
possession of the papal party. The
damage done to it during this siege
must have been very great. In
some parts it had been utterly de-
molished, and of all its marbles not
a trace now remained. On receiving
it again, the Pope made a solemn
procession, with prayers, from Sta
Maria Trasteverina, in which all the
people joined, and proceeded bare-
footed to St Peter's and to the Castle
to take formal possession.*
Many a sad sight the Castle saw
during the reign of Urban VI. He
was a man of a very violent and vin-
dictive character, and the prisons of
St Angelo were seldom empty. On
one occasion, suspecting some of the
Cardinals by whom he was surround-
ed of treachery, he here put them
to the torture to extract confession ;
and while they were stretched on
the rack, he recited composedly his
breviary in the adjoining chamber,
totally unmoved by the shrieks of
anguish drawn from his suffering
victims.
After the surrender of the Castle
to Urban, such was the rage of the
people against it for the injury it
had caused them during the siege,
that they passed a public decree
ordering it to be utterly destroyed
and razed to the earth, so that it
should no longer be a refuge for the
enemies of the people, or a fortress
from which to assail them. In conse-
quence of this decree, an attempt
was made to demolish it. It was
stripped of everything by which it
was adorned, and its outer casing
was torn off; but the solid interior
of peperino defied all their efforts,
and the attempt was given up. Theo-
dorico da Mem, in his account of the
schism at Rome during this period,
gives us an account of the Castle.
After speaking of the subterranean
passages, broad enough to admit two
horsemen or five foot-passengers
marching abreast, and covered with
beautiful marbles, which he himself
saw, he goes on to say, that after the
Romans had taken possession of the
Castle, they tore down from it the
beautifully squared blocks of whitest
marble with which it was cased, and
also the walls of paonazzo marble,
which they used to make the piazze
in the city ; but he adds that they
found it impossible entirely to de-
stroy the Castle. Poggius, who saw
it a few years after, also tells us that
though the title of it was still stand-
ing over the door, the Romans had
greatly defaced it, and would indeed
utterly have destroyed it, had they
been able to pull it to pieces.
Boniface IX., who came to the
papal chair in 1389, finding
the Castle absolutely necessary in
order to command the tumultuous
Romans, began to repair and fortify
it anew. In so doing he followed
the advice of Natale and Petruccio
Sacco, the Signori of Rome, who, on
* Such had been the depopulation of Rome by all these wars and tumults that it
now numbered only 17,000 inhabitants.
352
More Roba di Roma.
surrendering to him " lo stato di
Roma," said : " Se tu vuoi mantenere
lo stato di Roma acconcia Castello
Sant' Angela" — if you wish to main-
tain the government of Rome, re-
fortify St Angelo. The Pope did
so — issuing an edict " ne quis ex
Hadriana mole, quce magna ex parte
dejecta erat, marmora saxa, etc., evel-
leret " — that no one should take
any more stones or marbles from the
mole of Hadrian, already in great
part destroyed. The marble to
which he refers probably was that
still existing in the interior of the
Castle, as it would seem that all the
outer casing was gone. After acting
on the advice of Natale and Petruc-
cio, 'the reward he gave them,"
says Infessura, " was to cut off their
heads ; and the Pope then said, —
' These men gave me up the govern-
ment that I should restore the
Castle, and now I have restored it
they wish to take it from me ;' and
from that time forward he preserved
peace in the State."
Boniface had been more of a soldier
than of a priest, and had succeeded in
reducing the city of Rome to obedi-
ence and order. He had fortified it
like a camp, and by severest mea-
sures repressed any attempt at re-
bellion against his authority. No
sooner, however, was he dead, than,
even before his successor was chosen,
violent dissensions began to break
out. The ambassadors of the anti-
Pope, fearing for their lives, sought
protection from the Cardinals ; and
it was formally promised that they
should be safe in their persons so long
as they chose to remain in Rome.
But affairs were now so unsettled that
despite the fair words of the Cardi-
nals, the ambassadors were oppressed
with doubts and fears, and finally
made an attempt to get out of the
city one evening. But the attempt
was not successful. As they were
passing Ponte St Angelo they were
arrested by the Castellano, with all
their equipages, beasts, and money,
and carried into the Castle, where
they were imprisoned. The Cardi-
nals interfered in their behalf, but
in vain. The Castellano refused to
give them up. At last, however,
after much discussion, he agreed to
allow them to depart, upon their pay-
ing 5000 golden florins, 2 beasts, and
a mule. The ransom was accordingly
paid, and they were suffered to go.
This was but the prelude to
other and more serious events.
Battle again began in the streets,
the Savelli and Colonna tak-
ing part with the people, and the
Orsini with the Cardinals. The
Aracoeli was taken by storm, the
streets were barricaded, and many
persons lost their lives. The first
endeavour of Innocent VII. , who
was chosen in 1404, was to allay
these dissensions and secure peace.
Ladislaus had already come to
Rome to take advantage of any turn,
of affairs. The knowledge that he,
in combination with the Colonne
and other nobles, sought to usurp
the seigniory of the city, and the
fear of what might happen if they
succeeded, did much to conciliate
the people with the Pope for a time.
But troubles and discord soon inter-
vened as usual. The Pope issued
strenuous decrees against the Colonna,
who were in open enmity with him ;
but this powerful family only laughed
him to scorn. The Prefect in com-
mand of the Castle at this tune was
Antonello Tomacello, nephew of the
late Pope Boniface. Corrupted by
the gold offered by Ladislaus, he
joined the party of the King and
the Colonna and Peretti ; and taking
the occasion of the absence of the
Pope, he openly rebelled against
him, and surrendered the Castle into
the hands of his enemies. But on
the return of the Pope, the papal
army, under the command of Paolo
Orsini and Muscarda, besieged the
Castle. The siege was vain, the
1871.]
Castle St Angela. — Part II.
353
Castle holding out against all the
attacks of the papal troops ; but at
last matters were settled. The Castle
was restored to the Pope upon cer-
tain terms and conditions, and peace
again was patched up.
It lasted, however, but a very
short time; and stormy days soon
succeeded, of which Leonardo Are-
tino gives us a vivid picture. The
Castle St Angelo was then held on
behalf of the Pope by Luigi da
Migliorotti, his nephew ; and the
people demanded that the Milvian
Bridge should be confided to them
in charge. The Colonna and Savelli
supported them in their demand ;
and upon the refusal of the Pope,
they endeavoured to wrench it from
him by a sudden night attack.
The fight was determined on both
sides ; but towards daybreak the
papal cavalry overcame their assail-
ants, driving them back into the
city. It was a fete day. The
people were idly strolling about the
streets, and many of them heated
with wine. Seeing their friends
flocking back into the city routed,
and many of them bleeding and
wounded, and learning the history
of their defeat, they flew to arms,
spread their banners, and advanced
to attack the Pope in his palace.
"Our soldiers," says Aretino, "on
their side also prepared for combat.
They made ready their arms, closed
up and strengthened their ranks,
exhorted each other, and put the
Castle St Angelo in a state of de-
fence. The attack of the people
was suspended during the darkness,
and all night the two parties re-
mained under arms. The following
day there was a talk of re-establish-
ing peace, and with this view several
Roman citizens came to the Pope.
As they were returning at the close
of the conference, they were attack-
ed by Migliorotti, the nephew of
the Pope, who, issuing from the
Castle with a company of soldiers,
assailed them at Hadrian's Mole.
Eleven were taken and the rest
escaped by flight. The prisoners,
conducted to Migliorotti, were then
cruelly massacred by his order.
Among them were two nobles, whom
the Roman people had chosen to
govern the republic, and the others
were distinguished citizens, some of
whom had manifested a partiality
for the Church.
" When the noise of this event
spread through Rome, all rushed to
arms. The streets were filled with
soldiers, and the city resounded
with clamours and imprecations. I
myself ran very great danger this
day; for, believing hostilities to be
suspended, I had passed the river
and entered the town. Hearing the
tumult, I desired to withdraw, but
I found the Bridge of Hadrian oc-
cupied by a troop of armed men,
who were the relations and friends
of those who had been massacred,
and who were preparing to revenge
themselves. As soon as I recog-
nised them, I turned my horse and
fled. Having reached a cross-street,
I dismounted, covered myself with
my servant's cloak, and mingled
again with the crowd. I passed,
without being recognised, through
the midst of armed men, and ap-
proached our own party. The first
object which met my eyes was the
heap of corpses of those who had
been massacred. They lay in the
middle of the street, covered with
blood and pierced with large wounds.
I stopped, oppressed with horror,
and ran my eyes over their faces.
Among them I recognised, with
tears, the bodies of some of my
friends. I went immediately to the
Pope, whom I found plunged in
the most cruel affliction. He had
no part in this massacre. He was
a mild and pacific man, and nothing
was more repugnant to his goodness
and character than the shedding of
human blood. He deplored his
354
More Roba di Roma.
[March
fortune, lifting his eyes to heaven,
as if to take God to witness that he
was innocent."*
Against the people Migliorotti
was unable to protect the Pope, and
he fled the same night to Viterbo.
On the 20th of August, King
Ladislaus entered with 3000 horse,
and the Castle St Angelo imme-
diately broke with the Eomans, and
commenced bombarding Eome. The
Romans set themselves to work
to barricade the bridge, and the
people beyond it allowed them to do
this. After a severe contest there,
during which several houses were
set on fire, the Romans made a
pact with the leaders, Conte di
Troja, Giovanni Colonna, and Conte
Gentile de Montesano, securing them
by the promise of a bribe ; and thus
they were allowed to barricade the
bridge. But after they had walled
up the barricade, they refused to
pay over the bribe, and the
Castle continued to bombard the
Romans. Finally, after much fight-
ing and bloodshed, both parties
alternately chasing each other out
— now the Orsini and now the
Colonna prevailing — a deputation
was sent by the Romans to recall
the Pope, promising obedience to
him if he would return. He did
accordingly return on the 13th of
March 1406. One of the stipula-
tions made and promised by the
ambassadors was, that Castle St
Angelo should be delivered up to
him. Those who were in posses-
sion of it, however, absolutely re-
fused to surrender it either to the
Pope or the people, and the con-
sequence was that siege was again
laid to it ; and finally it again came
into the Pope's possession.
In June 1407, Gianni Colonna
entered Rome with 400 cavalry and
400 infantry, and a battle ensued
between him and the Romans who
were allied with the Orsini. But the
Romans routed him, killing a large
number of his followers, and making
many prisoners, among whom were
Gianni and Niccolo Colonna. La-
dislaus, who was in the city, and
had joined in the plot with Colonna,
was unable to render him much
assistance, and the attempt was
thus entirely foiled. But the Pope,
in great fear, betook himself to the
Castle at night, and there shut him-
self up.
Later in the same year, Ladis-
laus, uniting his forces with those
of the Savelli and Colonna, attacked
the Romans under the command of
Paolo Orsini. A battle ensued,
in which Ladislaus was defeated.
But during the night Paolo went
secretly into the camp of the King,
and treacherously agreed to open
the gates and surrender the city.
The Romans, thus betrayed, were
forced to yield; and on the 14th
of April 1408, the King entered the
city in great triumph, and the
Capitol and nearly all the fortresses
were delivered up to him.
Again, in 1413, Ladislaus, violat-
ing the treaty he had made with
John XXIII. , broke suddenly into
Rome. The Pope, struck with
terror, fled before him, on the
swiftest horse that he could find,
and the Castle was betrayed by the
Castellano for a large bribe. But
no sooner had the traitor betaken
himself to Naples than he was seized
and slain by order of Ladislaus, and
robbed of the money he had thus
disgracefully acquired. The Castle
remained in possession of the Nea-
politan family until 1419, when
it was again restored by Joanna of
Naples to Martin V., who was a
Colonna.
Meanwhile, in June 1417, while
there was a vacancy in the papal
chair, Braccio da Montone marched
from Perugia, and attacked and took
Rome. He also assaulted the
* Leonardo Aretino, Comment, T. 1 9, p. 922.
1871.]
Castle St Angela. — Part II.
355
Castle St Angelo, directing against
it his strongest machines of siege,
and bombarding it severely. But
the Castle held out against his ut-
most efforts ; and on the 28th of
August Sforza arrived from Naples,
sent by the Queen to succour its de-
fenders. Then ensued a battle in
which Giovanni Colonna was killed,
having gallantly interposed his own
body to save his brother Ludovico
from a blow aimed at him by one
of Orsini's followers. The result of
the battle was disastrous to Braccio,
who was routed and driven from
the city. But, though defeated,
he was a terror to Rome for seven
years ; and when, finally, on June 2,
1424, he was slain, great was the
rejoicing among the Romans. The
city blazed with illuminations and
fireworks, and the whole mass of
the Romans came out at night on
horseback, each with a torch in his
hand, to escort Giordano Colonna,
the brother of the Pope, and con-
gratulate him on the death of his
enemy.
In 1431, Eugenius IV. was
elected, and the Castle, which then
was in possession of " Lo Principe,"
was restored to the Pope. But short-
ly afterwards, a dissension having
taken place between him and Ste-
fano Colonna, Colonna induced the
Prince to unite with him and wrest
the government from the Pope. The
city was attacked by their troops.
The people were called to arms. All
Rome was in confusion. There was
fighting in the streets, and particu-
larly in the Piazza Colonna, at San
Marco and at Porta Accia, and many
men were killed. The Castle was
still held by the Pope; but a con-
spiracy having been discovered, or
at least suspected, to wrest it from
him, drive him from the city, kill the
Castellano, and give up the Castle
to the Colonna, several persons of
importance were arrested, among
whom were the Archbishop of Be-
nevento, son of Antonio Colonna,
and his brother Frate Masi. The
latter confessed, under pressure, and
was then hanged and quartered in.
the Campo dei Fiori.
Martin V., on his death, left the
treasures which he had accumulated
to his nephews of the Colonna
house. But Eugenius IV., on his
succession, made a peremptory
demand that they should be
restored to him as Pope, alleging
that they had been fraudulently
carried off by Prospero Colonna ;
Antonio, Prince of Salerno ; and
Eduardo, Count of Celano. These
princes, outraged by the insulting
demands and pretensions of Euge-
nius, rose, and, under the lead of the
Prince of Salerno, laid waste the
country. The Pope, enraged at
their conduct, made savage reprisals.
He seized Otho, the treasurer of his
predecessor, and put him to the
torture ; imprisoned more than 200
citizens of the Colonna party ;
erased the name and arms of Mar-
tin V., and insulted in every pos-
sible way his memory. On the 22d
of October 1432, the Pope reaped
the fruit of his vengeance. He was
poisoned by one of his attendants,
who was instigated to this act by
the Colonna ; and though he did
not lose his life, he was permanently
lamed by it on one side, so that he
could not lift his right arm. Three
years afterwards, in May, the gov-
ernment of Rome was taken from
him, and seven Signori were chosen
to protect the liberties of the peo-
ple, under the title of Governatore
della Republica. One of their first
acts was to apprehend the nephew
and chamberlain of the Pope and
imprison them in the Capitol.
The Pope then, in great alarm,
sought safety in flight. Disguis-
ing himself as a friar, he, with
one companion, a real friar, took
a boat in the Trastevere quarter,
slipped down the river with the cur-
rent, and made his escape to Flor-
ence. Scarcely had he gone, when
356
More Roba di Roma.
the Castle began to thunder against
the Eomans, and to bombard the
city. The Bridge of St Angelo was
barricaded, and Paolo da Forll, with
five adjutants, put in command of it.
Other barricades were made in the
Piazza Castello, and at Sta Maria
Traspontina, and all the city was
under arms. The Castle was as-
saulted, but without success. The
Eomans, however, still continued to
besiege it. At last a feint was
made by its defenders : some
soldiers appeared on the battle-
ments, and cried " Viva il popolo ! "
while Baldassare di Nino, then
in the Castle, cried out, " Venite e
pigliate il castello" The Eomans
were completely taken in the snare.
Eushing forward, they poured into
the Castle ; but, as they entered,
they were all made prisoners. And
among these prisoners were two of
the Governatori. At the same mo-
ment the Castle opened fire upon the
Eomans below, and drove them back
with great slaughter.
Still another and equally suc-
cessful scheme was tried by the
defenders of the Castle. A soldier
was privately let out through the
lower gate, who cautiously advanced,
pretending to make his escape. On
reaching the Eomans, he began to
complain of the cruelty with which
he had been treated by the Castel-
lano, and offered, for a certain
sum, to return and kill him, and
hang him up at the window as a
sign that he was dead, and then
open the door to them. Again the
Eomans fell into the snare. They
allowed the soldier to re-enter the
Castle. After a certain delay, a fig-
ure representing the Castellano was
seen to hang against the window,
and the door was cautiously opened
by the soldier, who cried to them to
come in. In they rushed, and all
again were made prisoners.
[March
The Eomans, at last weary of this
constant fighting, restored the. sove-
reignty of the city to the Pope, who
again returned to Eome, and was
received with great festivity and
rejoicing. But he was not well
assured of his safety. Many were
his enemies ; and he feared con-
stantly lest he might be betrayed.
His suspicion soon fell upon Gio-
vanni Vitelleschi, who, though Car-
dinal, was the general-in-chief of the
papal army ; and an attempt was
made to arrest him on the Bridge of
St Angelo. The Cardinal defended
himself vigorously ; but in the strug-
gle he was so seriously wounded
that he died only four days after,
in the Castle.
Nothing could exceed the turbu-
lence of all these years. There is
scarcely a pause of a few weeks in
the fighting. When the clash of
arms ceases for a moment, there
comes a dismal record of eclipses
and earthquakes, and great rains,
tempests, and inundations. Execu-
tions of prisoners by hanging and
decapitation are so frequent that
one can scarcely walk through the
streets of Eome without seeing ex-
posed some fragment of a corpse,
or some head, hand, or foot nailed
against a wall. When these fail,
there follow threatening comets that
shake the people with fear ; and, in
the wake of these, come the dreadful
scourges of famine and pestilence.
The annals of the time are monot-
onous in their records of war and
horrors of every kind. Liberty
seems but a name. " Licence they
mean, when liberty they cry," was
never truer than at this period ; nor is
there much to choose between Pope,
prince, and people. Treason runs
riot everywhere ; and all parties, as
they get the upper hand, are equally
faithless and cruel.
1871.]
TJie British Navy.
357
THE BEITISH NAVY :
WHAT WE HAVE, AND WHAT WE WANT.
No apology is needed, at the pre-
sent juncture of European politics,
for calling attention to the state of
the British Navy. The subject is
intimately connected with the na-
tional feeling, and our honour and
independence are bound up with it.
The discussion need not now evoke
the controversial bitterness which a
few years back seemed to be inse-
parable from the theme ; nor need
we, from patriotic motives, exag-
gerate its excellence or seek to hide
its shortcomings. There have been
people who, from a sense of duty,
have persisted in regarding our
broadside ironclads through a roseate
official lens. Like the Swiss print-
seller, who defended the predomi-
nance of the colour blue in his
Swiss views by the plea, " II faut
toujours, Monsieur, beaucoup de
bleu pour les Americains," — the
chronicler of our Navy seems to have
thought the public would best be
served by colouring his intelligence
for the benefit of foreign readers,
But in this country we live in a
glass house : our faithful allies have
their naval attaches residing here
to spy out our weakness and our
strength. We do not believe in the
official " blue " which would seek
to misguide their observation ; and,
with all its shortcomings, we do not
think that the British Navy needs it.
Now, before we enumerate and de-
scribe its principal component parts,
it cannot, we think, be superfluous
or amiss to inquire for what purposes
the British Empire requires a fleet.
Before pronouncing on the fitness
of a complicated machine, it cannot
be wrong to form precise ideas of
the work it will have to do. The
imagination is apt to be unduly ex-
VOL. CIX. — NO. DCLXV.
cited by the memory of great bat-
tles like Trafalgar and the Nile ;
but it may be well to remember
that the chance of such supreme
engagements is rare, and that the
ordinary duties of her Majesty's
ships in war are of a far less splen-
did character. Nor should we for-
get that war is still the exception,
and peace the rule, of human affairs,
and that " peace hath her victories
no less renowned than war." In
time of peace the British Navy main-
tains the police of the high seas, and
protects the commerce and lives of
Englishmen in foreign and remote
stations. Preparation for war is
the best security for peace ; and one
of the important functions of the
Navy is, by a constant display of
force, to support the political objects
of the Government. During war,
the defence of our coasts and har-
bours at home, and of our colonies
abroad, the convoying of our mer-
cantile marine, the attack of the
enemy's coasts and arsenals, the
possible blockading of his ports,
and the command and patrol of the
high seas, are to be superadded to
the peaceable duties which devolve
upon our sailors. If the memory of
great and glorious victories in line
of battle is recorded in the annals
of the British Navy, its history is
no less full of daring acts with sin-
gle ships and boats, and of infinite
damage inflicted upon an enemy by
means quite incommensurate to the
end. When we read of the miser-
able cruise of the fifteen French iron-
clads during the present war in the
North Sea and the Baltic, of their
prolonged inaction whilst waiting
for a land-force which never came,
and of councils of war summoned by
2 B
358
The British Navy.
[March
the coinmander-in-chief to determine
what not to do ; and then remember
the dashing exploits of Lord Coch-
rane in his single frigate Impe'rieuse
on the French coast — how he de-
scended here and harried an ill-de-
fended tract — and then, while regi-
ments were hurrying up to repel his
crew, moved off in the night and
attacked another district in the rear,
landing his small guns and storming
forts, cutting down the semaphores,
and neutralising a brigade of the
enemy's land-forces — we begin to see
what a power there may be in an
efficient Navy, and how varied are
the duties which a sailor may be
called on to perform.
It was well said by the old Ca-
valier poet, that " Stone walls do not
a prison make, nor iron bars a cage ;"
and, in a similar strain, Sir Francis
Doyle has lately sung —
" Vain, mightiest fleets, of iron framed ;
Vain, those all-shattering guns ;
Unless proud England keep, untamed,
The strong heart of her sons. "
Yet, admitting that armour-plates
do not constitute a man-of-war, nor
ironclads a fleet, and that no amount
of mechanical invention can supply
the place of that personal daring
and contempt of danger of which
the records of our Navy are so full,
it is still the business of Govern-
ment to supply our gallant seamen
with the best implements of war-
fare which the exigencies of the day
demand; and it cannot be useless
for the public to be reminded, from
time to time, what we have, and
what we want.
Three distinct classes of fighting
vessels appear to be required for the
various duties of war and peace,
which- we have in general terms de-
scribed. "We want —
1st, Heavy-armoured ships of large
size and of deep draught, fit to
fight in line of battle, or to break
into an enemy's port or arsenal ;
2d, Small-armoured ships of light
draught and high speed, for the
protection of our coasts and of
important strategical positions in
the colonies, aided by gunboats
which need not carry armour ;
and,
3d, Light squadrons of unarmoured
corvettes and frigates, of the high-
est speed attainable, for police of
the seas in peace time and escort of
trade in war time, with swift des-
patch-boats for look-out purposes.
Our Ironclad Navy, so far as we
can learn, consists at the present
time of 51 vessels, of various de-
grees of speed and offensive and de-
fensive power. There are many
modes in which it may be useful to
classify these ships, according as we
choose to regard them ; but we
think the simplest course, in the
first instance, is to arrange them
according to their tonnage. For
whatever purpose we may desire to
compare them at a later stage, the
following table on the next page
will always be of service : —
1871.]
Tlie British Navy.
359
Tonnage.
Horse-
Power.
Length
between
Perpendi-
culars.
Extreme
Breadth.
Mean
Draught
of Water.
No. of
Guns.
Tons.
ft. in.
ft. in.
ft. in.
1. Agincourt,
6,621
1,350
400 0
59 5
26 5
28
2. Minotaur,
ditto
ditto
ditto
59 4|
26 7
26
3. Northumberland,
ditto
ditto
400 4
59 5
27 0
28
4. Achilles, .
6,121
1,250
380 0
58 34
26 10
26
5. Black Prince, . .
6,109
ditto
380 2
58 4
26 7
28
6. Warrior, . . .
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
26 5
32
7. Hercules,
5,234
1,200
325 0
59 04
24 8
14
8. Sultan, .
5,226
ditto
ditto
59 0
25 2
12
9. Monarch, .
5,102
1,100
330 0
57 61
24 3
7
10. Fury,
5,000
1,000
310 0
62 3
26 6
4
11. Devastation, .
4,406
800
285 0
62 3
26 1
4
12. Thunderer,
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
4
13, Bellerophon, .
4,270
1,000
300 0
56 1
24 8
15
14. Caledonia,
4,125
ditto
273 0
59 2
25 8
24
15. Hector, .
4,089
800
280 2
56 5
25 6
18
16. Lord Warden, .
4,080
1,000
280 0
69 04
25 11
18
17. Royal Alfred, .
4,068
800
273 0
58 7
25 4
18
18. Lord Clyde, .
4,067
1,000
280 0
58 11
25 5
18
19. Valiant, .
4,063
800
280 2
56 4
25 8
18
20. Koyal Oak,
4,056
ditto
273 0
58 6
24 6
24
21. Ocean,
4,047
1,000
273 1
58 5
25 11
24
22. Prince Consort,
4,045
ditto
ditto
ditto
25 5
24
23. Swiftsure,
3,892
800
280 0
55 0
24 9
14
24. Triumph,
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
14
25. Audacious,
3,774
ditto
ditto
54 0
21 7
14
26. Invincible,
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
21 8
14
27. Iron Duke,
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
21 7
14
28. Vanguard,
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
21 8
14
29. Royal Sovereign,
3,765
ditto
240 7
62 2
23 2
5
30. Repulse, .
3,749
ditto
252 0
59 14
25 9
12
31. Defence, .
3,720
600
280 0
54 2
25 2
16
32. Zealous, .
3,716
800
252 0
58 7
25 4
20
33. Resistance,
3,710
600
280 0
54 1
25 1
16
34. Rupert, .
3,159
700
250 0
53 0
22 6
3
35. Penelope,
3,096
600
260 0
50 0
16 6
11
36. Glatton, .
2,709
500
245 0
54 0
19 0
2
37. Hotspur, .
2,637
600
235 0
50 0
21 0
2
38. Prince Albert, .
2,529
500
240 0
48 1
19 6
4
39. Pallas, . . . .
2,372
600
225 0
50 0
21 8
8
40. Favourite,
2,094
400
ditto
46 94
21 4
10
41. Cyclops, .
2,107
250
225 0
45 0
15 0
4
42. Hecate, .
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
4
43. Gorgon, .
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
4
44. Hydra, .
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
4
45. Wivern, .
1,899
350
224 6
42 44
15 11
4
46. Scorpion,
1,833
ditto
ditto
42 4
16 2
4
47. Research,
1,253
200
195 0
38 6
13 9
4
48. Enterprise,
993
160
180 0
36 04
14 1
4
49. Waterwitch, .
778
ditto
162 0
32 1
11 9
2
50. Vixen,
754
ditto
160 0
32 5
11 3
2
51. Viper,
737
ditto
ditto
32 0
10 11
2
The first six vessels upon the list
form a class by themselves, and re-
present the earliest efforts of the con-
structive department of the Navy to
supply us with armour-clad ships
which should rival and surpass the
original ironclads of the French
navy. It is the fashion at the pre-
360
The British Nary.
[March
sent time to underrate these frigates,
and to class them in the 3d or
4th rank of our hroadside ironclads.
Great objection has been taken to
their length, which varies from 380
to 400 feet, and would undoubt-
edly be a hindrance to rapid turn-
ing in the melee of a naval engage-
ment. The armour which they
carry is also of little efficacy against
the projectiles which in action they
would now have to encounter ; and
two of them, the Warrior and the
Black Prince, have the ends of the
ship quite unprotected. But, after
making every allowance for these
comparative deficiencies, we hold
they are still very admirable vessels,
and reflect the greatest credit on
Mr Watts, the Chief Constructor of
the Navy, under whose auspices
they were designed. Their speed,
even with inferior engines, is fully
equal to 14 knots an hour. Only
three of them, we believe, are rig-
ged with three masts in the usual
manner. The others, contrary to
the wishes of their designers, are
masted with four or five masts, and
have never been good sailers. But,
even as they are, they have proved
the best cruisers of our ironclad
navy ; the Achilles has been pre-
ferred by the admirals in command
of the Channel Fleet to any other
ship under their orders; and there
is little doubt that, if we were en-
gaged in a naval war, although they
might not be adapted for fighting in
line of battle against the artillery
which is now afloat, they would be
of essential value for distant cruis-
ing, and might sweep the seas of
any number of Alahamas that en-
deavoured to assail -our commerce.
The remainder of our ironclad
fleet, which, with a few exceptions,
has been designed under the direc-
tion of Mr Reed, consists of thirty
broadside ships and fifteen turret-
ships. The turret-ships have been
principally commenced during the last
two years, and were for a long time
strenuously opposed by the autho-
rities at Whitehall. If we adopt
the classification which the First
Lord of the Admiralty has followed
in Parliament, these ships may be
divided into seven classes of broad-
side and five of turret vessels, ac-
cording to the following tabular
arrangement : —
Broadsides.
Turrets.
03
•
4
Hercules.
Fury.
J
o
Sultan.
Devastation.
Thunderer.
03
i— I
Audacious.
Monarch.
O3
Invincible.
Rupert.
3
Iron Duke.
Glatton.
(4
Vanguard.
Hotspur.
P
Triumph.
C^
Swiftsure.
Bellerophon.
Cyclops.
S*
Lord Warden.
Hecate.
<!
Lord Clvde.
Gorgon.
h3
o
Royal Alfred.
Hydra.
P
Repulse.
CO
Penelope.
Caledonia.
Royal Sove-
CO
OQ
Hector.
reign.
9
Valiant.
Prince Albert.
0
Royal Oak.
I
Ocean.
••*
Prince Consort.
n
Warrior.
Wivern.
00
O
J
O
Black Prince.
Defence.
Scorpion.
w
Zealous.
to
Resistance.
m Sj
Pallas.
e< •<
V) vJ
Favourite.
O
03
Research.
00
«t
,J
Enterprise.
o
Viper.
m
Vixen.
H
fc-
Waterwitch.
1871.]
TJie British Navy.
361
We proceed to consider them in
their order of description.
The Hercules is the only one of
our first-class ironclads which has
yet been tried at sea, and it is due
to her constructors to say that she
has proved a great success. Her
armament is very powerful, and con-
sists of fourteen rifled guns, of which
eight are of 10-inch, two of 9-inch,
and four of 7-inch calibre. Her
water-line is defended by a belt of
very thick armour, perhaps im-
penetrable at the thickest part by
any of the guns she carries, and ex-
tends for about 3 feet above and
3 feet below the water-line from
stem to stern of the ship. As long,
therefore, as the sea is sufficiently
calm to confine her rolling to 6°,
it is probably impossible for any
ironclad now afloat in any foreign
navy to deliver a shot which of
itself can sink her. This great de-
fensive strength is, however, con-
fined to her belt ; the battery from
which her largest guns are worked
is only protected with 6 -inch armour;
and experiment has shown that
armour of that thickness with the
ordinary backing can be penetrated
at a distance of 1000 yards, and at
an inclination of impact of 30°, by
the 9-inch rifled gun, and at close
quarters by the 7-inch rifled gun,
such as is carried by all except
one of our present ironclads. But
the Hercules has other excellences.
She is, for an ironclad, a fair sailer,
though awkward in tacking or wear-
ing. She has a speed under steam
of 14 knots, and is a very steady
ship, and can therefore use her great
offensive powers under conditions of
sea in which a less steady ship would
be almost hors de combat.
Of our other first-class ironclads,
the Sultan, which resembles the
Hercules in most essential points,
has been launched, but has not been
tried. It is said she is deficient in
stability. The Fury has hardly been
commenced, and the Devastation and
Thunderer, though well advanced,
are hardly likely to be finished before
the end of the present year. These
latter are very remarkable ships ; but
we defer their consideration until
after we have spoken of the remain-
ing broadside vessels.
Our second class of broadside iron-
clads, which are commonly called
the Audacious class, have not as yet
been fully tried. They consist of
six vessels of similar design, the
difference of the Swiftsure and
Triumph from the other four lying
in a wooden casing with which their
hull is proposed to be covered, to
prevent the rapid fouling of the iron
bottom. If the storms of contro-
versy in which they originated, like
the ancient goddess from the foam
of the sea, were any preparation for
their future career, they ought to
prove the most efficient cruisers of
our fleet. It was in the year 1867,
in the midst of the controversy be-
tween the advocates of broadside
and turret ironclads, that Mr Corry's
Board of Admiralty resolved to in-
vite the principal private ship-
builders of the country to compete
in designs for either a turret or a
broadside ship, at the option of the
designer. Certain conditions were
imposed in either case ; the tonnage
was not to exceed 3800 tons, nor
the draught 22 J feet ; the speed was
to be 13| knots ; the armour-plating
was to be at least 8 inches thick at
and about the water-line, and 6 inches
thick in other parts, except at the
bow and stern ; and it was essential
that an all-round fire should be
practicable, or that at least some one
gun under armour-plates should com-
mand every point of the horizon.
The Controller of the Navy was
to be the referee, and award the
prize to the successful competi-
tor. Seven shipbuilding firms
responded to the invitation, and
sent in designs of various degrees
362
The British Navy.
[March
of merit. The London Engineering
Company proposed to build a broad-
side ship of 3794 tons ; the Mill-
wall Company, a compound of broad-
side and turret of nearly the same
tonnage ; Messrs Palmer, a broad-
side ship with a movable upper-
deck battery ; and the Thames
Company, a broadside ship ; while
Messrs Napier, Samuda, and Laird
each designed a turret-ship fulfilling
the proposed conditions. The Con-
troller of the Navy, as he stated in
his report, would have preferred
that the reference had been made
" to some unofficial tribunal, which
should have been beyond even the
suspicion of partiality." His de-
partment were strongly committed
to a preference for the broadside
over the turret type of armament,
and Mr Eeed especially had dis-
played much personal feeling on the
question. To the surprise of the
competitors, the referee referred the
matter over to Mr Eeed, the Chief
Constructor of the Navy ; and he,
though selecting the design of Messrs
Laird as by far the best offered, re-
ferred to a turret-ship of his own of
the same dimensions, which he had
submitted a few weeks before; and
the Controller, in reporting on the
private designs — which was the en-
tire subject-matter referred to him —
came to this conclusion, that Mr
Heed's turret-ship was better than
that- of Messrs Laird ; and that the
Admiralty design for the Invincible
or Audacious class of broadside
ships was superior to either. The
Admiralty adopted the views of Sir
Spencer Robinson ; for, as Mr Corry
said, in his defence shortly after-
wards in Parliament, " he must ex-
press his opinion that the Board
would undertake a very great re-
sponsibility if they decided upon
building a ship, the design of which
the Controller did not approve."
And the result of all this competi-
tion amongst the naval architects of
the country was, that six of the
Audacious class of vessels were
ordered to be built ; and, as a sop to
the disappointed shipbuilders, four
of them were given out to be built
in the private yards. They have
all, we believe, been finished, and
some of them have been tried at sea ;
and, so far as these trials go, the re-
sult has been the most miserable
failure which has yet been made by
any naval architects in the kingdom.
In the first place, the calculations
were so defective that the ships have
turned out 500 tons lighter than was
intended, and it has been necessary to
fill into the bottom a mass of concrete
and iron ballast to give moderate
stability to the ships. The remedy
does not remove the evil, for the
object of a naval architect is to dis-
tribute the weights in such a man-
ner as to combine steadiness with
stability, and the addition of these
large weights to the bottom of the
ship is certain to make the vessel
roll. If the weights had been bet-
ter disposed, the ship might have
been far more effectively plated.
We imagine that few civilians have
any idea how small a part of the
surface of a broadside ironclad is
really protected with armour. The
Audacious, when broadside on, pre-
sents an area of 6670 superficial
feet ; and of these, only 3207, or less
than half, are plated at all. There
is a patch of 100 feet by 3 at the
water-line of 8-inch armour, which
tapers down to 4| inches at the bow
and stern ; and the rest of the ship
has nowhere any thicker armour
than 6 inches, the ends of the main-
deck battery having only 4 and 5
inch armour, while the ends of the
upper-deck battery are unprotected
against a raking fire, and more than
half the ship's side is in the same
unprotected state. A roll of 4°
would lift the 8-inch belt well out
of water, and a roll of 10° would
show the unarrnoured hull ; and we
1871.]
The British Navy.
363
hear that on the trials outside Ply-
mouth harbour, the ship, Avithout a
sail set, heeled over 16°, and the
Admiralty have been compelled to
order the rig of the ship to be alto-
gether altered, and her sails and
masts largely reduced. Yet these
are the ships which are supposed to
constitute our second class of broad-
side ironclads !
Our third-class ironclads comprise
several in their number which are,
in our opinion, far superior to the
Audacious class. The defensive
strength of a ship does not depend
on the maximum thickness of iron
which she carries over a very limit-
ed area, so much as on the general
amount of protection which is given
to her. The Bellerophon, which is
placed at the head of the third class,
is a very efficient broadside ship,
carrying 6-inch armour over a con-
siderable part of her side, — steady,
fast, and handy under steam, and
with ten 9-inch and five 7-inch cali-
bre guns. The Lord Warden and
Lord Clyde are better protected than
the Bellerophon, though the armour
they carry is not quite so thick, and
carry two 9-inch, fourteen 8-inch, and
four 7-inch guns, and have the best
bow-fire of any of our broadsides.
In smooth water we should propose
to rank them next in efficacy to the
Hercules ; but they roll dreadfully
in anything like a sea, and for
general service are not the equal of
the Bellerophon. The remainder of
the third-class broadsides, though
stated by Mr Childers, in his speech
on moving the Navy estimates of
1869, to be " protected by 5|-inch
to 6-inch armour, to possess a speed
of 13 to 14 knots, and to carry 12-
ton (that is, 9-inch) guns, or under "
— are inferior to the three first men-
tioned ; and the Penelope, from the
peculiar structure of her double keel,
is said to be extremely difficult to
manage at sea.
The classification into four classes
of the rest of our broadside iron-
clads is somewhat arbitrary. They
none of them carry more than 4£
inches of armour, but most of them
carry 8-inch guns, and all but one
of them 7-inch guns, in their, bat-
teries.
We have stated above that the
9-inch rifled gun, fired at an angle of
incidence of 30° with a Palliser shell,
will, at a distance of 1000 yards, pen-
etrate an armour-plate of 6 inches
thick with any backing which has
yet been tried afloat. So far as experi-
ment has gone at present, it seems
to be established as a rough-and-
.ready rule, that every rifled Wool-
wich gun, fired directly and at short
range, is more than a match for
an armoured plate well backed, the
thickness of which is 1 inch less
than its own calibre. Thus the
7-inch gun will penetrate 6-inch
armour ; the 9-inch gun, 8-inch ar-
mour ; and the 1 2-inch gun is ex-
pected to pierce with shell 11 -inch
armour. When the Warrior was
designed to carry 4|~inch armour,
that defence was sufficient against
the guns and projectiles of the day.
But now the 7-inch gun will pene-
trate with shell any part of any
broadside ship we possess, except
the narrow belt of the Hercules and
Sultan and Audacious class ; that is,
except a very limited portion — per-
haps one-twentieth — of the entire
area .of eight of our ironclads ; and
we have afloat, in sixteen of our
ironclads, 8-inch guns ; in nineteen of
them, 9-inch guns ; in two of them,
10-inch guns; and in seven of them,
12-inch guns. There is only one of
our broadsides which does not car-
ry a 7-inch or much larger gun.
This law of the comparative resist-
ance of plates against guns makes it
convenient to speak of guns accord-
ing to their calibre ; and we have
uniformly adopted that mode in the
present article. But it must not be.
forgotten that penetration is only
364
The British Navy.
[March
one of the terrors which rifled artil-
lery presents. It is the fearfully
destructive power of their shells
bursting in the interior of a vessel,
and especially in the small fortress
in the centre of the vessel in which
the greater part of the guns are
worked, which serves as the pretext
and valid reason for putting armour
over our ships at all. The destruc-
tiveness of a shell varies fully as the
cube of the calibre, as the following
table, giving the weight and burst-
ing-charge of the common and Pal-
liser shells for the different class of
guns, will partly show : —
Calibre of
Weight of Shell.
Bursting-charge of
Shell.
Weight
of
Gun.
Common.
Palliser.
Common.
Palliser.
Solid Shot.
Ib. oz.
Ib. oz.
Ib. oz.
Ib. oz.
Ib.
7-inch
106 12
112 8
8 4
2 8
115
8 -inch
167 0
175 8
13 0
4 8
180
9 -inch
232 0
244 8
18 0
5 8
250
10-inch
373 12
393 2
26 4
6 14
400
12 -inch
460 0
586 0
35 0
14 0
600
The Palliser shell, being intended
to penetrate armour, is more solid
than the common shell, and there-
fore carries a smaller bursting-charge;
but the charge is sufficient to burst
it, and the resistance experienced in
forcing a way through the ship's
side is precisely the force which is
wanted to make its hard and brittle
substance break up ; and the battery
of every one of our broadside iron-
clads is liable in any engagement to
have these powerful shells, varying
from 18 inches to 30 inches in
length, burst in the interior, filling
it with smoke and fragments of
wood and iron, and probably dis-
abling one -half of the crew em-
ployed for the time being in working
the guns.
It is this liability to danger, both
of crew and vessel, which has made
every foresighted naval officer and
architect, during the last ten years,
eager to introduce a type of ship-
building better adapted for warfare
against rifled artillery than the old
broadside frigate. It is not that our
sailors are less brave or indifferent
to death than in days of old ; but
the conditions of exposure are now
entirely different to what they were
in the days of Kelson. The effect
of a large shell bursting in a con-
fined space is demoralising to the
bravest crew. We have heard from
an eyewitness that in the attack on
the Sebastopol forts, the explosion
of a shell between decks, with the
material ruin which it scattered
round, so unnerved a large part of
the men on board one of our finest
two-deckers, that the unwounded
dropped over the side into a steam-
ship lashed alongside. In the at-
tack of the American fleet upon the
forts of Mobile Bay, the Brooklyn,
a partially-armoured broadside ves-
sel, was struck twenty-three times,
but only one shell exploded in her,
yet she had eleven men killed and
forty-three wounded. In the fight
between the Weehawken, U.S. Mon-
itor, with one 15 -inch gun, against
the Confederate broadside ironclad
Atlanta, out of five shots that struck
the Atlanta, one laid low forty and
another disabled seventeen of her
men. Yet the 440-pounder of the
15-inch gun was a less terrible pro-
jectile than that which is fired from
the 12-inch gun of our own Navy.
1871.]
The British Navy.
365
There are limits to human courage ;
and although, amongst the chances
of a naval fight, with every object
moving and the gun-platform rolling
up and down, it might well happen
that an ill-protected vessel might
escape a vital wound, yet it is con-
trary to reason to suppose that an
ironclad like the Hercules could be
effectively fought, if her battery
were even once in each half-hour
penetrated by even a 9-inch shell.
Viewing the disparity between
guns and broadside ironclads, many
persons of eminence have proposed
to do away with armour-plating al-
together, and let the shot and Pal-
liser shell pass through and beyond
the ship and drop into the sea.
They have said, with some show of
reason, that a thin side of unbacked
iron or steel would neither break up
the projectile nor send a shower of
splinters into the ship between
decks. The shot or hard shell
would kill whom it hit, as did can-
non-balls in former wars ; but we
should have no widespread devasta-
tion from a single projectile. But
the resources of artillery are not
confined to shot and chilled-iron
shell, and we have seen above that
the common shell is more dangerous
than the Palliser wherever it can
penetrate and explode. If an enemy
found that his hard projectile pass-
ed through and did little damage,
he would alter his charge and pro-
jectile, and inflict with it still greater
injury on the unarmoured ship. We
are driven, therefore, by the growing
power of the guns, to a type of
vessel which can carry armour of
10 to 12 inch thickness, and can
carry it over the entire length ; and
this can only be attained by lower-
ing the side of the vessel, and there-
fore reducing the area which has to
be plated.
The late Captain Cowper Coles
was the man who earliest recognised
this necessity, and was prepared
with devices to meet it. In season
and out of season he persisted in
pointing out the defensive weakness
of our broadside ironclads, and the
growing offensive power of artillery.
The Admiralty persisted in the op-
posite policy, and continued to lay
down ship after ship of the 36
broadsides which we now have, at
a cost of about twelve millions ster-
ling, and only reluctantly consented,
under the pressure of public opinion,
to build two turret-ships, the Prince
Albert and the Monarch, and to
convert one wooden three-decker,
the Royal Sovereign, into an un-
masted turret-ironclad. The catas-
trophe which has recently befallen
the Captain turret-ship has led un-
thinking persons to suppose that
the system of turret-armament is
only adapted for the Monitor type
of vessel ; but it is due to Captain
Coles to remember that the private
shipbuilders of this country have
differed from the Admiralty construc-
tors on this point, and have built
on Captain Coles's principle, for for-
eign powers, nearly twenty masted
turret- vessels on comparatively small
dimensions, three of which have
crossed the Atlantic, and one has
gone round Cape Horn to Peru, and
all have proved more effective ships
than our own ironclads of the same
dimensions. Yet, from the year
1855 until his untimely death,
though asserting that his invention
was adapted for sea-going cruisers,
he never failed to point out the
superiority, as a fighting engine, of
the low ship without masts and
sails.
It was not until the accession of
Mr Childers to office that the views
to which we have given expression
above were suffered to prevail. It
is quite beside our mark to inquire
why it was that the constructive
department of the Navy so long op-
posed the building of anything but
broadside ships, or to endeavour to
TJie British Navy.
[March
reconcile their policy of the last two
years with their conduct during the
previous eight. It was not in 1865,
or in 1867, or in 1869, that the su-
periority of guns to armour-plating
of 5 or 6 inches was established;
but in 1865, before the naval com-
mittee upon turret -ships, and in
1867, in the competition of private
shipbuilders, the late Controller and
Chief Constructor of the Navy dis-
played a partisanship of opposition
to turret - ironclads which is now
most deeply to be deplored. Mr
Childers came into office, as he tells
us in his recent Minute, without
any prejudices on the subject, but
determined to give fair play to the
advocates of either type of ship-
building. He had opposed in the
House of Commons, on the 13th
July 1868, a motion censuring the
Conservative Board of Admiralty
for not having built more ships of
the turret type. He suggested to
Mr Eeed the building of a turret-
ship of 3000 tons with limited sail-
power. Mr Eeed produced in pre-
ference designs for a class of power-
ful unmasted ships, carrying on the
sides solid 12-inch, and on the tur-
rets solid 14-inch armour, with a
freeboard of 4£ feet, and a plated
breastwork rising 7 feet higher out
of the deck, and enclosing the tur-
rets, funnels, ventilators, and hatch-
ways of the ship. A ship of this
class had been already designed for
the Eussian navy, but, with that
exception, the design was a novelty;
and accordingly, before deciding on
its adoption, an Admiralty Com-
mittee, consisting of Admiral Lord
Lauderdale, Eear- Admiral Yelverton,
Captain Cowper Coles, Mr (now Sir)
W. Fairbairn, Mr (now Sir) Joseph
Whitworth, and Dr Woolley, were
appointed to criticise the design,
and advise the Board upon it. The
design was approved, and the ships
ordered in accordance with it are
the Thunderer and Devastation, two
of our first class of turret-ironclads.
The importance of the subject and
the admirable clearness of the ex-
position will justify us in quoting
at some length from the statement
to the Committee made on that oc-
casion by Sir Spencer Eobinson : —
"The Controller of the Navy showed,
by reference to the thickness of armour-
plating carried by our ships compared
with the power to pierce such plates pos-
sessed by the artillery known to be afloat,
not only in our own ships, but also in the
ships of other Powers, that the time had
come when even 8-inch armour-plating
was an insufficient protection; and, ad-
verting to the increasing power of artil-
lery, which, though slow, was an element
not to be neglected, explained that the
great feature of the new design was so to
protect the water-line and armament of
the ship as to resist practically, and for
some time to come, the artillery that could
be brought against such a ship at sea.
He pointed out the slow progress that
had been made in obtaining the so-called
600-pounder, which in reality is a 12-inch
25-ton rifled gun. It had taken upwards
of four years to bring us even to our pre-
sent position with reference to this gun,
and even now it was hardly satisfactory ;
and admitting that it was possible that
the process of constructing even larger
guns might in future years be accelerated,
he stated that the new designs were cal-
culated practically to resist projectiles
from guns even of 27 or 28 tons.
" For this purpose the thickness of
armour- plating adopted was 12 inches on
the hull, and 14 inches to defend the
armament.
" He then showed, by reference to the
enormous weights which such a system of
defence rendered necessary, that the ar-
mour-plating must be limited as much as
possible, to economise the size and there-
fore the cost of the ship ; deducing from
these premises the conclusion that a ship
of low freeboard was an absolute necessity,
and that this necessity existing, a broad-
side armament was impossible; so that
the design naturally resolved itself into a
Monitor type, and a turret-armament.
"He stated that the proposed arma-
ment was to be two 25-ton guns in each
turret, that the ship was to carry two tur-
rets, and that there was to be an absolute
and uncompromised line of fire from these
guns on every point of the horizon.
" He explained that the ships were
specially designed as powerful sea-going
ships ; not so much as cruisers for the
1871.]
The British Navy.
367
ordinary protection of commerce, as en-
gines of offence, capable of being sent to
the Baltic or Mediterranean, across the
Atlantic, to the West Indies, or to the
Cape of Good Hope. In adverting to the
lowuess of the freeboard (4 ft. 6 inches at
the load-line of the new ship), he showed
that such lowness was not incompatible
with safety, and was extremely favourable
to steadiness. He instanced the remark-
able cases of the Monadnock and the
Miantonoraah, ships of this type, one
of which had gone into the Pacific ; the
other had twice crossed the Atlantic.
The freeboard of this ship at her mean
draught was only 2 ft. 7 inches amidships ;
and while the ships in her company of
the ordinary construction were rolling as
much as 20°, the Miantonomah was
barely rolling 4°. He further explained
that this lowness of freeboard, while
it contributed powerfully to a steady
platform for artillery, had of course
the effect of allowing large masses of
water to pass over the deck ; and in ships
like the Miantonomah, where the port-
holes of the turret were but from 2 to
3 feet above the deck, they were neces-
sarily closed in even a moderate sea-way,
and thus the ship was in a great measure
deprived of her artillery. As a remedy
for this defect, and to protect the base of
the turrets, an armour-plated breastwork,
7 ft. 6 inches high, surrounds the space
occupied by the turrets. This breast-
work, the upper part of which is 11 ft.
6 inches above the water, is closed in by a
deck plated with iron 1£ inches thick,
through which are carried up the hatch-
ways, funnels, air-tubes, &c., and over
which the guns command an uninter-
rupted range on every point of the hori-
zon, at a height of upwards of 13 ft. from
the water, insuring the use of the offen-
sive powers of the ship under almost
every possible circumstance.
"Dispensing with masts made a very
large supply of coal necessary ; and accord-
ingly the design provides for 1700 tons
of fuel — a quantity sufficient to enable- the
ship to steam for 10 days at 12 knots'
speed, or for 18 days at 10 knots, or from
25 to 35 days at lower speeds.
" The security given to a ship by her
masts and sails compared with that ob-
tained by two propellers and double en-
gines was referred to, and it was stated as
a fact perfectly well known to all naval
officers, that, in going into action, the first
order which must be given is to send every-
thing down from aloft; in fact, to deprive
a ship as much as possible of the power of
using any of her sails ; that, even so pre-
pared, the risk to a ship having her masts
shot away is great, and that if they were
shot away it is all but certain that the ship
would be deprived of her steam-power,
through the wreck either fouling or destroy-
ing the screw.
" This view of the case was illustrated
by the history of several remarkable
wrecks — those, for example, of the Prince
and the Royal Charter amongst others —
which occurred from the loss of masts
destroying the propeller, which up to the
time of that occurrence was taking care of
the ship.
" There was, on the other hand, no
known instance of any ironclad ship, or
indeed of any screw-ship with a damaged
engine, on a lee-shore, deriving her safety
from the use of her sails ; and in consider-
ing the benefit to be derived from sails in
steadying a ship of the ordinary type in
the trough of the sea, it was pointed out
that the amount of canvas required for
this purpose in a ship of about 9000 tons'
displacement, would necessitate a system
of masting entirely inconsistent with low
freeboard and with the proper use of the
turret-armament.
" The necessity of doing nothing to com-
promise the all-round fire and the end-on
fighting qualities of the ship was insisted
on, and the sacrifice of those qualities
which would follow any system of masting
pointed out.
" It was shown that the new designs
somewhat resembled in type the Mian-
tonomah and the. Monadnock, while
they differ widely and fundamentally
from the Captain and Monarch. It
seemed therefore certain that a far more
correct forecast of the qualities of the new
ships, especially of their steadiness in a
sea-way, would be formed by making use
of the experience already acquired in these
American Monitors than could follow from
any variety of trials of the Captain and
Monarch. Indeed, on reviewing the
turret-ships of the Royal Navy, it was
evident that no such ship had that real
lowness of freeboard which would enable
any trials or experiments to be of use for
purposes of comparison."
It is said that when Milo in his
banishment read the eloquent ora-
tion which Cicero did not deliver
on his behalf at the. trial, but wrote
at his leisure afterwards, he quietly
observed, " If Cicero had made this
speech, I should not be eating
oysters now at Marseilles." So we,
reading this admirable expose of the
vital question of ironclad shipbuild-
368
TJie British Navy.
[March
ing, may be content to remark, that
if these views had only prevailed at
an earlier date, we should not now
be boasting of thirty-six broadside
ironclads, of which no more than
fourteen (if so many) could with
any prudence be commissioned to
fight in line of battle against a
squadron of well armed Monitors.
Here, for the first time in the record
of official utterances, the importance
of protecting the armament equally
with, or even more than, the water-
line, is expressly recognised and de-
clared.
After listening to the Controller
and Chief Constructor of the Navy,
the Committee were unanimously
of opinion that the thickness of ar-
mour required to meet such naval
artillery as is even now found at
sea could only be carried by a ship
of a low freeboard; and there was a
general concurrence that the height
given in the design was sufficient
for the services on which it was in-
tended to employ the ships ; that
for such services the absence of
masts was indispensable, and their
presence would be far more than
counterbalanced by the disadvan-
tages attending their use. " Finally,
it was urged that while no existing
Monitor-ship afforded any conclusive
comparison with the present design,
every kind of experiment with Moni-
tor-ships should be made, the present
design being pushed forward as ra-
pidly as possible."
Shortly after the adoption of the
designs appeared Mr Reed's very
fascinating work on ' Our Ironclad
Ships/ written probably in the pre-
vious year, which attempted again
to show the superiority of broadsides
to turrets. He illustrated his work
with a number of well-chosen dia-
grams, in which he contrasted the
exceptionally strong parts of the
Hercules with the weak parts of the
American Monitors. What the well-
informed thought, however, of his
book, and what of his last perform-
ances, is well shown in a letter of Mr
John Ericsson, from New York, which
appeared in the ' Engineer ' of Feb.
18, 1870 ; with other diagrams con-
trasting the strength of one system
with the strength of the other. He
writes : —
" The turret-ships of the U.S. Navy
are now sufficiently numerous to defeat
the present armoured fleet of England, if
entering our harbours. In support of this
assertion, it will suffice to state that
twenty-four of the English ironclad ships
are protected with only 44-inch armour-
plating ; the average thickness of plating
of the forty-seven vessels tabulated in Mr
Reed's recent work being only 5|-inch.
Thus, while the English gunner fights he-
hind armour-plates less than Q inch thick,
the American Monitor turret affords a
protection varying from 11 to 15 inches
thickness of iron. . . . Under these
circumstances, the security of the mari-
time cities and dockyards of the United
States against aggression has of late
years been deemed assured. But the means
thus relied on liave suddenly lost their po-
tency. Mr Reed is now building Monitors
carrying the full thickness of solid ar-
mour possible, by adopting the turret and
abandoning freeboard and sails. The
Devastation and the Thunderer may steam
up the Hudson in spite of our batteries
and our Monitors, and dictate terms off
Castle Garden."
Such are two of our first-class
turret-vessels, and the third differs
from them in being of somewhat
larger dimensions, in order to carry
an additonal 100 tons of coal, and
attain one knot more in speed. The
former are to steam 12 knots, and the
latter 13 knots an hour. When
the designer of the successful iron-
clad fleet of the United States
speaks so disparagingly of our broad-
sides, and so reverentially of our
turret-ships under construction, we
may well regret that the men who
could design the latter so long per-
sisted in building nothing but the
former. Why prefer the weak de-
fence to the strong?
" Of two such lessons, why forget
The nobler and the manlier one ?"
It is not as if the low-lying type
of heavily - armoured ship were a
1871.]
Tlie Britislt, Navy.
369
new discovery. The action in the
Hampton Roads was fought in 1862 ;
and in 1868 the navy of the United
States contained fifty Monitors of
various types, ranging from 1500 to
7000 tons' displacement. The Russian
navy at the same date comprised
eleven turret-ships on Cap tain Coles' s
plan, and six Monitors of the Ameri-
can type. We had not one afloat
unless the Royal Sovereign can be
so called; and it was only after
vehement pressure from both sides of
the House of Commons that Mr
Corry's Board consented to order the
Glatton and the Hotspur to be built.
Our second class of turret- vessels
(according to the Admiralty classi-
fication) consists of a miscellaneous
collection of powerful ships, differ-
ing widely from one another. It
comprises the Monarch, a full-
rigged cruiser of high freeboard,
protected in parts by 7-inch armour,
with a speed under steam of 14
knots an hour, and an armament of
four 12-inch and three 7-inch guns.
Next comes the Glatton, of the
Monitor type, protected by 10 to
12 inch armour, of 19 feet draught
of water, 9 \ -knot speed, and carry-
ing two 12-inch guns. Next the
Hotspur, a low freeboard ram,
with a fixed turret and 4 open ports
for one 12-inch gun, 21 feet draught,
12-knot speed, and 8 to 12 inch
armour. And lastly, the Rupert,
a larger Hotspur, with the same
speed and armament, but 22£ feet
draught, and 10 to 14 inch armour.
While the offensive power of all these
ships is very great, it is obvious
that the Glatton and the Rupert
are the only two which have an
equivalent defensive strength, and
that the high freeboard cruiser is
lamentably weak compared with any
one of the smaller class. She has
the greater speed, and could there-
fore take up her own position ; but
having sides through which the 12-
inch shot and shell would crash,
and having masts and yards liable
to fall and encumber her screw, she
could not, without infinite risk,
venture to encounter her less pre-
tentious class-mates. The Glatton
and Hotspur are less than half the
tonnage of the Monarch, and cost
one-third of her expense, and for
fighting in line of battle are far
more efficient vessels. A compari-
son of them will readily show how
speed and armour-plating are inter-
changeable for ships of the same
dimensions. If we wish more
speed, we must have less protection ;
if more protection, we must have
less speed.
Our third class of turret -ships
is composed of four similar vessels
of the Cyclops class, which were
ordered in August last, after the
breaking out of the present war.
They are said to be nearly ready,
and are very efficient specimens of
the breastwork Monitor. They are
similar to the Cerberus, which was
constructed for the Melbourne Gov-
ernment, and carry four 12-inch
guns in revolving turrets, have a
speed of 10^ knots, 15 feet draught
of water, and 6 to 10 inch armour.
The cost of each, including engines
and armament, is said to be about
£125,000.
Our fourth class of turret-ships,
the Royal Sovereign and the Prince
Albert, have 4| to 5| inch armour,
a speed of 12 knots, and an arma-
ment of 9-inch guns. The Wivern
and the Scorpion have 4J-inch
armour, 10-knot speed, and 9-inch
guns. Of these ironclads, the Royal
Sovereign, by the absence of masts,
is incomparably the most powerful.
So stands the comparison, as a
mere matter of builder's measure-
ment, between our 36 broadside
and 15 turret ironclads ; and from
that point of view, it is scarcely any
exaggeration to say that, while there
is no part of any one of our broad-
side ships (unless we except the
narrow belt of the Hercules and
Sultan) which could not be readily
370
TJie British Navy.
[March.
penetrated at a thousand yards by
shell from every gun of our turrets,
there is no part protecting crew
or engines or water-line of our ten
best turret-ironclads which could,
at the same distance, be penetrated
by shell from any gun which our
broadsides float. It almost comes
to this, that the maximum armour
of our largest broadsides is the mini-
mum armour of those ten turret-
vessels. This of itself, all other
things being equal, is a conclusive
and decisive argument in favour of
the latter against the former type of
ironclads. But the relative strength
for fighting purposes of the two
types is by no means adequately
represented by such a comparison.
The principal advantage of the re-
volving turret as a platform for
artillery resides in the far greater
freedom for taking aim, which the
captain of the gun whose head
emerges above the top of the turret,
enjoys over the gunner who has to
aim through the narrow portholes
with which our broadside ironclads
are provided. Every break in the
armour-plated side of a ship is a
necessary element of weakness, es-
pecially in the present day, when
breech -loading rifles from the en-
emy's marines may be expected to
pour a volley through every open
porthole. There is no way of meet-
ing this in a broadside, except by
narrowing the size of the porthole,
and providing it with a mantlet to
fall over the opening as the gun is
run in. But any one who has
looked through the portholes of the
Hercules or Bellerophon will ap-
preciate the difficulty which the
narrowing of the field of view has
added to the aim of the gunner ;
and if a mantlet were used of the
kind proposed, the crowded battery
would be so filled with smoke as
the gun ran in, as to add still fur-
ther to the gunner's trouble. Fight-
ing at sea is very different from
practice at Shoeburyness. With
the ship rolling and pitching, it is
only at intervals that the enemy is
visible through a narrow port. The
turret-ship has the enormous advan-
tage, that as soon as the gun is
discharged the turret revolves, and
the porthole is turned away during
the interval of loading ; and through-
out the entire period the captain
has an uninterrupted view, and can
watch and follow the enemy wher-
ever he may be.
The second great advantage for
fighting in line of battle of the tur-
ret-ship proper over the broadside
ironclad is, the readiness with which
the former system lends itself to
complete protection from stem to
stern. It is no reproach to our
naval constructors that they have
left our broadsides unprotected, ex-
cept at the water-line, for two-thirds
of the ship's area. If a ship is to
have the ordinary height above
water, and to be of any ordinary
dimensions, it is impossible to do
more than put armour around the
water-line, and build in the centre of
the ship a more or less protected
fortress. But, allowing this, it is
impossible to shut our eyes to the
fact, that the consequent want of
protection is a very serious element
of weakness. It is as though we
surrounded our land-fortifications on
the outside with inflammable dwel-
lings for the garrison. The late Con-
troller of the Navy has told us, in the
passage we have quoted above, that
" in going into action, the first order
which must be given is to send
everything down from aloft," so as
to diminish the danger of the ship
being disabled by the fall of masts
and spars in the outset of the engager
ment. It would be well if the captain
in command had power to order the
unprotected bows and stern in like
manner to be removed and sent be-
low. Each portion of the ship con-
tains a quantity of combustible
woodwork, and there is absolutely
nothing — as the experience of Lissa,
1871.]
The British Navy.
371
to which we now invite attention,
will show — to prevent the lighting
up of a conflagration which would
drive the unhappy vessel out of
action till the fire was extinguished.
We hoped that the present war
between France and Germany might
have furnished our naval architects
and sailors with illustrations of the
weakness of partly-armoured broad-
sides. As it is, we must rely on
the lessons of the American war,
and of the short and ill-contested
fight at Lissa. We have before
us, as we write, the official ac-
count of that battle, and wish
that space permitted us to de-
scribe its movements and fortunes
at length. We have been told, on
the authority of one of the Austrian
captains, that when his wooden
broadside ship came alongside one
of the finest Italian broadside iron-
clads, he thought that wood must
give way to iron, and that the last
hour of his good ship had struck.
The sea was somewhat rough, but
the Italians were at their guns, and
delivered two concentrated broad-
sides at the wooden ship as she
passed within 40 yards. To the
amazement of the Austrian cap-
tain, his ship was not once touched :
the Italian crew fired when they
saw their mark, but the ship was
rolling, and one broadside discharge
was delivered down wards, and passed
under the ship's bottom; the other
was delivered on the ascending roll,
and passed aloft through the rigging.
We believe that under like circum-
stances the like result must always
follow ; firing through a narrow port-
hole, itself in motion, must always
in a sea-way be liable to fail in this
disastrous manner. Had either of
these ships been a turret-vessel, the
captain of the gun would have
seen his adversary before the ship
reached the horizontal, and would
have been ready to deliver fire when
the muzzle was opposite, instead of
being above or below the mark.
The battle of Lissa signally illus-
trates the other danger of partly-
armoured broadside ships. The
Palestro was an ironclad gunboat
of 2000 tons, carrying four guns,
and a crew of 250 men. Although
the smallest of the Italian ironclads,
she was still a ship of considerable
proportions, being a trifle smaller
than the Pallas of our own Navy,
and about the size of Nelson's Vic-
tory. She formed part of a picked
squadron chosen by Admiral Persa-
no, before the arrival of the Austrian
fleet, to attack the fortifications of
Port San Giorgio, being the strong-
est and most numerous on the island
of Lissa. The Austrian fleet, con-
sisting of 7 ironclads and 15 wooden
frigates, bore down in a south-easter-
ly direction, making for the island,
with the ironclads in the front line
of battle, and the wooden frigates in
loose order behind them. The Ital-
ian fleet, consisting of 12 ironclads
and 8 wooden frigates, steamed in
a northerly direction so as to cross
their path — the ironclads in single
file, and the wooden ships at some
distance in the rear. At 11.15 A. M.
the engagement began. The first
division of the Austrian ironclads
fell upon the second division of the
Italian ironclads, and with excellent
judgment concentrated all their efforts
against the flag-ship Re d'ltalia. The
Palestro, which was next in position,
hastened to the rescue, but was
struck abaft in her unarmoured part
by a shell, which set her on fire,
forcing her to go at once out of
action in the hope of putting out
the flames. Another Italian ship
came up and tried to ram the Aus-
trian ironclad which was astern of
the Re d'ltalia, but she eluded the
blow, passed across the Re d'ltalia's
stern, raking her as she passed, and
disabling her rudder. Then the
Ferdinand Max, the Austrian flag-
ship, seized the opportunity, ran
full at the Re d'ltalia with her spur
and sank her. Meanwliile, the Pa-
372
The British Navy.
[March
lestro, her stern all in flame, was
steaming at full speed against the
wind, to prevent the fire from suffo-
cating the crew. The Austrian fleet
bore on for Lissa, their object being
to relieve the place, and not to fight
a naval action ; the last shot was fired
at 12.20 P.M., but before the fleets
had separated, the Palestro blew up,
and her captain, Chevellier Capel-
lini, and all her crew, were lost.
The tragic fate which befell the
Italian flag-ship at the battle of
Lissa has led many officers to assert
that naval engagements in future
will be mainly decided by ramming.
One thing we admit as certain, that
no ship yet designed could stand
the shock of the smallest ram, with-
out a large hole being made in her
hull below water; and this, unless
she were built in numerous and very
efficient water-tight compartments,
would decide her fate at once. But
if any one will carefully read the
account of the ' Fatti di Lissa,' pub-
lished by Admiral Persano, he will
perceive the extreme difficulty which
was experienced by both Austrian
and Italian captains in delivering
against a ship in motion the fatal
and decisive blow. It was not un-
til the rudder of the Ee d' Italia
was disabled, that the Austrian iron-
clad was able to ram her. This
battle of one hour's duration cannot
be quoted as decisive testimony of
the value or weakness of broadside
ironclads; but a careful study of it
seems to us to establish two points
of very material importance : first,
the inaccuracy of broadside fire ; and
secondly, the peculiar dangers of a
system of partial armour-plating.
Our unarmoured Navy comprises
twelve old line-of-battle ships and
heavy frigates fit for service, includ-
ing the Ariadne and Orlando, of 1 3-
knot speed, and the Mersey, Duncan,
and Galatea, of 12 to 12| knots.
In addition, we have the Inconstant,
an iron frigate covered with wood,
of 15-knot speed, carrying 9-inch
guns ; the Active and the Yolage,
corvettes of similar speed and con«
struction, carrying 7-inch guns ; and
fourteen corvette sloops of the
Blanche and Druid class, with 13-
knot speed ; twelve gunboats of the
Lapwing type, with 11 -knot speed ;
and seventeen new type composite
gunboats, with 10-knot speed, .all
built of wood, and carrying 7-inch
guns ; and others of the old type,
including eight heavy corvettes.
The total of our unarmoured fleet is
therefore about sixty-six efficient
vessels, besides a number of old
sloops and gunboats.
It only remains for us to sum up
the present article by showing how
far we are supplied out of the above
lists with the three distinct classes
of fighting vessels which we appear
to require for the varied duties of
peace and war.
1st, For heavy-armoured ships of
large size and deep draught, fit to
fight in line of battle, or to break
into an enemy's port or arsenal, we
have in the Fury, Devastation, and
Thunderer (or rather we shall, when
they are completed, have), admirable
examples ; and the Hercules, Sultan,
Monarch, Eupert, Glatton, and Hot-
spur, though far less formidable, are
still very powerful auxiliaries. The
broadside ships of the second and
third class might also, under cer-
tain circumstances, and in an in-
ferior degree, render efficient aid
in line of battle. The rest of our
broadside ironclad fleet could not
be counted on for better service in
action than was rendered at Lissa by
the wooden frigates of the Austrian
fleet. They carry, as those frigates
carried, very formidable guns, but
their defensive properties are quite
inadequate to meet the shock of
similar artillery.
We think that the Government
ought not only to press on the com-
pletion of our three first-class turret-
ironclads, but also to order, if neces-
sary, from the private shipbuilders,
1871.]
Tlie British Navy.
373
other specimens of the class, so as
within four years to increase the
number of that class of ships to
twelve. And we would certainly
discontinue the building of any new
ironclads of the first or second class
with masts or sails.
2dly, It is in small-armoured ships
of light draught and high speed, for
the protection of our coasts and
important strategical positions in
the colonies, that we now are most
deficient. We have no broadside
ironclads, except the five weak ships
of the seventh class, which draw less
than 16 £ feet water; and none other,
except the Penelope, which draws
less than 21 feet water. Of turret-
ships, we have the four new ironclads
of the Cyclops class ordered in Au-
gust last — very efficient vessels, both
offensively and defensively, but de-
signed to have 15 feet of draught ;
the Wivern and Scorpion, of 16 feet
draught ; and the Boyal Sovereign
and Prince Albert, of 23 and 19£
feet draught respectively. Apart
from all other considerations, the
depth of draught incapacitates these
ships from service in shallow waters.
The Eussian Monitors have only
10£ feet draught, and are very for-
midable craft for coast attack as well
as coast defence. This, indeed, is
a point to be always borne in mind
• — the best ships for coast defence
are also the best for coast attack.
We cannot expect impossibilities
from our naval architects, but there
ought, we imagine, to be no diffi-
culty in supplying us with vessels
capable of steaming 10 knots in
all weathers, with a low freeboard,
heavy armour, and one if not two
turrets with an unobstructed range
of fire. They should not exceed 10
to 12 feet draught of water. By
lowering the freeboard of the Cy-
clops class from 3£ to 2 feet of
water, and dispensing, if necessary,
with one of the turrets, these condi-
tions ought surely to be attained.
VOL. CIX. — NO. DCLXV.
We want of this class of ironclads
at least 20 for home service, 6 for
the Mediterranean, 6 in the East
Indies, 1 in the Straits of Malacca,
6 in Australia, 2 at Vancouver's
Island, and 6 in the West Indies
and North American station, mak-
ing 47 in all. In time of peace
they might be hauled on shore or
on slips and preserved from decay ;
and those that had to be sent to
foreign stations could easily be es-
corted to their posts, after taking
out their armament for safety. In
time of war they would require few
seamen to manage them, their guns
being worked by artillerymen or
volunteers ; and, apart from the
enormous defensive power we should
possess at home in 20 such vessels,
we might, in fine weather, throw
such a force across the seas, and de-
stroy any enemy's fleet while assem-
bling for the invasion of our coasts.
With such a naval strength, capable
of being rapidly increased if war
broke out, it would be absolute in-
sanity for any power to dream of
invading our country ; and the ela-
borate schemes of the War Office
engineers for girdling London with
a circle of earthen fortresses might
be relegated to their appropriate
pigeon-holes.
A question may naturally here
be asked, What, then, are we to do
with those of our present broadside
ironclads which find no place in the
above programme, either of offence
or of defence ? The difficulty is in-
deed somewhat similar to that of
the Scotch dramatic author who was
told by Garrick on one occasion
that his talents did not lie in tra-
gedy, and on another, that they did
not lie in comedy, and thereupon
logically inquired, " Where the deil,
then, do they lie, mon ] " There are
many naval officers who tell us that
ships like the Warrior, Black Prince,
Eesistance, Defence, Hector, and Val-
iant, are a delusion and a snare ; and
2c
374
The British Navy.
[March
that it would be sound policy at once
to sell them, or to sink them in mid-
Atlantic. We have expressed an
opinion above, that the Warrior and
Black Prince would, in case of war,
find a most useful occupation in pro-
tecting our commerce against the
Alabamas of the day. Then- speed is
greater than that of any unarmoured
ship afloat, unless it be the American
Wampanoag or our own Inconstant
But as to our other broadside iron-
clads, which are not suited for
the line of battle, and are not in
their present state adapted for coast
defence, we think the true remedy
is to cut them down into turret-
ships of low freeboard, and utilise
the weight saved by the removal of
their masts and rigging, and reduc-
tion of height above water, by cover-
ing them from stem to stern with
an additional coat of 4 or 5 inches
of armour. All our broadsides of
the fourth, fifth, and sixth classes,
so converted, would find their way
into the second and third classes of
turret-ships, and become very for-
midable vessels ; and the cost of
conversion would be little beyond
the labour, as they would them-
selves furnish the additional armour-
plates required.
3dly, In respect of unarmoured
corvettes and frigates, though fault
may be found with the Inconstant
for its crankness, and with the
Blanche and Danae class for their
want of greater speed, we believe
that we stand in a better position
than the United States or any other
nation. The difficulty of building
a very fast unarmoured ship to carry
heavy guns appears to be extreme.
Either she must be of wood — in
which case she is not strong enough
for the vibration of her powerful
engines ; or of iron, and then she
rapidly loses speed by the fouling
of her bottom ; or of iron covered
with wood, like the Inconstant,
Volage, and Active — a very costly
method of construction, which is
said to be ill adapted for the im-
pact of shot or shell. All we can
say is, that neither the Americans
nor ourselves, nor any other nation,
have yet invented a perfect type of
fast unarmoured men-of-war. We
stand, however, in need of swift
paddle-wheel despatch-boats.
In the face of the troubled state
of Europe, with interests and poli-
tical objects that clash in the East
and in the West — in the midst of
the armed rule and misrule that now
agitate the nations — it is with mingled
feelings of remorse and relief that we
survey the condition of the British
Navy. With remorse we contemplate
the wasted time, the lost opportuni-
ties, the lavished treasure, which a
few self-willed and mistaken men
have spent in the creation of our
broadside ironclad fleet. With re-
lief we recognise that before it was
quite too late a new course was
taken, sound principles enunciated,
a different type selected, and a class
of vessels commenced to which we
can with confidence and security
intrust the honour of the British
flag. Vessels like our broadside
ironclads — of which the best you can
say is, that where all such ships are
defensively weak, ours are less weak
than those of foreign nations — are not
the bulwarks that Britannia needs.
Already the naval architects and
officers of Russia and the United
States speak of our strength at sea
in altered terms. They know the
immense resources of England, and
feel that now, in the event of war,
all those resources would without
delay be turned in the right direc-
tion. We trust that this may
equally happen in time of peace,
and that a retrospect of our Navy
in the year 1880 may supply mate-
rials for nothing but congratulation
and content.
1871.]
A Retrospect of the War.
375
A RETROSPECT OF THE WAR.
Go to the geologist, and learn how
long nature spends in accumulating
the atoms that compose a continent.
Bid him present it to you passing,
after it is first formed, through its
submerged, glacial, marshy centu-
ries, uninhabitable. Ask then for
the slow growth by which man,
made master of the land, attains to
knowledge and civilisation. After
that find from your own experience
in how incredibly short a time man,
with his evil passions aroused, can
reduce the fair earth to a desert,
and spread havoc, suffering, want,
and death.
Yea, destruction is man's most
rapid achievement. Woe to this
generation that it should know the
truth so well ! We have been con-
founded by the frequent ruin ;
stunned repeatedly by shock after
shock. Blood and destruction are
so in use, and dreadful objects so
familiar, that we have ceased to
take due note of the sequence of
events, looking always for the next
tidings, and turning our backs upon
the past.
How pleasant to reflect that this
feverish period seems at last to ap-
proach its term ! We may contem-
plate the ferment of passion as a
thing that has bounds. It is no
longer the daily life of waiting for
unknown issues, but there is an
accomplished convulsion, a compre-
hended epoch to look back upon and
take account of. While history was
a-making, we could only gaze and
marvel ; but now that this chapter
is complete, or nearly so, let us
know the luxury of reflection. We
feel that we have lived through
stirring times : we will meditate on
our catalogue of events.
It is difficult to recall the aspect
•which aiiairs bore in the first half
of 1870. So rudely was the repose
of that period disturbed, such has
been the excitement ever since, that
quiet seems an abnormal condition,
which we may never witness again.
That first note of war, how we re-
fused to believe that it was real !
How we hugged the idea that the
quarrel would be composed after a
little altercation, as so many others
had been ! And when it became
only too certain that war was at
hand, how our minds failed to un-
derstand the feelings which, with-
out tangible ground of quarrel,
could impel two powerful and pros-
perous nations to deadly combat.
England stood aloof from the first,
shocked at the reckless behaviour of
both sides; and history will con-
demn, as England did, this cold-
blooded, this gigantic crime. But
there was no possibility of staying
the combatants in the fierceness
of their pride. Europe could only
look on aghast and shudder as she
thought of the future. France —
impetuous, romantic France — will
bear all before her in the first as-
sault : sturdy, phlegmatic Prussia
may endure until the fine point of
chivalry shall be blunted, and then,
perhaps, if there be still sufficient life
in her, she will turn and overcome.
This was the prophecy of onlookers ;
Prussia herself did not hope for a
much better result. She required
time, she said, to assemble her
powers, while the enemy was already
prepared, so that the onset would
take place on her own soil. These
forecasts were made while the hosts
assembled, on both sides. But the
very first event after the irrevocable
declaration of war was ominous.
Bavaria and Wirtemberg both cast
in their lot with Prussia. France
had fondly thought the two states
376
A Retrospect of the War.
[March
adverse at heart to Prussia, and had
hoped that her own powerful inter-
ference would induce them to de-
clare their opposition. It was a
disappointment ; but what of that 1
"Was not France all-sufficient in her-
self?
And then the armies gathered :
the French, with much demonstra-
tion, centring on Metz ; the Ger-
mans moving mysteriously on the
right bank of the Rhine, then push-
ing some of their forces over the
river, and along the boundary of the
Palatinate and the Rhenish province
as far as Treves. To this distribu-
tion the French answered by ex-
tending from Metz through Sarre-
guemines, Bitsehe, Weissembourg,
and then bending back a little, so
as to rest upon the Rhine at Lauter-
burg and -Selz. M'Mahon's division
was at Strasbourg, Douay's at Bel-
fort. Canrobert with a division
was at Chalons, and the Imperial
Guard under Bourbaki at Nancy.
Europe still looked on, breathless
with expectation, and at the same
time astonished at the huge musters
which it taxed the imagination to
conceive, somewhere about 300,000
on each side — hundreds of thou-
sands of men,
" All furnished, all in arms,
All plumed, lik« estridges that with the
wind
Bated, like eagles haying lately bathed ;
Glittering in golden coats like images ;
As full of spirit .as the month of May,
And gorgeous as the sun at midsummer."
These were the hosts destined to
mar the fair face of France; but by
us believed to have a different mis-
sion, as we wondered why the on-
set was delayed. For the war did
pause, and none could say why. The
French Emperor, we know, intended
to carry the war into Germany, for
he told his army that the scene of
their operations would be a land
" full of fortresses and obstacles."
And it was undoubtedly open to
him to pierce the long German lines
which, after the French were already
assembled in force around Metz,
manned, and probably but imper-
fectly manned, the right bank of the
Rhine south of Carlsruhe, and the
boundary which divides Prussia
from the north of France. He did
not strike soon nor strike hard. He
did not strike at all, save in a con-
temptible coup de theatre perpetrated
at Saarbruck, to baptise, as he said,
his tender son with fire. But he
dealt with an enemy who soon tired
of waiting to be attacked — who,
though prepared in the first instance
for defence, knew how, with a
in aster's skill, to reverse suddenly
the plan of his campaign, and dare
the attack if his adversary would
not. So one morning — it was on the
4th of August — while the pens of
many wiseacres were explaining to
the world how the delay was neces-
sary in these days of great arma-
ments, and by no means a circum-
stance to furnish an augury, the
Crown Prince of Prussia, having
broken into French territory, struck
suddenly at and defeated the divi-
sion of General Abel Douay at
Weissembourg, slaying the com-
mander and capturing a gun. Mar-
shal M'Mahon's corps was moving
rapidly northward from Strasbourg :
Abel Douay commanded M'Mahon's
leading division. The slaughter was
considerable, and five hundred un-
wounded French were made prisoners.
Yet no one saw in this event cause
for altering the preconceived idea of
the course of affairs. M'Mahon was
said to be coming up in strength to
avenge Douay; and the talk was
still, for a day, of where Napoleon
would break the German line. And
yet Weissembourg was a field of
fate. There rolled the first wave of
a bloody tide which never ceased to
flow till gasping France sought a
truce to realise her ruin and hear
the victor's demands. There man
gave an earnest of his readiness to
destroy. He did not devastate the
laud as yet : he showed only his
1871.]
A Retrospect of the War.
377
ruthless regard of the being whose
coming on the earth the voice of
the Creator had heralded, saying,
" Let us make man in our image : "
he dispelled only the breath which
God had breathed into man's nostrils;
and for what end 1
Those who thought the fight of
Weissembourg but an accident, of
small account in the great war that was
to be, did not wait long to be con-
vinced of their error. The appear-
ance of the Crown Prince at Weiss-
embourg was part of a well-considered
movement. It was an attack on the
French right — on that flank to guard
which M'Mahon was hurrying up
from Strasbourg, a day too late.
After his victory the Crown Prince
moved south along the river's bank.
M'Mahon also moved south on
another line, having met the fugi-
tives from Weissembourg, and he sent
for succour to General de Failly,
who commanded the nearest corps
on the west, apparently recognising
the danger of his situation, and the
importance of holding his ground.
For the Crown Prince turning sud-
denly to his right, found M'Mahon
at Woerth on the 6th of August,
and fell upon him there. The
French had the advantage of posi-
tion, but they were inferior in num-
bers. The recent affair at Weissem-
bourg operated on both sides in fa-
vour of the Prussians. This, the
best-fought battle of the war, lasted
all day. It was a well-contested
field. There was tactical ingenuity
displayed. Fortune inclined now
this way, now that. The result
was not certain from the first. And
a little halo surrounds this action,
glittering about the devotion of
M'Mahon, who clearly saw that
much (he did not know how much)
depended on his maintaining the
position. He might have retreated,
but to check there the Crown Prince,
who was operating on the flank of
their general position, was most im-
portant. De Failly, on whom he
would have fallen back, had an
enemy watching him in front, who
by pressing him there while the
Crown Prince should be driving in
M'Mahon upon his flank, would
have placed the two generals in a
position more disadvantageous than
that in which M'Mahon stood alone
at Woerth. It would seem, there-
fore, that M'Mahon dad his devoir
in engaging a superior foe, taking
his chance of any help which de
Failly might be able to despatch in
answer to his appeal. One of de Fail-
ly's divisions did, it is understood,
come up before the tight was over —
that is to say, before the French
were utterly beaten, as they were on
the 6th, at evening. Thus the Ger-
man army were able to roll up their
adversaries > for as the French were
not prompt to use the opportunity
of breaking somewhere through the
long German lines, they were sub-
jected to the compressing process to
which an extended force can subject
a more condensed one, if allowed to
have its way.
But the story of Woerth is only
half the dismal story of the Sixth of
August. The Emperor Napoleon
had heard the day before of the
affair at Weissembourg, andr becom-
ing alarmed, thought fit to order a
retrograde movement — to what ex-
tent we do not know, neither is that
point important, since the Germans,
and not he, determined how far it
should extend. What he did not
order, or rather what he did not
secure, was proper communications
and concerted action between the
parts of his army. This disjointed
condition, and the alarm of the day
before, account for M'Mahon having
received no help in his gallant and
most important struggle. And it
would have been a sufficiently bad
business if the disaster at Woerth
had been the only evil of the day.
But, if the French were acting with-
out concert, the Germans' right hand
probably knew what their left hand
378
A Retrospect of the War.
[March
was doing. So when the Emperor
ordered his troops at Saarbruck to
withdraw, the Germans followed for
a while the retiring force, and kept
close up to them, using the cover of
the woods to conceal their numbers.
On the morning of the 6th, the
French, observing some sign of the
enemy, began to feel about, and
soon found to their surprise that
they had been closely followed by
some 40,000 or 50,000 men, not
simply by an advanced brigade.
They had, however, a fine position
on the height of Spichern and on a
part of the heights of Saarbruck,
where one is fain to think that they
ought to have defended themselves
successfully. The Prussians attacked
in great force early in the afternoon ;
reinforcements came up on both
sides ; the ground in places was
hotly contested : but the Prussian
artillery did wonders ; Prussian
tactics carefully applied in the heat
of battle secured advantage after ad-
vantage ; the heights were stormed
and carried with great slaughter;
and by nightfall the French corps
(JCarmee (General Froissard's) was
retreating along its whole line.
This disaster might have been en-
dured, or possibly retrieved, but for
the tidings which the same night
reached the Emperor of M'Mahon's
defeat at Woerth. That was the
top rung of a treacherous ladder,
which, slipping from its side-hold,
the Empire came hurrying down,
plunge after plunge, each step giving
way as it was touched, the supports
drawing asunder, and the whole
fabric dissolving with rattle and
confusion. Had that upper rail
held by only the narrowest bearing,
ruin might have been averted. We
do not learn that after the two
shocks of the 6th of August the
Emperor had any resource, or was
equal to an effort for deliverance.
He simply ran for it, his whole
army, of which several corps had
never yet been engaged, hurrying
towards Metz without any object
that has transpired, except that of
getting quickly out of the way of
their pursuers. Communication with
M'Mahon was interrupted, so that
there was not concert in even this
sad retreat. One cannot contemplate
the case without being carried back
to days when French armies, in ten-
fold severer straits, lost neither head
nor heart. A fraction of the spirit
which won the bridge of Lodi, re-
trieved Marengo, and, undaunted by
the crushing misfortune of Aspern,
dared the fortune of war again, and
won at Wagram, would have pre-
vented this discreditable retreat.
But now it seemed that there had
been neither a well-devised plan at
setting out, nor the ability to de-
cide and act according to the cas-
ualties of the war. NOAV began
in earnest the woes of the civil
population in the north-west of
France. Two immense armies were
sweeping over the villages and
fields, destroying or consuming the
ripe harvest, and spreading con-
sternation and ruin. The con-
queror was a little modest and re-
morseful as yet, but he soon learned
how to make the civil population
feel the weight of his hand.
" All may yet be retrieved," said
the Emperor, in communicating his
reverses to Paris ; and the expres-
sion coming from a leader more than
half of whose forces had never yet
come into collision with the enemy,
seemed to show how little equal he
was to the curing of these ills or
the avoidance of worse. His words,
if intended to carry comfort, were in-
terpreted in his capital in the darkest
sense. His Ministers, unable to face
the excited citizens, resigned, and
were replaced by an incapable set,
remarkable for the facility with
which they believed impossible
fables, and the mad design on the
success of which they staked the
fate of the Empire. The Empress-
Regent, who showed more sense
1871.]
A Retrospect of the War.
and firmness than her advisers, was
greatly to be pitied.
The retreat of the French armies
was without order, without definite
design, and under no fixed control.
The generals commanding corps d'-
armee acted much as to each seemed
good in his own eyes. It was an
instinct rather than concert among
them which directed the march of
the whole on the Moselle. In the
midst of this confusion the Emperor
relinquished the command-in-chief
in the field, and Marshal Bazaine
assumed that office. It seems to
be a necessity in France to make a
change of directors at a time of peril.
They have but one remedy for all
ills, civil or military — revolution.
It has not worked so happily in
their case as to encourage other
peoples to adopt it.
Marshal M'Mahon, in his retreat
from Woerth, effected communica-
tion with de Failly, and these two
leaders retreated by different roads
upon Nancy, where Marshal Can-
robert lay with 50,000 men. M'-
Mahon and de Failly were thought
to be bringing 50,000 more, and
there was much talk of defending
the passes of the Vosges, when the
Prussians — fondly represented as
being crippled by their victories —
should summon energy to come up.
But this was only a stave of the
dislocated ladder. No stand was
made, and the beaten French retired
upon Nancy. There was sounding
talk, too, about a great battle to be
fought before Metz, which was an-
other stave that yielded to the
slightest pressure. With their own
goodwill the French would have
fought no battle before or near
Metz. They left off talking of a
battle on the Moselle, but were loud
now concerning the next step of the
ladder, which was Verdun. On
Verdun accordingly the whole Im-
perial army was to concentrate,
Bazaine retreating from Metz, and
Canrobert and M'Mahon from
Nancy, and then
379
But the
armies of M'Mahon and Bazaine
were not destined again to join
each other. The former continued
his retreat to Chalons, and at last
to Eheims, on the way to Paris ;
but the latter was not permitted to
move beyond Metz in the direction
of the capital. He set out, it is
true, but was encountered by the
Prussian armies which, on the 14th,
16th, and 18th August, fought with
him furiously. The French claimed
to have been victorious on the two
first days ; but, whatever damage
they may have inflicted upon their
enemies, they were balked of their
westward retreat, and therefore
weighted with the consequences of
defeat. After the severe action of
the 18th, which they can scarcely
pretend to have won, they were fain
to seek the shelter of the guns of
Metz : a Prussian army of 200,000
men remained to observe and be-
leaguer them there ; while the army
of the Crown Prince, and a portion
of that which had pursued the Em-
peror to Metz, steadily followed on
toward Paris.
From the enormous forces which
the Germans had in the field, it is
certain that reinforcements from be-
yond the Rhine were continually
coming up to them. Notwithstand-
ing battles and marches, their armies
on the theatre of war were more nu-
merous now than when the rivals,
before a blow was struck, were fac-
ing each other on the frontier.
They entered the French territory
with a perfect provision for main-
taining themselves there, and for
retreating in safety upon their own
land, if retreat should be necessary.
Everything seems to have been pro-
vided for; the co-operation between
the different branches of the army
was perfect; and the discipline and
organisation of the immense host
was more remarkable than its suc-
cesses. The King, on crossing the
border, issued a proclamation to the
• A Retrospect of the War.
[March
French people, wherein he said that
he made war with the French Em-
peror and the French army, but that
French citizens should receive his
protection as long as they did not
render themselves unworthy of it by
hostile attempts. Reading this docu-
ment by the light of subsequent
events, it would seem to have been
a very difficult task indeed for a
Frenchman to purge himself of the
unworthiuess which it had in view,
and which, to judge from the uni-
versality of punishment, must have
been like original sin.
Just before the battles at Metz, a
German army sat down before Stras-
bourg, thus neutralising the force in
that city ; in observation also of
Bitsche and Phalsburg, and other
strong places which they were ob-
liged to pass, they left adequate de-
tachments. Indeed, the keeping
open theircommunications must have
employed troops enough to have
composed what the last generation
would have considered a large army.
While the retreat on Paris was
being made, the Ministers of the
Empress - Regent were continually
receiving or inventing most favour-
able intelligence, and devising the
sagest plans, which they were com-
pelled to keep secret lest the enemy
should get a suspicion of them, and
so escape the ruin which was being
made ready for him. Announce-
ments and promises were made so
often while affairs showed no sign of
mending, that the people grew in-
credulous : whereupon it became
necessary to do something at once ;
and a plan was conceived, which
for its folly was quite worthy of a
place in the history of this French
campaign. Marshal M'Mahon was
to be reinforced from Paris, then to
slip away to the north, gain a day's
or two days' march upon the Prus-
sians, turn their right flank, drop
down by Thionville on Metz, and
liberate Bazaine. ThefirstNapoleon,
by profound ruses de guerre, by in-
defatigable exertions, and by work-
ing according to the nicest calcula-
tions, was capable of carrying out
such a design. But with such
generals and such want of enterprise
as were now the fashion — above all,
with such a well-appointed watchful
enemy, how could such an attempt
succeed 1 A god had decreed the
ruin of a great French army, and
sent this mad conception to produce
that end.
Marshal M'Mahon reached Rheims
before he diverged from the route
to Paris ; for, after fixing the great
battle of deliverance first at Verdun,
then at Chalons, then at Rheims,
the staves of the ladder had suc-
cessively given way, and no stand
at all was made. De Failly wae
with M'Mahon, and reinforcements
from Paris and the west — addi-
tions which made his army up to
some 120,000 men. If they had
marched as straight upon Metz as
the roads would permit, their pur-
suers could reach the same fortress
by a shorter route. But M'Mahon's
march was to be on a loop, round
the flank of the Germans, and, as
the design has been stated, he was
to be round the bend and between
them and Metz before they were
aware of him — that is to say, Von
Moltke, who had not been shown
to have made a blunder or to have
overlooked a possible contingency
since the war began, was to trudge
innocently along with his face to
Paris while the astute M'Mahon
should be circumventing him. Not
an effort is known to have been
made to deceive or amuse the Prus-
sians. The scheme makes one think
again of nursery days — "You mustn't
see till I'm over there, and then you
must turn round and be caught."
The mere rashness of M'Mahon's
move did, however, gain for him
some advantage in point of time.
The Germans, never conceiving such
folly, certainly did continue their
westward march after M'Mahon
1871.]
A Retrospect of the War.
381
had turned his columns to the
north. Paris was in the secret.
Paris knew of, and exulted in, the
masterly stratagem. And, when
M'Mahon was known to he some
thirty-six hours in advance, there
was no further concealment ; the
rescue of Bazaine and the annihila-
tion of the Prussians were discount-
ed at once on the Boulevards — and
in other places too, where men could
yet he misled by French assurance.
When Wellington at Salamanca
saw Marmont's circuitous move, he
is said to have exclaimed, " Now I
have him ! " Whatever Von Moltke
said when he heard of M'Mahon's
flitting, he too must have felt that
he was sure of his quarry ; for he
had not waited till to-day to guard
the northern passage. That some
force from the north or west might
try the passage hy Eethel, Mont-
medy, and Briey, was an obvious
danger ; and it had been met by
the formation of a fourth German
army under the Crown Prince of
Saxony, who was already guarding
the ground when M'Mahon set off
to traverse it. And the Crown
Prince of Prussia lost no time after
he heard of the French army's al-
tered course in striking north after
it and ascertaining its movements.
M'Mahon could not have hoped for
success except his movements should
be very rapid ; and yet he did not
advance with celerity. It was a
bungling expedition from first to
last ; and the poor, blundering, and
now almost unnoticed Emperor fell
in with it somewhere on its march,
and participated in. its evil for-
tune.
M'Mahon's march was on Mont-
medy. He left Rheims on 22d
August. Waiting for him on the
right bank of the Meuse, and watch-
ing the line between Sedan and
Verdun, lay the Saxon Prince;
coming rapidly up from the south,
so as to cut across his line of march,
spurred the Prince of Prussia.
There was not an evidence of
strategic ability or of ordinary
prudence on the part of the
French General in this supreme
crisis. If he could have managed
to throw his whole force on one of
the princes there might have been
some chance of escape for him ; but
such a course was far beyond his
achievement. The disastrous events
of the 30th and 31st August, and of
the 1st September, have been detailed
so often and so minutely, that it is
needless to repeat them here. M'Ma-
hon with a part of his force crossed
the Meuse on the 29th; on the 30th,
meeting the Saxon Prince near Car-
ignan, he was stopped and then
pushed back after a fierce encounter.
On the 30th also, part of his force
which was yet on the left bank of
the river, was taken in flank and
beaten by a detachment from the
Saxon Prince's army, joined with the
advanced divisions of the Crown
Prince of Prussia, which had by this
time come up. On the 31st there
was some fighting ; but the impor-
tant event of that day was the arrival
of the King and the Crown Prince
of Prussia with numerous forces,
which they spread out on the flanks
of the French so as to leave only a
retreat in a north or north-west di-
rection possible. And on the morn-
ing of the 1st September the Prus-
sian line was still further extended
round the flanks, so as completely to
hem the French army in. There
was a battle of a day's duration :
M'Mahon was severely wounded ;
his army was thoroughly beaten in
upon Sedan ; the victorious Prus-
sians, posted in overwhelming num-
bers all round, left to the beaten
troops of the Empire no chance of
escape. Then followed the catas-
trophe. The Emperor and all that
remained of what had been an army
of 120,000 men, surrendered them-
selves prisoners of war.
So prepared for all accidents of
war was the Prussian army — so thor-
382
A Retrospect of the War.
[March
oughly was it disciplined — that its
marvellous successes did not embar-
rass it or shake its steadiness in the
least. While an appointed staff saw
to the disposal of the captives and
the material prize, a brief rest of
only two days was all that was allot-
ted to the victors after their hard
and most profitable work. The 4th
of September showed the spectacle
of these magnificent troops — more to
be admired for their rigorous obedi-
ence than for their deeds of valour
— marching again in dense columns
upon Paris, in front of which city
they arrived about the 14th of the
month, there being no longer a
hostile army to bar their progress.
Here ends the first most brilliant
chapter of the campaign. Up to
this point the achievements of the
Prussians, taken altogether, are pro-
bably without parallel. It was not
simply that they won battles ; the
troops of other nations have done
that. It was the state of prepara-
tion, equal to every accident and to
every requirement of the war, the
entire absence of confusion or hap-
hazard action, the grave disciplined
devotion of the army, which were
above all praise. Our instruction
would have been larger could we
have seen this host opposed by a
worthy adversary, and subject to
more of the vicissitudes of war. As
it was, they carried everything before
them, controlled the acts of the
campaign according, as it seemed, to
a deliberately - framed programme,
and were hardly called upon for
sudden decisions or ingenious com-
binations. But we learned this
much at any rate, that the nation
that would excel in strength, or that
would even maintain itself in honour
in these days, must hold itself in
every respect prepared for war, its
officers and soldiers thoroughly in-
structed, its arms of the newest and
the best construction, its material
sufficient in both quantity and
quality, and its departments of trans-
port and supply perfectly organised
and in harmony with the other
branches of the service. If this can
be done cheaply so much the better ;
but it must be done. And we
learned, besides, what it is to have
war devastating a land. We under-
stood how in two months a smiling
and a fruitful country might be pil-
laged and trampled into a desert,
and made to flow with tears and
blood. We were terribly convinced
of man's power to undo the work of
nature and of progressing industri-
ous man, and to force back vast dis-
tricts to the condition of primitive
colonists. It is hoped, too, that we
have been taught the prudence of
insuring ourselves, be the cost what
it may, against the invasion of our
native land. We can do it, and we
must.*
When Paris heard of the fate of
the Emperor and his army, she flew
to her accustomed stimulant, instead
of calmly and wisely considering
these mischances. As a weak man
gains courage to endure evil from
the dram-bottle, Paris wrought her-
self to heroism by a political revo-
lution. The Ministry dispersed :
the Empress - Eegent fled to Eng-
land : a Republic was proclaimed :
where everything was being cast
into a chaotic vortex, the Imperial
crown, as a matter of course, was
tumbled in. A self-elected Govern-
ment, with the acquiescence of the
country, assumed the powers of
state, and called itself the Govern-
ment of National Defence. It pro-
claimed itself pre-eminently a Gov-
ernment of Peace; but it also pro-
claimed that it would not purchase
peace by relinquishing an inch of
territory or a stone of a fortress,
which seemed a roundabout way of
* Seethe paper, "Why is Prussia Victorious?" in our December Number, with
•which the writer of the present article quite coincides.
1871.]
A Retrospect of the War.
383
saying that it did not intend to
have peace at all. But France likes
the sound of the word Peace, though
it may be careless about the thing
signified. The Empire also was
Peace !
The Prussian hosts coming up from
the eastward ranged themselves
round Paris in the latter half of Sep-
tember, and proceeded to form the
investment. From this point, how-
ever, the decision and the immutable
purpose which had marked their
proceedings are not so apparent.
Though they no doubt intended to
become masters of the city, yet they
clearly hesitated so much about
using the ordinary means for attain-
ing that object, that they greatly
hazarded their success. At first
they appeared to think that famine
alone would give them their desire;
and they sat looking at the city for
three months without attacking it.
At the beginning of 1871 they began
to attack, as if despairing of their
.first plan. Now the attack, if to be
made at all, should have been made
in October. They obtained the sur-
render at last, and so did not incur
disappointment as regarded the re-
sult ; the prestige, however, which
at first attached to their movements,
declined after their arrival before
Paris.
A negotiation for peace between
Count Bismark and M. Jules Favre
was opened ; but as the Republicans
would hear of no surrender of ter-
ritory, no peace was made. The
Prussian band was drawn more
closely round Paris, while the French
Government made to the country
unbounded promises of victory by
meansof the levies which Republican
ardour was sure to evoke. The im-
mense regular army of France had
retreated before their enemies. One
huge segment had surrendered and
gone into captivity, and another
segment, comprising nearly all the
remainder, was shut up in Metz and
neutralised. The few regular troops
that remained were in Paris, and
these, it was agreed on all hands,
were thoroughly demoralised. Yet,
notwithstanding this collapse, armies
Avere to start up at the touch of the
Republican wand, whose achieve-
ments should call back the glories of
the first Revolution, annihilate their
enemies, and restore its sanctity to
the soil of France. However one
might distrust the bombast that was
uttered, it was impossible, before
they had made their attempts, to
prove that these loud talkers had
really no resource, and no rational
hope of success. Now that the
event is known, they lie open to
having, by most unwarrantable de-
lusions, prolonged the miseries and
aggravated the humiliation of their
country. For the agony, and the
exhaustion, and the arrest of civil-
isation which France has undergone
since the autumn, the Government
of National Defence is responsible,
rather than the sword of Prussia.
As resistance a X entrance was now
the cry, Paris was victualled and
otherwise provided for the long and
trying siege that was expected. Her
suburbs were ruthlessly defaced, and
the timber of her beautiful woods
cut down. The Germans were not,
of course, allowed to establish them-
selves around the walls entirely un-
opposed, while the defending forces
numbered 300,000 men, made up
of troops of the line, National Guards,
Mobiles, and marine artillery. Here
and there the French troops who
were found occupying positions out-
side the fortifications attempted to
make good their ground, but were
invariably driven in. Once or twice
the garrison debouched into the
plains, and tried the fortune of
battle, which to them was in every
instance heavy loss and discomfiture,
and there were numerous small but
unavailing sorties. The general re-
sult showed the utter inability of
the defenders to cope outside of the
walls with the attacking forces.
384
A Retrospect of the War.
[March
The useless efforts attracted some
attention when they were made,
but they had so little effect in re-
spect to the siege that they are not
worth recounting in detail. Mean-
while the Government put a pres-
sure upon the country, and began
to assemble an army "behind the
Loire," as the saying was, from
which army, being a Republican
and not an Imperial force, immense
exploits were promised. The Gov-
ernment, or the principal members
of it, before the capital was wholly
invested, removed from Paris to
Tours. General Trochu, the com-
mandant of Paris, was said to be ex-
hibiting prodigious energy in train-
ing within the walls the immense
force which was to be used for the
defence, and which, co-operating
vigorously with the army of the
Loire, would, it was hoped, occupy
the Germans rather more closely
than they might desire.
Towards the end of September
came the news that Strasbourg had
surrendered on the 27th. It had
stood a siege of some forty-eight
days, whereof the attack does not
seem to have been very vigorously
conducted, nor the defence to have
had any very brilliant episode. Nev-
ertheless the passive courage of the
defenders was respectable, and the
capitulation of the town an evil for
France, as it set free between 20,000
and 30,000 German soldiers who
had been besieging, and it opened
another way from Germany into
France, exposing more of the eastern
departments to be ravaged by the
enemy. 450 French officers and
17,000 soldiers surrendered. It was
still strongly in favour of the French
that Metz continued to hold out. The
force there imprisoned, if it could do
nothing more, at least occupied
200,000 Germans in watching it ;
and if anything was to be done on
the Loire or elsewhere, it was plainly
desirable to do it before these Ger-
mans should be disposable in other
directions. Besides the army of the
Loire an army of Lyons was an-
nounced, as also levies in the east
of France. The first mentioned be-
gan to take some form iinder the
command of General de la Motte
Rouge, and notices of its distribu-
tion and movements were regularly
given.
Balloons were in this siege used
for escaping from Paris, and for
emitting intelligence therefrom.
Great eclat attached to one aerial
voyage by which M. Gambetta, who
was Minister of the Interior at the
birth of the Republic, arrived safely
at Amiens from Paris, on the 8th
October. He came to awaken the
Departments to the necessity for in-
stant, general, and unremitting ex-
ertion if Paris was to be saved, and
France to be victorious. He pro-
claimed and exhorted, and he did
more than this : he undertook the
direction of things military, becom-
ing, in fact, War Minister ; ordered
levies and equipments, set up and.
put down commanders, and gave a
decided impetus to the kind of mili-
tary exertion of which the country
was yet capable. Of what value
this reanimation was we know now.
At the time of M. Gambetta's de-
scent from the upper air, it raised
new hope in many well-wishers of
France who had been yielding to
despair. About the same time came
General Garibaldi, and offered his
services to the Republic. They were
accepted, and he received a com-
mand in the Vosges. But almost
the first intelligence after that which
announced these energetic proceed-
ings, was of disaster to all the
armies. The army in the east of
France, said to number 14,000 men,
was attacked by a little army of
Badeners, who, nothing daunted by
the numerical superiority of their
enemy, fought and signally beat
him. It had now become the rule
for the French to lose, and German
troops of any quality did not hesi-
1871.]
A Retrospect of the War.
385
tate to engage them against odds, so
confident had they learned to be of
the result. As to the Army of the
Loire, it began to make itself felt
by little excursions, thereby chal-
lenging the attention of the enemy,
who, by drafts from the different
armies, quickly composed a new
corps, which was placed under the
command of General von der Tann.
This corps marched upon de la
Motte Rouge, and the first event of
the expedition was the unusual one
of a slight French success. For
some of the cavalry which covered
the advance were set upon at Ablis
by some franc - tireura, and very
severely handled. The combat there
was, however, a subordinate affair,
and did not in any wise arrest the
advance of der Tann's divisions,
which fell in on the 8th October
with the foremost brigade, and drove
it back upon supports which came
up, but in most disproportioned
strength. The French, though over-
matched, made a respectable stand,
but were driven back with heavy
loss of prisoners and guns upon
Orleans, which, however, they did
not hold. De la Motte Rouge made
a show of defending the city on the
approach of Von der Tann, but un-
successfully, and the Germans entered
the place on the llth or 12th, in
triumph, the French General disap-
pearing from the scene. The army
at Lyons could not make up its
mind to become an army. Lyons
seemed more intent on settling po-
litical differences within its walls,
than on contributing to the national
defence. The army, if it had any
existence save on paper, was entirely
inoperative in the field.
Thus the first burst of Republican
energy was without any good re-
sult. And although M. Gambetta
did not cease to call succeeding and
greater armies into existence, the
fate of all was the same. They were
swept away by the Germans ; and it
cannot be said that at any time they
had a chance of intercepting the
siege of Metz or the siege of Paris,
both which operations went steadily,
if not rapidly, forward. Of course
a success such as M. Gambetta pro-
mised in the field would have dis-
concerted the Germans grievously,
and have forced them to look to
their own safety and communica-
tions, rather than to the reduction
of fortresses. But they knew well
what they were about, and, while
employing the body of their force
against these important cities, al-
ways had a spare limb or two ready
and able to frustrate the attempts of
M. Gambetta's armies.
Although General de la Motte
Rouge disappeared, the Army of the
Loire did not disappear. Either a
second army rose from the remains
of the first, or the army of de la
Motte Rouge was only part of a
greater army, which still was an-
nounced, and which at length again
took the field under the command
of a mysterious chief, General
d'Aurelles de Paladine, about whom
we know about as much as we do
of Melchisedec. He turns up of a
sudden a full-blown General, his
antecedents unknown, a romantic
interest about his mission. He is
said to be this personage and that
personage, and sometimes, as Mrs
Malaprop said of Cerberus, three
gentlemen at once. He came, he
saw, but he did not conquer ; and
he disappeared as mystically as he
came on the stage. He, however,
was, at his first coming, the chief
hope of France. General Bourbaki
had gone to reorganise the forces in
the north. Garibaldi was preparing
for a partisan warfare in the Vosges,
when the world was astonished by the
second memorable event of the war.
Metz capitulated on the 2 7th October,
three French Marshals and 173,000
French troops thus becoming prison-
ers of war, and yielding up their
arms and stores. This blow differed
from the calamity of Sedan, inaa-
386
A Retrospect of the War,
[March
much as that it was expected. But,
moderated as it was by this fore-
knowledge, it was still a most
astounding event. Another huge
army moved away as prisoners from
the theatre of war, all hope gone of
France having the aid of regular
forces during the contest, another
immense encouragement afforded to
the invader, and the very darkest
omens for besieged Paris ; — these re-
sults followed when the fortress of
Metz succumbed to famine. We
did not turn aside from the narra-
tion of events in the provinces to
note, as they occurred, incidents of
the siege, and indeed the incidents
are not remarkable. Bazaine's army
did not remain quiescent after it
was driven upon Metz on the 18th
August, but it did nothing to
affect the result of the war. On
the 31st August a sortie was made,
intended, it was thought, to be
in concert with an attack ex-
pected to be made by M'Mahon
from without. But M'Mahon was
then in extremis at Sedan. On the
27th September and the 7th October
Bazaine made heavy sorties, the last
of them a serious affair, but unsuc-
cessful ; and many minor assaults
were also made upon the beleaguer-
ing force, which nevertheless through
all held its ground, and eventually
attained its object. Of course this
capture cleared the chess-board in
a great degree. Expectation was
centred on Paris, on the calcula-
tion how long it could hold out,
and on the operations of the armies
which still kept the field — hoping
yet, amid the gloom of misfortune
and of coming winter, to do some-
thing for deliverance. Although
from the 31st October to 31st
January is as long a period as that
which contained the most stirring
events of the war, this winter quar-
ter, now that it is past, appears
almost barren. Verdun capitulated
on the 8th November, Neu Brisach
on the llth of the same month,
Phalsburg on the 12th December —
the fortresses thus passing one after
another into the invaders' hands.
Neither the fighting without nor
the sallies from within, although
both frequently occurred, at all
affected the progress of the siege of
Paris, which went on with stern
persistency. For many weeks the
reading world was amused with
accounts of the arrival of the Prus-
sian siege train, and the approach-
ing commencement of regular siege
works; but week after week slipped
away, and though distant batteries
were constructed there was no sign
of a vigorous attack. We have said
before, and we say again, that the
Prussians risked a great deal by this
course. Great as was their superi-
ority in so many respects, they were
not secure from the many accidents
which come sometimes to disconcert
the very best laid plans. Had for-
tune but smiled for a day or two on
one of the French armies in the
field, and enabled it to sever the
German communications, the raising
of the siege, and possibly a difficult
retreat through the snow, might have
ensued. But the result has now
justified all that was done.
About the 8th of November the
French Army of the Loire was in
motion, and even achieved a slight
success. For, being far more numer-
ous than the army of General von
der Tann, it advanced upon Orleans
where that General was, and obliged
him to leave the town, and to retreat
with some loss. But he was soon
reinforced, and acting once more
in concert with other corps. The
Army of the Loire did not follow
up its success. Meanwhile General
Bourbaki, who had been organising
troops in the north of France, was
transferred to the east by M. Gam-
betta. An army appeared in Brit-
tany, and Garibaldi was by this
time in the south near Dijon. All
these armies experienced reverses
about the beginning of December.
1871.]
The Army of the Loire was so crush-
ingly defeated by a German force nu-
merically far inferior, that for a long
while it was said to have altogether
dispersed. But it had not altogether
dispersed. Chanzy, at the head of
one portion, did some hard fighting,
and kept the field near Le Mans ;
and Bourbaki, who from the east
had joined d'Aurelles de Paladine,
was near Bourges. D'Aurelles was
not heard of as a leader again ; but
Chanzy and Bourbaki continued
their campaign through December
and January. Faidherbe succeeded
to the command of the corps in the
north from which Bourbaki had been
removed ; and these names remained
connected with the field operations
until the armistice which followed
the capitulation of the capital. After
the signal defeat of the Army of the
Loire, the chief of the Prussian staff
sent information of the event to the
commandant of Paris. The latter,
however, replied that Paris would
defend itself independently ; and
Paris, without doubt, was led to en-
tertain a belief of the state of things
outside very different from the facts
that were known elsewhere. One of
these facts was, the increase of the
German forces in France by a very
large number — it was said, 150,000
men. Another effect of the defeat
was, that the French Government
removed from Tours to Bordeaux.
The different armies in the field did
not again cause much sensation till
the very end of the year, and then
General Faidherbe in the north took
up the fighting, and was opposed by
General Manteuffel. At first Faid-
herbe, though he gave ground, main-
tained pertinacioiisly that he had
beaten the Germans ; but it was soon
apparent that the beating could have
been theoretical only, as Faidherbe
was in retreat to the north, whereas
his object was to advance on Paris.
Great hopes were then rested upon
General Chanzy, who was advancing
on Paris from the south-west, and
387
whose guns the unhappy Parisians
thought they heard as he pressed on
to their relief; but, alas ! Chanzy had
been taken in hand by the Duke of
Mecklenburg and cruelly entreated.
His army, if not annihilated, was
dispersed and rendered incapable for
a long time of being again formidable.
General Bourbaki, though not so
completely beaten as Chanzy, was
making but a sorry fight of it near
Belfort. He too claimed victories,
while his movements too plainly
appeared the consequences of defeat.
In fact, the effervescence which M.
Gainbetta had excited in the Depart-
ments was generally and effectually
quelled just by the time when the
distressed capital had borne the
straitness of the siege to the last
degree of endurance.
From the middle of September,
when Paris was invested, till the
end of January, when it became
suddenly clear that the sad game
was played out, the confidence of
the city seems to have been very
great. Its behaviour under trial
was far better than any expected it
to be. One not very violent at-
tempt was made to overset the
Government of National Defence,
and that was the only political ebul-
lition of consequence until the very
end, when, as we have only lately
been learning, there was again some
disturbance. The deportment of
the citizens during the siege appears
to have been grave, as became the
situation — not frivolous and reckless,
not fanatically violent, but steadily
determined and sanguine to a degree
as long as there was the least ground
or apparent ground for hope. The
defence of the city was, on the whole,
quite as good as could have been
expected under all the circumstances.
At first there was an idea that the
garrison could sally and cut their
way through the German line; and
attempts were made on different
occasions, but in vain. The first of
these was on the 19th September •
388
A Retrospect of the War.
there were small sorties on the 23d,
and a sortie in force on the 30th,
none of them improving the con-
dition of the besieged. On the 30th
November a sortie in great force
tinder General Ducrot sallied and
attacked the three villages of Cham-
pigny, Brie, and Villiers, of all which
they obtained temporary possession.
The fighting was very severe, and
Ducrot's force, though it retired
tinder the shelter of the guns, was
for some days outside the walls. It
is supposed that Trochu had notice
of the advance at this time .of the
armies of the Loire, the north, and
the east, and that the sortie was
designed to co-operate with these.
After all this fighting the invest-
ment remained undisturbed, and, as
we have seen, the armies were all
disposed of. On the 19th January
another grand sortie, supposed to
have been made to satisfy popular
clamour rather than by the will of
General Trochu, came out, and made
an unsuccessful attempt to dislodge
the Germans. At the commence-
ment of the siege the French worked
diligently at the construction of
auxiliary and connecting works, in
some of which they established for-
midable batteries, which might have
added greatly to the strength of the
fortifications. And towards the
end of December General Trochu
provisioned Mont Valerien, and
strengthened it, for the purpose, as
was thought, of making it a citadel.
One of the new redoubts, Mount
Avron, became troublesome to the
Prussians, who replied vigorously to
its fire, and, to their surprise, found
that it had been abandoned, after
thirty-six hours' fighting, on the 29th
December. This abandonment re-
mains a great discredit to the French
troops. For the work was found to
be remarkably strong and well pro-
vided, so that a proper spirit would
undoubtedly have turned it to great
account. It took a month to con-
struct.
After having once begun to fire at
Mont Avron, the Prussians did not
again desist from the use of their
artillery. The three months' block-
ade and the trials of winter had
evidently made them somewhat dis-
trustful of their own plans, and a
half-hearted attack was commenced
on the forts and enceinte. Shells
here and there fell within the city,
causing more or less damage. But
it may be assumed now that this
expenditure of projectiles did not
in the least hasten the capitula-
tion of the city. As long as there
was food, on ever so small a scale,
Paris resisted ; when utter star-
vation stared her in the face, she
yielded.
It should be the endeavour of
France now, as it is the wish and the
hope of all Europe, to bring this abo-
minable war to an end. History will
count up its battles and its gigantic
operations, will tell of France's hu-
miliation and the cession of her
territory. Fame will trumpet the
German victories, as indeed she is
bound to do, and name Prussia first
among the nations in council as in
the field. But in the homes and
in the hearts of both the German
and the French peoples, there will
remain for many a day recollec-
tions of this diabolical war, which
patriotism cannot cure, to which
honour's voice cannot minister. We
may not refuse our sympathy to
bleeding hearts ; but justice will
not be quite swallowed up in com-
passion. We cannot forget the con-
temptible quarrel out of which all
this misery and destruction arose ;
and much as we may pity the in-
dividual sufferers, we cannot forgive
the unbridled arrogance which has
wantonly drawn a pall over Europe,
and revived the feuds of barbarism
in the nineteenth century.
1871.]
TJie Side Army and its Doctors.
389
THE SICK ARMY AXD ITS DOCTORS.
SOME potent remedies are about
to be applied to the British army
without doubt. We seem all to be
pretty well agreed about that. But
somehow there is a lack of clearness
about the disease or diseases that
we propose to cure. For want of a
correct diagnosis physicians are get-
ting a little wild : pills, potions, for-
ceps, saws, knives, are pushed menac-
ingly into view ; the thought has
ceased to be of what the patient
wants : who shall be first to subject
him to sharp treatment of some sort ?
that is the question. »
We quite understand that those
who think proper to hate the army
will be content to thrust at it, no
matter how, provided they can da-
mage it. We know, too, that to a
dull aspiring politician, something
which he can denounce ad libitum,
to audiences who know nothing
whatever concerning it, is too tempt-
ing to allow him to reflect whether
he says what is just or unjust. We
pass these cases, but have a word
for fair, well-intentioned Englishmen
who may have been wrought by
iteration to a belief that the army is
wholly unsound, and that only the
most energetic treatment can restore
it. Of these men we would ask
whether they have definite ideas as
to the evils with which they are
ready to deal ; whether these, when
defined, are such as to render the
.army useless ; or whether they
merely make it not so good as it
might be] If we should be met
with the well-known cries, Purchase
system, Dual Government, Half-pay
list, Efficiency with economy, and
so on, we remark that an army can,
as we know, exist and do its work
in spite of the ills which these cries
indicate. The loudest cries, then,
do not point to a fatal disease —
VOL. CIX. — NO. DCLXV.
some chronic complaints perhaps,
but nothing threatening the life or
the mind of the patient. And, after
all, these cries do not show in what
respects the imputed diseases cause
incapacity or vicious qualities ; they
only prove that there are some mat-
ters connected with the service at
which the public is highly indig-
nant. Now we will endeavour to
turn, for a moment, from the sensa-
tional cries, and to direct attention
to the patient. It is clear that be-
fore we can determine to what ex-
tent the army or anything else fails
of its purpose, we must have a clear
idea of what that purpose is.
Defence, in the broad sense of the
word, comprehends the great pur-
pose of a British army. Our arms
are carried abroad sometimes, but
always in support of a defensive,
not an aggressive, policy. Clearly,
then, the first point to ascertain be-
yond dispute in weighing the merits
and demerits of our force is, Are its
qualities and constitution (we say
nothing of numbers now) such as to
give us reasonable reliance on its
ability to protect us ? If the answer
be affirmative, then the evils cannot
be considered of the first degree,
they will be moved out of the list
of highly dangerous diseases ; and
the answer may be promptly given
without the least fear of contradic-
tion. The army has never fled before
our enemies ; has been always ready
to sail or march to meet those ene-
mies ; does never move or manifest
volition, except at the call of the
State ; politically is as little felt as
if it did not exist ; maintains its
discipline and its skill in the use of
arms. We assume all these points
to be granted, and then say that
the charges cannot be of the gravest
order. We have at least a reliable
2D
390
The Sick Army and its Doctors.
[March
defence ; whether of the most effici-
ent and economical kind is another
question, but at any rate we have
a machine which can do its work.
Now this consideration, we feel as-
sured, will calm the anxieties of
dispassionate men, whenever it may
recur to their minds. It will con-
vince them that whatever room there
may be for improvement, there is
not that desperate disease which
calls for desperate, instant, kill-or-
cure remedies. On the contrary,
there is so much of good in the
service, that the preservation of that
good is as important as the eradica-
tion of evil. There is not the least
difficulty in pointing out blemishes,
and if the blemishes were merely
superficial, there would be no diffi-
culty in dealing with them. But,
unfortunately, the remedies would
have to go very near the core, and
an unskilful physician in treating
one malady would be in danger of
producing twenty. It is therefore
of the first importance that those who
prescribe should know thoroughly
the constitution on which they de-
sign, to work ; that there should be
no undue haste in taking action, or
animus allowed to operate ; that
popular excitement should be as
little as possible used in reference
to the subject.
Those who know the reasons why
it is dangerous to tamper with the
constitution of the army, have been
very chary of giving those reasons.
They have spoken mysteriously, and
in parables. The consequence has
been, an impression that they had
no reason to give, that their own in-
clinations or interests alone swayed
them, and that their oracular utter-
ances were simply a cloak for their
wilf alness. Thus this reticence is by
no means Avholesome, and one sees,
at last, that to utter the plain truth
would be the better course. We
venture to be a little more communi-
cative than some others have been,
and trust that in being so we shall
not offend John Bullism beyond
hope of forgiveness.
In fact, then, it is the great de-
gree of liberty enjoyed by the civil
population of these kingdoms which
makes dealing with the military
body such a dangerous proceeding.
We all know that there is nothing
that the Briton prizes so much, no
privilege which he exercises so ha-
bitually, as his right to think, and
speak, and act as he may choose
within the broad limits of a most
tolerant common law. He is free
from restraint himself, and he ab-
solutely hates and never tires of tes-
tifying his hatred of, and of de-
nouncing, everything that has the
appearance of restraint, no matter
what the purpose of the restraint
may be. He is jealous, morbidly
jealous, of authority. There is the
greatest difficulty in getting him to
submit himself for a moment, even
that he may obtain his heart's de-
sire, so much does he loathe the
appearance of enduring dictation.
Whether he incline to work good
or evil, or to be utterly idle, or to
play the fool, he says as peremp-
torily as Abraham's seed that he
was never in bondage to any man.
We do not think that this overstates
the creed and practice of the civil
population. But now behold a
marvel ! Interspersed among them,
reared in their homes, imbued ori-
ginally with the same opinions, are
to be seen an exceptional few who
have learned to control their wills,
their sentiments, probably their
very thoughts, in deference to the
wills of superiors ; who glory in
obedience, yet who have lost not a
scintilla of the genuine Briton's fire,
but who rather, by not expending
that fire at will, have a double por-
tion ready for occasions where it
may be called for. We have a
perfectly tame and domesticated
fighting organism, which can be
1871.]
TJie Sick Army and its Doctors.
391
wholly free and social during its
leisure, but which at a call assumes
its disciplined character, and stands
ready to act by command. Think
carefully, reader, what our peculiari-
ties are, and you cannot but wonder
how obedience in any form can co-
exist with them. You can get but
little from your servants or your
workmen — for, as you know to your
cost, the services which they render
in return for wages, are not very
cheerfully given, and are carefully
distinguished from anything like
a general obedience; and yet, by
some means or other, you have of
your own flesh and blood individu-
als whose submission can be hearty
and perfect. And pray do not
think that this is matter of course.
Do not say, It is not necessary in
civil life, therefore we don't enforce
it ; but among soldiers, of course,
everybody knows that there must
be discipline, and so we all agree to
have it, — for we agree to nothing of
the sort. Not only does the British
public not assist in maintaining the
discipline of the army, but notori-
ously it does its utmost when occa-
sion offers to weaken that discipline.
It takes part invariably with the
inferior against the superior. The
discipline of our army is one of the
curiosities of the nation. It exists
in spite of a variety of national feel-
ings, modes of thought, and habits
quite inimical to it.
It is very necessary that the
above arguments should be consi-
dered, because we believe that many
of the soi-disant army reformers ima-
gine that the eradication of every-
thing objectionable is a very simple
matter ; that after they have revolu-
tionised the old-fashioned army,
there will be no difficulty in recon-
structing another having all its good
points and none of its faults. If
they do not exactly succeed at first,
they soon will succeed once they
have begun to tinker ; and, after the
second attempt if not after the
first, after the third if not after the
second, they will certainly produce
a perfect article. They think only
of removing the blots ; they hardly
know what they undertake when
they set about reconstructing the
machine. The offer of certain
wages, the promise of advancement,
and so on, will, they think, procure
a certain amount of service regulat-
ed as may be required. But this is
just where they would be liable to
fail. Service may certainly be got
for wages, but can obedience 1
And now to return to this obedi-
ent incongruity amid an independ-
ent population. The secret of it
lies no doubt in the constitution of
the army, which is not a chance in-
vention, not a natural or artificial
aggregation, but a thing that has
grown, a thing that in the course of
centuries has become adapted to the
temper of the people, finding out
the mysterious channels through
which alone discipline can be made
to circulate, and the subtile ties
which link the leader and the fol-
lower together. In the classes
from which the different ranks of
the service are drawn may be found
probably the explanation of how
and why it is made to work under
so many disadvantages. Some of
the very abuses which, abstractedly,
seem so glaring and intolerable, may
be the main-springs of the organisa-
tion. Indeed, those who know the
service can have no doubt that the
discipline of the army is in great
measure due to the personal influ-
ence of the officers. It would be a
poor recompense for some zealous
army regenerator when he should
have constructed an army after his
own heart to find himself a Frank-
enstein, the author of a dangerous
monster !
.But we are not making this re-
presentation with a view of deterring
competent persons from improving
392
Tlie Sick Army and its Doctors.
[March
the service. Changes must come ;
and, provided they be well -consi-
dered changes, we do not wish to
avert them. But we do earnestly
wish that popular passion may not
he excited to rush wildly at the ser-
vice ; we wish that no aspiring
politician may he allowed to make
capital out of its defects, to turn its
diseases to commodity. It should
be meddled with by those only who
know it intimately, who can tell
where it can bear alteration without
losing its distinctive character, who
will still keep it at heart the same
true servant that it has ever been.
Having, as we hope, shown that
the evils which afflict the army are
not of the first magnitude, we will
try to ascertain what these evils are.
And, putting aside the attacks
which proceed from pure envy, or
cynicism, or from a desire to obtain
political notice, we take the com-
plaint that a large part of the army
is rather idle in time of peace to be
the foremost, and to include a great
many other complaints that are
separately put forward. Idleness
among the rank and file of the
army naturally offends many who
have to fill the idle mouths, and
who do not quite see what good
is ever to come of maintaining so
many unproductive hands. Idle-
ness among the officers brings the
purchase system into question, is
really what induces the public to
believe the army inefficient, is really
the cause of many of the disabilities
with which the dual government is
charged. It appears to us that this
is the first thing to cure, that if it
were cured much beside would be
cured. The men could not well
be idle if the officers be not so, it
is pretty evident ; but the benefit
would reach further than that, as
we will try to show.
The only tenable objection to the
purchase system is, that under it
officers in reality receive scarcely
the interest of their money in the
form of pay, and so consider it only
fair that they should be to a great
extent masters of their own time
while the country is at peace.
Wherever amusement is going on,
there, as a matter of course, are a
large proportion of military officers
who appear never to have business
sufficiently pressing to prevent their
attendance. And we must admit
that, while in other countries offi-
cers are devoting themselves to the
improvement of the military service,
and while confessedly our own ser-
vice wants increased supervision and
improved organisation in all its
branches, the country has a right to
complain that military officers should
always find time at their disposal.
And it is not merely the time dur-
ing which he is really away from
duty which is debited against the
officer by the public. He has the
unfortunate habit of making himself
appear a much harder bargain than
he really is. His affected avoidance
of military subjects in conversation,
which he designates " talking shop,"
and the anxiety which he shows to
strip off" his uniform as soon as he is
released from duty, though they are
known by the initiated to be mere
silly fashions which accident or the
love of change might at any time
alter, yet appear to more distant ob-
servers as signs of utter indifference
to the profession. It is no wonder
if, now and then, John Bull the
paymaster is irritated at this. Ko
wonder if he says, I must have men
who will work at their profession,
who will show some little pride in
it, who will give up their time and
thoughts to it. And a great deal of
this animadversion there is no doubt
that officers have brought upon them-
selves. They would seem to have re-
versed Hamlet's maxim, and instead
of assuming virtues which they
have not, to assume a want of virtue
of which as a body they are not
1871.]
TJie Sick Army and its Doctors.
393
guilty. We need scarcely pursue
this part of the subject farther, as
there are few to whom the reflection,
is suggested who cannot fill in de-
tails for themselves. But there is
another effect of idleness not so
easy to trace to its source, and yet
explanatory, as we believe, of a diffi-
culty that is cruelly perplexing John
Bull, and the ministers and stewards
of his mysteries.
There is an antagonism extant
between what are called the Depart-
ments of the army and the Combat-
ant army. The Combatants accuse
the Departments of being remiss, ob-
structive, unjust in making charges
and in questioning requisitions. The
Departments, who are most or all
of them accountants, complain that
they have the greatest difficulty in
getting demands, returns, accounts,
certificates, &c., rendered at proper
times, with proper care, and in pro-
per form, so much do combatant
officers chafe at documentary labour.
The combatant branches look to the
Horse Guards authorities as their
only legitimate rulers, and to the
War Department as a sort of evil
influence to which they are in some
sort given over by the unhappy con-
stitution of things.* The Depart-
ments bewail the friction which is
caused by the feeling against them
and their work in barracks, and
think with sorrow how smoothly
things might go if regimental officers
would only condescend to study
War Office regulations, and recog-
nise work which concerns stores,
barracks, and payments, as equally
legitimate with that which concerns
military exercises and military dis-
cipline. A great number of the dis-
putes thus arising have eventually
to be settled — perhaps fought out —
between the Horse Guards and the
War Office; and hence, to a great
extent, is the duality of the two
branches, which need not be dual at
all, if regimental officers were a little
more disposed to work, and to con-
sider what a complex duty the ad-
ministration of an army is. No
doubt there was a time when what
is now the work of the Departments
of the army was a comparatively
simple care. Either the command-
ing officer received a round sum
in money for providing what he
thought necessary (as was the case
with the " Clothing Colonels," only
recently abolished), or else the
officers who performed the duties
of supply were attached to regi-
ments, subject to the commanding
officer, and obliged to manage things
according to his will, receiving his
powerful support when they did so,
and thus averting all serious obstruc-
tion. In those days inferior officers
were fain to be content with what
the colonel thought to be sufficient
for them or their men, and they got
this without personal trouble. But
the service has grown and grown,
the accessories have multiplied con-
tinually. It is no longer possible
for a regimental officer to take upon
himself the various duties relating
to shelter, transport, and supply ;
neither would the country be con-
tent to intrust these duties to an
officer who is considered to have
enough to do without them. And
accordingly, the different depart-
ments of the army have come into
being as a necessity, and to the
benefit of all, as any reflecting sol-
dier must perceive. For the regi-
mental officers would not in the
present day endure to receive stores
or provisions, tents or barracks, at
* There is a Nemesis in this. The Ordnance was by far the best constituted and
most skilfully worked Department that John Bull ever had. The Horse Guards
and the Combatant army set upon it, destroyed it, and raised up in its place the
War Department, which is going to swallow them up !
394
TJte Sick Army and its Doctors.
[March
the discretion of an officer under-
taking the whole for a round sum ;
and yet they would gladly still en-
joy that immunity from personal
trouble which the old system al-
lowed them. But this, of course, is
impossible. If the rights and claims
of individuals are separately cared
for, some little trouble must be taken
to show that each receives his due,
and not more than his due, while
all is as economically arranged as
possible. This trouble is due to the
public and to all concerned. It is,
however, a considerable trouble, and
if properly encountered will be an
appreciable addition to the routine
business of a regimental officer. We
have reason to think, however, that
the necessity for performing such
duties has never been recognised by
the combatant officers ; that their
creed and their practice follow the
theory that all such service as we
now call departmental, should be
done for them at their nod, and
they be no further troubled concern-
ing matters so much below their
dignity. Now, at the bottom of
this is the idea that the officer has
a right to a great deal of leisure,
and to resent as an invasion of his
right all duty-calls which are un-
connected with fighting, marching,
discipline, or martial exercise. He
is continually aggrieved because
things are not properly and instant-
ly done for him, he is unmerciful in
his condemnation of the Depart-
ments, and yet he will not heartily
co-operate in making inspections,
considering requisitions, adhering to
forms, respecting regulations, and
overlooking the economical consump-
tion and use of stores. These du-
ties, when done hastily and care-
lessly, lead to misunderstandings,
and the misunderstandings to squab-
bles. And so the service halts.
The blot has at last been hit :
purchase of commissions is seen to
be indirectly culpable in this mat-
ter, and many of those who perceive
its complicity have come to the con-
clusion that it ought to cease. The
War Office, irritated by continual
opposition and disputes, is inclining
more and more towards those who
are leading the crusade against pur-
chase. The purchase system will
soon, therefore, disappear, unless
there be wisdom enough o'n the
part of the public and on the part
of the combatant officers to cure
what is manifestly wrong without
sweeping away what is manifestly
advantageous in many respects.
Under the purchase system has
grown, and is maintained, that dis-
cipline of which we have spoken ;
and by means of the system the
service gets rid of men who find
themselves unsuited to it, and a
current of promotion is kept up.
It would therefore be a great bene-
fit if, without disturbing the system
itself, we could abolish the idleness
to which it gives rise. Authority
can do a great deal in this respect ;
and if officers are wise, they will
give up more of their time to their
duties, and not be ashamed of ap-
pearing to the public to take some
interest in their profession. They
will study the War Office regula-
tions— which we admit to be a most
intricate and endless study, for they
are altered every two or three
months — and cordially assist in
carrying them out. They do not
wish the purchase system to cease,
and if they will only cure the chief
defect — namely, idleness — to which
purchase gives rise, they will pro-
bably be able to defy agitators and
the enemies of their profession.
We must not, however, leave our-
selves open to be thought uncom-
promising admirers of the War
Office and its Departments, for we
by no means consider them free from
blame. The complexity of their
regulations, and the continual start-
ling changes in the methods of con-
1871.]
TJte Sick Army and its Doctors.
395
ducting the duties, of apportioning
the responsibility, and of keeping
the accounts, are of themselves
enough to try patience and shake
confidence. It is certain that there
is no controlling spirit within the
walls of the office in Pall Mall ; and
that power, without the requisite
knowledge or ability to decide, re-
sides with an official who is blown
about by every wind of doctrine, as
mutable as fortune, inclining now
before military, now before quasi-
military influence, timid and tenta-
tive, without purpose and without
firmness. This want of an able re-
solute head we can only point out
and grieve over. But of the vagaries
which that head is made to execute
we can suggest some explanation.
It will be remembered that until
very recently the War Office had
not even nominal power over the
Combatant service ; and that, now
that it has got power, the power is
too recently acquired to be at once
fearlessly and beneficially wielded.
Consequently, the acts of the War
Department have been attempts to
twist the regulations into a shape in
which they will work smoothly —
futile and endless attempts, of course ;'
because the fault did not He in the
regulations — it lay in the relations
of the Combatants to the Depart-
ments.
But, in order to get a true idea
of the condition of things, it should
be noted that the War Department,
besides promulgating and cancelling
regulations, has taken another mea-
sure for insuring some respect for
its decrees, by appointing in all dis-
tricts officers to represent it, and
wholly devoted to its interests and
ascendancy, as combatant officers are
said to be to the interests and as-
cendancy of the Horse Guards. By
means of these controllers, as they
are called, an influence counter to
that of the purely military staff is
raised up in every command : a
powerful advocate stands up to
plead for War Department rights
before general officers and adjutants-
general, and to point to regulations
and insist that they be regarded.
This plan, clever to a certain extent,
certainly does negative a great deal
of evil, and override a great many
difficulties, simply by acting as
checks and neutralises; but they
curb and restrain, they do not ob-
tain co-operation ; and the animosity
to them of the military staff, who
have been accustomed to order
things their own way, is said to be
very bitter. Nevertheless the ope-
ration of the controllers has been to
our mind beneficial in securing pro-
per respect for War Office require-
ments ; the fault of it would seem to
be that it effects its object by an
antagonism which, though it may,
as long as peace continues, produce
equilibrium, may yet bear bitter
fruit some day, when, after or during
a successful war, our combatants are
once more in the ascendant, bearing
all before them, and seeking ven-
geance for the fancied opposition
and humiliation to which they have
been subjected. How, if under such
circumstances they should overthrow
the control, and perhaps not the
control alone, as they overthrew the
Ordnance !
Again, we think it much to be
regretted that the original idea of
taking controllers from all branches
of the service was departed from.
There are substantial inducements
to accept these appointments ; and
we believe that, if a few cavalry and
infantry colonels had been turned
into controllers, that expedient
would have done more to open the
eyes of both sides to • the origin of
the troubles than any they could
have adopted. As it is, most of the
controllers have been taken from
the Commissariat and the Military
Store branches, which were depart-
ments already; so that there has
396
Tlie Sick Army and its Doctors.
[March
been no fusion or alliance, no in-
spection of both sides of the can-
vass.
For the above reasons, we doubt
whether the controllers, though
dominant to-day, will maintain their
ascendancy. We would largely
prefer to enforce, in the first in-
stance, a co-operation of the com-
batant officers, which, once yielded,
would probably be continued from
a conviction of its necessity, and
from an appreciation of the ends to
be gained by it. If it can be proved
that the late admirable achievements
of the Germans were the work of an
army divided against itself, whereof
the regiments and staif on the one
side, and the departments of trans-
port and supply on the other side,
simply balanced and counterchecked
each other, so as to make a show of
unanimity where there was no real
consent or co-operation, then we
will be hopeful of the success of the
control scheme ; but believing as we
do that the Prussians won by a far
wiser arrangement, we still desire to
try means for producing complete
harmony and joint action.
To return to the purchase system
— we have reason to believe that a
large section of the country is
strangely misinformed as to what
that system really means. There
are many, if we do not greatly
err, who suppose that an officer can
take his commission to market as
he would his horse, and sell it to
the highest bidder. The truth is,
that the senior of the next rank be-
low that of the seller has always
the first right to purchase, suppos-
ing him to be thought fit for promo-
tion by the authorities under whose
observation and control sale and pur-
chase invariably take place. If the
senior cannot put down the regulat-
ed sum, the opportunity of purchase
passes to the next below him ; and
no officer by offering more than the
fixed price can overleap a senior
who is ready to pay that price.
Payments beyond the regulation do
certainly take place, but these are
generally made as inducements to
an officer to retire whom the regu-
lated allowance would not induce ;
they do not alter the established
order of succession. For example,
Major A. is half disposed to retire,
and it is certain that whenever he
may retire he will be succeeded by
Captain B., whose money, accord-
ing to regulation, is ready, and who
is the senior captain. But Captain
B. is very anxious indeed for the
step1, and is willing to pay some-
thing to put an end to Major A.'s
indecision : he therefore tells him
privately that if he will retire at
once he will give him a douceur
over and above the regulation.
Mark, however, that no other cap-
tain could do this to the prejudice
of Captain B. Major A. may retire
or not retire ; but whenever he does
retire, Captain B. must succeed him.*
Promotion by seniority or promo-
tion by merit is to be the rule when
promotion by purchase shall be
abolished, but the reformers don't
seem to know which, t That they
have not some ready substitute of
good promise to replace the system
which they would extinguish is not
* To show how entirely this question of purchase is misunderstood, we quote the
following, published since the text above was in type, in a leader of the ' Times ' of
17th February : — " The regular army is supplied with officers under a system which,
now that the Commission of last year has reported that the payment of over-regula-
tion prices must be recognised, without disguise throws open the command of regi-
ments to the highest bidder among those who can satisfy a few easy conditions of
service. " This is simply absurd, and it comes from a professed instructor. Shall
the blind lead the blind ?
t This was in type before the Secretary of State for War announced the prefer-
ence of Ministers for promotion by selection.
1871.]
TJie SicJc Army and its Doctcrs.
397
a good sign. It seems to argue that
they are more intent on knocking
clown, at any rate, than on improv-
ing — that it is more animosity
against the service as it is than a
wish to amend it which prompts
their efforts. Once more, guarding
ourselves against the supposition
that we condemn all reform, we say
that, before relinquishing the pur-
chase system, we ought to have a
clear idea of what we would estab-
lish in its place, and a fair and rea-
sonable expectation that the new
method will be preferable, to the
old. To show the probable results
of both the proposed methods we
subjoin a few remarks on each.
What the seniority system is can
be learned from the promotion of
the Artillery and Engineers. In
these corps it is never rapid, and
often discouragingly slow. Alter-
nate periods of stagnation and mo-
derately - slow advancement have
place. In the bad times the upper
ranks are too old for work : there
are grey captains and middle-aged
subalterns. Despair drives away
many of the disappointed, and
death at last takes the old. The
two together clear the way for
young officers, and bring about a
fortunate period. Any one who
can recall the condition of the Ord-
nance corps in the twenty years
from 1825 to 1845 has a knowledge
of a very gloomy epoch in their his-
tory. The casualties and demands
of the Peninsular War had pre-
viously opened the way for the in-
troduction of numerous aspirants,
whose prospects the peace suddenly
clouded. The field - officers and
senior captains were nearly contem-
poraries, and not yet old enough to
make vacancies in obedience to na-
ture's law ; the junior captains and
the subalterns were men of all ages
from 45 to 18. The stoppage con-
tinued until some of the eldest sub-
alterns had registered twenty -five
years of service. Then — that is to
say, about 1838 — things began to
look a little brighter through many
hopeless captains leaving the ser-
vice. In due time Death began his
work, and the seniors, being nearly
of one age, succumbed to him in
numbers. The old subalterns began
to see a better prospect, but they,
being already stricken in years, were
not likely to cumber the upper
grades long enough to injure the
prospects of those below them. Ac-
cordingly the officers who entered
the service in 1840 have enjoyed a
tolerably even promotion. These,
with thirty years' service or there-
abouts, and at the age of some 50
years, now fill the highest regimen-
tal grades, still fit for their work,
and with the experience of a long
service. But as a majority of these
are likely to last for a quarter of a
century longer, the prospects of
those who are now beginning, or
who have seen a short service, are
not flattering. By the time when
the present field-officers shall have
become aged men, another period of
stagnation will be upon those below
them, so that, in its turn, a bad
time is imminent. A liberal sys-
tem of retirement, or the accidents
of war, may modify the operation of
the law, but the law nevertheless
obtains of alternate tardy and mo-
derate promotion.
At the times when the upper
ranks are too old for their several
positions, it would be necessary, in
case of the whole service moving by
seniority, to meet the evil at any
cost ; and that the cost would at
times be considerable there can be
no doubt. To keep up a regular
continuous stream of promotion
there are no means except the com-
pulsory retirement of men at a cer-
tain age, — either at a certain age
absolutely, or at a certain age for
each rank. Probably the former
would be better for the public, as
398
Tlie Sick Army and its Doctors.
[March
securing in some grade or other the
best years of every officer's life, and
letting only his old age be burden-
some. The plan of forcing only
regimental officers of a certain age
to retire seems not to be the best.
To get rid of the oldest first — i.e.,
to insist on the retirement of the
Generals — is the surest way to open
the door for the gradual promotion
of all. But even thus the country
must face the burden of maintaining
all officers who may have passed the
retiring age (which, it is presumed,
would be 65), from the date of re-
tirement to the day of death. The
retirement must be liberal, or the
whole service will suffer for its in-
sufficiency ; and, to produce the
greatest general benefit, retirement
at the prescribed age should be an
inexorable necessity for all.
As to promotion by selection,
what the authorities may consider
best is hard to predict, but what
officers themselves would say is not
doubtful. They would prefer for-
tune, or money, or the chances of
life, as arbiters, rather than the
opinion of an official, be he who he
may. They have no belief that
selections will be made fairly, and
this distrust must render the person
whose duty it may be to make selec-
tions, as well as the officers inter-
ested in that person's choice, un-
comfortable. Selection by a com-
mittee has been suggested, but this
would be worse than selection by an
individual : the latter would, at any
rate, feel that all responsibility of
his acts rested on him, while, among
the members of the former, respon-
sibility would be frittered away so
that each man's share would be
trifling.
An idea of what promotion by
selection would be, may be formed
from observation of the selections
made now for the Staff and the civil
offices of the army. It is notorious
that not merit but personal favour, or
connection, or political influence, or
the habit of working with a particu-
lar person, decides the appointments.
In this way persons most unfit find
their way to positions of high trust,
where they do infinite mischief. The
regulation limits the time of holding
a Staff appointment to five years, but
there seems to be an unwritten law,
overriding the apparent regulation,
by which an officer once appointed
to the Staff scarcely ever returns to
regimental duty. If not continued
in his first appointment, he is trans-
ferred to another. It would seem as
if the habit of seeing him day by
day, once begun, could never be
dispensed with ; and change would
cause so great a disturbance to the
august repose of the higher authori-
ties, that it could not be thought of.
Thus, simply because working with
a strange officer may be disagreeable
at first, hundreds are never allowed
a chance of showing what they are
good for, while a few continue to
monopolise all the posts which are
considered prizes. There are at this
minute many officers who have not
taken any foreign service for up-
wards of twenty years, they having
been passed from one home appoint-
ment to another during that period.
It would be invidious to particu-
larise cases, and for those who know
the service it is not necessary to do
so : they are only too well acquaint-
ed, each in his own line, with glar-
ing instances of men selected for no
apparent merit, and sometimes in
spite of notorious incapacity and
want of desert, and of men con-
tinued in offices in defiance of re-
gulations ; and for no apparent rea-
son, except that these men have got
into the way of doing the duty — •
have, by daily intercourse with those
who can give, or recommend for, ap-
pointments, been able to plead for
themselves, and that the superiors
dislike the idea of strange men about
them.
1871.]
17ie Sic7<; Army and its Doctors.
399
Of the two methods of promotion,
that by seniority would be far pre-
ferable to that by selection, provided
only that a liberal and inexorable
system of retirement clear the lists,
and bring men on to commands at
the best time of life.
Now, before they begin to pull
down, our legislators should consider
carefully the above things, and one
thing more. To redeem all the
purchased commissions fairly will
cost the country seven millions. To
institute a liberal system of retire-
ment for the whole army — such a
system as would be required if pro-
motion were by seniority — would
load the estimates with a huge an-
nual non-effective charge, varying
from time to time, as we have shown
that the rate of promotion in the
seniority corps varies. Why should
all this money be spent if we can
improve the present system so as to
give us what we want ? Now that
the War Minister can impose his
will upon the army, and that Parlia-
ment can impose its will upon the
War Minister, why not begin by
insisting upon less leave, more (so to
speak) domestic work, and the wear-
ing of their uniform by officers ?
Why not impress upon commanding
officers the necessity of making their
officers really and openly military on
pain of losing their own commands
in case of failure ? Why not let
officers see that the opinion formed
of their efficiency will be grounded
on the will and ability they may
show to deal with matters of finance,
to economise stores, keep their bar-
racks in order, &c., as well as on
their knowledge of discipline and
proficiency in drill ? All this can be
done without doubt, and could have
been done long ago if the Horse-
Guards had had the will to do it.
The consequence would be an im-
mediate retirement by sale of a good
many idlers who might very con-
veniently be spared, while officers of
the right kind would remain and
invigorate the profession. Scions of
wealthy houses would reflect, before
entering the service, whether or not
they could make up their minds to
the duty, and take their idleness
elsewhere if they found it impos-
sible to work. But this would not
alter the class from which we officer
our army : it would insure only that
out of the twenty candidates who
are said now to compete for every
vacant commission, we should get a
working officer instead of a scape-
grace. Zealous officers would soon
make their men productive in some
way or other, so that the soldier
should no longer be a sort of social
blot. There would be harmony and
co-operation in the service, which is
what we want, and there would be
efficiency with ten times more eco-
nomy than can possibly be achieved
if we undertake to buy up all com-
missions, to pay the increased sala-
ries which a new class of men would
undoubtedly demand, and to main-
tain every officer who may attain
advanced age in idleness for a large
fraction of his life.
If we get the right kind of men,
and a sufficient number of them,
what matters it whether they rise
by purchase or not? Remember
that the service makes no complaint
of purchase — does not consider it a
grievance. It is only the reformers
outside who, seeing what a promis-
ing subject for declamation it af-
forded, " go in" at promotion by pur-
chase. You may, we are persuaded,
get the right men without abolish-
ing purchase. You would have to
move a hard-headed colonel or two,
but still you may succeed. There
is undoubtedly a disease, but we are
not yet persuaded that the disease
may not be successfully dealt with
without tampering with the patient's
constitution.
And now, having made admissions
which will perhaps be considered
400
Sick Army and its Doctors.
[March
large, and revealed some matters
which, have no place in the burden
of the old song that has been droned
so pertinaciously for many seasons ;
— having, we say, stated the case
pretty broadly against the adminis-
tration and officers of the army, we
may perhaps be allowed to address
a few words to another quarter, to
a personage who, however astonished
and indignant he may look, is not
altogether without soil in this mat-
ter. Stand up, John Bull. Look
at those people in red, if you have
the assurance to do it. You com-
plain grievously, don't you, of their
shortcomings and inefficiency? They
are not the wares for your money,
eh.1 You must have something a
little more highly trained, something
more like the real article than that;
something that can match the fo-
reigner's war-men. We've got the
stuff, why shouldn't we have the
use of it? Now, supposing all your
complaint to be just and reasonable
— which it isn't—will you be good
enough to say what you have ever
done to induce superior men to don
your livery, or what you have ever
done to attach and encourage the
men that you have got ? Do you
ever manifest the least interest in
them? Do you pay them decently?
Do you attend at all to their wants
or their wishes ? Do you ever, ex-
cept in times of danger, when you
feel your need of them, give them
even a kind word? Do you not ra-
ther take every opportunity of show-
ing how cordially you grudge what-
ever you are forced to give for their
maintenance ? Do you not seek by
every means to grind and pare to
the lowest farthing the provision
which is made for them ? Is it not
often made a boast by those who
seek your favour, that they are
ready and anxious to reduce the
service, its pay, its accessories, its
rewards; that they loathe the very
sight of a soldier ? And do you
not continually select your repre-
sentatives and your Ministry because
they hold your army in low esteem,
and are anxious to despoil it ? Do
you not take every available oppor-
tunity (saving always the times
when you. are frightened) of show-
ing your low appreciation of your
army, and of putting indignity
upon it? As for superior men,
such as you now talk of hav-
ing, what possible inducement
have they to serve you ? You
say, and we admit, that to put
you at all on a footing with your
fellows, you must have in your
armies some of the very best heads
that you can produce; but, as we
have asked you before,* what on
earth should such men come into
your service for? There is hardly
any other profession in which they
may not hope to find better appre-
ciation for their talents and a bet-
ter reward for their exertions. And
these, your present defenders, with
whom it is now a passion with you
to find so much fault, have you ever
thought of who and what they are ?
what it is that they do for you in
exchange for the pittance and the
insult which you are pleased to
throw at them ? how their ordinary
lives have nothing better in them
than repeated banishment, endur-
ance of the extremes of heat and
cold, voyages, fatigues, losses, broken
health? and how, in times of danger,
they sacrifice all for you, ride into
the cannon's mouth as they would
into another (you know) mouth, lest
you should suffer loss or injury? and
how they have ever wrought so faith-
fully and effectually, that however
negligent you may have been, what-
ever risks you may have run, or
* See ' Blackwood's Magazine' for December 1870 ; article, "Thoughts suggested
by the War."
1871.]
The SicJc Army and its Doctors.
401
perilous straits you may have been
lured into by evil counsellors, yot
you have always been brought safely
through your troubles 1 You have
enjoyed immunity for so long that it
is to be feared that you look upon
it as the consequence of a natural
law, rather than the hard-Avon pur-
chase of men's blood and lives.
You have received all this, but what
have you done to deserve it1? In-
stead of criticising and abusing your
troops, you ought to blush in their
presence, and think it your supreme
good fortune that any gallant men
think it worth their while to serve
so hard and penurious a master.
You have nothing to say? well, that,
perhaps, is a hopeful sign, for it
shows that you have some shame
left. You may go down.
It need hardly be said that much
of this paper was written and in type
before the Secretary of State for War
expounded in Parliament the views
of the Ministry with regard to our
land defences, or it could not now
be before our readers. We have
time, however, to add a few words
expressive of our disappointment
and regret at the miserable display
which was so speciously unfolded as to
obtain at the first announcement the
cheers of the House of Commons.
Having stated our views so clearly
in respect of purchase of commis-
sions, we will for the present only
record our chagrin at finding that
the only money additional to the
expenses of last year, which the
country is to be invited to allow, is
to be spent for the vain, and, as we
think, mischievous, purpose of re-
deeming officers' commissions, while
what we want, the real defence of
the country, is absolutely neglected.
For what is it that is promised to us 1
an increased militia (when we can
get it), which is not to be embodied
except for training, a paperreserve for
the regular army, a small addition to
the Artillery — a good thing in itself,
but altogether insufficient to uphold
our position in Europe — a few regi-
ments recruited up to their strength,
and there an end, for the rest is only
pensioners and volunteers. The
Minister seemed to understand the
power of large numbers upon the
House, for he dealt in hundreds of
thousands ; while in fact, if he
be allowed to provide for us, we
shall be at any time in this year
1871-72, if a neighbour should think
proper to behave as Russia did in
1870, exactly in the helpless posi-
tion that we were in then ; and we
know very well that then, on tak-
ing account of our means, we learned
to our confusion that we could not
put 50,000 men into the field, what-
ever force there might be on paper.
Now let us examine the figures with
which the Commons were so easily
delighted. The provision is for
497,000 men — enough, one thinks,
for all purposes of defence. But
we are not allowed for an instant
to enjoy the illusion that we have
such a protection, for immediate-
ly we find that in this number
are included 170,000 volunteers ;
30,000 second army reserve and
pensioners (that is, if we can get
the reserve) ; 9000 first army reserve,
if we can get them ; 14,000 disem-
bodied yeomanry; 139,000 disem-
bodied militia, of whom 45,000
have yet to be raised ; and then
139,000 regular forces, of whom
108,000 are to be, or supposed
to be, in this country, when
20,600 men who are to be added
to different branches shall have
been recruited. Thus the really
available army is hoped or pre-
tended to be 139,000 men at homo
and abroad; and of these we are
told that 108,100 will be at home.
Now, if we deduct the 20,000 not
yet all raised, it reduces the force
at home to 88,100, made up, we are
not told how, but doubtless a paper
402
Tlie Sick Army and its Doctors.
manufacture to a great extent; for if
in November last we were unable,
as we certainly were, to turn out a
fighting force of 50,000 men,
whence can the additional 30,000
have come during the winter 1 Pro-
bably from the same inexhausti-
ble stores from whence the 300,000
breech-loading rifles were spirited
last year. But, without waiting to
see how this ingenious paradox will
be made out, we confidently assume
that we are in no respect stronger
than we were in November last; and
that even when we get, if ever
we get, our 20,000 * additional
men and our 9000 reserve, we shall
be, in comparison with our Conti-
nental neighbours, not appreciably
stronger than we were before ; for
29,000, even if they stood in the
flesh instead of on paper, would
not, when added to our present
force, enable us to speak with our
enemies in the gate without confu-
sion. In short, the country, if it
approves these army estimates, will
have been defrauded of its proper
defence. What we all demanded
was immediate and sufficient de-
fence ; and we all said not long
ago that the continued existence
of the Ministry would depend on
whether or not they should provide
the defence. They have not pro-
vided it. They have amused us
with an expensive crotchet regard-
ing commissions which adds nothing
to our strength ; they have changed
the source from which the com-
missions of militia officers shall
emanate, which is a judicious
change, but adds nothing to our
strength ; they have divided the
reserve forces into districts under
colonels on the Staff, which, though
a satisfactory measure in itself, adds
nothing to our strength ; and they
propose to promote officers by selec-
tion, which is a most hazardous
proposal, likely to ruin the service
by jobbery and heart-burnings, but
which again adds nothing to our
strength. A paper army swollen
to amazing figures seems to us as
worthless as to Master Dumbleton
seemed the names of Falstaff and
Bardolph at the bottom of a bill.
We " like not the security."
But it is not only the fact of the
insufficient defence that we have to
consider ; we have to think also of
the more dangerous fact which this
insufficient defence reveals. It tells
us that the safety and honour of the
country are no more the care of the
Government than they were when
the army and navy were being re-
duced, or when we so disgracefully
temporised with Russian insolence.t
* Some of the 20,000 would appear to have been already recruited before Novem-
ber, and would therefore be included in the 50,000 said to be then possibly available,
which makes the case worse for the Government.
•\" The difficulty we have felt in digesting the buffet received from Russia, and the
Quaker-like submission with which it has been acquiesced in, has not been removed
by the very singular but very frank explanation given by the Premier of the relations
subsisting between the Government and the representatives employed by them in
their communications with foreign countries. That explanation we find thus set forth
in the Parliamentary report of the ' Times ' of 17th February : —
" MR ODO RUSSELL'S DIPLOMACY.
" Sir J. HAY. — I wish to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether the declara-
tion made by Mr Odo Russell to Count Bismark on the 21st of November (contained
in No. 76, page 45, of the correspondence respecting the Treaty of March 1856) —
1871.] Tlie Sick Army and its Doctors. 403
It tells us that what little has been course of the year there should be
done is simply to make a show, and a cry for vigorous action, the country
that Ministers may keep their places ; may be reminded, as it was in
that they have learned nothing and November 1870, that we have not
unlearned nothing by the stirring the means of going to war. If, then,
events of the last seven months ; and there were any meaning in what the
that they are at heart the same country said, the Ministry have
grovelling politicians as before, the earned their dismissal, and should
slaves of Mr Bright and the Peace at once give place to other Ministers
party. Now it is a maxim of the who will not only give us the re-
Peace party, that if the armaments quisite number of forces, but on
be but kept down the country can- whom we can rely to make those
not fight, be the necessity what it forces a means of upholding the
may; and it would look very much honour and insuring the integrity
as if we were being cheated into this of the British empire,
feeble condition, so that if in the Thus much of the vital question
namely, that ' the question was one which Mr Odo Russell had frankly proved to
Count Bismark was of a nature in its present state to compel us, with or without
allies, to go to war with Russia,' was authorised by Her Majesty's Government, and
what preparation Her Majesty's Government had made in support of their threat.
" Mr GLADSTONE. — The argument used by Mr Odo Russell, as reported by him in
the despatch referred to, was not one which had been directed by Her Majesty's Gov-
ernment. In saying that I do not imply the slightest blame attached to Mr Odo
Russell, because it is perfectly well known that the duty of Her Majesty's diplomatic
agents requires them to express themselves in that mode in which they think they can
best support and recommend the propositions of which they wish to procure acceptance.
I do not therefore blame Mr Odo Russell ; but sucli was the fact, that it was not
under any specific authority or instruction from the Government that the argument
referred to was used by him."
This statement reminds us of the old story told by Isaac Walton of Sir Henry Wot-
ton, who, when going on his embassy to Venice, passed through a German town, where,
in the course of an evening's amusement, he was asked to give a definition of an Ambas-
sador. He accordingly wrote in an album these words : — " Legatus est vir bonus peregre
missus ad mintiendum Reipublicse causa." Of which definition he proposed this as the
English translation : "An Ambassador is an honest man sent to lie abroad for the good
of his country." After an interval of some years, Scioppius, a violent Romanist, got
hold of the sentence and published it, by having it written on many of the windows
at Venice, as revealing the true principle on which Sir Henry, and his master, James
I., conducted their diplomacy. James was highly displeased at this indiscreet jest,
and was with difficulty prevailed on to forgive it, upon Sir Henry writing and circu-
lating an ample apology, and disclaimer of any such view of an Ambassador's functions.
Does our present Government openly avow and act on that conception of " the office
of an Ambassador" which James was so indignant at having imputed to him ? Is there
any difference between sending an honest man to tellfalsehoods to foreign countries, and
giving him permission and encouragement to use threats that are never to be followed
up by his employers ? The element of intended deception exists in the one case as well
as in the other, though, fortunately or unfortunately, the clear and candid informa-
tion now afforded lets the cat out of the bag, and will enable our foreign friends to
estimate in future any similar menace by a British Envoy as a brutum fulmcn
which need cause no uneasiness.
404
The Sick Army and its Doctors.
[March
of defence. Let us BOW look at
some of the other proposed measures.
Taxpayers ought at once to take
note of the fact, that the new system
of army promotion which Parliament
has "been invited to approve con-
tains within it the certainty of heavy
and lasting expense. As soon as
promotion by purchase shall have
disappeared, it will he necessary to
increase very largely the pay of
officers in the army. The miserable
pay now given is the same as was
allowed in the days of the Penin-
sular War, when the value of money
and the requirements of life were
very different from what they now
are. Under the purchase system
officers have not cared for this ; but
it will force consideration now that
we are about to open the way into
the army for men who may have
to live wholly by their profession.
Though much has been done for
the health, comfort, and means of
non-commissioned officers and sol-
diers, not the least move has been
made for improving the pay and
position of officers ; and that, we
may rely on it, Avill now have to be
done, to our immediate and perma-
nent cost. Again, when the outlet
which purchase afforded shall be
taken away, all officers who may
become old or broken must be pen-
sioned. It is impossible to foresee
to what expense this may lead us ;
yet when once we shall have abol-
ished purchase, there will be no
choice but to incur the expense —
we must provide pensions, or no
officer will enter the service.
If the officers of the army were
polled, they would decide by an.
immense majority against promo-
tion by selection. It is most hate-
ful to them, and is likely per-
manently to damage the service.
Emulations and envyings, unjust
advancement, cruel neglect, will
break up the harmony of regiments.
!N"ot true performance of duty, but
cultivation of political interest, will
be the means resorted to by those
who desire to get on. Foreign ser-
vice will become in the highest
degree distasteful, because the hang-
ers - on within reach of London
will make the first application for
vacancies, and secure them, spite of
the merits of those who may be serv-
ing abroad — les aliens ont toujours
tort. And we do not believe in
any machinery that can prevent or
check corruption in this respect.
The Minister may keep aloof in ap-
pearance, and approve of promotion
on only the best testimonials ; yet
injustice will not only creep in, but
will prevail. Do we not remember
how " Dowb" was taken care of?
We do hope that the public will
pause — pause long before they con-
sent to this useless change in the
system of promotion. If they are
anxious to get rid of seven or eight
millions, we will suggest to them
lower doAvn a more profitable me-
thod of doing so.
We had thought that the country
had emphatically pronounced for the
ballot in regard to the militia. Mr
Cardwell says he can get men with-
out the ballot, but that is to be
seen; and he says that he can
dispense with the ballot, because
we are at peace, and we need not
hurry our levies. But that is just
where we are at issue with him. If
England is at peace, Europe is not
at peace. The balance of power has
been violently disturbed, and no
man can see when it may be even
again, or how soon we may have to
cast our sword into the scale. As
we have taken occasion to say be-
fore,* there will be no time for rais-
ing troops by complex channels
* ' Black wood's Magazine' for December, 1870— article, " Thoughts suggested l>y
the War."
1871.]
TJte Sick Army and its Doctors.
405
after the gauntlet shall have been
once thrown down and taken up.
We ought to be prepared now, at
once; and if we understand at all
what the public voice has been
saying all through the winter, it
insists on the country being put
into a respectable condition of de-
fence with the least possible delay.
Then the occasion is one for the
ballot, and the ballot ought to be
resorted to.
The same fallacy, that this is
really a time of peace, runs through
the whole of Mr CardwelTs argu-
ment. By it he defends all the
tardy experiments of angling for
first and second reserves, improving
the militia and volunteers, attenu-
ating regiments, &c. These things
take time, and we want the de-
fences as soon as we can get them.
While the grass is growing the
horse starves.
And now, tired of blaming, let
us find something (if under the cir-
cumstances it be but a minor mat-
ter) that merits praise. The divi-
sion of the volunteers into sections
of 15,000 to 20,000, each under the
command of a colonel on the staff,
will, if anything can, render them
efficient soldiers in time. And the
plan of strengthening the militia,
and of giving to its officers the so-
vereign's commissions, has our full
approbation, only we contend that
the former should be effected by
the very speediest means. The rais-
ing of reserves, too, is a very proper
endeavour, provided we do not count
these reserves among our forces
until we have got them. There is
a story in 'The Thousand and One
Nights' of a sultan who possessed a
tent, which at idle times would
fold up and lie in the hollow of his
hand, but when he took the field,
would expand so as to cover his
whole army. Now an army pos-
sessed of the same qualities as this
tent is what our Ministers are try-
ing to constitute ; and possibly they
may in time acquire one, and we
wish they may. But in the mean
time we strongly desire to have a
respectable army raised immediately
upon the old and approved plan.
On the whole, we are glad to be able
to say that, provided we ever get an
army, Mr Cardwell has hit on two
or three changes which may increase
the efficiency of that army.
It is very easy to find fault, people
are apt to say ; but can the critics,
after all their condemnation, suggest
anything better than that to which
they object? If such a question
should be asked in respect to our
strictures on the Army Estimates,
we say at once that we could pro-
pose something much more satisfac-
tory, and here is our scheme : —
1st, Give up the foolish plan of
abolishing purchase; vote the money
or part of the money that it would
cost for purposes of real defence.
2d, Call out the militia at once,
and keep it under arms until you
have a sufficient regular force.*
3d, Augment the militia by bal-
lot, not by voluntary enlistment.
Thus you may have 139,000 militia
under arms in a month's time, if the
Minister's figures can be relied on.
4th, Recruit the regular army
as fast as possible, and, as it increases,
diminish the number of embodied
militia,
5th, Notwithstanding, and in ad-
dition to, the above measures, try
the scheme of completing the re-
serve. If it bear fruit, well. And
when you have available and effici-
ent reserves, then, and not till then,
attenuate your battalions.
* See the article, "What we may Learn," in ' Blackwood's Magazine' for Feb-
ruary, where it is recommended, at page 137, that every militia regiment should serve
through one continuous year.
VOL. CIX. — NO. DCLXV. 2 E
406
The Sick Army and its Doctors.
[March 1871.
Now our project will cost less
money than that of the Administra-
tion, and it will give us, instead of
the realisation of a fancy, the sub-
stance of many thousand soldiers
armed in proof. If it were to be fol-
lowed, we should immediately be
able to assert our place in European
councils. We should have a reality,
and not a sham. And we should
have a better chance of remaining at
peace than we have had since France
and Prussia went to war.
Shall we accept the Ministerial
scheme, and be rendered, or kept,
incapable of defending ourselves, and
of resenting affront ; or shall we insist
on being armed to a degree becom-
ing our standing in Europe, and
proportioned to our large interest
throughout the world 1 That is the
question.
Printed by William Blaclkwood <k Sons, Edinburgh.
BLACKWOOD'S
EDINBUBGH MAGAZINE.
No. DCLXVI.
APRIL 1871.
VOL. CIX.
FAIR TO SEE. — PART IV.
CHAPTER X.
" IT seems the member for the
"boroughs has resigned," said Mr
M'Killop at breakfast, on the morn-
ing after Eila's arrival. " I have a
letter from Mr Tainsh excusing
himself from coming here this week,
on the ground that he will be busy
electioneering."
" And I have a note from young
Duncanson to the same effect," said
Mrs M'Killop.
"Will there be a contest?" in-
quired Pigott.
" Taiush doesn't say; I don't
think it likely ; the boroughs always
go the same way, I believe ; still
one can never tell till the eleventh
hour, and so the canvassing and the
speech-making must all be gone
through."
" What has Mr Duncanson got to
do with the boroughs]" asked Eila.
" Oh, his father has property and
influence in Ardmartin."
" What a pleasant canvasser he
will make ! "
" He has plenty to say for him-
self, and he's very advanced, and
VOL. CIX. — NO. DCLXVI.
both qualities are popular in many
places."
" What do the people of Ardmar-
tin go in for1?" asked Bertrand; "are
they Radicals or Tories, or what1?"
" Oh, they're Liberal," replied
M'Killop — "very advanced Liber-
als. I should say that no one had
a chance there who is not prepared
to go considerable lengths."
" I shouldn't have thought Mr
Tainsh was in that line."
" That's just one of the faults Mr
Tainsh has," said Mrs M'Killop ;
and then, mindful of her pact, " he
has not many, worthy man ! — but
that is one, and, in my opinion, it
is to be regretted."
"Oh, I don't think Tainsh is
advanced, or a Radical at all," said
M'Killop ; " but you see most of his
clients are Whigs, and it's his busi-
ness to be of their way of thinking ;
but nowadays every one who isn't
a Tory is simply a Liberal, whether
he's a Whig or a Radical ; and so
the Whigs are often obliged to sup-
port candidates they can't like in
2F
408
Fair to See.— Part IV.
their hearts, simply because the
Liberal majority in a place happens
to be of a Radical turn, and they
must either cast in their lot with
them or let a Tory candidate Avin."
" Yes," said Pigott, " the poor
Whigs are between the devil and
the deep sea — no mistake about it.
What are your own politics, Mr
M'Killop 1 — if that is a fair ques-
tion."
" Well, I'm not much of a politi-
cian : but I've always had a liberal
bias — still I don't think that means
a subversive bias — so I don't mix
myself up with politics at all. I
confess I don't altogether understand
the policy of either party, and what
I do understand I am bound to say
that I don't altogether sympathise
with or respect."
" Hear, hear !" cried Pigott.
" Is that what you think of them
too, Captain Pigott 1 " asked Eila, who
was again apparently blind to Ber-
trand's existence in favour of his
friend.
" Think of them, Miss M'Killop?
I don't like to think of them. Be-
cause when I do I am forced to
confess that the Radicals are the
best of the lot, and that is enough
to break a gentleman's, not to say
a patriot's, heart. They have the
courage of their opinions, at all
events; they are bold and aggressive.
If they are dishonest, they are out-
spoken. They are the weakest
party of the three, and yet they are
supreme. They stick to their points,
and carry them always. They have
outflanked and befooled the other
two, because the leader of one had
a spasmodic conscience and a twisted
brain, and the leader of the other
had a spasmodic brain and no con-
science at all. As for that eternal
' working man,' the political ' work-
[ April
ing man ' — the Radical's fetish
— done into plain English, he is a
brutal, rapacious savage — a political
brigand."
" Oh, Captain !" cried M'Killop,
" I can't allow you to say that."
" My dear sir, you are only fall-
ing into the prevailing humbug of
the day. You know perfectly well
that the political ' working man ' is
quite a recent and very artificial
institution, invented on the stump
by Mr Bright, developed in these
blackguard processions and demon-
strations he was so fond of, and now
playing the mischief with every-
thing in the polling-booths. Per-
sonally, he is the lowest of his class
— the mangiest of the flock has be-
come the bell-wether." *
" Hush, hush, Captain ! — think
a little."
" Think a little ! I have thought
not a little about the matter. Tell
me how you test the common-sense,
the honesty, the morality, the pa-
triotism, of an individual or a class.
Isn't it by words and deeds ? Is the
' working man ' to be an exception ;
and if so, how is he to be tested]
I protest I can't see — so I stick to
my opinion ; but I promise to change
it if you can show me that he ever
gives out a single patriotic senti-
ment, ever utters a wish or an idea
that is not grudging, subversive,
impudently selfish, stamped with
ungenerous ignorance, and with
moral and intellectual degradation."
"But where am I to find all
these dreadful things done and said
by the working man ?"
" Where ? — wherever he is, in his
political capacity. Listen to him
catechising a candidate ; look at him
mountebanking in procession ; ob-
serve him at an election, bonneting
the respectable voter, and covering
* Captain Pigott might have added, in justice and with truth, that the political
" working man" is looked upon with no confidence, but rather with feelings of con-
tempt and dislike, by all the industrious and intelligent of the working classes ;
wherefore it is to be hoped that, as education becomes more widely diffused, the evil
influence he is now able to exercise will in proportion be diminished.
1871.]
Fair to See.— Part IV.
409
every decent coat belonging to the
opposition with his saliva. The
Belleville Socialist in Paris is the
plant in full flourish of which our
political ouvrier is a germ ; but ours
will develop into a grosser, coarser
type. It might have been nipped
in the bud ; a few round-shot down
Piccadilly in the teeth of the park-
railing mob would have stopped
this infernal revolution. Pray let
us change the subject; this is quite
enough to destroy any meal ; and to
destroy breakfast is to assassinate
the day."
" Oh, Captain ! you soldiers are
bloodthirsty politicians. Fire upon
her Majesty's lieges ! Fie, fie !"
"Certainly, when they disturb
the social system and trample on the
laws ; just as we hang a Queen's liege
when he disturbs the social econ-
omy by murdering his neighbour."
"What horrible things politics
are ! " said Morna. " Every one
seems to be in a passion the mo-
ment they are mentioned. Even
you, Captain Pigott, are looking
quite terrible at this moment."
" Every gentleman ought to feel
angry," cried Eila, " just now,
when politics are mentioned; I feel
quite as angry as Captain Pigott
myself, although I know nothing
about the matter, except that all
the common people have suddenly
changed, and become rude and dis-
respectful, and discontented and
greedy. I suppose that is politics."
" Oh ! but, Miss M'Killop," re-
plied Pigott, ashamed of being be-
trayed into so much heat, "please
don't suppose that I'm angry or
excited, or anything of the sort.
It is a thoroughly selfish age, and
I have schooled myself in its doc-
trines— and so I say, ' What does it
matter to me V I have no land to
lose, thank goodness ! and I daresay
they won't begin to guillotine the
fund-holders for a time ; and when
they do, one surely will be able
to find an asylum somewhere be-
tween China and Peru. Is that a
duck's egg you've got, Bertrand, you
lucky fellow ? "
"I — I don't really know; per-
haps it is."
" Or a swan's 1 "
" I— I— perhaps."
" You are quite unfit for the suf-
frage— that's evident."
" Mr Cameron is not so unpatri-
otic as you say you are," said Eila ;
" he is thinking of something else ;
he is angry, I am sure. Are you
angry, Mr Cameron ? "
" I ? Oh dear ! yes, I am angry
— very angry — furious," stammered
Bertrand, staggered by a sudden
fire from the batteries, and looking
about as ferocious as a dispirited
sheep.
" I think the politics of your
family used to be Liberal," said Mrs
M'Killop.
" No, no ; only for the last two
generations. My uncle is a Whig,
but I don't fancy he would support
the present Government."
"Oh!" cried Eila, "that puts
me in mind of our last night's plan
— the yachting excursion to Aber-
lorna — and this tiresome election
will put it off"; for of course Mr
Duncanson won't be able to come
till the election is over."
" But is Mr Duncanson indis-
pensable 1 " asked Pigott. " He
would be a great addition, of course ;
but couldn't we manage to struggle
through a picnic without him ? "
" No — because I have set my
heart upon his yacht ; and I don't
think we could invite the yacht
without inviting him. We certainly
shouldn't get it, at least. I suppose
even you couldn't manage that,
Morna? It would be such a boon,
though, if you could."
" Still the same pick at James
Duncanson!" fleered Mrs M'Killop;
"there must be something rankling."
" Yes, dear mamma, of course
there is ; we quite settled all that
yesterday. But, Morna, do you
410
Fair to See.— Part IV.
think you can really do nothing
for us?"
" I have no influence with Mr
Duncanson ; and if I had, I should
be sorry to ask a favour of him."
" That brat Eila is going to spoil
everything ! " said Mrs M'Killop to
herself ; and then aloud, " Well, if
no one will take James's part " (he
had mysteriously become " James "
of late), " / must, and I will say that
he is not so ungallant and so selfish
as you make out; and whatever
Morna chose to ask him he would
grant — of that I'm sure."
" There, Morna," cried Eila ;
" mamma understands him twice as
well as any of us, and she must be
right. Do petition ' James.' "
Morna's confusion and annoyance
became very great. She glanced
quickly round the table ; her eye
rested on Bertrand. What of con-
solation did she expect to find in
his face ] She found nothing there,
at all events, but a look of blank,
moping vacancy ; and then answered
Eila in a hurried, tremulous voice.
" I wish you would not be so
very — teasing."
Her tormentor glanced quickly at
her, and seeing that tears were close
to the surface, " ceased filing," and
said, —
" Then we must have patience till
the election is over."
" But there is some gaiety next
week to console you, you know,"
said Mrs M'Killop. " ' The gather-
ing.'"
" Is ' the gathering ' next week 1
Oh, of course ; I had forgotten.
And are we to go to the ball ? "
"Certainly; did you not count
upon it?"
" I hadn't thought about it ; it is
such a poky little ' gathering,' and
the balls are always very stupid ;
but I suppose we shall survive it.
There is no chance of our being
over-fatigued — that is one consola-
tion— for there is never any one
worth dancing with."
[April
" Upon my word, my dear Eila,
you're growing very fine upon our
hands ! It struck me that some
people thought Lord Edgar Swan
very well worth dancing with last
year."
" I daresay they did : he had on
real clothes — a black coat, you know,
and things — and spoke two or three
words of the English language, and
these were novelties, and so far
pleasant ; but we can't expect to be
always so fortunate."
" You're civil to the present com-
pany."
" It is always excepted, mamma
dear ; and then we can't expect
Captain Pigott to dance with us all
the evening, or " (as if he were quite
an after-thought) " Mr Cameron."
" It — would — be too much happi-
ness," Bertrand managed to stammer
out.
" Oh, please, don't apologise, Mr
Cameron, we are not really very ex-
acting."
" Indeed I am serious ; " and any
one who saw his lugubrious face
must have admitted it.
" Yes, yes ; and knowing how
sad a thing too much happiness is,
you will avoid it, won't you 1 "
One little blink of sunshine —
rather wintry, but still sunshine —
flickered for an instant in Bertrand's
eyes, and all power of replication
left him.
" What is to be to - day's pro-
gramme, Captain Pigott ? " asked
Mrs M'Killop.
"Grouse, Mrs M'Killop. The
hill to-day — is it not, Bertrand 1 "
" Ye-es, I suppose so ; or, by the
by, was it not to-morrow we fixed
for Craiginfrioch ? "
" Come now, Mr Bertrand, no
shirking ; you know it was to-day ;
and, what is more, we ought to start
almost immediately."
" Are you going to fish to-day,
Morna 1 " asked her step-sister.
" Yes, I think so. The day looks
well for it."
1871.]
" I think I'll go with you, if you
don't go till after hmcheon."
" Do come. I'm not going till
after luncheon."
" Are you also a fisher, Miss
M'Killop ?" asked Pigott.
" Oh no ; I'm not at all use-
fid."
Bertrand felt that the obvious
antithesis ought to he made some use
of ; hut not even by a look could he
point to it.
" I can do nothing useful," con-
tinued Eila ; " but while Morna
fishes in her severe and terrible way,
I can amuse myself by watching
her, and teasing her, and making
pictures of her and the equally stern
mountains, time about. Besides,
the coolest and pleasantest place
where one can be in this fiery
weather is down by the river ; and
the very idea that you are scram-
bling up Craiginfrioch will make
it feel all the cooler. Poor people !
I pity you."
" On second thoughts let us give
it up, Pigott," cried Bertrand, des-
perately ; " it is really rather too
hot to-day."
" Nonsense ! A man who has sol-
diered in the tropics cave in for a
day like this ! No, no."
"It is very unheroic of you, Mr
Cameron," said Eila. "I've quite
come to the conclusion, by the by,
that all sport is a sort of martyrdom,
and therefore the greater the anguish
the higher the pleasure. Now, next
to sailing on an iceberg in pursuit of
walruses, I should think that Craig-
infrioch on a day like this was al-
most perfection in the way of real
sporting pleasure. You ought not
to miss it, Mr Cameron." But as
the ladies left the room, a glance of
her eye would have been under-
stood by Bertrand, if he had had
any understanding, to siy, " You
know perfectly well that you can't
go to Craiginfrioch to-day; in point
of fact, I defy you to go."
Fair to See.— Part IV.
411
" Now then, Bertrand ! " cried the
inexorable Pigott, " let us look
alive."
" Well, really, Pigott, do you
know I am a little seedy. Suppose
we put it off? Eh, old fellow ? "
" Nonsense ! the grouse are eat-
ing their heads off. We haven't
touched Craiginfrioch yet; the wea-
ther may break again ; and if it does,
you know they must 'pack.' Seedy?
that's a novelty, but all the more
reason for going ; it will be quite
cool up there. Nothing like a walk
to put you straight. Come along.
Here comes old Campbell with the
dogs. Allons ! "
So Bertrand went sorrowfully
with his friend, and as they made
their final exit from the house, a
voice came like a falling-star from a
diaphanous haze of light muslin at
an upper window, " Will somebody
be very kind and bring me a bunch
of white heather ? It grows at the
very top of Craiginfrioch, and there
are so few opportunities of getting
it."
Pigott answered in his earthy
way, that if they got to the top he
would not forget ; and Bertrand,
veiling his bonnet, was going to cry
out — — but he was too slow. The
muslin haze was gone before his ideas
came, and he went away bitterly ;
feeling, however, that if he had to
visit the highest mountain in the
moon, fight its legendary inhabitant,
smash his lantern, and kill his dog,
the white heather should certainly
be Eila's ; and at his hand — not Pig-
ott's, nor another's. There are many
pleasanter things in the world than
zigzagging up a precipitous moun-
tain, with the sun beating furiously
on the climber, and the thermometer
ranging at, say, from 90° to 100°
Fahrenheit, particularly when the '
footing is exceptionally bad and
slippery. The excitement of an
occasional "point" goes far, of course,
to balance such inconveniences.
412
Fair to See.— Part IV.
Still, at best, there is always requir-
ed, as the Scotch proverb says, " a
stout heart for a stiff brae." And
how then face such an ordeal with
equanimity, when a sleepless night
has unstrung the climber's nerves ;
when the pointing of a dog or the
flushing of a covey is to him as
nought ; above all, when his heart
is in open mutiny against the up-
ward movement, and, for reasons
which are omnipotent with that
unruly member, it beats "Betro
Propera " with every pulsation ?
Such was Bertrand's case. The
sun was very cruel, and Craigin-
frioch was odiously steep and slip-
pery ; as for sleep, the poor wretch
had had none the night before, ex-
cept a few moments of semi-delirious
unconsciousness, a very travesty of
nature's sweet restorer. As for the
dogs and the grouse, aud their point-
ings and risings, these were .but ag-
gravations, punctuated by Pigott's
steady upward tramp, and his fre-
quent anathema for the laggard who
was for ever behind, and " sim-
ply ruining these two young dogs —
simply playing Old Harry with two
valuable animals." As for Bertrand's
heart, we know where it was — down
below, in the pleasant meadows, by
the cool river, among the shadowy
trees, where were flowers, and linger-
ing dew, and grateful umbrage, and
where he fancied to himself the vo-
cal pines mingling .^Eolian murmurs
with the warbling of the waters and
the dreamy summer-song of birds,
and thought how the sweet natural
diapason would soon be completed
by a music more exquisite still.
But the white heather was above,
and Eila's voice (still fulfilling its
obvious function as a falling -star)
rang in his ears, " Excelsior ! " and
so this poor Tityrus, his heart among
the groves with Amaryllis, had to
dree the weird of a promethean pas-
sion on the rugged breast of Craig-
infrioch. Some men glide uncon-
[April
sciously into love ; some educate
themselves into it ; some are lured
and surprised into it ; and some fall
into it, wildly catching at every
branch and tuft to save themselves
as they slip down the "facilis de-
scensus ; " but Bertrand had been
seized by a giant power and whirled
clear of every obstacle, so that he
had fallen sudden, sheer, and prone
into that seething whirlpool of trou-
bles. No wonder he was breathless
and shaken, and sorely disinclined for
Craiginfrioch. When noon was at
about his height, he suddenly halt-
ed, and cried out to his companion,
" Pigott, would you mind waiting a
minute or two 1 I'm awfully thirsty,
and I've got such a headache. I
see water in that corrie, and I
wish to go and drink, and wet my
head."
" Go along with you — only, for
goodness' sake, look sharp ! "
Bertrand went with listless steps
towards the corrie, but when within
a few yards of it he stopped ab-
ruptly, gazed intently forward to
some object down by the little rill,
and then, going with a run and a
rush and a bound, flung himself
upon the ground beside it with a
cry of exultation. What was it]
" Sunstroke ! " said Pigott, and be-
gan to descend rapidly from his emi-
nence : but it was rather an antidote
to sunstroke ; for hermiting there
among the cool moist moss and
bracken, under the shadow of a drip-
ping rock, nestled one solitary little
plant of white heather. There is
nothing so cunning as love, unless
it be suicidal mania, and Bertrand
was all finesse and stratagem in an
instant. In an instant the hermit
had been plucked up by the roots,
and thrust bodily into Bertrand's
bosom ; and when Pigott arrived
some moments later, with anxiety
in his face, he found his friend lav-
ing his forehead with sober earnest
ness.
1871.]
Fair to See.— Part IV.
413
" Anything wrong, old fellow ? "
he asked.
" Beat, Pigott — dead beat ! " quoth
the serpent, with a splendid simula-
tion of the woe-begone in voice and
manner.
« You fell, didn't you T'
" Ye-es — a kind of a — sort of a
trip ; but I'll be better presently ;
don't mind me, old boy. I wouldn't
spoil your day for worlds, and I
don't think it would be quite —
quite prudent for me to go on. I
feel a sort of something — a sort of
fuzziness inside my head, you know ;
but don't stop, I'll find my way
home slowly."
" Oh, but I think I had better
go with you, Bertrand ; you are
looking a little queer."
" On no account, Pigott; I should
be wretched if you did. In fact I
would rather go on than spoil your
day's sport. Look ! I'm quite strong
on my legs again ; " and he jumped
up with amazing vigour.
" Well, promise me to take it
easily, and wet your handkerchief
and tie it round your head. Mind
you go slow. Better leave your
gun with Campbell I'll take it to
him."
" All right— thanks."
" And, by the by," cried Pigott,
turning back, " if Miss Thingumbob
chaffs you about the heather, tell
her I won't forget, if I come across
it. I won't go searching for it,
though. I hate these humbugging
school-girl crotchets."
"Oh, she wouldn't expect that, you
know. Au revoir !" said Bertrand,
sweetly; and then to himself, " Miss
Thingumbob ! the savage ! Miss
Thingumbob ! the blasphemer ! the
abominable ! My angel ! my star !
my oh ! " and he sat down
under the lee of the bank, and took
out the white heather, and apostro-
phised it, talking nonsense enough
to make angels weep ; and then he
kissed it over and over again. " She
may wear it in her bosom this even-
ing, you know," he explained aloud
to all creation, not apparently to the
satisfaction of its only animal repre-
sentative within earshot, a sturdy
little Highland cow, staring angrily
at him from the other side of the
corrie, who stamped her foot de-
fiantly at the sound of the idiot's
voice. The distant report of Pig-
ott's gun roused him ; he came
forth from his lair, and finding that
his friend had entirely disappeared
behind a shoulder of the hill, began,
bounding like the roe, to descend
to the valley. Craiginfrioch was
the hill which rose immediately be-
hind the house, and as it was very
steep, the time occupied in its
ascent was great compared with the
amount of ground got over. Not
so, however, with the descent, espe-
cially when accomplished in Love's
seven-league boots, in which Ber-
trand travelled, ignoring all obstacles
with the recklessness of young Loch-
invar, and only not swimming across
the river below, because, here more
fortunate than Lochinvar, he found
a ford. That having been crossed,
there was only an ascent of a few
hundred yards, and then the house.
Cairnarvoch, by the by, was by this
time scarcely a mere " house ; " it
was an " Abode " at the very least,
and was rapidly developing into a
" Bower ; " Mrs M'Killop constitut-
ing the chief obstacle to its being
immediately advanced to that posi-
tion.
The Abode being thus, so to speak,
" within hail," and the ascent being
singularly precipitous, the first cir-
cumstance suggested to Bertrand the
question, " Why am I here 1 " and
the second gave him time to ponder
it. Fears and tremors came over
him. Why had he come here ? be-
cause she was here ; there was no
sort of difficulty about that, at all
events. But then that must be
kept a secret— a dead secret — for
Fair to See.— Part IV.
[April
she hated him — that was evident ;
still he would love her, and love
her, and perhaps, &c. How then
account for his return ? A slight
threatening of sunstroke 1 Good !
capital ! but ah ! people with slight
threatenings of sunstroke generally
lie down in dark rooms, with wet
things round their heads and their
feet in mustard. Women like Mrs
M'Killop are always medical ; she
would certainly understand this
system, of treatment, and insist up-
on it, and this was not compatible
with angel-worship by the river for
the rest of the afternoon, while that
other " very agreeable girl " was fish-
ing in the abstraction of her fancy-
free meditations.
A sudden call to write an impor-
tant letter 1 How would that do ?
No, that wouldn't do. The tele-
graphic system did not as yet em-
brace the summits of Craiginfrioch ;
and if it did, the post did not go
out till to-morrow morning.
Despair ! what was to be done ?
Perhaps he had better go up the
hill again? Impossible. What
then ? So there he stood under the
ledge of the terrace about a hundred
yards from her, love and fear fixing
him in a stable equilibrium. Sud-
denly, making him start as if an
avenging demon had hissed in his
ear, burst forth the strain of Ham-
ish's bagpipes. " Luncheon ! " he
said to himself, and moved fifty yards
farther on. Then he stopped again :
luncheon was no excuse ; quite the
contrary. What was he to do 1
But, at all events, if they were
all at luncheon, he could not be
seen from the windows; and thus
encouraging himself, he crept up
towards the Abode, with all the
air of "being on the premises
with the intention of committing
a felony."
He stopped at the hall - door ;
sooner than enter it he would have
been torn limb from limb by wild
horses. He positively fawned upon
Hamish when that minstrel had
finished his performance beside him.
He wanted moral support, you see :
even a very large dog would have
been something; and so he button-
holed the piper, complimented him
upon his playing, asked the name of
the air just let off with so much
eclat, receiving a shock on learning
that it was known in the musical
world as " Give my love brose and
butter." Brose and butter ! what a
revolting class of viands to admin-
ister to an angel ! The suggestion
was coarse and abominable ; but
Hamish, who was obviously impa-
tient to get to his brose and butter,
must be detained. Therefore Ber-
trand said it was a splendid air, and,
in short, would the piper accept an
encore ?
Hamish, being hungry, averred
that that was entirely contrary to
etiquette ; as commuted into a pe-
cuniary shape, however, the compli-
ment was not open to the same
objection, as far as he knew, so he
accepted five shillings, " for snuff,"
with surprise and gratitude, and
under the influence of these feelings
allowed his professional spirit to
be roused by Bertrand's compli-
ments and questions, so that he
launched into a dissertation on the
376 pipe-tunes in which he was
proficient, Bertrand hanging on his
words with a pitiable eagerness.
Now, what was Bertrand's plan ?
What end was to be served by this
most idiotic proceeding] and how
long did he mean there to remain ?
It would have puzzled the wretched
creature himself to say; and, indeed,
has any one, under such circum-
stances, ever got any plan ?
Compassed about as we are with
all manner of influencing spirits, —
white, black, and grey — that is, good,
bad, and indifferent, — it would seem
that in such cases all the others give
place, and leave Puck and his confreres
1871.]
Fair to See.— Part IV.
to be the operators of the hour ; and
a fine time they have of it with their
victims, as a rule.
So Bertrand vaguely remained
there, talking, or rather listening, to
Hamish, with fear and shame raging
in his heart.
His back was to the door, but a
lover has eyes in the back of his
head and an ear in every pore ; and
after he had been thus engaged for
half an hour or so, it needed not the
piper's exclamation, " Goot life !
here are the leddies ! " to inform
Bertrand that the luncheon -party,
in passing from the dining-room,
had turned to the open hall-door,
and were standing there at that mo-
ment. Deaf to Bertrand's pite"ous
entreaty, " Stop a bit, Hamish ; do
stop; just one question about the
' M'Intosh's Lament,' " the piper fled,
and Bertrand, in an instant, was
overboard without a cork-jacket.
" Mr Cameron ! where have you
dropped from ? " The voice was the
voice of Mrs M'Killop, and perforce
he turned towards it, seeing at first
only a luminous mist, in which the
huge red face of his hostess seemed
to roll about like an intoxicated sun.
"Where liave you dropped from1?"
repeated the voice ; and Bertrand,
slowly approaching the group, forced
himself to look steadily at it, and
replied, with a sort of asthmatic
gasp,—
" From the hill."
" Nothing wrong with Captain
Pigott, I hope ? "
" Oh no ; Captain Pigott is per-
fectly well, thank you."
" But what is the matter ? you
look very strange; are you ill, or
only lazy? Oh dear me, you are
quite pale ! "
By this time he could distinctly
see " his angel," and the other "very
agreeable girl," as well as the balance
of Mrs M'Killop's body, and had
recovered a slight command of his
senses. Wherefore it flashed upon
him that if he said " lazy," the secret
was out ; whereas if he said " ill,"
wet applications and mustard were
inevitable.
Here was a dilemma. "Not
lazy," he replied — " oh no, not at all
lazy; and not exactly ill — in fact
weU, but—
" But what 1 are you faint ? "
The very thing ; faintness is
evanescent ; you may fish or wor-
ship immediately after being faint.
Yes, he was a little faint, he thought.
" Girls, wine ! "
The light fled from the hall-door,
and Morna went with it ; and pre-
sently, sitting on the steps, in the
cool shade and pleasant draught,
while Hebe herself proffered a cup
of nectar, and a minor (but esti-
mable) Olympian satellite mixed
it with water, Bertrand began to
think that he would cheerfully pass
the remainder of his existence in a
state of chronic faintness, even un-
der the supervising eye of Jupiter
Tonans (in petticoats). Eila was
bewitchingly sympathetic ; she look-
ed at him with all her eyes; and
oh ! did he feel better now 1 and
oh ! would he not put his head
against the cool pillar"? and oh !
mamma, dear, wasn't eau-de-Cologne
a good thing 1 and oh ! she would
run and get some ; and oh ! she
went, and brought back and poured
on his handkerchief a subtle, beati-
fied essence, surely expressed from
no earthly rind. And then the
hypocrite tried to look faint (we can
imagine with what results), and
kept on being only " a little better "
for a rather unreasonable time, dur-
ing which, Morna having said at
first (drily, Bertrand thought) she
was sorry he felt ill, said nothing
more, and eventually went away
(very unfeelingly, and so unlike " his
angel") to get ready for fishing,
which recalled Bertrand to himself,
and he jumped up hale and hearty
with a miraculous alacrity and re-
416
Fair to See.— Part IV.
novation, announcing that lie was
" quite well."
" But you must keep within
doors," said Mrs M'Killop. (Hang
it ! she was medical.)
" Perhaps I had better ; yes, per-
haps it would be prudent," quoth
Bertrand, on the reculer-pour-mieux-
sauter principle ; and then, " on
second thoughts, open air is the
best thing ; but I'll keep in the
shade, of course, and I think I'll
just stroll down by the river, where
the trees are, and watch Miss Grant
fishing, and perhaps throw a fly
myself when the sun gets lower."
" Very imprudent, Mr Cameron,"
said Mrs M'Killop ; but Bertrand,
hastily retreating " to get ready,"
avoided further opposition.
A few minutes later he was
again in the hall, where he was soon
joined by Morna. " Are you really
going to venture out in the heat
already, after being so unwell, Mr
Cameron?" she inquired.
" Oh yes, it was nothing, — a
mere passing trifle ; and it is such
an age since I had a fishing lesson,
I could not miss the opportunity."
" An age ? why, it was only two
days ago."
" Two days ago, Miss Grant !
absurd ! why, it is " Bertrand
stopped short. It was an age to
him, for he had lived a decade in
the last twenty-four hours ; but as a
mere matter of fact, Miss Grant was
correct. " I believe you are right,"
he went on ; "I can't think how I
had forgotten. Yes, of course, it
was the day before yesterday. Still
an opportunity is an opportunity ;
and besides, I've got a new ' spider'
from Campbell, which he says is in-
fallible on a day like this."
" We had better start, then, and
make the most of it, if you are quite
ready."
" Oh, quite — quite ; but hadn't
we better wait for Mrs M'Killop ?"
" She is not coming."
[April
" Oh, I thought ahem ! — but,
by the by, Miss M'Killop is coming;
it wouldn't be fair to start without
her, would it]"
" Unless she has changed her
mind since luncheon, she is not
coming either; she had quite given
up the plan : did she say she was
coming just now?"
" I — yes — oh, certainly I thought
so!"
" Very well, I'll go and ask her."
And Morna went, and presently
came back, saying, with Eila's com-
pliments, that Bertrand must have
dreamt it. It was much too warm
to go out ; and she was reading such
a delicious novel, which could not
be parted with before dinner, and
then only with a struggle. " So,"
said Morna, "we had better start,
if you are quite ready."
Bertrand having abandoned a
half -entertained idea of becoming
" faint " again, was ready to go any-
where any one chose to take him,
and surrendered himself to gloom
and misery — DEEP, DARK, FATHOM-
LESS. For all his pains, poor man
— for all his pains, he might as well
have been on the top of Craigin-
frioch. She was avoiding him —
that was evident. What had he
done to make himself so obnoxious ?
And yet ten minutes ago she was
full of the kindest interest and
sympathy. Ah ! that was only by
the impulse of her faultless heart !
her repugnance had been for the
moment curbed by her pure philan-
thropy— that was all. She would
have looked the same looks, and
spoken the same words, to the
merest costermonger who was for-
tunate enough to be afflicted with a
temporary faintness in her presence.
And then, without doubt, she
thought he had misunderstood her
gentle kindness, so that she was of-
fended, hurt, and a prisoner, this
bright afternoon, all on account of
his coarse, selfish infatuation. It
1871.]
was certain that her maidenly feel-
ing was outraged ; and he had done
it. Bertrand did not spare himself :
he cunningly devised instruments
for his own torture, and used them
without mercy. Still came back
the eternal refrain, that he would
love her, and love her, and perhaps
years of devotion illustrated by
splendid deeds done for her sake
(and of course under her immediate
eye), might at last gain for him
some slight response from that pre-
cious heart, which no mere man
could hope to win in its entirety.
But at present a darkness that could
be felt compassed him round about
as he went away with Morna, a
charming companion, we can con-
ceive, for any young lady. Fortun-
ately, perhaps, Morna was not her-
self conversationally inclined. She,
too, had her abstraction.
Just such another day was this
as that on which these two had paid
their first visit, in company, to the
river. It seemed very long ago to
both of them. To Bertrand it was
a dim passage in a remote and other
life; and to Morna, who now re-
called it, it suggested the idea of
the beginning of a pleasant song
that had been interrupted, and was
never likely to be taken up again and
finished ; a song that had promised
to be so beautiful, too, that it, and
it alone, might have filled her whole
life with music. And was it gone ?
was it really gone for ever and ever 1
But certain feelings are too subtle
for analysis ; or, if analysis be pos-
sible, too sacred for exposition in
words ; and so we prefer to spare
Morna's inner consciousness any
farther contact with the brusquen'e
of our clumsy touches. Mechanic-
ally, as it seemed, they turned their
steps towards the same part of the
river they had visited on that first
day; passing the spot where the
trees had rung with the water-spirit's
lamentations, had echoed their light
Fair to See.— Part IV.
417
laughter, and tossed away to the
vagrant breeze the eloquent utter-
ances of their still more vagrant
fancies.
This historical spot was passed in
silence (it is not likely that Bertrand
even recognised it, for all the land-
scape was to him like some blurred
fiasco of a photograph ; and as to
Morna but we are not going
to pry into her feelings), and in-
deed the silence was only broken
once or twice in the whole journey
from the house to the Blue Eock,
and then on this wise.
" Terribly warm ! "
" Intensely ! "
Five minutes' interval.
"Awfully hot!"
" Excessively ! "
" Fine fishing will be necessary
to day."
" It will."
Deep meditation on both sides
for ten minutes.
" I have everything very fine
with me."
" That is fortunate."
Protracted pause.
" This is an African day."
" I can quite imagine that it is
exactly an African day."
" Campbell's spider ought to do
in a day like this."
" It ought."
Ten minutes more for reflection.
" This weather is almost intoler-
able."
" It is indeed. Here we are at the
Blue Eock ; shall we keep our usual
stations ? "
" If you please."
"Au revoir, then, and good sport ! "
and so they separated and began to
fish.
Bertrand got into the water and
stalked slowly up mid-stream, look-
ing like a disconsolate heron, throw-
ing his fly to right and to left with
mechanical impartiality, but occa-
sionally halting and favouring some
special spot with a protracted flagel-
418
Fair to See.— Part IV.
lation, as if he knew of a trout
thereabouts who was not to be lured,
but might be bullied, into accepting
a fly. For about an hour Bertrand
continued his watery promenade.
The solitude and the stillness fa-
voured reflection — not a trout rose
to interfere with it ; while the calm-
ness of the sunshine, the silence of
the woods, the sleepy aspect of the
quiet mountain-side, and the monot-
onous sing-song of the river, mate-
rially assisted in piling up the agony
of his troubled thoughts.
Before him, as he gazed into the
river, floated two images : one all
that was lovely and perfect, but with
a sort of celestial anger, chastened
by benevolence and sorrow, dis-
turbing the features of the divine
countenance ; the other of a dark,
brutal type, turning in Cain-like
remorse from the bright figure which
had just dismissed him, with as
much scorn and indignation as is
compatible with complete purity
and elevation of soul
The dark figure turned again and
again, and held up his coarse swart
hands in ' the attitude of suppli-
cation, almost of worship, but the
diviner being shook her beautiful
head and ever waved him off.
" Oh ! is there no hope 1 is there
no hope ?" cried Bertrand aloud in
his agony.
" Not when you fish without any
fly at all," replied a voice (apparently
from heaven), with a symphony of
silvery laughter.
Bertrand gave a prodigious start,
so that he slipped, was half down,
up again, down again. Entirely
ridiculous. Whence the voice which
kept laughing all the time? He
looked to right- and to left, down
into the river, up into the clouds ;
he saw no one. Was it a dream?
No ; there at last, in the shadow
of the trees, blooming among the
flowers, "herself a fairer flower,"
he descried the speaker. There was
[April
"outraged maidenly feeling" sur-
prisingly merry, all things consid-
ered.
Turning red, white, and blue by
turns, Bertrand reeled up, discover-
ing that his cast of flies was entirely
gone ; and then, floundering and
stumbling, made the best of his way
to the bank. " His angel " was
sketching some object, between
which and the fair artist his clumsy
person seemed to be for ever inter-
posing ; for she kept craning (if an
angel can be conceived to crane)
past his edges, laughing and talk-
ing, and occasionally putting in a
stroke, without ever looking at him.
" You must be very sanguine, Mr
Cameron," she said.
"I— I didn't know I had lost
my cast ; it must have gone at the
last throw."
" A large trout, I suppose ? "
" I should say so. Oh yes, a
very large trout — immense."
" You saw him, did you?"
" Well, no— not quite."
" Perhaps it was a salmon ?"
" I daresay it was."
"Or a pike?"
" Very likely a pike."
If she had suggested a dolphin,
Bertrand would have cheerfully as-
sented.
" And what are you to do ? have
you another cast?"
He had a dozen, at the least, in
his pocket ; but all lovers are in-
different to truth, so he said he had
been stupid, and forgotten his book.
" This has been quite a day of
catastrophes for you," said Eila,
looking round his right edge; and
when he had executed a demivolt
to clear her line of vision, instantly
discovering that she had to look on
the other side, involving a counter-
demivolt, and for a moment or two
she kept him prancing from right
to left like a bear on hot irons.
Nothing, however, could be more de-
mure than her expression all the time.
1871.]
" Yes," replied Bertrand, " and
yet not altogether. I am very
he — appy now."
" Happy, are you ? " (pause to
crane) ; " really 1" (pause to pencil);
"why?"
Oh, the bewitching unconscious-
ness ! Oh, the simplicity ! Oh,
the natvete! Embarrassing, though
— very.
" Why 1 ahem ! because — hum,
ahem ! — you see "
" If you would be so very kind
as to move just the least little bit
to the left — thanks ! Now I see
beautifully."
" May I sit down here ? "
" Oh, pray do, and then you
won't have to trouble moving so
often. I fear I'm a terrible fidget."
" It is a pleasure to move when
one is — a — a — ordered."
Could anything be more bete ?
and no one could be more conscious
of it than the hapless speaker ; but
Puck ruled the hour.
" That is a very military senti-
ment."
" Oh, I didn't mean in that sense.
Fair to See.— Fart IV.
419
" Are you fond of the army 1 "
" Yes, I like it very well."
" Have you been in a great many
battles ] "
" Well, no— not many." He had
once marched with his company to
look at an electioneering row, and
be pelted for a couple of hours by
Irish patriots at Killygobslithereen.
" A battle must be delightful ?"
" Ye-es, it has a wild excitement,
which is always pleasant, of course."
" I hope you always gave quarter,
and were merciful?"
" I — I really — don't you know —
" Oh, you didn't ! I am afraid
you are dreadfully cruel and " (that
tiresome cow will not stand still)
" ferocious. I'm really quite afraid
of you."
And then she looked up from her
drawing, and looked at him, and
beamed and scintillated, so that Ber-
trand was one all-pervading " tingle"
from head to foot.
"I quite despair of getting that
foreground right," she resumed, lay-
ing, down her pencil. " I must give
it up, or I shall be cross and dis-
agreeable for the rest of the day."
" Pray let me look at it."
' Oh no, no ! not for worlds ! I
know you are terribly critical and
severe, and you don't give quarter
to your enemies; oh no!" And
as Bertrand extended his hand
(which appeared to him to be a veri-
table paw) to take the drawing, she
withdrew it with a bewitching ges-
ture, and hid it under her shawl
with such an arch little nod of de-
fiance.
" You talk of giving quarter to
enemies, Miss M'Killop, just as if I
counted you as one. Why 1 "
" Because it is true, Mr Came-
ron."
"True!"
" Yes ; you don't like me. I al-
ways know when people don't like
me by their eyes. I think a great
many people don't like me, and I
always want them to tell me why.
Now, be frank ; look me in the face
and tell me why."
" Whe — whe — when I look you
in the face, I swear —
" Oh, please, don't swear ; but,
look ! look ! — oh, do look at that !
What is it ? A real orange butter-
fly ! Oh, pray, catch it for me ! —
do, pray, Mr Cameron ! "
Bertrand was up in an instant, per-
forming all sorts of acrobatic feats
with his legs and arms and hat,
dodging the butterfly out and in the
trees, and among the tangle of black-
thorn and wild rose and honeysuckle,
butting his head against projecting
branches, tearing his clothes and
wounding his body in many places.
The butterfly entered into the spirit
of the thing, and flew low, and Ber-
420
Fair to See.— Part IV.
trand had a quick three minutes
with it, resulting in its capture.
He brought it carefully under his
cap : she bent forward over the cap ;
he bent forward over the cap. The
streamers of a ribbon round her neck
were lifted by a little breath of wind
and lay on his shoulder ; her hand
touched his ; he trembled all over,
so that he collapsed heavily on the
cap, the cap on the butterfly, the
butterfly into powder.
" Oh, Mr Cameron, how cruel !
how cruel ! You have killed the
poor, dear, beautiful butterfly," and
she looked at him reproachfully with
eyes that expressed tears, if they shed
none.
What sensibility ! Still the rib-
bons lay on his shoulder (the acco-
lade of a thousand knighthoods
would have been valueless compared
with that blessed contact), and in
her emotion her hand still clasped
the cap — would have touched his
hand — but he shrank from that.
"Are you sorry?" she said, after
a pause, during which Bertrand felt
as if his eyes were being drawn out
like telescopes by the attraction of
hers — "are you sorry?"
" I am very sorry — very, very
sorry." His voice shook, and
changed its key with every second
word.
"I believe you are very sorry,"
she said, slowly withdrawing her
eyes, and moving back so that the
ribbons glided from his shoulder,
gently, lingeringly, inch by inch —
" and I forgive you."
What magnanimity!
"To prove that I am not an
enemy," said Bertrand, " I can show
that at least I have tried to please
you ; I have executed your com-
mission."
"What commission, Mr Cam-
eron ? "
" White heather. Look !"— and
he withdrew from the interior of his
waistcoat the hermit of the corrie,
[April
looking rather jaded, to be sure, from
long contact with a flannel shirt that
had been shot in, and fished in, and
fainted in, all in a mean temperature
of 90° Fahrenheit or so.
" Oh, how kind ! how very good
of you ! to think of me, and when
you were ill ! Thank you ; thank
you so much."
"Let me dip it in the river to
freshen it before you take it."
" Oh no, no ! I will take it just
as you brought it. I never thought
you would trouble about it, or think
of it any more."
Bertrand made a tremendous
effort, and murmured, in rapid,
husky jerks, " I never thought of
anything else. I would never —
have gone to the hill to-day — except
to get it. I wish it was a thousand
times prettier — I wish it was wor-
thier of you."
" Can anything be worthier of
a child of the mountains than the
most beautiful thing that grows
upon them?"
" Oh yes — everything is worthier
— of you."
Puck was at him again. " But I
am sorry you had the trouble and
the fatigue. I am afraid you made
yourself ill in looking for it. How
kind of you ! but if you made your-
self ill in looking for it, I shall
never forgive myself. Tell me, did
you?"
"Oh no, not at all; I would
have been ill — He was going
to try to add, " a thousand times,
and died a thousand times, in such
a cause," or some absurdity of the
sort, but Eila turned it off.
" Should you, at any rate ? Then
I am satisfied, and " (rather a tame
climax) "really very much obliged."
" Will you do me a favour ? "
cried Bertrand.
" If I can I will— what is it ? "
" Will you wear the heather this
evening ? "
" Oh yes ; I will begin now.
1871.]
Fair to See.— Part IV.
421
See !" and she placed it in the
bosom of her dress. A h !
" Please tell me a story, Mr Cam-
eron," she resumed suddenly, after
the flower was adjusted.
" A story, Miss M'Killop ! but
what sort of story ]"
" About battles and adventures;
I like reading about them, and it
would be delightful to hear about
them from a real soldier who has
been in them, and done them,
and been made a prisoner and
wounded. You have been wounded,
of course 1 "
" No — yes — very slightly — a
mere nothing" (in allusion to a
tremendous black eye from a brick-
bat at Killygobslithereen, painfid
but not romantic, and certainly not
the incident for the moment) — " a
mere nothing ; but no man likes to
talk about his own exploits," parti-
cularly, he might have added, when
he has to draw exclusively for them
on his imagination — before dinner.
"So if you really want to hear a
little romance of war, I'll tell you
about an adventure in the Indian
Mutiny of one of our fellows —
Gibbs."
" Gibbs ! what an ugly name !
rhymes to ' fibs,' doesn't it 1"
Bertrand admitted that it did, and
also to " ribs," for the matter of
that ; but Gibbs, notwithstanding
his prosodial misfortunes, was really
a tremendous fellow — a V.C. even.
Still Eila would have none of
Gibbs, though his deeds might have
shed lustre on a de Montmorency.
" Well, then, another of my friends
really did a splendid thing at the
Taku Forts, and had such an adven-
ture in the Summer Palace after-
wards; shall I tell you about that?"
" What was his name ]"
The hero's name was really Bar-
ton, but Bertrand saw at once that
while rhyming to " tartan " he was
unfit for service, so he eliminated the
disqualifying letter and said " Baron. "
" Yes, I would like to hear about
Mr Baron."
And Bertrand told her a terrible
anecdote all about junks and joss-
houses and gingalls, and the yells of
the Celestials, and the terrible Bri-
tish cheer, and mandarins, and the
Brother of the Sun and Moon, and
his silks and furs and jewels, and
the palatial bonfire, — through all
which the sword of the terrible
Barton meandered like a streak of
lightning caught and drilled for the
occasion to warlike purposes. The
story was lengthy; it had outfalls
of episode, and a pretty broad
dreary current of its own, and dur-
ing its progress Bertrand made a
discovery — angels can yawn. The
discovery depressed him; the full-
flowing river of his speech rolled on
with a more languid movement, and
the lightning of Barton the de-
stroyer began to shed rather sickly
gleams on its sluggish wave. Still
it went on to a point where Barton,
after having lost an arm from a
round-shot, received a sword-thrust
through the body and a contusion
on the head, and become reluctantly
insensible, might reasonably be sup-
pose to have terminated his ex-
ploits ; and here Eila, assuming the
close of the narrative, thanked Ber-
trand for it with great alacrity, said
it was most interesting, and what a
surprising person Mr Baron must be
— and probably she might have
found him so to be, if she had had
patience, and got beyond the mere
threshold of the anecdote; for, of
course, she had only heard Act I. ;
and fellows like Barton, as a rule,
never succumb ; the lopping off" of a
limb or two only clears them, as it
were, for more vigorous action; and
if they ever condescend to die at all,
it is in the picturesque Chevy-Chase
attitude of fighting on their stumps.
Bertrand acquiesced in the drop-
ping of the curtain ; he felt that he
was not shining; and indeed what
422
Fair to See. — Part IV.
[April
kind of figure can a wax-taper cut,
when flickering in the full beams of
Hyperion1? — and so he allowed Eila
even to imagine Mr Barton's death.
That, at least, lent him an interest
which could not belong to one whose
voice was even at that hour contri-
buting to "the thunder of the
captains and the shouting" in the
Long Valley.
" If I had been a man, I must
have been a soldier!" cried Eila, as
a sort of funeral-shot over Barton
and his glories.
It flashed across Bertrand's mind
that he had better hum (archly),
" If I was a lad, for a soldier I'd
go," but he curbed the inclination
as profane, and said instead, "Surely
you would not have preferred to be
a man ? "
" Oh, indeed I should : do you
think a woman's life can be a very
happy one, except under very pe-
culiar circumstances 1 How would
you like to be au convent under the
shadow of Craiginfrioch for the rest
of your days, or some place just as
bad?"
" That fate can never be yours,
except by choice."
" It is generally a choice of evils
in the world, is it not 1 for a
woman, at least," said Eila, with a
graceful little shrug.
" Oh, please, don't speak like
that," cried Bertrand, with genuine
earnestness. It gave him a quick
pain to think of so bright and
beautiful a being living in any at-
mosphere save one of perpetual joy,
radiance, and delight. " I think
women," he said, " beautiful women,
clever women, and, above all, good
women, even without being beauti-
ful or clever, have as fine a career,
if they choose to accept it, as any
man can have."
" You are beginning to be grave
• — please, don't."
" I beg your pardon, I won't.
But think of us poor men with
compassion. If all the beautiful
women in the world were with-
drawn or transformed, what would
become of us? What would the
knight in the lists have been with-
out the Queen of Beauty or his
lady-love in the gallery1?"
" That is very pretty ! I like
that. Are you fond of poetry ?"
" Devoted to it."
"And music?"
" There I am a fanatic."
" Oh, I see now why Morna and
you are such allies !"
" Allies ?" The villain was on
the point of denying an alliance too
good for nine hundred and ninety-
nine out of a thousand of his sex.
Love, which conquers all things,
walks lightly over loyalty, gener-
osity, and all the verities. "Al-
lies?" he repeated; and then, as a
compromise, "Are we allies?"
" You act as if you were, at all
events, don't you?" and then, with
sudden eagerness (who can say from
what source ?), " and you may be
very proud to be an ally of hers,
because there is no one the least
like her. She is too good to be
any one's ally. It makes one better
to be with her : she is the only per-
son in all the world I like."
How beautiful she looked, thus
animated for her friend ! And how
delightful to know that she cared
for no one else ("the present com-
pany," she had expressly stated,
" is always excepted"); and what a
goodly thing was a beautiful girl's
love for another — girl ! Slightly
inconsistent though at times, as
now appeared ; for instantly after
her glowing eulogy, she laid her
hand on Bertrand's arm, and said,
" Hush! hush! look, here is Morna;
lie down and hide." Whereupon
the wretch " crouched fawning in the
weed," and Morna passed away on
the other side. She looked jaded
and tired ; she was carrying her
own basket slung over her shoulder,
1871.]
Fair to Sec. — Part IV.
423
and lier rod. Her eyes were bent
on the ground ; she was not looking
very happy. At sight of her, some
emotion of — what was it ] — pity ?
remorse ? of conscious desertion and
betrayal 1 — something unpleasant,
at any rate, struck into Bertrand's
heart, and with it an impulse to
dash across the river and carry her
things for her, and be "jolly" to
her generally.. But he looked up to
his beautiful companion, who sat
leaning against a tree twined with
murderous honeysuckle; and as the
tree was clasped in that deadly-
sweet embrace, so did the influence
of those enthralling eyes wind itself
round his heart, and choke the gen-
erous emotion. Retributive justice
halts not always; and in about a
minute Eila said, " You had better
follow her now." This was illogi-
cal, also unpleasant.
" Oh, please, don't send me
away," said Bertrand.
" You came out to fish with her,
you know ; and so you belong to
her — for the afternoon."
" But will you come too ? You
have no idea how interesting it is
to watch Miss Grant fishing; — she
catches lots of them — every minute
— most exciting ; do come."
" Thanks — no ; I must go back to
my novel : I can think of nothing
else till it is finished. Please don't
mind me. I shall find my way
home by the bridge. If you ford
the river here you will be able to
overtake Morna. Poor dear Morna !
looking so tired and bored all by her-
self ! Do run away quickly, please."
" And you will wear it ? " lan-
guishingly.
" It ? What, Mr Cameron 1 "
" The heather !"
"Oh, the heather! Oh yes, if
you wish it, and it isn't dead by
the evening. Good-bye — au revoir"
So, with an east wind whistling
in every nook and cranny of his
soul, Bertrand took the water and
VOL. CIX. — NO. DCLXVI.
followed " poor dear Morna." Me-
moranda— angels yawn — are some-
times illogical, and always incom-
prehensible. He did not long
follow Morna in a straight course,
but soon diverged to the left, and,
circling round at top-speed, managed
to head her, and was fishing at the
point where he ought to have been
when, half an hour later, she came
up to pass him again. Few and
short were the words they spoke.
Morna had had bad sport; Bertrand
none — as represented in his basket,
that is ; and eventually, after various
passings and repassings, they walked
home together much as they had
walked out together, both regretting,
with wonder and animation, the
total and surprising failure of Camp-
bell's new " spider."
Pigott came in late from the hill,
and found Bertrand already — rather
prematurely — dressed for dinner,
and about to descend to the draw-
ing-room.
"Well, Bertrand, all right again V
" Oh, all right, thanks."
"Been out ?"
" Just took a stroll by the river
for a bit. How have you done
to-day?"
" Pretty well ; dogs rather de-
moralised, though. Look here, I
found that heather for Miss What's-
her-name ; rather a fine specimen,
isn't it ?"
" Beautiful, yes ; but I found a
bit on the hillside, and have given
it to her ; so we can keep yours for
our own drawing-room table."
" No, I shall give this to her.
I've had rather a time of it with
the thing. I stuck it in my cap to
keep fresh, and it kept tumbling
out, and lost me a brace of grouse
by getting across my eyes at the
critical moment ; besides, the only
ptarmigan I saw to-day rose when I
was digging it up ; so I'll give it to
her, and tell her about it as a hint
not to go bothering again."
2 G
424
Fair to See.— Part IV.
"As you please," said Bertrand,
and went to the drawing-room.
No one there. Presently in came
Mr M'Killop — bother 1dm ! — no
tete-a-tete was now possible ; then
came Mrs M'Killop — bother her! —
how loud she looked ! then came
Morna, bother — no, not exactly that
— and immediately after entered
Eila (in blue) ; but, alas ! where was
the white heather1? Not there, at
all events, where it would have
looked so well in harmony with a
blue dress. It was an occasion to
sulk a little, and Bertrand did so
(in the window). The sulking was
dramatic, bien entendu. There was
nothing in his heart but humble
grief and a sense of merited dis-
comfiture.
Presently in walked Pigott, cool,
trim, dry, in his hand the bunch of
heather. He walked up to Eila,
held out the offering with —
"This is the vegetable you
wanted, Miss M'Killop, is it not 1 "
" Oh, Captain Pigott ! " cries Eila.
" Oh, so many thanks ! how beauti-
ful ! "
She takes it ; — it is no longer
heather — it is amaranth — although
the gift of Pigott.
" On the very tip-top of Craigin-
frioch did you find it ? "
" On the very tip-top — where
there are ptarmigan ! "
" On the very tip-top, where there
are ptarmigan ! Delightful ! "
" The only ptarmigan I saw to-
day rose when I was tearing up that
plant."
" How tiresome ! and did you
carry it all the way down, yourself?"
" All the way in my hat ; as a
proof, it tumbled across my eyes and
made me miss a brace of grouse."
" What a pity ! but how kind of
you to get it for me, and to go miss-
ing grouse and ptarmigans to oblige
me ! Thank you so much — it is
quite beautiful ; a finer plant, I
think, than Mr Cameron brought
[April
me, though it was very pretty too.
Oh, by the by, Mr Cameron, I am
so sorry I couldn't do what you
wished ; the poor thing was too much
faded." Bertrand was understood to
say that it didn't signify, and Eila
went on, " But this comes instead,
and I shall wear it. Shall I wear
it, Captain Pigott ? "
" Oh, by all means."
" Then I will," and she ran air-
ily to the mirror and placed one
bunch in her bosom and another in
her hair (coquettishly) — and then
turned round, putting her hands
down by her side, with the fairy-
like gesture of a playful child, for
inspection. " How does it do ? Is
it pretty 1 "
Pretty ! but Bertrand could say
nothing, and Pigott remarked jocu-
larly, " Yes, it looks very well ; it
literally does honour to your head
and heart."
He was getting just a little be-
yond human endurance — this — this
groundling.
Pigott's seniority constituted him
Mrs M'Killop's daily escort to the
diningfroom, and Eila fell to Ber-
trand. " "Wasn't it kind of Captain
Pigott to get this for me from the
tip-top of Craiginfrioch, where the
ptarmigans are 1 " she inquired con-
fidentially of Bertrand, as they passed
from the drawing-room ; " but do you
think, entre nous, it bored him? I
should be in despair if I thought I
had bored him."
" It was a great privilege for
Captain Pigott to have the happi-
ness of doing anything to give you
pleasure," said Bertrand, grimly.
" He is very good-natured and
kind, is he not ? "
" Very."
" He has such a nice kind face,
has he not ? "
" Yes."
" Like a good dog's, isn't it 1 "
11 Ha ! ha ! yes, not bad that —
rather like a dog's, certainly."
1871.]
" A good dog's, though, and that
is not the least laughable, for a good
dog's face is the pleasantest face in
the world — to me."
Not being a dog of any sort,
there was clearly nothing for Ber-
trand but to sulk after that. All
through dinner Eila was perversely
enchanting, and Bertrand was in and
out of the sulks a score of times at
the least; the trying part of it all
being that she never appeared to
know when he was supposed to be
in a state of dignity, and when in a
state of delight, penitence, worship,
or what not. The same sort of
thing went on in the drawing-room,
where Eila cajoled her father and
the two ecartists into playing whist
with her, so that Morna and Ber-
trand were left to a dismal tete-a-tete;
then she threw up the cards after
the first rubber, alleging a head-
ache ; then she coaxed Morna to
sing, and when Bertrand approached,
with earnest pleading eyes, to seat
himself by her, snubbed him in-
stantly by rising, and " though so
sorry to be unsociable, really wish-
ing to sit quite quiet by the win-
dow, for her headache's sake, if he
didn't mind." And so the evening
passed, and much in the same way
passed the next few days, as regarded
the relations of Eila and Morna and
Bertrand ; the latter now like the
Fair to See.— Part IV.
425
Peri at the gate of Paradise, discon-
solate, now admitted for one instant
within the glittering portals, and
the next expelled from it by the
lightning eye of the avenging angel.
Like Jeanie pining for Jamie, he
began to " gang like a ghaist and
caredna to spin" — that is, to shoot
or fish, or eat or drink, or sleep or
hold commune with Pigott or any
other flesh of man, save only with
her, who by a word could make him
the blessedest of mortals, and by a
look could cause him to peak and
pine and dwindle. He had no
quarrel with Pigott, quite the re-
verse— but he avoided a tete-a-tete
with that officer as he would have
shunned the plague, ignoring the
smoking-room and the boudoir sa-
cred to bonne camaraderie, and rush-
ing to bed of nights with a hasty
" tired as a dog, old fellow — can-
not smoke to-night — really can't."
Pigott, of course, knew the state of
the case as well as, if not better
than, his friend ; but though he said
to himself that the present juncture
was not gay, still he was certain
that to endure it was the less of
two evils, the alternative being to
become confidant, and listen to his
friend's eternal maunderings about
that girl, for ever harvesting with
her unquiet eyes.
CHAPTER XI.
The arrival of the day of "the
gathering " brought a diversion, not
unwelcome, perhaps, to any of the
performers in this tragi-comedy.
It was to be a day full of events ;
for not only was there to be "a
gathering " and a ball, but, as an in-
terlude, suggested, no doubt, by the
expected concourse of " the country-
side, " the candidate for the boroughs
was in the evening to address the
electors of the town of Ardmartin ;
so that the bill of fare held out in-
ducements to all the world, and
everybody said that all the world
would be there. The weather was
splendid, and so the party were con-
veyed to the scene of action —
about fourteen miles distant — in an
open brake ; Mrs M'Killop having
covenanted that a certain absence
of state in the character of the ve-
hicle should be balanced by its be-
ing drawn by four post-horses, which
426
Fair to See.— Part IV.
[April
was very noble. One of the postil-
ions, indeed, had a red jacket,
while the other was in blue — an
incongruity not perhaps altogether
corrected by the very black eye
which dimmed the lustre of the
gentleman in red ; but this was a
mere matter of detail : and what
with Hamish on the box, his pipes
adorned with a banner of the M'Kil-
lop arms quartered with those of
M'Whannel, M'Cuaig, M'Kechnie,
and a good many other rather gut-
tural septs; what with Mrs M'Killop
inside, blazing like the fire of Baal,
not to mention the chaster bright-
ness of Eila and Morna, — it must
be admitted that they made a brave
appearance on the whole. They
were to dine and dress at the hotel,
therefore there was luggage; they
were to luncheon al fresco at " the
gathering, "therefore there were ham-
pers— bountiful, well-filled hampers
— for the Cairnarvoch cook was a
good cook, and the mistress of Cair-
narvoch loved the handiwork of her
handmaiden. Also there was wine ;
for "there is to be no nonsense
about the champagne, M'Killop,"
had been much on Mrs M'Killop's
lips for the two previous days ; and
there was no nonsense about it ; so
that the brake, which was also to
bring back Messrs Duncanson and
Tainsh for their visit, if they pre-
ferred that to travelling separately,
was by no means overhorsed with
four.
Eila began the day very propi-
tiously, in the brightest of moods.
She was kindness itself to Bertrand ;
manoeuvred him into a seat beside
her in the brake ; told him it was
a comfort in going to a stupid ball
to feel that one was with a nice
party, and therefore independent ;
hoped he and Captain Pigott would
be very civil, and not desert
them ; wished to know exactly
what he thought of her new hat,
of which she herself was doubt-
ful; and confided to him that she
had selected and made up with her
own hands a bouquet for his coat
in the evening, which was " with
her things " under charge of M'Ken-
zie, the spectral maid. A minute
or two later, Bertrand was a little
dashed by discovering that the same
distinction was to be enjoyed by
Pigott and her father ; but rallied
again on being assured that he
should have first choice, as well as
the advantage of her advice in his
selection. And " I do hope you
are not going in the Highland dress,
Mr Cameron V she added. It was
desolation to Bertrand to confess
that that garb and no other was in
his portmanteau in the boat.
"I'm sorry for that," said Eila;
" because almost everybody else will
wear it, — and the other is so much
more distinguished on such an oc-
casion ; it looks, you know, as if
you didn't care. I had quite made
up my mind not to dance with any
one in the Highland dress ; but
now, as, of course, I must dance
with you, I shan't be able to make
it a law for the evening, which
would have been great fun, wouldn't
it? It is very provoking. I do
hope Captain Pigott is not to be
in a kilt."
No ; Bertrand was obliged to ad-
mit that his friend would certainly
be in pantaloons.
" But I'll tell you what I'll do,
Miss M'Killop. As soon as we get
to Ardmartin I'll send a man back
with a trap for my other things."
" Oh, please do — oh, thank you ;
yes, that will be such fun. Fancy
sending nearly thirty miles ! That
will be delightful ! "
" I would send round the world
to — ahem ! "
" Now I will tell you a secret,"
Eila interrupted, with great earnest-
ness of eye ; — " I am going to wear
mauve ! "
"Really!"
1871.]
" Yes ; and not a single bit of tar-
tan. That ought to make them very
angry ! "
Who was to be made angry, and
•with what purpose, Bertrand did
not pause to investigate, but assented
unhesitatingly that it ought to rouse
the most vindictive feelings.
" Mamma doesn't know."
" How lucky ! "
" And not even Morna ! "
" What a triumph of finesse ! "
In such blissful converse the
fourteen miles were traversed all
too rapidly ; and they reached the
ground where " the gathering " was
to be held in about two and a half
minutes, as it appeared to Ber-
trand.
The term "gathering," in its
technical sense of a coming together
of various clans marshalled in war-
like array by their chiefs, was not
strictly applicable to the meeting
at Ardmartin, as the clans did not
parade in this formidable shape, but
came in independent units to take
part in the athletic games of the
Gael, or to look on at them, or to
see the "country-side" and the gala,
and fulfil one of the chief ends of
(Scottish) man in a patriotic con-
sumption of the fluid staple of the
district.
The ground where the meeting
was to be held was both picturesque
and well adapted to the purpose. It
lay in a small circular valley, sur-
rounded on all sides by hills that
sloped gently down to a perfectly
level centre, several hundred square
yards in area. It was a natural
amphitheatre, with a natural arena,
affording the athletes ample space
for all their cantrips, and to the
spectators the best possible conveni-
ence for looking on. The country-
people were already clustered in tier
above tier on the hillside, the bright
tartan which belonged to some part
of the dress of the most of them,
male and female, making the circle
Fair to See.— Part IV.
427
look like a gay fringe attached to
the imperial robe of purple heather
in which the hills were clothed.
On one side a certain space had
been told off on the level for the
carnages of the gentry, and in the
centre of this was a flag-staff, from
which floated the golden banner of
Scotland with its ruddy ramping
lion. In front of this position two
kilted companies of Rifle Volunteers
were posted — as a guard of honour,
it was alleged, but in whose honour
no one seemed quite to have ascer-
tained. This mysterious force from
time to time, apparently when it
had nothing else to do, deployed
into line on its leading company,
opened ranks and vaguely presented
arms, re-forming column again, and
standing at ease with a precision
that must have satisfied any alarm-
ist as to the safety of that part of
her Majesty's dominions. It was
attended by its band, consisting of
a dozen rather swollen-looking Celts,
who did not spare themselves — or
the audience — but brayed with tre-
mendous energy during the major
part of the day ; and altogether the
Volunteers formed a conspicuous
feature in the scene. Mr Tainsh
was in command of them. Mr
Tainsh was one of those men about
whom all local offices of trust,
emolument, and dignity seem to
encrust themselves as by an inevit-
able law of nature; so, of course,
he commanded the Riflemen ; and if
there had been a Volunteer flotilla
in connection with Ardmartin, no one
doubted that Mr Tainsh would also
have been the admiral or commodore
in charge of it. There was already
a full muster of carriages of the
country aristocracy — indeed there
did not seem to be a niche for the
Cairnarvoch party; and the postil-
ions, demoralised by the haughty
bearing of the family coachmen
already on the ground, made no
proper effort to assert themselves
428
Fair to See.— Part IV.
and squeeze into a place. Thus
they were in difficulties, but help
was at hand.
Pushing through the crowd, with
a drawn sword in his hand, before
which and his local influence all
gave way, approached the deliverer.
He looked very hot and flustered,
and his uniform gave him rather the
air of a fowl trussed for the table ;
but he was a pleasant sight to the
people in the brake, for he was the
secretary of the games and managing
steward of the meeting — in a word,
Mr Tainsh.
He hailed the carriage from a dis-
tance with loud greetings, shook
hands tumultuously with the whole
party when he came up, said they
were rather late, but he had post-
poned the commencement of the
games, of course (with his eye on
Eila), till their arrival, and had re-
served for them the best place on
the ground. Then he jumped on
the back-step, and called out to the
postilion with the black eye to put
the spurs in and fear no evil. It
was a great thing to be well with
Tainsh on such a day as this. So
they drove to their position slowly
past the line of carriages, Mrs
M'Killop (whom, from her first
arrival among them, the county
had decided to ignore) doing her
best, with a tremendous double eye-
glass, to return the broadside of all
the eyes in each, rearing her head
up like some terrible sea-serpent
about to spring, in a manner calcu-
lated to awe the boldest, and alto-
gether running the gauntlet with
much bravery and spirit.
" Dreadful-looking person !"
" Quite an eyesore !"
" Pretty girls, though."
" Oh no ! very bold and pert-
looking."
" Who are these men ? "
" How can you ask ? "
" Nobody knows anything about
such people."
[April
"I am sure that red woman
drinks."
" She is evidently very tipsy at
this moment."
" How she stares ! "
" The termagant ! "
"The ogress!"
One can imagine that the glances
directed at the brake by the utterers
of such sentiments were not very
amicable, and so estimate the weight
of the guns she had to engage.
Pigott was really delighted with
the sensation they produced, and
stared in a pleased wooden way
(acting as a sort of auxiliary gun-
boat to Mrs M'Killop) at the indig-
nant beau-monde.
" HoUoa ! here's Bob West !" he
cried out suddenly, as they ap-
proached, and for an instant halted
beside a carriage of very distin-
guished appearance, outside of which
was the gentleman in question.
" How are you, Bob 1 "
" By George ! it's the Pig ! " (by
this swinish sobriquet our friend
was known in pigeon-shooting cir-
cles.) "You here! Wonderful!
Where have you dropped from 1
Awfully glad to see you."
" I'll come back and talk to you
presently."
" Do, my porker ; " and they
rolled on again.
" The Jook's carriage ! " exclaim-
ed Mrs M'Killop with bated breath
(she had struck her topgallants, so
to speak, on approaching the gra-
cious vehicle). " Who is your very
distinguished-looking friend, Captain
Pigott ? — a nobleman, of course 1 "
" WeU, he's Bob West. No, he's
not a nobleman ; he is a lord, how-
ever, his papa being the very dilapi-
dated Irish Marquess of something
or other. He's a capital shot."
" A most refined - looking man.
By the by, Captain Pigott, any
friends you may wish to give
luncheon to, will be welcome here,
you know. Consider the brake
1871.]
Fair to See.— Part IV.
429
your own home, and use every
freedom."
"You are very kind; I'll bring
Lord Robert and present him. I
am sure you will like him."
" He looks really fascinating ; does
he not, girls 1 "
The moment they got on to the
ground Bertrand felt a sort of chill
presentiment that his good times
were over for the day. His confi-
dential intercourse with Eila abrupt-
ly terminated, and he saw her face
change, and flush, and brighten with
excitement, as she gazed on the con-
course, recognising, no doubt, new
worlds to conquer.
Instantly he was jealous, furiously
jealous, of everything and everybody;
of Tainsh when he came up like
a conquering hero, swaying crowds
and recalcitrant coachmen with dis-
gusting omnipotence ; of a tall,
dark, bearded man, on a private
omnibus, with lavender gloves and
a binocular, through which he ap-
peared (the vampire !) to feast on
Eila's beauty as long as they were
in sight ; of Bob West, who teas
a most insufferably pleasant-looking
fellow, and had his eye on her at
once ; in short, of every male being
within eyeshot of the brake. When
they were safely ensconced in a capi-
tal place at the head of the line,
Tainsh said " he would now go and
start them," inviting himself, with
the easy grace of an emperor assured
of his welcome, to return to luncheon,
when, as he said to Eila, he would
take her orders as to any change in
the programme she might like to
suggest (surely the " fellow " was
" riding on the tip-top of his com-
mission "), and also bring her the
list of dances for the evening "as
soon as it came down from the
printer." Tainsh was, of course,
managing steward of the ball, and
had all the arrangement of it and
everything else — being on this day
an embodiment of pluralism and
patronage ; so that it was really a
case of " Nisi Tainsh frustra." Eila
perhaps fully realised this, for she
was fascination itself to him, even
going so far, apropos of some talk
about bouquets, as to promise to
confiscate, for the use of this " beast
of a factor," the flowers destined for
her papa, who, she said, would never
miss them ; whereupon Bertrand,
unable to endure this levelling-up
process, cried out, "Mr M'Killop
can have mine ! it is heartily at his
service ! "
"But you haven't got one, Mr
Cameron, have you ] " retorted Eila.
" I said I had some bouquets, and
that perhaps I would give you one ;
but that was only if you behaved
very well ; " then, when Tainsh
had gone away grinning, and she
saw that Bertrand's face was furious
and dark, she added, with her win-
somest smile, "but as you always
behave well, of course it will be
yours, and " (sotto voce) " I flattered
myself that you would not be so
ready to part with a gift of mine."
Away clouds and tempests ! away !
avaunt ! Retro Sathanas ! " Part
with it? I will wear it next my
heart till I die." But, alas ! this is
only what Bertrand was going to
cry out, when he was interrupted by
a shrill exclamation from Eila, in
chorus with several hundred female
voices, and due to the letting-off of
a field -piece, which had "played
bang ! " as Hamish expressed it, in
obedience to a signal from Tainsh
when he left the carriage, and which
meant that the games were to begin.
Then in an instant all was stir and
commotion, so that Bertrand could
get no further hearing ; and seeing
the postilions moving off to stable
their horses in the town, he got
down hastily and ran after them to
arrange for the despatch of a mes-
senger to Cairnarvoch for his things,
finding on his return Eila and
Morna established on the box-seat
430
Fair to See.— Part IV.
("so cosily," the former said), vice
Hamish, gone away to compete for
something, so there was nothing for
him but to get inside and look
gloomily on at the athletes.
The games were like all other
games, which everybody has seen —
for where are they not held wher-
ever a few Highlanders are gathered
together, from Braemar to Borneo 1
And a goodly sight they were,
and pleasant it was to see the flower
of the flower of the lusty and stal-
wart manhood of the world taxing
sinews of iron, and straining match-
less powers of endurance, as the
hammer was hurled, and the caber
tossed, and the long stern race run
up the rugged mountain-side, and
the measure of a tall man's stature
cleared with the lightness of the
hunted deer, — and the wild grace,
spirit, and enthusiasm of the glori-
ous " strathspey " ; while at every
feat or failure a wave of deep sound,
like the rolling boom of surf upon
the shore, came from thousands of
voices on the hill. Besides the more
energetic exhibitions, the less vio-
lent part of the usual programme
was duly fulfilled ; and the quoit-
ers quoited, and the " best-dressed
Highlanders at their own expense,"
paraded before often-puzzled judges;
and, above all things, the pipers
piped in emulation, and everywhere
over the hillside were little groups
of umpires, and in the centre of each
a competitor doing his best to en-
chant their ears — while in every
nook and dell a performer not yet
" called," tortured his yelling instru-
ment up to the proper pitch of
readiness, so that the air quivered
with the sound of diffused piping,
" giving a mere Englishman," as
Pigott said, "the feeling of spending
his day on board a steamer for ever
in the act of making a temporary
stoppage at a station."
The luncheon - hour came, and
Pigott, who had gone to " look up "
[April
Bob West, brought back that noble
Lord, who proved to be exactly as
Bertrand had feared, a most engag-
ing fellow, blind to Mrs M'Killop's
absurdities, observant of M'Killop,
frank and jolly to Bertrand himself,
and oh ! so gay, so easy, so unem-
barrassedly debonnair and delightful
to the young ladies, especially to her
upon whom Bertrand felt that Bob
West's noble eye rested with much
too admiring an expression.
"Now you've come, my Lord,"
cried MrsM'Killop in delight, "we'll
have luncheon. Pray step in, and
come up to this end, where your
Lordship will have a rest for ' his '
back."
So his Lordship, who was not the
least of a swell, but rather accused
of being the companion of publi-
cans and sinners, got in, somewhat
crushed by the homage he received,
and took up his position exactly
under the heavenly elevation on
which Bertrand's angel was perched.
Dashed, moping, miserable, Bertrand
himself allowed one person after
another to pass above him, so that
he finished in a seat at the door,
whence he could command a fine
view of Bob West handing up
viands to the box-seat, always with
some pleasantry which "took," or
proffering goblets of champagne with
remarks of an equivalent sparkle,
and generally compassing the box-
seat " with sweet observances."
And yet Bob West could eat at
the same time very heartily, and
drink really with spirit, and answer
Mrs M'Killop's questions about the
" Ditchess" whose guest he was,
and assure Mr M'Killop that he
was making a capital lunch, so cor-
dially, that if the thing had gone on
long M'Killop must inevitably have
tackled him about "wool"; and alto-
gether it was sackcloth and ashes
for Bertrand ; and when Bob, his
luncheon finished, stood up, and
was begged "as a favour" by the
1871.]
box-seat to smoke, and did so with
his back to the company, and his
face to her (who " blazed into him
eighteen to the dozen," as Pigott
subsequently reported), the cup
quite ran over, and Bertrand began
to think that a permanent residence
on the tip-top of the Cordilleras was
the DOOM to which he had better
consign himself with all convenient
speed. He selected the Cordilleras
as a nice desolate sort of mountains,
where you can be cosily frozen to
death without any sort of fuss or
trouble. The noble Lord seemed
in no hurry to move; and when he
had asked for a third tumbler of
champagne, and lighted a fresh
cigar, Mrs M'Killop, whose foible
it was to sleep after meals, fearing
to commit so grave a breach of eti-
quette in presence of a future Mar-
quess, " thought she would take a
turn," and impressed the wretched
Bertrand into her service as escort,
who went with her mechanically,
and she ran him right under the
guns again ; for, brave at all times,
Mrs M'Killop was slightly pot-
valiant now, and thirsted for the
fray ; and so twice up and down the
line of carriages she passed, tossing
and fleering and glaring through her
glass, and explaining to Bertrand,
with very articulate enunciation,
that there was no one here " whom
any one knew anything at all about,
except the " Ditchess," with whom
(via Bob West) she felt herself to
be in a sort of rapport. From the
line they passed to a judgment of
" best - dressed Highlanders," and
among the umpires whom should
they find but Mr Duncanson1?
"You have never been near us,
James ! " exclaimed Mrs M'Killop,
in a quasi hurt tone. " Very polite
of you, I must say."
James explained, that having the
entire cares of the meeting on his
shoulders, it had been impossible
for him to get away as he could
Fair to See. — Part IV.
431
have wished; but he hoped to visit
the brake before very long, and asked
for Miss Morna.
" Oh, Morna is very well and
very happy ! I left her in charge of
our friend, Lord Robert West — who
is a monstrous agreeable young man
— making them all die of laughing.
You'd better go soon, or the lunch-
eon will be all gone. His Lordship
knows what's what, and has asked
leave to bring some of his friends
from ' the castle ' to try the grouse-
pie; go soon"-— and Duncanson
made short work of an old man,
with a great deal of untanned hide
about his body (and who announced
that his model in dress was Gilian
Glas of the seventh century or so),
and went. And Mrs M'Killop, re-
membering an old dowager at the
other end of the line who had looked
spiteful, but whose eye she had
failed to catch, took Bertrand up
the line again, and having polished
off the dowager by remarking under
her very nose, after a careful inspec-
tion, " Just as I thought ! Eouged,
the teeth false, and the left eye
artificial !" marched gaily back to
her cantonments. Here things had
by no means altered for the better.
Bob West still occupied his old place ;
beside him, talking to Morna, was
another man of the same type, with a
splendid buccaneering auburn beard.
On the step, in front of Eila, stood
Tainsh rattling away, quite un-
abashed, and dividing Eila pretty
fairly with his Lordship — just as the
Lord Mayor of the day at a City
banquet can hold his own with all
sorts of principalities and powers ;
while on the ground, waiting for his
innings, but occasionally anticipat-
ing them by a bold swipe, stood
that horrible, black-bearded, laven-
der-gloved vampire from the omni-
bus, who made up for his disadvan-
tageous position by a far-carrying
and rather plaintive play of eye. It
was horrible. Duncanson was on
432
Fair to See. — Part IV.
the off step with a tumbler of
champagne in one hand, trying to
eye down the auburn buccaneer, in
which he did not seem quite to suc-
ceed, perhaps because his mouth
was so full of grouse-pie, a plate of
which delicacy was before him on
the foot-board.
The programme for the evening
had just reached Tainsh " from the
printer ; " and as Bertrand came up,
he heard a deal of petitioning for
this dance and that going on on the
part of Bob West, Tainsh, and the
murky villain down below.
" Really, Lord Robert," Eila was
saying, " you are too avaricious ! I
have given you four already. No,
no ; I must be firm."
" Give me all the ' Hoolichans,'
Miss Eila," cried Tainsh.
" Really, Mr Tainsh, you are too
greedy " (N.B. — A noble Lord
is " avaricious " — a factor, how-
ever prosperous, cannot rise above
" greed ") ; " be contented with the
first and the last : and then, you
know, you have the country-dance,
and you would insist on the ' Bonny
Dundee' Quadrille."
" I only ask one favour, Miss
M'Killop; I ask you to make me a
sporting promise — don't read the
composers' names, but promise me
all the valses by Strauss in the pro-
gramme. If they are many, I shall
be in Paradise ; if there are none, I
shall go to bed — voila." This (in a
voice full of the grand colossal mel-
ancholy of a colossal Alpine horn
wailing among the Alps) was the
Vampire's contribution to Bertraiid's
misery. He grew sick at heart —
he would stay there no longer — he
would be off to the Cordilleras at
once, and he started away from the
carriage in that sense.
" Mr Cameron ! " He looked
round ; she was calling him. " You
have not asked me for a dance ; how
unkind ! and they are nearly all
gone."
[April
Every eye in and about the car-
riage was turned upon Bertrand, but
his Highland blood was fairly up,
and he confronted them all, even in-
cluding her, with a fierce and haughty
bearing ; then said, in a cold, acrid
(as he imagined), thoroughly-indif-
ferent-to-her [voice, " Please don't
keep one for me ; I'm rather fastidi-
ous about floors ; and I don't really
think I should be quite equal to get-
ting round on the kind of thing we
are likely to have to-night. So
sorry." And, impervious to a
mournful, pleading eye, and a sort
of coaxing, deprecating pout of the
lips, he turned and went. " I have
made her feel" he said to himself,
with savage exultation — " feel ! "
And so he had, no doubt, and all
the others too ; the feelings of the
latter (not, it is to be hoped, of the
former) were, however, mirthful and
derisive.
"What's the matter with him ?"
laughed easy Lord Bob.
" Who is the beggar 1 " demanded
the buccaneer.
" I think I've seen him before,"
said the Yampire, still in his blow-
bugle-blow tones ; " or is it, tell
me, is it only that he's so like Sid-
ney Bancroft in his most ' walking '
and dignified moments 1 "
" He's making a precious fool of
himself," cried Tainsh, who was
perhaps a little jealous, and at all
events could not have impertinences
directed against the floor which he
had "arranged" and "managed."
"As he always does," gobbled
Duncanson.
No voice of defence came from
the box-seat, although Morna's face
flushed, and she looked as if she
was going to speak almost ; but from
inside came a still, small, dry, rather
languid voice.
" His name is Bertrand Cameron,
if you want to know, and he's got
more sense and 'go' in his little fin-
ger than all you fellows have in your
1871.1
Fair to See.— Part IV.
433
united brains — except you, Mr
Tainsh, and you, Mr Duncanson —
because I don't know you well
enough to take the freedom of speak-
ing the truth yet. Poor Bertrand
is awfully seedy. He had a touch
of the sun on the hill the other day,
and he hasn't been right since. I'll go
and look after him. Don't finish all
the champagne, Bob ; you've been
drinking like a camel for the last
hour;" and Pigott followed his
friend.
He did not find him, however,
for he had turned abruptly off to
the left and taken to the steep hill-
side at once. And up it he tore
with the energy of a maniac till he
was spent and breathless, and per-
force obliged to slacken his pace ;
after which, in a little, came cooler
reflection, and then in a little came
remorse, and then, in a little more,
came repentance. After all, had
he not "abdicated his functions?"
(like the Peers when they don't
happen to be in their normal condi-
tion of "exercising an intolerable
oligarchical pressure.")
After all, was it her fault that she
was so attractive that all the world
came a- wooing 1 After all, had he
not himself been a brute, a maniac,
a ruffian ? And oh ! that look of
tenderness, sorrow, simple, guileless
WOE ! How could he have turned
from that with a flinty heart and
flintier countenance? Hang the
Cordilleras ! he would go back to
her ; he would beg for forgiveness.
And so, like the King of France,
having marched up the hill, he
marched down again; and there was
Eila (having exchanged seats with
Mrs M'Killop) sitting inside, all
alone, looking desolate ; and he
went in beside her and made his
peace ; saying, in answer to her earn-
est and even suggestive inquiries,
that he had been again " faint," and
promptly receiving ea\i-de-Cologue
from a glorified phial with a gold
and turquoise top, taken from her
own blessed pocket. And then he
heard with rapture that, although
her card was filled up, still for him
she must try to make some arrange-
ment — Anglice, throw some one
over ; and learned, with a thrill,
that she had quite decided (after
mature thought) that his bouquet was
to consist of a blush rose, supported
by myrtle - leaves, jessamine, and
heliotrope : and now was he happy ]
And he said he was happier than
, but he had no words to ex-
press what he meant ; still he looked
it pretty fairly, and they interogled
strenuously in silence for one brief
ecstatic minute, when the accursed
posters arrived to take them back to
the town, the games being all over,
" except the shouting," of which, by
the by, they had soon more than
enough ; for presently arrived Ham-
ish M'Erracher, furiously drunk and
minus his bagpipes, which, having
been overcome in a musical contest,
he had (with the sensibility of a de-
feated Celt) obligingly thrown over
a precipice. And Hamish swore,
like any French soldier, that he had
been betrayed and duped by one
Parlane M'Farlane, beguiled by that
" nestee, powterin' plockheed and
rascal " into inordinate whisky, so
that the cunning of his hand and
Hp had failed him, and he was dis-
graced ; but had a kick or so left in
him yet, for he would fight then and
there any man in honour of Mr
M'Killop and the 1 eddies — emphati-
cally " annee man," not even except-
ing "fechting Geordie," who was
understood to be the postilion whose
honourable scars lent a sombre dis-
tinction to the M'Killop equipage.
Hamish gave much trouble, and
frightened the ladies a good deal,
but was eventually captured and led
away by two constables, between
whose grandmothers' maternal aunts
and Mrs M'Killop he was heard to
draw (in Gaelic) comparisons alto-
434
Fair to See.— Part IV.
gether unfavourable to the former
ladies. This trouble disposed of,
they drove to the hotel for an early
dinner, where all went merry as a
marriage-bell — no Lord Bob, no Buc-
caneer, no Vampire to cast shadows
over the banquet. It was all too
short, however, to please Bertrand;
for the ladies had to rest in the
middle of a somewhat formidable
day's work, and then they had to
dress, which would be a work of
time; so Mrs M'KUlop withdrew
the young ladies the moment dinner
was over. When they were gone,
M'Killop suggested that perhaps the
[April
two gentlemen might like to go to
the meeting and hear the candidate
for the boroughs explain his VIBAVS to
the electors of Ardmartin ; he, M'Kil-
lop, not caring to go himself, think-
ing it unseemly, he said, as a mere
sojourner in the district, to mix him-
self up with its politics.
" "What do you say to going, Ber-
trand ] " asked Pigott.
" Oh, I'll go with pleasure."
Bertrand was again in spirits, and
would go anywhere or do anything;
so off they went, leaving their host
to devour the " Money Market and
City Intelligence."
CHAPTER XII.
The meeting was held in a chapel
of one of those mysterious and nu-
merous dissenting sects, the shep-
herds of which appear now to exer-
cise in Scotland that supreme poli-
tical influence formerly enjoyed in
Ireland by the Eoman Catholic
priests; and in this building a large
and noisy assembly was already
congregated when our friends en-
tered. Much whisky had been im-
bibed on the ground during the day,
and more still in the town by ear-
nest topers, who, regarding time oc-
cupied in visiting the games as the
merest misuse of golden moments di-
verted from the real business of the
occasion, had stayed at home and
toped earnestly. At the games the
whisky had " lain " very fairly dur-
ing the day, Hamish's escapade being
almost the only call upon the services
of the force; but towards evening,
as the carriages rolled into the town
afterthe games were over, their drivers
had to contend with a good deal of
staggering latitudinarianism, which
required the road, and the whole road,
not to mention an occasional bold
slice out of an adjacent field or two,
to make anything like a satisfactory
course to Ardmartin. And now
the saturnalia had begun in earnest,
and as Pigott and Bertrand passed
down the street they found them-
selves in the midst of it, as it raved,
and screeched, and quarrelled, and
danced, and hugged, and wept, and
sang, and fought through the town,
or reposed in sodden content in the
gutters, or philosophised in mut-
tered broken apostrophes to lamp-
posts, pumps, and such other objects
as, from the nature of things, can
be button-holed to a certainty. In-
side the meeting itself there was to
be found pretty nearly every stage
of intoxication — the furious, the im-
becile, the philosophic, the declama-
tory, the maudlin. The air was
loaded with alcoholic fumes : a cubic
foot of it resolved into its chemical
elements might have produced a gal-
lon or so of fair Glenlivet.
Yells of impatience, political cries,
local witticisms, personal alterca-
tions, made a babel of strange
sounds. There was a party for
smoking, and a party opposed to it
— as sacrilegious; so that pipes were
lighted and smashed, from a theo-
logical point of view. Then bottles
were handed about, sucked at,-
fought for, dropped, broken. Songs
1871.]
were called for, toasts proposed,
hissed, cheered, and hooted. Never
was' such a wild, orgiastic hurly-
buily in any place of worship, save
perhaps that of Bacchus.
This was a specimen section of
the stratum in which Mr Disraeli
expected to find calm, temperate,
patriotic Conservatism, when he
leaped, with nine-tenths of his party,
down the coal-pit to look for it.
Presently there was a lull as a
procession entered by a side door
from the vestry, and ascended to
the platform, which was arranged
round the desk from which the
" leader of song " on Sabbaths con-
ducted the praises of the congrega-
tion. The procession was really
sober. It was headed (of course)
by Mr Tainsh, who "conducted"
the candidate, and was composed of
the respectables of the town, with
here and there a Liberal laird (or
rather " bonnet-laird "), looking as if
on that occasion at least he rather
regretted his political creed.
A certain Bailie M'Candlish came
to the front of the rostrum and was
saluted with various cries.
" See till Caundlish ! " "A sang
frae Caundlish ! " " Pit on yer
specs, man." " Stick in, Bylie ! "
" Wha boucht the deed coo ? " The
last — an allusion apparently to some
questionable transaction of the
Bailie's which divided the sentiment
of the place — produced a terrific up-
roar, in a slight lull of which he,
however, contrived to move that his
honourable friend Mr Tainsh (of
course) should take the chair ; and
a storm of indiscriminate howling
being assumed as assent, Mr Tainsh
marched into the precentor's box,
bowed to pandemonium, said (amid
interruptions) that they knew the
object of the meeting (which could
only have been true in a very re-
stricted sense), and that, without
farther parley, he begged to intro-
duce Mr Platt-Crump from London,
Fair to See.— Part IV.
435
who was recommended to the atten-
tion of the boroughs by that emin-
ent friend and adviser of the "work-
ing man," Mr John Bright.
Under the cegis of this great name
Mr Platt-Crump, on coming forward,
was received with immense applause.
He was a tall, thin, wiry, middle-
aged man, with rather a hungry face,
understood to be a barrister, and
justifying the belief by a certain
cosy, confidential, and withal fluent
method of speaking, as well as by a
forensic habit of tucking his thumbs
into the arm-holes of his waistcoat.
The people shouted " Bravo !" and
"Go it !" and thus encouraged, Mr
Platt-Crump went it, and no mis-
take. He began by saying that he
was, before everything else, " pro-
gressive,"— which might have been
true once, but, by his own sub-
sequent showing, was at present
rather incredible, Mr Crump having
apparently got as far as was possible,
until some one was kind enough to
invent a bran-new set of institutions
for Mr Crump to " progress" through
and demolish with his inexorable
hoofs. He then proceeded to show
that he was not merely a reforming
broom, but also a political petard;
and if only the good folks of Ard-
martin wotdd be kind enough to
place him in position, and apply the
match, he was prepared to blow
everything, with one or two very
trifling exceptions, to smithereens.
If he was asked, " Would he sup-
port a measure for the abolition of
the law of hypothec?" Mr Platt-
Crump's reply was that he would
strain every sinew and muscle to
get it passed.
Of the Game Laws? all his energy
should be devoted to digging up
that subtle r-r-root of an effete
feudalism.
Of the restrictions upon Trades-
unions 1 he would say, " Erase from
the statute-book such a discreditable
BLOT."
436
Fair to See.— Part IV.
Of the State Church 1 he would
cry, " Down with it ! "
Of the Commander-in-Chief ? he
would sign the death-warrant of
that entirely bloated official.
Of Bishops in the House of
Lords 1 he would sweep these
sanctimonious dotards from their
pride of place.
Of the House of Peers itself?
that was a delicate question, but
Mr Platt-Crump was prepared to
face it with calm, and he would tell
the Peers (frankly) that vitality
having passed from them, they
were now a mere " excrescence "
for which he knew of only one
remedy, and that was "the knife,
gentlemen — the incisive, trenchant
knife of radical reform." (Cheers.)
As to University Tests — but they
were too nauseous a subject, and
Mr Platt- Cramp turned his head
aside and archly feigned a tem-
porary sickness, thereby delicately
suggesting the fate that awaited
them. Then the army in its pre-
sent state must be abolished, and
some popular substitute provided —
(officered, if possible, by working
men) ; in its present state it was
intolerable. Would any one kindly
tell him why the sweat of toiling
moiling millions should be squan-
dered upon a sham, a farce, that
gilded lordlings (ever ready to
batten upon the inwards of the
working man) might, r-r-ruffle it in
the haunts of aristocratic sensuality?
(Immense applause, but apparently
a good deal of local irritation about
the chairman's scalp.) Yes, he
would abolish that and everything
else — everything, that was to say,
that weighed upon the working
man, was distasteful to his feelings
or repugnant to his conscience. He
would abolish every tax that was
any sort of restriction upon the
enjoyments to which the working
man felt he had not merely a bias
but a claim. The deficit thence
[April
resulting he would meet by dealing
with the land in a bold spirit.
(Hear, hear.)
If he (Platt-Crump) swayed the
destinies of this great country, every
working man should begin his day,
to use the impressive, he might
say epigrammatic, words of his
illustrious friend John Bright
(thunders of applause), at a " free
breakfast-table ; " and — though in
this, perhaps, he advanced boldly —
starting from the dictum of that
great man, he would extend that
freedom to every meal of which
honest labour partook in the course
of the day, even topping up at
night with a free pipe of tobacco
and a free glass of toddy. (Frantic
applaxise and much laughter.)
Then, of course, came Mr Platt-
Crump's peroration that there was
only one MAN who could secure
these inestimable advantages for
the working classes, and he would
do it — ay, he would do it, sure as
his name was a name before which
bigots and oligarchs quailed, and
tricksy reactionaries trembled iri
their spangles and their motley
(sensation, and a voice, " Jimsie,
gie's the dottle o' yer pipe ! ") — sure
as his name was WILLIAM EWART
GLADSTONE, the only great statesman
with a brain (John Bright excepted),
the only great statesman with a
conscience, the only great statesman
with a heart, all, with every other
item of his system, mental and cor-
poreal, entirely devoted to the people
from whom he sprang.
Have faith in Gladstone. Give
him a following, and he will do it.
Then came the obvious deduction,
" Therefore rally round Platt-Crump
and support first-rate talent." And
Mr Platt-Crump sat down smiling
among the ruins, as it were, of
everything except Mr Gladstone and
the working man, amid hurricanes
of applause. There was hardly an
adverse sentiment expressed even by
1871.]
the soberest of the audience. A
very mealy baker, indeed, loudly
stated his opinion that Mr Platt-
Crump was " naething but a ble-
therin' speldran ; " a view supported
with a good many quaint oaths by
a mason, perhaps from some hazy
professional feeling, that though a
first-rate puller -down of edifices,
Mr Crump had contrived to hide
his light as a constructor under a
very comprehensive bushel. These
reactionaries having been eliminated
after a tough resistance, Mr Crump
was subjected to the process of "heck-
ling"— that is, cross-examination by
the more representative men of the
meeting ; and here his success was
not so marked. It was all very fine
and very easy to deal in a set speech
with large imperial questions, par-
ticularly when he had nothing to
suggest but a saw - and - pick - axe
policy ; but every locality has its
own pet political maggot, and with
a Scotch constituency there are two
subjects at all times tender, sacred,
and ticklish — the Sabbath and
liquor (the irreverence of the collo-
cation is not with the writer, but in
the deplorable fact). Mr Crump
had either been badly posted up on
these questions, or he had got mud-
dled by the row and the alcoholic
atmosphere; for upon being asked
by a hoary old man with a reverend
quaver in his voice, what his views
were as to trading on " the Saw-a-a-
bath " (here the quaver came out
strongly), he began to bounce away
about the working man being clearly
entitled to buy his bit of bacon or
his bit of baccy on any day in the
week, and (jocularly) the better
day the better deed. Similarly, as
to Sunday places of recreation, Mr
Platt-Crump thought that the work-
ing man, who had been moiling all
the week, was not to be denied such
amusement as might be in harmony
with his own conscience. He was
for perfect freedom. No one would
Fair to See.— Part IV.
437
deprecate more strongly than he any
attempt to coerce the working man
into an unwilling visit to a tea-gar-
den of a Sunday ; but at the same
time he would deprecate any attempt
to shut the tea-garden against the
working man, if it was on that day
his pleasure to visit that tea-garden.
Murmurs had symphonied the whole
course of this explanation, but at
its conclusion they came to a head ;
the iteration of the word tea-garden
was out of harmony with the spirit
of the meeting, and a storm of dis-
approbation burst upon the bewil-
dered Crump. " Eemember the
Saw-a-a-bath-day, to keep — " began
the ancient querist ; but his voice
was drowned by the tumult, from
which an occasional shrill cry shot
out distinctly, such as " Awtheist!"
" Blasphaymer ! " " Polly, pit the
kettle on ! " " Doon wi' the Pope ! "
" Bash him on the heed, Tainsh ! "
" Stap him up the chumley, By lie !"
and so on. Mr Tainsh having with
difficulty procured silence, and ra-
pidly consulted with Mr Platt-
Crump, stated that the candidate
would make an explanation, which
after a time he was allowed to do ;
and which was to the effect that
what he had said was merely a
casual, ill-considered resume of the
general feeling of the Liberal party,
including Mr Bright (cries of " No,
no ; it's a big lee ! " &c. &c.), on
the question. For himself, he had
no strong bias either way ; and if he
became their Member, would consult
their views and vote as they, in
their wisdom, might direct. This
appeased the assembly pretty well,
except the reverend quaverer, who
left the room expressing his convic-
tion that Mr Platt-Crump was a
" Laa-o-di-cayan," in addition to
being a " foolish Galatian " and " a
tinkling cymbal."
Then a determined-looking, stout,
red -faced man rose and said that
a question of grave interest to all
438
Fair to See.— Part IV.
thinking men was involved in the
proposal to enact a Permissive Liquor
Law. He (the red-faced man) hoped
Mr Platt-Crump was prepared to
grapple with that question in a
"bold, decided, and thoroughly Brit-
ish spirit.
Here poor Crump was in terrible
difficulties. The constituent group
consisted of some five or six boroughs.
[April
These all agreed in the grand testing
shibboleth " Gladstone," and the
worship of one or two similar fetishes
were matters of course ; but in other
respects they often differed. An
opinion that was dogmatic in one,
was indifferent in another, and on
some questions there was open an-
tagonism between them.
Thus in A the cry might be,
ii B
ii C M it
ii D
n E ii ii
< Down with the Church ! "
' Death to the Rabbit ! "
' A man may marry his grandmother ! "
' Hypothec no more ! "
' The Sawbath."
But A would raze the Church, and
yet not marry his grandmother ;
while B, if you would only exter-
minate the rabbit, was prepared to
let both the Church and his grand-
mother alone ; and so on with infi-
nite permutations and combinations,
difficult for a poor man to carry
always in his head who was speechi-
fying, and being "heckled" day
after day and night after night, till
he hardly knew which was upper-
most— his head or his feet.
Thus Crump had forgotten all
about the speciality of the town of
Ardmartin; and so he, in his diffi-
culty, thus reasoned with himself:
"To abolish is liberal, to oppose is con-
servative, but you can't abolish what
doesn't exist ; whereas, if you oppose
a new idea, however fallacious, you
are in danger of condemnation as a
Tory ; " and therefore, after vainly
trying to discern by the sodden faces
of the audience what would be
popular, he stammered out that it
was " a large question — a very large
question," he might go the length
of saying " an excessively large ques-
tion," " and a broad question " into
the bargain. It was a question,
he was free to confess, which had
puzzled his head, ay, and wiser
heads than his — being, in fact, one
of those complicated problems which
abound in a state of society result-
ing from an old civilisation, and a
highly artificial condition of things
in general.
But here the red-faced man jumped
up and said that he was a plain
man (which was incontrovertible),
and that he had no relish for "hocus-
pocus." " Would Mr Platt-Crump
kindly abstain from hocus-pocussing
him, and say " yes or no " ? Would
he or would he not support a Per-
missive Liquor Bill 1 "
Thus spurred to the edge of the
precipice, Mr Platt-Crump jumped
over it and said he would support
such a bill.
There was a solemn portentous
silence for a few moments, and then
came the ringing voice of the red-
faced man with these words : "In
that case, sir, I shall not support
you; and I think I can pledge my-
self that nine-tenths of the gentle-
men here present will follow my
example."
Now the murder was out ; the
querist was the leading distiller of
a district abounding in distilleries ;
half the people in the room were
somehow or other connected with
his trade, and the entire assembly
tenderly sympathised with it as con-
sumers.
" I hate humbug and cant, sir,"
added the red-faced man ; " and I
move that this meeting has no con-
1871.]
fidence in your political views ; also,
that they are entirely unworthy of a
great nation."
A hundred seconders rose to their
feet, and Tainsh was called upon to
put the motion to the meeting. He
declinedupon some technical ground ;
and immediately, with the yells of
pandemonium, a rush was made to
the platform, and the last things
Bertrand and Pigott saw, as they
left the place, were Platt- Crump
vindicating his character as a pro-
gressive by a rapid flank movement
towards the vestry, heavily salivated
by a mob of pursuers, and Tainsh
besieged in the pulpit, dodging mis-
siles with surprising activity, and
holding the position with the des-
perate valour of a Maori chief, alone,
surrounded in his " pah," but resolv-
ed not to be taken alive.
Yet, as a matter of fact, Crump
was eventually elected. He had
been more successful in hocus-pocus-
sing the other boroughs, probably, so
that no opposition had been started ;
and now it was too late for the good
folks of Ardmartin to organise one.
So Crump went to Parliament, and
is perhaps at this hour a tractable
member of that wondrous majority;
and if so, no doubt one of those
poor devils — those dumb, delegate
dogs who are bullied all round — who
tremble at the bleating of the con-
Fair to See.— Part IV.
439
stituent flock, and crouch before the
awful eye of the remedial but acid
shepherd-in-chief.
"What do you think of that?"
laughed Bertrand, when they were
clear of the meeting.
'; Think of it, my good fellow?
Please don't let us think of it — it
really makes me feel more inclined
to cry than to laugh. We used to
be able to look down upon — laugh
at, if you please — the political life
and customs of most other countries ;
but is there in all Europe, or per-
haps even in America, to be seen
any political exhibition so low, so
filthy, so degraded, as this we have
just .left ? You blessed Scotchmen
shake your solemn heads over the
Irish difficulty, but, by George !
you're as bad for old England as the
Irish are, or worse ; and what with
Scotch Radicalism and Irish Fenian-
ism and Ribbonism, England is
between Scylla and Charybdis —
destined, I fear, to sink. Platt-
Crump ought to be stewed in some
of that red-faced ruffian's whisky.
Apropos, do you know if they give
any decent sort of suppers at these
gathering balls ? "
" Oh, I suppose so."
" I hope they do ; it was a wretch-
ed dinner, and I'm hungry already.
Well, here's the hostel, and I sup-
pose it is time to adorn."
VOL. CIX. — NO. DCLXVI.
2H
440
New Books.
[April
NEW BOOKS.
THANK heaven for peace, such as
it is ! The reign of our Own Cor-
respondent is over, and literature
may again begin to breathe, and it
is possible for books to be !
One sign that we are not so much
the worse for the interregnum as
might have been feared, is the ap-
pearance of some books which take
their place at the very extreme end
of the scale from that breathless,
breakneck race of the historians of
the moment, which a month or two
ago bade fair to demoralise us all.
Such are the thoughtful Essays on
religious and literary subjects col-
lected into a permanent form by
Mr Hutton,* which will be very
welcome to many who know his
skill and power in that art of criti-
cism which is soiled by so much
ignoble use, and yet is so worthy
and noble an art. At the first glance
it would seem that to criticise criti-
cism was a somewhat unnecessary
proceeding ; and yet there is no lit-
erary work more delicate, more dif-
ficult, more important ', when well
done, or demanding more conscience
and care. The faculties necessary
for the critic are almost more dis-
tinctly marked than those which are
required by any other literary work-
man. He must have the power of
close observation — the eye to see,
the skill to analyse ; he must com-
bine much positive knowledge, and
confidence in his own power and
judicial authority, with so much in-
tellectual modesty as will make him
ready to perceive excellence, even
Outside the laws which usually reg-
ulate its manifestation ; and, above
all, he must have true sympathetic
insight, such as will lay open to him
the meanings, not always clearly ex-
pressed, the motif, not always dis-
tinctly indicated, of his subjects.
The true critic should see more than
the book before him — he should see
the mind that produced it ; he should
be able to catch at full tide the cur-
rents of thought that brought it into
being, the mental convulsion which
it marks, or the ripening existence
of which it is the fruit. All those
subtle mental influences, which are
as dew and sunshine to the spiritual
seed, he should note in their unseen
courses ; he should be able to trace
the idea which runs through a life-
time, sometimes, like a river-course,
invisible through the trees and rav-
ines, yet here betraying itself by the
fresh greenness, and there all of a
sudden flashing to the sun. An emi*
nent writer (to be sure it was at
the moment when he committed a
great literary blunder, and the Phil-
istines were upon him) has lately
delivered the contemptuous judg-
ment upon critics, that they are
men who have failed in their own
attempts at original composition.
Such an opinion is a very common
one among painters, though not, we
think, among writers generally. But
we are not much minded to resist
the imputation. To a certain ex-
tent it is and ought to be true. No
man, for instance, can so realise the
difficulties of art as the man who
has done his best in his own person
to overcome them : and in the same
way, he who would criticise philo-
sophy must be a philosopher ; and he
alone may lay a hand upon the ark
of poetry who has a certain consecra-
tion upon him, and knows at least,
what is the divine gift which he
undertakes to discuss. The attempt
to do in one's own person always
* Essays, Theological and Literary. By R. H. Hutton. Strahan & Co., London.
1871.]
Button's Essays, Theological and Literary.
441
increases the power to understand
the works of others. So that the
sneer becomes in reality a declaration
of right.
In the case of most of our finest
critics, however, the assertion, as a
matter of fact, is simply untrue,
though this and a great many other
"spiteful sayings of authors are much
justified by the general want of high
morality in criticism — a want which
seriously injures the weight of all
judgments of books. There is no-
thing in literature to which a high
standard of morals is so necessary,
and nothing which is so separated
ordinarily from all moral consider-
ations whatever. The fashion of
untruthfulness at present prevalent
is that of personal favour. The
fashion that used to be in highest
acceptance was that of personal as-
sault ; and there can be no doubt
. that the most popular bits of criti-
cism which we know are those effu-
sions of clever spite and brilliant
malice, the " slashing articles " of a
former generation, in which all the
art and skill of the writer were taxed
to make his subject ridiculous, and
impart to the reader the same sense
of triumphant mischief which made
his own style buoyant, and stirred
the blood in his veins. A certain
elan and go are required for this
branch of the art, and it suited
youth, which is always ready to
attack the powers that be. Maga
herself has many a sin of this descrip-
tion on her conscience, committed
in the heyday of the blood, of which
we fear she is not at all ashamed even
now ; though Maga's vehemence of
assault, let us add, has always been
accompanied by generous recogni-
tion of real merit. But when
we recollect poor Jeffrey with
his complacent, impatient verdict,
''Tnis WILL NEVEK DO," placing
himself like another Colossus to
bar the path of "Wordsworth, a
shudder of terror at such temerity
comes over us, and we cannot but
feel that, in all the fulness of poetic
justice, such operators sometimes
got their reward. Imagine the
mental anguish, the never-to-be-
revealed-or-forgotten shame, of the
critic who had committed himself
to such an utterance ! It is true
that so vast a mistake is seldom
made by any well-qualified writer ;
but it is a salutary reminder to us
of human imperfection. Let not
the reader, however, look for any of
the malicious amusement to be de-
rived from slashing articles in the
scholarly and judicious essays of Mr
Hutton. They are divided into
two parts, theological and literary,
and it is with the latter that we
shall chiefly concern ourselves. The
essays in this volume are, with
scarcely an exception, upon Poetry,
which, of all branches of literature,
is the one most open to, and most
requiring, the critic's study. We
say, with scarcely an exception ; for in
the two essays on George Eliot and
Nathaniel Hawthorne, these writers
are contemplated in the poetical and
creative aspect of their genius ; and,
what is still more to the purpose,
those essays seem to us (as does also
the criticism on Mr Browning) so
far unsuitable to the dignity of a
book that the writers discussed are
our own immediate contemporaries.
Hawthorne, it is true, is dead ; but
he is not long enough dead to have
much enlarged our conception of
him as an author; and George Eliot
and Mr Browning are bo thin full pos-
session of their remarkable gifts, and
may yet, and we trust will yet, do
much that will make Mr Hutton's
essays imperfect and incomplete to
our grandchildren, with an eye for
whose benefit, criticism, where it is
made permanent in a book, ought to
be written. It is, we think, a mis-
take to withdraw such essays as
these from the pages of a maga-
zine or review, in which they
442
have a fit and natural place, and to
gather them in a permanent volume
for which they are not adapted. It
is not yet three years since the
' Ring and the Book ' was published,
yet how imperfect, how unsatisfac-
tory, would be any criticism on Mr
Browning's productions which left
out that wonderful poem ! and we
sincerely trust that this is neither
the last nor the greatest (though we
hope the longest) of the poet's works.
The same thing is of course true of
the other great writer whose powers
are still in their zenith, and whose
greatest production may yet, for
anything we know, be in the future.
For this reason we object to the re-
production in a permanent form of
criticism upon living writers. We
might even go further, and say, upon
very recently deceased writers. The
reviews, the magazines, and journals
of the day, are the proper places for
the work of the day ; the work
which is intended to be placed in a
library should be complete. We
are sure that in the case of such a
writer as Mr Hutton, the essays we
have mentioned have a real excel-
lence which justifies their preser-
vation ; but Mr Button's example
will no doubt afford an excuse to
many an inferior critic whose hasty
and crude performances are thrust
into permanent print, for no better
reason than that thrift, which is
an excellent thing in domestic
economy — which throws away no-
thing, and makes use of every scrap
and candle-end; an admirable qual-
ity for a housewife, perhaps — though
even a housewife would sometimes
be the better for knowing when to
throw away.
We have relieved our conscience,
and now let us pass on to our more
agreeable work. The three first
essays in this volume — those on
Goethe, Wordsworth, and Shelley
— are models of sound and delicate
criticism ; and nothing could more
New Books. [April
clearly prove the expediency of
keeping silent, at least in the more
important judicial capacity of a
critic, until time has " orbed into
the perfect star" those souls and
works of men which death alone
can complete and make perfect.
How much more instructive, how
much more full, is the judgment
which can be passed upon those
whose lives lie before us — most
powerful of all commentaries upon
their works — in the calm stillness
and accomplished meaning of things
which are past, — than that which
has to be passed upon the work
which is elucidated by no life, and
which the modest veil of natural
reserve and human modesty still
covers, as it ought to cover, the
doings of the living ? In the article
upon Goethe, Mr Hutton enters
fully into the character of that
amazing man, and dwells, as all who
have not entirely yielded to his
fascination must have dwelt more
or less consciously, upon the in-
adequacy of his works, great as these
are, to explain the astonishing in-
toxicating personal influence which
even now he seems to wield over his
adorers — and which Mr Hutton
attributes to what Goethe himself
calls " daemonic influence." " It was
not divine, for it seemed unin-
tellectual ; nor human, for it was no
result of understanding ; nor dia-
bolical, for it was of beneficent
tendency ; nor angelic, for you
would often notice in it a cer-
tain mischievousness. It resembled
chance, inasmuch as it demonstrated
nothing ; but was like providence,
inasmuch as it showed symptoms
of continuity." This is the de-
scription that Goethe himself gives
of the marvellous personal power
which there can be no doubt some
individuals possess, in absolute in-
dependence of their own claims to
regard, or right to rule over others.
He goes on to say that it is not
1871.]
Hutton' s Essays, Tlieological and Literary.
443
always " the first and best, either in
moral nature or abilities," who pos-
sess this gift. It is a power about
which no man can reason, which we
obey or resist with instinctive
vehemence, feeling that there can
be no middle way. To this
"daemonic influence," this mag-
netic force, Mr Hutton attri-
butes the wonderful ascendancy
which Goethe has acquired over the
minds of men — a something al-
together irrespective of his genius.
Mr Hutton defines this special quality
as "presence of mind in combination
with a keen knowledge of men ;" but
this, we think, is an inadequate
description. Is it not more truly
the power of a severely self-con-
tained and uncommunicative nature,
wrapping itself in a splendid veil of
superficial emotion, and even pas-
sion, such as lights up its surface
brilliantly, without ever warming
its heart over the simpler, less com-
plex natures, which accept the
superficial as real, and are pene-
trated and consumed by the flame
which merely illuminates and never
melts the other? This, it may be
said, would be no explanation of his
influence over Schiller, for example,
or, still more remarkably, over our
own countryman, Carlyle. But we
are by no means prepared to admit
this ; for absolute Sincerity is always
more or less deceivable, in the noble
way of incapacity to comprehend
the Insincere.
Goethe's insincerity, however,
is nothing to be apologetic about,
as if it were the defect and
weakness of his character. On
the contrary, it was its principle,
and in one way its strength. He
was as open, perhaps more open, to
the loves and sympathies common
to humanity than other men ; where
he differed from other men was in
his power of subduing them, and
putting them away from him when
he had got the full sweetness out of
them, and felt, with that diabolical
insight which weak natures are said
to admire, that they could be of.no
further service to him. Thus he
separated himself — not without tugs
at his own heart-strings, which he
got rid of by means of "the
loveliest lyrics," and much benefit
to the poetry-reading world — from
one after another of the women
whom he professed to love, and
who loved him ; doing on principle
what other men are universally
condemned as scoundrels for doing
on the pressure of temptation — a
peculiarity which his biographers
scarcely venture to blame, and
which it seems to be acknowledged
is permissible in a man whose
mental greatness places him above
the sway of ordinary morals.
Goethe was not unfaithful on the
common ground of fickle affections,
or because the beauty or attractions
of another love tempted him from
the first — but because he had made
up his mind on mature and philo-
sophical reflection that he had got
the full intellectual and spiritual
benefit of his love, and that it was
now expedient to go on to " fresh
fields and pastures new." This
frightful philosophy of the matter,
and the total absence of all that
modesty and reserve with which
in this country it is our principle
(however broken in practice) to
shroud all interchanges of sentiment
which do not end in marriage, have
filled German literature with an
innocent seraglio of Goethe's aban-
doned loves. Modesty of this de-
scription, it may be remarked, is not
a German attribute. No Teuton
lover, even in these days which
have made us acquainted with so
many new attributes in the Teu-
tonic character undreamed of a
few years ago, has yet thought of
inventing for it the grace of reserve
in its love-affairs ; and accordingly
everybody knows all about the
444
New Books.
[April
Gretchens, Lilis, Fredrikas, who
helped forward the development of
the great poet, and were repaid for
their love by " the loveliest lyrics."
Yet his love, while he chose that
it should last, was real enough : he
had a certain pain in getting free
from it. The flame which con-
sumed those human moths who be-
lieved in him, flickered regretfully,
lingeringly, about himself, ere it
went out. He got the good of it to
its last moment. Even, we may
suppose, the great poet was capable
of a certain human sorrow that it
should be necessary to buy his
perfection at such a cost; but it was
necessary, and there was no more
to be said. Here is Mr Hutton's
summary of this remarkable prin-
ciple of his life : —
" The thing that jars upon the mind
throughout Goethe's life, in his letters,
his books — everything he said and did —
is the absence of anything like devotion
to any being human or divine, morally
above himself. God he regarded as in-
scrutable, and as best left to reveal Him-
self. The future life was not yet. From
all men he withdrew himself in a sort
of kindly isolation — sympathising with
them, aiding them, helping them against
themselves, understanding them, but
never making any of them the object of
his life. The object of his life, so far as
auyman can consciously and permanently
have one, was the completion of that
ground - plan of character presented to
the world in Johann Wolfgang Goethe.
To perfect this he denied himself much
both of enjoyment and real happiness ;
to keep this ground-plan intact, or to
build upon it, he was always ready to
sacrifice either himself or anybody else.
To this he sacrificed Frednka's love,
Lili's love, and his own love for them—-
the friendship of any who attempted to
interfere with his own modes of self-
development ; to this he would at any
time have sacrificed, had he supposed it
needful, the favour of the Duke, and his
position at Court; to this, in fact, his
life was one long offering. There was
nothing Goethe would not have given up
for others, except any iota of what he
considered to be his own individuality.
To tend that was his idolatry — and that
this self -worship grew upon him at Wei-
mar, no one can doubt."
Mr Hutton goes on from Goethe
to Wordsworth, without perhaps
perceiving, what seems very appa-
rent to us, a certain fundamental
resemblance between the two char-
acters, immensely modified by cir-
cumstances, and lessened by a great
many equally fundamental diversi-
ties. They are both men who,
in soul and spirit, dwell apart,
choosing the isolation as a means of
perfection ; they are both bent, as
upon the greatest of all earthly ob-
jects, upon the accomplishment of
their own individual career. In the
case of Goethe, it is " the ground-
plan of character" which is his
primary object, because Goethe is
full of that unmoral (to quote a
good distinction from Mr Hutton)
honesty peculiar to Germans which
leads them to follow out their con-
clusions unsparingly, and do what
their philosophy bids them do
without any consideration for such
foreign and illogical matters as
right or wrong, morality or immora-
lity ; whereas Wordsworth, being,
for his part, bound by all the
principles, and even prejudices, of
the English middle class, was in-
capable, by nature and education,
of any declared self-worship, and
could place only the perfection of
his work in the shrine where Goethe
boldly places his own individuality.
This distinction separates broadly
the two characters. Goethe acts as
a man absolutely free from rule ;
Wordsworth, as one dutifully and
with full consent of his nature sub-
ject to it. The one is unmoral, the
other moral to the severest height
of morality; the one is strong in
his " impartial sympathy for good
and evil alike " — the other holds by
virtue as the secret of all greatness.
Yet, notwithstanding this immense
difference — notwithstanding the un-
likeness of that little, fluttering, wor-
shipping , sentimental, wicked court
at Weimar, to the austere purity and
1871.]
Hutton's Essays, Theological and Literary.
445
loneliness of Rydal Mount, we can-
not but believe that a fundamental
resemblance of character exists be-
tween these two great minds. They
are both intent upon themselves;
to each the centre of the world, and
in a manner its raison d'etre, is him-
self; they are lonely as Lucifer among
the crowds of lesser creatures that
fill the earth — working out each for
himself the great mournful problem,
burdened by a weight of greatness
which neither in heaven nor earth
is there one soul to share.
Mr Hutton does not, we think,
make the same allowance for the
character of Wordsworth as affect-
ing his works as he does for that of
Goethe. He judges the English
poet more from a purely intellectual
point of view — a thing so far natural
that we are all, so to speak, nearer
to Wordsworth than we are to
Goethe, and that the reserve of
actual life still hangs to a certain
extent about the history of the
former. Yet we think that Words-
worth's poetry can scarcely be fully
understood without a glance at the
unimpassioned nature of the man.
Full of grave and deep affection,
and a strong sense of natural duty,
he was, we think, absolutely with-
out passion, realising it with diffi-
culty, and feeling little sympathy
with the violence and completeness
of its sway. The only instance,
indeed, which we can remember,
where he ventures to treat it at all,
is in that story of Margaret in the
first book of the " Excursion," where
it is kept in so persistent a mono-
tone, and so deprived of all the
wild life and colour and energy
peculiar to it, that the effect upon
the reader is never exciting, but
only depressing — a picture of dull
absorption rather than of fiery power.
It seems to us that this defect of
nature, rather than the frugality of
imagination on which Mr Hutton
loves to dwell, accounts in a great
measure for Wordsworth's prefer-
ence of the secondary emotions — the
joys of anticipation and recollec-
tion — the contemplative use of
sorrow. The agency of passion
annoyed and troubled him : it
drove him out of his reckoning. A
thing in which there is no serenity,
no power to pause, no possibility of
reflection, xipset — as indeed it is its
vocation to do — his conception of
the world. This grand use of pas-
sion in the earth troubled Words-
worth as the gift of working miracles
would disturb a positivist philoso-
pher. He did not want this wild
spontaneity — this power whose
movements could not be calculated.
He disapproved of it, in fact, just as,
no doubt, the positivist (could he
believe in them) would disapprove
of miracles, and consider them as
immoral and lawless manifestations
of power. It is, however, more to
the purpose to show Mr Hutton's
conception of the poet's mind than
our own ; and whether we accept it
freely or not, it is impossible not
to admire the able and ingenious
theory which he thus sets forth : —
" The commonplace modern criticism
on Wordsworth is, that he is too tran-
scendental. On the other hand, the
criticism with which he was first assailed,
which Coleridge indignantly repelled,
and which is reflected in the admirable
parody published among the ' Rejected
Addresses, ' was, that he was ridiculously
simple — that he made an unintelligible
fuss about common feelings and common
things. The reconciliation of these op-
posite criticisms is not difficult. He
drew uncommon delights from very com-
mon things. His circle of interests was,
for a poet, singularly narrow. He was
a hardy Cumbrian mountaineer, with the
temperament of a thoroughly frugal
peasant, and a unique personal gift of
discovering the deepest secondary springs
of joy in what ordinary men either took
as matter of course, or found uninterest-
ing, or even full of pain. The same sort
of power which scientific men have of
studiously fixing their minds on natural
phenomena till they make these pheno
mena yield lessons and laws of which
no understanding destitute of this capa-
446
New Books. [April
city for detaching itself entirely from the
commonplace train of intellectual asso-
ciations would have dreamt, Wordsworth
had in relation to objects of the imagina-
tion. He could detach his mind from
the commonplace series of impressions
which are generated by commonplace
objects or events, resist and often reverse
the current of emotion to which ordinary
minds are liable, and triumphantly
justify the strain of rapture with which
he celebrated what excites either no feel-
ing, or weary feeling, or painful feeling,
in the mass of unreflecting men. Two
distinct peculiarities, and rare pecu-
liarities, of character, chiefly assisted
him in this — his keen spiritual courage,
and his stern spiritual frugality. Though
his poetry reads so transcendental, and
is so meditative, there never was a poet
who was so little of a dreamer as Words-
worth. There is volition and self-gov-
ernment in every line of his poetry; and
his best thoughts come from the steady
resistance he opposes to the ebb and
flow of ordinary desires and regrets. He
contests the ground inch by inch with
all despondent and indolent humours,
and often, too, with movements of in-
considerate and wasteful joy — turning
defeat into victory, and victory into de-
feat. He transmutes sorrows into food
for lonely rapture, as he dwells upon the
evidence they bear of the depth and for-
titude of human nature : he transmutes
the periodic joy of social conventions
into melancholy as he recalls how ' the
wiser mind '
' Mourns less for what age takes away
Than what it leaves liehind.'
No poet ever contrived by dint of ' plain
living and high thinking' to get nearer
to the reality of such life as he under-
stood, and to dispel more thoroughly the
illusions of superficial impression.
" To this same result, again, the rare
spiritual frugality of Wordsworth greatly
contributed. Poets, as a rule, lust for
emotion ; some of the most unique poets
—like Shelley and Byron — in their very
different ways, pant for an unbroken
succession of ardent feelings. Words-
worth, as I shall try to show, was almost
a miser in his reluctance to trench upon
the spiritual capital at his disposal. He
hoarded his joys, and lived upon the
interest which they paid in the form of
hope and expectation. This is one of
the most original parts of his poetic cha-
racter. It was only the windfalls, as
one may say, of his imagination, the
accidents on which he had never counted
beforehand, the delight of which he
dared thoroughly to exhaust. He paused
almost in awe at the threshold of any
promised enjoyment, as if it were a
spendthrift policy to exchange the hope
for the reality. A delight once over, he
multiplied it a thousand-fold through the
vision of ' that inward eye which is the
bliss of solitude. ' Spiritual thrift was at
the very root of his soul, and this was
one of his most remarkable distinctions
among a race who in spiritual things are
too often prodigals and spendthrifts. In
these two characteristics lies sufficient
explanation of the opposite views as to
his simplicity as a poet. No poet ever
drew from simpler sources than Words-
worth ; but none ever made so much out
of so little. He stemmed the common-
place currents of emotion, and often suc-
ceeded in so reversing them, that men
were puzzled when they saw weakness
transformed into power, and sorrow into
rapture. He used up successfully the
waifs and strays of his imaginative life,
reaped so much from opportunity, hope,
and memory, that men were as puzzled
at the simplicity of his delights as they
are when they watch the occasions of a
child's laughter."
Here is another very fine bit of
criticism and contrast, in which,
though we cannot quite agree with
it, the delicate perception and sym-
pathetic insight of the critic are well
marked.
" Wordsworth deliberately withdraws
his imagination from the heart of his
picture, to contemplate it in its spiritual
relations. Thus, for instance, Tennyson
and Wordsworth start from the same
mood, the one in the song, ' Tears, idle
tears, ' the other in the poem called the
' Fountain. ' Tennyson's exquisite poem
is well-known : —
'Tears, idle tears, I know not what they
mean ;
Tears from the depth of some divine despair
Rise in the heart, and gather to the eyes,
In looking on the happy autumn fields,
And thinking of the days that are no more.
Fresh as the first beam glittering on a sail,
That brings our friends up from the under
world ;
Sad as the last which reddens over one
That sinks with all we love below the verge ;
So sad, so fresh, the days that are no more.
Ah ! sad and strange, as in dark summer
dawns
The earliest pipe of half-awakened birds
To dying ears, when unto dying eyes
The casement slowly grows a glimmering
square ;
So sad, so strange, the days that are no
more.
1871.]
Hutton's Easays, Tlieological and Literary.
447
Dear as remembered kisses after death,
And sweet as those by hopeless fancy feigned
On lips that are for others ; deep as love,
Deep as first love, and wild with all regret ;
0 death iu life, the days that are no more.'
"Now turn to Wordsworth's treatment
of the same theme : —
' My eyes are dim with childish tears,
My heart is idly stirred ;
For the same sound is in my ears
Which in those days I heard.
Tims fares it still in our decay ;
And yet the wiser mind
Mourns less for what age takes away
Than what it leaves behind.
The blackbird amid leafy trees,
The lark above the hill,
Let loose their carol when they please,
Are quiet when they will.
With nature never do they wage
A foolish strife ; they see
A happy youth, and their old age
Is beautiful and free.
But we are pressed by heavy laws ;
And often, glad no more,
We wear a face of joy because
We have been glad of yore.'
"Tennyson continues in the same strain
of emotion with which he begins, pictur-
ing the profound unspeakable sadness
with which we survey the irrecoverable
past ; Wordsworth no sooner touches the
same theme than he checks the current
of emotion, and, to use his own words,
' instead of being restlessly propelled '
by it, he makes it the object of contem-
plation, and,' with no unconquerable sighs,
yet with a melancholy in the tone, sinks
inward into himself, from thought to
thought, to a steady remonstrance and a
high resolve.' And, thus meditating,
he wrings from the temporary sadness
fresh conviction that the ebbing away,
both in spirit and in appearance, of the
brightest past, sad as it must ever be,
is not so sad a thing as the weak yearn-
ing which, in departing, it often leaves
stranded on the soul, to cling to the
appearance when the spirit is irrecover-
ably lost. There is no other great poet
who thus redeems new ground for spiri-
tual meditation from beneath the very
sweep of the tides of the most engrossing
affections, and quietly maintains it in
possession of the musing intellect."
We have said that we do not
quite agree with Mr Hutton in this
opinion ; but perhaps it would he
more just to say that our agreement
in his judgment comes from a dif-
ferent strain of thought. To us
Tennyson's poem is the utterance of
a mind in the full height of life and
passion, unable, without a wrench
of its whole being, to tear itself
from the days that are no more —
days so near that it can still snatch
at them, the deadly line of separa-
tion being as yet scarce indicated by
Time's slow finger. On the other
hand, Wordsworth's verses are those
of an old man fallen into the soft
and contemplative melancholies and
regrets of age ; his eyes are only dim
with a moisture of regret, which he
tenderly calls " childish " — not
blinded with salt and bitter tears.
Long years have 'taught him how
useless it is to consume his being
with an unavailing grief, and the
philosophy of age is strengthened
by all the tendencies of the unimpas-
sioned reasonable nature, which is
incapable of " waging a foolish
strife" with the irrevocable. Per-
haps his sadness is not less deep
because it is so calm ; but it is not,
cannot be, impassioned; character
and age alike forbid it — not poetical
principle alone. In this point we
are disposed to think Mr Hutton
has fallen a victim to his own theory
of interpretation, a danger to which
critics of the finest skill and temper
are especially liable.
We add his defence of Words-
worth from the charge of egotism
brought against him by Hazlitt, in
which the pleading is again perhaps
more skilful than absolutely con-
vincing : —
" Hazlitt has set up a theory, founded
in some measure, perhaps, on these little
personal egotisms, to prove that Words-
worth's poetic power is born of egotism,
and is part and parcel of his complete
want of universality. . . . He tells us
further on that Wordsworth's ' strength,
as it often happens, arises from excess of
weakness.' This is but the sceptic's
bitter version of the truth that ' weak-
ness constantly arises from excess of
strength' — a form of the proposition not
only more true in itself, but far more ap-
plicable to Wordsworth's poetry. Rare
448
gifts of mind almost always tend to some
overbalance of habit, or thought, or feel-
ing—to some narrowness, pride, or hum-
our that is in itself a weakness. But no
weakness ever of itself tends to an oppo-
site strength, even though, as Words-
worth so finely observes in a passage I
have already quoted, the free and volun-
tary wisdom of man may transmute it
into an occasion for developing the high-
est strength ; but this is through the
supernatural life, not through any natu-
ral gravitation of weakness towards its
opposite. Strong affections may tend to
feebleness of purpose, but not feebleness
of purpose to strong affections. Great
contemplative power will tend to self-
occupation, but self-occupation does not
tend to contemplative power. Hazlitt
saw that the egotism and the genius in
Wordsworth were closely related, and
with half -malicious pleasure hastily as-
sumed that the worse quality had the
deeper root. When he says that Words-
worth's poetry is mainly derived from
' looking at home into himself, ' he says
what I have all along endeavoured to
establish; but when he means by this
the contradictory of ' looking abroad
into universality,' he is certainly and
wilfully wrong. There are two selfs in
every man — the private and the univer-
sal— the source of personal crotchets, and
the humanity that is our bond with our
fellow-men, and gives us our influence
over them. Half Wordsworth's weak-
ness springs from the egotistical self, as
he himself applies when he says —
' Or is it that when human souls a journey
long have had,
And are returned into themselves, they can-
not but be sad ? '
But all his power springs from the uni-
versal self. Nor is it in the least true
that Wordsworth's finest poems, as Haz-
litt implies, are cocoons of arbitrary per-
sonal associations spun around local and
accidental centres. The worst element
in Wordsworth is the arbitrary and occa-
sional element. Freedom, indeed, enters
into his very finest poems — but thought-
ful, not arbitrary, freedom. He draws
us out of the natural currents of thought
and emotion ; but if it be from ' chance
desires,' if it be to have us ' all to him-
self,' and give us an egotistic lecture in
his own little study — he is as far as pos-
sible from his true poetic mood."
Mr Button's conception of Shelley
is one in which we fully concur.
Nothing could be more sharply de-
fined in its diversity from the broad
New Books. [April
calm natures of the two great poets
whom the critic has already dis-
cussed, than the restless, feverish, all-
craving being, the impersonation of
Desire, whom he here sets before us.
A painful hurry and eagerness and
speed, a never-satisfied thirst, a fev-
erish hunger for emotion, are its chief
characteristics. And it is unneces-
sary to add that there is no music
in the world more exquisite than
the music of those ineffable longings
which, in their passion and intensity,
are death to the poet, but which to
more moderate natures — spirits finely
touched, yet not given over to that in-
appeasable desire of joy and beauty —
afford such a power of expression to
the inexpressible as scarcely any other
poetry, as perhaps nothing else ex-
cept the inarticulate passion of music,
can give. Nothing can be finer or
more true than the following sketch
of Shelley's mind and character : —
"Shelley . . . was essentially the
poet of intellectual desire, not of mere
emotion. The thrill of some fugitive
feeling, which he is either vainly pur-
suing or which has just slipped through
his faint intellectual grasp, gives the
key-note to every one of his finest poems.
His wonderful description of the Hours in
the 'Prometheus Unbound' — one of the
few passages in which Shelley has given
a great subject to any painter capable of
entering into him — is a description, in
fact, of the two poetic attitudes of his
own mind : —
' The rocks are cloven, and through the
purple night
I see cars drawn by rainbow- winged steeds,
Which trample the dim winds : in each
there stands
A wild-eyed charioteer urging their flight.
Some look behind as fiends pursued them
there,
And yet I see no snakes but the keen stars ;
Others, with burning eyes, lean forth, and
drink
With eager lips the wind of their own speed,
As if the thing they loved fled on before,
And now, even now, they clasped it. Their
bright locks
Stream like a comet's flashing hair : they all
Sweep onward,'
As it seems to me, Shelley himself, in
one of his moods of wild-eyed, breathless
inspiration — " 1'Inglese malincolico," as
1871.]
Hutton's Essays, Tlieological and Literary.
449
the poor people called him at Florence —
leaning passionately forward into the
future, or backwards to the past, should
be the impersonation of these spirit-
charioteers of time. Eager, visionary,
flashing forms, ' drinking the wind of
their own speed,' they are wonderful
impersonations of his most characteristic
poetic moods. If we look at any of the
lyrics on which he has set the full stamp
of his genius, we find that it images one
of these two attitudes of intellect, — the
keen, exquisite sense of want, gazing
wildly forward or wildly backward, but
vainly striving to close on something
which eludes its grasp.
' The desire of the earth for the star,
Of the night for the morrow,
The devotion of something afar
From the sphere of our sorrow ; ' —
that is the true burden of every song.
Sometimes the gaze is fixed on the
future, and sometimes on the past :
sometimes it is —
' Swiftlv walk o'er the western wave,
Spirit of Night !
Out of the misty eastern cave,
Where all the long and lone daylight
Thou wovest dreams of joy and fear,
Which make thee terrible and dear, —
Swift be thy flight ! '
and sometimes —
' When the lamp is shattered,
The light in the dust lies dead ;
When the cloud is scattered,
The rainbow's glory is shed ;
When the lute is broken,
Sweet tones are remembered not ;
When the lips have spoken,
Loved accents are soon forgot ; '
but whether forward or backward gazing,
the attitude of unsatisfied desire is al-
ways the same, distinguishing Shelley
from the many great contemporaries
who, like Goethe himself, for instance —
except in ' Faust,' where he had set him-
self to delineate the pangs of an insati-
able heart and intellect — sing out of the
wealth of happy possession even more
melodiously than out of the growing
ardour of desire. And even between
the animating spirit of ' Faust ' and the
poetical moods of Shelley's poetry there
is one very marked distinction. Faust's
passion is a hunger for experience, —
human experience in the largest and
most universal sense; but the thirst
which breathes through Shelley is a
continual thirst for those rare moments
of tingling veins and flushing soul, those
instants when the whole frame of nature
and human life seems a transparency for
sweet emotion, which are but one ele-
ment in Faust's pursuit. What the
passages in ' Faust ' were which fasci-
nated Shelley most intensely, he himself
may tell us. Speaking of some tine
German etchings of ' Faust, ' he says :
' I never perfectly understood the Hartz
Mountain scene until I saw the etching ;
and then Margaret in the summer-house
with Faust. The artist makes one envy
his happiness that he can, sketch such
things with calmness, which I only
dared look upon once, and which made
my brain swim round only to touch the
leaf on the opposite side of which I
knew it was figured.' This is of the
very essence of Shelley. He is the poet,
not of human yearning in general, but of
the yearning for that youthful ecstasy
which bounds like fresh life through
every nerve. He cannot be satisfied
without a thrill of his whole soul. He
knows nothing of serene joy. He thinks
the whole universe should be ever thrill-
ing in every fibre with mysterious ten-
derness."
Mr Hutton's merits as a theo-
logical writer are less in our way
than are the literary sketches, in
which we cannot help feeling he
himself is more at home. His
religious views, as he announces in
the preface to his book, are founded
upon those of Mr Maurice, which
will give the reader a tolerably clear
indication of their tendency and
meaning. All the characteristic
beauty of those views, their sym-
pathy with and adaptation to the
confused religious sentiment of the
age, and, at the same time, the
weakness which we cannot but con-
sider equally characteristic of them,
will be found in these pages — in
which there is at the same time a
frank and open avowal, such as
wins the deepest sympathy of the
reader, that by means of those views
the writer has been brought from
a less genial region of religious
thought, into the light and comfort
of the Gospel. This confession is
at the same time, there can be no
doubt, the highest testimony that
man can give to the efficacy of any
system of belief, and throws into
the scale along with it all the per-
450
New Books. [April
sonal weight of a sound judgment
and discriminating intelligence.
The only one of these essays, how-
ever, to which our space will permit
us to refer, is the one on the Fourth
Gospel, which may be welcome to
many a reader who has unwillingly
received into his mind some shadow
of the many scepticisms on the sub-
ject. Those who have no special
theological or philosophical tenden-
cies are, perhaps, scarcely likely to
be acquainted with the elaborate
criticisms of Baur, on which this
essay is a commentary. But Kenan's
popular and light-hearted scepticism
lias penetrated into many regions
which the philosophical German
could not be expected to reach ; and
we do not doubt that Mr Hutton's
calm and able treatment of the
difficulties involved will give assur-
ance and- comfort to that uneasy
consciousness of possible doubt
which is so apt to rise in the minds
of readers who have not the time
nor the means of satisfying them-
selves personally upon matters of
religious belief thus lightly called in
question.
It is with a certain reluctance
that we turn from Mr Hutton's
book to the life of Hugh Miller,* in
two prodigious volumes, big enough
to contain the history of a country
for fifty years, much less the life of
a modest man of science and letters.
We turn to it, we say, with reluc-
tance, because the idea of adverse
criticism in such a case is painful ;
and yet it is impossible to refrain
from remonstrance in respect to the
quite undue length and over -pre-
tensions of the book. When will
writers learn that nothing improves
by dilution — and that a man whose
qualities are chiefly personal, and
whose work, though well and truly
done, was not of a kind to move
the world, has a shade of absurd-
ity rather than reverence thrown
upon him by the false importance
of such a prolonged narrative ?
Hugh Miller was a man of genuine
talent, even of something which
approached genius — or, at least, the
humble position in which he was
born, and the fact that the first
thirty years of his life were spent in
manual labour, makes the impulse
which developed his literary gift,
through all difficulties and hin-
drances, look very much like the
spontaneous and irrepressible im-
pulse of genius. But his works,
though delightful reading, are
neither so original nor so important
as to claim an independent place in
literature. A keen and lively power
of observation, and a wonderfully
lucid and graphic style, were his
chief literary distinctions. We do
not pretend to estimate the weight
of his contributions to science, but
there can be no doubt that he has
done more to make science (or at
least his own special branch of it)
popular, than any other man of
his generation. His ' Old Red
Sandstone,' though the subject to
the ordinary mind is far from excit-
ing, carries the reader along with
as warm an interest as if it were
a drama of rapid and unflagging
action ; and still more interesting
than his work is the figure of the
man himself, a true son of the soil,
rising out of that primitive stock
which is the strength of the nation,
and on the whole very true and
faithful to it, with no cravings after
gentility, or vulgar desire to rise in
social rank. It is our sense of all
this natural interest which makes
us resent Mr Bayne's pretentious
exposition and glorification of all
the young mason's boyish intel-
lectualisms, and all the influences
that attended his youth. Such a
life is difficult to treat, let us allow,
* Life and Letters of Hugh Miller. By Peter Bayne, M. A. Strahan & Co., London.
1871.]
Hugh Miller's Life and Letters.
451
and demands all the more modesty
and reticence in the biographer, be-
cause his hero had, as was natural,
a strong sense of his own merit in
overcoming so many obstacles, and
of the power of those talents which
had carried him triumphantly from
his Cromarty cottage into the heart
of the scientific and literary world.
This personal consciousness of merit
must always remain one of the great-
est drawbacks of the self-made man,
as one of the most solid advan-
tages of education and breeding is the
defence they give against undue self-
importance. However, the defects
of this description in the book be-
fore us are very much less those of
Hugh Miller than of his biographer ;
and the reader, by judicious skip-
ping, may manage to glean from it a
very true idea of the man. When Mr
Bayne spends five pages in trying,
with pleasant superiority, to account
for the fact that Hugh at five years
old thought he saw a spectral ap-
parition, and an equal number to
prove that he really followed the
best models in choosing to be a
dunce and truant at school, we
may safely pass on and acquit Hugh
Miller of all participation in these
jaunty philosophies. A great many
of his letters, written in the leisure
and loquacity of youth, have been
preserved, and are included in these
bulky volumes. The letters are in
proportion as bulky as the volumes,
and we ask ourselves in wonder if any
one nowadays expends as many pages
in the description of scenery 1 It is
usual to say that the penny post
has put an end to such correspond-
ences ; but these were written in the
days of the penny post. There is a
little of Hugh Miller in them, some-
times curiously fine and important,
sometimes very gentle and true ; but
a great deal more of Cromarty and
the sea and sky. Hugh Miller was
no unappreciated man of genius, but
on the contrary, it is apparent, a very
fortunate person, through all his
career. The little society of his
native town, consisting, as Mr Bayne
quaintly informs us, after " the
Rev. Mr Stewart, the central star
in its social firmament," of " a colo-
nel, a captain, both inteDigent be-
yond the average of their class, with
ladies to match, a banker, who had
been an officer in the navy, and
retained professional enthusiasm
enough to make him study naval
history until he became a walking
encyclopaedia of information on sea-
battles — these, with a variety of
studious and accomplished ladies,
eminent, some for Calvinistic meta-
physics, some for geological pre-
dilections," received him into its
bosom while he was still a young
man of seven or eight and twenty,
working as a stone-mason in the
sight of all the community. This
" group of notablities circled round
Alexander Stewart and Hugh Miller,
the Duke and the Goethe of this
miniature Weimar" says our bio-
grapher; and, knowing what colonels,
and captains, and accomplished and
studious ladies in small country
towns usually are, we cannot but
feel that the young mason must
have fallen upon singularly liberal-
minded specimens of the class. Th ey
not only received him to their tea-
tables, but one of the young ladies
of the little community, after a
very mild and short-lived opposi-
tion, was permitted to receive him
as her lover. The story is per-
haps unique in social annals — at
least, at this moment we can re-
member no parallel to it — for, be it
remembered, Hugh Miller was living
in the midst of his own people, and
no illusion was possible as to his
antecedents or surroundings ; and he
was doing his daily work with ham-
mer and chisel before the eyes of
the gentry who thus adopted him
into their sphere. All honour to
those good people : they must have
452
New Books,
[April
had a superiority to the prejudices
of caste, and a real appreciation of
intellect, which is very rare even in
the widest range of society, much
less in circles so limited.
The period before this, however,
the time in which Hugh Miller was
nothing more nor less than a mason-
lad, apprentice and journeyman, is
the most curious and characteristic
in the book. The determined cer-
tainty that he was to be something
of note in the world, the studies
of literary style and the best mode
of expressing himself, which occu-
pied the young man who was work-
ing hard all day at his rough trade
(which, by the way, he always digni-
fies by the name of profession), and
had no retirement at night but that
of the bothy, is very remarkable.
Here is a description of the tempo-
rary home of the working mason : —
" It consisted of one large apartment.
Along the wall, and across one of the
gables, there was a range of beds rudely
constructed of outside slab deals, and
filled with straw, which bristled from
beneath the blankets, and from between
the crevices of the frame, in a manner
much less neat than picturesque. At
each bedside there were two chests, which
served not only the purpose originally
intended, but also for chairs and tables.
Suspended by ropes from the rafters above,
there hung, at the height of a man's head
from the ground, several bags filled with
oatmeal, which by this contrivance was
secured from the rats, with which the
place was infested. Along the gable
furthest removed from the door there
was a huge wood-fire; above it, there
were hung several small pots, enveloped
in smoke, which, for lack of proper vent,
after filling the whole barrack, escaped
by the door. Before the fire there was
a row of stones, each of which supported
an oaten cake. The inmates, who ex-
ceeded twenty, had disposed of them-
selves in every possible manner. Some
were lounging in the beds, others were
seated on the chests. Two of them were
dancing on the floor to the whistling of
a third. There was one employed in
baking, another in making ready the
bread. The chaos of sounds which
reigned among them was much more
complete than that which appalled their
prototypes, the builders of Babel. There
was the gabbling of Saxon, the sputtering
of Gaelic, the humming of church music,
the whistling of the musician, and the
stamping of the dancers. Three of the
pots on the fire began to boil together,
and there was a cry for the cook. He
came rushing forward, pushed the man
engaged in baking from out his way with
one hand, and drawing the seat from
under the one employed in making ready
the bread with the other, he began to
shout out, so as to drown their united
voices, for meal and salt. Both were
brought him, and in a few minutes he
had completed his task."
From this unpromising scene the
following letter, or rather the follow-
ing scrap from a letter six times as
long, is written. It is addressed to
a fellow-workman, a young house-
painter. It is not a fine piece of
writing made up in after-years, as
later age dictated, such as many of
the scenes in ' My Schools and
Schoolmasters ' seem to have been,
but the genuine utterance of the
moment : —
GAIRLOCH, July 1823.
" You may expect a very long letter.
I was so unlucky, two days ago, as to
get my left foot crushed in a quarry by
a huge stone, and I am now completely
chained to my seat. My comrades are
all out at work, I have no books, and
the hours pass away heavily enough ;
but I have just set myself to try whether
I cannot beguile them by conversing with
you. You are sitting before me on a
large smooth stone, the only spare seat
in the barrack (my own — for I love to
sit soft — I have cushioned with a sod),
and I have to tell you a long gossiping
story — which, after all, is no story — of
my journey hither, and of what I have
been seeing and doing since I came.
. . . The weather cleared up as we
proceeded. We had quitted the high-
way immediately on leaving the inn, and
our path, which seemed to have been
formed rather by the feet of animals than
the hands of men, went winding for
about seven miles through a brown mossy
valley, whose tedious length was enliv-
ened by a blue oblong lake — beautiful in
itself, but reflecting, like the mirror of a
homely female, the tame and unlovely
features that hung over it. At its upper
end we found the ruins of a solitary cot-
tage, the only vestige of man in the val-
1871.]
Hu'jli Miller's Life and Letters.
453
ley. We then began to descend into a
deep narrow glen or ravine, through
which there runs a little brattling
streamlet, the first we saw falling to-
wards the Atlantic. The hills rise to a
great height on either hand, bare, rocky,
stripped into long furrows, mottled over
with debris and huge fragments of stone,
and nearly desolate of even heather.
The day had become clear and pleasant,
but the voice of a bird was not to be
heard in this dismal place, nor sheep nor
goat to be seen among the cliffs. I wish
my favourite John Bunyan had passed a
night in it at a season when the heather-
fires of the shepherd are flaming on the
heights above, — were it but to enable
him to impart more tangibility to the
hills which border the deep valley of the
shadow of death. Through the gloomy
vista of the ravine a little paradise seemed
opening before us — a paradise like that
which Mirza contemplated from the
heights of Bagdad, of smooth water and
green islands. 'There,' said my com-
rade, ' is Loch Marie : we have to sail
over it for about fourteen miles, as there
is no path on which we could bring the
cart with the luggage, but the horse and
his master must push onward on foot.'
The carter growled like an angry bear,
but said nothing we could understand.
Emerging from the ravine our road ran
through a little moory plain bordered
with hills which seemed to have at one
time formed the shores of the lake. A
few patches of corn and potatoes, that,
surrounded by the brown heath, reminded
me of openings in a dark sky, together
with half-a-dozen miserable-looking cot-
tages, a little larger than ant - hills,
though not quite so regularly formed,
showed us that this part of the country
had its inhabitants
"At the lower end of the lake we en-
countered a large boat full of people. A
piper stood in the bows, and the wild
notes of his bagpipe, softened by distance
and multiplied by the echoes • of the
mountains, formed a music that suited
well with the character of the scene.
' It is a wedding-party,' said my com-
rade ; ' they are going to that white
house which you see at the foot of the
hill. I wish you understood Gaelic ; the
boatmen are telling me strange stories of
the loch that I know would delight j'ou.
Do you see that little green island, that
lies off about half a mile to the right ?
The boldest Highlander would hesitate
to land there an hour after sunset. It is
said to be haunted by wraiths and fairies,
and every variety of land and water
spirits. Directly in the middle of it there
is a little lake, in the lake an island, and
on the island a tree beneath which the
Queen of the Fairies holds her court.
What would not you give to see her?'
Night came on before we got landed ; and
we lost sight of the lake while yet sailing
over it. Is it not strange that with all
its beauty it should be so little known ?
I never heard nor met with so much as
its name, until it opened upon me with
all its islands, except once, in a copy of
verses written by a gentleman of the
parish of Cromarty — a Mr Williamson.
The voyage terminated about an hour
after nightfall, our journey an hour after
midnight.
"Good-bye. My companions are just
coming into dinner. Shall we not have
another t£tc-d,-t3te to-morrow ? "
It is curious to realise that so
refined a description of natural
beauty came forth from a bothy ;
and that the working lad had not
only the taste to perceive, but
already, at twenty, the skill to write
with so much vigour and elegance.
The young stone-mason, however,
does not always show so much good
taste. Sometimes he glorifies his
pride and learning with an amusing
grandeur, evidently feeling, to the
bottom of his heart, his own supe-
riority, and that of the correspondent
who could appreciate him. It is quite
possible, however, that this innocent
magnificence of self-estimation might
be found to bulk as largely in the
intellectual correspondence of two
youths at Oxford, feeling themselves
immeasurably exalted by their higher
pursuits above their brainless fellows :
it is a peculiarity of youth rather
than of condition. It is curious, at
the same time, to read the following
somewhat prim condemnation of the
much more ordinary strain of life
which Miller saw in certain farm-
labourers, sharers of his bothy.
This, however, was written some
years later, in an autobiographical
letter addressed to Principal Baird,
and did not come, like the preceding
one, out of the very bothy itself.
"There were two unmarried farm-ser-
vants who lodged with us in the barrack.
454
New Books.
[April
They were both young men, and the life
they were almost necessitated to lead
was one of the most unfriendly possible
to the formation of moral character. All
day they were employed in the monot-
onous labours of the farm. Their even-
ings, as they had no home, were spent
either in neighbouring houses, where
young people similarly situated with
themselves were accustomed to meet, or
in a small village, about a mile distant,
where there was an alehouse. Their or-
dinary pleasures consisted in drinking,
and amusements of a low and gross char-
acter : their principal enjoyment they
derived from what they termed a ball, and
scarce a fortnight passed at this season
without one being held at the village.
The effects of this heartless course of life
was apparent in their dispositions and
conduct."
Poor ploughmen ! It seems a
little hard that their hall once a-
fortnight should be characterised as
a heartless course of life. " I could
not think without regret that they
were yet to become husbands and
fathers of families," says our young
Puritan ; which is as curious an
instance as could be found of the
radical difference of opinion on such
points. There are philosophers in
plenty to whom that " ball once a-
fortnight " would seem one of the
principal gleams of humanity in the
ploughman's existence : but not so
thinks the prim youthful observer,
who knows nothing of any consola-
tory and inspiring element in life
which is not intellectual or spiritual.
No doubt, the «honest ploughboys
themselves had a certain sheepish
sense of inferiority in their own pre-
ference for this homely diversion ;
it must have felt to them, too, a
great deal less fine than the mason-
lad's devotion to his books.
We have neither space nor in-
clination to enter upon that part of
Hugh Miller's life which, we sup-
pose, is considered to have been the
crown and culmination of his career
— the time of his editorship of the
* Witness' newspaper, and residence
in Edinburgh, where he died pain-
fully and bitterly in harness, as most
readers know. Enough has been
written about that dreary controversy
which ended in the Free Church
secession; and it is almost sickening
now, in the light of after-events, to
turn back upon it. We do not wish
to discredit the sacrifice made on
that occasion, nor the feeling that
a very high principle was involved
which supported the seceding min-
isters. If less worthy motives were
also involved, the price was dear
which was paid for their indulgence.
But the fact is, that such a proceed-
ing could only be justified by being
broadly national. The separation of
an entire Church from the State for
the sake of conscience would be,
what the Free Church still insists
upon considering its sacrifice to have
been, sublime. But the secession
of half a church, though there may
be many instances of individual hero-
ism, cannot be sublime — and indeed
can scarcely be otherwise than a
mistake. Every new " Disruption,"
tearing asunder, is to be viewed with
horror. The delusion that it was
indeed the whole Church which was
making this memorable movement,
was perhaps the strongest element
in the excitement and enthusiasm
which it undoubtedly caused ; and
the writer for one will never forget
the sense of disenchantment with
which, after much admiration from
a distance of what seemed so magna-
nimous a national sacrifice, he was
struck on actual sight of the effect
in Scotland. Two churches where
one had been, two rival communities
in every parish ; a sudden rent which
tore the whole country asunder,
and weakened and embittered both
sides, — are results which we cannot
venture to dismiss, and which it is
strange to suppose can be regarded
with any degree of complacency by
the performers of a division so sad for
Scotland. To ourselves the subject
is one of unmixed pain. Hugh
1871.]
Diikc of ArgylTs 'lona'
455
Miller's editorship made the ' Wit-
ness ' newspaper memorable in many
respects. Several of his most popular
works were first published in its
pages ; which are also distinguished
by many less praiseworthy and valu-
able examples of a high temper and
power of vituperation, such as are
very serviceable to party leaders and
in party quarrels, but are of no ad-
vantage to the peaceful reputation of
a man of letters. Pleasanter things
are still in his life, even after the
time of the bothies. To our own
mind the delightful little interlude of
the young man's leisure, when, having
nothing particular to do, he turned
to and " built a house " for his aunt
Jenny, is worth a hundred ' Wit-
nesses.' How one envies the strong
fellow -that beneficent primitive
power ; what a pleasure it must have
been to him — greater surely than that
of writing mediocre verse, or even
very good descriptions of scenery !
But in this world all the arrange-
ments of fate are perverse, and we
suppose Miller preferred the article-
writing to the house-building, which
latter power had not to him the
same delightful novelty nor sense of
creation which it has to us.
There is something very pleasant,
however, in the sober and chastened
manner of his love-making, and in
the delicate and unexpected revolu-
tion made in the young working
man's thoughts by the curious new
sensation of finding himself sudden-
ly enthralled and taken into closest
union with a life belonging to a
totally different sphere. He had
intended to content himself in his
mason-trade with the books he had
collected, and the new science which
had taken hold upon him, and with
the modest pride of knowing himself
to be considered fit company for the
best society in his neighbourhood.
But this sober idea of life ceased to
charm him after his engagement.
" The pride of the stone-mason who
has been accepted as lover by a lady,
forbade him," says his biographer,
" to place her in any position in
which the world might fail to recog-
nise her for what she was ; " which
is a rather involved way of saying
that Miller, unambitious for himself,
was determined not to drag down
in the social scale the young gentle-
woman who loved him. The story
of their long and patient wooing
is more modestly told than any
other part of their history; a quaint
courtship, with no levity in it, nor
perhaps much trace of the foolish
delights of common youth : yet his
many and constant letters, always
serious in their affectionateness, give
a pleasant picture of his mind, and.
of the kind of intercourse — an inter-
course very unlike common love-
making — which united the son of
the soil to the more daintily nurtured
and better-born woman, who was,
as became her, as fond of him as if
he had been a prince.
There is a certain link of con-
nection, half scientific, half natural,
which brings the Duke of Argyll's
little book about 'lona'* to our
hand when we have put down the
extremely big book about Hugh
Miller. The salt and briny air of
the northern sea — the glow of colour
which sunshine wakes over all those
lonely stretches of rock, and sky,
and water — the grey mists and blind-
ing fogs which are perhaps their most
abiding garments, belong to both;
and to both also belongs that pro-
found religious feeling which yet
cannot resist a fling of half- con-
descension, half-scorn, at the priests
of old, and which distinctly declines
to understand how medieval Catho-
lics, for instance, might be as true,
as good, as pure, and probably not
less lively, than Evangelican Pro-
* lona. By the Duke of Argyll
VOL. CIX. — NO. DCLXVI.
Strahan & Co., London.
2i
456
testants. Columba is far enough
back to conciliate the sympathies of
the island-prince who has succeeded
him as proprietor of lona ; but it
somewhat troubles the Duke to have
to confess that the remains of eccle-
siastical buildings on the Holy Isle
"are monuments not of the fire,
the freshness, and the comparative
simplicity, of the old Celtic church,
but of the dull and often corrupt
monotony of medieval Eomanism."
Now we are not concerned to make
ourselves champion of the middle
ages ; and if his Grace of Argyll
prefers a wattled shed to a Gothic
cathedral, far be it from us to con-
tradict him ; but how there could be
" fire and freshness " in the one, and
corrupt " monotony " in the other,
we find it rather hard to make out.
Perhaps to ducal eyes there may be
" fire and freshness " in the steepled
barn of a Scotch parish, but archi-
tecture need not be polemical ; and
we humbly submit that the twelfth
century was, as a general rule, much
more gifted in the art of building
churches than we, our enlightened
selves, have been for three or four
centuries past. If the Duke does
not think so, he differs from most
competent judges. No doubt there
would be a great deal of "fresh-
ness " in Columba's early edifice,
but we have very serious doubts
about the " fire." This book, how-
ever, is altogether polemical : a
whimsical vein of irritation against
Count de Montalembert and his
well-known description of the He-
bridean landscape runs all through
it, and seems to be the inspiring
motive of the little volume ; but
the Duke of Argyll, though a
man of great talent and literary
power, is taking an incautious step
when he pits himself against one
of the greatest modern masters of
style — a writer whose gifts are so
transcendent as those of the late
historian of the western monks.
New Books. [April
Montalembert's description is evi-
dently written under the influence
of one of those grey days of
wrapping mist and leaden sky,
which are, at least, as character-
istic of the locality as is the sun-
shine, though that, we allow, makes
an enormous difference, and one
which perhaps the traveller who
has not beheld its awakening effect
upon all those dark headlands and
solemn cliffs might with difficulty
realise. But why this simple expla-
nation— a natural accident, which be-
falls, let us say, at least fifty tourists
out of every hundred who visit these
regions every summer — should not
be sufficient to explain the matter,
and why the Duke should betake
himself to spiteful suggestions as
to " the incapacity of any French-
man to understand any form of
natural beauty except those to which
he has been accustomed," it is hard
to tell. Montalembert, however,
we may be allowed to say, was not
a French Philistine of the epicier
type, but a man " accustomed " to
as " many forms of natural beauty "
as most enlightened men are in the
way of knowing. Even an epicier,
however, though the lord of lona
seems to have forgotten the fact,
might happen to be acquainted with
the wild and mysterious Breton
coasts, where neither wine nor oil
abound, yet which have an attrac-
tion for French writers much greater
than the attraction generally exer-
cised upon us by those isles which
even a Scotch poet describes as
" placed far amid the melancholy
main. " If the climate of the West-
ern Isles is not " one of continual
mists and rains, with frequent
storms," then it is delightfully un-
like the climate of the western
mainland ; and though we will not
yield even to the Duke of Argyll
in admiration for the wonderful
transformation produced by the
brilliant occasional day of summer,
1871.]
Hare's 'Walks in Rome.1
457
which is well worth waiting weeks
for, and which converts the gloom
into instant glory — a glory so bright,
so radiant, so full at once of splen-
dour and pathos, that we know no
other sunshine effect to equal it —
yet we cannot ignore those rains
and mists, nor the wonderful solemn
semitones of shadow which are still
more natural to the scenery. It is
fair that he should he allowed his own
little enthusiastic bit of description,
of which we must premise, however,
that though equally true, it is much
more rarely to be seen than the
gloomier picture drawn by Monta-
lembert — with which, unfortunately,
we have not space to compare it.
" I have seen from Athena, ' morning
spread upon the mountains,' along the
opposite range of Parnes, and the low
sun streaming up the Gulf of Corinth upon
the hills of the Morea. Those tints are
certainly beyond measure beautiful. But
the sunsets which are to be seen con-
stantly among the Western Isles are not,
as compared with those of the Mediter-
ranean, 'obscurely bright.' It is true,
the colouring is darker ; but it is also
deeper, richer, more intense. Nothing,
indeed, can exceed its splendour. And so
of the sea : its aspects around lona are
singularly various and beautiful. On
one side is the open ocean, with nothing
to break its fetch of waves from the
shores of the New World. On the other
side it is divided into innumerable creeks
and bays and inlets, which carry the eye
round capes and islands, and along re-
treating lines of shore, far in among the
hills. Its waters are exquisitely pure —
of a luminous and transparent green,
shading off into a rich purple, where the
white sandy bottom is occupied by beds
of alga?. Into those greens and purples
on the opposite side of a narrow sound,
dip granite rocks of the brightest, red."
Thus, in a flash of light and col-
our, such as one does not always see
on the shores of Italy or Greece, the
patriot Duke hangs up his compan-
ion picture to that of the brilliant
Frenchman. May it be Duke's
weather, and not tourists', when we
visit lona ! Except this polemical
and rival sketch of the beauties of
the Holy Island, his Grace does not
seem to have much to say 011 the
subject, or at least not anything
requiring comment here.
Such an amazing glow of bright-
ness and sunshine naturally brings
before us the 'Walks in Rome,'*
lately published, by Mr Augustus
Hare. No title could be more sug-
gestive. Where will he take us ? to
Pincio, with all the giddy world, to
watch the carriages in their dull
habitual circle, and the red-ribboned
Albanese nurses with their babies —
and yonder in the west the great
sun sinking behind St Peter's, throw-
ing up in a golden blackness the big
dome and long facade ; or out
through the Flaminian Gate to the
Villa Borghese, to gather violets
under the trees — or away through
the Appian Way to the wild sweet
edge of the flowery Campagna — or
across the tawny Tiber to the vast
colonnades of San Pietro or the gal-
leries of the Vatican1? What im-
ages throng before the reader's eyes !
— how the streets crowd with wefl-
remembered figures ! — how the foun-
tains sparkle in the sun! — how the
magical skies flash bright, then
darken over, as night pursues the
day ! Mr Augustus Hare will lead
you to all these places, dear reader,
but in no foolish, picturesque, emo-
tional way. His book is extremely
sensible, and no doubt trustworthy ;
but it pretends to be nothing more
than a refined and gentlemanly Mur-
ray— a guide-book of a higher class,
full of other people's opinions, from
Ampere to Lady Eastlake — from
the dreamy sketches of Hawthorne
to the impertinences of Dickens ;
but with nothing in it to repay any
reader who is not at the same time
a visitor or intending visitor of
Rome. His sense of the confusion
* Walks in Home. By Augustus J. C. Hare. Strahan & Co., London.
458
New Boolts.
[April
which attends a traveller who finds
in his Murray, Baedeker, or Brad-
shaw, " an appalling list of churches,
temples, and villas, which ought to
be seen," without any arrangement
which can make the inspection easy,
has inspired his present undertak-
ing.
"It is therefore," he says, "in the
hope of aiding some of those bewildered
ones, and of making their walks in Home
more easy and more interesting, that the
following chapters are written. They
aim at nothing original, and are only a
gathering up of the information of others,
and a gleaning from what has already
been given to the world, in a far better
and fuller but less portable form ; while
in their plan they attempt to guide the
traveller in his daily wanderings through
the city and its suburbs. "
With this explanation we leave
the book to those whom it concerns,
not doubting that they will find
much benefit and use in it ; though
we feel that it would have been
more honest to have intimated in
the title the character of a book
which is not intended for the read-
ing public, and can convey to them
neither amusement nor instruction.
* And what shall we say of ' Friend-
ship's Garland "I * Is it amusement
— is it instruction — which Mr Mat-
thew Arnold is minded to convey to
us in this quaint publication, by
which, we have no doubt, many
honest brains will be bewildered?
Perhaps his name is sufficient to
warrant the supposition that the
latter is what is chiefly intended ;
and we cannot but in all humility
venture a doubt whether Mr Mat-
thew Arnold — whose literary powers
we admire, if not as much as he
does himself (for that is a very high
standard), at least as much as a de-
fective education permits — has been
adapted by nature to afford any
vivid amusement to his fellow-crea-
tures. When he does so to any high
degree, we fear it will not be wit-
tingly or willingly, but in his own
despite. The disquisitions of Baron
Arminius von Thunder-Ten-Tronkh,
whose lamentable death was mourn-
fully celebrated not very long ago
in the ' Pall Mall Gazette,' con-
tain, we believe, a great many true
as well as many caustic sayings.
But the fun is very ponderous, to
say the least of it, and has a heavy
German roll, which no doubt is true
to the character, but which has the
terrible defect, worse than any other
viciousness, of not being in the very
least funny. Fun is not the forte
of the editor of this interesting col-
lection of papers ; the play is ele-
phantine, the jokes creak on their
hinges like doors hard to open, and
the central figure, which is Mr Mat-
thew Arnold himself, is distressingly
prominent and deeply self-conscious.
He was always so, to be sure, in or
out of masquerade, and so are all the
personages in this little drama. We
have great doubt, indeed, whether the
effect of the volume upon the obtuse
British intelligence to which it is
meant to be so very cutting, will be
at all commensurate with the trouble
taken ; for, oddly enough, Mr Ar-
nold does not seem to take into con-
sideration the important, and we
should say essential, matter, of reach-
ing the special audience to which he
preaches. His discussions of the
shortcomings of the British Philis-
tine, which are uttered in a voice
much too finely pitched ever to
reach that culprit's veritable ear, re-
mind us somewhat of the awaken-
ing sermons aimed at brutal vice
which evangelical clergymen often
thunder at a meek score of innocent
women, guilty of no enormity great-
er than a bit of scandal. Does Mr
* Friendship's Garland ; being the Conversations, Letters, and Opinions of the late
Arminius Baron von Thuuder-Ten-Tronkh. By Matthew Arnold. Smith, Elder,
& Co., London.
1871.]
Arnolds 'Friendship's Garland.'
459
Arnold suppose that his shadowy
Bottles, for instance, who " is one
of our self-made middle-class men —
a Radical of the purest water, quite
one of the Manchester school ; who
was one of the earliest of Free-
traders ; who has always gone as
straight as an arrow about Reform ;
who is an ardent voluntary in every
possible line — opposed the Ten
Hours' Bill, was one of the leaders
of the Dissenting opposition out of
Parliament which smashed up the
education clauses of Sir James
Graham's Factory Act ; who paid
the whole expenses of a most im-
portant church-rate contest out of
his own pocket ; and, finally, who
looks forward to marrying his de-
ceased wife's sister;" — does Mr
Arnold, we repeat, believe for a
moment that this attack of his will
ever reach Bottles? Our satirist
stands and mocks at the pit in a
highly - refined small voice which
never reaches beyond the orchestra-
stalls ; some of the people there, it
is true, are much entertained by the
abuse of their neighbours ; but still
it is wasted zeal. Neither will
Lord Lumpington, nor the sporting
parson whom Mr Arnold sets forth
as another genuine type of the un-
instructed Briton (though we thought
the species was nearly extinct), be
likely to benefit much by the on-
slaught made upon him.
But yet they are all very fair
game; and we wish Mr Arnold a
great deal better luck than he is
likely to have in persuading the
British public that it is not in reality
the very fine thing it supposes itself
to be. There is enough of truth in
his description of the strange changes
English sentiment has undergone
on many matters, and enough that
is alarming in the national aspect
both at home and abroad, to make
us grieve greatly when any com-
petent critic, who might be of real
service to his country, chooses to
put on the mountebank's cap and
bells instead. We, for one, do not
in the least undervalue the import-
ance of such subjects, nor the serious
use and advantage to a country of
hearing the truth about the opin-
ions its neighbours entertain of it.
The gift of seeing ourselves as others
see us is of as much importance to
a community as to an individual ;
and all the curious discussions of
recent days — that about national
honour, for example, which our pub-
licists never venture to discuss with-
out a certain shrinking alarm for
the consequences of a decided con-
clusion— are very remarkable signs
of the times ; as is also that univer-
sal outburst of brag and boast over
our charities, which, did any private
individual do it, would sink that
individual to the lowest depths of
contempt. What is bad for the
character of a man cannot be very
noble in the character of a nation ;
and we confess that it is with a
sickening sense of shame that we
have read the over-and-over-again
repeated paeans of self-applause into
which the British press has burst
over the recent liberalities of Eng-
land to France. Could we indivi-
dually ever look our neighbour in
the face again after thus boasting of
our alms to him? if that neigh-
bour were our washerwoman instead
of our equal, we know very well
that we dare not do it, except at the
risk of universal scorn. But we do
it nationally, without a doubt or
hesitation. This is such a proof of
the surging upwards of all that is
ignoble and petty in the public as
opposed to the private mind, that
its importance as a symptom is very
grave indeed. And accordingly, of
all things in the world that the
British public want, we believe there
is nothing half so important as
sound and unexaggerated public
criticism. And here is what we get
for it. Mr Matthew Arnold astride
460
New BooJcs.
[April
upon his British Philistine, whip-
ping and spurring over hedges and
ditches — alas ! as Philistinish, as in-
tent upon his own beautiful quali-
ties, as deliciously unconscious of
his weakness, as is his steed.
To those, however, who take a
cynical pleasure in seeing a man
make himself ridiculous, there will
be good sport in this little volume.
iN^ver was there more loving banter,
more affectionate abuse, more tender
snubbing, than is apportioned to Mr
Matthew Arnold in every page of
' Friendship's Garland.' The editor
of that vohime cannot think enough
or say enough of him. With a
hundred pretty tricks of love, such
as an English Sevigne might employ
in order to bring in the beloved re-
collection of her idol, this little book
returns, and again returns, to the
one adored name. He is pelted
with delicious gibes, such as a bride-
groom employs when he jeers fond-
ly at his bride ; in short, we are
obliged to exhaust the fondest and
dearest relationships in order to ex-
press, and that imperfectly, the
tender devotion of this book to its
author, and its sense of the supreme
insight, cleverness, wit, genius, and
universal superiority which are em-
bodied in that name of Matthew
Arnold, and breathe forth in it the
very music of the spheres.
We have met with nothing in
literature for a long time more fresh,
more quaint and strange, than the
pretty book entitled ' Tales of Old
Japan.' * The grotesque and won-
derful figures which animate its very
boards, are but an indication of the
wonders within. Stories of an old,
old world, unmoved by the changes
of Western thought, pursuing the
same formulas and the same feelings
for centuries, with really little more
than the ineradicable resemblances
of human nature to mark its in-
habitants as of the same flesh
and blood as ourselves, these tales
have something above novelty to
recommend them. Their newness
is more than novel — it is unex-
pected ; it reveals to us not the
merely elementary life of an early
age, in which we can trace the germs
of our own, but a life moved by dif-
ferent sentiments, different laws,
unlike at once in semblance and in
substance. The more important
tales are chiefly devoted to the de-
scription and eulogy of certain chi-
valric virtues, carried out, with a
kind of visionary logic, to such
lengths of self-devotion as no clans-
man ever dreamt of. The Highland
veteran who devoted all his sons,
one by one — "another for Hector"
— to the safety of his chief, becomes
a dull, mediocre, respectable servitor,
in presence of the forty-seven Ron-
ins, who calmly and cunningly give
themselves up to the work of aveng-
ing their dead master, on the high
religious principle that it is impos-
sible to dwell under the same sky
with one who has injured your par-
ent or your lord. With them there
is no personal feeling in the matter,
no hatred nor fiery revenge, but
only a sense of duty; duty, let us
add, which is fully recognised by the
whole community, and which does
not call forth a single word of moral-
ity from any observer as to the wick-
edness of revenge. They go about
it in the most calculating manner,
the chief of the conspirators giving
himself up to an abandoned life, in
order to lull the fears of the mur-
derer, and put him off his guard.
We commend to the reader's atten-
tion the vigorous sketch designed
by a Japanese artist, and drawn on
the wood by a Japanese draughts-
man, which immortalises the insult
* Tales of Old Japan. By A. B. Mitford, second Secretary to the British Lega-
tion in Japan. Macinillan & Co., London.
1871.]
MitfonTs ' Tales of Old Japan.'
461
done to this devoted vassal, as he
lies drunk on the roadside, by a
passer-by who is unaware of the
glorious meaning of his debauchery.
The forty-seven lay their plans with
a care and elaboration worthy of a
German corps d'armee, and success
rewards their efforts. And when
they have accomplished their re-
venge, it never seems to occur to
them to disperse and escape, or at-
tempt to escape. On the contrary,
they give themselves up as a matter
of course — and as a matter of course
are lauded, blessed, honoured, and ex-
ecuted, by an admiring country ; ex-
ecuted that is, as far as a well-born
Japanese gentleman, entitled to the
rite of hara-kiri, can be executed —
he himself being privileged to give
the death-blow. The wonderful
thing in the story, however, is the
complete acquiescence of all, at once
in the justice and splendour of the
vengeance, and in the absolute in-
evitableness of the counter-venge-
ance— the award of the law which
slays the slayer. No one steps in to
avert the arm of justice, the great
lords and princes never attempt to
interfere, and not even a weak-
minded priest or woman raises a
cry for mercy. It is all rigid as the
Eastern blaze of light and heat upon
the landscape, immovable as the
laws of a race older than Medes and
Persians. They have committed no
crime — every Japanese honours and
reverences them for what they have
done — they are heroes while they
live, and saints when they are dead —
yet it never enters into any one's
mind to ask why they should die,
or to dream of the possibility of sav-
ing them. This fact separates this
record from those medieval ro-
mances which might parallel the
retainers' self-devotion, but would
inevitably raise up some feudal
castle for them to take refuge in,
and some great baron or valiant
prince to defend and reward them.
Had the forty-seven been men-at-
arms in the pages of Froissart, or in
the Morte D' Arthur, all Christen-
dom would have been moved to in-
terfere ; and if the tyrant law had
succeeded in fulfilling its fell sen-
tence, judgment and vengeance
would have followed from earth and
heaven. The Japanese attains a
higher height of chivalrous self-de-
votion ; all through their records the
same thing is visible. Sogord, the
brave peasant who takes it upon
him to remonstrate with his lord
against the exactions by which a
hundred and thirty-six villages are
being rendered desperate, counts
the cost beforehand, and makes up
his mind that it must cost him his
life, but never hesitates on that ac-
count. When he is condemned,
and all his family with him, the
peasants for whom he has sacrificed
himself petition their lord that the
family may be spared, but " with
fear and trembling recognise the
justice of his sentence," and no one
thinks it wonderful that he is ready
to die for his people. Again, when
a necessity arises for getting quit of
a certain great lord, his superior
sends for his physician, and asks if
he is willing to serve his country at
the cost of his own life 1 The phy-
sician does not hesitate for a mo-
ment. "What he has to do is to
administer a poisonous draught to
his patient, the Japanese custom re-
quiring him to drink the half of
everything he administers. He does
it without another word, and no-
body is surprised ; it is too evi-
dent a duty to merit notice. It
would be curious to know how this
extraordinary height of self-renuncia-
tion is attained ; whether the religion
of Buddhism, with all its strange
resemblances to Christianity, has
inspired it, or how a law. of self-
sacrifice, so complete and so desti-
tute of self-consciousness, should have
come into being. There are a great
462
many curious tilings in the took,
"but nothing so wonderful as this.
The calm of the spectators is im-
movable, but it never springs from
want of sympathy with the sufferer.
It would seem, on the contrary, to
bear witness to a general greatness
of feeling in this one point, and a
sense of the pre-eminent excellence
of self-sacrifice, such as no people
we have ever heard of attained to
before.
But yet they are not, we suppose,
a very moral people, and certainly
not the least addicted to sentiment.
Nothing can be more charming,
however, than some of the stories
about animals, which appear to have
a much higher place in the Japanese
imagination than in ours, even Rey-
nard proving capable of self-renun-
ciation (again the pervading senti-
ment of every elevated character),
as in the story of the Grateful
Foxes. The regulations for the
ceremony of hara-kiri, given in full
detail in the appendix from a for-
mal Japanese document, read like
the minute regulations of Garter
King-at-arms for some imposing
court ceremony, and have a won-
derful stately air in their minute
directions which is strangely impos-
ing, and suggests some magnanimous
community of knights and warriors
solemnly and harmoniously carrying
out an exalted code, rather than the
half-savage though wholly-civilised
nation which has for hundreds of
years been shut out from all com-
munication with its kind. Never
was a more curious light thrown into
the very midst of a new commun-
ity. The illustrations are in most
cases full of quaint vigour and (in-
tentional or unintentional) humour.
Some of them are irresistibly funny.
The only drawback of the book is,
that while, outside and in, it is
such a book as children will natur-
ally be permitted to read with-
out thought of any danger or diffi-
culty, there are explanatory chapters
Neic Books. [April
here and there such as are not to
edification, and surely might with-
out much disadvantage be modified
or left out.
It is, perhaps, a very old-fash-
ioned notion on our part to think
that a certain amount of good taste
is necessary in the choice of sub-
jects for novels. The novels of the
day have gone beyond such rules.
We have no wish to be intolerant or
Puritanical. We acknowledge the
claims of murder either as a fine art,
or as an instrument of the fine arts,
as our authors please. We are
ready to admit the necessity of one
killing at least in every three vol-
umes. But there are limits. And
we submit with all deference to the
taste of the public, that the Road
murder, most cold-blooded of recent
crimes, and the once famous case of
Madeline Smith, are not fit sub-
jects to be enshrined in fiction. The
last of these is the model for ' Es-
ther Hill's Secret,' a book which
sets forth how a certain pale beau-
tiful woman appears in an English
village, is taken notice of at the
Hall, refuses to accept that notice,
then yields, then is fallen in love
with by the squire, and finally flies
from him, leaving a confession behind
her of the ghastly reason she has
for keeping out of the way of Chris-
tian folks — to wit, that she has
been tried for the murder of her
husband, and dismissed by a Scotch
jury with the awful verdict of Not
Proven overshadowing her for ever.
The squire is so dauntless that he
follows, finds, and marries her all
the same. Now this, we submit, is
a horror beyond the legitimate range
of fiction. We recollect at the time
of Madeline Smith's trial the curious
rumours that were afloat as to the
love-letters (love! — the word is re-
volting in such a connection) that
were poured upon her in her prison,
and the proposals of marriage made
to her by fools — as if the likelihood
that she had killed one man gave
1871.]
Mr Trollops' s ' Siren.'
463
her a charm in the imagination of
others. Anything more debasing
and abominable could scarcely be
conceived. In real life, such ter-
rible interruptions of the blessed
monotony of good behaviour, which,
thank heaven, is, after all, the com-
mon rule, must be stipported as
best we can, and forgotten as soon
as possible. But what shall we
say for the taste of the writer who
selects this frightful story, and the
critics who applaud, and the readers
who like it? ' Six Months Hence'
is worse, because it is rather better
than 'Esther Hill's Secret.' The
subject is not quite so revolting,
since the murderess of the child is
not its sister, as in the actual story;
but there never was madness so ab-
surd, or insane motive so far-fetched,
as those which are invented to ac-
count for the crime ; and the whole
tale is wildly unreal and unlifelike
from beginning to end. We protest
in the name of art against this vul-
garest and most ignoble way of
finding the necessary machinery to
hang a story upon. If it is so dif-
ficult to make a plot, in heaven's
name let us rather do without one ;
but there are abundance of plots in
the world, one or two at least in
every man's or woman's life, if our
young writers will but take the
trouble to find them out. The law
courts perhaps have been nearly
worked out for subjects of late,
notwithstanding the wealth secured
to them by the fantastic vagaries of
will-making; but, at all events, these
are preferable to the criminal side,
and especially to the murder cases,
of which we have enough in the
newspapers. Let us allow that, as
strong effects are required in all
kinds of dramatic writing, we must
have a supply of murders ; but, at
least, they might be original. Studies
might be made, as painters make
studies, which are not portraits of
their model — the incidents of two
or three might at least be mixed
together, as a great novelist of the
day mixes up his dukes. Thus we
would be saved from the horrors of
absolute reproduction, a practice for
which we cannot find words strong
enough to express our reprobation.
Mr Adolphus Trollope gives us a
murder, too, in the ' Siren ' — a mur-
der of a very melodramatic and un-
likely kind — which does not, how-
ever, lessen the probability that it
is a simple matter of fact. Our
own impression, indeed, is, that
the things which look most unreal
in a novel are generally those which
are copied exactly from actual life —
a truth which warrants the rejection
of " real life " by most good writers
as material for fiction. This book
has some curious artistic defects —
the most notable of which is its
extremely clumsy construction : the
leading event in the tale is produced
at once, and the reader is then tan-
talised and provoked by being led
backward for nearly two volumes,
and made to trace the story in detail
up to the point at which he was per-
mitted to begin — a quite unnecessary
waste of his interest and the writer's
powers. But this, and various other
faults, are made up for by the perfect
truth and reality of the Italian life
which is here placed before us. We
open the book, and by our English
fireside, where we sit starving or
roasting, as the case may be, lo ! we
are in Italy — not the Italy of con-
ventional description, nor of his-
torical splendour, but such as it
is at the present moment. The
story opens with a narrative of the
excitement which moved a whole
town to its depths by the great
question whether or not a certain
wonderful singer could be induced
to honour the piace by singing there
in the Carnival — a terrible perad-
venture, such as set all hearts on
flame. The town itself, so strangely
unlike anything known to England,
the little civic world in which every
rank is represented, with its circolo dei
464
nobili, its old aristocracy, its artists,
its professors, stands out before us,
not under any eternal brightness of
sunshine, but under skies that rain,
and winds that blow strongly enough,
though they are Italian breezes.
The hapless, scheming, clever, and
beautiful prima donna, who is not
without her virtues — the noble dilet-
tante Marchese, whose serene un-
tempted life has never made him
aware of the depths of passion in
him — the young noble, living an
aimless life of idle occupation — the
painter-girl Paolina, — are all as true
to their country as it is possible to
imagine. The same thing may be
said of a very different work, ' The
Florentines,' by the Comtesse de
Montemerli, an amiable book, in
which everybody is made happy, and
the wicked people are turned into
good, or at least partially good, with a
pleasant compassion and reluctance
to leave any harm unrighted or any
truth unsustained, which is natural
to a gentle and inexperienced writer
of fiction. One is so sorry to do
any harm to the people whom one
has brought into being : a kind of
moral responsibility is felt on their
account, and to suffer them to go on
in their profanity seems an almost
crime. In this way 'The Florentines'
is perhaps a little tame, perhaps a
little too much disposed to set
wrong things right ; but it is so
sweetly, so truthfully Italian, so
full of that simple, primitive, old-
world life which the stranger some-
times finds out all at once with much
of the same feeling as if he had
found out an undiscovered country
— -that its weaknesses are forgotten.
The book surprises us in the same
way that the discovery surprises us.
Is it possible that behind-backs, in
those great old palaces which look
so princely, people can be living lives
so pinched and chilly, so generous
and simple, so dutiful to the last
formality of devotion? And it is
New Books. [April
quite true. The Marchesina Elena
is over thirty; but she is bewildered,
almost overpowered, by the liberty
accorded to her by her mother of
corresponding with her long -be-
trothed lover without any surveil-
lance of his letters or her oAvn. So
great a concession is almost too
much for her ; and yet Elena is the
stay of the house, the counsellor-sister
upon whose help and advice every
one relies, even gay Beppo the sol-
dier, who is a young man of advanced
opinions ; though, for that matter,
they are all of advanced opinion, and
inlhe van of the new world, although
old duty tender and filial holds pos-
session of them thus out of date. It
is a very prepossessing, very attrac-
tive picture, though it is chilly in
those marble rooms where there is
no fire, and the scaldino is one's only
comfort. The servants take their
part in all the discussions as they
serve the frugal table ; and clever
Giovacchino puts in his lines, in the
pretty national poetic play of impro-
vising, as he serves the young people
their coffee. " It is your turn, Gio-
vacchino," his young mistress says
to him ; and Giovacchino's lines are
sometimes the best. This is such a
state of society as one has dreamt of,
and which has been over and over
again stigmatised as Utopian ; and
yet it exists, and is as real as are
our English homes with good com-
fortable fires and plentiful means,
where the girls and the boys are
extremely independent about their
letters, and the servants know their
own place, and better themselves
when occasion serves. The differ-
ence is pleasant to think of, though
we might find it very difficult to
content ourselves with the ways of
the Borgo Santi Apostoli. We re-
commend these two novels to every-
body who knows or loves Italy, and
to all who can relish an independent
sketch of national life.
1871.] The Condition of the Scotch Agricultural Labourer.
465
THE CONDITION OF THE SCOTCH AGRICULTURAL LABOURER.
THE Royal Commission, the title
of which we give below,* and which
was appointed in 1867, has very re-
cently made its final Report on the
important subjects submitted to it
for investigation. The Commission,t
from having been in terms almost
exclusively an educational inquiry,
became, by the force of circum-
stances, one into the whole social
and economical state of the agri-
cultural class ; and the Commission-
ers found themselves, in order effec-
tually to carry out the wishes of the
Government, to investigate deeply
the condition of the agricultural la-
bourer in every county of England,
Wales, and Scotland, more especially
in reference to his capability to de-
fray out of his wages the cost of the
education of his children. The
amount of his annual earnings,
their mode of payment, his mode
of living, the state of cottage ac-
commodation, the encouragements
or impediments to marriage which
certain conditions of agricultural life
imply, and the disposition to save
or to spend money, have all been
the subjects of careful investiga-
tion. Confining ourselves to the last
Report of the Commissioners, which
relates exclusively to Scotland, we
propose to present a short summary
of its facts and conclusions.
We can scarcely fail to profit by
the results which five intelligent
gentlemen, selected for their com-
petence to prosecute such an in-
quiry, have arrived at, after a pa-
tient investigation of the facts of
our agricultural life ; and it is,
we think, an advantage that the
Commission shoidd have consisted
of English gentlemen who would
naturally view any peculiarities in
Scotch customs without prejudice
or partiality.
The course of proceeding of the
Assistant-Commissioners was to se-
lect, under the best local advice,
certain districts in each county as
typical of the whole, to make their
inquiries as minute as possible in
those districts, and to invite opinions
and information, by circulars of in-
quiry with which they were fur-
nished, and by other means, from
the portions of each county ex-
terior to those districts. Questions
relating to the ages of children,
hours of labour, meal-times, employ-
ment of females, &c. , were submitted
for consideration ; but attention
was specially directed to the edu-
cation of the young employed in
field-labour, and to the effect of that
labour in limiting its amount or
abridging its duration.
The contrasts afforded by the
Scotch parochial system of educa-
tion, which has been established by
law for so many generations, and
its results, as compared with what
had come under the notice of the
Assistant - Commissioners in Eng-
* Fourth Report of the Royal Commission on the Employment of Children, Young
Persons, and Women in Agriculture (Scotland), 1871.
+ The Commission was thus constituted : Hugh Seymour Tremenheere, Esq. ;
Edward Carleton Tufnell, Esq., — Commissioners. The Assistant-Commissioners in
the Scotcli inquiry were as follows: F. H. Norman, Esq., for the counties of Forfar,
Kincardine, Aberdeen, Banff, Moray, and Nairn; G. Culley, Esq., for the counties
of Perth, Stirling, Clackmannan, Kinross, Fife, Linlithgow, Edinburgh, Hadding-
ton, Peebles, Berwick, Selkirk, and Roxburgh ; J. H. Tremenheere, Esq., for the
counties of Dumfries, Kirkcudbright, Wigtown, and Ayr; R. F. Boyle, Esq., for the
counties of Lanark, Renfrew, and Argyll ; and C. W. Campion, Esq., for the coun-
ties of Inverness, Ross, Sutherland, and Caithness.
466
The Condition of the Scotch Agricultural Labourer. [April
land and Wales, were also made
objects of attention.
On the important subject of com-
pulsory education, while cordially
acknowledging that there exists
among the labouring classes in the
rural districts of Scotland a remark-
ably high tone of feeling on the
subject of education, and a very
real appreciation among the parents
of the benefits of education, the
Assistant -Commissioners state that
there exists a large minority even
among the native Scotch children
in the rural districts who are grow-
ing up with very imperfect educa-
tion, and a large proportion of the
children of the fast-increasing Irish
population who receive no education
at all.
Mr Sellar and Lieutenant-Colonel
Maxwell, the able Assistant-Com-
missioners in the Scotch inquiry into
the state of elementary education
in the rural districts, were, in the
course of their inquiries, led to con-
sider whether, in the admitted im-
perfect state of elementary education
in Scotland, it would be desirable
and practicable to apply the prin-
ciple of compulsion. They were of
opinion that, in the then uncertain
state of education, it would be haz-
ardous to express any decided views
on the subject, and they added that
difficulties lay in the public feeling
against all restrictive measures ; and
the conclusion they came to was,
that if compulsory education is ul-
timately to be established, the pro-
cess must be gradual, and public
opinion must be first prepared to
acknowledge the necessity of it.
That there were grounds for the
difficulty that weighed upon the
minds of Mr Sellar and Lieutenant-
Colonel Maxwell is proved by the
evidence collected by the Assistant-
Commissioners in this inquiry. "For
in some parishes and districts, where
the education of the children of the
rural labouring class has been well
attended to, a feeling undoubtedly
prevails against legislative interfer-
ence ; nevertheless, the greatly pre-
ponderating weight of testimony
shows that public opinion has consid-
erably matured upon the subject, and
that it is now prepared for some meas-
ure of compulsion, in harmony with
the habits of the rural population and
with the exigencies of agriculture.
On no subject is the difference
between the Scotch and English
more clearly marked than on the
subject of education. In the rural
districts of England the farmers are
too often opposed to education ; the
labourers, and sometimes the land-
owners themselves, are indifferent
about it ; and it happens not unfre-
quently that the clergyman is the
only person in the parish who takes
any interest in the matter. In
Scotland the feelings of the people
are totally different. All classes,
farmers and servants, ministers and
laymen, are unanimous in their
opinion of the importance of edu-
cation, and are willing to co-operate
for the purpose of securing it. The
parochial schools are abundant, al-
though the changes in the popu-
lation may require some redistri-
bution— the masters are generally
efficient, and the subjects of in-
struction are adapted to the wants
of all classes ; nevertheless, although
the school-life is longer, the attend-
ance is proved to be more irregular
in Scotland than in England.
It is satisfactory to find that the
practice of employing children in
agricultural labour before the age of
twelve does not exist in Scotland.
The only exceptions are the occasion-
al employment, and for short periods,
of children from eight to twelve
years of age, in herding, carrot-weed-
ing, and turnip-thinning. Theschool-
returns generally confirm the impres-
sion that farm-labour is a very slight
hindrance to education in Scotland
up to thirteen years of age. The pro-
1871.] The Condition of the Scotch Agricultural Labourer.
portion of boys employed in farm-
labour in England is one to about
seven adult males ; in Scotland it is
one to about twenty-two adult males.
This proportion is in winter further
reduced till we find only one boy
employed to every fifty-four adult
males. It follows that farm-labour
need not prevent a large propor-
tion of the children from attend-
ing school for the greater part of
the year, and that there are com-
paratively few who cannot attend
during the winter months. The
problem of education for the rural
population in Scotland is therefore
reduced to one of comparatively
narrow limits, and it is rather to the
neglect and indifference of parents
than to the prevalence of juvenile
labour that the pressure of legisla-
tion requires to be applied. The
Commissioners, while declining to
suggest any definite plan for bring-
ing all the children in the rural dis-
tricts to the parochial or other schools,
and for enforcing regularity of at-
tendance, offer as the conclusion of
their Assistant -Commissioners, the
following suggestions : —
1st, A compulsory school attend-
ance of eight months in the year for
children between eight and ten years
of age, and of four months for those
between ten and thirteen.
2d, To release any child twelve
years of age from any further obli-
gation of school attendance who
could pass the fifth standard of the
Eevised Code, and to let any child
of nine who could pass in the fourth
standard rank as a child ten years
old.
These propositions probably re-
quire some modifications to be ap-
plicable to the Highlands, where
the severe winters would render
it very difficult to obtain the attend-
ances required. It is almost need-
less to add that the provisions of the
Factory Act, as regards half-time,
alternate days of labour and work,
467
and other regulations suitable to
indoor employment, and with large
numbers of children always at hand
for relays, have been found wholly
inapplicable to agricultural industry.
In recording their final judgment on
the subject, the Commissioners thus
express themselves : —
" We have thus brought into one view
the opinions recorded in the Reports of
the Commissioners on Education in Scot-
land (1866) on the subject of irregularity
of school attendance, and the neglect of
elementary education, so far as it prevails
among the rural classes in Scotland, to-
gether with the facts and opinions of our
Assistant-Commissioners on those subjects,
and their opinions regarding the necessity
and advisableness, or otherwise, of apply-
ing the principle of compulsion in Scot-
land ; and we have given an abstract of
so much of the recent Act for providing
for elementary education in England as
refers to the subject of compulsory attend-
ance at school. We have therefore fully
presented the materials for forming a
judgment on those questions. These ma-
terials will be earnestly examined through-
out the whole of Scotland by a vast body
of persons of the highest intelligence, to
whom the whole question of elementary
education has been long familiar, and
who approach the consideration of what
further measures may be required, with a
just sense of patriotic pride in the benefits
which their parochial system of education
has for so many generations conferred
upon their country, and with an enlight-
ened determination to give it every exten-
sion that it may be capable of, until sound
elementary education has pervaded their
whole people. To the facts and opinions,
therefore, of our Assistant-Commissioners,
gathered and formed upon the spot, in
the course of a very extensive and careful
inquiry, we do not think it necessary or
desirable that we should add any detail-
ed conclusions of our own. The details
which we have submitted for considera-
tion will be best judged of in the respec-
tive districts to which they refer."
It appears that if children are
taken from school for labour in the
fields in the summer months, be-
fore they have been able to pass
the third standard, the winter at-
tendance, however regular, is in-
sufficient to make up the loss which
the child has sustained by prolonged
463
The Condition of the Scotch Agricultural Labourer. [April
absence from school during the sum-
mer ; and that such children gene-
rally leave the parochial school very
imperfectly educated — the greater
number being unable either to read
intelligently or to write correctly.
In the Lowlands, few children stay
at school later than twelve or thir-
teen years of age ; in the Highlands,
very few attend school after ten
years of age, those who do so com-
ing almost all of them only for the
winter months.
Intimately connected with the
educational question, which is now
about to receive a legislative solu-
tion, is the general condition of the
agricultural labourer, which has na-
turally formed a prominent subject
of inquiry ; and probably in no
former Parliamentary paper has so
large an amount of information been
collected bearing upon the material
condition of the humble tillers of
the soil. Into the details of the
subject as respects England and
Wales it is not in our power to
enter, and we must confine our-
selves to the facts bearing upon the
condition of the Scotch labourer as
disclosed in the Reports of the As-
sistant-C ommissioners.
Wages. — It is established by the
fullest evidence that a large increase,
amounting in some districts to as
much as 100 per cent, has taken
place in the wages of the agricul-
tural labourer within the last thirty
years. Mr Culley, the Assistant-
Commissioner for the South-Eastern
District of Scotland, states that wages
have been steadily rising for the
last twenty-five years, and that in
that time they have increased nearly
one-third. In Dumfriesshire the
rise has been still greater. In Ayr-
shire, owing chiefly to the competi-
tion of iron-mines, collieries, and
smelting - works with agriculture,
wages are probably higher than in
any other Scotch county, with the
exception of Renfrewshire — the gen-
eral rate being from 12s. to 15s.
a-Aveek, in some places rising to 18s.
In any statement of an agricul-
tural labourer's earnings it is neces-
sary to bear in mind the difference
in Scotland between farm-servants
and day - labourers — the former
being paid by the year or half-
year, and receiving their board and
lodging as part of their wages ; the
latter by the day or week, and
wholly in money. As the result of
elaborate calculation and compari-
sons, the Assistant - Commissioner
for the South-Eastern Counties
comes to the conclusion that the
married ploughman throughout his
extensive district (hired by year or
half-year) receives a wage in money
and in kind equal to about 15s.
a- week ; and the unmarried plough-
man (similarly hired and paid) a
wage equal to 14s. a- week. Ordi-
nary labourers, hired by the day or
week, receive Is. less.
The result, in the case of the
Scotch labourer, in regard to his
means for educating his children,
and for commencing married life in
comfort by the aid of previous sav-
ings, and continuing it in a condi-
tion of ease and family union by
means of the family purse, is thus
described : —
" You have, then, about 15s. a- week as
the available means of a Scotch hind to
educate his childen up to the time when
the elder children begin to work. He
may or may not have some assistance
from the earnings of his wife ; but in this
respect his position differs very little
from the English ploughman.
" There is, however, one very important
difference. The English couple usually
begin with no provision to set up a house,
and therefore begin the battle of life in
debt. A Scotch couple (save where the
marriage is hastened by a ' misfortune '
on the part of the woman) seldom marry
without a providing of something like
£40 equally divided between the man
and woman.
" As soon as the elder children have
received what the hind considers a suffi-
cient education, the position of the family
is one of comparative ease. Under the
1871.] The Condition of the Scotch Agricultural Labourer.
469
family system of the Lothians and Border
district, with its accompanying family
purse, incomes of from £75 to £100 a-
year coming into a hind's cottage are by
no means uncommon." — (S. 61.)
Mr Norman, the Assistant-Com-
missioner, whose district included
the counties of Forfar, Kincardine,
Aberdeen, Banff, Moray, and Nairn,
remarks that in his district un-
married servants can easily save
£10 every year, without denying
themselves any reasonable gratifica-
tion. Of the savings by agricul-
tural labourers many striking ex-
amples are brought together. We
insert below, a table showing the
difference of agricultural wages in
Dumfriesshire in the years 1840
and 1870; and another, the gene-
ral rate of wages in the south-east
of Scotland. And we apprehend
that, with the exception of the
Highlands, the rise and present rate
of wages in the other counties would
be found to approximate very nearly
to these returns.*
Is the agricultural labourer in
Scotland really in a better social
position for this great addition,
within a comparatively short period,
to his means of subsistence 1 Con-
sidering impartially the evidence
which these reports supply, the
answer cannot, we fear, be alto-
gether satisfactory, as is shown by
the following extract from the Re-
port on the South-Eastern Counties :
" The farmers constantly com-
plained of the unsettled condition
of their servants, who, they say, are
always desirous of 'flitting,' and
they seem to evince no attachment
either to master or place. In this
respect they differ greatly from Eng-
lish labourers." " It was consid-
ered," says an old woman of the
county of Haddington, "an awfu'
thing for a family to flit in my day,
and now they're always flitting."
In the matter of saving, although,
as we have before observed, some
agricultural labourers do save, the
practice is exceptional. " I can only
guess," says the experienced agent
for the Aberdeen Town and County
Bank at Alford, " what proportion
of farm-servants save, but I don't
think that more than one in fifty
does ; many are very extravagant,
* Ploughman's half-yearly wage, with food,
Man's wage during harvest, with food,
Labourer's wage per day-work, without food,
Woman's half-yearly wage, with f9od,
Woman's wage during harvest, with fpod,
Woman's wage per day, without food,
1840.
£5, 10s. to £6.
£2, 2s.
Is. 9d.
£2, 10s.
£1, 10s.
9d.
1870.
£10 to £11.
£4, 4s.
2s. 6d. to 3s.
£6.
£2, 5s.
Is. 3d.
Mr M'Claren, factor to Lord Kinnaird, gives the following table of the earnings of
different classes of farm-labourers : —
Ist-Class
Foreman.
2d-Class
Foreman.
Ist-Class
Married
Ploughman.
2d-Class
Married
Ploughman.
Ist-Class
Unmarried
Ploughman.
2d-Class
Unmarried
Ploughman.
£ s. d.
£ s. d.
£ s. d.
£ s. d.
£ s. d.
£ a. d.
Money, .
30 0 0
25 0 0
23 0 0
19 0 0
24 0 0
19 0 0
Meal, .
6 10 0
6 10 0
6 10 0
6 10 0
6 10 0
6 10 0
Milk, .
540
540
640
540
540
540
House and garden,
300
300
2 10 0
2 10 0
Bothy lodging.
,__
2 12 0
2 12 0
Potatoes,
100
100
100
100
Firing and lights,
___
100
100
Haulage of fuel, .
0 10 0
0 10 0
0 10 0
0 10 0
—
Food in harvest, <kc.
100
100
100
100
100
100
Pig manure, .
0 10 0
0 10 0
0 10 0
0 10 0
Totals, .
47 14 0
42 14 0
40 4 0
33 4 0
40 6 0
35 6 0
470
TJie Condition of the Scotch Agricultural Labourer. [April
and anticipate their wages. I don't
think that any of them save any-
thing unless they begin young. I
don't recollect any of them saving
who began to save later than eight-
een or twenty. They never begin
to save after marriage."
Whatever may be the actual pro-
portion of the persons of this class
who save, there can be no doubt
that the desire to save has been
diminishing since 1844, when the
new poor-law was introduced. Up
to that year it was a matter of pride
for a man to support himself and
his family in sickness and old age.
It was considered disgraceful to de-
pend upon alms for support. This
feeling of independence has, accord-
ing to general testimony, been most
seriously impaired, and men no
longer hesitate to have recourse to
those funds upon which the law
gives them a claim for support.
From Dumfriesshire we have the
following report of the social state
of the agricultural labouring class :
"Notwithstanding these proofs of gen-
eral education, I am compelled to state
that I heard numerous complaints that a
sensible deterioration of character has
taken place among the agricultural la-
Louring population, and that it has been
in progress for the last twenty-five years.
This falling-off is attributed to the fact of
farm-servants frequently changing their
places, and the substitution of a mere
commercial relationship between employer
and employed for the kindly and paternal
intercourse which formerly existed be-
tween a farmer and his labourers ; the
consequence being, as I was told by an
eminent member of the Dumfries Presby-
tery, that there is now scarcely an ex-
ample to be found of what was not un-
frequent in former days — viz., a farmer
gathering his ploughmen together on the
Sabbath evening for exercises of religious
devotion.
" To these causes I must add the dis-
continuance of the old practice in farm-
houses of fanners and their labourers
taking their meals in common. In the
smaller class of holdings the custom still
prevails ; but in the larger, no doubt with
some exceptions, an employer sees little
of his work-people except when engaged
in their occupations, and is indifferent to
the mode in which they pass their time
after they have been released from the
labours of the day. "
Nor is the report on Ayrshire
more favourable.
"Nor, I regret to state, is the moral
condition of the Ayrshire farm-servants
and cottars what it once was. It was
impressed upon me, not only by fanners
but by persons who could not be suspected
of having any interests opposed to those
of the labouring classes, that a sensible
deterioration has taken place within the
last fifty years in the character of the
peasantry.
"The influence which the large num-
ber of Irish immigrants who have settled
in Ayrshire, Wigtownshire, and Kirkcud-
brightshire has had \ipon the native
Scotch population is not favourable. In-
stead of the Irish having been elevated in
the social scale by communication with
the Scotch, the Scotch have lost some-
thing of their moral and intellectual
characteristics by intermixture with the
Irish. This is especially observable in
the matter of education ; for wherever a
large Irish population has settled, that
indifference to the education of their chil-
dren for which the Irish are everywhere
noticeable, has in too many instances ex-
tended to the Scotch.
"The mode of living, too, has changed
even within the last twenty years. For-
merly the cottar was content with oatmeal-
porridge and potatoes and milk as his daily
food. Now tea and wheaten bread form
the principal part of his diet, and add
considerably to his annual expenditure ;
and although wages have risen within the
last thirty years 100 per cent, it may be
doubted whether the labourer is practi-
cally in a better position than he was
when wages were low. I have the autho-
rity of many trustworthy farmers for
stating that half the money wages of cot-
tars is now spent in superfluities, and that
if they could be content with the simple
and nutritious diet of former days, they
might educate their children with ease,
save a considerable part of their wages,
and would be stronger and more vigorous
men. Tea and tobacco run away with a
great deal of a labourer's money ; and, as
a rule, it must be said that the cottar now
generally lives fully up to his wages, and
looks to the poor-rate as a final resource."
A fact which meets us every-
where in these reports is the great
increase of late in the employment.
1871.] The Condition of the Scotch Agricultural Labourer,
471
of Irish labourers in agriculture
in Scotland, and its deteriorating
influence upon the native popu-
lation. "Farmers," says Mr Cul-
ley, " seem every day to become
more dependent on Irish labour.
Irish men and lads are employed in
time of sowing and thinning turnips,
and at the same time that turnip-cul-
ture is spreading up the steep hillsides
even the Irish supply is failing. The
Scotch labouring population avail-
able for agriculture is diminishing
in an alarming proportion; and un-
less something is done to increase
that population, and retain it in the
interests of agriculture, we must ex-
pect to see all field-work in Scotland
given up to Irish immigrants." Up-
on the remedies for this state of
things we shall have occasion here-
after to remark.
The three plans generally adopted
in Scotland for lodging agricultural
labourers are, — the kitchen system,
where the men and women servants
take their meals together, and sleep
either under the same roof, or the
women in the house and the men in
outhouses or stable-lofts; the bothy
system, in which the labourers are
lodged in a separate house or cot-
tage with a certain allowance of
food — generally oatmeal and milk
and potatoes — which they cook
themselves; and the cottage system,
in which married men and their
families reside on the farms, receiv-
ing about a third of their wages in
kind and the remainder in money.
The village system, in which labour-
ers are hired by the day or by the
week as wanted, only exists where
hamlets or villages are found in the
vicinity of farms — a rare occurrence
in Scotland.
The kitchen system still exists in
most of the counties, but is in more
extensive use in some than in others ;
it is, however, said to be gradually
falling into disuse, the farmers not
liking to be troubled with feeding and
VOL. CIX. — NO. DCLXVl.
lodging labourers in their own house,
and naturally preferring to have their
work-people either in cottages, where
they provide for themselves, or in
bothies, where they give no trouble
and receive little supervision. Much
discussion has arisen between the
advocates of these two systems. It
may be said, in general, that those
who live in the districts where
bothies prevail condemn the kitchen
plan, and vice versa. The advan-
tages of the kitchen plan are, that
the men get a greater variety of
food, that it is better prepared and
more wholesome, and that they
pass their evenings in the farmer's
house, and often under their master's
eye, and that they are therefore
under a better supervision than the
bothy-men, who live out of the house
in a place which the master very
seldom enters. The kitchen system,
moreover, affords better opportuni-
ties for study and self-improvement
than the bothy. On the other hand
it is said that the men are far more
independent than they used to be,
are more particular about their food,
and that it is difficult to give them
satisfaction, and it affords them op-
portunities for associating with the
female servants which lead to im-
morality.
The kitchen plan, as originally
instituted, was well adapted to small
farms, where the farmer was little
raised above his servant in the social
scale ; but he has since become much
more refined, and will not expose
himself to the annoyance caused by
a dirty troop of field -labourers tramp-
ing into his kitchen three times a-
day, and with their loose jokes and
manners depraving the minds of his
female servants.
James Hogg, the Ettrick Shep-
herd, noticed and lamented the
change which even in his day had
taken place in the character of the
kitchen system from what it had
once been, in an admirable paper
2K
472
The Condition of the Scotch Agricultural Labourer. [April
which he contributed to the ' Scottish
Quarterly Journal of Agriculture' so
long ago as 1832, pointing out in
his graphic style the great change
that had taken place in regard to
the intercourse between master and
servant. Formerly, he said, every
master sat at the head of his own
table, and shared the meal with his
servants ; he asked a blessing and
returned thanks. There was no
badinage or idle language in the
farmer's hall in those days, but all
was decency and order. Every
night the master performed family
worship, at which every member of
the family was bound to be present,
and the oldest male servant in his
absence took that duty upon him,
and every family formed a little
community of its own. Formerly
a master and his servants rarely
parted ; now there was a constant
circulation from one family to another
throughout the whole country. At
one period one fanner held only one
farm, and his family were his princi-
pal servants ; now for the most part
every farmer had three, four, or ten
farms, which made the distance be-
tween the master and servant wider
and wider. The gradual advance-
ment of the aristocracy of farming,
district after district being thrown
into large farms, had placed such a
distance between master and servant,
that in fact they have no communi-
cation whatever, and very little in-
terest in common.
Whether from a change in the
position of farmers or in the charac-
ter of labourers, the kitchen system
is certainly no longer what it once
was — a family system ; it is in the
highest degree unpopular with far-
mers, who rarely resort to it if it can
possibly be helped — and with the
progress of agriculture and the con-
solidation of farms, is probably des-
tined sooner or later to complete
extinction in Scotland.
The bothy system is the general
substitute for the kitchen system
where the farms do not possess cot-
tages enough to house the labourers
employed on them. This system,
for which certain counties had ac-
quired, whether justly or not, an
evil reputation, naturally occupied
the attention of the Assistant-Com-
missioners, and their reports are not
on the whole unfavourable to that
system under proper management.
In some districts it is, for the pre-
sent at least, an admitted necessity.
It is satisfactory to find that the
bothy system, as it at present exists,
is no longer liable to the charges
which were brought against it a
few years ago by that eminent re-
former and philanthropist, the Rev.
Harry Stuart. The abuses which
came to his knowledge in the course
of his investigations produced their
effect, and doubtless led to great
improvements. " Whatever," Mr
Culley writes, " may have been
the condition of bothies in time
past — and according to all accounts
they must have been wretched dwel-
lings indeed — I saw little to com-
plain of in those I visited. It was
only in small bothies, intended for
two or three men, that I found the
beds in the kitchen ; and in this
respect they are certainly not worse
than many cottages. We had been
told that we should find obscene draw-
ings and writings on the walls of
bothies : such things I could never
discover ; and whatever may be the
rough tastes of the bothy-man, I wish
to record this fact to his credit, mural
adornments or disfigurements there
were none in the many bothies I
visited. I think the bothy system
a mistake economically, and that it
subjects young men to many unne-
cessary temptations. I am bound,
however, to add that, while the
young men appear to like the system,
I heard no complaints of misconduct
other than those common to young
men lodged in their parents' houses."
1871.] The Condition of the Scotch Agricultural Labourer.
473
The effect of the bothy system
upon the character of the men must
depend greatly upon the control
exercised by the master. It is quite
clear that when left to themselves
the bothy-men are likely to become
careless and unsteady, and to lose
their pride and self-respect. There
can be no question but that a life in
bothies must have the effect of mak-
ing its inmates rude and boorish ;
and this appears to be the greatest
objection to them, not that they
lead necessarily to vice and immor-
ality.
In the supplement to the monthly
and quarterly returns of births, mar-
riages, and deaths in Scotland for
the year 1869, occurs the following
passage : —
" Much of the illegitimacy prevailing
in certain counties was at one time attri-
buted to the existence of what are called
bothies — that is, houses apart from the
farmhouse, in which the male and female
workers on the farm are separately lodged.
These bothies only exist on the large
farms, and if they had any influence in
increasing the illegitimacy, the proportion
of illegitimate births would have been
found to be highest in those counties
which had the largest arable farms. It is
a known fact that the smaller the size of
the farm the more it is worked with the
assistance of young unmarried men and
women, who are fed in the house, and
sleep either in the house or in the stable-
loft or offices. It is only on large farms
that married men are employed, so that
in many districts, as soon as a young man
marries he loses his situation as a plough-
man, and is forced to become a daily
labourer dependent on his daily work for
his bread ; this of course acts as a strong
check ou his openly marrying.
"An official return was published in
1857, which to a certain extent enables
us to trace the effect of the size of the
farm on the proportion of illegitimate
births in each county of Scotland ; and it
is instructive to note, that in a general
waj' the illegitimacy was found to be
highest in those counties in which the
smallest farms occurred. Thus in Banff
the farms paying £20 and upwards of
annual rent only averaged 64 acres each,
and 15.5 per cent of the births were ille-
gitimate annually. In Aberdeen the
farms paying £20 and upwards of rent
only averaged 66 acres in extent, and 15.3
per cent of the births were annually ille-
gitimate. In Dumfries the average size
of the farms paying £20 and upwards
was 87 acres only, and the high propor-
tion of 14.4 per cent of the births was
illegitimate annually. In Kirkcudbright
the average size of the farms paying £20
and upwards was 88 acres, and 13.4 per
cent of the births were illegitimate. Con-
trast these with a few counties with large
farms, where married men are employed,
and bothies are of course more common.
In the county of Edinburgh the average
size of farms paying £20 and upwards was
114 acres, and among the rural population
only 8 per cent of the births were illegi-
timate. In Fife the average size of the
farms above £20 of yearly rental was 110
acres, and only 7.6 per cent of the births
were illegitimate. In Haddington the
average size of the farms above £20 of
yearly rental was 219 acres, and only 8.7
per cent of the births were illegitimate. "
The strongest condemnation of the
bothy system which we have met
with comes from a minister of the
Established Church in Perthshire,
a part of the country where it
largely prevails.* He denounces
it as bad in every respect, congre-
gating young men Avithout any
superintendence, separating them
from family influences, comforts,
and decencies, contaminating them
with vicious examples, leading to
nocturnal roving habits, and making
them reckless and given to change.
. Bothies, in his opinion, are the
result of an avaricious or indolent
neglect of duty on the part of land-
owners, who will not go to the ex-
pense of erecting a sufficient number
of ploughmen's cottages, thus often
consigning the working force of the
farm to accommodation inferior to
that of the cattle. The discourage-
ment to marriage which this system
implies is one of its greatest blots ;
for early marriages, where there is
a reasonable prospect of supporting
a family, are the true sources of
national strength, and agricultural
* Evidence, p. 82.
474:
The Condition of the Scotch Agricultural Labourer. [April
life offers more facilities for them,
than most other callings. Children
come into existence when the parents
are in the prime and vigour of life.
They are the best blood that can be
infused into the community, form-
ing the very bone and muscle of the
commonwealth, and, if they enter
the ranks of the army, constituting
the real sinews of Avar.
The bothy system, it is said,
may be seen in its best phase and
under the most favourable circum-
stances that it admits of in the east
coast of Sutherland ; but even there
the better class of farmers are averse
to it, accepting it only as a neces-
sary evil in default of proper cottage
accommodation for their ploughmen.
The system is intrinsically a bad
one, and it would be for the true
interest of the country that it
should be abandoned as speedily
as practicable.
We have stated the average wages
of the agricultural day-labourer as
contrasted with those of bothy-men
and farm-servants, which we now
proceed to state. The bothy-men
in Caithness and Sutherland are
generally allowed one Scotch pint
of milk daily, and from seven to
eight bolls of meal per annum,
while their money wages range
from £11 to .£16 a-year. They are
also provided with abundance of
fuel, and having neither house-rent
to pay nor families to support, and
having no necessary expenses but
clothes, they are well able, after
allowing for every reasonable indul-
gence, to save money.
The amount which married
ploughmen receive in money does
not differ very materially in the
different counties to which these
reports refer : a grieve or bailiff
receives about from £24 to £30,
with a cottage rent-free, often a
cow's grass and certain perquisites,
such as the use of land for
planting potatoes, coals and fire-
wood, and the profit of a pig, which
bring his wages up to about £38 or
£40 a-year. The portion of their
wages which married labourers re-
ceive in kind differs in different
counties, but the aggregate amount
of the yearly wage is tolerably uni-
form. The allowances and privi-
leges vary so much in different dis-
tricts, and depend so much upon
the opinion or caprice of farmers,
that it seems impossible to esti-
mate their value accurately. Of the
advantage of this system of pay-
ing the men partly in money and
partly in kind there can be no
doubt. It doubtless originated at
a time when villages were more rare
than they are, although the normal
condition of rural Scotland will
probably ever be that of a country
scantily provided with hamlets, and
having its population widely dis-
persed. It must always have been
a convenience to the labourer, by sav-
ing him from resorting to a distant
town for his necessary supplies ;
and the part payment of wages in
provisions will probably long endure
in Scotland, to the mutual advan-
tage of master and servant. It eco-
nomises the time of the servant by
rendering journeys even to the
nearest market needless, to pro-
cure the necessaries of life, and
secures to the master the full bene-
fit of the unexhausted strength of
his labourer. It helps to prevent
wastefulness, and, to a considera-
ble extent, equalises wages and the
price of food ; for it matters noth-
ing to the ploughman who is paid
in kind whether meal is dear or
cheap, unless, of course, he exceeds
the stipulated allowance. Having
less cash at his command, he is
under less temptation to squander
it ; and it acts as a wholesome
check upon the wives, to whom
the possession of money too often
signifies only the means of self-in-
dulgence, and the power of buying
1871.] Tlie Condition of the Scotch Agricultural Labourer.
475
finery unsuited to their position in
life. We observe with regret that
the character given of the wives of
the labouring men in these reports is
far from favourable. Many farmers
state that they have had to part
with some of their best workmen in
consequence of their wives getting
them irremediably into debt.
The crofter system, as it exists in
the Highlands and the northern coun-
ties, naturally engaged the attention
of the Commissioners. The term is
applied to small holdings generally.
Formerly crofts were frequently sub-
let by a farmer to his servants in
return for their labour, but this prac-
tice has been generally discontinued,
farmers being commonly precluded
from sub-letting by the terms of
their leases. But crofters are still
often made use of for the purpose
of bringing mountain - land into
cultivation. Usually a few, say
from five to thirty, acres of land
are let on a nineteen years' lease
at a nominal rent to some farm-
servant of good character, whose in-
dustry and judgment can be relied
on. He begins by building himself
a cottage, the landlord assisting him
by the advance of a few pounds, or
more frequently by supplying him
with building materials. At the
end of the term the lease is generally
renewed at a moderate rent, and at
the end of the second term the land
reclaimed will probably be of the
average value of agricultural land
in the neighbourhood. A great
deal of moorland has thus been
brought into cultivation in Suther-
land and Caithness without any
outlay on the part of the freeholder,
except that expended in assisting
in the construction of the cottages
and for roads.
The success of this system must
mainly depend on the crofts or
pendicles not being too large. Six
acres are stated to be the limit
which will enable a crofter to
devote the greater part of his
time to working as a servant for
hire. It is of importance that he
should retain the character of a
labourer, only supplementing his
earnings by the profit derived
from his croft. The strongest de-
sire exists on the part of the agri-
cultural population of Scotland to
become occupiers of land. "The
means of livelihood possessed by a
crofter are doubtless," writes Mr Cam-
pion, the Assistant -Commissioner
who has devoted most attention to
this subject, " often precarious, and
the work he must perform most
severe ; but the feeling of independ-
ence which he enjoys in being able
to work for himself instead of for a
farmer, seems to afford an ample
compensation for all the difficulties
he has thus to encounter." As a
matter of fact, the crofters are gene-
rally prosperous. They themselves,
with the assistance of their families,
do the whole work necessary for
the cultivation of their land. They
seem to take every opportunity of
giving their children the best edu-
cation in their power, allowing no-
thing to interfere with the regular-
ity of their attendance at school.
They bring up large families in
habits of industry, and some of
them no doubt save considerable
sums of money. Crofters are gen-
erally favourably looked upon by
landlords; and although on parti-
cular estates efforts are being made
to consolidate the small holdings,
the tendency to aggregation does
not appear to be very general. To
the larger farmers the crofters are
very useful, by forming, as they
do, a reserve force of labourers to
whom they can have recourse at
busy periods of the year. There
is no doubt, however, that crofts
cannot be maintained, after the land
has once been brought into cultiva-
tion, without some sacrifice on the
part of the landlord. This does not
476
The Condition of the Scotch Agricultural Labourer. [April
arise from loss of rent, for the rents
paid by crofters are as high as, if
not higher than, those paid by large
farmers ; but principally from the
number of buildings that have to
be kept in repair. Crofters are no
doubt generally bound to keep their
houses in good condition; but their
means are small, the obligation is
often imperfectly discharged, and a
croft seldom falls in to the landlord
without some outlay on the build-
ings being required.
There is, however, another light
in which the crofter system must
be viewed. If the crofts are just
large enough to barely support a
crofter and his family without the
aid of wages, he is in danger of be-
coming a small impoverished farmer,
with barely the means of keeping
body and soul together ; or if he
depends for his livelihood mainly
upon the crops grown by himself,
eking out his small means by work-
ing, as on the Caithness coast, for
hire in the fisheries, in which his
earnings are too irregular and de-
sultory to reckon upon with cer-
tainty, he is in imminent danger of
becoming a pauper. The greatest
discretion ought to be exercised by
landlords in adding to this, in many
respects, deserving class. The eag-
erness to possess these holdings is
one of the features of our peasantry ;
but an unrestrained indulgence in
it might reduce some parts of Scot-
land to the moral level of Tipper-
ary. To attain a croft is, however,
often the only means of obtaining
a cottage by a young man who
wishes to marry ; and he prefers
incurring the risk of hardship and
privation in a home of his own, to
continuing a life of comparative
abundance in a bothy. Accordingly,
whenever a croft falls vacant, there
seems to be an eager competition
for it.
The practice adopted in some
parts of the country, as on Lord
Lovat's estates in Inverness-shire, of
placing small crofters in the neigh-
bourhood of large arable farms, and
the larger crofters, whose land is
sufficient for the support of them-
selves and their families, at a
greater distance, is best adapted to
develop all the advantages of the
system without its counteracting
evils. We find it stated that fifteen
acres of good land, well managed,
are considered sufficient to support
a medium-sized family, independent
of any extra work. Those with
crofts under twelve acres cannot, as a
rule, support a family without doing
other work as well. The job-labour
required in the harvest and turnip
seasons is best supplied by this
class when they have been judici-
ously located. In judging of the
means of subsistence afforded by
a croft, supplementary advantages
require in some cases to be taken
into consideration. Thus a holding
of even three or four acres may be
sufficient for the support of a family
if it carries with it, as it often does, a
right of pasture on the neighbouring
hill for one or more cows, with the
addition of a few sheep and a horse
during the summer. The mere
possession of a croft, however, too
often seems to convey the idea that
it will alone support a man and
his family with the least possible
amount of additional labour ; but
when crofts are moderate in size, and
moderately rented, and industrious
habits have been formed, crofters
may be considered as a contented
and happy portion of the agricul-
tural community of Scotland.
The Scottish shepherds appear to
have impressed the Commissioners
with a strong sense of their intel-
ligence and high moral character.
Their scrupulous attention to their
duties, and saving habits, are highly
commended. Mr Culley states that
they are the finest set of men he
ever came in contact with. Their
1871.] The Condition of the Scotch Agricultural Labourer.
477
sacrifices to obtain education for
their children in districts where
the parochial schools are inaccessible
are well known — a schoolmaster
being frequently lodged and board-
-ed by the hill-shepherds by turns.
A description of what takes place
in Altuaharra, in the wildest part
of the interior of Sutherland, will
convey some idea of the difficulties
under which education is sometimes
conducted in the hill-country. This
district contains an area of about
400 square miles, with a population
of about 150 persons, living for the
most part in isolated cottages. The
school is attended by fifteen schol-
ars, some of whom have to walk as
far as five miles from their homes;
but that distance does not deter
even girls nine years old in weather
not unusually severe. During three
months of the year, from December
to February inclusive, the storms
are so incessant that the school is
shut up, and the teacher gives les-
sons at home to each family in
turn ; but for the remaining nine
months it is open, and the attend-
ance of the children is described as
being as regular as the weather will
permit. The instruction given in
schools of this description is, of
course, often of a very rudimentary
character ; for the number of chil-
dren that can be brought together
at any given spot is necessarily very
small, and the parents cannot afford
to pay a high-class master ; but
even in these lonely wilds men of
great teaching power are occasion-
ally to be met with who would do
credit to more important employ-
ments.
The life of a shepherd of the
upper hill - ranges is one of great
toil and anxiety. He must be sensi-
tively alive to every change of the
weather —
" Hence does he know the meaning of all
winds,
And blasts of every tone ;
And truly at all times the storm that drives
The traveller to a shelter, summons him
Up to the mountains."
A change, which we think is to be
regretted, is gradually being effected
in the mode of paying this valuable
class of men. In Dumfriesshire and
on the slopes of the Cheviots in the
counties of Eoxburgh and Selkirk,
shepherds are paid chiefly in stock
— that is to say, they have a flock
of sheep called the shepherd's pack,
numbering from forty-five to fifty, a
cow's keep, sixty-five stones of oat-
meal, 1000 yards of potatoes, and a
free cottage. The result of this system
is, that on the northern slopes of the
Cheviots about one -sixth of the
sheep belong to the shepherds. In
Dumfriesshire the pack seldom ex-
ceeds forty-five sheep, to which are
added pasture and hay for a cow, sixty
stones of oatmeal, an acre of land,
and a cottage rent - free. Should a
shepherd not possess sufficient capital
on entering upon his place to pur-
chase a pack, he obtains the sheep on
credit from his employer, and pays
for them by instalments as he is
able. The sheep are distinctively
marked, and graze with the master's
flocks, and the shepherd derives the
profit of their increase and of the
annual clip of wool. The interest
of the shepherd in the preservation
and health of the sheep is thus
identical with his master's, and his
risks are the same. Should the
flock get out of condition, and, as is
not uncommon, cast their fleeces, the
shepherd suffers with his master,
and a severe winter or a bad lamb-
ing season may subject him to seri-
ous loss. On the lower hill-ranges
shepherds are somewhat differently
paid, the principal portion of their
wages consisting of money : a shep-
herd of this class generally receives
about £20 in money, sixty - five
stones of meal per annum, and the
privilege of pasturing two or three
sheep and a cow.
478
The Condition of the Scotch Agricultural Labourer. [April
Many of the sheep-farms in the
Cheviots and in Dumfriesshire are
what are called "led" farms — i.e.,
are held by men who live and farm
in the lowlands, the shepherds
being left in undisturbed possession,
and for the greater part of the year
never s'eeing their master's face ; and
when it is understood how many
are the opportunities of dishonesty
in a shepherd's calling, it is evi-
dent that such relations between
employer and employed could only
exist among a thoroughly trust-
worthy class.
Should the system of paying shep-
herds by packs be abandoned, and a
money wage be substituted for it,*
it would be a change which we can-
not but think would prove as dis-
advantageous to the master as to the
men. It must necessarily destroy
that community of interest between
employer and employed which is
one of the best securities for faithful
service, and deprive a most deserv-
ing class of men of a means of bet-
tering their position in life, and of
raising themselves above the aver-
age condition of married plough-
men. The effect of this quasi part-
nership between master and servant
is shown in the comparatively large
amounts of deposits in the savings
banks made by this class. The
shepherds are undoubtedly well
paid, but their life is one of great
exertion and no inconsiderable
amount of hardship, and their
cottages situated chiefly in wild
regions destitute of any other
population. First-rate shepherds
receive, in money, sheep, cows,
and allowances, as much as is equi-
valent to £60 per annum, and,
including the usual perquisite of
" fallen meat," seldom earn less than
£50 a-year.
The diet of the Scotch agricul-
tural labourer has in some parts of
the country been gradually under-
going a change, which is certainly
not to his advantage. The principal
points on which it still differs from
the ordinary diet of the agricultural
labourer in England, is in the more
general use of milk, and in the con-
sumption of oatmeal, and, in some
localities, the meal of peas, barley, or
beans. Milk is obtained in many
counties by his being allowed the val-
uable privilege of keeping a cow ; in
others by a daily allowance (common-
ly a Scotch pint) from the farmer ;
but sometimes its value is given in
money. The sale of a portion of the
allowance of meal may enable the
labourer, if he chooses, to purchase
tea, bread, cheese, butter, or bacon :
butcher -meat appears to be rare-
ly tasted by the labourer, unless
he is boarded with the farmer on
the kitchen system. In some parts
of the country the old Scotch diet-
aries appear to have given place
to tea and wheaten bread. The
use of tea is becoming year by year
more general. Mr Culley draws
attention to certain indications of
a change in the character and habits
of Scotch labourers, arising from
the demand for increased luxuries
of life common to all classes of
society, but is of opinion that in-
creased wages have not improved
the manners and customs of the
agricultural labouring class. The
substitution of wheaten bread, cheese,
butter, and tea, for porridge, in many
counties, is believed to have acted
unfavourably on the physique of
agricultural labourers ; they are said
not to weigh so heavy as when oat-
meal-porridge and potatoes were
their chief support, and to have lost
in working power. It is probable
* " An old man who was well acquainted with the ' pack ' system, said that it was
the usual thing in former times, but does not think that there is one shepherd now
so paid from Campbelltown to Inverary." — Mr R. F. Boyle's Report on the counties
of Lanark, Renfrew, and Argyll.
1871.] The Condition of the Scotch Agricultural Labourer.
479
that the smaller quantities of the
more expensive articles of diet con-
sumed aiford less nourishment than
the former abundant meals of milk,
oat and barley meal, and potatoes.
It is to be regretted that there are
indications in some parts of the
country of a disinclination to en-
courage labourers to keep a pig,
with its double advantage of improv-
ing the produce of the garden or
potato-ground, and furnishing the
labourer with a supply of home-
raised animal food.
This tendency, which is very
marked in several counties, to aban-
don the old nourishing diet of the
Scotch peasantry, is a subject de-
serving of serious consideration.
We have heard of agricultural la-
bourers, to gratify their taste for
articles of food of modern introduc-
tion, walking three or four miles
after their day's work to bring
home bread for their supper. The
meal -barrel and good sweet milk
surely provide a hard-working man
with a far better support than the
dry, milkless, sophisticated bread
of the modern baker, especially
when it is not supplemented either
with bacon or butcher-meat, but
only with cheese or butter, and
is washed down with a weak
infusion of indifferent tea, having
a tendency to impair the muscular
system and to produce nervous
depression. We should be the
last to desire to curtail any of a
labourer's scanty enjoyments ; and
the use of tobacco in moderation is
not for an instant to be deprecated.
Under the pressure of the cares and
sorrows of our mortal condition, men,
as Burke long ago justly remarked,
have at all times and in all countries
called in some physical aid to their
moral consolations — wine, beer,
opium, spirits, or tobacco. The
solace of the pipe by his evening
hearth, after the toils of the day are
over, is probably one of the greatest
alleviations of the hard -worked
ploughman's lot ; but the practice
now very general of smoking through-
out the day, even when at work, ought
to be strongly condemned. Farmers
have just ground for their complaints
on this subject, for we have heard of
labourers persisting in smoking while
thatching corn-stacks and attending
thrashing-machines. The expendi-
ture on tobacco by a labouring man
addicted to its abuse we have heard
put as high as £2 a-year.
The increase in the means of sub-
sistence with inferior working power
is strongly brought out in the evi-
dence of an old ploughman in the
Carse of Gowrie.
"I have worked," he says, "in the
Carse all my days. It was a hard place
for men thirty years ago, but they do less
work and get more pay, £10 a-year more
nor we did ; and they're no better off.
The men are no near so strong as they
used to be, with all their wages. They
buy tea, and white bread, and fine clothes,
and dinna stick to the meal and milk.
They have ploughmen now would hardly
have been sent to look after the cattle in
my day. Some of their ploughmen can
hardly toom their pokes (empty their corn-
sacks off their backs). As for women's
work, it's no verra good for a hantle of
they. The women's no so strong either
now ; I dinna ken for their morals being
better or waur. " *
The change which has taken place
for the worse in the habits of the
agricultural population is abundant-
ly confirmed by facts. Take the
instance of the testimony of an old
parochial schoolmaster in Perthshire.
" Ploughmen and other agricultural
labourers, and it may indeed be said all
people of the working class, are at the
present day, with few exceptions, very
poor, and not well able to pay for their
children's education ; but their poverty
is owing, in a great measure, to their own
present wasteful and extravagant habits.
Wages have been of late years far higher
* Evidence of John Kempe — Appendix, p. 57.
480
The Condition of the Scotch Agricultural Labourer. [April
than they were for a long time before,
but these people have got into a more ex-
pensive way of living than formerly, both
as regards their victuals and their dress.
When I first knew this parish, now up-
wards of forty-four years ago, and long
after that too, the almost universal break-
fast of the peasantry was oatmeal -porridge,
and their bread consisted of oaten cakes,
bread made of pease or barley meal, and
very often of a mixture of the last two.
Jvow, tea with ham and other accompani-
ments is used twice a-day in almost
every house, and given to children as well
as to adults ; and almost the only bread
used by them now is the wheaten loaf,
brought to their doors regularly twice
a-week, in vans, from the bakers of the
neighbouring town or villages. By the
former way of victualling, people of the
class in question brought up a race of
strong muscular children, and healthier
than those of the present day. The
wives and daughters of working men now
appear at church and other public places
in dresses such as were worn, in times
not long gone by, only by ladies of
quality. It has been the custom with
maid-servants for a considerable time
past, as it is also at the present day,
when their wages are higher than ever
they were before, to spend every shilling
they have on splendid dresses and
trinkets ; and when they become wives,
the same itching for costly attire for
themselves and the girls of their families
(not for their boys) continues with them,
by gratifying which they keep themselves
and their husbands not only in poverty
but almost always in debt. The other
sex cannot be accused of extravagance in
dress, but they are almost all slaves to
tobacco-smoking, a practice which was
scarcely known among agricultural labour-
ers in this part of the country a quarter
of a century ago. Almost every halfling
now carries about with him his pipe, his
tobacco, and his box of matches." *
We suspect that it could not now
be truthfully said, that " halesoine
parritch " is "chief of Scotia's food ; "
but from the quantity of oatmeal
and milk received in part payment
of wages, it doubtless still forms part
of the diet of agricultural labourers.
In many families the elder men
" sup" their porridge morning and
night ; but in a great many cottages
porridge appears only once a-day,
and the women are much more
given to " scones " or " bannocks "
baked on the girdle, with the addi-
tion of coffee or tea.
The great desideratum in Scot-
land is an extension of the farm-
cottage system, in the interest not
only of landowners and farmers,
but of the community at large.
The kitchen system, we have seen,
is unpopular with farmers, and is
being given up in proportion as farms
are consolidated, and it is prolific
of certain moral evils, as may be
seen in the Registrar-General's re-
turns. The bothy system is an un-
natural system, to say nothing of its
temptations to vice. By rendering cot-
tages unnecessary it prevents young
labourers from marrying, and this
unavoidable celibacy has a natural
tendency both to increase the rate of
illegitimacy and to keep the agricul-
tural population below the require-
ments of the country. The cottage
or married system, which supplies
each farm with labour on the spot,
and enables a farmer to avail him-
self of the occasional services of the
wives and children of his workmen,
is that by which his own and the
best interests of the community are
promoted. There are, doubtless,
difficulties in an adequate extension
of this system in Scotland ; but in
the end it is the most economical
and the most satisfactory. The effect
of having all the labour located on
the farm is, as Mr Culley states it,
that where horse-labour is concerned
the farmer obtains ten hours' work
per day for a large part of the year,
instead of eight hours, common
in England. This is effected by
means of a long mid-day rest, or
shorter and more frequent pauses.
The two horses with which the
hind works are considered his
* Evidence of Mr Robert Stewart — Appendix, p. 82.
1871.] The Condition of the Scotch Agricultural Labourer.
481
peculiar charge, and the hours of
work are arranged as much for his
horses' comfort as his own, and rule
the work-hours of the remainder of
the farm -staff. Exclusive of the
time spent hefore and after work
hy the ploughman in feeding and
cleaning his horses, he works with
them ten hours a-day, and all ordi-
nary farm-workers are employed for
the same time. To rest and feed
the horses in the middle of the day
would not he practicable, unless the
hinds lived close to their work and
to their stables ; nor would such an
arrangement he convenient to the
other labourers unless they too
lived near at hand.
It is another advantage of the
cottage system, that while it af-
fords an adequate supply of labour
it checks the overgrowth of an agri-
cultural population, and that accum-
ulation of catch - labourers depend-
ing mainly upon the poor-law for
support which is such a distressing
feature in many English villages.
" The farm-village system," says Mr
Culley, "with its yearly hiring, provides
a certain income for regular farm-labour-
ers, and, as it were, dictates how many
families a purely agricultural district can
decently support. Outsiders are warned
off, and the hint is not thrown away
upon men of such independent character
and migratory habits as the Scotch. The
absence of catch - labourers, no doubt,
puts a certain amount of pressure on the
farmer at certain seasons ; but on many
well-conducted farms in the south of Scot-
land (the smallness of whose labour-staff
would astonish an English farmer) the
work of the year, with the exception of
harvest, is got through with only the
occasional assistance of some members of
the hinds' families who are not usually
employed in field-work."
As regards the cottages in the
rural districts, all the Assistant-
Commissioners record the fact, that
great efforts have been made by
the landowners of Scotland, during
the last twenty years, for increas-
ing their number and improving
their accommodation. The publi-
cation of the Rev. Harry Stuart's
pamphlet on the social condition
of the agricultural classes, and the
formation in Edinburgh in the same
year (1853) of the " Association
for Promoting Improvements in the
Dwellings of Agricultural Labour-
ers," doubtless gave a great im-
pulse to the progress of cottage
improvement throughout Scotland.
There is, nevertheless, still much
room for improvement, both as to
the quantity and quality of cot-
tage accommodation. If few of
the old turf cottages thatched with
heather, which once covered certain
districts of the country, are now to
be seen, the proportion of cottages
with only a single room, with the
bitt-and-ben arrangement, is unhap-
pily still very great, and cottages with
more than two rooms are few and
far between. The great scarcity of
cottages of any description is, how-
ever, the crying want of the coun-
try. A great many parishes have
absolutely no cottages whatever,
placing farmers under the greatest
disadvantage in regard to labour.
Cottage improvers have, it must be
admitted, many difficulties to con-
tend with in the habits of the
people. The almost universal pro-
pensity to place as many beds as
possible in the kitchen, no matter
what amount of sleeping accommo-
dation the cottage affords, does not
afford much encouragement to those
landlords who wish to introduce
habits of decency into the domestic
arrangements of their people. The
natural desire for warmth in our
cold climate, and the wish to econo-
mise fuel, is one of the chief causes
of this herding together of often a
whole family in one room without
reference to age or sex.
This deficiency in cottage accom-
modation is more marked in some
T7ic Condition of tlte Scotch Agricultural Labourer. [April
counties than in others. In some,
cottages are sufficiently numerous,
but they are in a state of dilapi-
dation, and when they fall down,
no disposition is shown to replace
them by others. Ayrshire seems to
be especially deficient in cottages,
and those which it possesses are for
the most part very bad. An extensive
farmer, residing not far from May-
bole, stated to one of the Assistant-
Commissioners that it was always
with a sense of shame and humilia-
tion that he introduced a newly-en-
gaged ploughman to one of the hov-
els appropriated for the work-people
on his farm ; and that stables, byres,
cow-sheds, dilapidated farmhouses,
and disused dog-kennels, had been
converted into labourers' cottages.
Guano-bags have in some cases
been stretched across the rafters to
prevent the mouldering thatch and
the rain from falling upon the beds
and tables of the unfortunate occu-
pants.
The Highlanders still cling to
their old style of cottage-building.
On the mainland the practice of
having the fireplace in the middle
of the room seems to have been
gradually abandoned ; but in the
islands it is still found, if not in
the centre, at least on one side of
the room, but open, the smoke
escaping through a hole in the roof.
One of these houses, which was vis-
ited by an Assistant-Commissioner,
had two chimneys, one at each eiid,
and the tire was moved according as
the wind happened to blow. To
remove the fireplace was easy, as it
only consisted of a few clods of peat
and a large pot hung from three
uprights. The argument in favour
of the central system, is, that none
of the heat is lost— a large family
can crowd round ; whereas a modern
fireplace has but one side. To a visi-
tor a house full of smoke is very un-
pleasant, and he wonders how people
can exist in it ; but there is an im-
pression that peat-smoke is whole-
some. A proprietor in Knapdale
offered to put up a regular chimney
for his tenant, but he declined, say-
ing that " his fire never smoked,
but that he feared a chimney
would."
In an economical point of view,
a large increase in the number
of cottages available for the agri-
cultural class is a great desider-
atum. Heritors too often misunder-
stand their own interests in not
providing sufficient cottage accom-
modation, for large numbers of
labourers, having no settled homes,
become thoughtless and improvi-
dent, and finally have recourse to
the poor-rates ; whereas, if they had
been settled in comfortable cottages,
every inducement would be afforded
to form permanent engagements,
and greater efforts would be made
to attain independence. The desire
which everywhere prevails for mar-
ried in preference to unmarried
ploughmen ought to stimulate heri-
tors to provide the necessary accom-
modation, as in reality adding an
appreciable value to their property ;
for there can be no doubt that
higher rents, and often a superior
class of tenants, can generally be
obtained if the number of cottages
on farms is equal to their require-
ments. The yearly improvements
and increasing complication of agri-
cultural implements, too, while it
will diminish the amount of manual
labour, will increase the demand for
steady men of more careful training.
These can only be obtained by hold-
ing out a prospect of competency
and comfort in the family relations
as the reward of good conduct and
expertness.
The Commissioners, however,
frankly admit that landed pro-
prietors are not always to be
blamed for the condition of the
1871.] The Condition of the Scotch Agricultural Labourer.
483
cottages on their estates, their
means of effecting even the most
necessary improvements being often
crippled by heavy encumbrances.
With regard to loans for cottage-
building by the Enclosure Commis-
sioners, the complaint is general
of the impolitic stringency of their
rules ; and frequent suggestions have
been made for an extension of the
duration of the rent-charge, and a
consequent reduction of the annual
payments. The requirements of the
Enclosure Commissioners are, more-
over, too frequently unsuitable to
the habits of the people, and to the
districts requiring their aid, and the
terms of repayment are too high.
If the Commissioners would be
satisfied with less expensive plans
than those upon which they are in
the habit of insisting, many more
cottages, it is believed, would be
built under the provisions of the Act
than have hitherto been.
The most obvious improvement
that could be made in the rural
economy of Scotland, would be a
considerable extension of the capa-
bilities for housing labourers in cot-
tages on the farm, thus rendering
possible a great extension of the
family system ; but a nearer ap-
proach to that system can, it is
obvious, only be obtained by a
considerable addition to the cot-
tage accommodation in those dis-
tricts where the bothy system
already exists. But if the farmers,
it is justly observed, expect their
landlords to help them in the man-
ner suggested, they must make every
possible effort on their part so to
conduct their operations as to insure
constant employment to the occu-
pants of additional cottages. To
build more cottages than would suf-
fice for the accommodation of the
labourers who can be regularly em-
ployed, would be to do away with
the chief advantages of the Scotch
system. In the neighbourhood of
towns and villages, farmers may
legitimately cultivate their land in
a manner requiring occasional out-
side help ; but in rural districts they
must not expect their landlords to do
anything which may tend to create
an over-supply of the labour-market.
With respect to the proportion of
cottages which may be desirabfe on
a mixed farm, " it was," Mr Culley
says, " stated by Mr George Hope,"
(a high authority on the subject),
"that to do away with the necessity of
the bothy system, the number of cot-
tages attached to a farm in high cul-
tivation should be in the proportion
of one and a half to the number of
hired men — i.e., grieve, shepherds,
cattlemen, and hinds; but where
cultivation is less active, and root-
crops occupy a smaller proportion of
the land, a smaller number of cottar-
houses would be required." Always
supposing that a supply of native
work -women can be obtained, on
exclusively arable farms it is sug-
gested that the proper supply of
cottages should be in the propor-
tion of one to every pair of horses
employed.
Some difference of opinion exists
as to whether it is desirable that a
cottar should hold his cottage direct
from the farmer or from the land-
lord. His Grace the Duke of
Buccleuch, who has devoted large
sums of money to the building and
improvement of cottages on his vast
estates, we believe adopts the prac-
tice of making the cottar as inde-
pendent of his employer as possible
for his house accommodation, be-
lieving that it places the labourer
in a more independent position in
reference to the farmer than when
he is liable to be turned out of his
holding in a fit of caprice or ill-
humour at a moment's notice. As
a consequence, the cottages on his
Grace's property are, as a rule, held
484
Tlie Condition of the Scotch Agricultural Labourer. [April
"by their occupants direct from the
landlord.* The objections to this
system, as applied to Scotland, are
pointed out in the following com-
munication from the Right Hon.
R. C. Nisbet Hamilton, the owner
of large estates in England and
Scotland : —
" I have no hesitation in saying that
the system which generally prevails in
England of the labourer being the direct
tenant of the landlord, in so far as the
social condition of the labourer is con-
cerned, is preferable to that which exists
in Scotland ; but it is in vain to tiy to
force such a system on the tenant-fanners
in Scotland, because it would be impos-
sible to let any farm unless you gave the
tenant-farmer an absolute control over a
certain number of cottagers.
"The Scottish agricultural labourer is
very industrious, and manifests a great
desire to send his children to school. His
wages are generally higher than those
which are offered in southern English
counties ; but in reality he is less civilised
than a person of the same class in the
midland counties. His cottage and gar-
den are generally neglected, and his wife
and family are, with few exceptions, un-
tidy in their habits. I attribute this
circumstance very much to the manner in
which the cottages are occupied under the
Present system of letting in Scotland,
he Lincolnshire cottager, living as he
does directly under the landlord, considers
his cottage as equivalent to a freehold ; he
never dreams of leaving it ; he takes an
interest in it and in his garden as if they
•were his own, and the same families oc-
cupy their cottages for many generations.
Unfortunately in East Lothian the habits
of the labouring classes are migratory ;
they seldom enter their cottages with the
intention of occupying them long, and
the consequence is, that, with few ex-
ceptions, they are kept in a very slovenly
state. "
We adverted, in the remarks
Avhich we have made on the crofter
system, to the aid sometimes given
by landed proprietors in building
cottages upon lease, the tenant con-
tributing the rude and paying for the
skilled labour required for the erec-
tion of the buildings, the landlord
providing a part of the materials.
This system, the adoption of which,
if more general, would be one of the
greatest boons that could be con-
ferred upon the agricultural labouring
class, has been for some years in
extensive operation on the estates of
Mr Hope Johnstone of Annandale,
and has resulted in the erection of
nearly two hundred excellent cot-
tages, of which the tenants were
granted leases for nineteen years at
a nominal rent, with an understand-
ing that at their expiration they
would be renewed on favourable
terms.
The plan has now been in success-
ful operation for more than forty
years, and is so eminently adapted
to check the great evil of a con-
stantly fluctuating agricultural pop-
ulation, and to counteract that ten-
dency to " flitting " which is so
annoying to the farmer, that we
venture to enter into a few details
respecting the system and its
working.
One district in which it has been
most beneficially adopted consists of
the two parishes of Johnstone and
Kirkpatrick- Juxta, which form a por-
tion of the Annandale estate. Fifty
years ago all the agricultural labour-
ers who possessed cottages held
them under the tenant-farmers ; but
as the greater number had become
ruinous and uninhabitable, a new
system was adopted by Mr Hope
Johnstone. A lease for nineteen or
twenty-one years was given of the
site of the homestead, with a large
garden, at a rent of 5s. yearly. The
* The known liberality of his Grace, and the cordiality which exists between his
numerous tenantry and their noble landlord, doubtless enables him to carry out
his views on this subject with a success which could not be generally expected in
Scotland.
1871.] Tlie Condition of the Scotch Agricultural Labourer.
485
tenant then erected the house at his
own expense, with the exception of
the timber, which was supplied gra-
tuitously from the estate, and of
stone for chimney-heads, door and
window joists, jambs, ridge-stones,
&c., which were provided by the
landlord. The cost to the tenant,
when this system was first put in
practice, in the erection of a cot-
tage, generally amounted to about
£20 ; but owing to the progressive
advance in the price of skilled
labour, the wages of the carpenter
and mason employed would now
raise the amount of the tenant's
share of the work to rather over
£40.
The erection of cottages on these
terms has, although somewhat
checked by the high price of labour,
been steadily progressing. The cot-
tages have been built chiefly on the
sides of turnpike or other roads, or
on the boundaries of farms. They
have not been formed into hamlets
and villages, and are detached from
each other. To two-thirds or three-
fourths of the tenants leases have
also been granted of from two to
four or five acres of coarse land,
which they bring into cultivation,
and which serves for summering and
wintering a cow, and for growing
potatoes or oats as desired. Leases
are granted only to persons of thor-
oughly good character ; and the ex-
pectation of their renewal upon very
favourable terms at the expiration
of the tenancies affords a guarantee
for good conduct ; and the renewal
of the lease at a moderate rent is re-
garded as a matter of course. Great
care is taken not to grant leases to
any persons who have not a certain
prospect of regular work on or near
the estate, and the population in the
neighbourhood is kept steadily in
view. If a steady and deserving
man should be unable to pay the
full proportion of the cost of build-
ing implied in the agreement, assist-
ance is given by the landlord, and
interest charged upon the advance.
" From long experience," says Mr H.
Tremenheere, the Assistant - Com-
missioner to whom we are indebted
for these details, " it has been found
that this system is most conducive
to the wellbeing, independence, and
good conduct of the labouring classes,
offering the strongest inducement to
young farm-servants in the neigh-
bourhood to save money to enable
them to marry and settle, and en-
abling them to bring up their fami-
lies in comfort and respectability.
The cottages, being generally in pub-
lic view, are readily distinguished
from the ordinary cottar habitations
by the neatness of their appearance,
presenting a marked contrast to cot-
tages occupied by merely transitory
tenants."
"We ought to add that the Annan-
dale estate, containing quarries of
suitable stone, abundance of timber,
and possessing numerous saw-mills,
offers peculiar facilities for carrying
out a plan of this kind, and that it
can be adopted with success only on
estates which possess similar advan-
tages. Such estates, however, must
be numerous in Scotland, and we
trust that Mr Hope Johnstone's plan
may find many successful imitators.
A landed proprietor can derive no"
greater satisfaction from his pro-
perty than the consciousness of hav-
ing gathered around him a settled
population bound to him by the
strongest ties of gratitude and self-
interest.
The employment of women in
agriculture, although gradually dying
out in England, appears to be still
very general in Scotland. The at-
tention of the Commissioners was
very properly directed to this sub-
ject, chiefly to ascertain whether
any tasks are imposed on women
which are physically unsuitable to
486
Tlie Condition of the Scotch Agricultural Labourer. [April
their sex. It does not appear that
sucli is the case ; but the testimony
is uniform on the effect of such em-
ployment upon the moral character
of women, and it is generally ac-
knowledged that female agricultural
labourers make most indifferent
wives, and, as a general rule, that
they are indolent and wasteful, and
their houses dirty, and their hus-
bands poor. Any legislative inter-
ference with female labour, however
its moral and social results are to be
deplored, is not recommended. It
is probably owing to the compara-
tively lower wages of women, and
the extent to which they are em-
ployed, that Scotch farming owes a
considerable portion of its success.
In Scotland, as in England, the chief
complaint is of the language habitu-
ally used by the elder women when
at work. This, however, as one of
the Assistant - Commissioners re-
marks, is only a sign of naturally
coarser habits and modes of speech
than those practised by their critics.
Very little change, we fear, can be
expected for the better, until at least
one generation has become accus-
tomed to a greater amount of re-
serve than the present imperfect
separation of the sexes in their cot-
tages will permit.
It was with much surprise that
the Commissioners who visited the
mining and manufacturing districts
of Scotland found that there was so
extensive an employment of women
;n agriculture. It has been ascertain-
ed that in Wales the high wages of
miners obviated all necessity for
their wives or daughters to work
out ; but in the Scotch mining dis-
tricts there is an enormous employ-
ment of women, particularly in the
large cropping areas around Glasgow
and elsewhere. Many farms are
there worked, with the exception of
ploughmen, almost entirely by wo-
men ; and it is a remarkable fact
that the wives and daughters of
miners earning from £2 to £3 a-
week should submit to work at hce-
ing turnips or spreading manure for
Is. to Is. 6d. a-day. The miners,
it seems, although in the receipt of
very high wages, find it necessary, in
order to meet the cost of their ex-
travagant mode of living, to supple-
ment their own earnings by those of
their families. The wives, too, are
generally such bad economists, that
the money earned by them in field-
labour is required to meet the cur-
rent expenses of the household.
This relic of barbarism — for such
we hold to be the employment of wo-
men in agricultural labour — will only
disappear under the refining effect
of increasing civilisation. It must
be left to the gradual influence of
morals, public opinion, and a better
education. In some parts of Eng-
land, girls who have been educated
at the parochial schools show a de-
cided and increasing aversion to
field-work ; and in the border coun-
ty of Cumberland especially, it is
only by those who have lost their
character, or who have not been
sent regularly to school, that rough
farm-work is preferred to domestic
service.
We have thus presented the sali-
ent points and prominent recom-
mendations of this important Com-
mission, as far as it relates to our
agricultural population. They afford
matter for serious consideration, and
some of the suggestions for the
amelioration of the condition of our
peasantry, are well worthy of at-
tention both by tenant-farmers and
landlords. An intelligent observer,
wedded neither to the traditions nor
customs of our country, and ap-
proaching the subjects of his inves-
tigation with a desire to do impar-
tial justice to whatever he sees of
good, and to suppress nothing which
he believes to be bad, can scarcely
1871.] The Condition of the Scotch Agricultural Labourer.
487
fail to throw some new and striking
lights upon objects which, to habit-
ual observers, exhibit nothing ob-
jectionable or wrong. For these
reasons, we welcome these reports
as affording valuable suggestions for
practical use, and giving prominence
to facts which may have long been
overlooked or ignored. On the im-
portant subject of the state of ele-
mentary education they are especially
full. That the management of our
parochial schools requires reconsider-
ation, has long been the conviction
of those best acquainted with them ;
that the education of the agricultural
class is not, on the whole, what it
ought to be, is clearly proved by
these reports.
It is gratifying to find that, what-
ever our shortcomings may be, there
are many practices in the parochial
schools which might, in the opinion
of the Commissioners, be adopted
with advantage in the elementary
schools of England. Among these
the system of requiring lessons to
be prepared at home, the pains be-
stowed in making children under-
stand the derivations and meanings
of words, and to exercise their think-
ing faculties, and the care which is
taken to store their memories with
passages of prose and verse, which
may be sources of pleasure or of
moral and religious guidance when
they grow up, are the most promi-
nent.
The general practice of requiring
lessons to be learned at home instead
of in the school, as in England, seems
to have made a strong impression
upon the Commissioners, and the
example of Scotland has elicited the
following recommendation : —
" It cannot be said that there are any
greater obstacles in a Scotch cottage to
the practice of the children learning a
portion of their school-work for the next
day at home, than there are in an English
cottage. On the contrary, the advantages
in regard to room and light are probably
for the most part on the side of the Eng-
lish cottage. The English labourer's
child leaves school at four o'clock in the
afternoon, and does not return to it until,
nine the next morning. The number of
hours wasted, for all purposes of education,
is thus very great. It has been seen above
that in Scotland even the schoolroom is,
if needed, made accessible to the children
before the school hours, to enable them to
prepare their lessons in quiet. The good
effects of this practice of home lessons,
both upon the children and the parents,
are manifest. The children of the labour-
ing classes in England are probably the
only children in this community who are
allowed habitually to throw away, as re-
gards the purposes of education, the whole
of the time between school liours. If
schools are henceforward to be largely
supported by rates, it may reasonably be
anticipated that school-boards will look
to this point, in order that better results
may be obtained in a shorter time than
has hitherto been the case, and the public
funds thereby economised."
VOL. CIX. NO. DCLXVI.
2L
488
TJie End of the War.
[April
THE END OF THE WAE.
FRANCE is at peace. Germany is
at peace. Europe is at peace. The
three expressions are similar ; and
yet what dissimilar ideas do they
awaken ! Peace means, in respect
of France, that she has at length a
season when she may survey her
desolation, and understand how she
is dejected and punished. To
Germany, peace means success as-
sured, high fame established, the
greatest ends achieved by the wisest
counsels and most complete execu-
tion. But what ideas will Europe
associate with the name of peace?
Eestored confidence 1 — a clearer
vision? — a mind elevated by trial]
— or, bitter reflection — a sense of
relapse toward barbarism 1 — a dread
that she may overlie volcanoes ?
France is at peace. Her Imperial
armies have been utterly beaten and
taken prisoners by more than a
hundred thousand at a capture ; her
Republican energies have been tried,
but the efforts resulting therefrom
have but prolonged her misery; her
renowned historical capital has once
more opened its gates to a victorious
enemy : these, and a hundred smaller
misfortunes, have signalised but too
mournfully the loss of her military
prestige. Peace is the end of that
excitement which could postpone
reflection, the full knowledge of
humiliation. With peace comes
also the penalty imposed by the
victor — loss of territory, loss of her
fortresses, a crushing pecuniary fine,
the enemy's occupation of fair
Champagne until the fine be paid,
— these are the price of peace.
These sacrifices have bought her
external peace ; but it would re-
quire the flood of Lethe to bring
her peace of mind !
Judging between the two nations
lately belligerent with the calm eye
of a neutral, we in this country
consider the demand of the con-
queror excessive. We think of the
enormous cost to France of her
defeat, independently of the price
of peace, and determine that Ger-
many should have been more gene-
rous. Looking to the honour which
Germany has won upon French
crests, and to the spoil already
taken in the war, we deprecate
the exaction of a huge material fine
at the moment when the sword
returns to its scabbard. We have
admired so much Prussia's mastery
of the art of war, and her bearing
in the field, that we feel aggrieved
because she forces us to stint our
approbation, and because we may
not see her as great in mind as she
is in deed. We are so impressed
by her prowess as to feel jealous
for her honour. We cannot bear
that a nation to which we have
involuntarily accorded so much
praise should in any wise come short
of her great promise. It seems a
moral necessity that being, as she
confessedly is, sans peur, she should
be also satis reproche. But in
truth we have expected too much.
The German mind has attained to
high warlike design, and to most
complete achievement, while it is
still far short of chivalrous eleva-
tion. It is tainted with the doc-
trines of them of old time who
asked an eye for an eye and a tooth
for a tooth. It is not yet sufficiently
familiar with greatness to know the
power of generosity : it has small
acquaintance with the beatitude
which " droppeth as the gentle dew
from heaven," which is " mighti-
est in the mightiest." The gross
and palpable booty has evidently
been as carefully calculated by
Prussia beforehand as any provi-
1871.]
The End of the War.
489
sion of war. She feels that she
must produce a scalp to gain credit
for having taken a life. She has
but a glimmer of the perfect light
of fame.
Plainly, then, we must put aside
every high standard in judging of
the terms which Germany has im-
posed. The devout language of the
Emperor-King — " the mildest-man-
nered man that ever scuttled ship
or cut a throat" — would be much
misunderstood if it were taken to
indicate that the precepts of Scrip-
ture are likely ever to make him
forget worldly interests ; and the
dispositions of his advisers and
his people are far removed from
Quixotic magnanimity. They have
heaped coals of fire upon the head
of their enemy, but they have done
it with a spade, and they have
called the spade by its own name.
At the best we may say that they
have paid so much homage to virtue
as to have kept out of sight the
word vengeance, and to have justi-
fied their acts by the plea that they
are dictated by a regard to future
safety.
Thus, if we may not think their
conduct sublime, we have no right
to think it worse than the ordinary
conduct of their fellows. France,
we know, had long coveted Rhenish
Prussia ; and as to desire her
neighbour's property, and to believe
that she had a right to it, were
with France much the same thing,
we need hardly doubt that had she
been victorious she would have in-
sisted on the cession to her of that
territory. Her cries of a Berlin!
indicated that she meant to at least
occupy, if she could, the enemy's
capital. And we think she might
have been trusted to indemnify her-
self fully before lifting her foot from
off her prostrate foe. Neither may
we flatter France by saying that
her bite would have been less
savage than her bark. We know
well, and Prussia knows only too
well, how France can behave herself
towards the vanquished. The treaty
of Tilsit between France and Prussia
is an old story now to us, but
doubtless it has been kept in the
memory of Prussian hearts ; and
indeed one may suppose that the
treaty just concluded is framed in
imitation of it. For, let us recall
for a moment the terms, quoting
Sir A. Alison : —
"The losses of Prussia by this treaty
were enormous. Between the states
forming part of her possessions ceded to
the Grand-Duchy of Warsaw and those
acquired by the kingdom of Westphalia,
she lost 4,236,048 inhabitants, or nearly
a half of her dominions, for those re-
tained contained only 5,034,504 souls.
But overwhelming as the losses were,
they constituted but a small part of the
calamities which fell on this ill-fated
monarchy by this disastrous peace.
The fortresses left her, whether iu
Silesia or on the Oder, remained in the
hands of France nominally, as a security
for payment of the war contributions
which were to be levied on the im-
poverished inhabitants, but really to
overawe its government and entirely
paralyse its military resources. A gar-
rison of 20,000 French soldiers was
stationed in Dantzic— a frontier station
of immense importance — both as her-
metically closing the mouths of the
Vistula, giving the French authorities
the entire command of the commerce of
Poland, and affording an advanced post
which, in the event of future hostilities,
would be highly serviceable in a war
with Russia. The newly-established
kingdoms of Westphalia and Saxony,
with the military road through Prussia
terminating in the Grand-Duchy of War-
saw, gave the French Emperor the un-
disputed control of Northern Germany ;
in effect, brought up the French frontier
to the Niemen, and enabled him to com-
mence any future war with the same
advantage from that distant river as he
had done the present from the banks of
the Rhine. At the same time enormous
contributions, amounting to the stu-
pendous, and, if not proved by authentic
documents, incredible sum of six hundred
millions of francs, or twenty-four mil-
lions sterling, were imposed on the
countries which had been the seat of
war between the Rhine and the Niemen ;
a sum at least equal to an hundred
490
TJie End of the War.
[April
millions sterling in Great Britain, when
the difference in the value of money and
the wealth of the two states is taken
into consideration. This grievous exac-
tion completely paralysed the strength
of Prussia, and rendered her for the next
five years totally incapable of extricating
herself from that iron net in which she
was enveloped by the continued occupa-
tion of her fortresses by the French
troops.
"While Napoleon and Alexander
were thus adjusting their differences at
Tilsit by the spoliation of all the weaker
Powers in Europe, partitioning Turkey,
and providing for the dethronement of
the sovereigns in the Spanish peninsula,
the chains were drawn yet more closely
round unhappy Prussia. In the treaty
with that Power it had been provided
that a subsidiary military convention
should be concluded regarding the period
of the evacuation of the fortresses by the
French troops, and the sums of money
to be paid for their ransom. Nomin-
ally, it was provided that they should
be evacuated by the 1st October, with
the exception of Stettin, which was still
to be garrisoned by French troops ; but
as it was expressly declared as a sine qua
non that the whole contributions im-
posed should be paid up before the evac-
uation commenced, and that the King
of Prussia should levy no revenue in his
dominions till these exactions were fully
satisfied, and that the Prussians, mean-
while, should feed, clothe, and lodge all
the French troops within their bounds,
the French Emperor had in reality the
means of retaining possession of them as
long as he chose, which he accordingly
did. In addition to the enormous war
contributions already mentioned, of
which 513, 744, 000 francs, or £20,500,000,
fell on Prussia alone, farther and most
burdensome commissions were forced on
Prussia in the end of the year, in virtue
of which Count Daru, the French Col-
lector-General, demanded 154,000,000
francs, or £6,160,000, more from that
unhappy and reduced State ; an exaction
so monstrous and utterly disproportioned
to its now scanty revenue, which did
not exceed £3,000,000 sterling, that it
never was or could be fully discharged ;
and this gave the French a pretence for
continuing the occupation of the for-
tresses, and wringing contributions from
the country till five years afterwards,
when the Moscow campaign com-
menced."*
If, then, precedent, if trespass
against them of equal cruelty, be
justification, Germany and Ger-
many's Emperor may defend their
acts. And to their sense it would
seem that precedent, and former
injury to themselves at the hand of
France, are all the justification that
is needed. " Happy shall he be
that rewardeth thee as thou hast
served us. Blessed shall he be that
taketh thy children and throweth
them against the stones." This in-
dicates the moral latitude of Prussia.
She cannot rise a hair's - breadth
above the level of the first French
Empire.
We hear from some apologists
that Germany would have been less
terrible in her vengeance, but that
she has feared, and has acted on the
fear, that what she did not do,
boastful France would hereafter say
that she could not do. It was ne-
cessary, therefore, to leave indelible
marks for history ; to let proof of
her triumphant power rest upon
severe, startling facts. But this is
surely a miserable apology. Does
Prussia imagine that it is in the
power of France to take away her
reputation, to disguise the greatness
of her triumph 1 Where have the
eyes of Europe been that the whole
Continent should not be witness in
the matter ? Does Prussia remem-
ber that these things were not done
in a corner, and that her acts have
impressed the whole civilised world?
Can she not trust the world ] Ap-
parently she cannot. She has ig-
nored too much the influence and
the opinion of Europe. She has
looked on the war as a barbaric feud
of the middle ages handed down
* And yet a Parisian correspondent of the 'Times,' whose letter was published
on 9th March, would persuade us that " the Germans have converted war into a
business, while the French imagined themselves to be preserving to it a chivalrous
aspect." This correspondent must write for the marines.
1871.]
TJie End of the War.
491
from generation to generation. She
has thought of only assuring herself
and her foe of the retributive tri-
umph. She has been insensible to
the far greater triumph which she
might have enjoyed. She might
have established her empire over
the mind of that Europe in which
she now occupies the first position.
It is her misfortune that the voice
of civilisation seems now to proclaim
her a destroyer to be greatly feared,
rather than a leader by whose pri-
macy the world will be improved.
Yet, if Prussia has not deserved
the highest reputation of all, she
has astonished all nations by the
sagacity of her plans, and by the
ability with Avhich she has created,
and moved, and fought her splendid
armies. All the aims of a great
military nation appear to have been
achieved by her. Soldiers in a suc-
cession of countless hosts ; the ma-
terial and accessories of war profuse
in quantity, and so efficiently trans-
ported as to be always available
when wanted; the highest profes-
sional talent in her chief leaders ;
proficiency in all her officers ; a per-
fect and unwavering discipline : suc-
cess in maturing all this we must
ascribe to Prussia. It is probable
that, before the war had lasted a
month, Prussia knew certainly that
in numbers, as in all else, her armies
were far superior to those of France.
She was able, therefore, to take her
measures at discretion, so as to con-
trol the course and events of the
campaign. She has proved to us
that for the career of conquest she
could not be excelled ; but it is only
in that course that we have seen
her. How her organism would have
stood the test of reverses, how her
troops would have borne, and how
her generals would have retrieved
disaster, we have had no oppor-
tunity of judging. Her foe was not
worthy of her. And this inferiority
of France is no less remarkable than
the undoubted excellence of Prussia.
We know very well that the most
glorious of armies can be composed
of Frenchmen — that the necessary
materials exist in France ; and yet
we have seen an apparently splen-
did French army not only unsuc-
cessful, but so thoroughly helpless
both in design and act as to be an
easy prey. The failing has been
said by one critic to have been here,
and by another to have been there,
but it cannot have been confined
to any one article. The more we
reflect upon the events of the cam-
paign, the more convinced we must
become that there was inefficiency
from the top to the bottom of the
army, and that the very gravest
blame attaches to all who have been
concerned in its organisation and
administration. It is impossible but
that its incapacity must have been
known had the least attention been
given by intelligent persons to its
condition. There was neither head
nor heart in it. We have learned
that a fair military display may be
made where there is really no mili-
tary force — good stuff, perhaps, but,
from unskilful leading and de-
fective organisation, only food for
powder. Or is it right to say that
we have learned? We have had the
opportunity of learning, but we pro-
bably have not learned ; for be it
remembered that the largest item in
Mr Card well's provision for the de-
fence of Great Britain this year is
170,000 volunteers, and the second
largest 139,000 militia, partly dis-
embodied and partly not yet levied !
Is it reasonable to expect that such
a force would make a better figure
before Prussian troops than the
French army did? There might
be fewer sound prisoners, and more
killed and wounded perhaps, but
that is all the difference. And the
mention of this difference recalls the
great number of unwounded French
prisoners that were taken, which is
492
The End of the War.
[April
a very notable fact. Independently
of the huge goings into captivity at
Sedan and at Metz, every battle, as
we were told, produced its harvest
of prisoners in most disproportion-
ate numbers. JSTow we know that
Frenchmen in former wars have had
no disposition to yield themselves
up,* so that their conduct last year
must be explained by some pe-
culiarity of the time. Either the
conscripts, being shamefully led,
found themselves like sheep without
a shepherd, and, comprehending their
danger, but not knowing how to
meet it, bought their lives by the
surrender of their liberty ; or else
they were (as some writers have not
scrupled to insinuate) really luke-
warm about the fate of the army or
the honour of the country. In
either case the fault was in the
leaders ; for it is not only the lead-
ing and handling of troops in pre-
sence of the enemy which is expected
from officers — on them depends also
the tone of regiments. All sorts of
notions will spread among raw lads,
and all sorts of weaknesses will be
yielded to, if a proper spirit be not
sedulously kept up by superiors
whom the soldiers respect. This
consideration is of immense import-
ance, and should not be overlooked
by.us, who are at this time invited
to tamper with the officering of our
army.t
We have before taken occasion to
note t the steadiness of the German
troops, which the most intoxicating
success was unable to shake ; and
we have now to mention in the
highest terms the self-restraint and
the unprovoking demeanour which
they exhibited in entering Paris.
Nothing could be finer than their
bearing at the time of triumph, and
it is to be doubted whether any other
troops in the world have ever borne
success with such equanimity. We
English are very boastful about our
behaviour when in an enemy's
territory ; and as far as the will of
the nation and the orders of our
commanders are concerned, licence
is utterly discountenanced. But
there are little chapters in the
histories of our wars which prove
that we have never succeeded in
carrying into act the excellent reg-
ulations which we approve for the
guidance of our armies. What shall
we say, for instance, of an occurrence
like the following, of which we ex-
tract the account from Napier's
Peninsular War 1 The author has
just graphically described the as-
sault on Badajos, and the unparalleled
bravery which our army displayed
there, when he goes on to say : —
" Now commenced that wild and des-
perate wickedness which tarnished the
lustre of the soldier's heroism. All in-
deed were not alike, for hundreds risked,
and many lost, their lives in striving to
stop the violence ; biit the madness gene-
rally prevailed, and as the worst men
were leaders here, all the dreadful pas-
sions of human nature were displayed.
* " La Garde meurfc : elle ne se rend pas."
t It is clear from what has been said in the course of the debate on Army
Organisation, that many of our legislators either have no conception of what this
tone is, or else confound it with mere bravery. Some of the speakers on the
Ministerial side, when speaking scornfully of the dread that deterioration would
follow the abolition of the regimental system, have taken occasion to remark that
they were sure British soldiers, however combined, would in the future per-
form deeds as heroic as have been done in the past. From which observation we
dissent altogether, if the acts of masses or aggregations of men are intended. Any
one acquainted with the service must know that regiments have idiosyncrasies like
individuals, and that, notwithstanding the changes which under the present system
occasionally occur without affecting the separate character, any general permuta-
tion of officers would be fatal to tone, and so would damage materially the
efficiency of the corps.
£ See 'Blackwood's Magazine' for Oct. 1870, p. 526 ; and March 1871, p. 382.
1871.]
The End of the War.
Shameless rapacity, brutal intemperance,
savage lust, cruelty, and murder, shrieks
and piteous lamentations, groans, shouts,
imprecations, the hissing of fires bursting
from the houses, the crashing of doors
aud windows, and the reports of muskets
used in violence, resounded for two days
and nights in the streets of Badajos ! Ou
the third, when the city was sacked,
when the soldiers were exhausted by
their own excesses, the tumult rather
subsided than was quelled. The wound-
ed men were then looked to and the dead
disposed of ! "
The above, though it was not
quite a solitary scandal, was alto-
gether an exceptional outbreak. The
best troops, it was thought, must be
carried away in times of great excite-
ment. Happy are they with whom
the phrensy soon passes, and order
rapidly resumes her sway. But the
Prussians have taught us all a new
lesson in that respect. It is their
surpassing merit that they have
been as calm and steady in the hour
of bewildering triumph, as if the
conquest of huge hosts and the cap-
ture of cities were ordinary events
of every day's experience. In point
of moderation and self-restraint they
have shown themselves worthy of
their leading position — they are a
light to lighten the armies of all
Europe !.!
Germany, if she has been hard
and inexorable in her exactions, has
no doubt shown a high degree of
self-possession and a restraint of
emotion which are highly becom-
ing. We wish heartily that, turn-
ing to the other side, we could see
France bearing her reverses — her
most severe trials undoubtedly —
with a corresponding dignity. In
some things France, let us admit,
has not been unworthy of herself
and her antecedents ; but there
have been occasions where she has
appeared so deficient and so paltry
as almost to quell respect and sym-
pathy. What, for instance, can be
more an antidote to admiration than
the pitiful exhibition in the National
Assembly, made by no less a person
than M. Victor Hugo on the 1st
March? Pistol with his leek, and
his threat that " all hell shall stir
for this," is almost dignified by com-
parison. As reported in the London
'Times' of 6th March, M. Hugo
used this language : —
"Paris, fighting for five months, was
the admiration of the world. In those
five months it had gained more honour
than it had lost in nineteen years of the
Empire. Majestic as Rome, heroic as
Sparta, the Prussians might sully it,
but they had not taken it. ... He
declared that Prussia might be master of
France at the present time, but never in
the future. France was a red-hot iron
which any foreign hand that grasped it
would soon be glad to drop. All that
France had lost the Revolution would
regain. One day the France of 1792
would arise invincible, and at a bound
would recapture Alsace and Lorraine.
Was that all ? No ; she would seize
Trfives, Mayence, Cologne, Coblentz, all
the left bank of the Rhine."
The ' Times ' correspondent says,
that when he spoke of recapturing
Alsace and Lorraine " at a bound,"
he crouched into the attitude of a
beast about to spring ! !
M. Hugo appears to have studied
parts of his friend the divine Wil-
liam to some purpose, and he now
reproduces with amplification one of
the personce in " King Henry V." If
one were to borrow the expression
of Gower, and to say he was "a
counterfeit cowardly knave, and dare
not by his deeds avouch any of his
words," he could hardly complain,
having so broadly invited the com-
parison. And if France has been
disgraced by her educated braggarts,
so has Paris been degraded by her
execrable street ruffians. They who
were powerless before an armed foe,
have been wreaking their awaken-
ing valour on the helpless and un-
protected. Surely if the chastise-
ment from the hand of Prussia had
fallen on these cowardly ragamuf-
fins instead of on the peasantry, the
sense of mankind would be better
Tlie End of the War.
[April
satisfied. Blustering demagogues,
without any resource or real ability ;
a savage, cowardly, metropolitan
rabble, encouraged in its ferocity
and extravagance by the language
of its leaders, — these have been for
many a day the bane of France, and
there is every symptom of their be-
ing about to perpetrate more mis-
chief. It is most amusing to observe
how satisfied the Republican speak-
ers are, that by laying upon the Em-
pire the responsibility of the war
and its consequences, they relieve
France of all blame. They do not
explain to us who instituted and
maintained the Empire, if not France.
Neither do they explain how it came
to pass that as long as the Empire
was successful France never thought
of repudiating its acts. The Crimean
war and the war with Austria were
Imperial wars, the latter of them as
unjust and unprovoked a war as the
war with Prussia, and yet France
uttered no word of protest or disap-
proval, but accepted the successes
with all her heart. Does any one
doubt that a victorious Emperor
would have been welcomed back,
too, in 1870, with applause and
adulation? Individuals may have
signified their disapproval or pro-
tested, but the nation cannot separ-
ate itself from its ruler's act, and is
guilty of a crime against Europe and
against civilisation in having made
this ruinous war. It will be discov-
ered at last that Europe will not ac-
cept Napoleon as a scape-goat, and
that the obloquy which so many
indomitable patriots are now heap-
ing upon him will not serve the
purpose intended. And while no-
ticing this obloquy, which the Con-
stituent Assembly almost with one
voice has not been ashamed to ex-
press with railing, tumult, and every
indecorous circumstance, we ought
not to pass by the courageous deport-
ment of the half-dozen Corsicans,
who in the teeth of the violent
Chamber stood up to defend the
prisoner of Wilhelmshohe. What-
ever judgment France may pass
upon those scenes of the first of
March, England, we feel assured,
will see more real nobility in the
undaunted devotion of these two or
three Imperialists than in all the
patriotic rant put forth to drown the
noise of chewing the leek. We
must still believe that there are in
France very many prominent men,
upon whom reverse and punishment
have had no salutary influence ;
who cannot conform themselves to
their present condition ; who are so
far from being likely to help or raise
up their country, that the country's
greatest danger lies in the possible
acts of folly to which these her in-
flated sons may incite her.*
The appetite of a keen-witted,
aspiring, busy people, not for bom-
bast only, but for positive falsehood,
is something for ethnologists to ex-
plain. The gross falsehoods that
were current in and about Paris
during the last few weeks of the
Empire, and from the commence-
ment of the Eepublic to the peace,
have been passed over at home as
mere matters of course. There has
been no contradiction, no exposure.
While from the Emperor downward
everybody is clamouring about frauds
and betrayals from which alone have
proceeded all the misfortunes of the
country — these sins being of that
foundling kind which in default of
parents are ascribed to Mr Nobody
or the domestic cat — the whole
people have been encouraging such
an invention of falsehoods as can-
not be paralleled except perhaps in
Persia. Sometimes here and there
a misrepresentation cleverly put for-
* This foreboding has not had to wait long for its fulfilment. As we go to press, the
distressing news of Paris having been for two days in the hands of insurgents comes
to hand.
1871.]
The End of the War.
495
ward may serve a political or mili-
tary purpose, and one would not be
too severe upon errors resorted to in
extremities with such a view. But
the enormous lying of the French
telegrams and the French press,
sometimes of the French Govern-
ment, appeared to be committed for
lying's sake. It was certain to be
exposed, and it worked great mis-
chief by keeping the people misin-
formed as to the actual condition of
the country, and so preventing calm
earnest counsel as to what course
should have been followed. This
ready acceptance and condonation
of untruth in France will always be
regarded as one of the curiosities of
the war.
Germany is at peace. There is
for the present no more for her to
do in dealing heavy blows and
rolling her enemy in the dust. Her
right to the primacy which she has
attained to will be examined shortly
upon moral grounds. She comes to
this ordeal of opinion self-deprived
of that on which she might have
rested her chief pretension. She
has concluded a peace with her
enemy without the slightest regard
to the wishes of Europe. She has
thought only of retribution; or,
if she has bestowed a secondary
thought on the nations, it has been
of how they would be impressed by
witnessing her unsparing wrath. A
golden opportunity has been ne-
glected ; or perhaps we should not
say neglected, for there is reason to
fear that she is unable to receive
the idea of such an opportunity.
How, then, is Europe to benefit by
Prussia becoming her leading State 1
— a nation that has no higher con-
ception of the uses of power than
to mete out full and rigid ven-
geance, and to stun mankind by
the manifestation of physical and
material strength 1 Such principles
can be heard of in the wigwam or
by the Caffre watch-fire, but we
hoped that we had got far beyond
them in Christendom. If we are
to be taken back to the morality of
the old Danes and Picts, what good
shall the leading of Prussia do us ?
And these conditions of peace are
but one among many ominous signs
that we are under deteriorating in-
fluences ; that the supremacy is in
unworthy hands ; that the progress
of humanity is in danger of being
arrested. The war itself, the abom-
inable treacherous plots which the
war brought to light, the conduct
of Russia in November last, the
secret understanding between Rus-
sia and Prussia, all indicate that
the moral sense of the Western na-
tions is being gradually blunted,
that material force is resuming its
sway over the minds of men, that
cunning is before honour. David
has had his day ; we must learn to
reverence Goliath. And perhaps
the merits of the patriarch Jacob
will cease to be a puzzle to theo-
logians, when at every university
there shall be a chair of Dissimula-
tion.
Englishmen have plainly ex-
pressed their disappointment at the
low standard by which Prussia has
regulated her policy; but is it not
incumbent upon them to do some-
thing more than that? We have
pointed out many a time during the
last six months that ordinary pru-
dence, a regard to our own safety,
prescribe that we should put our-
selves into a state of defence, and
that we should stand ready to take
the lead in any case where the lib-
erties of nations may be threatened.
We do not intend now to repeat
the arguments which we have in
past months addressed to the inter-
ests and the self-esteem of the na-
tion. But we add to those argu-
ments this other — viz., that if the
moral movement of Europe be, as
we have the strongest reason to be-
lieve that it is, retrograde, then it
is no longer a mere selfish consid-
eration with England whether she
496
Tlie End of the War.
[April
will remain passive and helpless or
no. She has a public duty to per-
form. She will not fulfil her mis-
sion if she refuse to raise her voice
against the prevalence of violence,
craft, and wrong — that is, if she
refuse to raise her voice in such
manner that it may command re-
spect. She must show that she is
ready to lay lance in rest, and to
become the leader of all them who
still desire to see right put before
might. Our indignation will be of
no avail unless we show ourselves
prepared to take action. Simply
to stand unarmed, and to say no
word good or bad concerning events
which so largely affect the world,
is to hide the talent which God has
given us in a napkin. Peace-at-
any-price Ministers, such as we
have now, are the strongest allies
of Bismarkisin.
Prussia withdraws from the theatre
of war weakened of course in men,
but otherwise not disabled by the
campaign. The indemnity to be
paid by France will replace all other
losses ; and so, without requiring
any breathing-time, Germany may
set fresh enterprises on foot if she
desires. Russia, the Power next in
strength, is, we may suspect, bound
to Germany and in her confidence.
The two together are unhappily
strong enough to carry out any
policy which they may decide upon.
If we look to the rest of Europe, it
is utterly disjointed. No two States
are in accord as to action for the
common weal. Combination is not
only possible, but is, we know, de-
sired by many of the States ; but
inasmuch as they have none to
lead them, there is nothing deter-
mined, no clear course prearranged
to check the inroads of tyrannous
power, if such should attempt to
dominate. This is surely a very
serious neglect. Statesmen worthy
the name would take some step for
securing a balance of power, would
have ready some plan of joint action
against a possible time of jeopardy.
It will be too late to do this when
the danger is imminent. Austria
alone seems to be fully alive to the
necessity of action.
However historically just may be
the retribution which France brought
on herself by the rash challenge to
Prussia, there can be no doubt that
her complete and sudden fall has
left a gap in Europe much to be
lamented. If after Sedan her des-
tinies had fallen into wiser hands,
and peace had then been made,
things would have been very differ-
ent. Her great exhaustion would
have been avoided, and the victor's
terms would have been less crush-
ing. Now it is to be feared that,
even if her rulers should institute
the very wisest course of reconstruc-
tion, many years must elapse before
she can exercise any great influence.
Meanwhile the danger and alarm of
most of the States are likely to be
great. Without individual strength
and without union they will be har-
assed continually by suspicions of
what Germany and Prussia may be
preparing to do. There can no
longer be belief in assurances or
treaties, —
"For oaths are straws, men's faiths are
wafer cakes,
And Holdfast is the only dog, my duck."
These periods of universal mis-
trust right themselves, it is true,
sooner or later, but until equilibrium
is restored they must be anxious
and depressing times. The renais-
sance of France, or the recovery of
her senses by England, will be the
events to which the weak States will
look forward with most hope. The
latter event seems to us very dis-
tant, and, judging by the absence
of all visible means of speedy re-
covery, the former also must be
years away, — only we know that
Prussia herself, after being similarly
shattered in 1807, was again in the
field in 1813, and her troops entered
Paris in 1814 and 1815, and would
1871.]
The End of the War.
497
then have retorted upon France
some of those severities which she
has kept until now, had not England
interfered. For which service of
interfering England was thanked
by France as cordially as she has
now been thanked for her exertions
to revictual Paris. There is this
difference, however, between the
cases : Prussia by the chances of
war was beaten in the field, and
most severely mulcted by her con-
queror ; this, though bad enough,
was all that ailed her. Morally and
politically she was quite sound, and
she began at once to recover after
her misfortune. France, on the
contrary, wao, as is now evident,
internally diseased and past hope of
remedy before the Emperor sent his
rash challenge to Berlin. That
wicked error precipitated and con-
densed the ruin ; but it is clear now
that ruin in some form was inev-
itable. When the resources of the
country came to be tested, it was
found that she had absolutely no-
thing to lean upon, that she was
rotten to the core, and wanted but
a strong thrust to resolve her into
her atoms. Now that the enemy has
left her robbed and bleeding, she
has no Government, no institution,
no framed society with which im-
mediately to begin the world again.
She has to find capable statesmen
and generals, to devise a form of
government ; to make a nation first,
and then to cherish it into wisdom
and strength. Nevertheless, when
we reflect that there are people alive
to-day to witness the greatness of
Prussia who can remember the time
of her severe depression in 1807,
we see that, so far as her material
loss is concerned, the military case of
France is not beyond remedy. Her
danger is in her political instability.
Does it not make one smile sadly
to think now of those bugbears
which used to haunt Europe, and
were whispered of as les ideas Na-
poleoniennes? • Dreadful decrees,
fixed as fate, inexorable judgments,
were to be executed against the
nations one after the other. What
one Napoleon had ordained but left
unaccomplished, another Napoleon,
subtile, powerful, terrible in his de-
termination, would bring to pass.
The only question was when and
how it might be his pleasure to act ;
and men watched his words and
looks as the issues of life and death.
So one reads in the newspapers,
under the head of " Superstition in
the Nineteenth Century," of whole
villages kept in fear of their lives
by a virulent witch, who turns out
to be a toothless, paralytic, old wo-
man ! Perhaps it is just as con-
venient for the house of Buonaparte
that .England has been left stand-
ing. We don't bear malice for des
idees, and we trust we may afford
to the distinguished dreamer a shel-
ter where he may smoke and rumin-
ate to his heart's content.
If wars in these days are sharp,
they are short. To the vanquished
this will always suggest the regret
that the time was too short, that
the blows fell too fast for them to
rally and do the deeds which, but
for the pace, they certainly would
have done. But to all but the van-
quished it is matter of congratula-
tion that wars are soon fought out.
We owe it to the arts that the world
is not kept for years in a state of
distraction because two unreason-
able nations choose to behave like
bedlamites. Improved means of
transport and of communication
have been the cause of this. The
forces on both sides have been de-
veloped rapidly, and the war brought
to issue in a few months. We may
hope that the course of future wars
will be likewise short; but there
are two ways of attending to this
probability : to those who are to be
only spectators of a contest it is sim-
ply a ground for thankfulness ; but
to every one who by possibility may
be a combatant it says, " Prepare."
498
TJte End of the War.
[April
It is also well worthy of remark
that, in the war just ended, although
many fortresses fell, not one was
taken by assault. That these dread-
ful operations had no place in the
great contest is a subject for satisfac-
tion ; but we may not hope that the
omission of them from the bloody
tableaux is, like the short duration
of the war, due to any permanent
influence. It is to be accounted for
by the fact that Prussia had, and
knew that she had, so decided a
superiority in men and means and
science, that she could risk the loss
of time required to blockade places
and reduce them by famine. But
there is no reason to hope that
assaults de vive force will be avoided
in future wars, if the opposing
armies shall be at all equal in
bravery and talent. Then the cal-
culations will be so nice, and the
saving of time will be such an ob-
ject, that fortresses will have to be
stormed at any loss. Sad as were
the accounts of the want and misery
in Paris, there would have been
descriptions infinitely more shock-
ing had breaches been opened,
stormed, and defended, in the forts
and in the enceinte of the city. These
obstinate struggles, full of hair-
breadth adventure and of carnage,
are not only appalling in themselves,
but they inflame the mass of the
soldiery to such a demoniacal pitch,
that such frightful excesses as we
have above shown to have occurred
in captured Badajos might ensue.
Persons who have not studied the
histories of sieges can have but a
faint idea of the mortal struggles, the
supreme agonies, the dire sights and
sounds of the battle in the " im-
minent deadly breach." They are
such that, after meditating on them,
one wonders how those Avho have
managed to escape from them with
life have ever preserved their reason.
And now that we are delivered
from the daily dread of such things
being done in our neighbours' terri-
tory, it may perhaps be not unpro-
fitable to understand what har-
rowing of the feelings we have
been spared lately, and what we may
have to encounter if we are insane
enough to give an enemy the chance
of landing on our shores. To pic-
ture this we will refer once more
to the last English siege of Badajos.
We have before noted the phrensy
which followed the assault ; let us
now think for a season of the deeds
which provoked the phrensy.
Marshal Soult was on his march
to relieve Badajos. Every hour,
therefore, was of importance to Lord
Wellington, who determined to put
forth all his strength to make him-
self immediately master of the place.
On the other side, the Erench knew,
too, that the assault would not be
delayed, and they employed every
device, and stood brimful of courage
to make the attack fail. There were
three great breaches in the walls on
the south of the town, but the
French had retrenched that part of
the fortification — that is to say, they
had made a temporary ditch and
rampart inside the wall that was
broken, thus —
A. B, C, Breaches, a a a, The retrenchment.
1871.]
Tlie End of the War.
499
So that the assailant, after he should
have forced the breaches, would still
have had an interior line between
him and Badajos. "Wellington's
plan was to make separate attacks
at intervals of distance, but simul-
taneously, nearly all round the cir-
cuit of the fortifications. He hoped
to get in at the breaches, but
thought it advisable to distract the
enemy by assailing him on all sides ;
and the result showed that he was
wise in not trusting to the assault
on the breaches alone. North of
the town flowed the Guadiana, and
on the north-east, overlooking the
river, was the castle of Badajos :
on this castle one of the attacking
parties was directed, with orders to
attempt it by escalade. The breaches,
of course, were to be assailed by a
heavy force, and there were two
other attacks on the east and west
fronts. The French expected the
assault, and were on the qui vive.
The English stood ready to com-
mence a combat, which was at last
" so fiercely fought, so terribly won,
so dreadful in all its circumstances,
that posterity can scarcely be ex-
pected to credit the tale." * It was
a cloudy dry night, and all seemed
to favour the successful execution
of the scheme, according to which
the attacks were to be made together
at ten o'clock. But an accident de-
layed one of the attacks, and a light-
ball thrown into the air discovered
the columns which stood waiting to
scale the walls of the castle, so
that they had to rush on half an
hour before the time appointed, and
therefore unassisted by diversions
caused by the other storming-col-
umns. The others, however, got to
their work as fast as possible after
they saw the troops engaged at the
castle ; but in the latter there was
already a melee of the most infernal
character. The soldiers had planted
their ladders and rushed up, but
were received with the greatest
courage by the French, their ladders
overturned, themselves shot and
stabbed, and loaded shells, heavy
stones, and logs of wood rolled on
them from the parapet — the noiso
of which, mingled with shouts, the
crash of breaking ladders, and the
cries of the wounded, composed a
horrible discord. With all their
persistence, and all their valour, the
English were baffled in their first
attempt : but they were not beaten.
They retired, and re-formed behind a
rugged hill; and, nothing daunted
by the dreadful encounter which
they had just essayed, advanced
once more against the walls, and
after fighting strenuously, suffering
keenly, and losing many of their
bravest, at last got into the castle.
The success at this point was, how-
ever, not known elsewhere at the
time. Everybody was too closely
occupied to be aware of what was
done at a distant point ; and it must
be remembered that it was night,
when it was impossible to display
any signal that could be understood.
The other attacks had been proceed-
ing independently; and of the whole
of the battles which occurred that
night, that which occurred at the
breaches was the most terrible. The
account ought to be given in the
words of the eloquent historian of
the Peninsular War : —
' ' During these events, the tumult at
the breaches was such as if the very
earth had been rent asunder and its
central fires were bursting upwards un-
controlled. The two divisions had reached
the glacis just as the firing at the castle
had commenced, and the flash of a single
musket, discharged from the covered-way
as a signal, showed them that the French
were ready : yet no stir was heard, and
darkness covered the breaches. Some
hay - packs were then thrown, some
ladders were placed, and the forlorn -
hopes and storniing-parties of the Light
* Napier's Peninsular War.
500
The End of the War.
[April
Division, about five hundred in all, had
descended into the ditch without opposi-
tion, when a bright flame shooting up-
wards displayed all the terrors of the
scene. The ramparts, crowded with dark
figures and glittering arms, were seen on
the one side, and on the other the red
columns of the British, deep and broad,
were coming on like streams of burning
lava ; it was the touch of the magician's
wand, for a crash of thunder followed,
and with incredible violence the storm-
ing-parties were dashed to pieces by the
explosion of hundreds of shells and
powder-barrels.
"For an instant the Light Division
stood on the brink of the ditch, amazed
at the terrific sight, then, with a shout
that matched even the sound of the ex-
plosion, flew down the ladders, or, dis-
daining their aid, leaped, reckless of the
depth, into the gulf below ; and nearly
at the same moment, amidst a blaze of
musketry that dazzled the eyes, the
Fourth Division came running in and
descended with a like fury."
There was immense confusion and
much unavoidable blundering. The
men fell into a deep trench filled
with water in the ditch ; they mis-
took the part of the work on which
they had been directed, and were
exposed to a deadly fire ; the troops
destined for action in certain pre-
scribed points mixed together in the
gloom, and made for two of the
breaches. "We recur to Napier's
account : —
" Great was the confusion, for now the
ravelin was quite crowded with men of
both divisions, and while some continued
to fire, others jumped down and ran to-
wards the breach ; many also passed be-
tween the ravelin and the counterguard
of the Trinidad. The two divisions got
mixed, and the reserves, which should
have remained at the quarries, also came
pouring in, until the ditch was quite
filled, the rear still crowding forward,
and all cheering vehemently. The
enemy's shouts, also, were loud and ter-
rible ; and the bursting of shells and of
grenades, the roaring of the guns from
the flanks, answered by the iron howit-
zers from the battery of the parallel, the
heavy roll and horrid explosion of the
powder-barrels, the whizzing flight of the
blazing splinters, the loud exhortations
of the officers, and the continued clatter
of the muskets, made a maddening din.
"Now a multitude bounded up the
great breach as if driven by a whirlwind ;
but across the top glittered a range of
sword-blades, sharp-pointed, keen-edged,
on both sides, and firmly fixed in pon-
derous beams, which were chained to-
gether and set deep in the ruins; and
for ten feet in front the ascent was
covered with loose planks studded with
sharp iron points, on which the feet of
the foremost being set the planks moved,
and the unhappy soldiers, falling forward
on the spikes, rolled down upon the ranks
behind. Then the Frenchmen, shouting
at the success of their stratagem, and
leaping forward, plied their shot with
terrible rapidity ; for every man had
several muskets, and each musket, in
addition to its ordinary charge, contained
a small cylinder of wood stuck full of
leaden slugs, which scattered like hail
when they were discharged.
" Again the assailants rushed up the
breaches, and again the sword-blades,
immovable and impassable, stopped
their charge, and the hissing shells and
thundering powder- barrels exploded un-
ceasingly. Hundreds of men had fallen,
and hundreds more were dropping, but
still the heroic officers called aloud for
new trials, and sometimes followed by
many, sometimes by a few, ascended the
ruins ; and so furious were the men
themselves, that in one of these charges
the rear strove to push the foremost on
to the sword- blades, willing even to make
a bridge of their writhing bodies, but the
others frustrated the attempt by drop-
ping down ; and men fell so fast from
the shot, that it was hard to know
who went down voluntarily, who were
stricken, and many stooped unhurt that
never rose again. Vain also would it
have been to break through the sword-
blades, for the trench and parapet be-
hind the breach were finished, and the
assailants, crowded into even a narrower
space than the ditch was, would still have
been separated from their enemies, and
the slaughter would have continued."
No command could be distinctly
heard, so great was the noise. All
formations were broken by the fre-
quent heaps of dead, and by the
struggles of the wounded to avoid
being trodden on ; yet officer after
officer was seen to start forth from
among the masses in the ditch, and,
followed by more or fewer men, to
rush up the breaches till stopped by
the sword-blades. The great body
1871.]
The End of the War.
501
of the troops, baffled but not dis-
mayed, stood in the ditch sternly
looking up at the ramparts, while
the French, shooting them down as
they could see them, jeered, asking
why they did not come into Badajos.
The dead lay in heaps, which
every moment received additions ;
the wounded crawled about seeking
shelter ; and a sickening stench arose
from the burnt flesh of the slain.
But with all this the futile attempts
to pass the breaches were renewed,
but always ineffectually. And in
this deadly work two whole hours
were spent. Then — that is to say,
about midnight — Lord Wellington,
who had heard by this time of the
taking of the castle, ordered the
multitude to retire and re-form, still
deeming that it might be necessary
to force these formidable breaches.
Even the operation of getting away
out of the ditches was attended with
much loss. But the reader knows
that the castle was taken, which was
on the east; and he should learn
how that, not without much oppo-
sition and a display of gallantry
similar to that which has been des-
cribed, another attack by escalade
was successful also on the extreme
west. Thus the assailants were
able to advance from both flanks
against the breaches which were in
the south, and to drive the defenders
therefrom. Then the British were
soon masters of the town, and the
memorable siege of Badajos ended.
Three thousand five hundred officers
and soldiers were killed or wounded
in these two hours' work ; and the
Iron Duke, when he comprehended
the extent of the carnage, could not
suppress a passionate burst of grief.
If we have succeeded in convey-
ing an idea of the horrors of this
night, the reader will perceive that,
great as were the calamities of the
war just ended, they would have
been very far greater if the fortified
places had been taken by storm.
In reckoning the effects to Eng-
land individually of the events of
the last eight months, the coinci-
dence of the prostration of France
with the ascendancy at home of a
non-resisting Administration is the
most important thing to be noted.
Russia did not fail to perceive the
advantage which it gave her, and
did not scruple to use her oppor-
tunity, as we too well know. The
war, therefore, may be said to have
brought humiliation to us as well
as to France. And our disgrace
does not terminate with the return
of peace. From the manner in
which this our first kicking has
been submitted to, we may expect
many more from the same or from
other quarters ; and our rulers are
taking especial care that, come what
may in the way of injury or insult,
we shall have no means of vindicat-
ing our rights or our honour. With
such a force as they are providing,
it would be folly to think of fight-
ing any great Power ; and as if to
insure us every disadvantage, they
choose this crisis in the fortunes of
Europe as the occasion for revolu-
tionising our army — a proceeding
as imprudent under the circum-
stances as it would be for a general
to change his front in presence of
the enemy. ]S"ow, if the war has
furnished for us any lesson at all
it is this, that a nation which in
these days desires to be safe from
attack, must be prepared beforehand
to hold its own. There will be no
time after the occurrence of a quar-
rel or a pretended quarrel to see to
our means of defence. The enemy
will give us no breathing - space to
provide or even to think after he
may have struck his first blow.
And let it be remembered that it
may not rest with us whether we
quarrel or no. Suppose, for in-
stance, that our Sovereign were
required to give a promise of future
behaviour such as the Emperor
502
The End of the War.
[April
Kapoleon demanded from the King
of Prussia. England would cer-
tainly not suffer such a promise to
be given, even should her abject
Ministers offer to give it ; and then
there would be war. And none
can undertake that such a promise
may not be exacted for the purpose
of picking a quarrel. We have
acquired lately a little insight into
the plots which statesmen are hatch-
ing in all directions. They stick at
nothing ; and some of them may
possibly at this moment be throw-
ing supine England in as a make-
weight to balance some rascally
bargain. Let those who will deride
this as an absurd idea. It was ab-
surd as long as England chose to
take care of herself; but now that
she prefers to lie unarmed and help-
less, what is there to secure her
from such treatment as has been
designed against Belgium, Luxem-
bourg, Schleswig - Holstein, and
Turkey? Invasion was impossible
only so long as England was true
to herself. While we write comes
the intelligence of a secret treaty,
which is but sorry news to reach us
at a time when our Government is
bent in spending on a silly fancy
whatever money they can get, and
in keeping our military force so
small that it would literally be of
no account in a great war or against
a serious attack. While there is
the greatest reason to fear that mis-
chief may be brewing, and that it
may be necessary to put forth our
full power at a week's warning, we
are devising an ingenious system,
which, if it succeed at all, will only
give us a defence in the next gener-
ation, and the success of which at
any time we have no warrant for
predicting.
"We fortify in paper and in figures,
Using the names of men instead of men ;
Like one that draws the model of a house
Beyond his power to build it; who, half
through,
Gives o'er, and leaves his part-created cost
A naked subject to the weeping clouds,
And waste for churlish winter's tyranny."
— King Henry IV.
It is refreshing to see that some
members of the Stock Exchange
have displayed a patriotism of which
the Government was incapable.
They have refused to subscribe to
a Russian loan, feeling justly that
it may be Eussia's intention to
employ any money that she may
raise in actively pursuing her de-
signs against this country. They
evidently feel alarmed, and are
conscious of having been insult-
ed ; but, unfortunately, however
much individuals may deprecate the
course which Ministers are pursuing,
there does not seem to be energy
enough yet to insist on proper
security. Our long purse, however,
ought to have influence, and the
rich men are bound to think a little
of what will be profitable to their
country as well as of what will be
profitable to themselves. Now that
every State in Europe is a borrower,
a stoppage of the supplies may ex-
ercise a very wholesome influence
over some of the lawless; and it is
quite right that the British nation
should know the extent of its own
influence in this direction. Confi-
dent as we are that England ought
to stand armed and ready, we have
not the least wish that she should
resort to physical force as long as we
can maintain our rights and our
dignity by any other honourable
and rational means. And a refusal
to lend money to troublesome un-
just countries would be a perfectly
legitimate, and possibly an effica-
cious, means of keeping the peace.
We find ourselves, at the end of
this long war, more suspicious of all
the world than we have been since
the wars of the French Revolution.
It is a lamentable truth that force
and cunning are becoming year by
year less and less reprobated, and
1871.]
The End of the War.
503
that the power of virtue, of senti-
ment even, has almost disappeared
from the earth. The great battle
which is being continually fought
in the world between pure and ele-
vated principles on the one part, and
coarse practical sagacity on the other,
is inclining dangerously to the prac-
tical side. This is by no means a
consequence of the war which has
just concluded ; but the war and the
events connected with it have
brought home to us the conviction
that there is hardly any spiritual
influence in the world — seven thou-
sand men, perhaps, keeping up a
sacred light in caves and obscure
places, and destined to leaven the
human race some day when the tide
shall react, and then, it may be, for
a season to tyrannise in their turn ;
but for the present, appeal to high
feeling is in vain. For a hundred
years a section of philosophers has
been busy in sapping what it
called Superstition ; but it is only
very lately that leading men have
dared to openly disavow a higher
law than that of expediency, and
that the public of Europe has toler-
ated the repudiation by word or act
of religious or moral codes. It is
one thing to rebel against oppressive
dogmas and the tyranny of priests ;
it is another to sweep away the
marks which separate right from
wrong, and to dethrone conscience.
"We in this generation appear to
have cast aside all restraint ; and it
is a hard question whether, being
morally lawless, we can avoid the
facts of heavy blows, which seem to
be the only standard by which we
can measure our differences.
If, however, there be no respect
for sentiment, there is in some parts
of the world an immense appetite for
fustian. The bunkum and spread-
eagleism of America pale before the
intolerable bombast that is uttered
day by day in France. When M.
Victor Hugo compared his country
VOL. CIX. — NO. DCLXVI.
to a red-hot iron which a foreigner
who touched it would be glad to
drop, what could he possibly mean,
or what could he imagine that he
meant? We hardly see the pro-
priety of comparing France to a hot
iron at all ; but, granting that to be
a proper figure, surely we know, and
M. Hugo knows, of a foreigner who
very recently was not only in no
hurry to drop his hold of the hot
iron, but hammered and punched it
at his discretion. This style of rant
is but a sorry substitute for words
directed to the heart. We only
trust that the ferocious vows of ven-
geance which Frenchmen utter every
day may have no more meaning than
the contemptible eloquence which is
so fashionable among them.
Yet another reflection has come
with the peace : it is very worthy of
note, and contains some comfort.
However profligate foreign Govern-
ments may be, and however their
subtlety and unscrupulousness may
have been increased by the war,
peoples were never before, except by
having them on their own soil, so
thoroughly instructed as to what
hostilities mean ; never, that is to
say, so well informed, while at the
same time sufficiently calm and un-
occupied to lay the lesson to heart.
Within a day or two of the occur-
rences they have read and pondered
over the acts and passions of the
strife, with feelings agonised by the
cruel slaughters, by the terrible
sufferings of the wounded, with
deep compassion for the bereaved,
for the poor creatures driven from
their homes despoiled of all, for the
miserable troops exposed to cold
and privation in a bitter winter, for
starved and beleaguered cities, for a
land devastated, for industries sup-
pressed, for a nation humiliated to
the lowest depths. They know also,
full well, how wantonly and cause-
lessly the strife came to pass which
has ended so terribly. So rapid is
2M
504:
The End of the War.
[April
communication in these days, that
the neighbours of the combatants
have been informed as soon as the
belligerent Governments of the events
of the campaign, have followed the
course of the destroyer, had the
battle-fields brought close home to
them, shuddered at wounds that
were yet green, understood and
imagined in detail the heavy miseries
that were endured — formed, indeed,
lively pictures of daily doings dur-
ing war. And surely this know-
ledge, though it may have hardened
the hearts of Monarchs and Ministers,
cannot have failed to raise up in
homes and around hearths a whole-
some horror of quarrels, even for
substantial objects, but an unspar-
ing condemnation and abhorrence
of wars of ambition. Communities
have resolved, let us hope, that such
things as have been shocking their
O O
imaginations for months past shall
never again shake the nerves or
make the senses reel through any
aggression or arrogance of theirs.
Defensive warfare cannot be neces-
sary where no aggression or injury
is committed. If, therefore, peoples
refuse to abet their rulers in a grasp-
ing, overbearing policy, wars will
not occur.
There can be no doubt that the
dreadful war over whose end we are
rejoicing, was wholly unnecessary,
and therefore criminal. France was
the actual challenger ; but one feels
certain now that Prussia was hardly
less to blame. The two nations had
gone on coveting each other's terri-
tory, and envying each other's re-
putation, until a trial of strength was
inevitable. A paltry, senseless
grievance was the ostensible cause
of quarrel; but the real cause was
the evil passions which had been
fostered on both sides. It is hard
to suppose that ev.en victorious Ger-
many can look back on the struggle
with unalloyed satisfaction. There
.must be widespread mourning and
much private loss, notwithstanding
that the national expense is to be re-
covered from the vanquished. And,
as we have just said, the Germans
have in this way been made so famil-
iar with all the detail of horrors,
that they can scarcely fail to reflect
on what would have been their por-
tion had fortune inclined the other
way; if the French had succeeded
in carrying the war even for a sea-
son across the Rhine or into the
Rhenish Provinces. They have
enough of glory to satisfy any people ;
and they will do well now, if, in-
stead of desiring to pursue conquest
and to make themselves a terror,
they turn their thoughts to the ini-
quities that have been brought to
light while they were fighting, if
they discountenance and condemn
the infamous plots by which the
liberties of Belgium and Luxem-
bourg have been threatened, and
if they give some assurance to other
peoples that these intrigues shall not
be repeated. They have a great
opportunity ; the doubt is as to
whether they can understand and
use it. They may not only remain
now at peace themselves, but they
may maintain the peace of Europe.
Most heartily do we wish that peace
and progress may be their aim ; but
our wishes will have but little to
do with the event. We say again,
therefore, and it cannot be repeated
too often, that great as is our desire
for peace, we think that England,
for the sake of peace, ought to stand
ready for defence, and so far armed
that her utterance may command
respect if complications arise. Should
the sky be fair, no harm will have
been done by preparation , and
should storms arise, we may keep
our own territory inviolate, and per-
haps be the means of averting a war
from Europe.
Many Englishmen have said that
it was the duty of this country to
take part in the war, or to threaten
1871.]
THe End of the War.
to take part. Some have fixed on
one period, some on another, as that
at which England should have in-
terfered. It has been represented as
probable that if England had sternly
forbidden the war it would not have
occurred. It has been said, also,
that she should at certain stages of
the contest have insisted on mode-
rate terms of peace being proposed
and accepted, on pain of the re-
cusant encountering her hostility.
But we never have blamed, and do
not now blame, our Ministers for
keeping wholly aloof. Had the
quarrel been of a different kind our
duty might have been different; but
it was a war of wilfulness and
obstinacy, of which we best showed
our detestation by rigidly refusing
sympathy to either side, and by
letting the belligerents fight on until
both parties saw that the time had
come when peace must be made.
But although we think it was right
for England to be neutral, we think
she should have looked on in her
panoply — if not from the first, at
any rate from the time when she
learned how Belgium had been
threatened. We can speak only
with shame of the attitude which
she did assume — an attitude indi-
cating not so much an honourable
desire for peace as a craven dread of
war. The ill-will which is directed
to us from both belligerents would
hardly have been encountered if the
nation had stood armed ; neither in
that case would our representatives
have been driven to that mean and
miserable diplomacy which has yet
to be fully exposed and censured.
We can imagine the inward chuckle
with which Count Bismark heard
Mr Odo Eussell's " oath of mickle
might " about England going to'
war " with or without allies."
Knowing as he did that the English
Government " will not swagger with
a Barbary hen if her feathers turn
back with any show of resistance,"
this pitiful flourish must have been
infinitely entertaining. If the en-
voy had but gone a step further,
and intimated that Mr Cardwell's
first and second reserves would turn
out incontinently, the jest would
have been complete.
In estimating the effects of the
war, we must not forget the mo-
mentous change that has happened
in Italy through the withdrawal
of the French troops. In days to
come, when the struggle between
France and Prussia shall have
shrunk to small dimensions on the
historic page, the cessation of the
temporal power of the Popes will
mark a great epoch. The deposi-
tion of Pio Nono from his earthly
throne passed without thunderings
or earthquakes, or signs in the sun,
in the moon, or in the stars — nay,
it passed without that attention
from mankind which it certainly
deserved : it was for the moment
eclipsed by the stirring deeds which
were being done farther north.
When, however, men's minds can
lurn from these matters of imme-
diate interest, it will be seen what
a revolution has been suddenly and
almost silently wrought. For,
whatever may be held in theory,
there can be no doubt that prac-
tically the effect of the temporal
degradation will be to weaken mate-
rially the spiritual power — that is,
to modify the religious convictions
of a very large section of the world.
The importance to us -of the event
lies in the diminished influence
which it is to be hoped the Catholic
priesthood will henceforth exert in
this and the neighbouring island.
Looking at the act of Victor
Emmanuel, we can characterise it
only as barefaced robbery, utterly
inexcusable according to the law
of nations. Remembering that the
sovereignty of the States of the
Church is the oldest, and has been
the most potent, dynasty in Europe,
506
The End of the War,
[April
surrounded with a mysterious sanc-
tity which has not been conceded
to other thrones — a Power which
has shaped the opinions and the
.governments of Christendom — we
^cannot unmoved witness its fall ;
but seeing how in these latter days
the influence of Rome has been
exerted against the crown and
dignity of the Sovereign of these
Islands, the instinct of self-preser-
vation prevents our full sympathy
with the venerable royalty of the
Church. We know that it is for
our country's interest that the
Papacy should be reduced ; but we
cannot contemplate the figure which
for so many centuries was the most
prominent in Western Europe, ig-
nobly extinguished by a King who
is little better than a brigand, with-
out indignation and regret.
In summing up thegainsand losses
of the war, we may reckon the Pope's
misfortune as a public gain. The
distinctness, also, with which war
has been brought before the imagi-
nations of men, will also, we hope,
be a great advantage. On the other
side, the unprincipled designs which
have been developed promise but
badly for the future. And, alas !
the events and circumstances of the
war have brought England down
from her high estate, and must
make every genuine Briton feel
crest-fallen and ashamed. These
seem to be all the things which
can as yet be affirmed concerning the
results of the strife. If France use
her adversity rightly, the war may
prove to have been a gain to her-
self and to Europe ; but who can
pierce the dark cloud- which now
lowers over France, and see beyond
it whether peace and progress await
her, or whether, now that she is
delivered from the hand of her
foreign enemy, she is to be given
over to civil discord, wild experi-
ments, and ruinous changes ] Again,
if Germany use well the supremacy
which she has gained, Europe will
benefit largely by the war ; but who
will be surety for Germany 1 — who
will say that greater and longer wars
will not grow out of the war which
has just ended, and involve the
whole Continent in quarrels, arrest-
ing civilisation by tumult and blood-
shed once more? All Europe suf-
fered when France did violence in
times past : perhaps all Europe may
be destined to suffer again, now
that her iniquity is recompensed to
France.
The prospect is not cheering;
and to us in England, governed as
we now are, it is especially gloomy.
Nevertheless, let us be thankful
that we have for the present peace.
Let us hope that, in spite of appear-
ances and apprehensions, things may
yet settle themselves quietly. Jus-
tice seems clean gone from the earth ;
but an overruling Providence may
bring light out of all this darkness,
and vouchsafe to us the beginning
of prosperity with the end of the
war.
1871.]
Tiie ' Economist ' on Bullion.
507
THE 'ECONOMIST' ON BULLION.
THE 'Economist,' on February
25, published an elaborate article on
the French indemnity, and its pro-
bable effects on the English money
m arket. It was thought to be import-
ant enough to be reproduced in the
' Times ' of February 27. It is not
surprising that the article should
have been thus highly esteemed by
the ' Times.' It relates to a subject
of vast magnitude. It is written
with extreme care, and avowedly
professes to give a complete analy-
sis beforehand of the consequences
which the payment of so gigantic a
sum as two hundred millions of Eng-
lish pounds may entail on the whole
trading community of England. It
warns merchants and traders what
they may expect, and bids them
make preparations accordingly. It
emanates from a commercial author-
ity of the highest order; and lastly,
its investigations lead it to an enun-
ciation of the theory of bullion as
held by the City, and to a deduc-
tion from that theory of the finan-
cial events which the banking world
may expect. It is theoretical and
practical at the same time.
These reasons more than suffice
to claim special attention for this
paper.
The reading of this article, which
is too long for insertion here, will
show that the pivot both of the
theory and of the effects of the
French indemnity turns upon bul-
lion. It is bullion which in such
cases is held to do all the harm or the
good. It is truly called "international
cash ; " it acts between foreign na-
tions as coin acts in a single coun-
try. Its movements, its abund-
ance or its scarcity, are described as
forces which generate disturbance
or wealth for the whole community
of traders.
Before examining the theory here
laid down before the commercial
world, it is of the utmost import-
ance clearly to understand, and never
to forget, one supreme point : bullion
is a precious metal, which we will
take to be gold. It is not produced
in England, but is purchased and
imported from abroad. It is a very
expensive thing to buy. A very
large portion of English wealth has
to be given away and to be lost to
England for its acquisition. The
miners of America and Australia do
not dig this metal out of the bowels
of the earth and send it over to
England except in exchange for im-
mense quantities of English goods.
The goods are gone and lost : the
food, clothing, tools, and materials
which were consumed in producing
them, have been destroyed. They are
replaced by the gold : and thus the
ever-recurring, all - important ques-
tion has to be asked, What is the
service which gold renders, which
makes it worth while to buy it, and
which compensates for the loss of
the wealth with which it has been
purchased 1 There is no escape from
this question, either for the theorist
or the practical man. The purchase
of the gold in such vast quantities
would be an act in the highest
degree irrational, unless it is useful
for some purpose which is worth the
sacrifice which it costs to obtain.
This question, one and the same
for all commodities bought, is gene-
rally of easy answer. The objects
which the goods bought are intend-
ed to serve are obvious, for the most
part, at a glance. It is eminently
wise to give away English iron and
English yarns in exchange for food,
of which England does not grow
enough to keep her people alive.
Equally intelligible is it that consi-
The l Economist ' on Bullion,
[April
derable portions of English wealth
should be given away in order to
acquire handsome silks, or fine
wines, or glorious pictures. These
furnish high gratification for body
or mind ; and one of the main ends
of wealth, one of the chief reasons
why it is pursued through much
Labour, is to obtain similar plea-
sures. Gold, too, for some portion
of its quantity, tells an equally sim-
ple tale. It is useful for gilding,
for watches and chains, for orna-
mentation of various kinds. But it
stands otherwise with bullion. Bul-
lion consists of ingots, of bricks of
gold ; they minister to no pleasure,
they are not objects of final con-
sumption— ends which are good in
themselves for their own sakes, and
for no ulterior purpose beyond them.
What, then, is the use of bullion1?
Why buy it 1 Why give so much
for it 1 What does it do for Eng-
land, when England acquires it?
What does England lose when it is
exported? This is the vital ques-
tion— a question which every man
who lays stress on the possession of
bullion is bound to answer, on pain,
if he fails to give a categorical re-
ply, of being pronounced ignorant
of the matter that he talks about.
It serves as international cash, re-
plies the Economist. Nothing can
be truer. It liquidates accounts
between nation and nation, precisely
as coin settles accounts at home
between man and man. When a
nation has bought more goods of fo-
reigners than foreigners have bought
of it, then the account must be
balanced, and the difference made
good in some article of value which
the foreigners will take as payment.
They will accept the metal gold, be-
cause they know its value in the
metal market, and because they find
that the same motive which induces
a shopkeeper to sell his wares for
gold coin, will prevail on their inter-
national creditors to accept gold
ingots in exchange for their goods.
The theory runs smoothly and is
perfectly true. These metallic in-
gots perform an exceedingly import-
ant function. They enable England
to buy abroad without having re-
course to the clumsy and impeding
process of barter. The international
accounts square themselves each day.
Buyers and sellers of commodities
need not trouble themselves about
exactly adjusting their purchases to
their sales in each particular country.
If England buys wines of France, if
France is not willing to buy goods
of England, it matters not. France
will consent to payment in ingots,
because she feels sure that the Hun-
garians, in times of dearth, will give
their corn to her in exchange for
these identical ingots. They are
worth buying — as well worth buy-
ing as the coins which circulate over
the country.
We thus understand why inter-
national cash is purchased with Eng-
lish wealth. It discharges a most
useful function ; it is a very import-
ant part of the machinery of inter-
national trade. When, therefore, the
gold, these ingots, pass away from
England to a foreign country, they
perform the very work for which
they were procured; they were bought
for that very purpose, to be sent
abroad as international cash. They
fulfil the end of their existence :
they came into England to lie in
waiting till the moment arrived to
summon them to render the service
for which they were acquired. What
can be more natural, more conveni-
ent, or more useful? But then, what
means this wailing of the 'Econom-
ist,' these lamentations of the City ]
These ingots, they cry, do harm to
England by being sent abroad ; their
departure works mischief, all kinds of
disturbance and loss, in the commer-
cial community. They were bought
to be used like any other goods, but,
marvellous to say, they cannot be
1871.]
The. ' Economist ' on Bullion.'
509'
used without inflicting anxiety and
incalculable confusion on the whole
commercial world. Such is the
language preached by its vigilant
intellectual guardians, such as the
' Economist.' This is a strange doc-
trine indeed ; something very won-
derful in Political Economy, and
still stranger yet for common-sense.
The gold was bought to be sent
abroad ; but no sooner is it set to
its appointed task, and made to ac-
complish the very object for which
the wealth of England was given
away to obtain it, than it displays
a singular quality of its own, and
wounds the hands which fetched
it from Australia. It strikes twice
— once by the cost at which it was
purchased ; a second time in being
put to the work which was the spe-
cial motive for buying it. No other
commodity displays this astonishing
quality. Englishmen purchase corn
from foreigners because their own
land fails to supply them with a
sufficiency of bread ; but it was never
heard that it did harm to trade to eat
the bread thus purchased. Men may
have been accused of waste in buy-
ing French wines at forty shillings a
bottle ; but it has never yet occurred
to the mind of mortal man that the
wine did a second injury to the buyer
or the nation's purse by being drunk.
Commodities, it was always thought,
damaged individual ornational means
by being bought : it is a new thing
to be told that they inflict mischief
by being used. Gold alone is thus
made to occupy a unique position in
economical science. It impoverishes
to buy, and it impoverishes again to
use it. Wealth has to be sacrificed to
the miner to acquire this amazing
article, and wealth again is lost by
the rise of interest which the employ-
ment of it entails. These ingots are
purchased for the express purpose
of being employed in international
cash ; but the instant that this in-
ternational cash is called upon to do
its duty, up flies the rate of interest
in the money market, and the whole
City falls in to an agony of alarm. And
this is not held to be mere vague panic
— the misty apprehensions of igno-
rant persons requiring the teaching
of enlightened science — but a natu-
ral and necessary result, founded on
the nature of things, though em-
bodying a mystery known only to or-
acular authorities. That gold ought
to be bought to serve as international
cash, and then, when it is used as
cash, and sent abroad on its destined
mission, that it should raise the rate
of discount, and bring trouble to
every trader, sums up the essence of
this wonderful doctrine. And it is
called Political Economy, and its
teachers expect to be revered as hav-
ing fathomed the dark depths of
knowledge. If it is Political Econo-
my, the sooner that science is rele-
gated to keep company with astrol-
ogy, the better will it be for man-
kind. It surpasses the ordinary un-
derstanding to comprehend how a
thing paid for can do harm by being
applied to the use which called for
its purchase. It may be wasted, no
doubt, and require to be bought a
second time ; but then to waste a
thing is not to apply it to its destined
use. The exportation of the inter-
national cash is not a waste, for it
is not given away as a gift : it is
exchanged for other wealth. No loss
is incurred ; and consequently the
conclusion, consonant at once with
science and common - sense, comes
forth clear, that to purchase interna-
tional cash and to use it internation-
ally, is an excellent and beneficial
operation if such cash is required as
an instrument of trade or payment.
The second loss, in addition to the
cost of purchasing the ingots, is pure
nonsense, unless these ingots serve
some additional purpose besides mak-
ing international payments. The
question then recurs in all its force,
With what object does England pur-
510
The ( Economist ' on Bullion.
[April
chase this costly gold, these expen-
sive ingots? To escape the absur-
dity that a commodity inflicts a
second pecuniary harm by being
used, the 'Economist' is bound to
state to the world distinctly what
is the function which these ingots
fulfil at home in England, and which,
when interrupted by their exporta-
tion, works the mischief which the
City dreads. The evil generated by
the exportation is very plainly spe-
cified : the rate of interest is raised
in the money market, and therefore
the function we are in search of must
be something connected with borrow-
ing and lending in the money mar-
ket. The theory of international
cash will not suffice to explain this
effect ; for the time when the rise of
interest should occur, would, on this
theory, be the period when the in-
gots were bought with England's
wealth. This is a very important
point to notice. There is a loss of
means suffered by England when
she purchases this cash, although
the loss is compensated, as in the
purchase of all other commodities,
by the utility which their consump-
tion brings. That loss tends to in-
crease the difficulty of borrowing :
there is less to lend, not of currency,
but, as will be shown presently, of
goods, of wealth. • But what have
these ingots, which have been bought
and paid for, to do with the rate of
interest, when they are applied to
the service for which they were
needed ? This is what we ask the
'Economist' to tell us in plain and in-
telligible terms. It gives us this in-
formation in the following sentence :
" If four or five millions sterling
were at once abstracted from the
Bank reserves, with a prospect of
probable demands, the Bank would
raise its rate very considerably, and
the general market would follow it."
The words, " with a prospect of pro-
bable demands," are very hazy : they
may mean demands for advances, or
demands for gold for exportation.
The difference between the two senses
is enormous : however, we will sup-
pose that the subject remains the
same in the writer's mind, and that
demands for bullion are the things
that he speaks of. Here, then, we
have, first, an effect alleged to be
produced by the withdrawal of the
bullion ; and, secondly, its cause —
a diminution of the reserve of the
Bank of England. The effect is a
rise of interest — an increase, as the
article expresses it, of the value of
money. That this effect will follow
a sudden loan of five millions of gold
to Prussia we freely admit to be
extremely probable : it would raise
the rate of interest, though it would
not increase " the value of money."
This is a most objectionable phrase,
very common in the City, but one
which the 'Economist' ought to know
better than to sanction. The value
of money is its value in the shops.
If a loan of five or ten millions to
Prussia will lower the price of a hat
from a pound to nineteen shillings,
then the value of money will have
been increased ; but no one imagines
that a loan ever produces any effect
of this kind. The value of money
continues unaltered. What the
'Economist' and the City mean by
the expression is, the value of money
offered on loan — the value of lend-
ing— the price obtained for granting
a loan. It is true that a large foreign
loan suddenly brought out and
taken up in London would raise
the rate of lending considerably.
We turn to the 'Economist' for
the cause : it leads, we are told,
to an exportation of bullion, and
thereby diminishes the Bank's bank-
ing reserve. We thus obtain a
second purpose which the bullion is
bought from the miner to fulfil. A
portion of what is possessed by the
Bank is destined to act as interna-
tional cash — to serve as payment of
debts due to foreign countries. This
1871.]
The ' Economist ' on Bullion.
511
portion is small — just enough to
provide for the ordinary demands to
and fro of international trade. Its
exportation produces no effect as
gold. The remaining and larger
portion of the bullion serves a home
purpose : it acts as a reserve for the
Bank ; and no considerable part of
this portion can be exported, we
are assured, without producing a
serious effect on lending and the
rate of discount. That is the the-
ory. In applying this theory, the
' Economist ' comforts the City with
the hope that the Germans may soon
send back this bullion in exchange
for English goods, so that the dis-
turbance in the money market may
be but temporary ; but it also emits
a fear that the King of Prussia may
imitate the ways of the Emperor
Napoleon, and store up all the bul-
lion in his military vaults at Berlin.
Then it would not come back to
England, and traders must be pre-
pared for a long duration of a high
rate of discount.
Of this theory we remark, in the
first place, that it deals with bullion,
with ingots of metal, and not with
coined sovereigns employed in car-
rying out the payments of English
trade at home. This bullion, by
its very nature, lies deposited in a
cellar ; it is useless for a single Eng-
lish or trade purpose other than
what it performs when locked up
from the handling of men. The
theory of the ' Economist ' is, that
these imprisoned ingots act very
powerfully up-stairs ; that the know-
ledge of their existence in the vaults
is the source of increased means for
lending. Verily, this theory is
startling — it requires a very strong
brain to understand it ; but these
banking and currency authorities
always assure the world that they
possess Eleusinian mysteries utterly
dark to the common mind. It is a
doctrine difficult to grasp, that it is
a wise expenditure to send to the
other end of the world for a very ex-
pensive metal solely in order to lock
it up in a vault, even though it be
called by the impressive name of a
reserve. Observe, it is a reserve, or
sum which may be wanted, but need
not be — nay, and as fact demon-
strates, so far as the major part of
this bullion is concerned, never is
wanted. We grant fully that the na-
ture of his business compels a banker
to keep a fund ready for paying,
in order to guard against the fluctu-
ating and uncertain demands of his
customers for repayments. This re-
serve is precisely of the same gen-
eral nature, mutatis mutandis, as
the spare stock of shopkeepers, who
dare not run the risk of not having
their goods when asked for. But
this reserve does not enter into this
discussion. Five millions of bullion
sent to Berlin would not diminish
this reserve by a single pound.
When that operation was concluded,
there would still be left at the Bank
of England a gigantic amount of gold,
which nothing short of the panic
attending an invasion of the country
could disturb. Yet it is this vast
sum of untouched and untouchable
gold which the ' Economist ' sets a
high store upon as governing the
rate of discount — which it paints as
worth buying for the sake of the
power it exerts over the money mar-
ket— and which, whilst lying out of
the light of day in the vaults, yet
supplies to the Bank up above,
magical means of lending.
The process which, it seems, the
' Economist ' imagines this bullion
to carry out, is to excite a calcu-
lation each day in the banker's
mind. So much reserve to-day,
think the Directors of the Bank ; so
mueh, therefore, we may lend if we
choose — or, in another form, so
much we have to lend. Now,
whether a banker may choose to
lend is not a matter of science. No
two bankers may think alike on
512
TJie ' Economist ' on Bullion.
this point, and the same banker
may have different feelings on the
point at different times. How
much he has to lend is another
matter altogether. It is clear that
the Bank could advance many mil-
lions to borrowers ; it is equally
clear that it does not. What can
be the reason of this keeping back
of supplies from eager and trust-
worthy borrowers'? Why did not
the Banks of England and France
lend the huge treasures which they
had in store 1 The profit on lend-
ing would have been enormous. The
answer is easy : because it was im-
possible to lend this gold, except for
exportation ; and the reason of this
impossibility to lend it is that no one
would take it out. If borrowers had
carried it away in loans, those to whom
they paid it would have brought it
back instantly; and thus, in actual
practice, the gold did not stir; and
whatever loans were made were
settled by account and at the Clear-
ing-House. The gold was not lent,
and is not lent. The inference is
irresistible that a thing which is
never lent forms no part of the lend-
ing fund — does not give the means
to the Bank of lending a single ad-
ditional pound. This gold is not,
and never can be, anything else than
a security.
Now, what is a security 1 a guar-
antee for repayment — a motive to
lend, but not the thing lent. A
security conies from the side of the
borrower, not from that of the
lender. A bank with a large de-
posit of gold in its vaults may be
willing to lend more — that is incon-
testable ; but if it does make a loan,
that loan is shown by actual fact
not to consist of gold, but of some-
thing else. The gold may per-
suade the Bank to grant advances,
but the advances are not made in
gold. What actually occurs is this :
The Bank grants a loan, suppose,
of £100,000. It is taken out by
{April
cheques, given to sellers of goods or
to creditors by the man who has
obtained the loan. These cheques
reach the Clearing-House, and are
there met by other cheques drawn
by the person who received the
first cheques, and they balance each
other. Even if they did not balance
exactly, the gold would come forth
none the more. The bankers who
had more to receive than to pay at
the Clearing-House would obtain
a cheque for the difference on the
Bank of England, and would have a
larger account at that establishment.
The same fact occurs universally,
whether there be a Clearing-House
or not. When the currency of a
country is full — that is, when there
is coin enough wherewith to make
ready -money payments — all loans
from bankers are carried out by
purchases and sales of goods which
balance each other; and the real
action of the banks consists in this,
and this only, that they interpose
their guarantee to the lenders. They
lend A. 's money to B., being respon-
sible to A. that he shall have his
money returned on demand ; but
as to gold, it is not wanted. A.'s
sales balance B.'s purchases. We
thus reach the final conclusion, that
the reserve of a bank, or rather that
portion of it which is not and can-
iiot be used in actual payment, lias
no connection with its lending
power, furnishes no means for lend-
ing. It never is lent, except for
exportation ; and that fact alone is
decisive.
But the knowledge of currency is
such, unfortunately, in the commer-
cial and banking worlds, that reason-
ing has little effect on their minds.
Let us appeal, then, to facts, and
see what they tell us. Let us ques-
tion figures as to the connection of
the amount of the reserve with two
points : first, with the quantity of
loans and advances granted by the
Bank ; and, secondly, with the rate
TJie ' Economist ' on Bullion.
1871.]
of discount. The tables published
weekly in the ' Economist ' will
supply us with what we seek. The
year 1866 opened with 12£ millions
of gold and 25 millions of securi-
ties — that is, of loans made to
traders. In January and February
no noticeable change occurred in the
amount of the gold, yet the secu-
rities— that is, the loans advanced
by the Bank — varied to the extent
of not less than 5 millions. In May
the crisis burst in full fury. May
opened with 12f millions of gold.
In the course of the month there
was a fluctuation in the gold which
did not range beyond 1£ million.
But now look at the securi-
ties— that is, at the suras lent.
They rose from 20| millions in
the first week in May, to 31 mil-
lions, in the third — nearly 11 mil-
lions of increase. With the same
reserve practically, the Bank lent
1 1 millions more to commerce.
Where did these millions come
from 1 Not from the reserve. And
what effect had the amount of the
reserve on the loans 1 None.
Now, let us turn to the figures
presented by the rates of discount in
the same memorable year, 1866 — a
year which seems to have been pre-
destined to test the worth of the
City theories on reserves and dis-
counts. The returns of the ' Econo-
mist ' tell us that in the first week
of 1856, with 10| millions of gold,
the rate of discount was G and 7
per cent. In the same week of
1866 the gold is swollen to 13
millions — 2| millions more of
reserve. At what rate is dis-
count ] — at a lower figure, in
obedience to the increase of gold?
Just the reverse ; it has gone up to
8 per cent. On March 21, 1866,
the bullion has reached 1 4£ millions
— an additional 1J million — but
there is no change in the rate of in-
terest. On May 9, 1856, the bullion
stood at 9f millions, with a rate of
513
6 and 7 per cent. In 1866, May
9, on the famous Black Friday,
there were 3 millions more of gold
in the Bank reserve ; but, marvel-
lous as the ' Economist ' must think
it, the rate has run up to 9 per cent.
Look at the statement of June 13.
There were 12 millions of gold, with
a rate of 5 per cent, in 1856; in
1866 we find 14£ millions of gold
and a rate of 10 per cent — double
the charge demanded of traders for
discount in the teeth of 2| millions
of additional gold. Again, in 1856,
with the low discount, 14| millions
only were lent by the Bank; in
1866, with double the rate of in-
terest, the gigantic sum of 31£ mil-
lions was advanced to the commer-
cial world. The statements of the
whole year tell the same tale. They
demonstrate that the doctrine which
makes the rate of discount depend
on the quantity of gold in the re-
serve of the Bank is a pure fallacy
— a fallacy pertinaciously insisted
on by the practical man in spite of
experience, and in gross contradic-
tion with the most elementary con-
ception of currency. How can the-
statement of the ' Economist,' that
" the Bank would raise its rate very
considerably" in consequence of a
great bullion movement, live in the
presence of such facts'? Why did
not this " considerable rise " occur in
1856, when the bullion had been
lowered down to 10| millions'? and
why were traders visited with a rate
of 10 per cent in- 1866, when 4
additional millions were lying idle
in the reserve1? Let the 'Econo-
mist' tell us, if it can, upon any
intelligible principle of currency.
The idea of the reserve will not,
therefore, afford any answer to the
ever-recurring question, Why Eng-
land should give away her own.
wealth to buy a commodity which
she locks up in a cellar?
But let us look at the matter in
another aspect. Let us suppose
514
TJie ' Economist ' an Bullion.
[April
these 200 millions of English pounds
to have been all sent over to Berlin :
what has Prussia gained by the
acquisition of this enormous sum1?
Vast wealth, cries all the world.
But is that so 1 Let us not be too
sure of the fact : it may be that
Prussia will have gained no wealth
at all by the operation. All de-
pends upon the use made of these
overwhelming streams of yellow
metal. If they are all made to flow
into the military vaults at Potsdam,
they are absolutely worthless till
the day arises when armies will have
to be equipped by their agency.
They are as useless as they were
previously in the Californian mine.
But let these innumerable pounds
see the light of day ; what do they
bring to Prussia? A quantity of
metal. If this metal is converted
into gold chains and watches, Prus-
sia is clearly so much the richer ;
she acquires a larger quantity of
things fitted to be enjoyed. But
the ' Economist ' has no such appli-
cation of this metal in view ; it
thinks of it as currency, as bullion
— in a word, as a means of buying.
Well, upon that supposition I ask
again, What has Prussia gained ?
Those who possess the gold will be
able to buy anything they please
in the Prussian shops. Quite true ;
but that is no gain to Prussia. What
one Prussian will acquire another
will lose. Since this gold is not a
matter of enjoyment, there will be no
increase of the riches of the country.
Prussia, as a whole, clearly is no
winner by the payment of these 200
millions. They can be used only as
instruments for obtaining Prussian
goods ; but those goods were already
in Prussia before the indemnity was
paid, and the increase of the instru-
ment for moving them about from
hand to hand has not augmented
the stock of wealth. The truth of
this statement would be immedi-
ately obvious and be generally re-
cognised if the indemnity was de-
manded in a million of locomotives
instead of 200 millions of pounds.
Every one would perceive that all
but a few of these engines would be
absolutely worthless to Prussia ; yet
a piece of coin, a pound, is nothing
else but a locomotive, carrying the
ownership of property from one
man to another. Whatever Prus-
sian gets hold of these pounds will
be able to acquire the goods of other
Prussians, but there will be no larger
quantity of goods in Prussia collec-
tively. Benefit cannot be obtained
by Prussia out of this immense sum
except by selling it abroad. A por-
tion of it will doubtless be ex-
changed for English coal, and then
clearly Prussia will have gained.
She will have acquired an article
that she wants and can consume, and
not a mere money-carriage, of which
she has already plenty.
But it may be answered that this
argument proves too much, and
thereby refutes itself. It would
seem to warrant the inference that
an increase to the money, the me-
tallic currency of the whole world,
would be no increase of real wealth,
and could enrich neither man nor
country. We accept the inference ;
we affirm that it is true ; we say
that if the mines of gold were more
prolific, and poured forth additional
millions of gold coin over the world,
not a particle of benefit would accrue
to the human race for any purpose of
currency. Gold may become cheap-
er, and then its abundance would
enable many people to have gold
chains and watches who now have
none. But in respect of currency
there could be no gain. The very
first rudiments of the science of cur-
rency show that there could be none.
Cheaper gold would only lead to an
increased number of sovereigns for
payment of the same goods : the
more numerous sovereigns would
encounter higher prices in every
1871.]
Tlie ' Economist ' on Bullion.
515
shop. Gold coin does its work by
means of its value — that is, its cost
of production ; for every sale, save in
exceptional cases, is an exchange of
an equal cost of production for the
coin against an equal cost of pro-
duction for the goods. If, there-
fore, the coins cost less, there must
be more of them to equal the un-
changed cost of production of the
same goods. If a yellow coin, cost
no more to procure than a white
one, the sovereign would be valued
as a shilling, and every kind of
goods would sell at twenty times
the price. Would any one be
benefited by such a change ? There
would be gain and loss to individuals
in settling past debts ; but the
world for the future would gain no
augmentation of wealth. It is quite
otherwise with ordinary commodities.
A reduction in the cost of producing
tea or wine, or furniture, or houses,
would necessarily bring these en-
joyments within the reach of a
larger number of persons ; the com-
munity would be richer, would have
more to consume, more to satisfy its
wants and desires. And so also it
would be with coin and ingots, if
the service they rendered depended
on their physical qualities ; an in-
crease of their number would be com-
pletely analogous with an increase
of tea or meat. But their function
is to furnish value — to place in the
hands of a seller of goods a definite
amount of cost of production; and
consequently, if they became ch.eaper,
a larger number would have to be
given as furnishing the same quan-
tity of value, and no one would bo
benefited by the cheapness.
And now we shall be asked
whether we really mean to deny
that a sudden demand on the Bank
of England of 5 millions of gold to
be sent by France to Prussia would
produce a rise in the rate of dis-
count at the Bank. We do not
deny the assertion ; we think such
a rise in the rate extremely probable ;
but we also say that it is not certain
to happen. We must distinguish
between the several forms which the
demand may assume. The first case
will be represented by a demand of
a loan of 5 millions in gold from the
Bank by the British Government for
removal to Malta or Montreal. Here
the Bank would be itself the lender.
The borrower would be also a single
person, and could offer unexception-
able security. This would be an
application for the loan of a mass of
absolutely useless metal. It brought
the Bank no profit, and gave nothing
to the money market. The terms
of the loan would be settled by a
negotiation in which no competition
made its appearance, and in which
the borrower was the party really
that bestowed advantage — for he
would take nothing away that was
or could be used. It is quite im-
possible to conceive how such a
loan could raise the rate of dis-
count in the general market by
a single shilling. Such a fancy
could rest only on the notion of
the reserve of metal conferring ad-
ditional means of lending, a notion
which we have shown to be false in
fact and in theory. We have seen
that such a reserve can act only as
a security, not as a thing lent or to
be lent, only as an inducement to
the banker to lend other and differ-
ent means which he possesses.
A second case would be in essence
identical with the first, although
varying in form. The gold in the
Bank does not belong to it, but to
its customers, who keep accounts in
its books. Now it is conceivable
that a number of these persons, who
make no use of this gold, should be
the actual lenders of it on a foreign
loan, and should draw it out for ex-
portation. In this case also no reason
can be assigned, except the old tale
of the reserve, why there should be
any rise of discount The gold is
Tlie 'Economist1 on Bullion.
simply transferred from one place
to another ; nothing else is changed.
. But neither of these modes of ex-
porting the gold is often met with
in actual life. The process which
usually occurs is either the introduc-
tion of a foreign loan into the open
market, or the action of some great
financial house such as the Roths-
childs. The conditions of the loan,
in order to insure success, must be
tempting ; an important profit is
held up to the eyes of the money
market. Competition then com-
mences its powerful action ; many
persons desire to have a share of it,
and call in the help of their bankers.
Borrowers at all the banks are in-
creased, and the lenders, the banks,
have at once an opportunity for rais-
ing their terms for advances. It is
the increased ratio of borrowers to
lenders, the active competition of
the applicants for banking assistance,
and not the gold exported, which
swells the rate of interest. When
the loan is taken up and its allot-
ments placed, the demands of bor-
rowers cease, and the rate of dis-
count speedily rolls back to its
former position : gold has been ex-
ported, biit then it was a useless
article, and the nation has been en-
riched by the operation to the whole
extent of the interest, which is
annually sent to England as the con-
sideration for the loan. England
becomes absolutely the richer owing
to the departure of the gold, by the
eggs, and wine, and silks which
France or any other country sends
each year. England has parted with
a perfectly unproductive commodity,
and levies an annual rent from
Prance which is all pure profit.
There is further a most important
matter, which cannot be too firmly
grasped. A sudden loan of five
millions of coal or cotton would, in
the first place, create the same com-
petition amongst borrowers as a loan
.of gold. The coal-owners would
not lend it themselves — it would
have to be purchased of them by
funds from the money market. But
there would be this vast distinction
between the loss of coals (or any
other commodity in use) and the
loss of gold : England would lose
five millions of capital, of wealth at
work. That capital would migrate
abroad in the form of coals, and the
diminution of means thus effected
would be felt over the hearths and
factories of the whole country. The
departed gold would leave no gap
behind ; a lump of useless metal
would be transferred to a different
locality ; but the departed coal or
cotton would hamper industry —
would be pro tanto a direct impover-
ishment, a loss of clothing, and
indirectly of food, a lessening of
the national resources of the wealth
needed to feed and clothe the people.
In both cases alike the competition
of the lenders to the foreigner would
enable the banks that supplied them
with means to raise the charge or
discount. But in the second case,
the rise of interest would last for a
much larger period, because, till the
exported wealth had been replaced,
the capital of the country, and its
ability to sustain labour, would have
been impaired. The City has, for
the most part, the strangest ideas
about capital. Its writers speak of
money as capital — and that is a true
notion as regards the coin employed
for payments throughout the country
— with a sufficient spare stock for
fluctuations in its use ; but to treat
surplus gold as capital, especially
pieces of paper, bills, cheques, and
lines in ledgers, is to display the
profoundest ignorance of the first
elements of political economy.
Banks possess scarcely any capi-
tal, though their deposits give them
the power of determining who
shall possess capital, the commodi-
ties in the country. The Bank of
England can decide who shall be
.1871.]
the persons that shall buy goods
with those claims for money, written
on the pieces of paper which make
up some 97 parts out of the 100 of
its receipts ; but it is only a decid-
ing and determining machine. It
never received those 97 hundred ths
in capital, and it never employs
them itself in acquiring the capital
which they can purchase. If the
City knew what capital is, it would
never bemoan the loss of idle goods
any more than of so many pebbles ;
nor would writers like the ' Econo-
mist ' propagate such empty theories
as, that gold never touched in a
reserve, and never lent, gave any
power of lending, or exerted any
action on the rate of discount in the
money market. The ' Economist '
would never have uttered deliber-
ately such a climax of economical
absurdity as to call " the aggregate
The Descent of Man.
517
sums standing to the credit of vari-
ous persons in the ledgers of bill-
brokers and bankers loanable capi-
tal." Lines in ledgers capital ! !
According to that idea all the debts
standing in tradesmen's shop-books
must be capital also ; and the world
regards the utterers of such defini-
tions as oracles on currency ! From
what treatise of political economy
does the ' Economist ' derive its
definition of capital 1 How, if the
' Economist ' had a class of students
to teach, would it be able to define
capital in such a way as to include
"sums standing to credit in
ledgers'"? It would surpass our
powers to accomplish such a feat.
Perhaps the ' Economist ' would
say that capital and the power to
buy capital are the same thing. If
that is so, how much science is there
in political economy 1
THE DESCENT OF MAN.
A CONTINUATION OF AN ^OLD SONG.
Air — " Greensleeves. "
(Darwin loquitur.)
" Man comes from a Mammal that lived up a tree,
And a great coat of hair on his outside had he,
Very much like the Dreadnoughts we frequently see —
Which nobody can deny.
" He had points to his ears, and a tail to his rump,
To assist him with ease through the branches to jump —
In some cases quite long, and in some a mere stump —
Which nobody can deny.
" This mammal, abstaining from mischievous pranks,
Was thought worthy in time to be raised from the ranks,
And with some small ado came to stand on two shanks—
Which nobody can deny.
" Thus planted, his course he so prudently steered,
That his hand soon improved and his intellect cleared ;
Then his forehead enlarged and his tail disappeared —
Which nobody can deny.
518 The Descent of Man. [April
" 'Tisn't easy to settle when Man became Man ;
When the Monkey-type stopped and the Human began ;
But some very queer things were involved in the plan —
Which nobody can deny.
" Women plainly had beards and big whiskers at first ;
While the man supplied milk when the baby was nursed ;
And some other strong facts I could tell — if I durst —
Which nobody can deny.
" Our arboreal sire had a pedigree too :
The Marsupial system comes here into view ;
So we'll trace him, I think, to a Great Kangaroo — •
Which nobody can deny.
" The Kangaroo's parent, perhaps, was a bird ;
But an Ornithorhynchus would not be absurd :
Then to frogs and strange fishes we back are referred —
Which nobody can deny."
Thus far Darwin has said : But the root of the Tree,
Its nature, its name, and what caused it to be,
Seem a secret to him, just as much as to me —
Which nobody can deny.
Did it always exist as a great institution ?
And what made it start on its first evolution ]
As to this our good friend offers no contribution —
Which nobody can deny.
Yet I think that if Darwin would make a clean breast,
Some Botanical views would be frankly confessed,
And that all Flesh is Grass would stand boldly expressed — •
Which nobody can deny.
The Loves of the Plants, so deliciously sung,
Must have softened his heart, when his bosom was young,
And the Temple of Nature has prompted his tongue- -
Which nobody can deny.
But now if in future good breeding we prize,
To be cherubs and angels we some day may rise ;
And, indeed, some sweet angels are now in my eyes —
Which nobody can deny.
If this is our wish, we must act with due care ;
And in choosing our spouses no pains we should spare,
But select only those that are wise, good, and fair —
Which nobody can deny.
Yet however he came by it, Man has a Soul,
That will not so submit to despotic control,
As to make Monks and Nuns of three-fourths of the whole —
Which nobody can deny.
1871.] Tlie Descent of Man. 519
Tho Bad may be pretty, the Good may be plain ;
And sad matches are made from the lucre of gain ;
So perhaps as we are we shall likely remain —
Which nobody can deny.
After all, then, I ask, what's the object in viewl
And what practical good from this creed can ensue ?
I can't find in it much that's both useful and new—-
Which nobody can deny.
Our old friend Lucretius* explained long ago
How the fittest survive and the weak are laid low ;
And our friends of the Farm must a thing or two know —
Which nobody can deny.
I would ne'er take offence at what's honestly meant,
Or that truth should be told of our lowly descent ;
To be sprung from the dust I am humbly content—
Which nobody can deny.
But this groping and guessing may all be mistaken,
And in sensitive minds may much trouble awaken,
JSo I'll shut up my book, and go back to my Bacon\ —
Which nobody can deny.
* Lucretius, v. 837-877.
t Certainly the Darwinian theory, though it may be interesting as a theory, is a
considerable encroachment on Baconian principles, which require that no theory
should be adopted without an adequate induction from facts much more directed and
complete than any that the Darwinians have yet discovered — if, indeed, they have
discovered any fact at all that infers the possibility of the transformations which they
promulgate.
The ' Botanic Garden,' the work of old Erasmus Darwin, was more popular in its
day, and is less popular now, than it deserves to be. His ' Temple of Nature, ' a
posthumous publication, announces in "pompous rhyme" nearly the same views of
Evolution as those now in vogue.
VOL. CIX. NO. DCLXVI.
520
How can we Trust Tliem ?
[April
HOW CAN "VVE TKTJST THEM ?
A STORY is told of Lord Palmer-
ston, and we believe it to be in
substance authentic, that discussing
one day Mr Gladstone's position
and future prospects as a statesman,
he made use of this expression :
" Gladstone is a prodigy in his way ;
nothing can keep him back : he
must become Prime Minister of
this country sooner or later, and
the end will be disastrous both to
the country and himself." Lord
Palmerston's prediction, assuming it
to have been uttered, has already
received its fulfilment in more re-
spects than one. Mr Gladstone is
Prime Minister of this country.
He has been so for better than two
years. His tenure of office has
thus far been signalised by a course
of legislation the boldest and most
unconstitutional on record. We do
not think that the most devoted
of his followers will contend that
the results have been productive of
unmitigated gain to the country.
Whether or no the future of his
official life is to end in positive dis-
aster to the country and to himself,
it is not for us to guess. Certainly
appearances are little favourable to
a better conclusion. The country
is far from satisfied with the plight
in which Mr Gladstone has landed
it. Mr Gladstone is not at ease in
contemplating either the past or the
future of the country. How can he
be? Mr Gladstone is, by natural
temperament, the most sensitive
man in the House of Commons.
Strange as it may sound in the ears
of some of our readers, we profess
also our belief in his perfect con-
scientiousness. His perception of
the line which separates moral right
from moral wrong is morbidly clear :
his suffering, as often as circum-
stances constrain him, or he assumes
that they constrain him, to overpass
that line, is morbidly acute. So far
as he is himself concerned, it would
therefore create in us no surprise
whatever, if at any moment he were
to break down under the combined
pressure of political failure and
self-reproach. And if events occur
of weight enough to hurry on so
dire a private calamity, then we
may depend upon it that public
calamity will have kept pace with,
perhaps preceded it. Unfortun-
ately, too, the tide of public affairs
seems to have set in of late
with great violence in that direc-
tion. What a humiliating session
— to the country as well as to its
governors — has already been that on
which Parliament entered only six
weeks ago ! The Speech from the
Throne — the longest and least gram-
matical on record — shadowed forth
a course of action which, in its most
important points, was at once de-
parted from. Both positively and
negatively, the hopes created by it
are already falsified. It would seem,
indeed, as if the Ministerial mind
had become so confused by the many
practical mistakes committed in the
recess, that it was neither compe-
tent to draw up a programme such as
it became the Sovereign to propose,
nor capable of adhering to its own
plan after it had been enunciated.
For what is the spectacle that meets
our gaze? A promise is given, in
terms as explicit as the reasons as-
signed for it are clear and just, that
the Government will attempt no-
thing in the way of legislation for
Ireland this session which shall have
a tendency to provoke party strife.
The Houses scarcely meet for the
transaction of business ere Pandora's
box is opened in the shape of a re-
quest that the Commons will con-
1871.]
cede to her Majesty's Ministers a
secret committee to inquire into the
state of certain Irish counties where
crime abounds, and to suggest some
means of dealing effectually with
the case. Again, the announcement
is made that a measure is in pre-
paration for so manipulating the
military resources of the country, as
to lift us for ever ahove the reach of
undue confidence on the one hand
and disgraceful panic on the other.
The mountain labours, and a mouse
comes forth. All that as yet seems
assured to us comes to this, that at
a very heavy expense to the country
— at a cost the exact amount of
which nobody appears to know —
an end is to be put to the prac-
tice of purchasing commissions in
the army. Meanwhile questions
arise, bearing upon the sayings and
doings of the Ministers during the
recess, which are either evaded in
a very awkward and disingenuous
manner, or are answered by pal-
pable equivocation. Nor are the
Queen's servants careful — and this is
not the least curious feature in the
case — always to hold the same tone
and tell the same story on such occa-
sions. The Prime Minister, on the
contrary, has more than once said one
thing in the House of Commons, and
the Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs said another in the House of
Lords, when called upon to account
for the same blunder, or clear up the
same ground of perplexity.
But it is not thus alone that the
Government has lost caste of late,
as well in Parliament as out of it.
There seems to be among its leading
members an extraordinary lack of
common discretion. Squabbles have
taken place in more than one public
department, which, if they could not
be avoided, ought at least to have
been kept secret. The Secretary of
State for War, for example, has fallen
out with Major-General Balfour, to
whom he looked not very many
How can we Trust Them ?
521
months ago as the regenerator of
his office. Brought in to dry-nurse
Sir Henry Storks, that officer is
understood to have reduced to
order the inorganic atoms out of
which the new Central Depart-
ment was to be formed. Bravely
and frankly he took upon himself
at the same time the odium of
a score of unpopular economies ;
and did in other respects, and did
well, what may be described as the
dirty work of the War Office. Now
let us not be misunderstood. Gene-
ral Balfour is a high-minded and
honourable gentleman, who would
not on any consideration lend him-
self to a proceeding which, in his
opinion, partook in the most remote
degree of meanness. But, like his
father-in-law, the late Joseph Hume,
he is a rigid economist ; and when
he sees, or imagines that he sees,
improvidence in a public servant, or
waste in the management of public
property, he will come down upon
the offender, and stop at once the
progress of the offence, let the con-
sequences to individuals be what
they may. Indeed, so uncompro-
misingly is he understood to have
played out the part assigned to him,
that, as always happens in like
cases, he got himself an ill name,
besides here and there carrying his
zeal for retrenchment beyond the
strict limits of efficiency. Still it
was not for those who put him for-
ward in such a series of opera-
tions to desert, far less to turn
round upon him, as soon as the
operations began to be clamoured
against. We are told — we cannot
answer for the truth of the story —
that more than a year ago, when the
great work of cutting down was in
its prime, General Balfour received
such treatment at the hands of his
superiors that he walked out of the
office, and announced his intention
never to enter it again. There was, of
course, a great hubbub. Sir Henry
522
How can we Trust Them ?
[April
Storks declared that if General Bal-
four quitted the office, he should quit
it also. Lord de Grey — so the story
runs — was called in to restore peace ;
and the angry General — proper apo-
logies being tendered to him — re-
sumed his labours. Subsequently
he received the honour of knight-
hood, and had things all his own
way. But alas for the ingratitude
of statesmen! The lack of gun-
powder, the deficiency of rifles, the
backward state of our forts in re-
gard to armamen — tthese, with the
silence that prevailed in the arse-
nals, at once alarmed and offended
the nation, and on somebody the
blame must be thrown. It was
thrown upon Sir George Balfour,
and he becomes the scape-goat.
They manage these things well, in
one important respect, at the War
Office. When they fall out, they
speak slightingly of one another, of
course, and the weakest goes to the
wall; but they take care to prevent
their brawls, and the causes of them,
from getting into the newspapers.
Not so in the other great spending
department of the State : there we
have had scandal upon scandal, of
which the end is not yet, nor, as far
as we can perceive, is there any
immediate prospect of attaining to
it. Thorns in the side of our great
naval administrator, Mr Childers,
have been Sir Spencer Robinson
and Mr Reed. These obstinate in-
dividuals persist in refusing to
accept a responsibility which the
First Lord, when it suited his own
purpose, claimed as belonging ex-
clusively to himself. And being
censured by their chief in a minute
which makes its way into the 'Times'
before it has been submitted to the
persons most deeply affected by it,
they, not unnaturally, insist on
being allowed to make use of the
same medium through which to
vindicate their character with the
public. We really do not recollect
an occurrence in official life so dis-
creditable to all concerned as this
controversy. Nor is it to the late
First Lord and his subordinates ex-
clusively that the discredit arising
out of a very unseemly quarrel
attaches. Mr Gladstone must needs
thrust his finger in the pie, and
defiles it. The outlines of the story
are these.
By the new constitution of the
Board of Admiralty, the First Lord
centres in himself all the power and
all the responsibility which under
the old constitution he used to share
with the other members of the
Board. Mr Childers, energetic, im-
pulsive, and self-willed, determined
some time ago, in opposition to the
advice of his naval colleagues, in-
cluding the Surveyor, to introduce
a new class of vessel into the fleet ;
and the unfortunate Captain was
in consequence built, fitted, manned,
and sent to sea. Great was the ex-
ultation of her godfather over the
issues which attended the first trial
of this, his own special war-ship.
She was a complete success ; and all
the merit of bringing her forward,
and thereby inaugurating a revolu-
tion in naval architecture, belonged
to him. But by-and-by that ter-
rible catastrophe occurred over
which the nation still mourns, and
Mr Cbilders changed his tone. The
experiment had failed, and failed
awfully. Why did the Surveyor of
the Navy ever permit it to be made1?
What was he placed at Whitehall
for, except to provide that only sea-
worthy vessels — the best of their
class — should be rated in the British
fleet 1 Now we are not going to
defend Sir Spencer Robinson, who
is quite able to defend himself ; but
we must say that it was neither
generous nor just in the late First
Lord to throw upon the Surveyor
that responsibility for miscarriage
in an experiment which he had osten-
tatiously and determinedly, and on
1871.J
every possible occasion, claimed for
himself, so long as the experiment
promised to be successful. But this
is not all. Mr Childers and Mr
Gladstone, between them, stand
chargeable with inflicting on Sir
Spencer Robinson a very cruel and
irreparable wrong in connection with
his professional prospects. The
absurd regulation which denies to
service at the Admiralty — where,
more, one would think, than any-
where else, officers might be ex-
pected to become masters of their
profession — a claim to be retained
on the Active List, compelled Sir
Spencer Robinson, in December last,
to choose between following his own
inclinations and remaining where
he was. The command at Sheer-
ness was vacant. He had all but
completed his ten years ashore.
The First Lord offered him the com-
mand, but added that his retirement
from the Admiralty would be an
irreparable loss to. himself and to
the Service. What could a gentle-
man so circumstanced do? Sir
Spencer Robinson postponed both
personal inclination and the hon-
ourable ambition of rising in
his profession to the public good,
and accepted a second tenure of
office as Surveyor of the Navy, to
which a Junior Naval Lordship was
attached.
Mr Childers had given little
satisfaction, either to his naval col-
leagues or to the Service, by assum-
ing, as he did, the command of the
Channel Fleet. Whether or not
any criticisms uttered on that eccen-
tric act were repeated to him, we
cannot tell ; but not long after his
return from the cruise, the harmony
of the Office in Whitehall appears
to have been disturbed. Mr Reed
sent in his resignation. He was
prevailed upon to recall it : he did
so, serving a little longer in his
place, and by - and - by withdrew.
Sir Spencer Robinson also gave
How can we Trust TJiem ?
523
signs of impatience. He and the
First Lord did not always see things
through the same medium, and ru-
mours of a second resignation got
abroad. These, however, Mr Glad-
stone eagerly contradicted in the
House of Commons, assuring the
House that an abler and more
thoroughly honest public servant
than Sir Spencer Robinson never
lived. By-and-by came the loss of
the Captain ; then a long interview
between the First Lord and the
Surveyor of the Navy ; then a mem-
orandum of what had passed at the
interview, drawn up by the First
Lord and handed to Mr Gladstone ;
and finally, a minute censuring
the Surveyor in the strongest
terms. This done, Mr Childers
again quits England in search of
the health which we are glad to
find is returning to him. But he
had not left his work incomplete.
Mr Gladstone opens a correspond-
ence with the Surveyor of the
Navy, and announces to him that
his resignation has been accepted,
very considerately leaving Sir Spen-
cer to fix the precise date, within
reasonable limits, of his actual re-
tirement from office. It is to no
purpose that the Surveyor replies
that he has not resigned, that he
never did resign, nor had any inten-
tion of resigning. Mr Childers's
written memorandum tells a dif-
ferent tale, and to that the Prime
Minister adheres. And here comes,
perhaps, the most extraordinary in-
cident of all. Sir Spencer Robin-
son, being still in office, asks leave
to publish a minute which he had
drawn up in reply to Mr Childers's
minute, already gone the round of
the newspapers. Mr Gladstone ad-
mits that such a proceeding would
be fair, — indeed that Sir Spencer has
a right to avail himself of pub-
licity in vindication of his charac-
ter. But Mr Gladstone suggests
that, in order to avoid establishing
524
an inconvenient precedent, Sir
Spencer Eobinson will do well to
falsify the date of his own docu-
ment ! ! "Whether this remarkable
correspondence is ended, or what
line of action, if any, may be
expected to arise out of it, we do
not know. But we do know that
Mr Gladstone and the Admiralty
have been terribly damaged, not
with the Opposition only, for that
would go for little, but with their
own friends, by the whole proceed-
ing. Honest Radicals — and honest
Radicals there are — cannot bolt such
things as garbled quotations, secret
memoranda, and invitations to change
the dates of semi-official documents.
And we are very much mistaken if
the Prime Minister himself, with
his clear perception of right and
wrong, and his very tender con-
science, be not more put out by this
fracas and its consequences than
he cares to confess even to the wife
of his bosom. Meanwhile the Duke
of Somerset, an old colleague of the
Prime Minister, has taken the mat-
ter up, and in spite of all the op-
position which the Government
could offer, has got his committee
of inquiry in the Lords. We anxi-
ously await the report of that com-
mittee, and the publication of the
evidence — as yet kept secret. If
the rumours which reach us be true,
it will prove a most instructive docu-
ment.
These may be said to be matters,
after all, of very secondary import-
ance. We do not so regard them.
True, they affect individuals more
than they affect the State. But the
individuals affected by them are, be
it remembered, her Majesty's Minis-
ters; and if her Majesty's Ministers
be either incapable of seeing what
is right in their dealings with one
another, or, seeing, are so little mas-
ters of themselves as not to be able
to adhere to what is right at some
sacrifice of private feeling, they are
[April
manifestly unfit to be at the head
of affairs in a great country like this.
We will, however, look beyond these
departmental and financial mistakes,
and ask, What have her Majesty's
Ministers done for England or for
Europe during a crisis the most
momentous that has occurred in the
world's history "? Let us see.
It will be in the reader's recollec-
tion that ever since 1867 a feeling
of intense uneasiness in regard to
the future filled all thoughtful minds,
both in this country and on the Con-
tinent. Everybody felt that the
reign of peace was at an end. The
lesser strifes in which Italy and
Denmark played their parts had
opened the door to a greater; and
Austria, measuring her strength with
Prussia, went down. There remained
after this only three great military
Powers, each jealous of the other
two, and all alike aspiring to give
some day or another the law to
Europe. One of these Powers —
Russia — was indeed understood to
be as yet indisposed to active opera-
tions. She had a long lee-way of
preparations to make up; and her
policy — the same now that it has
ever been — indisposed her to take a
side openly in such differences as
might arise in the West. But the
attitude of France towards Prussia,
and of Prussia towards France, could
not be mistaken. Both counted on
a speedy rupture; and each in its
own way made ready for a struggle
which must determine, as both keen-
ly felt, their relative places as great
nations for many a day to come.
It was at this moment, when there
was an ominous lull in military pre-
parations on the Continent — just
after, through the skilful manage-
ment of the present Lord Derby,
the Luxembourg misunderstanding
had been got rid of, that Mr Glad-
stone acceded to office. His mind
was too much engrossed with plans
of domestic legislation to take any
1871.]
account whatever of what might be
going on abroad. France and Prus-
sia were free, so far as he was con-
cerned, to fall out or to keep the
peace as best suited their private
humours. He had not forced his
way into Downing Street for any
such Quixotic purpose as that the
legitimate influence of England
should be exercised for the good of
mankind at large. His views did
not extend beyond strictly domestic
matters. He had the Established
Church to pull down in Ireland;
he had the tenure of land — both in
its ownership and its occupancy — to
revolutionise in that part of the
United Kingdom; and he had
pledged himself to his would-be
constituents in Lancashire — who,
infatuated men as they were, refused
to have anything to say to him —
that his first official act would be
to reduce both the navy and army
to the lowest possible figure, and
lighten thereby the load of tax-
ation which the people carried. He
did not succeed in convincing the
electors of Lancashire of his own
merits, but he did succeed in becom-
ing Prime Minister. Greenwich,
at the suggestion of Mr Alderman
Salomons, provided him with a
seat in the House of Commons,
and she reaped her reward. Mr
Gladstone faithfully redeemed his
pledges. The Irish Church went
. by the board ; the Irish Land Bill
became law. Dockyards were closed ;
artificers paid off; and the strength
of the army reduced by a process
which dislocated and rendered it
thoroughly inefficient in all its
parts. The two former triumphs
waited upon Mr Gladstone's Parlia-
mentary labours during the ses-
sions of 1868-69 and 1869-70, the
two latter became consummated in
the early part of 1870. By the
month of June in that year, Wool-
wich Dockyard was shut up ;
Deptford Dockyard was sold ; the
How can we Trust TJiem ?
525
Colonies were denuded of their gar-
risons ; and twenty thousand trained
soldiers were sent about their busi-
ness, most of them to beg their
bread.
From the dream of security into
which his Parliamentary successes
had lulled him, Mr Gladstone was
suddenly awakened by tidings which
came from abroad. There was war
between Prussia and France ; and
Belgium, threatened by both Powers,
sent urgent messages to inquire
whether, in the event of her neutra-
lity being violated, England would
give her the support which by
treaty she was bound to render. Of
what Mr Gladstone and Lord Gran-
ville told us respecting their efforts
to prevent the breaking-out of hos-
tilities, we need not take any ac-
count. Nobody questions the
truth of their statements : they
remonstrated, they advised, they
warned ; but they did not go a step
farther, for the best of all reasons,
they had disarmed England, and
were therefore incapable of forbid-
ding what they idly deprecated.
But their conduct towards Belgium
admits of no excuse. Mr Gladstone,
when questioned on that head, de-
clined to answer. We cannot state
for certainty, because the occasion
never arose ; but our belief is, that,
in spite of Lord Granville's protes-
tations to the contrary, not a man
would have crossed the sea from
England had Belgium been invaded
either by the French or the Ger-
mans. Be that, however, as it may,
the fact to be noticed is this, the
bad practice of which we have
elsewhere spoken as peculiar to Mr
Gladstone's Administration, whereby
the representative of the Govern-
ment in the House of Commons
says one thing, and the represen-
tative of the Government in the
House of Lords says another, began'
as early as July of last year. That
it has been very faithfully persever-
526
How can we Trust Them ?
ed in ever since, we shall take occa-
sion to show as we go on.
With the astounding events that
gave their character to the months
which intervened between the pro-
rogation of Parliament in July
1870, and its meeting again in
February last, we are not here inti-
mately concerned. They have left a
mark upon the world's history never
to be erased. But to us their interest
turns mainly upon the fact, that
they help us to form a just estimate
of the characters and capacities of
the men by whom the country is at
this moment governed. One conse-
quence of the great war was to make
the nation impatient of the unwise
parsimony which had been applied
to its military resources. People
saw so strongly that a mistake had
been committed in weakening the
army by 20,000 men, that, just
before Parliament rose, Mr Card well
was compelled to ask for a supple-
mentary grant of two millions, with
which to make good that deficiency.
This was in July. In December, if
we recollect right — at all events,
some five months or more after the
money had been voted — Mr Card well
boasted to his constituents in Oxford
that the entire force was raised.
Now, if Mr Cardwell's statements
were true to the letter — which, with-
out charging him with wilful mis-
statement of facts, we venture to
doubt — where would have been the
ground of boasting1? Five or six
months are required by us to get
20,000 recruits together. Why,
the war between Germany and
France, counting from the first inter-
change of defiances to the signing
of the preliminaries of peace, lasted
only seven months. These are not,
therefore, times in which nations,
anticipating a possible and sudden
call to arms, can wait five months or
five weeks in order to put them-
selves in a posture of defence. But
this is not all. Mr Cardwell's
[April
20,000 recruits were not brought
under the colours simultaneously.
They came in driblets, insomuch
that probably one -half of them were
only beginning their preliminary
drill when he made his speech at
Oxford ; and of the rest not a tenth
part had as yet taken their places
in the ranks. Now men so circum-
stanced, however brave and strong,
are useless as soldiers — just as the
wretched levies which M. Gambetta
sent against the Prussians proved
themselves to be. Finally, Mr Card-
well, whether by design or otherwise,
omitted a very important item from
his statement. He forgot to take
account of the casualties in the ranks
which five or six months, even in
peace - time, occasion. We must
therefore deduct from the 20,000
young men taken on at least 7000
that were needed to fill the gaps
caused by death and ordinary dis-
charges. Hence we cannot in real-
ity count on more than 13,000 ill-
drilled men as added to the force
which was available previously to
the late increase : in other words,
we are by 7000 men weaker than
we were last July, after expending
it is hard to say how much money
in tempting 13,000 raw recruits to
take the place of 20,000 veteran
soldiers. Mr Cardwell is the last
man among the members of the pre-
sent Administration whom we would
charge with a deliberate purpose of
falsifying facts in order to gain an
object ; but his language both at
Oxford and in the House of Com-
mons is, to say the least, disingenu-
ous on this head. He made a great
mistake, and he knows it. Why
should he hesitate to admit the fact,
doing his best at the same time to
make amends for it 1
We come now to the session itself,
which opened, as our readers will re-
collect, on the 9th of February last.
The long, rambling, and ungramma-
tical Speech from the Throne was not
1871.]
such as to challenge opposition, when
the A ddress in reply came to be moved.
It gave, however, to Mr Disraeli an
opportunity, which he promptly
seized, of criticising the conduct of
her Majesty's Ministers during the
recess. Among other points assailed
was the attitude assumed "by the
Government in consequence of an
announcement from St Petersburg
that Eussia did not intend to hold
herself any longer bound by that
condition in the Treaty of 1856
which neutralised the Black Sea.
This, as Mr Disraeli ably pointed
out, was tantamount to the abroga-
tion of the Treaty altogether ; and
the English Government, in consent-
ing to a conference on the subject,
forgot what was due to their own
honour and that of the country.
Mr Gladstone started up in a rage,
and after severely animadverting on
other passages in Mr Disraeli's speech,
proceeded to notice the charge of
truckling to Russia in these words : —
"The right honourable gentleman has
discussed at great length — perhaps at
greater length than was necessary on
an occasion of this kind — the Crimean
war. He said that one valuable result
of that war was, the neutralisation of
the Black Sea, and that when we re-
ceived the note of Prince Gortchakoff
stating that in consequence of what
Russia considered to be breaches of
treaty, she was no longer bound to ob-
serve its stipulations with reference to
the Black Sea, we ought to have warned
her that she must take the consequences;
and what the consequences are in this
case there can be no doubt whatever.
But the right honourable gentleman says
that the Treaty of 1856, if it produced
nothing else, produced one result of the
iitmost value, and of the most vital im-
portance in the East — the neutralisation
of the Black Sea. That was never, as
far as I know, the view of the British
Government. In this House, in the
year 1856, 1 declared my confident convic-
tion that it was impossible to maintain
the neutralisation of the Black Sea. I
do not speak from direct communication
with Lord Clarendon, but I have been
told, since his death, that he never
attached value to the neut. .Uisation.
How can we Trust Them ?
527
Again, I do not speak from direct com-
munication, but I have been told that
Lord Palmerston always looked upon
the neutralisation as an arrangement
which might be maintained for a limited
number of years, but which, from its
character, it was impossible to maintain
permanently. "
There are two circumstances con-
nected with these declarations which
gave to them at the moment a pecu-
liar character, and fully, as it ap-
pears to us, bear out the opinion
which we have expressed elsewhere
of the political immorality of our
present rulers. In the first place,
the Conference, to which the Eng-
lish Government had weakly agreed,
was then in progress. The sole
cause of its meeting was to con-
sider the insolent message from St
Petersburg, to which our Foreign
Minister, in a moment of unusual
energy, had sent at first a firm and
dignified reply. Now what could
the assembled diplomatists make of
Mr Gladstone's statement, except
that the First Minister of the English
Crown put no store whatever upon
that condition of the Treaty of 1856
which Russia had determined to
violate, and that England was
ready, at Mr Gladstone's bidding,
to eat dirt in any quantity ? That
the members of the Conference did
so interpret Mr Gladstone's declara-
tions, the event has proved. There
is an end to the neutralisation of
the Black Sea ; and Lord Granville
boasts that in yielding that point
England has had her own way in
the Conference. Bad enough this,
as far as the honour of this country
is concerned, involving material con-
sequences, the importance of which
will appear in due time. But just
observe how it tells upon the per-
sonal characters of our rulers.
Mr Gladstone's assertions respect-
ing the views of the Government in
1856, and the opinions of Lords
Clarendon and Palmerston, in regard
to the importance of maintaining the
528
How can ice Trust Tliem ?
neutrality of the Black Sea, came
upon us all like a thunderclap. We
had laboured under the delusive be-
lief that the neutralisation of the
Black Sea was the one advantage
gained by our success in the Crimean
war, and that both Lord Clarendon
and Lord Palmerston had regarded
it as the key-stone of the Treaty.
Lord Cairns, among others, enter-
tained this opinion, and took the
earliest opportunity of expressing it
in the House of Lords. Mr Glad-
stone's Foreign Secretary, being ap-
pealed to, admitted that Lord Cairns
was right. He, Lord Granville, had
never heard that either Lord Claren-
don or Lord Palmerston thought
lightly of the neutralisation of the
Black Sea. He knew, on the con-
trary, that negotiations for peace
were broken off at Vienna because
Russia refused to accept this partic-
ular condition, and that she yielded
the point at last only when convinced
that her resources were unequal to
a continuance of the war. Mr Glad-
stone had, therefore, gone beyond
the mark in asserting as facts matters
of which he could have had no cog-
nisance. For Mr Gladstone, when
he made the speech in 1856 to which
in 1871 he referred, was not in the
Government at all. He had seceded
from it and gone into Opposition
soon after the evil consequences of
his own and Sir Charles Trevelyan's
mismanagement at the Treasury be-
gan to make themselves felt. Here,
then; are two very curious illus-
trations of the novel views of public
and private honour which are be-
ginning to be entertained among
Ministers of the Crown. It suits
the purposes of the head of the Ad-
ministration to misstate two facts,
and he misstates them. He tries to
make the House of Commons be-
lieve that words spoken by a private
Member in 1856 were spoken by
a Member of the Government. He
attributes to Lords Clarendon and
[April
Palmerston opinions which they
never held, and statements which
they never uttered. But he does
these things in the cause of peace ;
because the truth plainly spoken
would disturb the harmony of the
Conference; nay, might lead to war.
He is found out, it is true, and
the consequences are, that his
own Minister for Foreign Affairs is
obliged to contradict him. How
can we trust a man whose code of
morals is such, that it offers no im-
pediment to the postponement of
truth to convenience ? But we have
not yet done with this part of our
subject. Soon after the receipt of
Count Gortchakoff' s despatch, and
while Lord Granville 's spirited
reply was still on the road to St
Petersburg, Mr Odo Russell, the
honest and able Under-Secretary of
State at the Foreign Office, was sent
to Versailles to consult with Count
Bismark in regard to the course
which it might be necessary under
existing circumstances to pursue.
Why the Minister of Prussia, which,
when all is said, had -been nothing
more than neutral in the war of
1854-56, should have been appealed
to for advice or assistance in the
complication, we have never heard
a plausible reason assigned. No
doubt Mr Gladstone had his reasons,
and perhaps we might make a good
guess at them if we chose ; but that is
neither here nor there. It is with Mr
Odo Russell's manner of fulfilling
his mission, and with the incidents
arising out of it, that we are con-
cerned. The Government had been
requested to instruct Parliament on
the former of these heads ; and
papers were printed and laid upon
the table explanatory of the mission
and its objects. Among the rest
appeared a despatch from Mr Odo
Russell, in which it is stated, that
in conference with the German Chan-
cellor he had taken occasion to point
out "that the question raised by
1871.]
Eussia was of such a nature as, in
its present state, would compel Eng-
land, with or without allies, to go
to war with Eussia." We need
scarcely add that this particular des-
patch from Mr Eussell had no busi-
ness to be where members found it.
Its insertion among the documents
prepared for the edification of Par-
liament was a lamentable mistake.
The last thing in the world which
Lord Granville and Mr Gladstone
desired was to make confidants of
the Legislature and the public on
any subject touching a matter of
such extreme delicacy. It is easy
to understand, therefore, how angry
both must have been when the omin-
ous terms of Mr Eussell's communi-
cation confronted them in the Blue-
book. But the mischief was done,
so all that remained for them was
to consider how the unfortunate dis-
closure might be rendered as little
damaging to themselves as possible.
Their first impulse was to deny that
Mr Odo Eussell had any authority
to speak as he did. Hence, when
Sir John Hay addressed a question
to Mr Gladstone on the subject, Mr
Gladstone was ready with his reply :
" The argument used by Mr Odo
Eussell was not one which had been
dictated by her Majesty's Govern-
ment." A thoroughly Gladstonian
expression, thus vibrating, so to
speak, between truth and falsehood,
and capable of being interpreted
with a leaning in either direction as
should best suit the convenience of
the speaker. Mr Gladstone, how-
ever, as we all know, finds it difficult
to reply to a question on any subject^
without surrounding his answer with
a multiplicity of words — some relev-
ant, others the reverse. And words
were not spared on this more than
on other occasions. But they neither
added to the strength of the denial
just quoted, nor took away from it.
He left the House to believe that Mr
Eussell had exceeded his instruc-
How can ice Trust Tliem ?
529
tions in speaking to Count Bismark
of the possible occurrence of war
between England and Eussia on ac-
count of the violation of the Treaty
of 1856.
A few days passed, and Mr Dis-
raeli returned to the charge. He
blamed Mr Gladstone for many
things ; and for this, among the rest,
that " he had thrown over his own
agent." Mr Eussell, he observed,
could not have possibly threatened
war had not the Government which
he represented authorised him to do
so. Any other course of conduct
would have been an outrage on com-
mon-sense, besides committing the
Government to a policy from fol-
lowing up which it could not with
honour escape. What followed 1
Mr Gladstone, afraid, as it seemed,
to repeat his negation, yet shrinking
from a frank avowal of the truth,
went into a long argument to
prove that diplomatists are justified
in exercising their own discretion
even to the use of threats, if by
threatening they see reason to believe
that they will carry their point. But
as to committing the Government
which they represent, that is a'
groundless assertion. No ! Threats
used to gain a special end are mere
fulmina bruta. If they succeed,
good and well ; the diplomatist has
earned a civic crown. If they fail, he
loses caste both with his own and
the rival Government ; but his own
Government is not bound to save his
credit by carrying his threats into
effect, unless circumstances other-
wise recommend the proceeding.
Mr Gladstone's second explana-
tion only made matters worse. It
was torn to pieces, demolished, and
hooted down. Is" he brought
thereby to the end of his resources ?
Far from it. The real fact was,
that Mr Odo Eussell had never
spoken of going to war with Eussia
at all. He fully explained to
Count Bismark the terms of the
530
How can ice Trust Them ?
Treaty of 1856 ; whereupon Count
Bismark, and not he, gave to them
the interpretation which had so
much startled the House of Com-
mons. Did the House doubt this ]
He would read the despatch in
the hearing of members, and leave
them to judge whether or no the
views which he took of its purport
were correct. He read the despatch,
accompanying the operation with
a running comment. It was a sorry
spectacle to witness. Nobody in
the House believed him, not even
his colleagues sitting on the same
bench with himself. Not yet, how-
ever, was the cup of degradation
drunk to the dregs. A few days
subsequently there arrived another
despatch from Mr Odo Russell,
which could not be burked. That
gentleman, having read in Versailles
an account of the proceedings arising
out of Sir John Hay's question,
considered himself bound, as a man
of honour, to tell the truth. Without
waiting to be asked for an explana-
tion, he wrote a letter, in which
he distinctly stated that the words
commented on in the House of
Commons were his words, and that
he had addressed them to Count
Bismark in the name of her Ma-
jesty's Government, because the
Government had authorised him so
to do; and because any other form
of speech on such an occasion
would have amounted to an avowal
that England would never again —
be her engagements what they
might — draw her sword. How the
members of the Liberal party felt
when Mr Gladstone expressed him-
self satisfied with Mr Russell's ex-
planation, we cannot pretend to say.
We only know that while he was
fencing with Mr Disraeli's original
comment on them, they looked as if
they wished themselves anywhere
except in the House. When out of
his own mouth he subsequently con-
victed himself of something which
[April
we do not care to specify, they hung
their heads and Avere silent.
Being on the subject of Mr
Odo Russell's sayings and doings,
it may be as well to complete
the history of the foreign transac-
tions in which he bore a part, be-
fore turning our attention to the
course of domestic legislation as
Ministers have thus far directed it.
Paris, subdued by famine and dis-
appointed in its hopes of relief from
without, was unable to hold out
longer. The terms of a capitulation
were signed, and an armistice was
entered into with a view of enabling
France to get a Constituent Assem-
bly together and treat for peace. It
had been the constant boast of her
Majesty's Ministers, that though un-
able to stop the war while in pro-
gress, they were prepared, as soon
as an opportunity should offer, to
step in and use their best efforts to
bring about peace on terms honour-
able to both parties. The French
Government was no sooner put in
possession of the outlines of the
conditions which Germany had de-
termined to exact, than it communi-
cated with the English Government,
earnestly requesting that her Ma-
jesty's Ministers would use their
good offices in obtaining some modi-
fication of the severity of these con-
ditions, especially in the matter of
the pecuniary indemnity demanded.
What followed ? It was well known
that the armistice would end on the
26th of February. Count Bismark
made no secret of his determination
to resume hostilities after midnight
on that day if the preliminaries of
peace were not signed before the
clock struck. All this was as per-
fectly understood in London as at
Versailles or Bordeaux. Observe
how the English Government acted.
They could not refuse the petition
of an old ally. They would do their
best for France. But the English
Government shrinks at the same
1871.]
How can ice Trust Tliem ?
531
time from receiving another rebuff
from the German Government. It
therefore manages so to time the
despatch of its instructions to Berlin
that they shall arrive just one day
too late. France, deserted by all the
world and incapable of further re-
sistance, accepts the disastrous peace
imposed upon her at a late hour on
the 26th. On the 27th, the applica-
tion of the Cabinet of St James for
terms more moderate comes in. It
comes in to no purpose. The nego-
tiations are closed ; they cannot be
reopened. France is dismembered
and impoverished, and the balance
of power in Europe is destroyed.
What a pitiful excuse for this avoid-
ance of a clear duty Lord Enfield
made when questioned about it on
the 10th of March ! Yes, it was
true that Lord Adolphus Loftus got
no instructions to act before the
27th. But then, Mr Odo Russell
had been informed on the 25th, by
a telegram which left London on
the 24th, of what Lord Adolphus
had been directed to urge. Being
further asked whether Mr Eussell
had received instructions to act upon
the information thus conveyed to
him, Lord Enfield replied that he did
not know ! ! The Under-Secretary of
State, who himself probably directed
the telegram to be sent off, and dic-
tated its contents, did not know
what its contents were ! ! !
There is something positively
humiliating in the contemplation of
official incapacity such as this,
strongly tinctured as it is with a
worse quality. How can we trust
those who act thus, in any matter,
great or small 1 They either do
not know what is right in their
dealings with their fellow-men, or,
knowing, they unscrupulously and
habitually walk apart from it. Mr
Odo Russell has as much reason to
complain of them as Sir George
Balfour and Sir Spencer Robinson.
The two latter are rewarded for
valuable services rendered at home
— the one by studied neglect, the
other by the ruin of his profes-
sional prospects. The latter, hav-
ing well and faithfully discharged
a painful duty abroad, is held up to
public reprobation, not only as a
rash and ill -judging man, but as one
who will not scruple to exceed the
powers intrusted to him even at
the risk of involving the Govern-
ment in serious difficulties. Mr
Russell has very quietly, but very
effectually, turned the tables on his
maligners. How Sir George Bai-
four and Sir Spencer Robinson are
to take the slight put upon them
remains to be seen.
Meanwhile, every fresh day
makes more and more manifest
the depth of degradation into
which, under the management of
her present rulers, England is fall-
ing. This Conference, with all the
circumstances attending it, has dis-
graced us in the eyes of the whole
outer world. Lord Granville in the
Lords, and Mr Gladstone in the
Commons, may say what they will ;
but Russia, Germany, Turkey,
France, and America, alike see in
it the rapid development of that
policy of " displacement " to which
they have consigned us. How con-
temptuous were the terms in which
Prince Gortchakoff met the first de-
spatch from our Foreign Office ! With
what a cynical smirk he accepts the
proposal of Germany to submit the
matter in dispute to arbitration !
Does anybody doubt that Russia and
Prussia perfectly understood each
other all along? Will Mr Glad-
stone's ignorance, real or pretended,
falsify the fact that, in anticipation
of the rupture with France, Prussia
entered into an arrangement with
Russia that she should be left free
to pursue her own designs in the
East, on condition that Austria
was by her means kept back
from moving in the West ] Oh !
532
but did not Lord Granville insist
as a condition to the Conference
that Russia should first of all retract
her insolent message? And when
the Conference met, was not Russia
compelled, before her proposals
would be considered at all, to sign
a declaration that it is contrary
to the law of nations for any one
Power, having been a party with
other Powers to a treaty, to with-
draw from it, wholly or in part, ex-
cept after consultation with its co-
signitaries 1 Compelled to do this or
any thing else Russia was not. We
cannot find in the printed minutes
of the Conference a single expression
which denotes that she ever made,
or thought of making, any difficulty
at all about affirming so obvious a
truism. But we do find that, this
point settled, Russia had only to
say what she desired to bring about,
and that the representatives of the
other Powers, England among the
rest, willingly acceded to her wishes.
Turkey expressed herself satisfied
with the Treaty as it stood. France,
speaking by her representative, held
the same language. Russia and
Germany demanded the abrogation
of this particular condition, to
enforce which the prolongation
of the war in the Crimea had
been threatened ; and England,
without a moment's hesitation, came
into their views. What could France
and Turkey do? The former had,
as the Duke de Broglie rightly ob-
served, more pressing matters to
consider; the latter was powerless
without her ally. The results are,
that the Black Sea is again open to
the fleets of Russia, who may build
as many arsenals and fortresses
along its shores as she pleases ; and
Turkey gets, by way of compensa-
tion, the right, of which nobody
could deprive her, of opening the
Dardanelles to the war -ships of
friendly Powers whenever she con-
ceives that her interests required it.
[April
If this be not a surrender at dis-
cretion, we do not understand the
meaning of the expression. Yet it
was over this act that Lord Gran-
ville had the bad taste to affect in
the House of Lords an air of satis-
faction, or, to speak more correctly,
of triumph, which we take it upon
us to say he did not experience.
Well, Sir Charles -Dilke has given
notice of inquiring into matters
connected with this surrender in
the House of Commons. A like
inquiry, and perhaps a more search-
ing one, must be instituted in the
House of Lords. We shall wait
patiently till the results of these in-
vestigations appear, expecting no-
thing from them, except perhaps an
aggravation of our present bitter
feelings.
We come now to the attempts at
domestic legislation — for to this they
amount, or little else — on which,
since the delivery of the Speech from
the Throne, the Government has
ventured. Of such very small mat-
ters as the repeal of the Ecclesiasti-
cal Titles Bill, the BiU for " settling
Disputes arising out of Trades' Un-
ions," and even of the Bill for giv-
ing to Scotland an improved system
of elementary education, we need
say little. This last may indeed, as
the session goes on, develop into a
source of some difficulty to the Gov-
ernment ; and if it do, we shall see,
of course, with what adroitness the
Government can change its tactics.
Neither is it worth while to linger
over the University Tests Bill, fur-
ther than by observing that it pleases
nobody ; how can it ? The great Con-
servative party are opposed to it be-
cause it is a measure of confiscation.
The extreme Liberals are opposed to
it because it halts in the application
of that principle. The Ministers
propose that to fellowships in all
the colleges, not less than to offices
of dignity and emolument in the
Universities, men of all religious
1871.]
opinions, and of no religious opin-
ions, shall be eligible. Mr Faw-
cett, and that large section of the
party who think with him, say, "This
is not enough. We see no reason
why the headships of houses should
be reserved for the professors of one
religion in particular." Surely, as
far as abstract right and wrong are
concerned, Mr Fawcett has the best
of it in this argument. There is
not a college or hall in Oxford or
Cambridge which was not founded,
and in successive generations en-
dowed, for the express purpose of
affording to the inmates religious in-
struction according to the tenets of
the National Church. There was no
moral or legal necessity for placing
any one of these colleges or halls in
university towns. But the founders
of the halls and colleges made choice
of university towns, because there
the inmates of their hospitals would
be able to avail themselves of the
more extended course of general
education which universities supply.
Nor, except that both teachers and
pupils are by custom members of the
universities as well as of the halls,
is there any necessary connection be-
tween the university and the college.
The endowments of the colleges are
distinct from those of the universities ;
the offices in each are distinct; and
so in both honours are distinct one
from the other. It may be just,
we are not prepared to deny it, that
the universities, with all that they
can give, should be thrown open to
men of all religious opinions. But
it would be just as reasonable to re-
quire that a churchman should be
entitled to an office of trust and
emolument in Stoneyhurst, or a
Wesleyan to a readership in a Jew-
ish synagogue, as that a Roman
Catholic, or a Wesleyan, or a Jew
should, by mere literary eminence,
win his way to a fellowship in
Trinity College, Cambridge, or Bal-
iol College, Oxford. In the name
How can we Trust Tliem ?
533
of common-sense, therefore, why, if
you are going to commit a great
wrong, stop short of doing it thor-
oughly? Mr Gladstone's Bill is a
bad one ; but it would not be in
principle one whit worse than it is
if Mr Fawcett's rider were added to
it. And so the extreme section of
the Liberal party evidently believe.
Mr Fawcett's motion in committee
was defeated by a narrow majority
of eighteen only. Had the Conserva-
tives stayed away — and we certainly
should not have blamed them for
doing so — the Government would
have been defeated. Again, we ask,
who can trust these men 1 They are
evidently acting, in many respects,
against their own convictions of
right. But conduct such as this
sooner or later destroys those who
give themselves up to it, though,
unfortunately, not till it has done
irreparable injury to public morals.
Mr Fawcett has just reason to
triumph as well as to complain.
His nominal leader was at his mercy,
but that the Opposition stepped in
and saved him. This is not, surely,
a result favourable to good govern-
ment.
Of the question of elementary
education for Ireland, we are not, it
would seem, to hear anything this
session. It is a hard question for
Mr Gladstone to deal with. His
Scotch and Dissenting friends regard
it in one light, his supporters in
Ireland — Cardinal Cullen and the
priests — regard it in another. He
hopes to escape from the difficulty,
at all events for a season, by putting
it in abeyance. Perhaps he might
have done so but for the extraor-
dinary demand for a Secret Commit-
tee to inquire into the state of West-
meath and other disturbed districts.
That move, if we be not mistaken,
will operate to the overthrow of his
expectations. The priests are very
angry ; they may not be in league
with Ribbonism, however favour-
534
able to its continuance the system
of the confessional admittedly is ;
but they cannot endure that a mat-
ter on which their hearts are set
should be postponed on a pretence
which this unlocked - for and ill-
advised procedure demonstrates to
be a false one. Nor is his case
improved by the turn which affairs
took in the course of the debate.
When Lord Hartington first got up
to ask for what had not been granted
since the dismal days of 1817 and
1818, a thrill of consternation ran
through the House, It seemed to
members on both sides that they
had fallen upon evil times indeed ;
and the manifest reluctance with
which the Irish Secretary made his
appeal, had no tendency to mitigate
the dismay with which they listen-
ed. But as the speech drew itself
out, and the speaker admitted that
the Government was already in pos-
session of the fullest measure of in-
formation, the feeling of pity with
which members were at the outset
disposed to regard him changed with
some into indignation, with others
into scorn, not unmixed with de-
light. The few among the Whigs
who still retain the traditions of
their party, felt as men do to whom
a personal wrong has been offered.
In the degradation of the repre-
sentative of one of their grandest
houses they saw their own, and not
less keenly than their Tory rivals
they asked one another how long
is this state of things to last. The
gentlemen below the gangway re-
ceived the incident in a different
spirit. Grant a Secret Committee
for such a purpose ! No ; that they
would never do. But it gladdened
their hearts to find the executive
thus plunging into the bog, be-
cause the more the influence of the
Crown is weakened in the House
and in the country, the better are
their purposes served. Observe how
Mr Gladstone deals with the embar-
[April
rassment which he had himself cre-
ated. He had overborne the whole
of his colleagues in the Cabinet.
There is no longer the affectation
of concealment in the matter, that he
alone desired to thro won the House of
Commons responsibilities which the
rest of the Government were willing
to take upon themselves ; and that
by sheer strength of determination
he bent them to his will. But no
sooner is the House seen to be against
him than he repeats the manoeuvre
which he had practised in Mr Odo
Eussell's case, and " throws over "
his agent. It is hard to conceive
how a gentleman in Lord Harting-
ton's position can endure a slight of
this sort without resenting it. After
having been constrained to declare
that the functions of government in
Ireland were paralysed — that he
could not be answerable, if the Secret
Committee were refused, for life or
property in certain districts, — he
has the satisfaction of seeing his
chief go off on a directly opposite tan-
gent, and profess perfect indifference
as to whether the Committee should
be secret or open. Hitherto we
have had one Minister contradicting
another, but in different Houses.
Now we have two Ministers in the
same House taking opposite sides in
a controversy, into which the sub-
ordinate plunged against his will to
please his superior, while the su-
perior turns round and coolly stulti-
fies all the arguments of his sub-
ordinate by pronouncing them to be
worthless. How can we trust these
men?
We come now to the great mea-
sure of the session — Mr Cardwell's
Bill for the Reorganisation of the
Army, of which the second reading
was carried by consent, after a fierce
and, according to Mr Disraeli, an
instructive debate, ranging over five
sittings — instructive to members
who, perhaps, never before in their
lives gave a moment's consideration to
1871.]
the subject. To us who have thought
about it and written about it for
years past, the debate was simply
wearisome. Not a word was said
on either side from which we found
it possible to collect what the scheme
of army reorganisation to be pro-
posed by the Government really
is. Mr Cardwell placed on the
forefront of his Bill a proposal to
abolish the practice of buying and
selling their commissions by British
officers, and Colonel Lloyd Lindsay
moved an amendment condemnatory
of the proposition, as if the fate of
the army itself turned on the main-
tenance or abolition of that practice.
Foolish proceedings these on both
sides, though perhaps more foolish
on the side of the Opposition than
of the Government. Foolish on the
part of Government, because, whe-
ther abolition be good or bad in
itself, it has nothing whatever to
say for or against an improved
scheme of army organisation ; and
very foolish on Colonel Lindsay's
part, and on the parts of those who
supported him, because they took up
a position which to outsiders might
easily be mistaken for a selfish one,
and which it admirably served the
purposes of J^jj Cardwell and his
followers torepresent as selfish.
The results were a fiasco to those
who went in for fighting this foolish
battle, the most humiliating that has
occurred in the House of Commons
for many a day; and to Mr Glad-
stone an opportunity, of which with
great adroitness he availed him-
self, to come out in an entirely new
character — that of a Minister will-
ing to be advised ; neither bigoted
to his own views, nor arrogant in
pressing them, but meek and con-
siderate, inviting discussion, and
professing perfect readiness to ac-
cept such conclusions as sound ar-
gument might recommend to him.
But this is not all. The abortive
issue, while it enabled the Govern-
VOL. CIX. NO. DCLXVI.
535
ment to achieve an easy success, ex-
hibited the Opposition in the light
of a body swayed, not by reason,
but by class prejudice, and there-
fore incapable of fighting a popular
battle. Colonel Lindsay is an ex-
cellent and an able man. He acted
on this occasion under bad advice.
He mistook the weak point in the
enemy's line, and was defeated.
The success of the Government
in the recent debate is not, how-
ever, conclusive, either of the wis-
dom of their measure — as far as we
are as yet able to judge of it — or of
their ultimate triumph when the
final division is taken. They, like
the Opposition, took up false ground.
It is not true that purchase offers
any insurmountable obstacle what-
ever to the process of army reor-
ganisation. Mr Cardwell is self-
deceived when he speaks of it as
meeting him at every turn, and
rendering impossible the reduction
of chaos into order. Because one
young man has paid £450 for an
ensigncy, and another has got his
captaincy by purchase, they are no
more exempt from the course of
training required by regulation than
their poorer or more fortunate com-
rades, to whom their commissions
came gratuitously. And if the
course of training now established be
considered too perfunctory, the Secre-
tary of State for War has only to
lay down a new code of rules, which,
as soon as her Majesty has confirmed
them, will become law to all classes
of her officers. So also in regard to
what Mr Cardwell calls the amalga-
mation of the Militia with the Line.
That arrangement, as far as it is
possible to bring it about, can just
as easily be effected now as it will be
when purchase becomes a thing of
the past. There is no more reason
why officers of the Line should be
prohibited from exchanging with offi-
cers of the Militia, on the ground that
in the Line some purchase their coni-
2o
536
How can we Trust Them ?
missions, while in the Militia pitrch ase
is unknown, than that officers of the
other regiments of cavalry and in-
fantry should be prohibited from
exchanging with those of the three
regiments of cavalry and nine regi-
ments of infantry which came over
to the Line from the old East India
Company's army, and brought the
non- purchase system with them.
The single bar to such exchanges is,
that the Militia, as now constituted,
happens to be officered by gentle-
men of whom the majority know
little or nothing of the profession ;
while all, under ordinary circum-
stances, draw pay for only one month
in the year. If Mr Cardwell be
statesman enough to keep a certain
portion of the Militia permanently
embodied, and to officer this perma-
nent force with gentlemen instructed
in their profession, then, whether
purchase be abolished or remain as
it is, exchanges from the Line into
the Militia, and back again from the
Militia into the Line, will become
incidents of daily occurrence.
It appears, then, that the public
reasons put forward by Mr Card-
well for his determined attack upon
the purchase system are absolutely
futile. Experience also proves that,
so far as the interests of individuals
are concerned, officers unable to
purchase gain more in the aggre-
gate than they lose by the rapid
promotion of their more wealthy
comrades. Individual cases of hard-
ship do indeed occur, though
neither Mr Cardwell nor Mr Tre-
velyan was happy in referring to
them specifically. Lord Clyde, whom
both commemorate, purchased every
step save one between his en-
signcy and his lieut. -colonelcy; and
Sir Henry Havelock put himself
voluntarily down on the ladder by
frequent exchanges from regiment
to regiment, with a view to make
money. Still, the view which we
take of the subject is this, that
though Mr Cardwell be wrong in
[April
argument, the defenders of the pur-
chase system are not right ; because
they are seeking to perpetuate a
state of things which in theory is
indefensible, and which not one
among them all, if he had a mili-
tary system to create, would think
of introducing into it. The ques-
tion, therefore, resolves itself into
this : Is the country prepared to do
justice to a body of men who, on
the faith of recognised custom, have
invested large sums in their commis-
sions, and at a cost which is esti-
mated at something or another be-
tween£8, 000,000 and £16,000,000,
to give them back their purchase-
money year by year, as they express
a wish to retire from the Service?
Is it only in order to throw this
sop to the democracy that Mr Card-
well has come out in the light of
an army reformer 1 Who can tell 1
As yet all that we are promised
amounts to this — that 20,000 men
are to be added to the strength of
the regular army ; that the Artillery
is to be made capable of bringing
300 guns into the field; that Mi-
litia recruits are to undergo twenty-
eight instead of fourteen days' pre-
liminary drill ; and that the whole
of the Militia, including the Irish,
is to be embodied this year, to the
amount of 139,000, for twenty -eight
days. Not a hint is dropped of any
change in the normal mode of rais-
ing the Militia force. It is still to
be recruited by voluntary enlistment ;
still to be paid as liberally as the
Line ; still tempted by a bribe of
five or six pounds per man to
come under an obligation in the
event of war to serve in limited
numbers with the regular army.
And as to the Volunteers, the sole
novelty threatened, so far as they
are concerned, is this — that when
they muster in force for an Easter
Monday or any other grand review,
they are to be made subject for the
nonce to the Articles of War. We
should like to see the officer, whether
1871.]
of the Line or of their own body,
Avho should try on such an occasion
to enforce military law upon a well-
to-do London shop-assistant or a re-
spectable young grocer in a country
town. If the spirit of the Briton
did not rebel, and get other spirited
Britons to support him, then we
must profess our entire ignorance of
the true Briton's character. Keally
it is pitiable to find the expectations
raised by months of public discus-
sion through the press culminating
thus. What Mr Cardwell may
further propose when the general
question gets into committee, we
cannot pretend to guess. For his
plan of short service has been tried,
and is a failure ; and the hope
which he expresses of getting a
large reserve on hand some twelve
years hence may be an honest hope,
but it is based upon a shadow.
Twelve years hence England may
or may not be in need of reserves
of any kind ; she needs them now,
because she stands naked in the
presence of a world in arms. What
her condition will be at the period
to which Mr Card well's calcula-
tions point, whether rich and fee-
ble, as she is now, or hardened
by the disasters of war, or shorn
of her transmarine provinces, and
reduced to the rank of a third-rate
Power, time and fate must deter-
mine. For the present, it is enough
to know that her destinies are
in the hands of men who have no
policy whatever of their own, who
seem to regard themselves as placed
where they are for one purpose only
— viz., on every question, whether
it affect the foreign relations of the
country or its domestic concerns, to
watch which way the tide of popular
opinion is setting, and at once to
put themselves on the crest of the
wave. Mr Cardwell knows as well
as we do that without compulsory
service he can never raise the Militia
force to a proper strength, nor give
to it adequate training. He does
How can ice Trust Them ?
537
not propose the ballot except in an
emergency, the occasion of which
must render an appeal to it worth-
less. And this because, as he
avows, the feeling of the people
is against it. Positively, there is
no such thing as government in
this country. Whatever the mob
persistently demand, they are sure
sooner or later to obtain. Nobody
stops to ask whether the conces-
sion be in itself wise or otherwise.
It is enough to know that " the
people " desire, and it comes as a
matter of course. So it has been in
France for these last sixty years.
The Bourbons endeavoured to gov-
ern, and they were expelled. The
Citizen King, with all his cajol-
ery, fared no better. Imperialism
had its day, which it managed to
prolong by constant appeals to the
people. And now there has come
in its room anarchy. It seems to
us that we are in some danger of
being hurried, before we know
what we are about, into a similar
state of things. While Paris is
stained with the blood of citizens
whom their fellow - citizens shot
down, and a self - constituted com-
mittee within the walls seems pre-
paring for a death-struggle with the
Constituent Assembly at Versailles,
the real functions of government
are delegated, among us, to a body
of private members sitting under
the gangway on the Ministerial side
of the House of Commons. One of
these — Mr Trevelyan — is the real
author of the Army Bill, so far as it
has as yet been carried. Another,
Mr Mundella, has virtually settled
the point that there shall be no
permanent increase to the military
strength of the country. Rumours
were rife — no longer ago than the
23d of March — that his motion to
cut down the Estimates to the
measure of 1870-71 would be
accepted. That, as the event
proves, would have been rather too
slow a measure even for Mr Glad-
538
stone. But observe the terms, half
apologetic, half deprecatory, in
which he meets the proposal. " It
is obvious, although it is our duty,
at the commencement of the year,
to ask for the confidence and en-
lightened judgment of the House
of Commons what we think is
an adequate and sufficient supply
for the whole service of the
year, yet every improvement that
takes place in the condition of affairs
abroad may undoubtedly tend to
modify the position that we had
taken up. My honourable friend
may rely upon it that we shall be
happy to take advantage of every
improvement, and allow it to ex-
ercise its influence on the expendi-
ture for our army." If this do not
mean, " Give us what we ask, be-
cause we are committed to the Esti-
mates, and we cannot without dis-
credit go back from them; but trust
us for reducing the army again on
the very first possible opportunity,"
it means nothing. Mr Mundella
is accordingly defeated by a large
majority in his direct proposal,
while the policy which he advocates
is covertly but entirely acceded to.
So much for the condition of
affairs, foreign and domestic, as the
vacillating and untrustworthy pro-
ceedings of the Government have
induced it. Xow a word or two,
before we lay down the pen, to our
readers, and through them to the
British public. It will be our own
faults if this state of things goes on,
and this great country, with its
glorious institutions and old renown,
be shipwrecked in consequence.
The Liberals deceive themselves if
they imagine that the people are
with them. A noisy clique, under
the leadership of Mr Odger and the
[April 1871.
Brights, may and do desire to
hurry on the Republic ; but not a
few among those who not long ago
were prepared to go with them, recent
events on the Continent have arrest-
ed in their progress. Go where you
will, and converse with whom you
may, in the clubs and at the corners
of the streets, and the marvellous
change which is gradually working
itself out in public opinion is made
plain to you. " This will never do.
We cannot go on without a Govern-
ment. The roughs have had it
their own way long enough. Let
us take warning by France, and stop
them while we can." This is not
the language, observe, of hereditary
Conservatives. Liberals, but honest
ones, speak out as plainly as any-
body else, and heartily, and not
without a conviction that when the
time comes they will act as well as
speak. We hail the omen. What
Mr Gladstone may be now, what
he may become a year hence, we
defy the keenest investigator of his
peculiar nature to say. But there
are statesmen in England besides
Mr Gladstone — ay, and outside the
circle in which he moves— whom
circumstances may, and probably
will, bring to the front ere worse
things happen. At all events our
course is clear. We will stand by
the Constitution while a shred of it
remains. We will do our best to
sustain the honour of the country,
even if we be constrained to live
under something different from the
Constitution as it is. And we
earnestly advise all who read these
pages to enter into a similar cove-
nant with themselves. A battle is
never lost till one side in the con-
test despairs. We do not despair,
and never will.
Printed by William Blackwood <L Sons, Edinburyf/.
BLACKWOOD'S
EDINBUKGH MAGAZINE.
No. DCLXVII.
MAY 1871.
VOL. CIX.
THE BATTLE OF DOEKING : REMINISCENCES OF A VOLUNTEER.
You ask me to tell you, my grand-
children, something about my own
share in the great events that hap-
pened fifty years ago. "Tis sad work
turning back to that bitter page in
our history, but you may perhaps
take profit in your new homes from
the lesson it teaches. For us in
England it came too late. And yet
we had plenty of warnings, if we
had only made use of them. The
danger did not come on us un-
awares. It burst on us suddenly,
'tis true, but its coming was fore-
shadowed plainly enough to open
our eyes, if we had not been wil-
fully blind. We English have only
ourselves to blame for the humilia-
tion which has been brought on the
land. Venerable old age ! Dis-
honourable old age, I say, when it
follows a manhood dishonoured as
ours has been. I declare, even
now, though fifty years have passed,
I can hardly look a young man in
the face when I think I am one of
those in whose youth happened this
degradation of Old England — one of
those who betrayed the trust handed
VOL. CIX. — NO. DCLXVII.
down to us unstained by our fore-
fathers.
What a proud and happy country
was this fifty years ago ! Free-trade
had been working for more than
a quarter of a century, and there
seemed to be no end to the riches
it was bringing us. London was
growing bigger and bigger ; you
could not build houses fast enough
for the rich people who wanted to
live in them, the merchants who
made the money and came ficm all
parts of the world to settlo there,
and the lawyers and doctors and
engineers and others, and trades-
people who got their share out of
the profits. The streets reached
down to Croydon and Wimbledon,
which my father could remember
quite country places ; and people
used to say that Kingston and Jtei-
gate would soon be joined to Lon-
don. We thought we could go on
building and multiplying for ever.
'Tis true that even then there was
no lack of poverty; the people
who had no money went on increas-
ing as fast as the rich, and pauperism
2p
540
Tlie Battle of Dorking:
[May
was already beginning to "be a diffi-
culty ; but if the rates were high,
there was plenty of money to pay
them with; and as for what were
called the middle classes, there really
seemed no limit to their increase
and prosperity. People in those
days thought it quite a matter of
course to bring a dozen children
into the world — or, as it used to
be said, Providence sent them that
number of babies ; and if they
couldn't always marry off all the
daughters, they used to manage to
provide for the sons, for there were
new openings to be found in all the
professions, or in the Government
offices, which went on steadily get-
ting larger. Besides, in those days
young men could be sent out to India,
or into the army or navy ; and even
then emigration was not uncommon,
although not the regular custom it is
now. Schoolmasters, like all other
professional classes, drove a capital
trade. They did not teach very
much, to be sure, but new schools
with their four or five hundred boys
were springing up all over the coun-
try.
Fools that we were ! We thought
that all this wealth and prosperity
were sent us by Providence, and
could not stop coming. In our
blindness we did not see that we
were merely a big workshop, mak-
ing up the things which came from
all parts of the world ; and that if
other nations stopped sending us
raw goods to work up, we could not
produce them ourselves. True, we
had in those days an advantage
in our cheap coal and iron; and
had we taken care not to waste the
fuel, it might have lasted us longer.
But even then there were signs that
coal and iron would soon become
cheaper in other parts ; while as to
food and other things, England was
not better off than it is now. We
were so rich simply because other
nations from all parts of the world
were in the habit of sending their
goods to us to be sold or manufactur-
ed ; and we thought that this would
last for ever. And so, perhaps, it
might have lasted, if we had only
taken proper means to keep it; but,
in our folly, we were too careless
even to insure our prosperity, and
after the course of trade was turned
away it would not come back again.
And yet, if ever a nation had a
plain warning, we had. If we were
the greatest trading country, our
neighbours were the leading mili-
tary power in Europe. They were
driving a good trade, too, for this
was before their foolish communism-"
(about which you will hear when
you are older) had ruined the rich
without benefiting the poor, and
they were in many respects the first
nation in Europe ; but it was on
their army that they prided them-
selves most. And with reason.
They had beaten the Russians and
the Austrians, and the Prussians too,
in bygone years, and they thought
they were invincible. Well do I
remember the great review held at
Paris by the Emperor Napoleon
during the great Exhibition, and
how proud he looked showing off
his splendid Guards to the assem-
bled kings and princes. Yet, three
years afterwards, the force so long
deemed the first in Europe was ig-
nominiously beaten, and the whole
army taken prisoners. Such a de-
feat had never happened before in
the world's history ; and with this
proof before us of the folly of dis-
believing in the possibility of dis-
aster merely because it had never
happened before, it might have been
supposed that we should have the
sense to take the lesson to heart.
And the country was certainly
roused for a time, and a cry was
raised that the army ought to be
reorganised, and our defences
strengthened against the enormous
power for sudden attacks which it
1871.]
Reminiscences of a Volunteer.
541
was seen other nations were able to
put forth. But our Government
had come into office on a cry of re-
trenchment, and could not bring
themselves to eat their own pledges.
There was a Eadical section of their
party, too, whose votes had to be
secured by conciliation, and which
blindly demanded a reduction of
armaments as the price of allegiance.
This party always decried military
establishments as part of a fixed
policy for reducing the influence of
the Crown and the aristocracy. They
could not understand that the times
had altogether changed, that the
Crown had really no power, and that
the Government merely existed at
the pleasure of the House of Com-
mons, and that even Parliament-rule
was beginning to give way to mob-
law. At any rate, the Ministry
were only too glad of this excuse to
give up all the strong points of a
scheme which they were not really
in earnest about. The fleet and the
Channel, they said, were sufficient
protection. So the army was kept
down, and the militia and volun-
teers were left untrained as before,
because to call them out for drill
would " interfere with the industry
of the country." We could have
given up some of the industry of
those days, forsooth, and yet be
busier than we are now. But why
tell you a tale you have so often
heard already? The nation, although
uneasy, was misled by the false
security its leaders professed to
feel ; the warning given by the dis-
asters that overtook France was al-
lowed to pass by unheeded. The
French trusted in their army and
its great reputation, we in our fleet;
and in each case the result of this
blind confidence was disaster, such
as our forefathers in their hardest
struggles could not have even ima-
gined.
I need hardly tell you how the
crash came about. First, the rising
in India drew away a part of our
small army; then came the difficul-
ty with America, which had been
threatening for years, and we sent
off ten thousand men to defend
Canada — a handful which did not
go far to strengthen the real de-
fences of that country, but formed an
irresistible temptation to the Ameri-
cans to try and take them prisoners,
especially as the contingent included
three battalions of the Guards. Thus
the regular army at home was even
smaller than usual, and nearly half
of it was in Ireland to check the
talked-of Fenian invasion fitting out
in the West. Worse still — though I
do not know it would really have
mattered as things turned out — the
fleet was scattered abroad : some
ships to guard the West Indies,
others to check privateering in the
China seas, and a large part to try
and protect our colonies on the
Northern Pacific shore of America,
where, with incredible folly, we con-
tinued to retain possessions which
we could not possibly defend.
America was not the great power
forty years ago that it is now ; but
for us to try and hold territory on
her shores which could only be
reached by sailing round the Horn,
was as absurd as if she had attempt-
ed to take the Isle of Man before
the independence of Ireland. We
see this plainly enough now, but
we were all blind then.
It was while we were in this
state, with our ships all over the
world, and our little bit of an army
cut up into detachments, that the
Secret Treaty was published, and
Holland and Denmark were an-
nexed. People say now that we
might have escaped the troubles
which came on us if we had at any
rate kept quiet till our other diffi-
culties were settled ; but the English
were always an impulsive lot : the
whole country was boiling over
with indignation, and the Govern-
542
The Battle of Dorking:
[May
ment, egged on by the press, and
going with the stream, declared war.
We had always got out of scrapes
before, and we believed our old luck
and pluck would somehow pull us
through.
Then, of course, there was bustle
and hurry all over the land. Not
that the calling up of the army re-
serves caused much stir, for I think
there were only about 5000 alto-
gether, and a good many of these
were not to be found when the time
came ; but recruiting was going on all
over the country, with a tremendous
high bounty, 50,000 more men hav-
ing been voted for the army. Then
there was a Ballot Bill passed for
adding 55,000 men to the militia ;
why a round number was not fixed
on I don't know, but the Prime
Minister said that this was the exact
quota wanted to put the defences of
the country on a sound footing.
Then the shipbuilding that began !
Ironclads, despatch-boats, gunboats,
monitors, — every building -yard in
the country got its job, and they were
offering ten shillings a -day wages
for anybody who could drive a rivet.
This didn't improve the recruiting,
you may suppose. I remember, too,
there was a squabble in the House
of Commons about whether artisans
should be drawn for the ballot, as
they were so much wanted, and I
think they got an exemption. This
sent numbers to the yards ; and if
we had had a couple of years to
prepare instead of a couple of weeks,
I daresay we should have done
very well.
It was on a Monday that the
declaration of war was announced,
and in a few hours we got our first
inkling of the sort of preparation
the enemy had made for the event
which they had really brought about,
although the actual declaration was
made by us. A pious appeal to the
God of battles, whom it was said we
had aroused, was telegraphed back;
and from that moment all com-
munication with the north of Europe
was cut off". Our embassies and
legations were packed off" at an
hour's notice, and it was as if we had
suddenly come back to the middle
ages. The dumb astonishment
visible all over London the next
morning, when the papers came out
void of news, merely hinting at
what had happened, was one of the
most startling things in this war
of surprises. But everything had
been arranged beforehand ; nor
ought we to have been surprised,
for we had seen the same Power,
only a few months before, move
down half a million of men on a
few days' notice, to conquer the
greatest military nation in Europe,
with no more fuss than our War
Office used to make over the trans-
port of a brigade from Aldershot to
Brighton, — and this, too, without the
allies it had now. What happened
now was not a bit more wonderful
in reality ; but people of this coun-
try could not bring themselves to
believe that what had never occur-
red before to England could ever
possibly happen. Like our neigh-
bours, we became wise when it was
too late.
Of course the papers were not long
in getting news — even the mighty or-
ganisation set at work could not shut
out a special correspondent ; and in
a very few days, although the tele-
graphs and railways were intercepted
right across Europe, the main facts
oozed out. An embargo had been
laid on all the shipping in every
port from the Baltic to Ostend ; the
fleets of the two great Powers had
moved out, and it was supposed
were assembled in the great nor-
thern harbour, and troops were hur-
rying on board all the steamers
detained in these places, most of
which were British vessels. It
was clear that invasion was intend-
ed. Even then we might have been
1871.]
Reminiscences of a Volunteer.
543
saved, if the fleet had been ready.
The forts which guarded the flo-
tilla were perhaps too strong for
shipping to attempt ; but an ironclad
or two, handled as British sailors
knew how to use them, might have
destroyed or damaged a part of the
transports, and delayed the expedi-
tion, giving us what we wanted,
time. But then the best part of the
fleet had been decoyed down to the
Dardanelles, and what remained of
the Channel squadron was looking
after Fenian filibusters off the west
of Ireland ; so it was ten days be-
fore the fleet was got together, and
by that time it was plain the enemy's
preparations were too far advanced
to be stopped by a coup-de-main.
Information, which came chiefly
through Italy, came slowly, and was
more or less vague and uncertain ;
but this much was known, that at
least a couple of hundred thousand
men were embarked or ready to be
put on board ships, and that the
flotilla was guarded by more iron-
clads than we could then muster. I
suppose it was the uncertainty as to
the point the enemy would aim at
for landing, and the fear lest he
should give us the go-by, that kept
the fleet for several days in the
Downs; but it was not until the
Tuesday fortnight after the declara-
tion of war that it weighed anchor
and steamed away for the North
Sea. Of course you have read about
the Queen's visit to the fleet the day
before, and how she sailed round the
ships in her yacht, and went on board
the flag-ship to take leave of the ad-
miral ; how, overcome with emotion,
she told him that the safety of the
country was committed to his keep-
ing. You remember, too, the gallant
old officer's reply, and how all the
ships' yards were manned, and how
lustily the tars cheered as her Ma-
jesty was rowed off. The account
was of course telegraphed to London,
and the high spirits of the fleet in-
fected the whole town. I was out-
side the Charing Cross station when
the Queen's special train from Dover
arrived, and from the cheering and
shouting which greeted her as she
drove away, you might have sup-
posed we had already won a great
victory. The journals which had
gone in strongly for the army re-
duction carried out during the ses-
sion, and had been nervous and
desponding in tone during the past
fortnight, suggesting all sorts of
compromises as a way of getting
out of the war, came out in a
very jubilant form next morning.
"Panic-stricken inquirers," they
said, " ask now, where are the means
of meeting the invasion ? We reply
that the invasion will never take
place. A British fleet, manned by
British sailors whose courage and
enthusiasm are reflected in the peo-
ple of this country, is already on the
way to meet the presumptuous foe.
The issue of a contest between Brit-
ish ships and those of any other
country, under anything like equal
odds, can never be doubtful. Eng-
land awaits with calm confidence the
issue of the impending action."
Such were the words of the lead-
ing article, and so we all felt. It
was on Tuesday, the 10th of August,
that the fleet sailed from the Downs.
It took with it a submarine cable to
lay down as it advanced, so that
continuous communication was kept
up, and the papers were publishing
special editions every few minutes
with the latest news. This was the
first time such a thing had been
done, and the feat was accepted as
a good omen. Whether it is true
that the Admiralty made use of the
cable to keep on sending contradic-
tory orders, which took the command
out of the admiral's hands, I can't
say ; but all that the admiral sent in
return was a few messages of the
briefest kind, which neither the Ad-
miralty nor any one else could have
544
The Battle of Dorking :
made any use of. Such a ship had
gone off reconnoitring ; such another
had rejoined — fleet was in latitude
so and so. This went on till the
Thursday morning. I had just
come up to town by train as usual,
and was walking to my office, when
the newsboys began to cry, " !N~ew
edition — enemy's fleet in sight \ "
You may imagine the scene in
London \ Business still went on
at the banks, for bills matured al-
though the independence of the
country was being fought out under
our own eyes, so to say; and the
speculators were active enough.
But even with the people who were
making and losing their fortunes,
the interest in the fleet overcame
everything else ; men who went
to pay in or draw out their money
stopped to show the last bulletin to
the cashier. As for the street, you
could hardly get along for the crowd
stopping to buy and read the papers ;
while at every house or office the
members sat restlessly in the com-
mon room, as if to keep together
for company, sending out some one of
their number every few minutes to
get the latest edition. At least this
is what happened at our office; but
to sit still was as impossible as to
do anything, and most of us went
out and wandered about among the
crowd, under a sort of feeling that
the news was got quicker at in this
way. Bad as were the times com-
ing, I think the sickening suspense
of that day, and the shock which
followed, was almost the worst that
we underwent. It was about ten
o'clock that the first telegram came ;
an hour later the wire announced
that the admiral had signalled to
form line of battle, and shortly
afterwards that the order was given
to bear down on the enemy and
engage. At twelve came the an-
nouncement, " Fleet opened fire
about three miles to leeward of us"
— that is, the ship with the cable.
So far all had been expectancy, then
came the first token of calamity.
" An ironclad has been blown up "
— " the enemy's torpedoes are doing
great damage" — "the flagship is
laid aboard the enemy" — " the flag-
ship appears to be sinking " — " the
vice-admiral has signalled " — there
the cable became silent, and, as you
know, we heard no more till two
days afterwards. The solitary iron-
clad which escaped the disaster
steamed into Portsmouth.
Then the whole story came out
— how our sailors, gallant as ever,
had tried to close with the enemy ;
how the latter evaded the conflict at
close quarters, and, sheering off, left — •
behind them the fatal engines which
sent our ships, one after the other,
to the bottom ; how all this hap-
pened almost in a few minutes.
The Government, it appears, had
received warnings of this invention ;
but to the nation this stunning
blow was utterly unexpected. That
Thursday I had to go home early
for regimental drill, but it was im-
possible to remain doing nothing, so
when that was over I went up to
town again, and after waiting in
expectation of news which never
came, and missing the midnight
train, I walked home. It was a
hot sultry night, and I did not ar-
rive till near sunrise. The whole
town was quite still — the lull be-
fore the storm ; and as I let myself
in with my latch-key, and went
softly up-stairs to my room to avoid
waking the sleeping household, I
could not but contrast the peaceful-
ness of the morning — no sound
breaking the silence but the singing
of the birds in the garden — with
the passionate remorse and indigna-
tion that would break out with the
day. Perhaps the inmates of the
rooms were as wakeful as myself ;
but the house in its stillness was
just as it used to be when I came
home alone from balls or parties iu
1871.]
Reminiscences of a Volunteer.
545
the happy days gone by. Tired
though I was, I could not sleep, so
I went down to the river and had
a swim ; and on returning found
the household was assembling for
early breakfast. A sorrowful house-
hold it was, although the burden
pressing on each was partly an un-
seen one. My father, doubting
whether his firm could last through
the day ; my mother, her distress
about my brother, now with his
regiment on the coast, already ex-
ceeding that which she felt for the
public misfortune, had come down,
although hardly fit to leave her room.
My sister Clara was worst of all, for
she could not but try to disguise
her special interest in the fleet ; and
though we had all guessed that her
heart was given to the young lieu-
tenant in the flagship — the first to
go down — a love unclaimed could
not be told, nor could we express
the sympathy we felt for the poor
girl. That breakfast, the last meal
we ever had together, was soon
ended, and my father and I went up
to town by an early train, and got
there just as the fatal announce-
ment of the loss of the fleet was
telegraphed from Portsmouth.
The panic and excitement of that
day — how the funds went down to
35 ; the run upon the bank and its
stoppage ; the fall of half the houses
in the city; how the Government
issued a notification suspending
specie payment and the tendering
of bills — this last precaution too
late for most firms, Carter & Co.
among the number, which stopped
payment as soon as my father got
to the office ; the call to arms, and
the unanimous response of the
country — all this is history which I
need not repeat. You wish to hear
about my own share in the business
of the time. Well, volunteering
had increased immensely from the
day war was proclaimed, and our
regiment went up in a day or two
from its usual strength of 600 to
nearly 1000. But the stock of rifles
was deficient. We were promised
a further supply in a few days,
which, however, we never received ;
and while waiting for them the regi-
ment had to be divided into two
parts, the recruits drilling with the
rifles in the morning, and we old
hands in the evening. The failures
and stoppage of work on this black
Friday threw an immense number
of young men out of employment,
and we recruited up to 1400 strong
by the next day; but what was the
use of all these men without arms ?
On the Saturday it was announced
that a lot of smooth-bore muskets in
store at the Tower would be served
out to regiments applying for them,
and a regular scramble took place
among the volunteers for them, and
our people got hold of a couple of
hundred. But you might almost as
well have tried to learn rifle-drill
with a broomstick as with old
brown bess ; besides, there was no
smooth-bore ammunition in the
country. A national subscription
was opened for the manufacture of
rifles at Birmingham, which ran up
to a couple of millions in two days,
but, like everything else, this came
too late. To return to the volun-
teers : camps had been formed a
fortnight before at Dover, Brighton,
Harwich, and other places, of regulars
and militia, and the headquarters of
most of the volunteer regiments
were attached to one or other of
them, and the volunteers themselves
used to go down for drill from day
to day, as they could spare time,
and on Friday an order went out
that they should be permanently
embodied ; but the metropolitan
volunteers were still kept about
London as a sort of reserve, till it
could be seen at what point the in-
vasion would take place. We were
all told off to brigades and divisions.
Our brigade consisted of the 4th
546
The Battle of Dorking :
[May
Royal Surrey Militia, the 1st Surrey
Administrative Battalion, as it was
called, at Clapham, the 7th Surrey
Volunteers at Southwark, and our-
selves; but only our battalion and
the militia were quartered in the
same place, and the whole brigade
had merely two or three afternoons
together at brigade exercise in
Bushey Park before the march took
place. Our brigadier belonged to a
line regiment in Ireland, and did
not join till the very morning the
order came. Meanwhile, during the
preliminary fortnight, the militia
colonel commanded. But though
we volunteers were busy with our
drill and preparations, those of us
who, like my self, belonged to Govern-
ment offices, had more than enough
of office work to do, as you may sup-
pose. The volunteer clerks were
, allowed to leave office at four o'clock,
but the rest were kept hard at the
desk far into the night. Orders to
the lord-lieutenants, to the magis-
trates, notifications, all the arrange-
ments for cleaning out the work-
houses for hospitals — these and a
hundred other things had to be
managed in our office, and there was
as much bustle in -doors as out.
Fortunate we were to be so busy —
the people to be pitied were those
who had nothing to do. And on
Sunday (that was the 15th August)
work went on just as usual. We had
an early parade and drill, and I went
up to town by the nine o'clock train
in my uniform, taking my rifle with
me in case of accidents, and luckily
too, as it turned out, a mackintosh
overcoat. When I got to Waterloo
there were all sorts of rumours afloat.
A fleet had been seen off the Downs,
and some of the despatch - boats
which were hovering about the
coasts brought news that there was
a large flotilla off Harwich, but no-
thing could be seen from the shore,
as the weather was hazy. The
enemy's light ships had taken and
sunk all the fishing -boats they
could catch, to prevent the news
of their whereabouts reaching us,
but a few escaped during the
night and reported that the In-
constant frigate coming home from
North America, without any know-
ledge of what had taken place, had
sailed right into the enemy's fleet
and been captured. In town the
troops were all getting ready for a
move ; the Guards in the Welling-
ton Barracks were under arms, and
their baggage- waggons packed and
drawn up in the Bird-cage Walk.
The usual guard at the Horse Guards
had been withdrawn, and orderlies
and staff-officers were going to and
fro. All this I saw on the way to
my office, where I worked away till
twelve o'clock, and then feeling
hungry after my early breakfast, I
went across Parliament Street to
my club to get some luncheon.
There were about half-a-dozen men
in the coffee-room, none of whom I
knew; but in a minute or two Dan-
vers of the Treasury entered in a
tremendous hurry. From him I
got the first bit of authentic news I
had had that day. The enemy had
landed in force near Harwich, and
the metropolitan regiments were
ordered down there to reinforce the
troops already collected in that
neighbourhood ; his regiment was
to parade at one o'clock, and he had
come to get something to eat before
starting. We bolted a hurried lunch,
and were just leaving the club when
a messenger from the Treasury came
running into the halL
" Oh, Mr Danvers," said he, " I've
come to look for you, sir ; the secre-
tary says that all the gentlemen are
wanted at the office, and that you
must please not one of you go with
the regiments."
" The devil ! " cried Danvers.
"Do you know if that order
extends to all the public offices 1 " I
asked.
1871.]
Reminiscences of a Volunteer.
547
" I don't know," said the man,
" but I believe it do. I know
there's messengers gone round to all
the clubs and luncheon-bars to look
for the gentlemen; the secretary
says it's quite impossible any one
can be spared just now, there's so
much work to do ; there's orders
just come to send off our records to
Birmingham to-night."
I did not wait to condole with
Danvers, but, just glancing up
Whitehall to see if any of our mes-
sengers were in pursuit, I ran off as
hard as I could for Westminster
Bridge, and so to the Waterloo
station.
The place had quite changed its as-
pect since the morning. The regular
service of trains had ceased, and
the station and approaches were full
of troops, among them the Guards
and artillery. Everything was very
orderly; the men had piled arms,
and were standing about in groups.
There was no sign of high spirits
or enthusiasm. Matters had become
too serious. Every man's face re-
flected the general feeling that we
had neglected the warnings given
us, and that now the danger so long
derided as impossible and absurd
had really come and found us un-
prepared. But the soldiers, if grave,
looked determined, like men who
meant to do their duty whatever
might happen. A train full of
Guardsmen was just starting for
Guildford. I was told it would
stop at Surbiton, and, with several
other volunteers, hurrying like my-
self to join our regiment, got a
place in it. We did not arrive a
moment too soon, for the regiment
was marching from Kingston down
to the station. The destination of
our brigade was the east coast.
Empty carriages were drawn up in
the siding, and our regiment was to
go first. A large crowd was assem-
bled to see it off, including the re-
cruits who had joined during the
last fortnight, and who formed by
far the largest part of our strength.
They were to stay behind, and were
certainly very much in the way
already ; for as all the officers and
sergeants belonged to the active
part, there was no one to keep dis-
cipline among them, and they came
crowding around us, breaking the
ranks and making it difficult to get
into the train. Here I saw our new
brigadier for the first time. He was
a soldier-like man, and no doubt
knew his duty, but he appeared
new to volunteers, and did not
seem to know how to deal with
gentlemen privates. I wanted very
much to run home and get my great-
coat and knapsack, which I had
bought a few days ago, but feared to
be left behind ; a good-natured re-
cruit volunteered to fetch them for
me, but he had not returned before
• we started, and I began the campaign
with a kit consisting of a mackintosh
and a small pouch of tobacco.
It was a tremendous squeeze in
the train ; for, besides the ten men
sitting down, there were three or
four standing up in every compart-
ment, and the afternoon was close
and sultry, and there were so many
stoppages on the way that we took
nearly an hour and a half crawling
up to Waterloo. It was between
five and six in the afternoon when
we arrived there, and it was nearly
seven before we marched up to the
Shoreditch station. The whole
place was filled up with stores
and ammunition, to be sent off to
the East, so we piled arms in the
street and scattered about to get
food and drink, of which most of
us stood in need, especially the
latter, for some were already feeling
the worse for the heat and crush. I
was just stepping into a public-
house with Travers, when who
should drive up but his pretty
wife ? Most of our friends had paid
their adieus at the Surbiton sta-
548
Tlie Battle of Dorking :
[May
tion, but she had driven up by the
road in his brougham, bringing their
little boy to have a last look at
papa. She had also brought his
knapsack and greatcoat, and, what
was still more acceptable, a basket
containing fowls, tongue, bread-and-
butter, and biscuits, and a couple
of bottles of claret, — which price-
less luxuries they insisted on my
sharing.
Meanwhile the hours went on.
The 4th Surrey Militia, which
had marched all the way from
Kingston, had come up, as well as
the other volunteer corps ; the sta-
tion had been partly cleared of the
stores that encumbered it ; some
artillery, two militia regiments, and
a battalion of the- line, had been
despatched, and our turn to start
had come, and long lines of carriages
were drawn up ready for us ; but
still we remained in the street.
You may fancy the scene. There
seemed to be as many people as
ever in London, and we could
hardly move for the crowds of spec-
tators— fellows hawking fruits and
volunteers' comforts, newsboys, and
so forth, to say nothing of the cabs
and omnibuses ; while orderlies
and staff -officers were constantly
riding up with messages. A good
many of the militiamen, and some
of our people, too, had taken more
than enough to drink; perhaps a
hot sun had told on empty stom-
achs ; anyhow, they became very
noisy. The din, dirt, and heat
were indescribable. So the evening
wore on, and all the information
our officers could get from the
brigadier, who appeared to be act-
ing under another general, was, that
orders had come to stand fast for
the present. Gradually the street
became quieter and cooler. The
brigadier, who, by way of setting an
example, had remained for some
hours without leaving his saddle,
had got a chair out of a shop, and
sat nodding in it; most of the
men were lying down or sitting on
the pavement — some sleeping, some
smoking. In vain had Travers
begged his wife to go home. She
declared that, having come so far,
she would stay and see the last of
us. The brougham had been sent
away to a by-street, as it blocked
up the road ; so he sat on a door-
step, she by him on the knapsack.
Little Arthur, who had been de-
lighted at the bustle and the uni-
forms, and in high spirits, became
at last very cross, and eventually
cried himself to sleep in his father's
arms, his golden hair and one little
dimpled arm hanging over his
shoulder. Thus went on the weary
hours, till suddenly the assembly
sounded, and we all started up.
We were to return to Waterloo.
The landing on the east was only a
feint — so ran the rumour — the real
attack was on the south. Anything
seemed better than indecision and
delay, and, tired though we were,
the march back was gladly hailed.
Mrs Travers, who made us take the
remains of the luncheon with us, we
left to look for^her carriage ; little
Arthur, who was awake again, but
very good and quiet, in her arms.
We did not reach Waterloo till
nearly midnight, and there was
some delay in starting again. Se-
veral volunteer and militia regi-
ments had arrived from the north ;
the station and all its approaches
were jammed up with men, and
trains were being despatched away
as fast as they could be made up.
All this time no news had reached
us since the first announcement ;
but the excitement then aroused had
now passed away under the influ-
ence of fatigue and want of sleep,
and most of us dozed off as soon
as we got under way. I did, at
any rate, and was awoke by the train
stopping at Leatherhead. There
was an up-train returning to town,
1871.]
Reminiscences of a Volunteer.
549
and some persons in it were bring-
ing up news from the coast. We
could not, from our part of the train,
hear what they said, but the rumour
was passed up from one carriage to
another. The enemy had landed in
force at Worthing. Their position
had been attacked by the troops
from the camp near Brighton, and
the action would be renewed in the
morning. The volunteers had be-
haved very well. This was all the
information we could get. So, then,
the invasion had come at last. It
was clear, at any rate, from what was
said, that the enemy had not been
driven back yet, and we should be
in time most likely to take a share
in the defence. It was sunrise when
the train crawled into Dorking, for
there had been numerous stoppages
on the way; and here it was pulled
up for a long time, and we were told
to get out and stretch ourselves — an
order gladly responded to, for we
had been very closely packed all
night. Most of us, too, took the
opportunity to make an early break-
fast off the food we had brought from
Shoreditch. I had the remains of
Mrs Travers's fowl and some bread
wrapped up in my waterproof, which
I shared with one or two less pro-
vident comrades. We could see
from our halting-place that the line
was blocked with trains beyond and
behind. It must have been about
eight o'clock when we got orders to
take our seats again, and the train
began to move slowly on towards
Horsham. Horsham Junction was
the point to be occupied — so the ru-
mour went; but about ten o'clock,
when halting at a small station a few
miles short of it, the order came to
leave the train, and our brigade form-
ed in column on the highroad. Be-
yond us was some field-artillery; and
further on, so we were told by a staff-
officer, another brigade, which was to
make up a division with ours. After
more delays the line began to move,
but not forwards ; our route was to-
wards the north-west, and a sort of
suspicion of the state of affairs flashed
across my mind. Horsham was al-
ready occupied by the enemy's ad-
vanced-guard, and we were to fall
back on Leith Common, and take
up a position threatening his flank,
should he advance either to Guild-
ford or Dorking. This was soon con-
firmed by what the colonel was told
by the brigadier and passed down
the ranks; and just now, for the first
time, the boom of artillery came up
on the light south breeze. In about
an hour the firing ceased. What
did it mean1? We could not tell.
Meanwhile our march continued.
The day was very close and sultry,
and the clouds of dust stirred up
by our feet almost suffocated us. I
had saved a soda-water-bottleful of
yesterday's claret ; but this went
only a short way, for there were
many mouths to share "it with, and
the thirst soon became as bad as
ever. Several of the regiment fell
out from faintness, and we made
frequent halts to rest and let the
stragglers come up. At last we
reached the top of Leith Hill. It
is a striking spot, being the highest
point in the south of England. The
view from it is splendid, and most
lovely did the country look this
summer day, although the grass was
brown from the long drought. It
was a great relief to get from the
dusty road on to the common, and
at the top of the hill there was a
refreshing breeze. We could see
now, for the first time, the whole of
our division. Our own regiment
did not muster more than 500, for
it contained a large number of Gov-
ernment office men who had been
detained, like Danvers, for duty in
town, and others were not much
larger ; but the militia regiment was
very strong, and the whole division,
I was told, mustered nearly 5000
rank and file. We could see other
550
Tlie Battle of Dorking :
[May
troops also in extension of our divi-
sion, and could count a couple of
field-batteries of Royal Artillery,
besides some heavy guns, belonging
to the volunteers apparently, drawn
by cart - horses. The cooler air,
the sense of numbers, and the evi-
dent strength of the position we
held, raised our spirits, which, I am
not ashamed to say, had all the
morning been depressed. It was
not that we were not eager to close
with the enemy, but that the coun-
ter-marching and halting ominously
betokened a vacillation of purpose
in those who had the guidance of
affairs. Here in two days the in-
vaders had got more than twenty
miles inland, and nothing effectual
had been done to stop them. And
the ignorance in which we volun-
teers, from the colonel downwards,
were kept of their movements, filled
us with uneasiness. "We could not
but depict to ourselves the enemy
as carrying out all the while firmly
his well-considered scheme of attack,
and contrasting it with our own un-
certainty of purpose. The very silence
with which his advance appeared to
be conducted filled us with mysteri-
ous awe. Meanwhile the day wore
on, and we became faint with hun-
ger, for we had eaten nothing since
daybreak. No provisions came up,
and there were no signs of any
commissariat officers. It seems that
when we were at the "Waterloo sta-
tion a whole trainful of provisions
was drawn up there, and our colonel
proposed that one of the trucks
should be taken off and attached to
our train, so that we might have
some food at hand; but. the officer
in charge, an assistant-controller I
think they called him — this control
department was a newfangled affair
which did us almost as much harm
as the enemy in the long-run — said
his orders were to keep all the stores
together, and that he couldn't issue
any without authority from the head
of his department. So we had to
go without. Those who had tobacco
smoked — indeed there is no solace
like a pipe under such circumstances.
The militia regiment, I heard after-
wards, had two days' provisions in
their haversacks ; it was we volun-
teers who had no haversacks, and
nothing to put in them. All this
time, I should tell you, while we
were lying on the grass with our
arms piled, the General, with the
brigadiers and staff, was riding about
slowly from point to point of the
edge of the common, looking out
with his glass towards the south
valley. Orderlies and staff-officers
were constantly coming, and about
three o'clock there arrived up a road
that led towards Horsham a small
body of lancers and a regiment of
yeomanry, who had, it appears, been
out in advance, and now drew up a
short way in front of us in column
facing to the south. Whether they
could see anything in their front I
could not tell, for we were behind
the crest of the hill ourselves, and
so could not look into the valley
below ; but shortly afterwards the
assembly sounded. Commanding
officers were called out by the Gen-
eral, and received some brief instruc-
tions ; and the column began to
march again towards London, the
militia this time coming last in our
brigade. A rumour regarding the
object of this counter-march soon
spread through the ranks. The
enemy was not going to attack us
here, but was trying to turn the
position on both sides, one column
pointing to Reigate, the other to
Aldershot ; and so we must fall back
and take up a position at Dorking.
The line of the great chalk-range
was to be defended. A large force
was concentrating at Guildford, an-
other at Reigate, and we should find
supports at Dorking. The enemy
would be awaited in these positions.
Such, so far as we privates could get
1871.]
Reminiscences of a Volunteer.
551
at the facts, was to be the plan of
operations. Down the hill, there-
fore, we marched. From one or two
points we could catch a brief sight
of the railway in the valley below
running from Dorking to Horsham.
Men in red were working upon it
here and there. They were the
Royal Engineers, some one said,
breaking up the line. On we
marched. The dust seemed worse
than ever. In one village through
which we passed — I forget the name
now — there was a pump on the
green. Here we stopped and had a
good drink ; and passing by a large
farm, the farmer's wife and two or
three of her maids stood at the gate
and handed us hunches of bread and
cheese out of some baskets. I got
the share of a bit, but the bottom
of the baskets must soon have been
reached. Not a thing else was to
be had till we got to Dorking about
six o'clock ; indeed most of the
farmhouses appeared deserted al-
ready. On arriving there we were
drawn up in the street, and just
opposite was a baker's shop. Our
fellows asked leave at first by
twos and threes to go in and buy
some loaves, but soon others began
to break off and crowd into the
shop, and at last a regular scramble
took place. If there had been any
order preserved, and a regular dis-
tribution arranged, they would no
doubt have been steady enough, but
hunger makes men selfish : each
man felt that his stopping behind
would do no good — he would simply
lose his share; so it ended by al-
most the whole regiment joining
in the scrimmage, and the shop was
cleared out in a couple of minutes;
while as for paying, you could not
get your hand into your pocket for
the crush. The colonel tried in
vain to stop the row; some of the
officers were as bad as the men.
Just then a staff-officer rode by ; he
could scarcely make way for the
crowd, and was pushed against rather
rudely, and in a passion he called out
to us to behave properly, like soldiers^
and not like a parcel of roughs. " Oh,
blow it, governor," says Dick Wake,
" you arn't agoing to come between
a poor cove and his grub." Wake
was an articled attorney, and, as we
used to say in those days, a cheeky
young chap, although a good-natured
fellow enough. At this speech,
which was followed by some more
remarks of the sort from those about
him, the staff-officer became angrier
still. " Orderly," cried he to the
lancer riding behind him, " take
that man to the provost-marshal.
As for you, sir," he said, turning to
our colonel, who sat on his horse
silent with astonishment, "if you
don't want some of your men shot
before their time, you and your
precious officers had better keep this
rabble in a little better order;" and
poor Dick, who looked crest-fallen
enough, would certainly have been
led off at the tail of the sergeant's
horse, if the brigadier had not come
up and arranged matters, and
marched us off to the hill beyond
the town. This incident made us
both angry and crest-fallen. We
were annoyed at being so roughly
spoken to : at the same time we felt
we had deserved it, and were ashamed
of the misconduct. Then, too, we had
lost confidence in our colonel, after
the poor figure he cut in the affair.
He was a good fellow, the colonel,
and showed himself a brave one
next day; but he aimed too much
at being popular, and didn't under-
stand a bit how to command.
To resume : — We had scarcely
reached the hill above the town,
which we were told was to be our
bivouac for the night, when the
welcome news came that a food-
train had arrived at the station ; but
there were no carts to bring the things
up, so a fatigue-party went down
and carried back a supply to us in
552
Tlie Battle of Dorking :
their arms, — loaves, a barrel of rum,
packets of tea, and joints of meat —
abundance for all; but there was
not a kettle or a cooking-pot in the
regiment, and we could not eat the
meat raw. The colonel and officers
were no better off. They had
arranged to have a regular mess,
with crockery, steward, and all com-
plete, but the establishment never
turned up, and what had become of it
no one knew. Some of us were sent
back into the town to see what we
could procure in the way of cooking
utensils. We found the street full
of artillery, baggage-waggons, and
mounted officers, and volunteers
shopping like ourselves ; and all the
houses appeared to be occupied by
troops. We succeeded in getting a
few kettles and saucepans, and I
obtained for myself a leather bag,
with a strap to go over the shoulder,
which proved very handy after-
wards ; and thus laden, we trudged
back to our camp on the hill, filling
the kettles with dirty water from a
little stream which runs between
the hill and the town, for there was
none to be had above. It was
nearly a couple of miles each way ;
and, exhausted as we were with
marching and want of rest, we
were almost too tired to eat. The
cooking was of the roughest, as you
may suppose ; all we could do was
to cut off slices of the meat and
boil them in the saucepans, using
our fingers for forks. The tea, how-
ever, was very refreshing; and,
thirsty as we were, we drank it
by the gallon. Just before it grew
dark, the brigade-major came round,
and, with the adjutant, showed our
colonel how to set a picket in
advance of our line a little way
down the face of the hill. It was
not necessary to place one, I sup-
pose, because the town in our front
was still occupied with troops ; but
no doubt the practice would be
useful. We had also a quarter-
guard, and a line of sentries in
front and rear of our line, com-
municating with those of the regi-
ments on our flanks. Firewood was
plentiful, for the hill was covered
with beautiful wood ; but it took
some time to collect it, for we had
nothing but our pocket-knives to
cut down the branches with.
So we lay down to sleep. My
company had no duty, and we had
the night undisturbed to ourselves ;
but, tired though I was, the excite-
ment and the novelty of the situ-
ation made sleep difficult. And
although the night was still and
warm, and we were sheltered by the
woods, I soon found it chilly with
no better covering than my thin
dust-coat, the more so as my clothes,
saturated with perspiration during
the day, had never dried; and
before daylight I woke from a short
nap, shivering with cold, and was
glad to get warm with others by a
fire. I then noticed that the oppo-
site hills on the south were dotted
with fires ; and we thought at first
they must belong to the enemy, but
we were told that the ground up
there was still held by a strong
rear-guard of regulars, and that there
need be no fear of a surprise.
At the first sign of dawn the
bugles of the regiments sounded the
reveille, and we were ordered to fall
in, and the roll was called. About
twenty men were absent, who had
fallen out sick the day before ; they
had been sent up to London by
train during the night, I believe.
After standing in column for about
half an hour, the brigade-major came
down with orders to pile arms and
stand easy; and perhaps half an hour
afterwards we were told to get
breakfast as quickly as possible,
and to cook a day's food at the same
time. This operation was managed
pretty much in the same way as the
evening before, except that we had
our cooking pots and kettles ready.
1871.]
Reminiscences of a Volunteer.
553
Meantime there was leisure to look
around, and from where we stood
there was a commanding view of one
of the most beautiful scenes in Eng-
land. Our regiment was drawn up on
the extremity of the ridge which runs
from Guildford to Dorking. This
is indeed merely a part of the great
chalk -range which extends from
beyond Aldershot east to the Med-
way ; but there is a gap in the ridge
just here where the little stream
that runs past Dorking turns sud-
denly to the north, to find its way
to the Thames. We stood on the
slope of the hill, as it trends down
eastward towards this gap, and had
passed our bivouac in what appeared
to be a gentleman's park. A little
way above us, and to our right, was
a very fine country-seat to which
the park was attached, now occupied
by the headquarters of our division.
From this house the hill sloped
steeply down southward to the val-
ley below, which runs nearly east
and west parallel to the ridge, and
carries the railway and the road
from Guildford to Eeigate, and in
which valley, immediately in front
of the chateau, and perhaps a mile
and a half distant from it, was
the little town of Dorking, nestled
in the trees, and rising up the
foot of the slopes on the other
side of the valley which stretched
away to Leith Common, the scene
of yesterday's march. Thus the
main part of the town of Dorking
wa's on our right front, but the
suburbs stretched away eastward
nearly to our proper front, culminat-
ing in a small railway station, from
which the grassy slopes of the park
rose up dotted with shrubs and
trees to where we were standing.
Eound this railway station was a
cluster of villas and one or two mills,
of whose gardens we thus had a
bird's-eye view, their little orna-
mental ponds glistening like looking-
glasses in the morning sun. Im-
mediately on our left the park sloped
steeply down to the gap before men-
tioned, through which ran the little
stream, as well as the railway from
Epsom to Brighton, nearly due north
and south, meeting the Guildford
and Eeigate line at right angles.
Close to the point of intersection
and the little station already men-
tioned, was the station of the former
line where we had stopped the day
before. Beyond the gap on the east
(our left), and in continuation of our
ridge, rose the chalk-hill again. The
shoulder of this ridge overlooking
the gap is called Box Hill, from
the shrubbery of box - wood with
which it was covered. Its sides
were very steep, and the top of the
ridge was covered with troops. The
natural strength of our position was
manifested at a glance ; a high grassy
ridge steep to the south, with a
stream in front, and but little cover
up the sides. It seemed made for
a battle-field. The weak point was
the gap ; the ground at the junction
of the railways and the roads im-
mediately at the entrance of the
gap formed a little valley, dotted,
as I have said, with buildings and
gardens. This, in one sense, was
the key of the position ; for although
it would not be tenable while we
held the ridge commanding it, the
enemy by carrying this point and
advancing through the gap would
cut our line in two. But you must
not suppose I scanned the ground
thus critically at the time. Any-
body, indeed, might have been
struck with the natural advantages
of our position ; but what, as I re-
member, most impressed me, was
the peaceful beauty of the scene —
the little town with the outline of
the houses obscured by a blue mist,
the massive crispness of the foliage,
the outlines of the great trees, lighted
up by the sun, and relieved by deep
blue shade. So thick was the timber
here, rising up the southern slopes
554
TJie Battle of Dorking :
[May
of the valley, that it looked almost
as if it might have been a primeval
forest. The quiet of the scene was
the more impressive because con-
trasted in the mind with the scenes
we expected to follow ; and I can
remember, as if it were yesterday,
the sensation of bitter regret that it
should now be too late to avert this
coming desecration of our country,
which might so easily have been
prevented. A little firmness, a
little prevision on the part of our
rulers, even a little common-sense,
and this great calamity would have
been rendered utterly impossible.
Too late, alas ! We were like the
foolish virgins in the parable.
But you must not suppose the
scene immediately around was
gloomy : the camp was brisk and
bustling enough. We had got over
the stress of weariness; our stomachs
were full ; we felt a natural enthu-
siasm at the prospect of having so
soon to take a part as the real de-
fenders of the country, and we were
inspirited at the sight of the large
force that was now assembled.
Along the slopes which trended off
to the rear of our ridge, troops
came marching up — volunteers,
militia, cavalry, and guns ; these, I
heard, had come down from the
north as far as Leatherhead the
night before, and had marched over
at daybreak. Long trains, too, began
to arrive by the rail through the
gap, one after the other, containing
militia and volunteers, who moved
up to the ridge to the right and
left, and took up their position,
massed for the most part on the
slopes which ran up from, and in
rear of, where we stood. We now
formed part of an army corps, we
were told, consisting of three divi-
sions, but what regiments composed
the other two divisions I never
heard. All this movement we
could distinctly see from our posi-
tion, for we had hurried over our
breakfast, expecting every minute
that the battle would begin, and
now stood or sat about on the
ground near cur piled arms. Early
in the morning, too, we saw a very
long train come along the valley
from the direction of Guildford, full
of redcoats. It halted at the little
station at our feet, and the troops
alighted. We could soon make out
their bear-skins. They were the
Guards, coming to reinforce this part
of the line. Leaving a detachment
of skirmishers to hold the line of
the railway embankment, the main
body marched up with a springy
step and with the band playing, and
drew up across the gap on our
left, in prolongation of our line.
There appeared to be three bat-
talions of them, for they formed up
in that number of columns at short
intervals.
Shortly after this I was sent over
to Box Hill with a message from our
colonel to the colonel of a volunteer
regiment stationed there, to know
whether an ambulance-cart was ob-
tainable, as it was reported this
regiment was well supplied with
carriage, whereas we were without
any: my mission, however, was fu-
tile. Crossing the valley, I found
a scene of great confusion at the
railway station. Trains were still
coming in with stores, ammunition,
guns, and appliances of all sorts,
which were being unloaded as fast
as possible; but there were scarcely
any means of getting the things off.
There were plenty of waggons of
all sorts, but hardly any horses to
draw them, and the whole place was
blocked up; while, to add to the
confusion, a regular exodus had
taken place of the people from the
town, who had been warned that it
was likely to be the scene of fight-
ing. Ladies and women of all sorts
and ages, and children, some with
bundles, some empty-handed, were
seeking places in the train, but
1871.]
Reminiscences of a Volunteer.
555
there appeared no one on the spot
authorised to grant them, and these
poor creatures were pushing their
way up and down, vainly asking for
information and permission to get
away. In the crowd I observed our
surgeon, who likewise was in search
of an ambulance of some sort : his
whole professional apparatus, lie
said, consisted of a case of instru-
ments. Also in the crowd I stum-
bled upon Wood, Travers's old coach-
man. He had been sent down by
his mistress to Guildford, because it
was supposed our regiment had gone
there, riding the horse, and laden
with a supply of things — food, blan-
kets, and, of course, a letter. He had
also brought my knapsack ; but at
Guildford the horse was pressed for
artillery work, and a receipt for it
given him in exchange, so he had
been obliged to leave all the heavy
packages there, including my knap-
sack ; but the faithful old man had
brought on as many things as he
could carry, and hearing that we
should be found in this part, had
walked over thus laden from Guild-
ford. He said that place was
crowded with troops, and that the
heights were lined with them the
whole way between the two towns ;
also, that some trains with wound-
ed had passed up from the coast in
the night, through Guildford. I led
him off to where our regiment was,
relieving the old man from part of
the load he was staggering under.
The food sent was not now so much
needed, but the plates, knives, &c.,
and drinking -vessels, promised to
be handy — and Travers, you may
be sure, was delighted to get his
letter ; while a couple of newspapers
the old man had brought were
eagerly competed for by all, even at
this critical moment, for we had
heard no authentic news since we
left London on Sunday. And even
at this distance of time, although I
only glanced down the paper, I can
VOL. CIX. — NO. DCLXVII.
remember almost the very words I
read there. They were both copies
of the same paper : the first, pub-
lished on Sunday evening, when
the news had arrived of the suc-
cessful landing at three points, was
written in a tone of despair. The
country must confess that it had
been taken by surprise. The con-
queror would be satisfied with the
humiliation inflicted by a peace
dictated on our own shores ; it
was the clear duty of the Govern-
ment to accept the best terms ob-
tainable, and to avoid further blood-
shed and disaster, and avert the fall
of our tottering mercantile credit.
The next morning's issue was in
quite a different tone. Apparently
the enemy had received a check, for
we were here exhorted to resistance.
An impregnable position was to be
taken up along the Downs, a force
was concentrating there far outnum-
bering the rash invaders, who, with
an invincible line before them, and
the sea behind, had no choice be-
tween destruction or surrender.
Let there be no pusillanimous talk of
negotiation, the fight must be fought
out ; and there could be but one
issue. England, expectant but calm,
awaited with confidence the result
of the attack on its unconquerable
volunteers. The writing appeared
to me eloquent, but rather incon-
sistent. The same paper said the
Government had sent off 500 work-
men from Woolwich, to open a
branch arsenal at Birmingham.
All this time we had nothing to
do, except to change our position,
which we did every few minutes,
now moving up the hill farther to
our right, now taking ground lower
down to our left, as one order after
another was brought down the line ;
but the staff-officers were galloping
about perpetually with orders, while
the rumble of the artillery as they
moved about from one part of the
field to another went on almost in-
2<J
556
The Battle of Dorking :
[May
cessantly. At last the whole line
stood to arms, the bands struck up,
and the general commanding our
army corps came riding down with
his staff. We had seen him several
times before, as we had been moving
frequently about the position during
the morning ; but he now made a
sort of formal inspection. He was
a tall thin man, with long light
hair, very well mounted, and as
he sat his horse with an erect seat,
and came prancing down the line,
at a little distance he looked as if
he might be five - and - twenty ;
but I believe he had served more
than fifty years, and had been made
a peer for services performed when
quite an old man. I remember that
he had more decorations than there
was room for on the breast of his
coat, and wore them suspended like
a necklace round his neck. Like
all the other generals, he was dressed
in blue, with a cocked-hat and fea-
thers— a bad plan, I thought, for
it made them very conspicuous.
The general halted before our bat-
talion, and after looking at us a
while, made a shoit address : We
had a post of honour next her Ma-
jesty's Guards, and would shoAV our-
selves worthy of it, and of the name
of Englishmen. It did not need,
he said, to be a general to see the
strength of our position ; it was im-
pregnable, if properly held. Let us
wait till the enemy was well pound-
ed, and then the word would be
given to go at him. Above every-
thing, we must be steady. He then
shook hands with our colonel, we
gave him a cheer, and he rode on to
where the Guards were drawn up.
]STow then, we thought, the battle
will begin. But still there were no
signs of the enemy ; and the air,
though hot and sultry, began to be
very hazy, so that you could scarcely
see the town below, and the hills
opposite were merely a confused
blur, iu which no features could be
distinctly made out. After a while,
the tension of feeling which follow-
ed the general's address relaxed, and
we began to feel less as if every-
thing depended on keeping our
rifles firmly grasped : we were told
to pile arms again, and got leave to
go down by tens and twenties to
the stream below to drink. This
stream, and all the hedges and banks
on our side of it, were held by our
skirmishers, but the town had been
abandoned. The position appeared
an excellent one, except that the
enemy, when they came, would have
almost better cover than our men.
While I was down at the brook, a
column, emerged from the town,
making for our position. We
thought for a moment it was the
enemy, and you could not make
out the colour of the uniforms for
the dust ; but it turned out to be
our rear-guard, falling back from the
opposite hills which they had oc-
cupied the previous night. One
battalion of rifles halted for a few
minutes at the stream to let the
men drink, and I had a minute's
talk with a couple of the officers.
They had formed part of the force
which had attacked the enemy on
their first landing. They had it all
their own way, they said, at first,
and could have beaten the enemy
back easily if they had been pro-
perly supported ; but the whole
thing was mismanaged. The volun-
teers came on very pluckily, they
said, but they got into confusion,
and so did the militia, and the at-
tack failed with serious loss. It
was the wounded of this force which
had passed through Guildford in
the night. The officers asked us
eagerly about the arrangements for
the battle, and when we said that
the Guards were the only regular
troops in this part of the field,
shook their heads ominously.
While we were talking a third
officer came up ; he was a dark man
1871.]
Reminiscences of a Volunteer.
557
with a smooth face and a curious
excited manner. " You are volun-
teers, I suppose," he said, quickly,
his eye flashing the while. " Well,
now, look here ; mind I don't want
to hurt your feelings, or to say any-
thing unpleasant, but I'll tell you
what ; if all you gentlemen were
just to go back, and leave us to
fight it out alone, it would be a
devilish good thing. "We could do
it a precious deal better without
you, I assure you. We don't want
your help, I can tell you. We
would much rather be left alone, I
assure you. Mind I don't want to
say anything rude, but that's a fact."
Having blurted out this passionate-
ly, he strode away before any one
could reply, or the other officers
could stop him. They apologised
for his rudeness, saying that his
brother, also in the regiment, had
been killed on Sunday, and that
this, and the sun, and marching,
had affected his head. The officers
told us that the enemy's advanced-
guard was close behind, but that he
had apparently been waiting for re-
inforcements, and would probably
not attack in force until noon. It
was, however, nearly three o'clock
before the battle began. We had
almost worn out the feeling of ex-
pectancy. For twelve hours had
we been waiting for the coming
struggle, till at last it seemed almost
as if the invasion were but a bad
dream, and the enemy, as yet un-
seen by us, had no real existence.
So far things had not been very dif-
ferent, but for the numbers and for
what we had been told, from a Vol-
unteer review on Brighton Downs.
I remember that these thoughts
were passing through my mind as
we lay down in groups on the grass,
some smoking, some nibbling at
their bread, some even asleep, when
the listless state we had fallen into
was suddenly disturbed by a gun-
shot fired from the top of the hill on
our right, close by the big house. It
was the first time I had ever heard
a shotted gun fired, and although it
is fifty years ago, the angry whistle
of the shot as it left the gun is in
my ears now. The sound was soon
to become common enough. We
all jumped up at the report, and
fell in almost without the word
being given, grasping our rifles
tightly, and the leading files peering
forward to look for the approaching
enemy. This gun was apparently
the signal to begin, for now our bat-
teries opened fire all along the line.
What they were firing at I could
not see, and I am sure the gunners
could not see much themselves. I
have told you what a haze had come
over the air since the morning,
and now the smoke from the guns
settled like a pall over the hill, and
soon we could see little but the men
in our ranks, and the outline of
some gunners in the battery drawn
up next us on the slope on our
right. This firing went on, I should
think, for nearly a couple of hours,
and still there was no reply. We
could see the gunners — it was a
troop of horse -artillery — working
away like fury, ramming, loading,
and running up with cartridges, the
officer in command riding slowly up
and down just behind his guns, and
peering out with his field-glass into
the mist. Once or twice they ceased
firing to let their smoke clear away,
but this did not do much good. For
nearly two hours did this go on, and
not a shot came in reply. If a bat-
tle is like this, said Dick Wake,
who was my next-hand file, it's mild
work, to say the least. The words
were hardly uttered when a rattle of
musketry was heard in front ; our
skirmishers were at it, and very
soon the bullets began to sing over
our heads, and some struck the
ground at our feet. Up to this time
we had been in column ; we were now
deployed into line on the ground as-
558
The Battle of Dorking :
[May
signed to us. From the valley or
gap on our left there ran a lane right
up the hill almost due west, or along
our front. This lane had a thick
"bank about four feet high, and the
greater part of the regiment was
drawn up behind it; but a little way
up the hill the lane trended back
out of the line, so the right of the
regiment here left it and occupied
the open grass-land of the park. The
bank had been cut away at this point
to admit of our going in and out.
We had been told in the morning
to cut down the bushes on the top
of the bank, so as to make the space
clear for firing over, but we had no
tools to work with ; however, a party
of sappers had come down and
finished the job. My company was
on the right, and was thus beyond
the shelter of the friendly bank. On
our right again was the battery of
artillery already mentioned ; then
came a battalion of the line, then
more guns, then a great mass of
militia and volunteers and a feAV
line up to the big house. At least
this was the order before the firing
began ; after that I do not know
what changes took place.
And now the enemy's artillery
began to open ; where their guns
were posted we could not see, but
we began to hear the rush of the
shells over our heads, and the bang
as they burst just beyond. And
now what took place I can really
hardly tell you. Sometimes when
I try and recall the scene, it seems
as if it lasted for only a few min-
utes ; yet I know, as we lay on the
ground, I thought the hours would
never pass away, as we watched the
gunners still plying their task, fir-
ing at the invisible enemy, never
stopping for a moment except when
now and again a dull blow would
be heard and a man fall down, then
three or four of his comrades would
carry him to the rear. The captain
no longer rode up and down ; what
had become of him I do not know.
Two of the guns ceased firing for a
time ; they had got injured in some
way, and up rode an artillery gene-
ral. I think I see him now, a very
handsome man, with straight fea-
tures and a dark moustache, his
breast covered with medals. He
appeared in a great rage at the guns
stopping fire.
" Who commands this battery 1 "
he cried.
" I do, Sir Henry," said an officer,
riding forward, whom I had not
noticed before.
The group is before me at this
moment, standing out clear against
the background of smoke, Sir Henry
erect on his splendid charger, his
flashing eye, his left arm pointing
towards the enemy to enforce some-
thing he was going to say, the
young officer reining in his horse
just beside him, and saluting with
his right hand raised to his busby.
This for a moment, then a dull
thud, and both horses and riders are
prostrate on the ground. A round
shot had struck all four at the
saddle line. Some of the gunners
ran up to help, but neither officer
could have lived many minutes.
This was not the first I saw killed.
Some time before this, almost im-
mediately on the enemy's artillery
opening, as we were lying, I heard
something like the sound of steel
striking steel, and at the same mo-
ment Dick Wake, who was next me
in the ranks, leaning on his elbows,
sank forward on his face. I looked
round and saw what had happened ;
a shot fired at a high elevation, pas-
sing over his head, had struck the
ground behind, nearly cutting his
thigh off. It must have been the
ball striking his sheathed bayonet
which made the noise. Three of
us carried the poor fellow to the
rear, with difficulty for the shattered
limb ; but he was nearly dead from
loss of blood when we got to the
1871.]
Reminiscences of a Volunteer.
559
doctor, who was waiting in a shel-
tered hollow about two hundred
yards in rear, with two other doc-
tors in plain clothes, who had come
up to help. We deposited our
burden and returned to the front.
Poor Wake was sensible when we
left him, but apparently too shaken
by the shock to be able to speak.
Wood was there helping the doctors.
I paid more visits to the rear of the
same sort before the evening was
over.
All this time we were lying there
to be fired at without returning a
shot, for our skirmishers were hold-
ing the line of walls and enclosures
below. However, the bank pro-
tected most of us, and the brigadier
now ordered our right company,
which was in the open, to get be-
hind it also ; and there we lay
about four deep, the shells crashing
and bullets whistling over our
heads, but hardly a man being
touched. Our colonel was, indeed,
the only one exposed, for he rode
up and down the lane at a foot-pace
as steady as a rock ; but he made
the major and adjutant dismount,
and take shelter behind the hedge,
holding their horses. We were all
pleased to see him so cool, and it
restored our confidence in him, which
had been shaken yesterday.
The time seemed interminable
while we lay thus inactive. We
could not, of course, help peering
over the bank to try and see what
was going on ; but there was no-
thing to be made out, for now a
tremendous thunderstorm, which
had been gathering all day, burst
on us, and a torrent of almost blind-
ing rain came down, which obscured
the view even more than the smoke,
while the crashing of the thunder
and the glare of the lightning could
be heard and seen even above the
roar and flashing of the artillery.
Once the mist lifted, and I saw for
a minute an attack on Box Hill, on
the other side of the gap on our
left. It was like the scene at a
theatre — a curtain of smoke all
round and a clear gap in the
centre, with a sudden gleam of
evening sunshine lighting it up.
The steep smooth slope of the hUl
was crowded with the dark -blue
figures of the enemy, whom I now
saw for the first time — an irregular
outline in front, but veiy solid in
rear : the whole body was moving
forward by fits and starts, the men
firing and advancing, the officers
waving their swords, the columns
closing up and gradually making
way. Our people were almost con-
cealed by the bushes at the top,
whence the smoke and their fire
could be seen proceeding: presently
from these bushes on the crest came
out a red line, and dashed down the
brow of the hill, a flame of fire
belching out from the front as it
advanced. The enemy hesitated,
gave way, and finally ran back in a
confused crowd down the hill. Then
the mist covered the scene, but the
glimpse of this splendid charge was
inspiriting, and I hoped we should
show the same coolness when it
came to our turn. It was about
this time that our skirmishers fell
back, a good many wounded, some
limping along by themselves, others
helped. The main body retired in
very fair order, halting to turn round
and fire ; we could see a mounted offi-
cer of the Guards riding up and down
encouraging them to be steady.
Now came our turn. For a few
minutes we saw nothing, but a rattle
of bullets came through the rain and
mist, mostly, however, passing over
the bank. We began to fire in reply,
stepping up against the bank to fire,
and stooping down to load ; but our
brigade-major rode up with an order,
and the word was passed through
the men to reserve our fire. In a
very few moments it must have been
that, when ordered to stand, we
5GO
TliQ Battle of Dorking :
[May
could see the helmet - spikes and
then the figures of the skirmishers
as they came on : a lot of them
there appeared to be, five or six
deep I should say, but in loose
order, each man stopping to aim and
fire, and then coming forward a little.
Just then the brigadier clattered on
horseback up the lane. " Now, then,
gentlemen, give it them hot," he
cried ; and fire away we did, as fast
as ever we were able. A perfect
storm of bullets seemed to be flying
about us too, and I thought each
moment must be the last ; escape
seemed impossible, but I saw no one
fall, for I was too busy, and so were
we all, to look to the right or left,
but loaded and fired as fast as I
could. How long this went on I
know not — it could not have been
long ; neither side could have lasted
many minutes under such a fire, but
it ended by the enemy gradually
falling back, and as soon as we saw
this we raised a tremendous shout,
and some of us jumped up on the
bank to give them our parting shots.
Suddenly the order was passed down
the line to cease firing, and we soon
discovered the cause ; a battalion of
the Guards was charging obliquely
across from our left across our front.
It was, I expect, their flank attack as
much as our fire which had turned
back the enemy ; and it was a splen-
did sight to see their steady line as
they advanced slowly across the
smooth lawn below us, firing as they
•went, but as steady as if on parade.
We felt a great elation at this mo-
ment ; it seemed as if the battle was
•won. Just then somebody called
out to look to the wounded, and for
the first time I turned to glance
down the rank along the lane.
Then I saw that we had not beaten
back the attack without loss. Im-
mediately before me lay Lawford of
my office, dead on his back from
a bullet through his forehead, his
hand still grasping his rifle. At
every step was some friend or ac-
quaintance killed or wounded, and a
few paces down the lane I found
Travers, sitting with his back against
the bank. A ball had gone through
his lungs, and blood was coming
from his mouth. I was lifting him,
but the cry of agony he gave stopped
me. I then saw that this was not
his only wound; his thigh was
smashed by a bullet (which must
have hit him when standing on the
bank), and the blood streaming down
mixed in a muddy puddle with the
rain-water under him. Still he
could not be left here, so, lifting
him up as well as I could, I carried
him through the gate which led out
of the lane at the back to where our
camp hospital was in the rear. The
movement must have caused him
awful agony, for I could not support
the broken thigh, and he could not
restrain his groans, brave fellow
though he was ; but how I carried
him at all I cannot make out,
for he was a much bigger man
than myself; but I had not gone
far, one of a stream of our fel-
lows, all on the same errand, when
a bandsman and Wood met me,
bringing a hurdle as a stretcher,
and on this we placed him. Wood
had just time to tell me that he
had got a cart down in the hollow,
and would endeavour to take off
his master at once to Kingston,
when a staff-officer rode up to call
us to the ranks. " You really must
not straggle in this way, gentle-
men," he said ; " pray keep your
ranks." " But we can't leave our
wounded to be trodden down and
die," cried one of our fellows. " Beat
off the enemy first, sir," he replied.
" Gentlemen, do, pray, join your
regiments, or we shall be a regular
mob." And no doubt he did not
speak too soon ; for besides our fel-
lows straggling to the rear, lots of
volunteers from the regiments in re-
serve were running forward to help,
1871.]
Reminiscences of a Volunteer.
561
till the whole ground was dotted
with groups of men. I hastened
back to my post, but I had just
time to notice that all the ground
in our rear was occupied by a thick
mass of troops, much more numerous
than in the morning, and a column
was moving down to the left of our
line, to the ground now held by
the Guards. All this time, although
the musketry had slackened, the
artillery fire seemed heavier than
ever ; the shells screamed overhead
or burst around ; and I confess to
feeling quite a relief at getting back
to the friendly shelter of the lane.
Looking over the bank, I noticed
for the first time the frightful exe-
cution our fire had created. The
space in front was thickly strewed
with dead and badly wounded, and
beyond the bodies of the fallen
enemy could just be seen — for it
was now getting dusk — the bear-
skins and red coats of our own gallant
Guards scattered over the slope, and
marking the line of their victorious
advance. But hardly a minute
could have passed in thus looking
over the field, when our brigade-
major came moving up the lane on
foot (I suppose his horse had been
shot), crying, " Stand to your arms,
Volunteers ! they're coming on
again ; " and we found ourselves a
second time engaged in a hot mus-
ketry fire. How long it went on I
cannot now remember, but we could
distinguish clearly the thick line of
skirmishers, about sixty paces off,
and mounted officers among them ;
and we seemed to be keeping them
well in check, for they were quite
exposed to our fire, while we were
protected nearly up to our shoul-
ders, when — I know not how — I
became sensible that something had
gone wrong. " We are taken in
flank ! " called out some one ; and
looking along the left, sure enough
there were dark figures jumping
over the bank into the lane and fir-
ing up along our line. The volun-
teers in reserve, who had come
down to take the place of the
Guards, must have given way at
this point ; the enemy's skirmishers
had got through our line, and turned
our left flank. How the next move
came about I cannot recollect, or
whether it was without orders, but
in a short time we found ourselves
out of the lane and drawn up in a
straggling line about thirty yards in
rear of it — at our end, that is, the
other flank had fallen back a good
deal more — and the enemy were
lining the hedge, and numbers of
them passing over and forming up
on our side. Beyond our left a
confused mass were retreating, firing
as they went, followed by the ad-
vancing line of the enemy. We
stood in this way for a short space,
firing at random as fast as we could.
Our colonel and major must have
been shot, for there was no one to
give an order, when somebody on
horseback called out from behind —
I think it must have been the bri-
gadier— " Now, then, Volunteers !
give a British cheer, and go at them
— charge ! " and, with a shout, we
rushed at the enemy. Some of
them ran, some stopped to meet us,
and for a moment it was a real
hand to-hand fight. I felt a sharp
sting in my leg, as I drove my
bayonet right through the man
in front of me. I confess I shut
my eyes, for I just got a glimpse
of the poor wretch as he fell back,
his eyes starting out of his head,
and, savage though we were, the
sight was almost too horrible to
look at. But the struggle was over
in a second, and we had cleared
the ground again right up to the
rear hedge of the lane. Had we
gone on, I believe we might have
recovered the lane too, but we were
now all out of order ; there was no
one to say what to do ; the enemy
began to line the hedge and open
562
The Battle of Dorking :
[May
fire, and they were streaming past
our left ; and how it carne about I
know not, but we found ourselves
falling back towards our right rear,
scarce any semblance of a line re-
maining, and the volunteers who
had given way on our left mixed
up with us, and adding to the con-
fusion. It was now nearly dark.
On the slopes which we were re-
treating to was a large mass of
reserves drawn up in columns.
Some of the leading files of these,
mistaking us for the enemy, began
firing at us ; our fellows, crying out
to them to stop, ran towards their
ranks, and in a few moments the
whole slope of the hill became a
scene of confusion that I cannot
attempt to describe, regiments and
detachments mixed up in hopeless
disorder. Most of us, I believe,
turned towards the enemy and
fired away our few remaining car-
tridges ; but it was too late to take
aim, fortunately for us, or the guns
which the enemy had brought up
through the gap, and were firing
point-blank, would have done more
damage. As it was, we could see
little more than the bright flashes
of their fire. In our confusion we
had jammed up a line regiment
immediately behind us, and its
colonel and some staff-officers were
in vain trying to make a passage
for it, and their shouts to us to
march to the rear and clear a road
could be heard above the roar of
the guns and the confused babel
of sound. At last a mounted
officer pushed his way through,
followed by a company in sections,
the men brushing past with firm-
set faces, as if on a desperate task ;
and the battalion, when it got clear,
appeared to deploy and advance
down the slope. I have also a dim
recollection of seeing the Life
Guards trot past the front, and push
on towards the town — a last des-
perate attempt to save the day —
before we left the field. Our
adjutant, who had got separated
from our flank of the regiment in
the confusion, now came up, and
managed to lead us, or at any rate
some of us, up to the crest of the
hill in the rear, to re-form, as he
said ; but there we met a vast
crowd of volunteers, militia, and
waggons, all hurrying rearward from
the direction of the big house, and
we were borne in the stream for a
mile at least before it was possible
to stop. At last the adjutant led
us to an open space a little off the
line of fugitives, and there we re-
formed the remains of the com-
panies. Telling us to halt, he rode
off to try and obtain orders, and
find out where the rest of our bri-
gade was. From this point, a spur
of high ground running off from
the main plateau, we looked down
through the dim twilight into the
battle-field below. Artillery fire was
still going on. We could see the
flashes from the guns on both sides,
and now and then a stray shell came
screaming up and burst near us, but
we were beyond the sound of mus-
ketry. This halt first gave us time
to think about what had happened.
The long day of expectancy had
been succeeded by the excitement of
battle ; and when each minute may
be your last, you do not think much
about other people, nor when you
are facing another man with a rifle
have you time to consider whether
he or you are the invader, or that
you are fighting for your home and
hearths. All fighting is pretty
much alike, I suspect, as to senti-
ment, when once it begins. But
noAv we had time for reflection ; and
although we did not yet quite
understand how far the day had
gone against us, an uneasy feeling
of self-condemnation must have
come up in the minds of most of
us ; while, above all, we now began
to realise what the loss of this
1871.]
Reminiscences of a Volunteer.
563
battle meant to the country. Then,
too, we knew not what had become
of all our wounded comrades. Re-
action, too, set in after the fatigue
and excitement. For myself, I had
found out for the first time that
besides the bayonet-wound in my
leg, a bullet had gone through
my left arm, just below the
shoulder, and outside the bone.
I remember feeling something
like a blow just when we lost the
lane, but the wound passed unno-
ticed till now, when the bleeding
had stopped and the shirt was stick-
ing to the wound.
This half-hour seemed an age, and
while we stood on this knoll the
endless tramp of men and rumbling
of carts along the downs beside us
told their own tale. The whole
army was falling back. At last
we could discern the adjutant rid-
ing up to us out of the dark. The
army was to retreat, and take up
a position on Epsom Downs, he
said; we should join in the march,
and try and find our brigade in the
morning ; and so we turned into the
throng again, and made our way on
as best we could. A few scraps of
news he gave us as he rode along-
side of our leading section ; the
army had held its position well for
a time, but the enemy had at last
broken through the line between us
and Guildford, as well as in our front,
and had poured his men through
the point gained, throwing the line
into confusion, and the first army
corps near Guildford were also
falling back to avoid being out-
flanked. The regular troops were
holding the rear ; we were to push
on as fast as possible to get out of
their way, and allow them to make
an orderly retreat in the morning.
The gallant old lord commanding
our corps had been badly wounded
early in the day, he heard, and car-
ried off the field. The Guards had
suffered dreadfully; the household
cavalry had ridden down the cuiras-
siers, but had got into broken ground
and been awfully cut up. Such
were the scraps of news passed down
our weary column. What had be-
come of our wounded no one knew,
and no one liked to ask. So we
trudged on. It must have been
midnight when we reached Leather-
head. Here we left the open ground
and took to the road, and the block
became greater. We pushed our
way painfully along; several trains
passed slowly ahead along the rail-
way by the roadside, containing the
wounded, we supposed — such of
them, at least, as were lucky enough
to be picked up. It was daylight
when we got to Epsom. The night
had been bright and clear after the
storm, with a cool air, which, blow-
ing through my soaking clothes,
chilled me to the bone. My
wounded leg was stiff and sore, and
I was ready to drop with exhaustion
and hunger. Nor were my com-
rades in much better case ; we had
eaten nothing since breakfast the
day before, and the bread we had
put by had been washed away by the
storm : only a little pulp remained
at the bottom of my bag. The to-
bacco was all too wet to 'smoke. In
this plight we were creeping along,
when the adjutant guided us into a
field by theroadside to rest awhile,and
we lay down exhausted on the sloppy
grass. The roll was here taken, and
only 180 answered out of nearly 500
present on the morning of the battle.
How many of these were killed and
wounded no one could tell ; but it
was certain many must have got
separated in the confusion of the
evening. While resting here, we
saw pass by, in the crowd of vehicles
and men, a cart laden with commis-
sariat stores, driven by a man in
uniform. " Food!" cried some one,
and a dozen volunteers jumped up
and surrounded the cart. The driver
tried to whip them off ; but he was
564
TJie Battle of Dorking :
[May
pulled off liis seat, and the contents
of the cart thrown out in an instant.
They "were preserved meats in tins,
which we tore open Avith our ba\T-
onets. The meat had been cooked
before, I think ; at any rate we
devoured it. Shortly after this a
general came by with three or four
staff-officers. He stopped and spoke
to our adjutant, and then rode into
the field. " My lads," said he,
" you shall join my division for the
present : fall in, and follow the
regiment that is now passing." We
rose up, fell in by companies, each
about twenty strong, and turned
once more into the stream moving
along the road ; — regiments, detach-
ments, single volunteers or militia-
men, country people making off,
some with bundles, some without,
a few in carts, but most on foot ;
here and there waggons of stores,
with men sitting wherever there
was room, others crammed with
wounded soldiers. Many blocks
occurred from horses falling, or carts
breaking down and filling up the
road. In the town the confusion
was even worse, for all the houses
seemed full of volunteers and militia-
men, wounded or resting, or trying
to find food, and the streets were
almost choked up. Some officers
were in vain trying to restore order,
but the task seemed a hopeless one.
One or two volunteer regiments
which had arrived from the north
the previous night, and had been
halted here for orders, were drawn
up along the roadside steadily
enough, and some of the retreating
regiments, including ours, may have
preserved the semblance of disci-
pline, but for the most part the mass
pushing to the rear was a mere mob.
The regulars, or what remained of
them, were now, I believe, all in the
rear, to hold the advancing enemy
in check. A few officers among
such a crowd could do nothing. To
add to the confusion, several houses
were being emptied of the wounded
brought here the night before, to
prevent their falling into the hands
of the enemy, some in carts, some
being carried to the railway by men.
The groans of these poor fellows as
they were jostled through the street
went to our hearts, selfish though
fatigue and suffering had made us.
At last, following the guidance of
a staff-officer who was standing to
show the way, we turned off from
the main London road and took
that towards Kingston. Here the
crush was less, and we managed to
move along pretty steadily. The
air had been cooled by the storm,
and there was no dust. "VVe passed
through a village where our new
general had seized all the public-
houses, and taken possession of the
liquor; and each regiment as it
came up was halted, and each man
got a drink of beer, served out by
companies. Whether the owner got
paid, I know not, but it was like
nectar. It must have been about
one o'clock in the afternoon that we
came in sight of Kingston. We
had been on our legs sixteen hours,
and had got over about twelve miles
of ground. There is a hill a little
south of the Surbiton station, cov-
ered then mostly with villas, but
open at the western extremity, where
there was a clump of trees on the
summit. We had diverged from
the road towards this, and here
the general halted us and disposed
the line of the division along his
front, facing to the south-west, the
right of the line reaching down
to the Thames, the left extending
along the southern slope of the hill,
in the direction of the Epsom road
by which we had come. We were
nearly in the centre, occupying the
knoll just in front of the general,
who dismounted on the top and
tied his horse to a tree. It is not
much of a hill, but commands an
extensive view over the flat country
1871.]
Reminiscences of a Volunteer.
565
around ; and as we lay wearily on the
ground we could see the Thames
glistening like a silver field in the
bright sunshine, the palace at Hamp-
ton Court, the bridge at Kingston,
and the old church tower rising above
the haze of the town, with the woods
of Richmond Park behind it. To
most of us the scene could not but
call up the associations of happy
days of peace — days now ended and
peace destroyed through national in-
fatuation. We did not say this to
each other, but a deep depression
had come upon ITS, partly due to
weakness and fatigue, no doubt, but
we saw that another stand was going
to be made, and we had no longer
any confidence in ourselves. If we
could not hold our own when station-
ary in line, on a good position, but
had been broken up into a rabble at
the first shock, what chance had we
now of manoeuvring against a victori-
ous enemy in this open ground ? A
feeling of desperation came over us,
a determination to struggle on against
hope ; but anxiety for the future of
the country, and our friends, and all
dear to us, filled our thoughts now
that we had time for reflection. We
had had no news of any kind since
Wood joined us the day before — we
knew not what was doing in London,
or what the Government was about,
or anything else ; and exhausted
though we were, we felt an intense
craving to know what was happen-
ing in other parts of the country.
Our general had expected to find
a supply of food and ammunition
here, but nothing turned up. Most
of us had hardly a cartridge left, so
he ordered the regiment next to us,
which came from the north and had
not been engaged, to give us enough
to make up twenty rounds a man,
and he sent off a fatigue-party to
Kingston to try and get provisions,
while a detachment of our fellows
was allowed to go foraging among
the villas in our rear ; and in about
an hour they brought back some
bread and meat, which gave us a
slender meal all round. They said
most of the houses were empty, and
that many had been stripped of all
eatables, and a good deal damaged
already.
It must have been between three
and four o'clock when the sound of
cannonading began to be heard in
the front, and we could see the
smoke of the guns rising above the
woods of Esher and Claremont, and
soon afterwards some troops emerged
from the fields below us. It was
the rear -guard of regular troops.
There were some guns also, which
were driven up the slope and took
up their position round the knoll.
There were three batteries, but they
only counted eight guns amongst
them. Behind them was posted the
line ; it was a brigade apparently of
four regiments, but the whole did
not look to be more than eight or
nine hundred men. Our regiment
and another had been moved a little
to the rear to make way for them,
and presently we were ordered down
to occupy the railway station on our
right rear. My leg was now so stiff
I could no longer march with the
rest, and my left arm was very swol-
len and sore, and almost useless ; but
anything seemed better than being
left behind, so I limped after the
battalion as best I could down to the
station. There was a goods shed a
little in advance of it down the line,
a strong brick building, and here
my company was posted. The rest
of our men lined the wall of the en-
closure. A staff-officer came with us
to arrange the distribution; we should
be supported byline troops; he said,
and in a few minutes a train full of
them came slowly up from Guildford
way. It was the last ; the men got
out, the train passed on, and a party
began to tear up the rails, while the
rest were distributed among the
houses on each side. A sergeant's
566
Tlie Battle of Dorking :
[May
party joined us in our shed, and an
engineer officer with sappers came
to knock holes in the walls for us to
fire from ; but there were only half-
a-dozen of them, so progress was not
rapid, and as we had no tools we
could not help.
It was while we were watching
this job that the adjutant, who was
as active as ever, looked in, and
told us to muster in the yard. The
fatigue-party had come back from
Kingston, and a small baker's hand-
cart of food was made over to us
as our share. It contained loaves,
flour, and some joints of meat. The
meat and the flour we had not time
or means to cook. The loaves we
devoured; and there was a tap of
water in the yard, so we felt re-
freshed by the meal. I should have
liked to wash my wounds, which
were becoming very offensive, but
I dared not take off my coat, feel-
ing sure I should not be able to get
it on again. It was while we were
eating our bread that the rumour
first reached us of another disaster,
even greater than that we had wit-
nessed ourselves. Whence it came
I know not ; but a whisper went
down the ranks that Woolwich had
been captured. We all knew that
it was our only arsenal, and under-
stood the significance of the blow.
No hope, if this were true, of saving
the country. Thinking over this,
we went back to the shed.
Although this was only our second
day of war, I think we were already
old soldiers so far that we had
come to be careless about fire, and
the shot and shell that now began
to open on us made no sensation.
We felt, indeed, our need of discip-
line, and we saw plainly enough the
slender chance of success coming
out of such a rabble as we were ;
but I think we were all determined
to fight on as long as we could.
Our gallant adjutant gave his spirit
to everybody ; and the staff-officer
commanding was a very cheeiy fel-
low, and went about as if we were
certain of victory. Just as the firing
began he looked in to say that we
were as safe as in a church, that we
must be sure and pepper the enemy
well, and that more cartridges would
soon arrive. There were some steps
and benches in the shed, and on these
a part of our men were standing, to
fire through the upper loop-holes,
while the line soldiers and others
stood on the ground, guarding the
second row. I sat on the floor, for
I could not now use my rifle, and
besides, there were more men than
loop-holes. The artillery fire which
had opened now on our position
was from a longish range ; and oc-
cupation for the riflemen had hardly
begun when there was a crash in
the shed, and I was knocked down
by a blow on the head. I was al-
most stunned for a time, and could
not make out what had happened.
A shot or shell had hit the shed
without quite penetrating the wall,
but the blow had upset the steps
resting against it, and the men
standing on them, bringing down a
cloud of plaster and brickbats, one
of which had struck me. I felt
now past being of use. I could not
use my rifle, and could barely stand ;
and after a time I thought I would
make for my own house, on the
chance of finding some one still
there. I got up therefore, and stag-
gered homewards. Musketry fire
had now commenced, and our side
were blazing away from the win-
dows of the houses, and from be-
hind walls, and from the shelter of
some trucks still standing in the
station. A couple of field-pieces in
the yard were firing, and in the
open space in rear a reserve was
drawn up. There, too, was the staff-
officer on horseback, watching the
fight through his field-glass. I re-
member having still enough sense
to feel that the position was a hope-
1871.]
Reminiscences of a Volunteer.
567
less one. That straggling line of
houses and gardens would surely
be broken through at some point,
and then the line must give way
like a rope of sand. It was about a
mile to our house, and I was think-
ing how I could possibly drag my-
self so far when I suddenly recol-
lected that I was passing Travers's
house, — one of the first of a row
of villas then leading from, the
station to Kingston. Had ho been
brought home, I wondered, as his
faithful old servant promised, and
was his wife still here t I remember
to this day the sensation of shame I
felt, when I recollected that I had
not once given him — my greatest
friend — a thought since I carried
him off the field the day before.
But war and suffering make men
selfish. I would go in now at any
rate and rest awhile, and see if I
could be of use. The little garden
before the house was as trim as
ever — I used to pass it every day
on my way to the train, and knew
every shrub in it — and a blaze of
flowers, but the hall-door stood ajar.
I stepped in and saw little Arthur
standing in the hall. He had been
dressed as neatly as ever that day, and
as he stood there in his pretty blue
frock and white trousers and socks
showing his chubby little legs, with
his golden locks, fair face, and large
dark eyes, the picture of childish
beauty, in the quiet hall, just as it
used to look — the vases of flowers,
the hat and coats hanging up, the
familiar pictures on the walls — this
vision of peace in the midst of war
made me wonder for a moment,
faint and giddy as I was, if the
pandemonium outside had any real
existence, and was not merely a
hideous dream. But the roar of the
guns making the house shake, and
the rushing of the shot, gave a ready
answer. The little fellow appeared
almost unconscious of the scene
around him, and was walking up
the stairs holding by the railing,
one step at a time, as I had seen
him do a hundred times before,
but turned round as I came in.
My appearance frightened him,
and staggering as I did into the
hall, my face and clothes covered
with blood and dirt, I must have
looked an awful object to the child,
for he gave a cry and turned to run
toward the basement stairs. But he
stopped on hearing my voice calling
him back to his god-papa, and after
a while came timidly up to me. Papa
had been to the battle, he said, and
was very ill : mamma was with papa :
Wood was out : Lucy was in the
cellar, and had taken him there, but
he wanted to go to mamma. Telling
him to stay in the hall for a minute
till I called him, I climbed up-stairs
and opened the bedroom-door. My
poor friend lay there, his body rest-
ing on the bed, his head supported
on his wife's shoulder as she sat by
the bedside. He breathed heavily,
but the pallor of his face, the closed
eyes, the prostrate arms, the clammy
foam she was wiping from his mouth,
all spoke of approaching death. The '
good old servant had done his duty,
at least, — he had brought his master
home to die in his wife's arms. The
poor woman was too intent on her
charge to notice the opening of the
door, and as the child would be
better away, I closed it gently and
went down to the hall to take little
Arthur to the shelter below, where
the maid was hiding. Too late !
He lay at the foot of the stairs ^>n
his face, his little arms stretched
out, his hair dabbled in blood. I
had not noticed the crash among
the other noises, but a splinter of a
shell must have come through the
open doorway ; it had carried away
the back of his head. The poor
child's death must have been instan-
taneous. I tried to lift up the little
corpse with my one arm, but even
this load was too much for me,
5G8
The Battle of Dorking :
[May
and while stooping down I fainted
away.
When I came to my senses again
it was quite dark, and for some time
I could not make out where I was ;
I lay indeed for some time like one
half asleep, feeling no inclination to
move. By degrees I became aware
that I was on the carpeted floor of
a room. All noise of tattle had
ceased, but there was a sound as of
many people close by. At last I sat
up and gradually got to my feet.
The movement gave me intense
pain, for my wounds were now
highly inflamed, and my clothes
sticking to them made them dread-
fully sore. At last I got up and
groped my way to the door, and open-
ing it at once saw where I was, for the
pain had brought back my senses.
I had been lying in Travers's little
writing-room at the end of the pas-
sage, into which I made my way.
There was no gas, and the drawing-
room door was closed ; but from the
open dining-room the glimmer of a
candle feebly lighted up the hall,
in which half-a-dozen sleeping
figures could be discerned, while
the room itself was crowded with
men. The table was covered with
plates, glasses, and bottles ; but
most of the men were asleep in the
chairs or on the floor, a few were
smoking cigars, and one or two with
their helmets on were still engaged at
supper, occasionally grunting out an
observation between the mouthfuls.
" Sind wackere Soldaten, dieseEn-
glischen Freiwilligen," said a broad-
shouldered brute, stuffing a great
hunch of beef into his mouth with
a silver fork, an implement I should
think he must have been using for
the first time in his life.
" Ja, ja," replied a comrade, who
was lolling back in his chair with
a pair of very dirty legs on the
table, and one of poor Travers's best
cigars in his mouth ; " Sie so gut
laufen konnen."
" Ja wohl," responded the first
speaker ; " aber sind nicht eben so
schnell wie die Franzosischen Mob-
loten."
"Gewiss," grunted a hulking
lout from the floor, leaning on his
elbow, and sending out a cloud of
smoke from his ugly jaws ; " und
da sind hier etwa gute Schiitzen."
" Hast recht, lange Peter," answer-
ed number one ; " wenn die Schur-
ken so gut exerciren wie schiitzen
konnten, so Ava'ren wir heute nicht
hier ! "
" Recht ! recht !" said the second ;
" das exerciren macht den guten
Soldaten."
What more criticisms on the
shortcomings of our unfortunate
volunteers might have passed I did
not stop to hear, being interrupted
by a sound on the stairs. Mrs Tra-
vers was standing on the landing-
place ; I limped up the stairs to
meet her. Among the many pic-
tures of those fatal days engraven
on my memory, I remember none
more clearly than the mournful
aspect of my poor friend, widowed
and motherless within a few mo-
ments, as she stood there in her
white dress, coming forth like a
ghost from the chamber of the
dead, the candle she held light-
ing up her face, and contrasting
its pallor with the dark hair that
fell disordered round it, its beauty
radiant even through features worn
with fatigue and sorrow. She was
calm and even tearless, though the
trembling lip told of the effort to
restrain the emotion she felt. "Dear
friend," she said, taking my hand,
" I was coming to seek you ; forgive
my selfishness in neglecting you so
long ; but you will understand " —
glancing at the door above — "how
occupied I have been." " Where,"
I began, "is" "my boy?" she
answered, anticipating my question.
" I have laid him by his father. But
now your wounds must be cared for;
1871.]
Reminiscences of a Volunteer.
569
how pale and faint you look ! — rest
here a moment," — and, descending to
the dining-room, she returned with
some wine, which I gratefully drank,
and then, making me sit down on
the top step of the stairs, she brought
water and linen, and, cutting off the
sleeve of my coat, bathed and ban-
daged my wounds. 'Twas I who
felt selfish for thus adding to her
troubles ; but in truth I was too
weak to have much will left, and
stood in need of the help which
she forced me to accept ; and the
dressing of my wounds afforded
indescribable relief. While thus
tending me, she explained in bro-
ken sentences how matters stood.
Every room but her own, and
the little parlour into which she
with Wood's help had carried me,
was full of soldiers. Wood had
been taken away to work at repair-
ing the railroad, and Lucy had run
off from fright; but the cook had
stopped at her .post, and had served
up supper and opened the cellar for
the soldiers' use : she did not under-
stand what they said, and they
were rough and boorish, but not un-
civil. I should now go, she said,
when my wounds were dressed, to
look after my own home, where I
might be wanted ; for herself, she
wished only to be allowed to remain
watching there — pointing to the room
where lay the bodies of her husband
and child — where she would not be
molested. I felt that her advice
was good. I could be of no use as
protection, and I had an anxious
longing to know what had become
of my sick mother and sister ; be-
sides, some arrangement must be
made for the burial. I therefore
limped away. There was no need
to express thanks on either side, and
the grief was too deep to be reached
by any outward show of sympathy.
Outside the house there was a
good deal of movement and bustle ;
many carts going along, the wag-
goners, from Sussex and Surrey,
evidently impressed and guarded by
soldiers ; and although no gas was
burning, the road towards Kings-
ton was well lighted by torches
held by persons standing at short
intervals in line, who had been
seized for the duty, some of them
the tenants of neighbouring villas.
Almost the first of these torch-
bearers I came to was an old gen-
tleman whose face I was well
acquainted with, from having fre-
quently travelled up and down in
the same train with him. He was
a senior clerk in a Government
office, I believe, and was a mild-
looking old man with a prim face
and a long neck, which he used to
wrap in a wide double neckcloth, a
thing even in those days seldom
seen. Even in that moment of bitter-
ness I could not help being amused
by the absurd figure this poor old
fellow presented, with his solemn
face and long cravat doing penance
with a torch in front of his own
door, to light up the path of our
conquerors. But a more serious
object now presented itself, a cor-
poral's guard passing by, with two
English volunteers in charge, their
hands tied behind their backs.
They cast an imploring glance at
me, and I stepped into the road to
ask the corporal what was the mat-
ter, and even ventured, as he was
passing on, to lay my hand on his
sleeve. "Auf dem Wege, Spitz-
bube ! " cried the brute, lifting his
rifle as if to knock me down. " Must
one prisoners who fire at us let
shoot," he went on to add ; and shot
the poor fellows would have been,
I suppose, if I had not interceded
with an officer who happened to be
riding by. " Herr Hauptmann," I
cried, as loud as I could, " is this
your discipline, to let unarmed pris-
oners be shot without orders?"
The officer, thus appealed to, reined
in his horse, and halted the guard
TJie Battle of Dorldng:
till he heard what I had to say.
My knowledge of other languages
here stood me in good stead, for
the prisoners, north-country factory
hands apparently, were of course
utterly unable to make themselves
understood, and did not even know
in what they had offended. I
therefore interpreted their explan-
ation : they had been left "behind
while skirmishing near Ditton, in
a barn, and coming out of their hid-
ing-place in the midst of a party of
the enemy, with their rifles in their
hands, the latter thought they were
going to fire at them from behind.
It was a wonder they were not shot
down on the spot. The captain
heard the tale, and then told the
guard to let them go, and they
slunk off at once into a byroad.
He was a fine soldier-like man, but
nothing could exceed the insolence
of his manner, which was perhaps
all the greater because it seemed not
intentional, but to arise from a sense
of immeasurable superiority. Be-
tween the lame freiwilliger plead-
ing for his comrades, and the
captain of the conquering army,
there was, in his view, an infinite
gulf. Had the two men been dogs,
their fate could not have been de-
cided more contemptuously. They
were let go simply because they
were not worth keeping as prison-
ers, and perhaps to kill any living
thing without cause went against
the hauptmann's sense of jus-
tice. But why speak of this in-
sult in particular? Had not every
man who lived then his tale to
tell of humiliation and degrada-
tion? For it was the same story
everywhere. After the first stand
in line, and when once they had
got us on the march, the enemy
laughed at us. Our handful of
regular troops was sacrificed almost
to a man in a vain conflict with
numbers ; our volunteers and militia,
with officers who did not know their
work, without ammunition or equip-
ment, or staff to superintend, starv-
ing in the midst of plenty, we had
soon become a helpless mob, fight-
ing desperately here and there, but
with whom, as a manoeuvring army,
the disciplined invaders did just
what they pleased. Happy those
whose bones whitened the fields
of Surrey ; they at least were
spared the disgrace we lived to en-
dure. Even you, who have never
known what it is to live otherwise
than on sufferance, even your cheeks
burn when we talk of these days ;
think, then, what those endured
who, like your grandfather, had been
citizens of the proudest nation on
earth, which had never known dis-
grace or defeat, and whose boast it
used to be that they bore a flag on
which the sun never set ! "We had
heard of generosity in war ; we
found none : the war was made by
us, it was said, and we must take
the consequences. London and our
only arsenal captured, we were at
the mercy of our captors, and right
heavily did they tread on our necks.
Need I tell you the rest? — of the
ransom we had to pay, and the taxes
raised to cover it, which keep us
paupers to this day? — the brutal
frankness that announced we must
give place to a new naval Power,
and be made harmless for revenge ?
— the victorious troops living at free
quarters, the yoke they put on us
made the more galling that their
requisitions had a semblance of me-
thod and legality? Better have
been robbed at first hand by the
soldiery themselves, than through
our own magistrates made the in-
struments for extortion. How we
lived through the degradation we
daily and hourly underwent, I
hardly even now understand. And
what was there left to us to live
for ? Stripped of our colonies ;
Canada and the West Indies gone
to America ; Australia forced to
1871.]
Reminiscences of a Volunteer.
571
separate; India lost for ever, after
the English there had all been de-
stroyed, vainly trying to hold the
country when cut off from aid by
their countrymen ; Gibraltar and
Malta ceded to the new naval Power;
Ireland independent and in perpet-
ual anarchy and revolution. When
I look at my country as it is now —
its trade gone, its factories silent,
its harbours empty, a prey to pauper-
ism and decay — when I see all this,
and think what Great Britain was
in my youth, I ask myself whether
I have really a heart or any sense of
patriotism that I should have wit-
nessed such degradation and still
care to live ! France was different.
There, too, they had to eat the bread
of tribulation under the yoke of
the conqueror; their fall was hardly
more sudden or violent than ours ;
but war could not take away their
rich soil ; they had no colonies to
lose ; their broad lands, which made
their wealth, remained to them ;
and they rose again from the blow.
But our people could not be got to
see how artificial our prosperity was
— that it all rested on foreign trade
and financial credit ; that the course
of trade once turned away from us,
even for a time, it might never
return ; and that our credit once
shaken might never be restored.
To hear men talk in those days, you
would have thought that Providence
had ordained that our Government
should always borrow at three per
cent, and that trade came to us be-
cause we lived in a foggy little
island set in a boisterous sea. They
could not be got to see that the
wealth heaped up on every side was
not created in the country, but in
India and China, and other parts of
the world ; and that it would be
quite possible for the people who
made money by buying and selling
the natural treasures of the earth, to
go and live in other places, and take
their profits with them. Nor would
VOL. CLX. — NO. DCLXVH.
men believe that there could ever
be an end to our coal and iron, or
that they would get to be so much
dearer than the coal and iron of
America that it would no longer be
worth while to work them, and that
therefore we ought to insure against
the loss of our artificial position as
the great centre of trade, by making
ourselves secure and strong and re-
spected. We thought we were
living in a commercial millennium,
which must last for a thousand
years at least. After all, the bitter-
est part of our reflection is, that all
this misery and decay might have
been so easily prevented, and that
we brought it about ourselves by
our own shortsighted recklessness.
There, across the narrow Straits, was
the writing on the wall, but we
would not choose to read it. The
warnings of the few were drowned
in the voice of the multitude.
Power was then passing away
from the class which had been
used to rule, and to face political
dangers, and which had brought
the nation with honour unsullied
through former struggles, into the
hands of the lower classes, unedu-
cated, untrained to the use of poli-
tical rights, and swayed by dema-
gogues ; and the few who were wise
in their generation were denounced
as alarmists, or as aristocrats who
sought their own aggrandisement
by wasting public money on bloated
armaments. The rich were idle and
luxurious ; the poor grudged the
cost of defence. Politics had be-
come a mere bidding for Radical
votes, and those who should have
led the nation, stooped rather to
pander to the selfishness of the day,
and humoured the popular cry
which denounced those who would
secure the defence of the nation by
enforced arming of its manhood, as
interfering with the liberties of the
people. Truly the nation was ripe
for a fall ; but when I reflect how
2 R
572
Impressions of Greece.
[May
a little firmness and self-denial, or
political courage and foresight, might
have averted the disaster, I feel
that the judgment must have really
been deserved. A nation too selfish
to defend its liberty, could not have
been fit to retain it. To you, my
grandchildren, who are now going
to seek a new home in a more pros-
perous land, let not this bitter
lesson be lost upon you in the
country of your adoption. For me,
I am too old to begin life again in
a strange country ; and hard and
evil as have been my days, it is not
much to await in solitude the time
which cannot now be far off, when
my old bones will be laid to rest in
the soil I have loved so well, and
whose happiness and honour I have
so long survived.
IMPRESSIONS OF GREECE.
LATE events have given a sad
celebrity to Greece amongst us.
Great and terrible as have been the
incidents of Europe within the last
eight months, the disaster of
Oropus has not been erased from
memory by the overwhelming
slaughter of the battle-field, the de-
vastation of cities, and the downfall
of a great nation.
Nothing could more convincingly
demonstrate how deeply the feeling
of England has sympathised with
this dire calamity, than the fact that
amidst the crash of a mighty em-
pire, and a convulsion that threatens
to change the condition of the world,
men still turn to the history of that
sad morning at Marathon ; while
through the cares of a most event-
ful moment our Foreign Minister
directs his especial attention to this
question, and has within the last
few days formally made the demand
on Greece to reopen the inquiry,
and investigate the case from the
beginning.
The volume whose title stands at
the head of the present paper has
its especial value for us at this time.
First of all, these are the " impres-
sions " of a most competent and fair-
minded witness. Sir Thomas Wyse,
for years our Minister in Greece, was
eminently suited to the task that
fell to his lot. To the claims of
scholarship and learning he added
the gifts of the practical politician
and the statesman ; and not less
than either was he a true philan-
thropist, who could take the warm-
est interest in the daily life and
habits of a simple people, — study
their wants, weigh their ambitions,
and carefully consider how far their
hopes as a nation might reasonably
contribute to their welfare and pros-
perity.
But there was another merit,
more especially his own. No min-
ister of any country more laboured
than Sir Thomas Wyse to eradi-
cate from Greece that spirit of de-
pendence on the protecting Powers
which has been at once the shame
of all Greek politicians and the
destruction of anything like a na-
tional party. That the country
should be the Greece of the Greeks,
and not of Eussia, of England, or
of France, was his crowning idea.
The men who have known Greece
personally, and through intimate
acquaintance with its people, are
Impressions of Greece. By Sir Thomas Wyse, K. C. B. With an Introduction by his
Niece, Miss Wyse; and Letter to his Friends at Home by Dean Stanley.
Blackett. 1871.
Hurst &
1871.]
Impressions of Greece.
573
certainly more prone to Philhellen-
ism, from this sort of knowledge,
than statesmen or ministers whose
dealings have brought them into
contact with persons in office ; and
it is well to discriminate between
the differing, and to some extent
opposite, judgments of the two,
and to bear in mind how little of
contradictory may exist between
them. If there be nothing more
common than to find panegyrists
of Greece amongst the former, it
is very rare, indeed, to meet with
men who will speak in terms of
praise of the Greek statesmen and
politicians.
If it was not easy to exaggerate
the good qualities of the peasant, or
to overstate his temperance, his in-
dustry, or his thrift, no more could
you set bounds to the future of a
people constitutionally brave and
courageous, ever ready to confront
difficulty or danger, eminently alive
to the appeal of eloquence, and will-
ing to intrust their fortune wher-
ever their convictions engaged them.
Add to these qualities a love and a
desire for education which, except
in the Irish peasantry, has no rival
in Europe. To Greek ambition
learning is the one road ; he asks no
other — aspires to no other. What
Greece has done in this respect,
a few facts will illustrate. In
the year 1835 there were but 71
primary schools, frequented by
6721 scholars. In 1866 the return
of public schools makes their num-
ber 1067, and the scholars 65,363.
There are, besides, 123 superior
schools, or what are called in Greece
" Hellenic Schools," attended by
6675 pupils, and presided over by
964 masters, all of whom are grad-
uates of a university. In these all
the higher branches of education
are followed out, and the classics
especially cultivated.
Over these, again, are the Gym-
nasia ; and, lastly, the university,
which numbers 62 professors and
1200 students.
In the most critical moments of
national history these numbers have
not fallen off : a large number, in-
deed, come from the Greek provinces
of Turkey. The total of scholars of
of both sexes in the various educa-
tional establishments of the country
amounts to 75,000, which gives
one for every 19 of the popu-
lation. It is not unwarrantable to
hope much from a people who, in
all the pressure of a deep poverty,
can make such efforts as these for re-
generation and improvement; nor is
it unreasonable that they who love
Greece, and feel closely interested in
her fortunes, would rather dwell on
these reasons for hopefulness than
on the characters of her public men,
and the fame of their actions be-
fore the world.
The Greece of which we read,
however, in our journals, whose in-
trigues we discuss, whose rogueries
we expose, whose bankruptcies we
deplore, is the country with whose
forms we are more familiar than this
land of the toiling peasant. We
only know of Greece as the "politi-
cal failure" which inapplicable in-
stitutions and dishonest politicians
have made it ; and when we read
of Philhellenism, we ask ourselves
of what are these men made who
see any ground of hope in these kna-
vish plotters, in these unscrupulous
jobbers] Henri Heine once said
that nations were best known to
their neighbours through their
writers of fiction; and there is no
disguising how much the portrait-
ure of domestic manners has done
for ourselves in disseminating ideas
of our attachment to the ties of
family, the joys of home, and that
general trustfulness in the power of
affection which forms the basis of
our daily code. Now the Greeks
have no painters of their interior
life ; all we know of them is from
574
Impi-essions of Greece.
[May
our tourists or our newspaper cor-
respondents.
It is of great value, on this account,
to have, as in the work before us,
the testimony of one who knew
these people in the various grada-
tions of life ; who had lived long
amongst them, making the study of
them his pleasure and his pursuit;
and who in all the zeal of the
Philhellenist never lost sight of the
skill andacuteness of the politician.
The work itself, published post-
humously by his niece, is preceded
by an introduction by that lady, so
gracefully written, and with such
absence of pretension, that we would
with great pleasure loiter over pages
every one of which is full of know-
ledge of the country and a keen
appreciation of the people.
That same brigandage whose
fearful cruelties we are now occu-
pied in investigating, engaged Sir
Thomas Wyse's attention so far back
as 1851 and 1852; and, as his niece
tells us, " Lord Palmerston, wishing
to bring public opinion to bear, and
hoping to induce other Governments
to help him, had a memorandum of
Sir Thomas Wyse's despatches on
this subject printed and transmitted
to every Court of Europe. Soon
a phalanx of remonstrance poured
down on the head of the unlucky
Greek Cabinet. Great was the indig-
nation against the English Minister ;
yet many of the instances quoted,
with the details of thumb-screws,
boiling oil, and other tortures, had
been copied from the Greek papers
themselves."
On examination, the truth of Sir
Thomas Wyse's allegation was pro-
ven; but the Greek Government
consoled itself by proclaiming "that,
at all events, now, perfect tran-
quillity prevails;" and after such a
declaration there was no more to
be said.
When, however, shortly after this,
Sir Thomas Wyse proposed to make
an excursion to Nauplia, round to
Corinth, returning by Mount Ger-
anion, a general outcry of dissua-
sion arose from all his friends against
the hazardous undertaking, eager-
ly exclaiming, " Are you foolish
enough to believe the Government 1 "
There is an unhappy resemblance
between this state of things and
what we have seen in our own day;
and the parallel extends, unfortun-
ately, to the same unprincipled assur-
ance of security which lured our poor
countrymen to their fate. "There is
not a brigand in the province," was
the assurance of the Minister when
Mr Herbert and his party inquired
as to the safety of a visit to Mara-
thon.
At the moment this assurance
was given, Takos and his followers
were looking down on Athens from
the slopes of Pentelicus; and the
only doubtful part of this dreary
story is, how far they who spoke so
confidently were, or were not, fully
informed on what they declared.
In fact, we only have to read Miss
Wyse's introductory chapter to see
that things have gone back in Greece
since the days she speaks of. " The
rides around Athens were perfectly
safe, and no one felt the least alarm
when benighted ; " and so she says,
" as we once were, riding back in
the evening from Marathon ! without
one gendarme or armed protector of
any kind." This, be it remembered,
took place nigh twenty years ago;
and it was but this time last year
we witnessed the surprise at Pik-
ermi and the massacre at Oropus.
What, then, has changed in this
terrible land 1 Is it the brigand ?
has he grown more merciful or more
mercenary 1 Is he less disposed to
bloodshed, and more eager for per-
sonal gain 1 How about the Govern-
ment 1 Are Ministers more alive to
the grave responsibilities of their sta-
tion1? are they more observant of
the obligations of their word] do
1871.]
Impressions of Greece.
575
they believe in the existence of a
European public opinion? and do
they regard themselves as amenable
to its judgments ]
Is the peasant less under the
terror of the brigand's vengeance ?
or is there a single social condition
of the country, as regards this pesti-
lence of brigandage, different from
what it was ? Where is the security
in the neighbourhood of Athens at
this moment ? It was but last sum-
mer we ourselves formed portion of
a party to dine on board a British
ship of war at the Pmeus ; and as
we desired to drive thither by road
in preference to taking the rail, a
distance of three English miles, the
Minister of the Interior took the
precaution to order detachments to
patrol the road, as the party in-
cluded three or four of the foreign
envoys in Greece, and consequent-
ly, if captured by the brigands,
might have occasioned the "very
gravest of complications." This
took place in last June. " The first
startling event," says Miss Wyse,
" of this epoch, occurred soon after
the armed occupation of the Piraeus,
when a band of brigands who had
gathered on the hills above Salamis
rushed down to the plain beneath,
one evening towards dusk, and car-
ried off a French officer from the
outskirts of his own camp. They
immediately sent to the admiral
commanding the corps, and demand-
ed a ransom of £1200 in English
sovereigns, requesting politely at the
same time an English telescope."
Sir Thomas Wyse, and M. Mercier,
the French envoy, went straight to
M. Boulgaris, who was at the mo-
ment engaged in a Cabinet Council.
They were admitted, however, at
once, and told the Cabinet " that
they must look to this matter," and
" that if the officer was not released
forthwith they would take the
severest measures." The Ministry,
knowing these to be no empty
threats, lost not a moment. The
Greek Government paid t fie £1200 !
in English gold, too ; but with or
without the telescope, has not tran-
spired.
What a lesson might have been
derived from this prompt and de-
cisive action of these two deter-
mined and sensible men, who would
accept no portion of the details of
the negotiations, nor any part in the
dealings with the brigands ! They
saw at once that to entertain the
question at all was to accept a share
of that responsibility which be-
longed solely to the Greek Govern-
ment. They limited themselves to
the simple demand, which they
knew how to enforce, and made the
Cabinet responsible for what might
happen. Nor is the least instruc-
tive part of the episode the fact, that
universal report declared the King
and the Queen had both applauded
the carrying off of the French officer.
The King understood brigandage
only as evidence of popular discon-
tent at the occupation of the Allies !
If, then, Sir Thomas Wyse and
M. Mercier could in those days have
put such pressure on a Greek Gov-
ernment, that even in the face of
popular sympathy they could oblige
them to ransom a captive and
treat with the brigands themselves,
how much more likely would such
a line of action be to succeed in
these our own days, when we are
told that the sense of the " nation
kindles against brigandage," and
when we know that not a breath of
scandal can be breathed against the
honour of the Throne !
We are not for a moment pre-
pared to justify this mode of pro-
cedure, or to maintain its legality ;
but neither are we in possession of
any argument to support the payment
of a ransom at all, and the holding
any dealings whatever with these
murderers. In point of fact, the
summary demand that the captive
576
Impressions of Greece.
[May
should be restored uninjured, no
matter how it should be done, or
through what agency effected, was
in itself a very significant avowal
on our part that, though we had
endowed these people with a con-
stitutional government, and. in-
structed them to live in accordance
with law, our first practical lesson
was to throw all legality to the
winds, and to fall back upon ex-
pediency in the hour of difficulty.
This same Greek kingdom was one
of those Whig adventures in state-
craft by which at the time this party
dazzled the world, and delighted
A>vtheir followers, ces messieurs cfe-Jet,
pave,. If a people emerging from
barbarism could stand the test of a
government dependent on universal
suffrage, what a triumph would that
be for constitutionalism ! We as-
sumed that a Chamber convoked
by free election would be a "Parlia-
ment" pretty much as we have it
at home, and that Messrs Boulgaris
& Co. would be as clean-handed in
office, and as deeply imbued with
the responsibilities of their station,
as though they lived in Downing
Street. We gave them the forms of
our institutions, and were terribly
disappointed that they never ac-
quired their commonest meanings,
far less their animating spirit. As
well expect that a Choctaw Indian
should become a general because
you dressed him in a staff uniform !
These men knew nothing of state-
craft but its duplicities. Placed
originally in a false position, subject
to the vote of a Chamber which, to
be manageable, must be packed, and
condemned to a line of policy which
must offend at least one of the pro-
tecting Powers, the whole game of
administration must depend upon
adroit knavery. There was a mock
conservatism to be maintained for
the Court ; a mock solvency to the
Powers who lend money ; a mock
patriotism to the party who dream
of the " grand idea," and who, see-
ing how profitable brigandage could
be to the few, were eager to extend
its benefits to the whole nation.
These are not such easy exploits
that they can be done by the first
comer ; and many a change of ad-
ministration shows how hard it is
to hit upon the right men. In
Greece, besides, there are few careers
which a man of some education, and
even moderate ambition, can em-
brace. The State was come to be re-
garded as the best employer ; and so
rapid are the transitions from one
office to another, so purely accidental
many of the changes in public life,
that even very humble capacities, if
allied with powers for intrigue, need
never despair of succeeding in the
game of politics.
It is true, official life is miserably
paid ; but as in all countries where
salaries are small, the resources from
corruption are the compensation ;
and the very gambling element of
uncertainty is not amongst the least
of attractions with a people who
are thoroughly Oriental in their love
of chance.
The power of dispensing patron-
age is, besides, a great bribe to men
constitutionally fond of being looked
up to, and proud of the eminence
they occupy. For these reasons, in
no country of Europe where public
life is best rewarded is there the
same craving for office or the same
struggle for State employment as
in Greece. All that we know of
party hate or jealousy, all that we
read of the animosity of venal
leaders at home, is nothing to what
prevails in Athens, any more than
the polished sarcasms of our news-
papers are to be compared to the
barefaced insolence and the unblush-
ing calumnies of the national press.
The old Irish House of Commons,
in its most fire-eating days, is the
only parallel for the Chamber at
Athens ; and the duel is looked
1871.]
Impressions of Greece.
577
on as the crowning argument of a
much-disputed question. These are
not very hopeful materials ; but there
are even worse in the complete cor-
ruption of public opinion by a venal
and dishonest press, and that low
standard of public morality by
which men of tarnished reputations
are admitted to the highest employ-
ment of the State, and capacity for
business accepted as a compensation
for damaged character.
To appeal to the Cabinet against
brigandage has been said by some
one to be like suing a High-Church
curate in the Upper House of Con-
vocation ; and certainly it cannot
be questioned that no Greek landed
proprietor can assume to act in open
defiance of this institution.
Miss Wyse, with much correct-
ness, ascribes the increase of brig-
andage to the opening of the prisons
and the encouragement to lawless-
ness in 1854, as also the renewed
impulse to those robber excesses, to
the Cretan revolution, of later date.
That a " war of independence"
could be waged with such materials,
that the cause of a " regenerated
Greece" could be served and pro-
moted by men whose whole lives are
a practical denial of all civilisation,
could only have entered the brain
of Greek politicians.
And when we bear these facts in
mind, and bethink ourselves how
completely anything there is of
public opinion in Greece has identi-
fied itself with the cause these men
fought for, and never repudiated
their alliance, we may well feel cer-
tain misgivings as to the energy
which the Government will lend to
the inquiry we are now demanding;
and hence OUT forebodings that no
ray of light will fall upon the sad
tragedy of Oropus. As for ourselves,
we have given them, in these jail-
deliveries, our last discovery in state-
craft ; and Mr Gladstone's Philhel-
lenism was never more conspicuous
than when he instructed this people
in the mystery of "healing meas-
ures."
It may well be that the Greek
Minister is reluctant to deal harsh-
ly with the " indiscreet patriot-
ism " of the brigand. It may well
be that he can estimate the party
services of these men, and measure
them by a gauge which, to say the
least, would involve an awkward-
ness if explained to a British Minis-
ter. What Mr Erskine, in one of
his despatches, spoke of as "the
supposed exigencies of party war-
fare," may have a claim on ministerial
regard at Athens which they could
scarcely possess in London; and
there is certainly a want of consid-
eration in Lord Grauville in asking
the Cabinet to pursue, with all the
powers of the law, their own sup-
porters and adherents, and make
victims of these Greek gentlemen
" below the gangway " !
There have been three distinct
Administrations in Greece since the
tragedy of April last, and who is to
say how many more will not inter-
vene before we arrive at the final
award of the Government? Be-
tween actual complicity with the
murderers and a shrinking reluc-
tance to expose their guilt, no matter
at what consequences or with what
connections, there is a wide differ-
ence. No reasonable man imagines
that M Zaimis, or Deligiorgis, or
Coumandouros is allied with brigan-
dage as an " industry " ; but a great
many men believe that these and
several other politicians in Greece
would be slow to confront the dan-
ger of an open declaration of war
with these people, and an assurance
that they would carry out this war
to extermination ! Life, and, still
more, property, is too much at the
mercy of the brigand to sustain men
in this bold resolve. The peasantry
are too reduced by terror, and the
local authorities too much exposed
578
Impressions of Greece.
[May
to danger, to find supporters for such
a policy. The Minister who should
denounce the brigand must not only
have no landed property of his own,
but he must not have even a remote
relative or friend with any such ;
and besides this, he must be content
to hold his life at an hour's lease,
and resign himself never to venture
beyond the streets of Athens, and,
even there, not after nightfall.
By what ingenuity Lord Gran-
ville can suggest a mode of inquiry
at all likely to satisfy the ends of
justice in such a country, it is not
easy to imagine ; and the very reluc-
tance with which the Greek Cabinet
accedes to his demand for investi-
gation savours far more of official
reserve than fear for the result.
That anything of real value or im-
portance will be elicited by this
inquiry — that the acuteness of our
consular staff from Constantinople,
with their I know not how many
guineas per day, will be rewarded
by a full disclosure of the guilty
ramifications of their iniquity — is
more than we can believe. There
is no need of the tangled intricacy
of a foreign process of law, or of the
trained faculties of the Athenian
pettifogger, to make Greek cunning
an overmatch for our own. As it
is, many documents have been flatly
refused us, and lines of examination,
which our lawyers have suggested,
expunged; and so far as inquiry
has hitherto gone, there has not
been even that affectation of can-
dour that could simulate the desire
to stand Avell with us.
It is abundantly clear that agree-
ments are occasionally come to be-
tween the Government for the time
being and the brigands, by which
certain travellers are unmolested,
and certain districts unscathed, for
a given period. There is really no
other way to account for those sus-
pensions of hostilities, by which
tourists are enabled, not only to visit
certain regions, but to report on the
general tranquillity and peace of the
country at large.
We have very little doubt that
the memorable visit of Smith O'Biien,
on his return from Australia, was one
of these. It is thus that Miss Wyse
relates the incident in a footnote
to p. 124:—
" This refers to Mr Smith O'Brien, who
came to Athens during the interval be-
tween his being permitted to leave Aus-
tralia and to return to Ireland. Becom-
ing violently Philhellenic, and devoted
to the Greek Government, he would not
believe in the existence of brigandage, or
any of the evils so much complained of.
Finally, he made a tour in the interior,
when orders were sent to all the authori-
ties to hide all defects, and to take the
utmost precaution to prevent his being
captured by robbers, who abounded in
the districts he intended to travel through.
On his return to Athens he published a
letter eulogising the state of the country,
and' denying the grievances alluded to ;
but, unluckily, a secret report of the
authorities got into the papers at the same
time, and revealed the systematic deceit
which had been practised upon him."
In one of Dean Stanley's letters,
which, though not originally intend-
ed for publication, form the supple-
ment of tliis volume, and are, it need
scarcely be said, a very attractive
feature of its contents, there is a
curious account of the last exploit
and death of the well-known brig-
and, Daveli,
This man, whose hazardous achieve-
ments and daring escapes form the
subject of many of the popular
songs of the people, is still regarded
as a sort of hero by the peasantry,
who would scorn to compare such
chiefs as the leader of the Arvani-
taki with the great Palikar. It is
thus the Dean commemorates his
ending : —
" It was Christmas, now some five years
ago, in the house of a wealthy merchant
at Chalcis, in Eubcea. He was absent in
Athens ; but his wife and daughter were
at home, and his daughter's betrothed
lover, a Greek judge. The family were
playing at cards, when the door was
1871.]
Impressions of Greece.
579
quietly opened by two strangers, who
asked to see one of the guests, who was
a physician. The judge looked hard at
the two men and said, ' You seem to me
very like robbers.' 'You think so?' they
replied. In the next moment the room
was filled with a band of twenty brigands,
Daveli at their head. Resistance was
impossible. They seized the plate and
jewels. They set a pot of oil to boil on
the fire, their usual process for extorting
the secret places of treasure in the house.
They set the judge to play at cards with
one of the thieves. ' If you win, you shall
be spared; if you lose, you shall die.'
Meanwhile a servant had escaped and
given the alarm. Just before the oil
had boiled, and just before the game of
cards was finished, a cry arose that the
soldiers were coming. The robbers fled,
carrying away with them the daughter of
the house, her brother, and her brother-
in-law. For two months she remained
with them ; moving to and fro, over
Helicon and Parnassus ; sleeping in caves
wrapped in sheepskins ; living on roast
lamb and pure water ; treated with the
utmost courtesy by Daveli, who, when-
ever her shoes were worn out, sent to
Livadia for new ones. Constant negotia-
tions were carried on for her ransom. In
order to assure her friends of her safety,
and at the same time keep her in custody,
she was exhibited to them on the top of
inaccessible cliffs. Finally, Dave'li re-
stored her jewels, and advised her to go
home another way, lest the more savage
part of his band should intercept her re-
turn.
" These and like feats had made him the
hero or the terror of the neighbouring
mountains. At last a united effort was
made to seize him. He had often lodged
by force in the convent of Jerusalem,
under the auspices of Father Joseph. The
tide now turned. Through the abbot's
shepherds on Parnassus, notice was given
of the hiding-place of the band, and he
and his monks came out armed in pursuit.
From Helicon, too, the great monastery
of St Luke, which has given so many
' Lukes ' to this neighbourhood, sent its
monks in like manner. The whole of
Parnassus was surrounded, and the band
driven down towards the ' Three Ways '
— the Pass (or Derveni) of Konlia. Each
of the three roads was guarded by the vil-
lagers of the respective approaches. The
heights of Daulis were hemmed in by the
Daulians. The road from Thebes was
shut in by the peasants of Distomo. That
from Delphi was closed by the Aracho-
vites, who were led by one of their own
people, Megas, the head of the gendarmes
or chorophy lakes. He, with his men, killed
Dave'li ; and twenty-six out of the band
of thirty were destroyed. Megas himself
fell ; and on the top of the hill — on the
very spot where, for fear of robbers, (Edi-
pus committed the fatal deed of his life
— a monument commemorates his death
and the extirpation of the band."
This question of brigandage has got
such possession of our mind that we
are unable to turn from it to the num-
berless other and far pleasanter top-
ics with which this volume abounds.
Indeed, a more charming record of
an interesting tour cannot be ima-
gined ; and everything that a h'ne
scholarship, a cultivated taste, and a
genial disposition could contribute,
were met in that British Minister,
who never more happily illustrated
the gifts and graces of his country
than by the traits this journey has
left of him.
The last three letters of the vol-
ume are by Dean Stanley, and
highly characteristic of the refine-
ment and the elegance of the writer.
The last sentence of all is —
"So ends this interesting week! To
me it was quite a resurrection of varied
delights. It revives my first feeling, that,
with the single exception of Palestine,
there is no travelling equal to that of
Greece. There is no country which so
combines the compactness, the variety,
the romance, the beauty of nature, and
a beauty and a romance with the life of
ancient creeds and ideas, which are ex-
plained by it at every turn."
580
An " O'Dowd" Reverie.
[May
AN "O'DOWD" REVERIE.
WHAT IS TO COME OF IT?
HAD I been a midshipman on
board Lord Nelson's flag-ship, I
could not have been more anti-
Gallican than I have been all my
life. I started in my early boyhood
with a strong dislike to France and
Frenchmen, and every stage of my
career has strengthened the impres-
sion. Their insupportable arro-
gance, their pretended superiority
in culture and civilisation, their
vainglorious claim to military glory,
paraded and insisted on at every
occasion, with their ever-ready ridi-
cule of their neighbours, and their
scarcely less insulting compassion
for all who were unlike them, made
tip a national character which only
needed to be "accented" by their
native vanity and their egotistical
politeness to be downright detest-
able. That both their cookery and
their causerie was better than
all the world's I could not deny,
however much it cost me to admit
it. Indeed I am not sure that in
my racy enjoyment of Paris there
did not mingle with the pleasure
that sense which the Duchesse
d'Abrantes said heightened all de-
light, " the suspicion that it was
wrong" — and which she explained
was the only charm that was want-
ing to "iced water." Whether it
was, however, that the fault lay
with my temperament or my pocket,
I always felt that a few weeks gave
me enough of the fascinating capital.
There were no such dinners as
Philippe's, no such actors in Europe
as at the Fran<jais ; no such dialogue
was or could be written, still less
could it be given with that refine-
ment of accent, look, and gesture as
theirs ; and when I supped at the
Cadran Bleu after the play, where
did conversation ever range as it did
there1? where did smart criticism
alternate with deep views of life,
and the most graceful flights of
fancy dash the deeper tone of a
philosophy not the less profound
from its intense relation to daily
life, and its thousand illustrations in
the actual world 1 To be sure, the
men and the women talked in a
tongue made for epigram, where even
the moderate intelligences are witty
and the brilliant people are sublime.
Where did men ever learn to
dress their sentiments, and the
women to dress themselves, as in
Paris'? and where, above all, was
the prestige of a social success so
high that the most brilliant talkers
strained every nerve to achieve it,
and regarded the triumphs of con-
versation as amongst the victories of
life ? And yet, as I have said, once
away from these — once Paris left
behind you — you forgot the en-
chantment in which you had lived,
and turned only to think of the
egotistical sensuality of the French-
man, the pernicious spirit of his
novels, the avowed depravity of his
drama, and the heartfelt delight he
avowed in ridiculing what all others
respect in morals or venerate in
religion.
In the air of refinement he knew
how to throw over vice, in that
mock civilisation he could impart
to every step of wickedness, he con-
trived to stamp the more homely
habits of other nations with the
impress of an inveterate vulgarity ;
and it was very hard not to feel
that, in passing out of France in-
to Germany, you were descending
from the drawing-room to the ser-
vants' hall. It was little good to
1871.]
WJiat is to come of it ?
581
be told that the company comprised
the most distinguished litterati of
Europe — that all that the Continent
possessed of scholarship, or histori-
cal lore, or critical acumen, were
there; the philosophers never washed
their hands, and their wives wore
dirty stockings. All the details of
their daily life — and they took good
care you should see them — were so
many outrages on the decencies and
proprieties of existence, till at last
the painful conviction stole over
you that dirty habits must have
some terribly close relation to sim-
plicity of character, and that indi-
gestible cookery, and a general
greasiness of living, are the fitting
concomitants of culture and deep
thought.
It was this contrast — a contrast
that Frenchmen took care should
be palpably felt by all Europe — that
wounded Germany to the quick-
It was that daily sarcasm on their
social inferiority they could neither
endure nor forgive. Jena, and
Magdeburg, and" even Berlin, in
the hands of the Frenchman, might,
after long lapse of years, be pardoned.
The insults of the First Empire were
in a measure forgotten ; but the
same grievance which weighs so
heavily with the Americans in re-
gard to ourselves, stimulated the
Germans against the French. There
was a social disparagement, a per-
petual sneer, at their ways and
habits, and a tone of insolent com-
passion at their supposed deficien-
cies, actually intolerable. It was in
this way that Count Bismark util-
ised the imaginary insult to the king
at Ems, and proclaimed M. Bene-
detti's impertinence throughout the
Vaterland.
• It was this sentiment, very clev-
erly cultivated and ingeniously dis-
seminated, gave the whole spirit to
the war, and armed the Germans
with an amount of rancour and bit-
terness not to be expected from their
national character. To this was
owing the irresistible determination
against which French impetuosity
broke, and scattered like a wave
against a rock ; and without this
the Red Prince might have writ-
ten scores of pamphlets "How to
fight the French " in vain. It was
in wounded national sentiment lay
the stronghold of those hosts who
crossed the Rhine resolving never
to recross it except as conquerors.
As for the French, they no more
expected this character of onslaught
than they were able to explain it.
That these same landwehr — whom
they had been taught to believe
only a homely peasantry — could
storm the heights of Spichern, or
withstand the attack of five times
their number, as at Gravelotte, was
simply incredible. The personal
slight — for it had become such —
made each soldier a sworn enemy to
France ; and here was an element
of combativeness that discipline
could not invent, nor Count Moltke
imagine. This was, then, the "co-
hesion " which we all admired, and
this that indomitable doggedness
which we fancied had been manu-
factured by drill.
To make the German peasant be-
lieve that the Frenchman despised
and derided him was a master-stroke
of policy, and possibly few except
Bismark would ever have accom-
plished it. It would have been use-
less to appeal to him with the higher
arguments which the thinkers of
Germany brought against France.
What would he have cared to
hear that these people, while affect-
ing to lead civilisation and show
the whole world the road to true
culture, were of all peoples the most
inconsequent and illogical — for ever
oscillating between infidelity and
superstition, just as they balanced
eternally between despotism and
democracy — submitting servilely to
tyranny, but always reserving insur-
582
An" O'Doicd" Reverie.
rection as a national right — crushing
liberty by the extravagance of equal-
ity, and sacrificing equality by the
excesses of liberty 1
Assuming to do all by the people,
they did less for them than any na-
tion of Europe; and in their ardour
for a universal brotherhood, they
assail what even the savages respect
— the rights of property and the
family.
More energetic in their assertion
of rights than any people of Europe,
and more intensely opposed to their
rulers than all the world — affecting
to love the law, and ever ready to
dethrone and subvert it — without
prestige and without force — now, who
is to rule them, and how 1 I am not
sure that M. Bismark himself has
not his uneasy moments on this
score, and that there are times when
he trembles for his indemnity.
After all, you may pass your credi-
tor too often through the insolvent
court — not that Germany is likely
to be peculiarly sensitive on that
point, now at least that Ger-
many takes her mot cHordre from
Prussia. There is this singular re-
semblance between Italy and Ger-
many, that on their road to unity
each of these nations had to be led
at first and subsequently dominated
by the least attractive and least
amiable part of the population.
What Piedmont was to Italy, Prus-
sia is to Germany. The men of
blood and iron came from the north.
They were brave, hardy, temperate,
and enduring. Their poverty had
taught them thrift, and their thrift
had taught them patience. Only
sharing in the culture of the south
by community of language, their
manners were not softened by the
refinements they affected to think
national. It may easily be imagined
how such men as these swayed the
people over whom they had won
supremacy, and what terms of peace
they would dictate to the conquered.
[May
The coarse Piedmontese, rough of
speech and rougher of manner, did
more to render Italian unity un-
popular than all the intrigues of
Austria and all the curses of the
Vatican. The Piedmontese prefect
— the Piedmontese official of the
dogana or the post-office — was " a
badge of conquest" in the south to
the full as offensive to native feeling
as though he had come as a con-
queror. His rugged assertion of
courage and integrity scarcely con-
ciliated the Neapolitan, who had no
overweening admiration or exagger-
ated estimate for these qualities ; and
the lazzarone, who was daily bullied
for his sloth, dirt, and general de-
basement, found it very hard to be-
lieve that his condition was bettered
and his social status improved by
the expulsion of the " barbari."
If the act of unification of Ger-
many has not inflicted the Prussian
on South Germany, in the same way
as was the Piedmontese on Southern
Italy, the spread of Prussianism in
thought and sentiment is not less
complete. It is said generally, and
there is not any difficulty in believ-
ing it, that no voice of Saxony,
Wurtemberg, or Bavaria, was heard
in discussing the terms of peace.
Cold, stern, cruel Prussia alone
spoke, and spoke through the lips
of the man whose unsympathetic
nature and unrelenting temperament
are emblems of the worst mood of
his country.
No man knew better, if any so
well as himself, that the severity
of the terms imposed at the peace
would render all future government
of France the more difficult, if not
impossible, by the men who con-
ducted the negotiations.
And as M. Guizot, in his days of
power and pre-eminence, never ceased
to be reproached with his journey to
Ghent, so would M. Thiers be sure
to "have his Versailles experiences
hurled against him as though a
1871.]
Wliat is to come of it ?
583
shame and ignominy. Is the French
democracy so easy of conduct, are
the populations of St Antoine and
Belleville and Montmarte so ductile
and confiding, that the Prussian
statesman could afford to weaken
the authority and impair the in-
fluence of him whose task must be
to guide them ] Had not personal
rancour and vindictiveness a greater
share in this line of action than
calm policy and statecraft 1
With the same deep reasoning
hate he had impressed the nation to
crush the French, he had impressed
the army to march through Paris ;
and he has turned his lingering
steps now back to Berlin, half
sulky lest he should have forgotten
any possible humiliation he could
have inflicted on this people. It
is by this spirit, manifested in so
many ways, that the future govern-
ment of France has been made
a matter of such difficulty. What
an opportunity does this offer to
that dearly - loved cry of treason
and betrayal so congenial to les
messieurs de la pave ! The dis-
grace of the ravished provinces is
especially dear to those who cannot
tell where Alsace and Lorraine are ;
and the ruin to be caused by the
five milliards indemnity is over-
whelmingly terrible to those who
have nothing. Alphonse Karr tells,
that they who are most ready to
die for the liberty of the press are
usually iinable to read. At all
events, these men can cry out against
the negotiators who have agreed to
these terms of peace ; and, now that
the Germans are retiring, demand
to be led against the Prussians, and
die rather than capitulate.
It would be understating the
foresight of M. Bismark, as well
as to underrate his malignity, not
to believe that he foresaw these
troubles — that he had fully calcu-
lated on the ruffianism of an unre-
strained rabble, and the licentious
abandonment of a beaten and de-
moralised army. The man whose
belief in Force was a religion, could
have little doubt what chances
there were for a Government where
force was already wanting, and what
value the decrees of a Cabinet pos-
sess where the troops fraternise with
the mob, and the mob calls itself
the nation !
This capital calls itself the me-
tropolis of Europe — that is, the
centre of civilisation. These assas-
sins of innocent men are the civil-
isers of the age ! It was to have
the pleasure to say these and such
like that M. Bismark delayed at
Versailles, and so depreciated the
public credit of all Frenchmen that
the people, drunk with sorrow, are
now maddened by shame ! Not
that I myself think that all this
humiliation — all the cost and all
the suffering — are not well paid
to have got rid of the Empire. It
was a terrible price for so small a
humbug, it is true ; but, as Sydney
Smith tells, a " rat may flood a
province;" and it is not only in
Holland that so ignoble an animal
may cause an inundation. That the
whole mise en scene has disappeared
at once, and that all the phantas-
magoria have moved away like the
spectres of a magic - lantern, is a
splendid comment on the solemnity
of a national vote and the power of
a plebiscite. Universal suffrage !
Universal humbug, it might as well
be called, if understood as the in-
terpretation of the national will.
These French Eepublicans certainly
do not do things by halves. They
have named Menotti Garibaldi to
the command of the National
Guards. Why don't they look up
M. Mires, if he be still alive, and
make him Minister of Finance 1 In
the art with which they can throw
an air of the ridiculous over crime
and horror, they stand without rivals
anywhere ; and if the laughter they
584
An "O'Dowd" Reverie.
cause is tinctured with the sardonic,
the subject is a grim one. It is not
easy to believe that any other people
would make pasquinades on their
misery, and caricatures out of their
degradation ! And yet, turn it over
how we will, it is through very levity,
Frenchmen have made themselves so
amusing and so companionable, that
our selfish thought now is — from
one end of Europe to the other —
How are we to get on without Paris 1
Some of us there must be with-
out seats in Parliament, and where
are we to go to pass April and
May? To what quarter are we to
turn for spring, richer in enjoyment
than all Thomson's ' Seasons ' have
imagined ? where are the blossoming
trees of the Tuileries Gardens, or
the flowery alleys of acacia as in the
Bois 1 In what land of Europe can
you begin the day, as here, with
your al fresco breakfast, surrounded
by all that is bright, brilliant, and
beautiful? Where did any people
but these set out life in gala, and
give everything its air of holiday ?
Where are we idlers to betake our-
selves, with the certainty not to be
confronted by our own ennui ? or
where are the hard-worked men of life
to go to feel that there are pleasures
and enjoyments to be had in abund-
ance without toiling for millions to
buy them, or growing old and care-
worn to reach them? It was the
one city in Europe in which the
joyous character of a population
acted like a magnetic power on
every temperament, and made an
atmosphere of gaiety which all could
breathe of.
Where out of Paris did any of us
ever feel the force of that " distrac-
tion " that enabled us to turn from
the care that was oppressing or the
labour that was crushing us, and
feel that here at least we have a
right to be happy ?
Where as here did all national-
ities give each other rendezvous,
[May
with the certainty, not alone that it
was the pleasantest meeting-place
of the universe, but that each was
sure to bring to it his lightest heart,
his most enjoyable temperament,
and his brightest wit? And now
all this is lost to us ! It is not on
France alone M. Bismark has turned
the dark shade of the lantern : he
has darkened the face of all Europe,
and " smudged " the world. These
are not matters of high politics, nor
do they soar into the region of state-
craft, but they touch some thousands
who would rather lounge under a
blossoming orange -tree than " sit
below the gangway," and think the
ripple of the Seine at St Germain
pleasanter music than the shout of
a mob at Charing Cross, even though
Mr Beales led the chorus.
Since I wrote these lines, the
conflict has come, and the brave
Parisians who would not meet the
Prussians have sallied valiantly
forth to fight their countrymen !
What share the intrigues of the Im-
perial party have in these movements
it would be hard — perhaps, at the
present moment, impossible — to say.
Communism knows clearly enough
what it would fight for, but it is by
no means so evident that Commun-
ism has not been "jockeyed," and
that the Emperor himself may not
once more appear on the scene, in
his old character of saviour of so-
ciety and reconstructor of order and
stability. Anything like an un-
certain victory over the canaille —
anything that betrays incomplete-
ness or indecision — will open the
road to the Bonapartists. There
ran the idea abroad that the late
Emperor alone could govern this
people — that he alone knew the
trick of the game ; and certainly, so
long as Morny and Walewski lived,
there was much to encourage this
belief. That give-and-take which
alternated between concessions and
pressure, which promoted field-mar-
1871.]
What is to come of it ?
585
shals in the morning and prosecuted
the press in the afternoon, and which
kept the public on the qui vive as to
whether they are to be entertained
by fireworks or a fusillade — con-
temptible as it all seemed as a po-
licy, stands out now as something
like statecraft.
There is, however, one cause of
hopelessness as regards France, and
for the life of me I do not see how
it is to be encountered. Here are
the people who not only asserted
that they were the politest and most
civilised, but the bravest and the
boldest of Europe, now exhibiting
themselves not only as utterly de-
graded and debased, but actually as
destitute of courage as of morals.
How in the name of all that is dim-
cult are these people to emerge from
disorder and establish order ? to
build up credit out of discredit 1 to
create society from disunion, and
restore anything with the name of
a Government in a country where
the object of every one seems to be
to dishonour the reputation of public
men, and make it appear that hon-
esty and integrity have deserted the
world ?
Not that we ourselves have any
great reason for self-gratulation as
we moralise over our neighbours.
We have much of the same sort of
rottenness at home. If we have not
Flourens and Assi, we have their
counterparts ; and our trades-union-
ists and international humbugs
would be sturdier " roughs " to deal
with than Belleville or Montmartre
have turned out.
The Commune, it is evident,
would rather place the issue be-
tween themselves and Versailles,
and fight it out where they stand.
Not so the Empire. The Bonapart-
ists would rather " force M. Thiers's
hand," drive him to ask aid from
Bismark, and in this way discredit
all that remains to France of states-
manship and of the governing ele-
ment. By this move they prepare
the way to a restoration. "Any-
thing rather than this," would soon
be the cry of Paris ; and the English
press, with their cant of " our faith-
ful ally," is prepared to help them.
There are some who never think of
France as other than a maison de
jeu, and say if there must be one in
Europe, let us be thankful that it is
our neighbours that keep it. These
people may like to see the old
croupier back in his chair, and hear
him once more in his familiar ex-
hortation— " Faitea votre jeu, mes-
sieurs ; rien ne va plus."
586
Fair to See. — Part V.
[May
FAIR TO SEE. — PART V.
CHAPTER XIII.
WHEN Bertrand Cameron reached
his room in the hotel at Ardmartin,
after his return from the political
meeting described in the last chap-
ter, he found to his joy that the
black garments which were to en-
able him to look "as if he didn't
care " at the ball, had arrived from
Cairnarvoch.
And oh ! on the dressing-table
there was the bouquet — there was
the blush rose with its promised
supporters; and — what was this?
Could he believe his eyes 1 a pen-
cilled memorandum ! with these
ravishing words — "The rose was
a little shaky, so I have wired it ;
and the bouquet is fastened with
my own hair — are you pleased1? —
E. M."
Too much happiness ! to wear a
rose, her gift, was sufficiently in-
toxicating ; but there was a mad-
dening, delirious joy in wearing a
rose that she had actually wired !
Happy, hallowed, sacred flower !
But great though the honour (and
the bliss) of wearing a bouquet fas-
tened by her hair, her hair could
not be allowed to perform any such
menial function. No, no ; its place
was obviously next his heart : and
so he began to unwind the single
silky thread that bound the flowers
together, softly singing the while,
from " Fair Helen of Kirkconnel,"
the appropriate verse —
" Oh, Helen [Eila], fair beyond compare!
I'll mak' a garland of thy hair,
Will bind my heart for evermair
Until the day I dee. "
Then, having unwound it, he tried
to fondle the thread, dropping it
often in that rather difficult pro-
cess, and being compelled to search
for it with a candle over a floor
which had by no means been swept
diligently ; so that by the time it
was finally captured and placed in
an envelope for enshrining purposes,
and by the time he had sufficiently
venerated the bouquet, and mum-
bled the memorandum (which was
eventually consigned to his purse in
a somewhat soppy condition), a
good half-hour had elapsed, and he
was obliged to make a desperate
scramble of his toilette, and des-
cended very doubtful if his tenue
quite came up to the devil-may-care
standard it was expected to attain.
He found the party all assembled
in the room where they had dined.
She, as predicted, was in mauve,
and without a scrap of tartan, al-
most without ornament, indeed ;
some white clustering flower in her
hair, and bouquets of the same on
the skirt of her dress, being ex-
cepted. Nothing could be purer,
more ungarish, more faultless in the
style of severe simplicity.
Morna was looking very pretty ;
she was in white, but she had not
escaped her mother's tartanising
touch — being to a certain extent
" trimmed" with that material.
Still, she could bear it well, and,
with her type of looks and com-
plexion, might have sat for the por-
trait of an ideal '" Bonnie Lassie of
Scotland."
But what pen could describe, or
what pencil limn, or what brush
do justice to, the terrible grandeur
of Mrs M'Killop 1 She was one of
those spectacles — like Vesuvius in
full eruption, or the Jung Frau
in a thunderstorm — before which
the bravest hold their breath for
a time.
The folds of her dress were bil-
1871.]
lowy and oceanic ; white ostrich
plumes surged round her head ;
gems of Ocean and of Ind flashed
all over her body. Then, as for
tartan, she had fully recognised the
claims of half-a-dozen clans to be
represented in her attire. Her per-
son was told off into cantons, as it
were, each sacred to a clan, and gar-
nished with its colours. Thus, for
example, her heart — the metropo-
litan canton, so to speak — was
covered with a streaming cockade of
the M'Whannel tartan, the colours of
which not inaptly symbolised the
thunder-and-lightning qualities at-
tributed by their descendant to that
extinct volcano ; the right shoul-
der was occupied in force by the
M'Cuaigs ; the M'Kechnies skirmish-
ed promiscuously over her skirts,
— and so on. Nothing but the roar
and crash of artillery could have
adequately heralded the entry of
such a being into any assembly.
The ball was to be held in a room
attached to the hotel. The hour
had arrived, the scraping of violins
was audible, the party were impa-
tient to be gone, but Mrs M'Killop
would not hear of it as yet. " If
we sneaked in early," she explain-
ed, " it would look as if we were
ashamed of ourselves : we must wait
till the Ditchess has gone in, and
then no one can make any remark."
Nothing could be more intrepid.
The Duchess was graciously pleased
to be rather early; and before long,
a scout detached for intelligencing
purposes having brought back word
that " her Gress and a' the muckle
folk frae the Castle " were at that
moment entering the ball-room, Mrs
M'Killop figuratively drew her
sword, called her troops to " atten-
tion," and marched them oflf to the
scene of action. In the order of
march, she led, supported by Pigott ;
Eila followed with Bertrand ; while
M'Killop, much out of his element,
brought up the rear with Morna.
VOL. CIX. — NO. DCLXVIl.
Fair to See.— Part V.
587
The Duchess had seated herself
at the right side of the room, and
at the end farthest from the door ;
around her were " a' the muckle
folk frae the Castle ; " below them
again, each party took up its posi-
tion on entering, no one having had
the courage to occupy the post vis-
a-vis to the Duchess, which, as well
as the upper half of the seats on the
same side, was empty.
Rearing her head and tossing it
so that the ostrich plumes acted as
a sort of " punkah " to the bystand-
ers, Mrs M'Killop led her party
straight up the centre of the hall,
stately and slow, and occupied the
vacant place of distinction right op-
posite the Castle party. Much sen-
sation was produced ; every eye in
the room was fixed on the little de-
tachment and its audacious leader.
There was a sudden audible buzz,
composed of low laughter, stifled
giggling, murmured exclamations of
surprise, disapprobation, admiration,
eager query, and rapid response.
Mrs M'Killop said to herself, " Ha !
ha ! " like the war - horse ; and,
promptly unlimbering, opened fire
at the opposing line through her
great gold eye-glasses with a vigour
and concentration on individual
points that overbore resistance. One
of the most impertinent youngsters
in the Foreign Office, who thought
to cope with her, and stared at her
" in the whites of the eyes " for
half a minute, discoursing the while
with a playful smile on his face, and
his head perked critically awry, to
a young lady who was " laughing
quite furiously, you know, at the
dreadful creature," fairly quailed
and cowered before her scathing
glance, suddenly smoothing his feat-
ures into respectful solemnity, and
muttering, " Don't laugh, please,
don't laugh ; don't even look, or
she'll come over and stwike us."
And so he was done for ; and
in rapid succession Mrs M'Killop
2s
588
Fair to See.— Part V.
mowed down scores of other faces —
male and female — sparing neither
age nor sex, except only the "Ditch-
ess," partly because she was a duch-
ess, and partly as being the friend
of Bob West. Many of the men,
however, paid little attention to the
great woman, for the two lovely
girls by her side were without any-
thing approaching to a rival in the
room ; and many a yearning glance
was cast across to those sweet hea-
ther-bells blooming so exquisitely,
albeit in the shadow of that volcanic
mountain of a mamma. Xot a few
wished they had the courage to seek
for an introduction ; but how cross
the neutral ground raked by the fire
of their own division, not to speak
of the lava pouring from Mrs M'Kil-
lop's optics? — and not a few re-
gistered a vow that when the even-
ing had sufficiently advanced, the
supping set in, and the dancing be-
come vigorous, this object should
be achieved. But the Cairnarvoch
party had not been in this rather
embarrassing position for many
minutes when Mr Tainsh rapidly
entered the room. Apparently he
had escaped uninjured from the
"pah," and was again in uniform,
wearing on his right breast a tricolor
badge of universal management and
stewardship, and pinned ostenta-
tiously over his (abominable) heart,
the bouquet — her bouquet. Up the
hall came the factor, easy, confident,
and smirking, received with words
and looks of goodwill by all and
sundry as he passed.
He reached the Duchess ; he ap-
proached her as if she had been a
mere woman ; spoke, even laughed,
confidentially with her ; then bow-
ing, turned, went into the middle of
the room, and clapped his hands.
Whereupon, just as if Mr Tainsh
had been a caliph or a grand vizier
in the Arabian Nights, strains of
exquisite music burst forth, and the
ball began. Bertrand turned swiftly
[May
to Eila with a look of entreaty in
his eyes ; but her eyes saw him not,
or " seeing would not see," for they
were pervading the room, flashing
from one group to another with
lightning rapidity. Whom was she
looking for? It is needless, how-
ever, to follow her eyes, or the in-
vestigation, for almost instantly an
opaque body was in front of her,
ambling and bowing, and neither to
be looked over nor looked through
— Mr Tainsh.
" Our dance, I think, Miss Eila,"
exclaimed the factor, hooking out
an arm that would not be gainsaid.
Eila chased a cloud no bigger than
a man's finger-nail from her face,
and cordially assented ; but had Mr
Tainsh a vis-a-vis? Yes, Mr Tainsh
had arranged all that ; no less a
person than the Earl of Hummums
was to face them, along with Miss
M'Corkindale of Collieshangie, the
well-known heiress. And where
were they to dance 1 right up at
the top of the room, among all the
grandees ! Tainsh • was really a
jewel ! And they did dance there ;
and Tainsh, riding on the top of his
success — for he had managed every-
thing for everybody — made every-
thing pleasant for everybody, and
was therefore (for the day) popular
with everybody — was no laggard in
his wooing, but went in to win, and
made the running at such a terrific
pace that Eila felt thankful when
the quadrille was over, Mr Tainsh
having traversed, in ten minutes,
ground only to be got over in as
many weeks by ordinary mortals,
and having left almost nothing to
be said but the burning words of a
proposal in due form — which was
not Eila's way of doing business, by
any manner of means. The next
dance struck up ; it was a valse ; it
was a Strauss ; and there was the
Strauss-adoring Vampire right op-
posite, lounging beside the Duchess,
apparently as blind to the existence
Fair to See.— Part V.
1871.]
of Eila as lie was deaf to the strains
of the master he adored. It was
puzzling ; would he waken up and
come ? No ; he was sitting down
— the wretch !
Eila would shoio him. Bertrand
found Eila in this frame of mind,
offered himself with eyes full of
meek love, was accepted, and away
they went.
Gliding, drifting, dreaming, float-
ing away upon waves of that nar-
cotic melody — so full of love-pathos,
so full of the harmonious whispers
that befooled poor Faust — the very
singing voice of sin and folly, if you
will — but oh, so delightful ! oh, so
deplorably delightful to poor fools
and sinners — the many that we
are !
Bertrand, with his German edu-
cation, his athletic form, and his
faultless ear, was an ideal partner ;
Eila was, it is needless to say,
also an ideal partner ; and there-
fore ye who have loved and
valsed to perfection, and have
combined the two movements, can
imagine the state of drivelling be-
atitude in which the conclusion of
the dance — the first valse with the
beloved one — left our poor friend.
Tainsh, even without the assistance
of all his men, might probably have
raised " Humpty-Dumpty," but lie
couldn't take his partner \ip into
the seventh heaven ; no, the factor,
facting never so wisely, could not do
that.
Bertrand looked into Eila's eyes
where the light of dreamland still
lingered, and felt that at that mo-
ment it was twenty to one against
Mr Tainsh or any other factor, or
any other man. Alas! it was but
for a moment. The dance was over,
and there was Bob West expecting
his innings ; so that, perforce, Eila
dropped instantly from the seventh
heaven — and, in truth, seemed to
console herself very speedily with
the noble earth-worm who was wait-
589
ing to receive her, " rather fearing
there might be a difficulty about an-
other dance for Bertrand, but she
would see later on."
Meantime Duncanson, looking in
his Highland dress really a fine per-
sonable ghillie, had danced twice with
Morna, and was rather clamorous in
a dispute with the Buccaneer (who
had arrived late, having, very appar-
ently, dined) about the third dance,
which each claimed ; and one being
a snob and the other a gentleman
(who had dined), the discussion was
rather loud and unpleasant to the
fair apple of discord ; and she said
with considerable spirit and acumen,
" I think there is only one way of
arranging it ; I won't dance with
either of you."
Bertrand, hearing this verdict,
straightway offered himself, was ac-
cepted, went away with her, folio wed
by four flaming eyes, and was as
lugubrious a partner as could have
been found within the four seas.
And so the ball went on. Eila
" Hoolican'd " with Mr Tainsh, and
"Bonny-Dundee'd" with Mr Tainsh,
valsed with Bob West, quadrilled
with the Buccaneer, valsed with
Bob West again, and then with two
very pleasing friends of his ; and
whenever Bertrand ventured to offer
himself, with love-sick eyes, he al-
ways found that there was a difficulty
which at some remote future period
might be got over. So IIP, deter-
mined to show Eila ; and went
away, resolving to devote himself
to Morna, over whom an intermit-
tent fight seemed to smoulder on
the part of the Buccaneer and Mr
Duncanson during the entire even-
ing ; but found that there are two
to a bargain, Morna saying coldly
that, having already given him one
dance, and having already made
more engagements than she usually
cared to make, she must decline his
further partnership ; and when he
had begged and prayed in vain, he
590
Fair to See. — Part V.
went away in a foaming rage with
the whole Cairnarvoch party.
In this condition of mind he was
hailed by a splendid county mag-
nate who had identified him as the
heir of Aberlorna, and who fussed
over him, and was quite a father
to him, and must introduce him to
his family (a hungry-looking wife
and five very hungry-looking daugh-
ters), and to all the rest of the
county — and did so; and to the
Duchess, by whom, as by them all,
lie was most graciously received.
And so he began to dance literally
a series of war-dances (at Eila),
taking first one daughter of the
Duchess, and then another, up to
the seventh heaven, similarly ac-
commodating the heiress of Collie-
shangie, and many other young
ladies, and never casting so much
as a glance at the cruel fair who
saw all his doings (though she never
looked at him), and yet persevered
in a mad career of Bob West, his
pleasing friends, Mr Tainsh, and, at
last, the Vampire, whose recollec-
tions of Strauss and Eila were mira-
culously revived after supper, and
whose plaintive eye rested on her
permanently thereafter with a look
of champagny pathos.
Meantime Mrs M'Killop, not a
foe being left unvanquished, had
decided to shift Ler headquarters to
the card-room (Tainsh had arranged
for a card-room), and Pigott (not a
dancing man, and all his female
friends being occupied in the dance)
had taken her there at her sugges-
tion. There they had found, prowl-
ing forlorn, two elderly gentlemen
wearing the air of Clubs rather than
of Courts, and a rubber was imme-
diately instituted, followed by an-
other and another and another, with
pauses for refreshment, Mrs M'Kil-
lop visiting the supper-room twice
with Pigott, and once with each of
the clubby men, not to mention
several raids in the same direction
under Mr Tainsh, who was every-
where, and all things to everybody.
So Mrs M'Kiilop ate and drank
and rose up to play, and vice versa,
and was merry, and made money,
and had a row with one of the
clubby old men about a revoke
which she alleged he had made, but
which he indignantly repudiated,
asking, with outspread palms and
high shoiilders, " if it was likely (as
a mere matter of common-sense)
that a man who played daily and
nightly at ' The Arlington ' should
revoke?" to which Mrs M'Killop
replied, that " it was indifferent to
her whether he played at Arlington,
at Darlington, at Cairo, Copenha-
gen, or Kirkintilloch, but he had
revoked;" whereupon the clubby
man caved in, and altogether Mrs
M'Killop thoroughly enjoyed her-
self. So much so, indeed, that the
small hours passed on, and the big-
wigs went away, taking Lord Bob,
the Vampire, and all Eila's admirers
with them ; and still Mrs M'Killop
sat on, forgetful of her charge. In
this way Eila was left desolate under
care of her papa, who (after having
been mistaken seven times for a
waiter, and addressed once, in that
capacity, as a " gay old crocodile "
by a comic youngster) had lurked
about in all sorts of mysterious cor-
ners during the evening, and only
emerged with the departure of the
grandees; but the band still played
ravishingly, and there was Bertrand
careering with Miss M'Corkindale
(who was to sleep in the hotel), and
there was the Buccaneer (who, being
a buccaneer, had no notion where he
was to sleep, and didn't care) career-
ing with Morna, and Mr Tainsh was
away seeing the swells off the pre-
mises, and she, the Queen of the
Evening, had no one left to do her
reverence. It was dreadful; she
looked pale, dejected. Bertrand saw
it. For a second time that day, re-
morse, pity, wild love, seized upon
1871.]
his heart, so that he recklessly aban-
doned the heiress of Collieshangie
to her mamma, and flew to his
angel.
" At last, Mr Cameron!" said the
angel, " when there is positively no
one left to dance with but that hid-
eous person you have just left; at
last!"
"But, Miss M'Killop, I asked
you six times, and you were always
better engaged."
" Better engaged ! oh, Mr Came-
ron! when you knew, too, that I
was only trying to clear off my en-
gagements with all these tiresome
men, that we might have some nice
long dances together, one after an-
other ! after all your promises ! I
shall never believe in you again."
' But I didn't know."
'Oh, Mr Cameron!"
' But how could I know 1 "
'Oh, Mr Cameron!"
' But tell me."
' Some people can understand
without words what they are to
do, and to expect; others require to
have everything spelt out to them.
Now I am going to say no more
about it. I do hope we are going
immediately."
" Oh, but forgive me — forgive
me, or I shall be — so — wretched."
"How tragical you are ! Very well,
I forgive you."
She held out her hand playfully;
he took it ; he squeezed it— he posi-
tively did; and it was not with-
drawn.
" I am dreadfully tired; please
take me to the supper-room — I have
never been there yet — and give me
some champagne," said the angel,
after her hand had been at length
relinquished.
Bertrand took her away. A mist
cleared from his mind; he had been
under a misapprehension ; to his
gross, crass intellect some gracious
Fair to See.— Part V.
591
implication of a promise had been
impalpable ; he was a dolt, a brute,
— almost an assassin. But he atoned
for it now, as they sat in the supper-
room together; and he breathed forth
his passionate penitence, and made
all sorts of wild spasmodic approaches
to the subject which was madden-
ing his brain, though he never quite
got up to the breach, and gave her
up his bouquet, which she remarked
to be faded, and took from him and
affected to throw away, but didn't
— he saw that — giving him instead
(at his suggestion) one of the white
bouquets from her dress, which he
kissed before her very eyes and
plunged inside his waistcoat, inti-
mating that on his death it would
be found there, and might be re-
claimed by the owner; and, in fact,
" went it " at a perfectly killing
pace, and- still read in her eyes " En
avant ! " and " Excelsior ! "
But his hour was not as yet; for,
just as things were boiling up very
satisfactorily to a climax, in came
Mrs M'Killop with much simulated
wrath, and cleared them off. The
brake was at the door, she said, and
they had been looking for Eila " all
over the village, for hours — hours."
So there was nothing for it but to go ;
and, after a tender muffling scene,
they went; and the brake, after
some little waiting for Mr Duncan-
son (whose difficulty with the Buc-
caneer had culminated in the cloak-
room, and resulted in the latter
gentleman t fastening on Mr D.'s
nose with a desperate tenacity, from
which he was with the greatest
difficulty detached by Mr Tainsh),
drove away, as the sun was rising
above the hills, showing the party
to be a little pale and worn, but
touching Bertrand's prophetic and
poetic soul with a sense of analogy
and fitness and peace.
£92
Fair to See.— Part V.
[May
CHAPTER XIV.
The campaign which Mr Tainsh
had opened with so much vigour at
the ball was prosecuted during the
next succeeding days at Cairnarvoch
in the same spirit ; yet at the close
of each day Mr Tainsh was surprised
and mortified to find that, in point
of fact, he had made no progress ;
he was still only on the brink, — the
very position he had reached at the
ball in the first quadrille with Eila.
Morning after morning he registered
a vow that that day's sun should not
set upon his suspense; but night
found him still baffled, still in statu
quo. Yet he said to himself that it
was not his fault — and indeed he
said truly; for he was troubled with
none of the sensitive, shrinking,
self-depreciating tremors which af-
flict lovers of a more refined fibre ;
he had pretty nearly convinced him-
self that he was acceptable, and
would be accepted, and that all he
had to do was to bring the matter
forward in a formal shape. There
was a slight difficulty about that,
of course, but it was a mechanical
difficulty. At the worst, it was a
question of aesthetics as to time,
place, and circumstances, as to the
phrases to be adopted, the gesture
employed, and so forth. As a man
not versed in such matters — as a
man who had not considered love
before, except as a matter affecting
a client, and likely to result in the
drawing of a marriage-contract for
"the parties" — it was not wonderful,
perhaps, that Mr Tainsh should be
thus sanguine ; for of a surety Eila
was everything that was delightful
and propitious, blessed him with
her brightest glances, distinguished
him in many ways with her favour,
only now and then giving a whet
to his appetite, which might have
been blunted with too much saccha-
rine matter, in the shape of a word
or a look to Bertrand, which brought
the factor up to an exaggerated state
of keenness in a moment — for, of
course, he was jealous of Bertrand ;
with all his assurance, he was even
desperately jealous of him at times.
Mr Tainsh accounted for the stag-
nant state of his suit by bad luck.
He said it was bad luck that checked
his progress ; and also " that spoony
fellow Cameron " had something to
do with it, for he was always either
in the way, or arriving just at the
critical moment ; but the real cause
did not suggest itself to him : it
never occurred to him that he was
kept at bay by Eila herself and her
wonderful dexterity. Poor Ber-
trand seemed to have lost all the
ground gained at the ball ; he hung
about Eila, and was rebuffed for
doing so ; he shunned her presence,
and was rebuked for that ; he could
do nothing right, except, perhaps,
once in the twenty-four hours, when
she would give him a look, or a
word, or a flower, that kept him
true to his infatuation.
His feelings towards Mr Tainsh
baffle description. To say that he
was jealous, is to use a ridiculously
inadequate expression. The very
thought of the man was becoming
madness to him, not merely because
Tainsh appeared to be favoured by
Eila, but also from a more disinter-
ested feeling that his beautiful ideal
was desecrated and outraged by any
sort of association with such a ter-
rible embodiment of the common,
the prosaic, and the vulgar as his
rival appeared to be. Tainsh was a
desperately lucky fellow, Bertrand
thought, and quite ubiquitous ; that
is to say, he was desperately sharp
and energetic, so that he found time
for everything — to transact business
in the neighbourhood, to shoot, to
fish, to commune with MrxM'Killop,
1871.]
and yet to be always in the way
when Eila was visible. All cour-
age and heart began to fail Bertrand,
and he was becoming a mere drift-
ing, drivelling idiot, incapable of
spontaneous action. Meantime Eila
had a splendid time of it between
her two victims. She had got them
into such a state of management
that there was no whimsical ab-
surdity she chose to impose upon
either that each was not eager to
perform — eager to outstrip the other
in performing. She was perpetually
seized with a craving for some rare
plant or flower, which could only be
found among difficult morasses or
on the summits of lofty hills ; she
" suspected that the large mussel
found in the river Arvoch was really
the pearl-mussel, if one had only
time and patience to examine a great
number of the shells ; " she would
give anything in the world for an
owl's wing for her hat ; and if an
eagle's could be procured, then, in-
deed, the cup of her happiness would
run over.
These and many similar fancies
kept the two men perpetually rac-
ing up hills, or hanging over preci-
pices, or wading and groping in river-
pools, or stalking imaginary birds
and beasts, that offerings might be
found for the shrine of their exact-
ing goddess. Pigott was immensely
delighted, one evening at nightfall,
to come upon Mr Tainsh, crouching,
with his gun at full cock, in a clump
of trees, and hooting dismally, under
the impression that some sympa-
thetic bird of night might be so ac-
commodating as to believe in the
simulation, and come to be sacri-
ficed.
"She is admirably cynical, and
quite a practical satirist, and it
serves the idiots right," chuckled
the Captain as he went away in
deep approval.
During these days Mr Duncan-
son was doing his possible to make
Fair to See.— Part V.
593
himself agreeable to Morna ; he
seemed to have an open field — no
rival interposed his attentions be-
tween Morna and those of the young
laird at all events; and yet he
did not appear to make progress
any more than Mr Tainsh did.
Morna was strangely invisible ; she
entirely abandoned the pursuit of
the gentle art ; she never went out
on the terrace in the evenings, un-
less the rest of the party went. A
tete a-tete with her seemed to Dun-
canson to be a thing unattainable.
He was angry, he was downcast;
his natural disposition was intense-
ly jealous ; and without any real
point whereon his jealousy could
settle satisfactorily, he was fiercely
jealous now. He spoke to Mrs
M'Killop ; he all but committed
himself irretrievably to that lady,
and darkly intimated that he thought
he was being humbugged, and found
the process unpalatable. Mrs M'Kil-
lop did her best to soothe, and at
the same time stimulate, and watched
all the moves on the double chess-
board with intense anxiety.
Matters stood pretty much in
this not very satisfactory condition
when the day fixed for the picnic
to Aberlorna arrived. " Everybody,"
as Pigott put it, " seemed to be in
love with everybody, and nobody
seemed to like it."
One would have said that he and
Mr M'Killop were the only mem-
bers of the party enjoying a reason-
able amount of tranquillity ; and
therefore, when Mr M'Killop an-
nounced his intention of abstaining
from the picnic, Pigott was strongly
inclined to stay at home also. The
rest of the party, however, were so
vehement in their expostulations
against the decision (an earnestness
which Pigott set down as " part of
the game "), that he allowed himself
to be persuaded, and went, fortify-
ing himself, as he assured Bertrand,
" with a double ration of cigars, and
594
Fair to See.— Part V.
committing his body to the deep in
the one hope that everybody else
would be violently sea-sick."
The weather did not fall in with
this charitable aspiration ; and when
they reached the sea, after a drive
of five miles in the brake, nothing
could be more inviting than its
aspect. A gentle but steady breeze
was little more than rippling its
surface, and there was the pretty
schooner-yacht "lying off and on"
about a quarter of a mile from the
shore, looking so cheery and invit-
ing, with her snowy sails shining
in the sun, her blue pennon flutter-
ing gaily, and her graceful outline
giving such suggestions of smooth
speed, that even Mrs M'Killop,
whose fears had shaped themselves
in the direction of Pigott's hopes,
looked upon the vessel with a
kindly eye.
A bustle upon deck showed that
their arrival had been observed, so
that the fierce nautical yells and
dismal shrieks through a boatswain's
whistle, with which Mr Duncanson
saluted the craft, and which lasted
till the dingey was close to the
shore, were rather - dramatically
pleasing than strictly necessary.
The dingey was not nearly large
enough to convey the whole party
in one trip; so Mr Duncanson, in
his quality of host, put off with the
first batch, consisting of Mrs M'Kil-
lop, Morna, and part of the commis-
sariat under Mr Jenkinson. Ar-
rived at the yacht, he bounded on
to the deck with the agility of a
corsair, hauled the elder lady pain-
fully up the side, and then, without
relinquishing the hand by which he
had brought Morna on board, he
led her to the tafferel, and pointed
out the name of the vessel freshly
emblazoned in gold — " The Morna."
"What do you think of that,
Miss Grant 1 " he inquired.
" Is that the yacht's name 1 "
" Of course it is."
[May
" It used to be « The Dream,' I
thought."
" So it was, but I had it altered ;
my ' Dream/ " he added, with tender
significance, " has developed into
' Morna : ' do you know who it is
named after ? "
" Somebody called ' Morna,' I
suppose."
" I only know one Morna."
" Me, you mean ? but your father
may know a great many more ; I
can't flatter myself that he would
call his boat after me — he scarcely
knows me."
" He has heard a great deal about
you, however ; but / christened the
boat, and it was after you."
" Does your father not object ? "
" ITo, Miss Grant, my father does
not object ; he admires the name
as much as I admire the — the — it.
Can you guess when I rechristened
the yacht ? "
" No, I can't ; but it was very com-
plimentary of you to call it after
me."
" I christened it after you said
that to me."
" That, Mr Duncanson ! What?"
" What you said you meant."
" Dear me, how stupid I am !
What did I say?"
" About my coming back this
week, you know ; it made me very
happy, and I "
"Here comes the dingey," said
Morna.
The dingey thereupon arriving,
Duncanson had to go and play wel-
coming corsair again ; and at last
every one was on board, and after
an immense amount of rope-hauling,
and sail-shifting, and yelling, and
whistling, and screaming, and after
Mrs M'Killop had been twice nearly
knocked overboard by a refractory
boom, everything was taut, and the
yacht under way, gliding along
with wonderful speed, considering
the lightness of the breeze. Tainsh
was as tenacious as a bull-dog ; he
1871.]
never left Eila's side, and soon
arranged for her a seat on the lee-
ward side, and took up his position
by her. But Bertrand was not
going to let him have it all his own
way, and immediately placed him-
self on the other side of the be-
witcher. Her manner between the
two was a wonder to contemplate.
At one moment it seemed a case
of " how happy could I be with
either;" the next, a chance word of
hers was making Bertrand tingle
with delight, and casting shadows
over the lawyer's hard, eager face ;
and then the next, vice versa.
Both men being fiercely in love
and fiercely jealous for the first
time in their lives, their cards were
lying, face up, on the table before
the lady, so that it was easy enough,
and no doubt sufficiently delightful,
for her to play her own game with
the two innocents.
An acute observer might have
noticed that, while Tainsh was
never snubbed, Bertrand was some-
times not answered at all, or an-
swered almost petulantly; but, on
the other hand, he might have
observed that, at rare intervals, the
latter gentleman was favoured with
a look or a tone of a description su-
perior to anything that went in Mr
Tainsh's direction.
As an affair of averages, Tainsh
certainly had it ; but his maximum
was far below Bertrand's.
Very effectually, by this disposi-
tion of seats, did these two gentle-
men cancel each other's efforts, and
that was to each the only consola-
tion— cold enough and scant enough
comfort truly, unless they were
further consoled by contemplating
the airy happiness of the divinity at
whose feet they were grovelling.
Mr Duncanson being seated with
Morna on the other side, Mrs M'Kil-
lop was good enough, in the first
instance, to bestow her society on
Pigott. This appeared to her gen-
Fair to See. — Part V.
595
eralship the most that could be
made of the situation. But whe-
ther Morna was silent and unre-
sponsive, or whether Mr Duncan-
son did not find himself so fluent
as he had expected, or whether he
had something on his mind that
required farther cogitation, or from
whatever cause, the conversation
did not go satisfactorily ; and at
last Duncanson said he would take
a turn at the tiller, by Miss Grant's
permission. His departure leaving
Morna by herself, Pigott transferred
his society to her ; and this opening
a field for new, if minor, combina-
tions to Mrs M'Killop, she straight-
way joined herself to Eila's group.
And here Bertrand lost a point to
his adversary by his superior breed-
ing, for he rose and offered his place
to Mrs M'Killop, while Tainsh re-
mained as he was. It need scarcely
be said that Bertrand's offer was
accepted, and as there was no room
for a fourth person, Mrs M'Killop
really effected his elimination from
the group. Thus evicted, Bertrand
strolled over to Morna, inwardly
consigning Tainsh and his hostess
to all sorts of unmentionable retri-
bution.
It had dimly occurred to Ber-
trand, with all his preoccupation,
that Morna's manner was not the
same to him as it used to be ; and
as he sat down at her feet just now
he was peculiarly struck with the
change. There was a sort of grave
reserve — not exactly the reserve of
a person who had been offended,
but something rather like it — in
her manner to him, which, honestly,
he did not understand. After all,
he said to himself, perhaps she too
was only, like him, preoccupied ;
but about whom1? Duncanson, of
course. Duncanson? that was so
odd, though. Ten days ago she
used to abuse him up hill and down
dale, and now — well, women were
a strange incomprehensible prob-
596
Fair to See. — Part V.
lem, and no mistake. She was
a deal too good for Duncanson,
though ; no mistake about that,
either.
" I hope you are enjoying the
vo}rage, Miss Grant," he said, as he
seated himself.
" Very much indeed ; but I am
sorry mamma has been so cruel as
to turn you out of your seat."
" Oh, I could not be better
placed. You are looking grave :
Captain Pigott has been boring
you ; he is a bore. Go away,
Pigott, and let me try to cheer
Miss Grant up a little."
" I can't say you look too cheer-
ful yourself, Bertrand. Does he,
Miss Grant?"
Miss Grant here drew their at-
tention, with a good deal of anima-
tion, to a porpoise which was mak-
ing merry in the offing.
" If you were to sing now, Miss
Grant," continued Bertrand, when
the porpoise was disposed of, " it
would be quite perfect. I never
hear you sing now ; why is it ? "
" I really don't know, Mr Cam-
eron ; perhaps you don't ask me to
sing ; perhaps I don't offer ; per-
haps we are all too much occupied
with other matters — shooting, and
so on."
" Will you sing to-day, after lun-
cheon 1 "
" I never sing in the open air."
" Oh, Miss Grant ! not even
'The Water-Spirit ?'"
Morna replied, deeply blushing,
" Never before an audience, and not
again even to one auditor : it is bad
for the voice, you know," she added,
after a pause.
All this time the plungings and
buckings of the little ship told
that the steersman's attention was
not given to the matter in his hand ;
and, indeed, Duncanson's burning
eyes were fastened on the group of
which Morna was the centre. He
could not distinguish what was being
[May
said there, but he could see by
Morna's face that something more
interesting than chalk or cheese was
the topic of conversation. "It
must be stopped," he said to him-
self; and blowing a shrill blast
on his horrible whistle for relief,
he was relieved from his post, and
descended to stop it accordingly.
Whereupon Pigott, whose detesta-
tion of Mr Duncanson now almost
amounted to a mania, drew off and
went forward to the forecastle; and
Bertrand, thinking, perhaps, that it
was hard to spoil sport, followed
him. Whereupon Mrs M'Killop,
seeing her dispositions for the mo-
ment perfect, rose and followed
them. Whereupon Bertrand, mag-
netised by love and jealousy, at
once moved back to her vacant
place. Whereupon — but it would
be endless to follow the various
permutations, the various manoeu-
vres, checks, and counter-checks, of
which this deck was the scene with-
out interruption, till the anchor
dropped in Aberlorna Bay. " If
there was only another fellow here
to bet with on the moves, it would
be jolly enough," was Pigott's ver-
dict.
They had been coasting along for
miles close to the shore, on the very
margin of which gaunt and treeless
mountains rested their rugged feet,
with nothing for miles to break the
monotony of the landscape ; and so,
when they rounded a point and
turned into the sequestered little
bay of Aberlorna, the beauty of the
scene which burst upon them was
enhanced by contrast and surprise.
No contrast could be greater. Chan-
nelled in a profound gorge that cleft
the mountains with its piny depth,
and revealed far away back a vista
of cultivated uplands and waving
trees, the Lorna came and delivered
its sparkling waters to the bay; the
embouchure overlooked on one side,
as Eila had described it, by the
1871.]
weird old ruin, and on the other by
the airy elegance of the modern
house ; the one perched on a grim
cliff descending sheerly precipitous
to the bay, the other nestling on
the highest of a succession of ter-
races that sloped down with gently-
decreasing acclivities, and made
their way to the sea amid a triumph
of flowers and foliage. On one side,
Nature, all unkempt and stern, hold-
ing in her brawny arms the rugged
relic of the days of eld ; on the
other, Art smiling up from her
achievements, and, as if half in awe,
half in derision, opposing the Beau-
tiful to the Sublime, and the Present
to the Past. There was everything
about it to touch and awaken Ber-
trand's poetical instincts. He was
gazing for the first time upon the
home of his forefathers — those he-
roic ancestors, those mighty men
of valour, whose deeds were en-
graved on his memory, who lived
in his day-dreams as " blameless
knights," whose spotless escutcheon
was to be a lamp to his path and a
light to his feet as he travelled up
the chivalrous ascent to glory.
There was a picturesqueness in
his own situation too, thus standing
for the first time before the shrine
of his hero-worship, that under
other circumstances would have
entirely captivated his romantic
imagination; and, even as it was,
the first sight of that venerable
tower made his heart swell and his
brain begin to teem with troops of
thick-coming fancies ; but Eila was
by his side, and, at the sound of her
voice, his ancestors went quietly
back to sleep in their vault in the
kirk of Aberlorna.
" Did I describe it well ? is it
not beautiful?" said the enchant-
ress.
" It is indeed beautiful ; but as I
should always associate it with your
description — with the sound of your
voice," he added, dropping his own,
Fair to See.— Part V.
597
" it would appear perfect to me with
half its charms."
" Look, Miss Eila," said Tainsh ;
" look at that lowest terrace ; that's
my doing — I made it without con-
sulting Sir Roland."
" It must have looked unfinished
without it, I think."
"Just that; it did. I think I
have got the place in fair order now ;
but I suspect I'll have to cut down
a lot of these old trees on the other
side."
Tainsh, speaking as the factor,
adopted an especially proprietary
tone, intended to jar upon and snub
Bertrand, who said —
" Pray don't cut any of the wood
on that side. I am sure Sir Roland
would not approve. It would spoil
the place."
"Well, you see, if I get carte-
blanche I must use my own dis-
cretion ; when Sir Roland intrusts
you with these matters, of course I
will listen to your opinion."
" You never got carte-blanclie to
the extent you propose to go. I pro-
test against your touching the wood
on that side. I warn you not to
do it. And I shall write to Sir
Roland."
Then for a second or two the ri-
vals glared at each other in silence.
" I vow it puts me monstrously in
mind of Tilly wheesle — it always did,"
cried Mrs M'Killop to Pigott.
" I would pull down that rickety
old ruin," said Duncanson, "and add
another story to the new house ; it
does not seem big enough for a gen-
tleman to live in."
" You would make it look like a
cotton-mill if you did," remarked
Pigott ; " which would be all very
well for the residence of a cotton
lord, but not of a gentleman."
And when every one had pro-
nounced upon the subject after his
kind, the disembarkation began ;
and here matters so fell out — what
between Tainsh's tenacity, and Mrs
598
Fair to See. — Part V.
M'Killop's astuteness, and Duncan-
son's control of the situation — that
the boat, on its first trip, conveyed
Eila, Tainsh, and the commissariat
to land. On arriving there, it was,
according to arrangement, run ashore
on the left bank of the little stream,
and there the butler and the provi-
sions were landed ; but Eila, express-
ing a wish to get an upward view of
the ruin from the foot of the cliff,
she and Mr Tainsh were landed on
the other side ; and the dingey went
back and performed its two other
trips, landing its passengers succes-
sively on the left bank, and, that
accomplished, returning to the yacht.
Thus it came about, that when Eila
had satisfied herself with the view,
and she and Tainsh returned to the
bank of the stream, they found that
the party had gone away inland, be-
lieving them to be in front; that the
[May
dingey had disappeared; and that
they had no means of crossing the
stream at that point to rejoin them.
" It is most provoking," said Eila;
" we shall be obliged to climb all the
way up by the old castle and reach
them by the bridge."
But Tainsh's heart beat high with
joy and excitement. He blessed the
absence of the dingey, he blessed the
intervening Lorna, he blessed the
length of the ascent. He felt that
his opportunity had come, and he
was not the man to let it slip. And
thus while Bertrand was tearing like
a maniac up the ascent on the other
side, straining anxious eyes to get a
glimpse of the bewitcher, behold her
slowly climbing the reverse bank,
undisputedly in the hands of the
Philistine, and that Philistine quite
alive to his advantage and deter-
mined to make the best of it.
CHAPTER xv.
The path which led up to the
old castle proved to be both narrow
and steep, circumstances which en-
forced a slow rate of progress on the
climbers, and at the same time
made it expedient that one should
precede the other. This was most
tantalising to Mr Tainsh, who felt
that in such a position it was im-
possible for him to say what he had
to say — what he had quite resolved
to say — and that golden moments
were slipping by, perhaps to leave
an insufficient margin of time, when
they had reached the summit, before
an interruption took place. With
feverish irritation, therefore, he ob-
served the leisurely way in which
Eila conducted the march, pausing
now and then to comment upon the
scenery, but making no remark that
could in any way form a basis for
the commencement of his operations.
Tainsh, by the by, had a vague
notion that in all well-regulated
proposals a kneeling scene was de
rigueur, and if it had not been for
this he might perhaps have seized
the opportunity of one of Eila's
halts to plunge in medias res. But
how kneel and employ proper ora-
torical action on a narrow shelf
overhanging a precipice of many
hundred feet? It was not to be
thought of ; and so he plodded after
Eila in silent impatience, scanning
with anxious eyes, now the summit
of the cliff, now the other side of
the ' glen where he knew the party
would be in quest of them.
At length the ascent was achieved,
and Eila accepted Mr Tainsh's sug-
gestion that they should sit down
and rest awhile.
Behold them, then, seated on a
small tablet of rock, facing the sea,
shadowed by the umbrage of the
venerable oaks, and with ample room
and verge enough for Mr Tainsh to
kneel, oratorise, stand on his head,
1871.]
and be as ridiculous and acrobatic
as he pleased.
" Just the place for it," thought
Tainsh; "here goes!" and then he
began, — " Miss M'Killop, in a scene
like this — in scenery like this, the
heart of man is naturally elevated."
Here he paused.
"Oh yes, indeed it is," replied
Eila; "there is something about the
antique that is very inspiring, and
there is something in this grand pros-
pect— in these lights and shadows
on the sea, in these sombre woods
and rugged cliff's- — that does, as you
say, elevate the heart. The odd
thing is that Sir Roland does not
appreciate the place. I suspect Mr
Cameron will, when he succeeds to
it; he will succeed to it, of course 1 "
" Yes," stammered Tainsh, " oh
yes ; humanly speaking, he will —
that is, I suspect so, if his uncle
doesn't marry."
"But then he is so old."
"Yes, he is elderly, of course.
Sitting in scenes like these, Miss
Eila, with the heart thus elevated,
my brain at this moment becomes
dizzy."
" Oh, then, pray let us sit farther
back ; some people, I know, cannot
bear to be near a precipice. I don't
understand the feeling myself. You
feel inclined to throw yourself over,
don't you ? " and she rose as if to
change her position.
"Please sit still, Miss M'Kil-
lop ; it was of a mental dizziness I
spoke."
" Oh ! nothing to do with the
precipice 1 "
" Nothing to do with that preci-
pice at all. My brain, as I was
going to say, becomes dizzy — beauty
thrilling it in all its fibres — beauty
intoxicating, bewildering "
" You are quite a poet, Mr Tainsh ;
if you are also an artist, I wish you
would sketch the bay for me. I
have everything here ; will you ? "
" I am sorry I cannot. I am no
Fair to See.— Part V.
599
artist — no poet either ; but certain
feelings, they say, make poets of the
dullest of mankind."
"Fine scenery has made many
poets, I believe."
" And female loveliness, Miss
M'Killop."
" Do you think so ? "
" Yes ; and under the influence
of the two combined, as I am at this
moment, he would indeed be pro-
saic who did not feel some poetical
inspiration."
" Suppose you write some verses;
I promise to keep perfectly quiet."
"That is exactly what I don't
wish. No, I will not — I could
never — express in writing what I
feel at this moment."
" What is that sea-gull about ? "
exclaimed Eila, with great earnest-
ness, pointing to a bird which was
fishing in the bay below. Tainsh
smothered an uncivil remark about
the gull, and went on poetically, " I
sometimes wish I had the wings of
a bird."
" I would I were a bird," hum-
med Eila, gaily, adding, " Are you
fond of the Christy Minstrels ? "
Her sudden levity rather baffled
Mr Tainsh's earnestness.
"No — yes — they are very good
— sometimes. That bird down
there," he continued, " is happier
than I am, Miss Eila. He has his
hunger, and he satisfies it. I, too,
have my hunger "
"Oh, then," cried Eila, "pray
don't let us stay any longer here ! I
am quite rested ; and besides I am
beginning to feel hungry too, so let
us go and look for the luncheon ; it
won't come to us, I suspect. After
all, that bird has inspired you with
an idea much more useful than poet-
ical images."
" Ah ! do not misinterpret me ;
I spoke of a hunger of the soul."
"Really, Mr Tainsh, you mix
your metaphors, your prose, and
your poetry so strangely, that you
COO
Fair to See.— Part V.
are a little incomprehensible. You
want to throw yourself over a pre-
cipice, you want to fly away with
the bird's wings, and then you want
to eat his dinner, and then — then —
what is it next 1 "
The next step came unexpectedly
enough, for, at this rather inoppor-
tune juncture, Mr Tainsh put an end
to all further doubt or skirmishing
by plunging down upon his knees
in front of Eila.
" Eila ! I love, I adore you!" he
exclaimed, clasping his hands, and
bending forward in the attitude ac-
cepted on the stage as that of the
shipwrecked mariner just washed
ashore by the " fer-endly billows."
A quick gleam of some emotion
passed across the lady's face, and
there was a sudden compression of
the lips which might have indi-
cated suppressed mirth under cir-
cumstances of less solemn interest.
In an instant, however, and what-
ever the emotion may have been,
her face was composed into an ex-
pression of grief and compassion.
Her beautiful eyes were opened
wide, and gazed on her suitor
through a sudden mist of impend-
ing tears.
" Rise, Mr Tainsh ! " she cried —
" rise up ; it is unworthy of you or of
any man to kneel before a silly girl
like me."
" I will not rise," cried Tainsh,
recklessly, " until you grant the
prayer of my heart. Give me, oh,
give me what a thousand words, a
thousand looks, a thousand other
symptoms, lead me to hope that I
may — I must — have! — give me the
verbal assurance of your love."
" Mr Tainsh, is it possible you
are in earnest, or this only a plea-
santry— an ill-judged one, I must
say? or "
" I am as solemnly in earnest as
a man can be whose whole happiness
is hanging on a word."
" Why did I not see — why did I
[May
not suspect— understand this before?
You are the last person I should
have expected to profess such senti-
ments ; but my surprise is nothing
to the pain and regret I feel for
having misunderstood you, for hav-
ing perhaps mis — — '
" Say no more on that head, Eila
— only answer me this ; may I hope
that my love is not utterly unre-
quited ? "
Eila's answer was, " Oh no, no,
Mr Tainsh ! you have been deceiving
yourself as to my sentiments."
N.B. — Double negatives ought to
be avoided when a clear understand-
ing is really desired.
" On the contrary, Eila, I have
read your heart ; I have often felt
that it was mine. Doubts and fears
have arisen at times, but I forget
them all in the supreme happiness
of this avowal — all — all."
" Oh ! listen to me, Mr Tainsh ;
I can never forgive myself —
" Banish all such regrets and
recriminations, adorable Eila, as I
banish the recollection of them ;
and now you know me in my true
character as your lover, let us resign
ourselves to the joy of the moment.
Give free play to your affection ;
believe me it is requited fourfold."
He showed symptoms of abandon-
ing the attitude of the mariner for
one of a more aggressive description,
but Eila started back with so much
vivacity that he subsided into his
nautical pose again, while she cried,
" If you will always interrupt and
misunderstand me, how can I set
you right, Mr Tainsh 1 You are only
aggravating my pain and your own
by prolonging this scene. Under-
stand me once for all, when I say
that you have mistaken my senti-
ments as entirely as I appear to
have misunderstood yours. Mine
have all along been those of sincere
friendship and respect, but nothing
more ; and my regret, my deep
regret, is, that my manner — too
1871.]
familiar and intimate perhaps — may
have led you to interpret them
otherwise."
" Which of us is dreaming?" said
Tainsh, hazily, passing his hand
across his forehead.
" Ah ! dear Mr Tainsh," said Eila,
in a tone of infinite gentleness and
sympathy, " it grieves me to the
heart to see you so distressed, and
for such an unworthy cause. Look
on this — this fancy for me as a
dream; and may you find happiness
from some better and more sub-
stantial cause."
" It is all dark and incompre-
hensible to me," murmured Mr
Tainsh, who indeed appeared to be
in a state of complete beAvilderment.
" Am I to understand that you do
not love me1?"
" I greatly like, esteem, respect
you, Mr Tainsh, as a valued friend."
" But as a lover you spurn, reject,
despise me ?"
" Not so ; you put harsh words
into my mouth ; it is not fair. I
say nothing of the sort ; all I say is
that our union is impossible."
" The feelings you have named,"
cried Tainsh, again lighted up with
hope, " what are they but the
elements of which love is made up ?
It is you, believe me, Eila, who
have deceived yourself; with such
feelings as you express, our union
is not impossible, but the contrary.
Do not finally cheat your heart.
Marry me, Eila, and take my word
for it that your affection will be
given with your hand."
" Mr Tainsh, it appears to me
that you pretend to know more of
my feelings than I do myself."
" In this case I am certain that
it is so. I am led to understand
that the hurry and surprise attend-
ing such proposals are so confusing
to the recipient that they are often
mechanically refused, and love and
happiness sacrificed for ever. A
little self-examination is often neces-
Fair to See. — Part V.
601
sary to let the heart discover how it
stands. So take till to-morrow, and
answer me then. I am not afraid
to let you analyse your feelings — to
let you investigate this liking, this
esteem, this respect."
" To - morrow my answer would
be exactly the same — that our union
is impossible."
" No doubt it appears so to you
now ; take a week, then."
" It would be useless."
" A month — a year."
" I tell you once for all that a
century would not alter my deci-
sion."
"You deceive yourself, you de-
ceive yourself, believe me ! " cried
Mr Tainsh, in the same tone of supe-
rior intelligence. " Now, before we
part, let me hear you say, 'Alex-
ander, my feelings are perplexed ;
I will examine them honestly, how-
ever, and see whether this liking,
this esteem, this respect, do not
amount, after all, to love. Alex-
ander, I will try to love you.'"
" Mr Tainsh "
"Alexander," substituted the
factor.
Eila was too angry, by this
time, to laugh at the uncouth tena-
city displayed by her lover, and the
perverse incredulity with which he
received all her assurances of indif-
ference ; and grievous though it
may be to a certain school of ladies,
of whose idiosyncrasies iii this re-
spect Eila certainly partook, to
abridge the feline joy of torturing
their victims with alternations of
fear and hope, and to part finally
with even an indifferent or distaste-
ful lover — grievous though this may
have been to her, her indignation
forced her to make the sacrifice.
Fortunate for all parties, for other-
wise the discussion might have been
going on to this hour ; it is certain
that Tainsh's kneecaps (he was still
kneeling) would have given way
sooner than his resolute determina-
602
Fair to See.— Part V.
[May
tion to believe in Eila's love, or at
least to argue her into a belief of it.
" Mr Tainsh," cried the young
lady, " I will not be treated like a
child; and as you will not bring
this singular conversation to a close,
I must do so by leaving you. I
can no longer endure it. I think I
have spoken as plainly as considera-
tion for your feelings would allow
me; I must say you show little
delicacy or consideration for mine ;
and now I shall leave you : not
another word, I beg " (as Tainsh was
about to speak) ; " my answer is per-
fectly final and distinct, and, if you
will have it broadly, it is 'No.'"
Hereupon Mr Tainsh rose swiftly
to his feet. He had been unused
to failure in his undertakings ; his
creed was, that energy, tenacity, and
power of will are irresistible forces ;
an admirable creed in most depart-
ments of human endeavour, but
Tainsh was testing its soundness in
one perfectly unfamiliar to him — in
one where axioms are impossible,
where analogy fails, and where even
very special experience is quite an
unreliable guide. It is questionable
whether the disappointment of his
hopes as a lover was anything like
so poignant a feeling as the convic-
tion that he had been foiled in a
purpose which he had deliberately
set himself to compass. The two
combined certainly worked him into
a state of complete exasperation ;
and he now addressed Eila in a
strain of vehement recrimination,
betraying all the coarseness of mind
and vulgarity of manner which even,
under favourable circumstances, re-
vealed themselves through a veneer-
ing of better things.
" Then," he cried, " I have been
duped and befooled ! What have all
these soft looks and sweet speeches
been? So many frauds and false-
hoods. Don't try to humbug me
with this trash about friendship. It
was not friendship you were playing
at. The game you have been play-
ing is not one a friend would have
played. You have been using me
— that's about it — for your own pur-
poses ; and if they were gained,
what were my feelings to you ? The
whole thing is clear to me now ; I
remember who has been dangling
about you. You have shown great
skill ; you have thrown dust in my
eyes very successfully ; you must be
a practised hand at a double game.
And that other fool — his attentions
were distasteful too, perhaps? Oh
no, that won't do. He is to be some-
thing more than a friend, I should
say ; and I have been used, to bring
him up to the scratch. I shall feel
shame to my dying day that I have
been tricked and played with, all to
serve the purpose of a vain shallow-
hearted girL "Well, I wish you joy
of Mr Bertrand Cameron. Perhaps
you would bike to get a little private
intelligence about the estate before
you finally decide whether he is to
be a friend or — what shall I say ? —
a speculation? One can never be
too careful in money transactions."
Mr Tainsh spoke with so much
energy that Eila had not a chance
of interrupting him till he paused
for sheer lack of breath ; nor could
she make her escape, for he stood
in front of her, barring the path,
with vehement gesticulations. Now,
however, with flashing eyes, in which
tears, from no tender fountain, trem-
bled, and in a voice that shook with
passion, she replied —
" I, too, shall feel shame to my
dying day that I have admitted to
any kind of intimacy such a — such
a person as you are — capable of
using such language to a lady — to
any woman. Your vulgarity, of
course, I have known all along ; that
one could forgive, for it was your
birthright. But this dastardly in-
solence • I wonder you don't
strike me ; it would not be at all
more insulting or more unmanly
1871.]
Fair to See.— Part F.
603
than your words. And now let me
pass, sir. I presume, since you
have not struck me, that you will
not venture to detain me by force,"
for Mr Tainsh, with his arms ex-
tended to give oratorical action to
some new diatribe, looked as though
he were attempting to pen her in
to the platform where they had
been seated. Thus were the two
confronting each other; Tainsh pale
with passion, his eyes dilated, his
uncovered head (for his hat had
fallen off at the kneeling scene)
thrust forward as if to accelerate his
fierce utterance, and his arms wildly
brandished in the air ; Eila, on the
other hand, haughty and erect, her
beautiful eyes blazing through indig-
nant tears, and one hand slightly
moved with a contemptuous gesture ;
— thus were they confronting each
other, when, on a ledge above,
suddenly appeared four spectators.
These were Mrs M'Killop, Morna,
Bertrand, and Duncanson. The
respective attitudes of the couple
below were observed by this group;
and although it was but for an in-
stant, and although the accents in
which their dialogue was being con-
ducted were but indistinctly heard,
Mrs M'Killop instantly grasped the
real state of the case, and instantly
raised her voice to warn those below
that they were observed.
"Eila! Eila! Eila!"
Eila looked quickly up ; her self-
possession returned on the moment;
she softened her attitude off at once
into one of careless abandon; and,
still looking up to the party above,
rapidly whispered to Tainsh, almost
below her breath, —
" For your own sake, I should,
recommend you to help me to pass
this off as if there was nothing in
it." Then raising her voice: " Ah !
you have found us at last; we were
just on the point of starting to look
for you." Then, again in a whis-
per, to Tainsh : " Put your hat
VOL. CIX. NO. DCLXVII.
on, and try not to look so utterly
ridiculous."
Now when a man feels himself to
be looking utterly ridiculous, it does
not usually mend matters to assure
him that such is the case, or to beg
him to assume a different appear-
ance ; and the device was, in this
instance, decidedly unsuccessful. In
his then exasperated state, nothing
but the instinct of self-preservation
(from ridicule) would have induced
Mr Tainsh to listen to any sugges-
tion of Eila's; \miit did: and thus,
being discovered in the attitude of
a spread-eagle — a peculiar one, to
say the least of it, in which to carry
on a quiet tete-a-tete — his method of
appearing more easy and natural was
to exchange it for that of the gorged
vulture attempting to rise from the
earth, with the slow and solemn
wing-flapping action appropriate to
that bird and to the effort ; looking
up, the while, at the new arrivals
with what was intended for an easy
smile, but which, if it could have
been set up to auction as a dramatic
scowl, would have fetched a long
price in the profession. Thus scowl-
ing and flapping, he made his way
to his hat, and put it on with a
ferocious jauntiness ; and if ever
there had been a chance of the scene
passing off as a commonplace tab-
leau in a commonplace interview,
poor Tainsh's efforts not "to look
utterly ridiculous " would have en-
tirely annihilated it.
The hat reclaimed, they joined the
party above, to whom Eila made a
statement purporting to detail their
proceedings, and involving quite an
interesting precis of a tale which
Mr Tainsh was represented (much
to his surprise) to have told with
great spirit and appropriate action,
resulting in his hatless condition at
its close. Then they all turned in
quest of the luncheon, which was
found not far off under charge of
the butler, who, with Pigott's assist-
2 T
604
Fair to See.— Part V.
[May
ance, was anxiously compounding
some cunning drink under the green-
wood tree.
The meal itself could not be said
to pass off cheerily. In addition to
the gene of one sullen, silent, un-
happy presence (for Tainsh's drama-
tic effort on the cliff was not to be
sustained), there was a certain awk-
ward restraint observable in the
rest of the party, all, save the un-
conscious Pigott, more or less en-
grossed with the episode which they
had interrupted. Eila, it is true, did
her best, by more than usual viva-
city, to keep things going, but in
vain. Curious, furtive glances, now
at Tainsh, now at her, were the only
reward of her efforts ; and the diffi-
culty of coping with protracted and
recurring pauses made her and every
one else thankful when the luncheon
could, without absolute outrage to
the theory that it was a convivial
occasion, be pronounced at an end.
A stroll to see the ruins was then
proposed, and they started off en.
masse. That formation, however, did
not long subsist ; very soon the party
was broken up into couples, of which
Tainsh and Mrs M'Killop naturally
were one, Morn a and Duncanson
another, while Eila found herself
under the escort of our two friends.
The adage that " three is no com-
pany " is a sound one under certain
circumstances. Pigott thought it
applicable to the present occasion,
and he very soon detached himself
from his companions, returning to
the beach to await the hour of de-
parture with what patience he might
command, and very thankful for the
foresight which had suggested a
double ration of cigars. We are not
going to follow these several couples,
or listen to their conversation as
they roamed through the woods and
scrambled among the rocks and
ruins ; suffice it for the present to
say that Pigott's patience was sorely
tried. Mrs M'Kiliop and Mr Tainsh,
indeed, returned in a reasonable
time; but their society was neither
amusing in itself, nor did their
arrival advance the moment of de-
parture. As for the others, it seemed
as if they would never come. In
vain were the two gentlemen de-
spatched to seek and shout through
the woods ; and in vain did Mrs
M'Killop querulously call upon some
invisible power to explain " what,
in the name of wonder, they could
mean " by their prolonged absence.
Their patience was wellnigh ex-
hausted, and Pigott was beginning
to suggest the propriety of attempt-
ing to take up transport and proceed
home overland, when at last the
loiterers did come, all together, all
silent, and all unmoved by the re-
proachful questions of their friends.
There was not much time for par-
ley, however, as the hour was late,
and the breeze might fail ; so, with-
out any of the morning's manoeuvres,
the re-embarkation was effected as
quickly as possible. In the morn-
ing, if the party had not been a very
happy or harmonious one, at least
there had been some spirit and energy
about it ; but now what had come
over them all ? Mute was the boat-
swain's whistle ; vanished the elastic
vigour of the corsair ; strategy was
dormant; Mrs M'Killop motionless,
and even dumb : there were neither
permutations nor combinations ; the
units of the party sat apart ; there
was a gloomy silence. Bertrand
and Eila, indeed, sat together : why
did they not speak ? Why was Ber-
trand throwing away his chances ]
The sky, too, had turned leaden and
sad, the air cold and raw ; and the
breeze, now gusty and squalliferous,
whistled through the rigging of the
" Morna " with shrill and shrewish
tones, as if interpreting the spirit
that reigned upon her deck.
All were relieved when the triste
passage came to an end. It was
late ; it was dark ; no one wanted
1871.]
anything to eat. So the ladies went
to bed funereally; Tainsh and Dun-
canson repaired sullenly to the
smoking -room ; while Pigott and
Fair to See.— Part F.
605
Bertrand betook themselves to their
own sanctum, whither let us follow
them, as to the brightest and cheer-
iest room in the house.
CHAPTER XVI.
" I remarked this morning," said
Pigott, when they were seated by
their own fireside, — "I remarked this
morning, when we were outward
bound, that everybody seemed to be
in love with everybody, and nobody
seemed to like it. To-night I re-
mark of the homeward voyage, that
everybody seemed to be out of love
with everybody, without any hap-
pier results. What does it all mean 1
What has happened 1 What is it,
Bertrand ? Has every one gone mad
but old M'Killop and I? You're
one of the dramatis persons ; un-
riddle me the mystery, if you please."
"Well, Pigott," said Bertrand,
staring dreamily into the fire, " a
good many things have happened
to-day, I suspect."
" A shrewd suspicion, and I share
it ; but I am self-supporting in that
line. I want something else, — ex-
periences— facts, at least. Give me
some."
" I'm awfully happy, Pigott,"
murmured Bertrand.
" You must be own brother to
Mark Tapley, then. A day like this
would have tried even his philo-
sophy beyond endurance, I should
say."
"Ah! you don't know," replied
Bertrand, absently ; and then, in an
undertone to himself, " Oh ! terque,
quaterque beatus !"
Pigott stared at his friend, and
exclaimed, " Mad, and speaking
with tongues ! What next?"
" Terque, quaterqtie beatus ! "
" Well, I can't say you look it.
Are all the rest of you in the same
state of death' s-head-and-cross-bones
beatitude ? Tainsh, for instance ? "
" Tainsh ! I should like to see
the ruffian hanged, drawn, and
quartered," shouted Bertrand, with
something more even than his old
energy.
" By all manner of means," said
Pigott ; " terque quaterque, if you
please ; and if you like to include
Duncanson, I am with you there
very especially. But you'll spare
the ladies, I hope 1"
"Don't be a fool. I spoke of
Tainsh, the scoundrel, the villain ! "
" Well, well, granted : Tainsh be
hanged ; and what next ?"
" You've no idea what a villain
Tainsh is, Pigott."
" To tell you the truth, it doesn't
tax my imaginative powers very
heavily to form a conception. But
what has he been doing1?"
" I think I shall horsewhip him ;
I think I must horsewhip him."
" Do ; and when you are about
that sort of thing, perhaps, as a
special favour to me, you wouldn't
mind licking Duncanson too."
" I'm not in joke, I assure you."
" No more am I ; but what has
Tainsh been about 1 "
" That involves the whole story."
" Confound the fellow ! let us
have the whole story, then."
" Well, Tainsh has grossly in-
sulted Miss M'Killop."
"No!"
« Grossly."
"Horrible! how?"
" Why, would you believe it? he
actually had the outrageous inso-
lence to propose to her to-day."
" Good heavens, how very shock-
ing ! — the heart of man is desperately
wicked, beyond a question."
606
Fair to See.— Part V.
" Now, Pigott, I'm not in the
humour for trifling."
" My dear fellow, who is trifling ?
So Tainsh proposed, did he 1 I
thought he would ; but I'll lay short
odds she didn't accept him."
" Pigott, do you wish to insult
me ? " cried Bertrand, starting from
his chair.
" Heaven forbid ! if you'll only
tell me how to avoid it. To clear
the atmosphere, I've freely assented
to every proposition you have made
about Tainsh ; and if you'll only
explain how Miss M'Killop's ac-
ceptance or refusal of him is sup-
posed to insult you, I'll take un-
common good care to say the right
thing."
" I don't wish to be treated like
a child."
" Oh, this is getting too tiresome :
if you don't want to be treated like
a child, try to speak like a man,
and let us have done with this
maundering nonsense. Why should
Tainsh's proposal be an insult to
the lady 1 and, in the name of com-
mon-sense, how could her supposed
acceptance be an insult to you? You
appear to me to be taking leave of
your senses altogether, Bertrand."
" Of course he might propose —
although, in my opinion, it was
consummate impertinence ; but if
you would, for once — only for once
— as a special favour, allow me to
speak without interrupting me, I
would explain."
" Go on, then."
" Well, it wasn't so much the
proposal, as the way he received her
answer, that was outrageous ; and
for which I must call him to ac-
count."
" You, Bertrand 1"
" Yes, /, Pigott."
"But, bless me ! what is it to
you] how do you know about it?
surely you weren't present ? "
" No, nor yet eaves - dropping.
Listen ; before luncheon we all came
[May
upon Miss M'Killop and Tainsh —
suddenly. She was looking like —
like what the poets call a Python-
ess "
" Variety of the sea-serpent," in-
terpolated Pigott.
" Silence ! she was looking as I
say, and he was looking like the
villain he is, only foiled, and sold,
and exasperated. I could see with
half an eye that we had come at
a serious crisis ; but it passed oft7
as if nothing had happened. Eila
showed such tact. But Tainsh was
as white as a sheet, and as silent
as could be ; didn't you notice him
at luncheon? mooning, and giving
crooked answers, and upsetting
things?"
" I certainly had my suspicions."
" Well, after luncheon, if you re-
member, you joined her and me for
a bit ; and it wasn't lively, was it 1 "
" Not strictly speaking lively —
no."
" And then you sheered off? "
" I ' saved myself,' -as the French
express it."
" But, even after you had gone,
she continued silent and preoccu-
pied."
" I wasn't the bore, then 1 "
" Oh no ; so I said to her frank-
ly, after a while, 'You are silent,
Miss M'Killop, and I fear some-
thing has annoyed you : can I be of
any use?' I meant, could I do
anything to — to — do away with her
annoyance. And she said, ' I am
annoyed — and more than that a
great deal, for I have been grievous-
ly insulted ; but you must not ask
me about it, for it is a subject that
cannot possibly be discussed be-
tween you and me. Are you fond
of ferns ? ' But I wouldn't turn the
subject, and said, ' You may tell me
or not, as you please, but I am cer-
tain I know who the insulter is, and
I'll just have the honour of going
and throwing him over the pre-
cipice. She thought I was going
1871.]
on the instant, for she stopped and
clasped my arm with both her hands,
and implored me, for her sake, not
to do so. What divine eyes she
has, to be sure ! Do you remember
Madonna at Dresden ? "
"No, I don't; go on with your
story."
" Of course I didn't go then; and
she said, ' I didn't think you Avere
such a Don Quixote.' ' I am not a
Don Quixote,' I replied ; ' he fought
for and with visions, delusions, and
phantasies.' 'And you?' she said.
* And I,' I replied, ' would fight and
would die for you, who are not a
vision, nor a delusion, nor a phan-
tasy.' ' I did not dream that I was
so highly honoured,' she answered.
' I hope you are not mocking me,
Miss M'Killop,' I said. ' Mocking
you ! ' she cried ; ' do you think I
have no gratitude? You are too
good, too kind, to feel such interest
in one who is, after all, little more
than a stranger.' Then," said Ber-
trand, rising up in the excitement
of his narration, — " then I cried out
to her that if she was a stranger to
me, so was the heart that beat in
my breast — so was every thought
that passed through my mind — so
was every bright and beautiful thing
in nature ; for to me she was the
soul, the divine inspiring principle,
that lent them all their life and all
their enchantment. ' Mr Cameron,'
she said, looking deeply astonished
and almost frightened, for I was
carried away with my excitement —
' what is this ? ' ' It is what men
call "Love,"' I cried: 'but that
cannot describe it ; for if all the love
that all mankind have felt before
were condensed into one consum-
mate passion, it would be tame and
cold indifference compared with
mine for you.' "
" Not so bad — really not half so
bad for a beginner," said Pigott.
" Do you know, Bertrand, you
looked rather like the picture of
Fair to See. — Part V.
607
Kemble at ' the Garrick ' when you
said that just now ? "
Bertrand was far too much rapt
to notice this calm interruption, and
he went on — "I offered her my
heart, I offered her my devotion, I
offered her my life."
" And she took them — all three ? "
" Silence ! how dare you ? She
admitted that I was not indifferent
to her, but that Tainsh had pro-
posed to her that morning, and that
when she rejected his audacious and
insulting proposal, he had employed
language, reproaches, insinuations
that had almost overwhelmed her.
One of these insinuations was so
painful, and at the same time so
closely connected with my decla-
ration, that she must decline, at
whatever sacrifice of personal hap-
piness, to receive that declaration.
' What was it ? ' I inquired. And
then she told me, with such child-
like simplicity, that this monster
had actually insinuated that she had
been running after me, and playing
him to bring me on ! The idea was
so ludicrous that I fairly laughed
outright at it : that reassured her a
little ; and then I pointed out to
her the wrong that she would do to
us both if she allowed the venom-
ous words of a disappointed wretch
like that to separate two hearts
which loved each other so fondly.
After a long time she agreed to
take this view of it ; and we had an
hour together, in which the bliss
of ten lifetimes seemed to be con-
centrated."
" You're engaged to her, then ? "
asked Pigott, as if the question was
a most trivial commonplace.
" Completely," replied his friend.
" You take it pretty coolly, I must
say ; you don't seem to be the least
astonished."
" I never am, you know ; and
even if I ever was, I don't think this
would be likely to astonish me."
" You foresaw it ? "
603
Fair to See.— Part V.
[May
" Eather."
"Well, I didn't; I thought I
would try, of course ; hut as to my
success, that was all a matter of
perfect douht. I'm so utterly un-
worthy of her."
"Humph!"
" What do you mean hy
'Humph'?"
" Incipient hronchitis, I fear."
" You don't congratulate me."
" I do."
" Give me your hand, and show
a little heartiness. Every one likes
sympathy in such cases ; don't be
an oyster."
" I am rather an oyster by na-
ture, Bertrand," said Pigott, giv-
ing his hand with, for him, a good
deal of kindliness ; " but depend
upon it, I am not so about your
affairs ; and I am sure I wish you
happiness with all my heart."
"And don't you think I'm the
luckiest dog in the world 1 "
" Ahem ! Well — no — scarcely."
" What do you mean, Pigott 1 "
" Every man has a right to his
opinion, you know. Now, I look
on single blessedness as the hap-
piest state ; and therefore I can't
look upon a man qualifying for the
other event as the happiest of mor-
tals."
"Well, but my choice — my fiancee
— is she not an angel 1 "
" These are the kind of terms,
Bertrand, that always make me very
ill ; please use them to-night even
as sparingly as possible, like a good
fellow. Your fiancee is a remark-
ably pretty girl, and both clever
and agreeable. I know that ; but
I haven't the remotest conception of
what an angel is like, any more than
I have of the Pythoness you com-
pared her to before."
" What a crotchety, prosaic old
bird you are ! But I've been for-
getting, as well I might — though I
have hardly realised my happiness
yet — I've been forgetting about
Tainsh. It is clearly my part to
call him to account."
" Take my advice, and let Tainsh
alone."
" Oh no ; I could not sleep to-
night without settling with him."
" The conqueror, in the hour of
victory, can afford to be merciful."
" Very true ; but, at all events,
he is entitled to pi'escribe the con-
ditions of his mercy. Tainsh must
apologise, or come out, or be horse-
whipped."
" By heavens, Bertrand ! you
should have been an Irishman.
This is the way you would break
the news of your betrothal to the
lady's parents. Fancy the tableau !
Hour — midnight; scene — the smok-
ing-room. Yells are heard. Con-
course of old M'Killop and the ser-
vants. Tainsh discovered, weltering
in his blood, among heaps of broken
furniture ; you dancing a war-dance
over him. Father of fiancee asks
what these things mean. You
(brandishing leg of table, dripping
with factor's gore) exclaim, 'Behold
the miscreant who insulted your
daughter ! — who, by the by, is en-
gaged to me — have the goodness to
have his carcass flung out of doors ;
and now, old man, for your bless-
ing ! ' As a method of entering a
family, it certainly has the merit of
originality."
"It is all very fine to make a
joke of serious matters; easy enough,
too, for those who have no feeling ;
but I think even you might see
that this is a case where either an
apology, or the usual alternative, is
absolutely necessary, and where I
am clearly the person to demand or
to inflict."
"Now, really, my dear Bertrand,
you are too childish. Sleep over
the matter, at all events ; and then,
when you are acknowledged as Miss
M'Killop's betrothed publicly, you
may perhaps with less absurdity
pull up Mr Tainsh ! But, if you
1871.]
Fair to See.— Part V.
609
take my advice, you will let the
thing alone, and not make a scandal
— which is always unpleasant for a
lady. After all, the man is a vulgar
snob. He was bitterly disappointed,
and he lost his temper — you don't
know what aggravation he may have
had — and being angry, he spoke
after his kind."
" I'll teach him to speak after his
kind to his own kind for the future.
I'm quite resolved ; and I'll go
down now, and get it off my mind.
Though Eila did not wish me to
throw him over the precipice, she
must clearly expect me to take
some steps in the matter. No girl
of spirit could allow such an out-
rage to pass."
" You had better let me go for
you, then," suggested Pigott, "if
you must act in the matter."
" That would not do at present.
If further steps are necessary, I
shall, of course, have to ask for your
assistance ; and now I'm off."
"Well," said Pigott, "if you
will be an idiot, at all events pro-
mise me one thing — that you won't
take to hammering Tainsh to-night,
and make a row and a scene in this
house."
" I won't, unless the course of the
interview positively compels me to
deal with him on the spot."
" What, Bertrand ! you — a gen-
tleman — a chivalrous high -bred
lover — make a low disturbance,
and a scene fit for a St Giles pot-
house, in the house where your
beautiful betrothed is sleeping ! For
shame!"
" You're right, Pigott ; and I
promise you I won't lay a finger on
him to-night, or in this house. If
it is necessary, I shall merely warn
him what is to happen, and tell
him in the mean time to consider
himself hammered."
" How well you are up in all
sorts of Paddiana ! Bub I am glad
you are decided not to execute him
on the spot. Stick to your deci-
sion."
"I will;" and Bertrand left the
room.
In the smoking - room, where
Tainsh and Duncanson sat together,
the conversation did not by any
means flow so freely as it had been
doing in the room above. Gloom
and embarrassment sat on the coun-
tenances of both gentlemen. Each,
from time to time, regarded the
other with the furtive air of a man
who has a secret, who half suspects
that his neighbour is cognisant of
it, and who is in doubt whether or
not it would be better to abandon
reserve and make a confidant, as
the less of two evils. Tainsh, as
we have seen, had good reason for
this feeling. His exhibition on the
cliff would not bear reflecting upon ;
the more he thought of it the more
he feared that his appearance, ges-
tures, and subsequent demeanour
must have revealed to all observers
the story of his humiliation. Tainsh
had good reason ; — but Duncanson ?
We have seen, we have heard,
nothing of his day's proceedings
that could lead us or Tainsh to sus-
pect that anything very special had
happened to him. He had sulked
and brooded all the way home, to
be sure, but then he was always
sulking and brooding — there was
nothing in that. Tainsh could know
nothing more about him. There
are, however, many men whose ego-
tism would seem to carry them the
length of thinking that anything
specially affecting themselves — par-
ticularly to their detriment — is
necessarily unfolded to the world at
large by some supernatural revela-
tion. Duncanson was of this class;
and as he sat smoking and casting
his queer glances at Tainsh, his
thought was the exact counterpart
of the thought of his companion,
whose smoke mingled with his, and
whose queer glances crossed swords,
610
Fair to See. — Part V.
as it were, with his own — and that
thought was, " Does he know, does
he suspect, the grief I have come
to?"
It is the tritest of observations,
that certain classes of events, not
merely misfortunes, never come
singly, but in their occurrences and
recurrences present themselves in
groups ; and foremost among such,
as will probably be admitted, stand
those connected with matrimony.
"Who has not in his recollection
some such instance as a family of,
say four or five spinster sisters, who
remained (unwillingly) in blessed
celibacy till the most sanguine
backer shook his head, and even
the enemy grew tired of pointing
the finger of scorn ; and yet, when
a turn came at last, and one of the
virgin band did change her condi-
tion, lo and behold ! all the rest
almost tripped over each other in
the tumultuous rapidity with which
they followed to the altar? Who
has not remarked the phenomenon
of a matrimonial season, when all
one's friends appear to fall in love
and get married en masse ? as also
the phenomenon of a celibate season,
when the market is absolutely stag-
nant, when inexorably there are
"no takers," when the charm of
the charmer casts its glamour in
vain, and the strategist's polished
skill is wasted on futile combina-
tions ?
These phenomena are as unac-
countable as cholera or rinderpest,
the disease in grouse or in potatoes ;
but we are all perfectly satisfied
of their existence ; and therefore
no one need feel surprise when we
account for Mr Duncanson's pecu-
liar demeanour in the smoking-
room by announcing that he too
had on this day been putting
his fate and his desert to the test,
and with results eminently unsatis-
factory to himself. To make a long
story short, Morna had refused Mr
Duncanson, at which surely all her
friends must rejoice.
We are not going to reproduce
here the scene as it occurred ; the
airy self confidence with which the
swain addressed himself to his task ;
the skill of fence displayed by the
lady in her anxiety to save him
from rushing on his fate ; the grace-
ful rhetoric with which he urged
his suit, and the angry surprise with
which he received his rebuff. All
these things must be imagined. He
did not require to be argued into
the belief that he was refused, like
Mr Tainsh. At the first hint of
a negative, his vanity and temper
rose ; he hastily picked up the hand-
kerchief which he had thrown, and,
after briefly assuring Miss Grant
that she would probably live to re-
pent her folly, relapsed into the
sullen silence in which we find him
in the smoking - room. A light-
hearted outsider would have gone
into fits of laughter admitted to the
spectacle of these two men, as they
sat mute and scowling among their
unmollifying tobacco - smoke. The
silence was at last broken by Dun-
canson, who remarked, tentatively —
" You seem out of spirits to-night,
Tainsh."
" It was on the tip of my tongue
to say the same of you, Duncanson,"
was the eager reply.
" Really ? It was not a very suc-
cessful day, was it 1 deuced slow, I
thought." "
" A little slow, perhaps," replied
Tainsh, wishing that in one respect
he himself had been a little slower.
" I don't think the women liked
it," continued Duncanson, with an
effort to appear unconscious.
" N-n-no ! perhaps not."
" Miss M'Killop looked very
queer, I thought."
"Ah?"
" Very; what were you two fight-
ing about on the cliff? I saw you."
" Fighting on the cliff ! " replied
1871.]
the factor, quite taken aback ; "I —
I— when? "
" You know when ; and, by the
by, it must have been rather a
serious row, for you never looked
near her afterwards. All the way
down, in the yacht, you were mono-
polising her, but coming back you
seemed to throw up the cards and
resign the game to the adversary.
You don't suppose I haven't noticed
the game 1 but I hope you are not
really going to let yourself be beat
by a fellow like that ! "
" You jump very quickly to
your conclusions, Duncanson," said
Tainsh, " and I will make so bold
as to follow your lead. Surely you
don't suppose that I haven't noticed
another little game? and also that
somebody who monopolised some-
body all the way to Aberlorna, never
went near somebody all the way
home? What could be the mean-
ing of that ? The adversary, as you
call him, is perhaps attractive in
more quarters than one. I can
see as far into a millstone as most
people, and I will repeat to you
what you have said to me, ' I hope
you are not going to let yourself
be beat by a fellow like that. ' "
Tainsh's shot, fired in self-de-
fence, but little more than at ran-
dom, hit the target in the centre of
the bull's eye, and roused into ac-
tivity what had been but a slum-
bering or unacknowledged suspicion ;
and Duncanson so far lost his self-
control, that he jumped xip and
exclaimed in great excitement,
" You have nothing to go upon, have
you, in saying that ? I have noticed
nothing — hardly even the slightest
conversation — between Morna and
this infernal Cameron ; have you ?
He seemed to be all on the other
tack — trying to cut you out — what
do you mean 1 "
" Well, I only use my eyes and
my ears. Mrs M'Killop told me
that, before Miss M'Killop came,
Fair to See.— Part V.
611
Cameron was devoted to Morna,
and they were always together.
Now, though he may have trans-
ferred his affections to the other
young lady, that is not to say that
she has been so fickle. I've noticed
something in her manner to him,
too, that — but, after all, it is only a
surmise, and I hope you have good
reason to know that it is ground-
less?"
" Ko, I haven't, confound her
and him and the whole crew ! I've
done with them. She may marry
him, and be hanged ; and he may
marry them both : I wish he would,
and get transported for bigamy."
" Ah ! " said the lawyer, who had
thus entirely succeeded in turning
the tables, " I see I was right ;
I thought it was a row, and a seri-
ous one, too ; but you are right not
to let yourself be played fast and
loose with — to be used as a cat's-
paw — nothing could be more hu-
miliating ; and I fancy that's about
the line you were taking with her
to-day — asserting yourself, I fancy ?
I'm a pretty shrewd hand at a guess,
you see."
" Well," said Duncanson, " I
can't say you're altogether wrong. I
took deuced good care to let her
know that I wasn't to be trifled
with ; and she must be vainer than
I think, if she hopes to get any
more attention from me. I never
make up a quarrel, you know ; it's
against my rules. After all, it's as
well I lost my temper; I might
have got into a scrape — proposed,
and got engaged, or something of
that sort — which would have been
a bad business for me. A fellow
sometimes gets carried farther than
he means, and they jump at you —
Lord bless you ! they jump at you,
and you are booked before you can
say 'knife.' I'm well out of it.
She may whistle for me now.
The cheek of the thing, though, i
really too good ! The idea of Cam-
612
Fair to See.— Part V.
eron being set up as my rival ! ha !
ha ! ha ! " Something in the sound
of his laughter, however, belied the
speaker's insouciant tone almost as
much as the short energetic sen-
tence which followed after a pause.
" I hate that fellow worse than
poison — I would ruin him if I
could."
" I have no love for him myself,"
said Tainsh ; "I can't stand a man
with his airs."
" I wish we could do something
to floor him."
"Leave him to himself — give
him rope enough, and he'll do the
trick without any help from us.
If he takes a step which I think he
will take, I know of something that
might get him into a rare mess. I
may tell you of it at another time,
but not now ; it would be prema-
ture in the mean time."
" Out with it, Tainsh ; I'm as
close as wax."
" No, no ; it would compromise
others unnecessarily. You must
wait."
" Pass the brandy, ' and we'll
drink to his grief."
The two worthies were in this
pious act when the door opened and
Bertrand stalked into the room with
more than ordinary loftiness of de-
meanour. Had he been in the mood
to observe, he might well have
noticed the flurried looks of the two
men, and been surprised at the
nervous empressement with which
Tainsh welcomed him and invited
him to join in their potations.
" I am not here for pleasure, Mr
Tainsh," he replied ; " I have some-
thing of importance to say to you
personally, if Mr Duncanson will
have the goodness to retire."
" This is not the time or the place
for business ; and I'm not going to
be sent to bed to suit your con-
venience," said Duncanson.
" Oh, Mr Cameron," said Tainsh,
[May
" there can be no hurry about any-
thing between you and me ; and, for
the matter of that, no reason that I
can see Avhy it should not be said
before Mr Duncanson."
" As you please, then," said Ber-
trand, " so be it. Well, Mr Tainsh,
ray business, in a word, is to demand
an apology of the most ample kind
for your outrageously insolent con-
duct to Miss M'Killop, to-day."
" Sir ! — Miss M'Killop 1 — to-
day 1" stammered Tainsh, utterly
staggered by this direct and unex-
pected charge ; "I don't under-
stand."
" Your memory must be very
short, if you don't ; have the good-
ness to collect yourself, and make
the required apology at once."
" And pray, sir, by what autho-
rity do you come to me with such a
demand?"
" I come on my own authority."
"And you expect me to obey it1?"
" Most certainly I shall take good
care that you do."
"Oh, you will! as how?"
" The methods and alternatives
are perfectly simple."
" I suppose you mean ' calling
out?"'
" Well, although I might lose
caste a little, still, considering the
circumstances, and that your local
position gives you the entree to
gentlemen's society on terms of
equality, I would certainly call you
out."
" Ha ! ha ! " laughed Tainsh ;
" duelling is a capital crime ; you
must have a small opinion of my
wits if you think that I, a respect-
able, established man of business,
am likely to run myself into a hole
like that to suit the humour of a
hectoring young officer, who has
nothing to lose."
" You would not go out, then?"
" Certainly not ; and what next ? "
" The next course is very unplea-
1871.J
Fair to See.— Part V.
613
sant, but it is inevitable. I shall
have to horsewhip you."
Bertrand said this with a decided
composure, that left no doubt as
to the fulfilment of the intention.
Now Tainsh was no coward, and he
was a sturdy fellow, to whom such
a threat, from a physical point of
view, need have had no particular
terrors ; but Tainsh was a lawyer, a
factor, a man of business, and the
idea of his being engaged in a mid-
night brawl, in a client's house,
with a client's friend, which would
be bruited over the whole district
— for publicity would, of course, be
Bertrand's object — was not to be en-
tertained for an instant. His reputa-
tion would be shaken, his business
would be damaged, and last, if not
least, the story of his rejection would
necessarily become public. Rapidly
reviewing these considerations, he
looked at Bertrand for an instant
without .replying, and seeing in his
face no indication that he would
not be as good as his word, he
changed his tactics accordingly, and
replied, "These are foolish words,
Mr Cameron — very; the idea of a
duel is preposterous : and if you
ventured to take the other step
(though what you suppose me to be
made of I don't know), it would
only bring yourself into trouble.
It would be my duty to proceed
against you legally for the assault ;
although, of course, I should have
to act at the moment in self-defence,
and probably with adequate vigour.
How your military position would
be affected by a scandal of the sort,
you best know ; how it would af-
fect your position with your uncle,
no one knows better than I do. So
it is best to take a reasonable view
of the matter ; and if I have said
anything in a moment of heat to
displease Miss M'Killop, I shall be
happy to apologise for it to her
proper representative ; but I can't
conceive on what principle I am to
look on you in that light."
" The simplest of all principles :
Miss M'Killop is my betrothed ; it
concerns me, therefore, more than
any one else, to protect her from
insult."
" Betrothed, Mr Cameron ! "
" I have said so ; I trust you
have no objection."
" Oh dear no ! I'm surprised, of
course."
" And why, sir 1 That I was
preferred to you 7 does that surprise
you!"
" You are introducing an irrel-
evant supposition " (with a hasty
glance at Duncanson). " I was
only surprised at the rapid transfer
of your affections ; but these are
go-ahead days."
" I am ignorant of what you
allude to."
" One has heard stories, you see,
of attentions to another lady — only
a week or two ago — marked atten-
tions, constant companionship —
private interviews — romantic walks,
and all the duetting and flirting
that make up a courtship according
to common folks' minds ; but then
there is so much gossip going about,
one never knows what to believe."
" On my authority," said Bertrand,
suddenly recalling the rally ings of
Pigott, and (somewhat innocently)
startled and indignant to find that
others had, in serious earnest, put
the same construction on his free
intercourse with Morna — "on my
authority, you may assure your
friends, the gossips, that no transfer
of affections has taken place ; and,
let me add, that it is most unseemly
and ungentlemanlike to introduce
another lady's name into a discus-
sion which in no way concerns
her."
" You asked me why I was sur-
prised, and I have answered you
honestly, " said Tainsh, sulkily.
614
Fair to See.— Part F.
" We don't understand the ha~bits
of professional heart -breakers in
these parts ; but, of course, it must
be part of their system to produce
as strong an effect on the victim,
to get as much amusement out of
the conquest as possible, and still,
at the end, to be able to assure the
next subject that she is not merely
being favoured with a transfer. The
feelings of the last victim " (with
another glance at Duncanson) " are
of course immaterial, except as
affording a certificate of success to
the lady-killer."
" I see you wish to have another
quarrel, on an independent subject,
Mr Tainsh, and you shall have your
wish ; but one thing at a time, if
you please."
" I have, and I desire, no quarrel
with you ; but I have a right to my
thoughts."
" To your thoughts, yes ; but not
not to express them when they are
insulting. Enough of this, though ;
will you give me the desired apo-
logy 1 "
" I can have no objection to re-
peat what I honestly feel."
" You will have the goodness,
then, to put it in writing, and give
it to me in the morning. But re-
member, it must be ample ; I will
have no shuffling." And with this
Bertrand left the room.
Tainsh and Duncanson looked at
each other in silence till the last
echoes of his footsteps on the
stairs died away, and then Tainsh
said, " There's an emperor for
you ! His Majesty the King of
Hearts ! "
" I don't understand all these
allusions, Tainsh," said Duncan-
son. " I don't want to pry into
your affairs, although I'll not pre-
tend that I don't see how matters
stand with you and Miss M'Kil-
lop ; but what is the real truth
about the other affair ] what is this
[May
about the other girl that made him
so angry 1 "
" Well, Duncanson, I don't want
to pry into your affairs, but I think
I see pretty well how matters stand
with you. In fact, honestly, we've
both been cut out by this fellow."
" He is engaged to your young
lady."
"And yours is over head and
ears in love with him ; any fool can
see that. Propose to her — if you
have not done it already — and I'll
wager a hundred pounds to a brass
farthing you are refused."
" And he knows it, you think ? "
" Knows what 1 "
" That Morna cares for him."
" Knows it ? bless you ! I should
rather think he did. He's chuck-
ling up-stairs now with that English
snail ; he's bragging to him, you
may depend upon it, and telling him
how these poor devils down -stairs
are hanging their heads, and how he
has bowled them both out in a fort-
night."
Duncanson thundered out a tre-
mendous oath. To be refused at
all was bad enough, but to be re-
fused by a girl because she loved
another man, who had won her in
a few days, only for amusement —
only to brag about — and who had
tired of her and cast her aside when
his conquest was complete — and
that man the man he hated of all
others — was exasperation for any
one indeed, but for this vain, domi-
neering soul, the very gall of bitter-
ness.
" What can be done to him ? "
cried Duncanson.
" You can call him out and shoot
him ; you're not professional."
" I have no pretext."
" I should have thought that
picking a quarrel would have come
easy to you."
" Yes, yes, that might be easy
enough ; but then, you see, a man
1871.]
only gets laughed at for fighting
nowadays."
" You're prudent, like me, I see,"
said Tainsh, dryly.
" I don't funk, if you mean that."
" Oh no, I don't mean that, or I
should imply that I funked myself,
which I don't."
" Do you suppose he means to
marry the girl 1 "
" Of course he does ; he's really
wild about her : I've seen that all
along."
" If there was only some way of
running through the marriage — of
breaking his infernal heart ! Do
you suppose he has money enough
to marry]"
" If his uncle chooses, and M'Kil-
lop chooses."
" Will they?"
" Who can tell ? I do know a
little something that would very
soon set his uncle against it, but
in my position, for many reasons,
I couldn't use it."
" Tell it to me !" cried Duncanson,
eagerly.
Fair to See.— Part V.
615
" JS"o, no — better not ; under-
hand games never pay."
" Tell me, Tainsh, and I'll work
it on my own account."
" It would be traced to me."
" No fear ; I'll swear secrecy."
And, after a good deal of wheed-
ling and cajoling, Tainsh, being not
so much as half-hearted in his resist-
ance, was induced, at last, to com-
municate something to Duncanson,
which sent that worthy to bed with
the first gleam of consolation in his
soul since his hopes as a lover had
received their overthrow that after-
noon.
The morning post came in very
early at Cairnarvoch ; and when the
party assembled at breakfast on the
following day, they found that Mr
Tainsh and Mr Duncanson had
started an hour before ; letters, by a
strange coincidence, having called
them both unexpectedly away.
A packet for Bertrand lay on the
hall table, addressed in Mr Tainsh's
hand ; and its contents were all
that could be desired.
616
Prolixity.
[May
PROLIXITY.
THIS is voted an impatient age,
and we are proud of it. People look
back a hundred years and pronounce
OUT ancestors prosy and tolerant
of prosing : — long-winded talkers,
tedious writers, prolix moralists ;
slow coaches, in fact, repeating old
truths, harping on one string,
writing books of meditations, enter-
taining each other with old stories,
dull without minding it or knowing
it. Yet, to our thinking, prolixity
was never so cultivated as it is now
— never met with such distinguish-
ed encouragement — never presented
such marked examples. What hours
upon hours of speeches ! To what
a length does history run ! What
previous age can present such a pre-
face asMr Buckle's? Who before Mr
Browning conceived of a poem telling
the same tale eleven times over? We
are getting such deep thinkers that
we break through the old bounds.
We see so far, we embrace so much,
our comprehension has so wide a
grasp, that the limitations set by
ordinary patience are no longer to be
considered. In fact, a self-satisfac-
tion at "the giant pace at which we
live" blinds us to our prosiness.
People talk complacently of whirl-
ing from one end to another of the
country, as if steam had accelerated
the processes of thought — though in
reality we believe there was more
dash in the brain action of our in-
tellectual fathers than we can
boast of — that they worked faster
as well as lived faster than we do.
Human nature is so far always
the same that prolixity is still
a gulf — an impassable barrier —
but the human nature that cannot
read Mr Buckle or Mr Browning is
snubbed, as wanting the analytical
faculty, as immersed in shams, out-
sides, trivialities. Its judgment
has no weight ; its likes and dislikes
are vulgar ; its good opinion a dis-
grace. Not that we would deny the
charge, or the assumption of impa-
tience as a characteristic of our time,
but, in fact, an increasing impatience
is perfectly compatible with an in-
creasing prolixity. Naturally the
prolix in his own person is impa-
tient of another man's length of
statement, for either his rival is
lengthy in his own vein, or out of
it — in either case intolerable. No
people are so soon irritated by much
talk as great talkers ; and those who
acquire a taste for the utterly ex-
haustive treatment in the writers
with whom they are congenial, are
in like manner intolerant of length
in any other department. Amid
the infinite subdivisions of our day,
sympathy contracts its field from
the universal to the particular. Great
readers are not omnivorous as they
used to be. We do not consider
ours a sympathetic age — psychol<> ',
gical, but not sympathetic. "Hence
the universality of human sympa-
thies comes to be disputed. Men
think and speak for classes, and dis-
pute that
" One touch of nature makes the whole
world kin."
The mere fact that science dis-
putes the descent of mankind from
one parent, is a blow at the notion
of an electric fellow-feeling. The
touch is not relied on as of old.
Now, so long as a universal kinship
of mind is taken for granted, pro-
lixity stands a thing to be avoided.
Sympathy can never be prolix. It
is perpetually referring itself to
listener and reader, measuring its
effects by their powers, pulling up in
advance of their exhausted atten-
tion. It is humble, ready to blame
1871.]
Prolixity.
617
itself for failure. Prolixity, on the
other hand, starts with a thing to
say, irrespective of the powers of the
listener, his claims little regarded or
absolutely forgotten. It is the ex-
ponent of the ego, having this for its
primary object. It holds its ground,
influenced by no other rule than its
own powers of continuance. The
thing handled may be important or
may be trivial — in either case the
listener has rights which are tram-
pled upon ; the speaker has been
acting a presumptuous part. If we
have ever been long in expressing
opinion, or in giving advice, or in
narrative — even if we have been
chief talker in a morning call — it is
well to ask ourselves if we have
monopolised the talk, leaving no
openings for others. Could we have
said our say in fewer words, and
yet said all that was needful ] Did
we grudge our listener his turn,
viewing him in the light of an in-
terruption ? Did we digress where
digression was simple self-indul-
gence ? Did we parade reasons
which must have been obvious with-
out our assistance 1 Have we talked
because it was pleasant to hear our-
selves talk, rather than because we
were led on by the evident desire of
others to hear us 1 In that case we
have been prolix — that is, we have
committed a sin against society ;
done our part to weaken the univer-
sal mind which each individual mind
goes to form. For unquestionably
prolixity is the cause and parent of a
great deal of the inattention of the
world, — that inattention which re-
laxes the nervous energy of the
brain and makes so many of -us not
half the men we ought to be — inde-
finitely lower in the intellectual
scale than we might have been. The
mind naturally revolts against tedi-
ousness and iteration, and turns to
its own internal resources ; not to
thought proper, which can hardly
sustain its strain under the sound of
words and the attitude of listening —
but to that ready, aimless, familiar
flow of speculation, guesses, memo-
ries, reckonings, hopes, possibilities,
apprehensions, suppositions, which
go to the composition of wool-gather-
ing. Or if prolixity does not lead
to inattention — as there are minds
that must listen when others talk,
who have no escape into themselves,
but needs must follow where they
are led — the weariness of unreward-
ed labour, of taxed unprofitable at-
tention, is a severer infliction, and
more mischievous under protracted
trial. The fibre of the most delicate
part of our organisation is tried, worn,
decomposed perhaps ; the whole na-
ture collapses; pain, mental and
bodily, supervenes. Too much of
such a thing stupefies and disables,
clips the wings off imagination, and
leaves Jack a dull boy. Not but that,
as all poisons have their medicinal
side, the vigorous weed prolixity may
have its uses. There are minds so
bent upon play, so intent on mere
amusement, that nothing short of
that supreme tax on the powers, un-
willing attention, can teach them the
vahie of time, and the sin and hor-
ror of wasting it. We can all waste
time our own way without much
scruple — without thinking about it;
but when others waste it for us,
then we resent the reckless expense
of something irrecoverable ; we be-
come alive to a fatal leakage of what
no skill can gather up again, and
awake to a new idea — an unthought-
of responsibility.
Prolixity and long-windedness is
thus one of the heaviest charges that
can be brought against a man, either
as talker, orator, or writer. To talk-
ers it brings its own punishment.
Extravagant diffuseness has no lis-
teners that compulsion and necessity
do not supply. It clogs with reser-
vations, and a detracting but, men's
praise of the most surprising feats of
oratory, and reduces the number of
618
Prolixity.
[May
even an able author's readers beyond
most intellectual shortcomings. Peo-
ple don't find themselves making
way ; they open at another page and
hit upon a digression ; they close the
book, intending to return another
day, and never do return : there is
no thread to resume. And, more-
over, there is a hidden sense of
disrespect, of not being sufficiently
considered. They are treated to
soliloquy rather than a communi-
cation of ideas. In fact, all pro-
lixity labours under this suspi-
cion of want of respect and defer-
ence. It is sustained by a sense of
superiority : that is, where it is not
mere talkativeness, that flux of the
tongue we see in ignorant chat-
terers of so little reflection and dis-
crimination, that with them it is
Chough's language, "Gabble enough
and good enough." There is flattery
in the proverb, "A word to the wise ;"
whereas prolixity, especially in its
didactic mood, treats the hearer as
not wise — as having neither wit, nor
memory, nor continuity of thought.
Its method is, leading a blind man
step by step. " If I don't," says
prolixity, " explain, recapitulate, and
amplify — omitting no detail, drop-
ping no link — my hearer will lose
the thread." What a helpless, plas-
tic, docile, absorbent animal — dull-
eyed, thick-witted — does not prosi-
ness take man t6 be ! — knowing
nothing he does not tell ; under-
standing nothing he does not ex-
plain; remembering nothing he does
not recall to the mind. We certainly
note a touch of contempt in all cul-
tivated minds open to this charge.
They have a way of laying a foun-
dation as mistrusting our ground-
ing. The practised eye, mental as
well as bodily, understands per-
spective, and gives due weight and
substance to the distant speck ; but
prolixity does not recognise this
rapid appraisement, and insists on
giving all the measurements — a pro-
cess much like counting our steps,
or how many times we breathe in an
hour. Words cannot really do more
than throw a light, to put us in the
way of understanding ; too many
of them overlay, extinguish, and
smother. " Certainly the greatest
and the wisest conceptions that
ever issued from the mind of man
have been couched under and
delivered in a few close, home, sig-
nificant words." The mere habit of
selection and repression, the search
for what is worth saying evident in
the terse speaker, is education to the
imagination — which is kept in exer-
cise, first, in reading the mind of
the listener, then in selecting those
points which have excited and im-
pressed his own. His sentences are
pictures ; the utterance of the proser
is an inventory or a catalogue.
Though prolixity, where a habit
of the mind, exercises itself in every
field, and displays itself on every
occasion, yet each conspicuous ex-
ample has its own method of being
prolix. A prominent one is the elabo-
ration of reasons. Bacon attributes
to mankind a repugance to a string
of reasons, " for reasons plainly de-
livered, and always upon one man-
ner, especially with fine and fastidi-
ous spirits, enter but heavily and
dully ; " yet many persons have so
strong a propensity to this form of
tediousness, that acquiescence is not
acquiescence without the reason why.
This is done by dull people from
mere forgetfulness that much must
be taken for granted, or pass unno-
ticed, if social life is to be carried on
in any fairness. They mingle little
with others, and find it convenient
for every subject to be made the very
most of. But in others it is amark of
conceit — a solicitude to prove that no
step in life, however trivial, is taken
without thought; it is a parade of
judgment and experience, though
a moment's reflection might show
them that their reasons are obvious,
1871.]
Prolixity.
619
and such as influence all the world.
Most people are alive to the tempta-
tion. It is pleasant to hear ourselves
recapitulate the arguments of com-
mon-sense, though we know them
familiar. Nor are they necessarily
out of place. It is when the catalogue
checks the general flow of talk or
impedes action that it is felt an im-
pertinence, as where Vellum gives
his reasons for despatch : —
" Sir George. — All I require of you is
despatch.
" Vellum. — There is nothing more re-
quisite in business.
" Sir George. — Then hear me.
" Vellum. — It is indeed the life of
business.
"Sir George. — Hear me then, I say.
" Vellum. — And as one hath rightly
observed, the benefits that attend it are
fourfold. First —
" Sir George. — There is no bearing
this. Thou art going to describe de-
spatch when thou shouldst be practising
it.
" Vellum. — But your honour will not
give me a hearing.
" Sir George. — I hope thou hast not
told Abigail anything of the secret.
" Vellum. — Mrs Abigail is a woman.
There are many reasons why she should
not be acquainted with it. I will only
mention six."
Then there is the method of pre-
face or exordium. We ask a question,
and before we get an answer have to
listen to a hundred antecedent cir-
cumstances. We must be put into
possession of every collateral detail
relating to the subject before we
are supposed competent to profit by
the fact we require. This we hold
one of the most affronting forms of
prolixity. After experiencing it a
few times we learn to seek our
information elsewhere : minding the
prefatory -tendency less as less in-
sulting where it is a flagrant trick
of garrulity, which
" Thus his special nothings ever prologues,"
and cannot tell a plain tale with-
out a recapitulation of all that
speaker and hearer know in com-
VOL. CIX. NO. DCLXVII.
mon — " You know," " you also
know." And again there is the pro-
lixity of the epilogue, so trying to
the patience ; hanging on to a dis-
cussion after it is over, — lingering
out a tale beyond the point, — that
way of protracting a conclusion by
subsidiary comment. This is a so-
cial as well as an individual vice. A
popular speaker has his utterances
supplemented by a dozen incapable
ones ; his arguments are diluted by
tedious grounds for agreement ; and
himself is flattered by long-winded
praise, with its inevitable infusion of
poppy. The propensity for explain-
ing is one of the most terrible and
irritating engines of prolixity. With
this habit in full force, a man sup-
poses it his business to elucidate
everything. The fact that the
thing is self-evident, to begin with,
says nothing to him ; he must exer-
cise his talent for translation upon
it as the old spelling-book simpli-
fies the idea of butter to the child
in calling it " an oily unguent." Re-
gardless of Johnson's argument, that
the easier a thing is to understand
in its own nature, the more difficult
it is to render it easier by explana-
tions, he victimises his hearer with
elaborate definitions, with protracted
processes for reaching the obvious
and familiar —
" Explains a thing till all men doubt it,
And talks about it, goddess, and about
it."
Prolixity is the very soul of ped-
antry, whether spoken or written.
We see it in the self-taught man,
who is apt to suppose himself the
sole depositary of the branch of
knowledge he takes up ; in the writ-
er who confines himself to one topic
of perhaps not general interest or
importance, illustrated by that es-
sayist on medals, who wrote at the
rate of twelve pages to ever}' letter
of an ancient inscription. Again,
hobbies are detected for what
they are by the prolixity and ill-
2u
620
Prolixity.
[May
timed persistence with which they
are paraded. A thing is a rational
pursuit or a hobby — a fixed idea —
according to the method through
which it is entertained and advanced.
What might have been a rational
taste becomes a hobby when dis-
cernment and modesty sleep, and
theories are dinned into unwilling
ears — theories genealogical, archaeo-
logical, philological — to which the
hearer listens with fits of impatience
amounting to loathing. Philan-
thropy is very apt to betray itself
as a hobby by the same tokens,
though with more excuse, from the
notion that good of our fellow-crea-
tures is a subject which should
never be out of place. We find
some people willing to tell the same
tale at full length to twenty sepa-
rate listeners — recounting it, still
unabridged, to the twentieth in the
ears of the nineteen just instructed
— without a suspicion that the re-
capitulation may be irksome, or
that, being so, the circumstances
should influence the duration of
their narrative ; because the suffer-
ings of humanity have a right to de-
mand a hearing. Scrupulous minds
are so affected by this argument
that they set down their inevitable
weariness as a fault in themselves ;
but our conscience need not re-
proach us if we detect in the nar-
rator the easy complacency of a
mind congenially employed. Try
an experiment. Turn the tables;
become talker instead of listener ;
seek to engage your friend's ear
upon a detailed story of misfortune
known to yourself, and ten to
one he will make short work of it,
and either get hold of his own
thread again, or beat a retreat.
It must be a very common obser-
vation in those whose duty as citizens
subjects them to attendance at pub-
lic meetings, that dulness propagates
itself — that speeches are long in pro-
portion to their dulness. This is a
heavy tax indeed on the public
patience ; but candour obliges us to
allow that such prolixity need not
arise from any enjoyment the speak-
er— especially if he be an unprac-
tised speaker — finds in his prominent
situation. He probably knows as
well as any of his audience that he
is dull, hesitating, blundering, pro-
lix ; but no one willingly accepts a
sense of failure ; even eloquence, he
remembers, is sometimes tedious till
it gets the steam up. While he is
on his legs, while his voice still
sounds, he nourishes a hope, un-
shared by his hearers, of retrieving
matters, of hitting upon the right
vein of doing himself justice. And
so he wanders on, repeating and
contradicting himself — finding the
situation almost as irksome as his
audience. A man will even gape
in the midst of his own long speech.
" Well, I grant there is some taste
in that," cries an impatient listen-
er ; " but is he not encroaching
on our privileges?" It is a rare
gift to know when to own one's self
beaten, as the Austrians did after
Sadowa, and as did that American
would-be orator, engaged to speak
at the opening of a new bridge in
the far west. " My friends," he
began, "thirty years ago the spot
on which we now stand was a waste
howling wilderness " — a pause ; the
words that should have followed
failed him, but he stuck to his
theme. "My friends, the spot on
which we now stand was thirty
years ago a waste howling wilder-
ness " — still an exasperating lapse
of memory ; but he faithfully clung
to his exordium. " My friends,"
he began a third time, " thirty
years ago the spot on which we now
stand was a waste howling wilder-
ness and — and — I wish with all
my heart it was one still." What a
relief to himself and all concerned
was the frank avowal, and the de-
scent from the temporary rostrum
1871.]
Prolixity.
621
which followed quickly upon it.
He proved himself above aimless
prose. If he could not say what he
intended to say, he would say no-
thing.
Le moyen rfennuyer est celui de
tout dire, said Voltaire ; and cer-
tainly the exhaustive treatment of a
subject is one notable form of pro-
lixity. Nobody has a right to ex-
haust a subject, to leave nothing for
other people to add. One man
can't do it; he becomes prosy in the
attempt. It was Charles II.'s ques-
tionable compliment, in the form of
a criticism, on Barrow, that he left
nothing for anybody else to say —
and certainly his grasp of a subject
was a wide one ; but also the
divine's topics were not such as his
royal hearer would care to amplify
upon, or he would easily have hit
on some pregnant addition which
would not have come into the head of
the preacher. It is the aim at leaving
nothing unsaid that we quarrel with.
We are sure to come upon dregs of
thought and irrelevancies in the
effort. In this connection we would
bring in hair-splitting as a source
of irritating tediousness ; — that vice
early attributed to De Quincey by
his elder brother, who composed a
vocabulary expressly to define his
tormenting refinements. The pass-
age from the Autobiography is curi-
ous, as showing how the child of
seven was father to the man ; how
fatal, we will add, was prolixity in
its many forms to the full success
of De Quincey's genius :—
" Detestable in my ears was that word
' quibbling,' by which, for a thousand
years, if the war had happened to last so
long, he would have fastened upon me
the imputation of meaning, of wishing at
least, to do what he called ' pettifogulis-
ing' — that is, to plead some distinction, or
verbal demur, in bar of my orders, under
some colourable pretence that, according
to their literal construction, they really
did not admit of being fulfilled, or per-
haps, that they admitted it too much as
being capable of fulfilment in two senses,
either of them a practicable sense. True
it was that my eye was preternaturally
keen for flaws of language, not from
pedantic exaction of superfluous accuracy,
but, on the contrary, from too conscien-
tious a wish to escape the mistakes which
language not rigorous is apt to occasion.
So far from seeking to ' pettifogulise ' —
i.e., to find evasions for any purpose in
a trickster's minute tortuosities of con-
struction— exactly in the opposite direc-
tion, from mere excess of sincerity, most
unwillingly I found in almost everybody's
words an unintentional opening left for
double interpretations. Undesigned equi-
vocation prevails everywhere ; and it is
not the cavilling hair-splitter, but, on the
contrary, the single-eyed servant of truth,
that is most likely to insist upon the
limitation of expressions too wide or too
vague, and upon the decisive election
between meanings potentially double.
Not in order to resist or evade my brother's
directions, but for the very opposite pur-
pose— viz., that I might fulfil them to
the letter ; thus, and no otherwise, it hap-
pened that I showed so much scrupulosity
about the exact value and position of his
words as finally to draw upon myself the
vexatious reproach of being a ' pettifog nl-
iser.'"
This is very good writing — a most
favourable specimen of the style that
takes a long time to say what it has
to say. Indeed, it might be argued
that the habit of mind described
could hardly be represented in fewer
words ; but, as a fact, whatever
De Quincey handles cannot be done
justice to in any other method. He
is prolix from mere pressure and
redundance of matter. A man of
genius, however, must express him-
self in the way most congenial to
him. True, he cuts off the num-
ber of his readers ; a busy man can-
not wait for the issue of devious
narrative. Finding what should
be continuous a tangle of reminis-
cences— a thicket of miscellaneous
discussion — one incident or train of
thought rivalling or suggesting an-
other— he puts it aside for future
opportunity. But patient leisure
may even enjoy this freedom from
hurry in an author with whom
time is no object, whose progress is
622
Prolixity.
[May
perpetually impeded by fulness of
thought and a too active memory,
unwilling .to leave untold what im-
portunes for expression. The finical
exactitude which is so common a
form of prolixity has none of this
press of matter. It is one of the
points of formality to go into un-
necessary particulars, to expatiate
in vapid civilities, to leave nothing
unsaid, and to wrap trivialities in
as many words as possible.
Digression is perhaps the crown
of prolixity. A story, a statement, a
judgment, that sticks to the point,
must come to an end sometime ; but
digression never recognises this ne-
cessity— the habitual digressor never
ends. If you are at once (which
is natural to the digressor) long
in starting your main subject, and
perpetually tempted, to stray into
its collateral bearings, and to follow
out each hint and reminder as it
suggests itself, as far as it will
take you, there need lbe no end.
We may say of some talkers and
writers, that there ieino natural end
of their thread. It is cut off ab-
ruptly by circumstances, rudely
broken by impatience, but it never
concludes, or achieves a comely
graceful finish. Now, an end — -the
end — is what everything should
tend to. It is a point very dis-
tinctly in the thought of hearer
or reader; until his suspicions are
roused he assumes it equally a goal
with him who engages his attention,
— that he has a point in view to-
wards which he is leading him with
no unnecessary delays. The mo-
ment that weakens this confidence
is fatal to attention. Even an en-
tertaining digression is listened to
with a divided interest ; we are wait-
ing for a return. As it deviates into
sub -digressions a sense of weari-
ness intervenes. The end which our
soul, being human, waits for, which
our ear anticipates as it does the
key-note, disappears out of expec-
tation; instead of the line which is
progress, we are involved in a circle
without bearings or compass ; we
close the page with a sense of ill-
usage ; our listening is perfunctory,
or possibly malicious, with a view to
an outbreak of relief when the pen-
ance is over.
As an indulgence to this senti-
ment of revenge for past infliction,
painters of character and manners
delight to depict prolixity. How
to amuse, how to extract diversion
out of propensities in themselves so
irksome, tests and evidences the
skill of the novelist. Walter Scott
had a great sympathy for prosy peo-
ple; gifted with unusual patience, he
gathered honey from many a flower
which was but a burr to the common
world. It is this sympathy which
makes the deliberate prosiness of
many passages in ' The Antiquary '
such charming reading, guided by
the skill which makes a specimen
— the single brick — convey an idea
of walls of endless continuity, and
infuses change and variety through
artful contrast of dulness. Take, for
example, the three-stranded conver-
sation, the piebald jargon of his
three worthies, each started on his
favourite hobby : Oldbuck on the
date of the ruins of St Ruth's Pri-
ory; Sir Arthur on the glories of his
ancestry ; and Mr Blattergowl on
the inexhaustible subject of teinds
or tithes : —
" Mr Oldbuck harangued, the ba-
ronet declaimed, Mr Blattergowl
prosed and laid down the law, while
the Latin forms of feudal grants
were mingled with the jargon of
blazonry and the yet more barbarous
phraseology of the Teind Court of
Scotland.
" ' He was,' exclaimed Oldbuck,
speaking of the Prior Adhemar, ' in-
deed, an exemplary prelate; and
from his strictness of morals, rigid
execution of penance, joined to the
charitable disposition of his mind,
1871.]
Prolixity.
623
and the infirmities induced by his
great age and ascetic habits '
" Here he chanced to cough, and
Sir Arthur burst in, or rather con-
tinued, 'was called popularly Hell-
in-Harness ; he carried a shield, gules
with a sable fess, which we have
since disused, and was slain at the
battle of Vernoil, in France, after
killing six of the English with his
" 'Decreet of certification,' pro-
ceeded the clergyman, in that pro-
longed, steady, prosing tone, which,
however overpowered at first by
the vehemence of competition, pro-
mised in the long-run to obtain
the ascendancy in this strife of nar-
rators : — ' Decreet of certification
having gone out, and parties being
held .as confessed, the proof seemed
to be held as concluded, when their
lawyer moved to have it opened up,
on the allegation that they had
witnesses to bring forward, that
they had been in the habit of car-
rying the ewes to lamb on the
teind-free land, which was a mere
evasion for,' " &c.
Garrulity is not prolixity, or we
might quote as a remarkable exam-
ple how tedious, pointless chat, ren-
dered with absolute truth of deli-
neation, may be made to serve the
aims and needs of the novelist,
amuse the reader whom the original
would bore to death, and, by chance
touches, tell the author's story, in
Miss Austen's ' Emma.' In the
ordinary novel we have plenty of
prolixity, but it elaborates itself in
the speeches which pass for con-
versation as it should be; prolixity,
which loses none of its terrors in
the presentment ; so difficult is it
for the pen to stop its flow, as to
retain the wholesome consciousness
of the brief limits of human patience.
No doubt, great speakers have
been not only tolerated but en-
couraged, to their own hurt, in pro-
lixity. We cannot doubt that Cole-
ridge was prolix, though the fact
was disguised under such wonderful
fertility and eloquence. People
listened, but also they knew they
listened beyond exact justice and
fair reciprocity. " I think you have
heard me preach," he said once to
Charles Lamb. " I ne-ne-ver heard
you; do anything else," was the re-
ply. Hartley Coleridge inherited
the perilous gift — " he would hold
forth by the hour," says his brother,
" for no one wished to interrupt
him " — and with it an added infir-
mity of will such as goes with all pro-
tracted utterances, and is the curse
of profuse exuberant expressions.
There is no body of men to whom
the charge of prolixity so constantly
attaches as to the clergy, often most
unjustly, and also, where merited,
with so much to excuse it. In the
first place, that they weary their
hearers is no proof that they are
prolix. Treat spiritual things as
you may, they will certainly weary-
some people, and sound like a thrice-
told tale. The demand for con-
ciseness and brevity from such
quarters is made in utter disregard
of the weight of the subjects to be
discussed, or of the preacher's chance
of doing them justice in the hurry
and trepidation of addressing parad-
ed indifference and clamorous im-
patience. Undoubtedly the sermon
is the legitimate field for many of
the habits which go to the compo-
sition of prolixity. Its business is
to exhort, explain, to amplify, to
deal in reservation, to paraphrase.
This especially applies to the textual
method, essentially the Protestant
form of sermon. And we are far
from saying that what tempts to
prolixity does not too often bring it
about, and form a style not otherwise
to be characterised. One thing is
certain, however, that the habit of
preaching, the habit even of diffuse-
ness, does not mollify the natural
disgust at length : has no influence
624
Prolixity.
[May
in strengthening the endurance of
prolixity in others. The clergy are
as impatient as the laity of other
people's prosiness ; and we find no
more severe reproofs or biting
satires on tediousness than in cleri-
cal writers of every age. They treat
the question under its moral aspect.
Prolixity is not only a weakness —
it rarely escapes being also a sin.
Thus Jeremy Taylor : "Of all things
in the world a prating religion and
much talk in holy things does most
profane the mysteriousness of it."
Again: "Some men will never be
cured of overtalking without a
cancer or a quinsy; and such per-
sons are taught by all men what
to do; for if they would avoid all
company as willingly as company
avoids them, they might quickly
have a silence great as midnight
and prudent as the Spartan brevity."
Nor is he less contemptuous in his
toleration — though he allows that
much speaking is sometimes neces-
sary, sometimes useful, sometimes
pleasant ; and when it is none of
these, "though it be tedious and im-
prudent, yet it is not always crimi-
nal" How finely caustic is South
on this subject, strong in his
Puritan antipathies, and, in his
sympathy with human impatience,
proposing to " cashier all prolixity; "
for there is nothing that the mind
of man is so apt to kindle and
take distaste at as at words ; and
arguing that " he whose soul and
body receive their activity from, and
perform all their functions by, the
mediation of the spirits, which ebb
and flow, consume, and are renewed
again, cannot but find himself very
uneasy upon any tedious, verbose
application made to him." Piety
engages no man to be dull, though
he confesses that with many of his
time dulness — the more if it be
lengthy dulness — passed as a mask
of regeneration. Nor can prolixity
keep clear of graver errors.
" Two whole hours for one prayer used
to be reckoned but a moderate dose, and
that for the most part fraught with such
irreverent blasphemous expressions, that
to repeat them would profane the place I
am speaking in ; and indeed they seldom
' carried on the work of such a day,' as
their phrase was, but they left the church
in need of a new consecration. Add to
this the incoherence and confusion, the
endless repetitions, and the insufferable
nonsense that never failed to hold out,
even with their utmost prolixity ; so that
in all their long fasts, from first to last,
from seven in the morning to seven in the
evening (which was their measure), the
pulpit was always the emptiest thing in
the church."
Bishop Butler's sermon on the
tongue, in the intense gravity of its
censures on much talking and all
the forms of prolix utterance, amuses
us like wit. While who can define
a guarded, hedging, dissimulating
prolixity of style better than Sydney
Smith, showing up, in the Singleton
Letters, Tomline, Bishop of Lincoln?
" His creation has blood without
heat, bones without marrow, eyes
without speculation. He has the
art of saying nothing in many
words beyond any man that ever
existed ; and when he seems to
have made a proposition, he is so
dreadfully frightened at it that he
proceeds as quickly as possible in
the ensuing sentence to disconnect
the subject and the predicate, and
to avert the dangers he has incurred."
A timid style, one characterised by
reservations, is inevitably tedious.
The general craving for condensa-
tion, for reducing the world's wisdom
to portable dimensions through an
exact brevity and succinctness of
speech — what in philosophy and
speculation we call maxim; in the
counsels and decision of practical
wisdom, and the high mysteries of
religion, oracle; and in matters of wit
and the finenesses of the imagina-
tion, epigram — stands in singular
contrast with the disease we treat
of. In fact, the tastes and tenden-
cies of mankind incline towards the
1871.]
Prolixity.
625
extreme poles of long and short, as
they rank themselves among hear-
ers or talkers, learners or teachers.
Every one is familiar with the di-
dactic temper, bent on all the ma-
chinery of length ; first statements in
full, then hedging those statements
with reservations, strengthening
them by argument, diluting them
to the measure of mean understand-
ing, recalling, summing up, anticipat-
ing objections ; and, on the other
hand, with the pupil's weakness for
epitomes — his disposition to catch a
meaning before it is uttered, to em-
brace a view at the first word, to
see, to understand, to believe him-
self master of a question before
its difficulties are brought under
review, and to hold all explanation
a mere spinning out, and an affront
to his perceptive powers. We re-
gard the sonnet and the epigram as
typifying these two conditions of
mind. The turn for writing son-
nets curiously contrasts with the
world's distaste for reading them —
distaste amounting in many minds
to antipathy. This at first sight
seems an inconsistency, for the son-
net comes next in brevity to the
epigram ; but the sonnet is avowedly
exhaustive ; it works out a thought,
and, whether that hold out or no,
must last its fourteen lines. Hence,
to short-lived patience, it is slow,
while the epigram may be as short
as it likes, and says its say in a
flash, the fewer words the better.
This is, of course, one reason of
the mind's delight in illustration.
Illustration is only incidentally an
ornament ; its purpose is to save
time. It is the fruit of a noble im-
patience of wordiness and detail.
It cuts a long tale short, establishes
a common ground, and trusts the
hearer for catching the idea, for com-
prehending at a glance where the
similitude holds, and where its use
and purpose ends. It is indeed a
partnership between poet and audi-
ence, their mutual stock the common
knowledge and universal sympa-
thies, through which they come to
an understanding by an instantane-
ous process.
We by no means justify the
common impatience of length ; we
are only noticing it. Prolixity is
indeed a relative term. We remem-
ber a very unjust comparison of
Lord Brougham's between Dante's
and Gray's descriptions of evening,
to the disparagement of our poet,
because Dante in " Era gia 1'Ora "
got through what he had to say in
a stanza or so, and Gray spun out
his over several verses. Wilson
very justly replied that Dante was
short because he had other fish to
fry ; Gray was deliberate because
evening was the subject he set be-
fore himself and his readers. All
elaborate descriptions of scenery and
natural effects are only in place
where the reader's mind is com-
posed and at rest from eager expec-
tation. Mr Ruskin in his ' Modern
Painters ' has descriptive passages of
cloud, of sky, of landscape, exceed-
ingly elaborate, but not prolix ; and
Uvedale Price on the Picturesque
has pages running into delicate
refinements of detail, of which no
reader of taste is impatient. But
we note in some novelists of our
day — perhaps the tendency is espe-
cially a feminine one — a habit of in-
truding minute scenic description
side by side with the action of their
story, of which we do grow some-
what weary. Every paragraph of
narrative has its burden, recalling
"The sun shines fair on Carlisle
wa'." The sky is lurid or bright,
according to the temper of the
heroine ; in every change of her
fortune our attention is called off
to some distant effect of light and
shade, till we do not know which
most engages the thoughts of the
author — the living tragedy or the
atmospheric phenomena under which
626
Prolixity.
[May
it is acted out ; a meagre story by
this method becomes a striking
example of modern prolixity.
Again, there are occupations
appropriate to one sphere, and to
be done deliberately, but out of
place and to be hurried through
in another, as it is a part of a
servant's skill to be quick-handed
in the parlour and to take time in
the kitchen. Thus, in a prose
treatise on agriculture an even ex-
haustive treatment of the question
of manures is permissible ; but in
a poem, amplification on such a
theme may justly be called prolix;
the poet aiming at an audience not
concerned through their pecuniary
interests : and certainly Grainger,
having, in his " Sugar-Cane," writ-
ten several pages of such instructions
as the following, incurs danger of
the charge : —
"The sacred Mnse
Naught sordid deems but what i» base,
nought fair
Unless true Virtue stamps it with her seal ;
Then, planter, wouldst thou double thine
estate,
Ah, never, never be ashamed to tread
Thy dung-heaps, where the refuse of thy
mills,
With all the ashes all thy coppers yield,
With weeds, mould, dang, and stale, a com-
post form
Of force, to fertilise the poorest soil ;" —
and does not catch himself up a line
too soon when he suras tip this
branch of his subject with
" Enough of composts, Muse; of soils
enough."
For the poet addresses himself not
to a technical few, but to a world
of readers, of whom nothing is re-
quired but the use of eyes and ears,
sympathy, sensibility, and under-
standing.
The question to what extent
poetry may be prolix — may treat
its subject in every aspect ex-
haustively— naturally leads us to
the consideration of what so many
critics regard as the poem of the day
— the 'King and the Book.' Mi-
Browning, indeed, directly courts the
charge of prolixity by telling his
story, the facts of which are soon
told, in eleven if not twelve different
methods of amplification, in each of
which a distinct character is imparted
to the narration through the introduc-
tion of matter perfectly irrelevant
to the case in hand. This is not
an occasion for a critique on what
is called by Mr Browning's admirers
that " wonderful book," and which
we allow to be a very remarkable
one ; only, while they call him the
most poetic of poets, we might style
him, judging from page upon page,
the most prosaic ; prosaic in pro-
portion to the prodigious number
of words he has taken to work out
an idea Poetry pure is almost in
its nature much in little. But
while to the great bulk of the
book we deny the title poetry,
we grant its power ; also, that the
first perception of the story's capa-
bilities was a poet's conception, and
that throughout he shows that grasp
of his subject which is one of the
supreme tests of power. While we
must differ from Mr Browning's
eulogists, we at the same time allow
weight to their verdict. The business
and duty of poetry is to instruct by
pleasing. If people are enthusiastic
as to the amount of pleasure they
derive from Mr Browning's num-
bers, there is no getting over such
testimony. The merit of verse can-
not be proved or disproved by de-
monstration. People are pleased,
their ears soothed, tickled, and grati-
fied — there is a fact. We can
only assert, on the other hand, that
Mr Browning's verse, in its ordinary
flow, affects us as dancing does if
we stop our ears ; where we see time
marked by gesticulation, the mo-
tive and the pleasure of the exercise
1871.]
Prolixity.
627
alike escaping us. To our ears his
lines seem
"Writ to the rumbling of his coach's
wheels."
and over very jolting roads too ; and
this is a fact also. After pages of
this singular system of harmony and
rhythm, we should have settled
down into the conviction that there
are two sets of ears for poetry, just
as there is the Asiatic and the Euro-
pean taste in music, but that we
observe, when Mr Browning's keen-
est admirers quote a line or a passage
to prove their point, they select the
smoothest and most finished and real-
ly felicitous examples; and say, this
is Tennysonian, — this Shakespeare
might have written. For obscurity
they think it apology enough that
" his thoughts are too big for his
words " — a plea no poet would thank
them for. We all of us think that
we have thoughts too big for our
words. It is the business, the all-
in-all of the poet to invest thoughts
of all sizes in appropriate words.
Mr Browning addresses the Brit-
ish public in a tone of defiance —
"Well, British Public, ye who like me
not."
It seems that a class of worship-
pers, however devoted and exclusive,
does not satisfy ; so the poet's coun-
trymen get a snub, — as wanting
acumen, as grocers, Philistines, and
what not. Now, we think the Brit-
ish public has something to say for
itself. No reasonable man should
expect persons with pursuits and
interests of their own not to recoil
at the threshold on finding a tale
of murder and suspected adultery
told over a dozen times in blank
verse, and told with that air of rig-
marole to the careless glancing eye,
that crabbedness of construction,
which keeps the reader on the heels
of thought, and compels a reperusal,
not once, but three or four times,
before the sense is got hold of.
Much of it, too, is written in a com-
posite language, one half the line
Latin, the other English ; while the
tone of what he gathers is mostly
selfish and cynical — Italian prin-
ciples of action and lines of thought
in a corrupt period. Not that he ever
imagines himself among the Capu-
lets and Montagues of a bygone age ;
whether he glances or gives his mind
with deliberation, the reader alike
recognises Mr Browning everywhere.
The poet is indeed absorbed in his
theme, but never to the merging of
his personality in that of another.
Whether it is " one half Rome," or
" the other half Rome," or "Tertium
quid," "Guido,"or " Caponsacchi," or
" Dr Hyacinthus," or "Pompilia," or
the " Pope," all talk and think ex-
actly like Mr Browning in propria
persona. All are equally prone to
digressions. Their concatenation
of ideas follows the same chain.
All are metaphysical, analytical,
psychological, down to poor Pom-
pilia, a girl of seventeen, who can
neither read nor write. All speak
in the thread of their own thoughts,
without taking into account the
court, the judge, the patron they ad-
dress : — all proving that though
it was a poet's flash which took in
and gave life to an old - forgotten
tale of cruelty and wrong, yet he
worked it out in its multiform as-
pects at his leisure. It is cleverness,
not fancy, that keeps up the strain
of thought once started. The ideas
evolve themselves calmly, prosily,
for pages at a time, as they might
in any uninspired speculation on
other people's modes of thinking
and acting. Mr Browning has that
craving to leave nothing unsaid that
comes into his mind, which he at-
tributes to one of his characters : —
" Sir, how should I lie quiet in my grave
Unless you suffer me wring, drop by drop,
My brain dry?"
628
Prolixity.
Even in Pompilia's story, adduced
as the charming, most universally-
pleasing point of the book, and
one, too, giving most striking evi-
dence of the poet's power of merg-
ing himself in another being, we
fail to discern those delicate femi-
nine touches which compel us to
forget the artist in his creation.
Fancy, for instance, an Italian girl,
two hundred years ago, talking about
facts, or entering into the quirks
or profundities of the following
strain of thought. The passage is
one often quoted for its beauties: —
" Even for my babe, my boy, there's safety
thence —
From the sudden death of me, I mean.
We poor
Weak souls, how we endeavour to be
strong !
I was already using up my life —
This portion now should do him such a
good,
This other go to keep off such an ill !
This great life — see, a breath, and it is gone !
So is detached, so left all by itself,
The little life, the fact which means so
much."
This sort of nature, or the want
of it, is as open to the judgment of
the common reader as to the pro-
fessed critic, often too much occu-
pied by the beauty or point of the
thought, as characteristic of the poet,
to note its discordance with the cha-
racter or circumstances of the avow-
ed speaker. As a simple member of
the British public, he is more puz-
zled than the critic seems to be by
the leisure, length, and collected-
ness of all concerned : and scarcely
sees the relevance of a vast deal of
curious speculation supposed to pass
in the minds of men and women in
the hurry or extremity of a tragic
situation. For in whatever predica-
ment the actors or the victims of the
tragedy find themselves, they are
equal to any amount of hard think-
ing and whimsical illustration, as
where Guido, wondering at his folly
in risking his life by killing two old
people, exclaims : —
" Life !
How I could spill this overplus of mine.
Among those hoar-haired, shrunk-shanked
odds and ends
Of body and soul, old age is chewing dry!
Those windle-straws that stare while pur-
blind death
Mows here and there ; makes hay of juicy
me ! "
If, however, waiving the ques-
tion of probability, the ordinary
reader perseveres, he will not go
unrewarded. The book is amus-
ing reading, whether poetry or not,
whether prolix or not — in fact,
this latter quality is the parent of
much readable matter. The style is
anecdotal. Italian chronicles have
furnished the author with many tel-
ling quaint examples of the cruelty,
tyranny, and insolent oppression of
times prior to the date of the story.
All the miscellanea collected in a
wide course of reading are engrafted
into the various narratives, and told
with caustic humour. Here the
reader may learn how Pope Stephen
exhumed Pope Formosus, who had
been dead eight months, clothed
him in pontifical vestments, and
arraigned him for having given up
a lesser see for that of Rome, with
all the grotesquely horrible circum-
stances of trial and condemnation ; —
how it was once a point of education
among gentlemen to learn to endure
torture, and how a host would
exhibit his pluck to a guest by
having out the rack into the court-
yard before dinner, and bid his ser-
vants do their worst upon him ; —
how a duke guillotined a man
at his own door for taking offence
at the abduction of his sister ; — how
Dominus Hyacinthus composes an
appetising dish of liver, minced
herbs, goosefoot, cockscomb, and
cheese, and, if it disagrees with the
old father-in-law — " well, his will
is made;" with a thousand other
"facts," which carry a reader from
page to page, forgetting that he is read-
1871.]
Prolixity.
629
ing verse, and even that he is engaged
upon a tragic incident that actually
happened. The reader finds himself
endeavouring to form, with not much
success, a picture of Italian society,
out of the jesting, diffuse, but clever
delineations of an able hand, loving
humanity rather in the abstract than
as he anywhere sees it, not seldom
coarse, often a caricaturist, with now
and then a touch, which we wish
away, of the revolting and profane.
An intelligent writer in the pages
of a contemporary has recently given
his experiences as a reader. Himself
a thorough-going devotee, he seeks
and finds sympathy in his worship
of Mr Browning. Not only does
he carry in his own memory long
passages of Paracelsus, but he
knows somebody else whose mind
is similarly stored. It is he that
pronounces Mr Browning the most
poetical of poets, and counts the
hours spent in reading his more
mystical and toughest utterances as
among the happiest of his life. But
we are struck with an admission
which accounts in a material degree
for the non-universality of Mr Brown-
ing's favour. To read him with the
right gust and appreciation, people
must be out of the way of all
temptation to do anything else.
" Thoroughly to enjoy a good book,"
says this reader, " I am inclined to
think we must be out of the way of
newspapers and periodicals, and, I
might add, out of the way of familiar
society. " In fact, to do a book j ustice
a reader must be on shipboard be-
yond reach of the post, or on a sick-
bed, or in some remote inaccessible
position. It was two thousand miles
from home, and, as we gather, with-
out a soul to speak to, that he read
' Pippa Passes,' which " quite settles
the question that Browning is a
great dramatic poet " — "the scene be-
tween Sebald and Ottima being the
very concentrated essence of tragedy,
than which there is nothing more
terrible in any Greek drama extant."
No doubt books assume quite a
different — a transcendental — aspect
under these circumstances; but do
they leave a man his powers of
comparison? Could, for example,
this " reader" have been caught by
the lurid tinsel of Mr Bailey's pro-
fanity within the Bills of Mortality,
or have felt the thrill he owns to at
the ghastly heading "Scene — Hell,"
which graces one act of that sul-
phureous drama? Was it, we may
ask, under " the abstraction neces-
sary to the enjoyment of a great
work" that the Greek dramatists
first established and have since
maintained their hold on men's
minds? Is it only when remote from
all chances of excitement, from all
the concerns of the outer world, that
Shakespeare is recognised for per-
haps the greatest of poets ? A poet
of the highest order has a nobler
office than delighting readers who
have nothing else to do ; he neither
asks for nor requires such isolation
from all other interests in his hearers.
His winged words make their way
anywhere. What the " Header's "
critical judgment is of the ' Ring and
the Book' we have yet to learn. " I
am waiting," he tells us, "for a fitting
opportunity when the world may
not be too much with me." It must
be owned, however, that here is an
excuse for the British Public. It
cannot expatriate itself in a body,
or disperse into inaccessible corners.
The books it accepts must endure
the competition of other occupations
and interests ; they must not only
have thought, but expression. The
air readily carries music ; pure, sus-
tained, harmonious tones reach far.
We have called prolixity a rela-
tive as well as a positive quality.
Length does not deserve the epithet
so long as it suits the reader's taste.
We desire things to be long or short
630
Prolixity.
[May
according to what is to succeed them,
and are patient of length if we dread
what is to come after. Richardson's
merits as a novelist are great; but
now in England, amid the multipli-
city of books, the mere length is
fatal. In a desert island, as the soli-
tary's only novel, this amplitude of
detail, here so tedious, would en-
hance and crown every other merit.
"When Mr Macaulay produced his
copy of 'Clarissa' at a hill station in
India, the whole station was in a
passion of excitement. The gover-
nor's wife seized the book, the
secretary waited for it, and the chief-
justice could not read it for tears, —
none would, under such circum-
stances, think it too long, but those
who were kept waiting.
There is no stronger external
evidence of the inspiration of the
Bible than its marvellous condensa-
tion, and therefore its fitness for the
humanity of all time. Man has
portioned it into texts to serve the
prolixity, the diluting processes in-
separable from human thought; but
it is, in fact, one great text, about
which human thought, knowledge,
and wisdom amplify, pursue, swell,
dilate, diverge into infinite cogita-
tions of wit and infinite cobwebs
of speculation. As men we cannot
escape from prolixity either in others
or ourselves. We must all prose
sometimes, and tell each other things
we know they know, and that they
know that we know that they know.
All that we must aim at is modera-
tion in our own person and patience
under the universal infliction ; ac-
knowledging the universal hold of
prosing upon human affairs : for,
" to say the truth, there seems no
part of knowledge in fewer hands
than that of discerning when to
have done."
1871.]
Tlie Leather Bottil.
631
THE LEATHER BOTTEL.
A DARWINIAN DITTY.
[FOR the better understanding of this " ditty," in case it should not
be self-interpreting, we prefix to it two Extracts, one from Mr Darwin's
Descent of Man, and the other from Dr Alleyne Nicholson's Introductory
Text -Book of Zoology, with a relative woodcut, borrowed from Dr
Nicholson's work, in which cut, as being a family portrait of our ancestor
(according to Mr Darwin), our readers cannot fail to feel a strong interest.
We suggest that the word Ascidian, if not spelled Askidian, ought, at
least, to be pronounced so.]
" The most ancient progenitors in the kingdom of the Vertebrata, at which
we are able to obtain an obscure glance, apparently consisted of a group of
marine animals, resembling the larvae of existing Ascidians.
" These animals probably
gave rise to a group of
fishes, . . . these to the
Simiadse. The Simiadse
then branched off into two
great stems, the New World
and Old World monkeys;
and from the latter, at a
remote period, Man, the
wonder and glory of the
universe, proceeded. Thus
we have given to man
a pedigree of prodigious
length, but not, it may
be said, of noble quality."
— The Descent of Man, and
Selection in relation to
Sex. By Charles Darwin,
M.A. F.R.S. &c.; voL L p.
212-13.
'A Simple Ascidian."
TUNICATA. — This class
includes a class of animals
not at all familiarly known,
and mostly of small size.
They are often called Ascid-
ians (Gr. askos, a wine-skin),
from the resemblance which
many of them exhibit in shape
to a two-necked jar or bottle
(see fig.) — The two orifices in
the outer leathery case or ' test'
of the Tunicata lead into the
interior of the animal, and are
used for the admission and ex-
pulsion of sea- water ; and by
their means the animal both
breathes and obtains food."
— Introductory Text - Book
of Zoology. By H. Alleyne
Nicholson, M.D. &c.
Air— " The Leather Bottel."
See Chappell's Popular Mutic of the Olden Time, vol. ii., 513.
ma - ny wond-rous things there be Of which we can't the rea - son
N -M — N—
I^-H \J — '
-j— JM • •-
see ! And this is one, I used to think, That most men like a drop of drink. But
here comes Darwin with his plan, And shows the true Descent of Man : And that explains it
HE]EiE
, - i_-___-_j
all full well, For man — was — once a leather bot
tell
632 The Leather Bottel [May
There are Mollusca rather small,
That Naturalists Ascidia call ;
Who, being just a bag-like skin,
Subsist on water pouring in :
And these you'll find, if you will seek,
Derive their name from Heathen Greek;
For Scott and Scapula show full well
That As— kos— means — a leather bottel.
Now Darwin proves as clear as mud,
That, endless ages ere the Flood,
The Coming man's primaeval form
Was simply an Ascidian worm : *
And having then the habit got
Of passing liquor down his throat,
He keeps it still, and shows full well
That Man— was-once — a leather bottel.
When Bacchus' feasts came duly round,
Athenian peasants beat the ground;
And danced and leapt, to ease their toil,
'Mid leather bottles smeared with oil :
From which they slid, with broad grimace,
And falling, filled with mirth the place :
And so they owned and honoured well
Their great-grand-sire — the leather bottel.
The toper loves to sit and swill
Of wine, or grog, or beer, his fill ;
And, as he doth but little eat,
It serves him both for drink and meat :
But don't, I pray, be too strait-laced,
Or blame this pure Ascidian taste :
For Darwin's theory shows full well,
The to— per-is — a leather bottel.
The Dean of Christ-Church does not shrink
To give five reasons we should drink :
" Good wine, a friend, or being dry,
Or lest we should be by-and-by: "
Then adds the fifth in humorous sport,
As " any other reason " for't :
But all his reasoning shows full well,
The Dean— was-just — a leather bottel ! $
Nay, those who fain strong drink would stop,
Don't say, we should not drink a drop ;
But water, milk, or eau sucree,
We're free to tipple all the day :
Sam Johnson's self, as you may see,
Drank many myriad cups of tea :
* Worm is here used for larva. t See Virgil's Georgics, ii. 380.
£ Dean Aldrich's well-known Catch,
" If all be true that I do think,
There are five reasons we should drink,"
1871.] Platonic Paradoxes. 633
And all this drinking shows full well
That man's— at-best — a leather bottel.
" The thirsty earth drinks up the rain,"
The plants, too, drink the moistened plain :
" The sea itself, which, one would think,
Should have but little need for drink,
Drinks twice ten thousand rivers up ; "
While beasts and fishes share the cup :
The Sun, too, drinks, the Moon as well ;
So Na-ture's-all — a leather bottel.*
I hope even Darwin don't say Nay,
When asked at times to wet his clay :
And 1 for one would drink his health,
And wish him sense and wit and wealth :
And if good liquor he doth brew,
I'll drink to old Erasmus too :
And gladly join to show full well
That man-is-still — a leather bottel. t
PLATONIC PARADOXES.
A NEW SONG.
Air—" The tight little Jtland.'
IN how many strange ways
Human nature displays
The caprices that enter her pate, 0 !
To which view you'll be led
If some pages you've read
In the Oxford translation of Plato.
What a wonderful writer is Plato !
And how well Jowett's pen can translate, 0 !
But I clearly discover
On reading him over
Some very odd notions in Plato.
The fears of the brave
Make us always look grave,
And the mean little tricks of the great, 0 !
So the foolish things too
That the wise say and do
Are ridiculous even in Plato.
is a translation of the following Latin lines, which Father Sirmond, the Jesuit,
" quoique fort sobre," delighted to repeat : —
" Si bene commemini can sac sunt quiuqtie bibendi :
Hospitis adveutus ; prsesens sitis ; atqne futura ;
Et vini bonitas ; et queelibct altera causa." — Menagiana, i. 172.
* Altered from Cowley's Anacreontics.
t Erasmus Darwin, mentioned in the last verse, was, we believe, the grandfather of
the present distinguished Naturalist. The germ of the " Darwinian theory" is, we
consider, much more certainly to be found in the Doctor's posthumous ]x>em of the
Temple of Nature, than the origin of man in the Ascidian larva, or leather bottel.
634 Platonic Paradoxes. [May
Upon some points I quite go with Plato,
In the same way as Addison's Cato :
But some marvellous flaws
As to justice and laws
Mark the model Republic of Plato.
Every honest man grieves
At the number of thieves
That our social temptations create, 0 !
And our hearts are all sore
For the wretchedly poor ;
And I'm sure the same feelings had Plato.
But the system propounded by Plato,
These deplorable ills to abate, 0 !
"Was to break off with Mammon,
Have all things in common :
" Private property's gammon " — said Plato.
There of course is no theft
When no property's left
To give Meum and Tuum their weight, 0 !
And when all's a dead level,
Starvation and revel
Alike are excluded by Plato.
These Communist doctrines of Plato
Have again come in fashion of late, 0 !
But the makers of money,
The hoarders of honey,
Won't be pleased with these projects of Plato.
Then the struggles and strife
That attend married life,
And that often turn love into hate, 0 !
Its profligate courses,
Desertions, Divorces,
Must have hurt the fine feelings of Plato.
But a very bad cure proposed Plato
(For I don't think him here the potato],
" Make the man and the woman,
Like property, common ; —
And the children as well : " added Plato.
No folks were to wed
That were not thorough-bred,
And each wedding should last a short date, 0 !
And if children appeared
Not quite fit to be reared,
They were never acknowledged by Plato.
'Twas a delicate question with Plato,
Upon which he dislikes to dilate, 0 !
But we all of us know
Where the puppy-dogs go
When the litter's too many for Plato.
On this question that vexes
Us as to the sexes,
1871.] Platonic Paradoxes. 635
Our author don't long hesitate, 0 !
Women's duties and rights,
Whether beauties or frights,
Are completely conceded by Plato.
But the pace here adopted by Plato
Seems to move at too rapid a rate, 0 !
All must go to the wars
And be servants of Mars,
Both the women and men, under Plato.
On another small point
He appears out of joint,
Though perhaps it admits of debate, 0 !
If philosophers solely
Should rule o'er us wholly,
Or our kings be the pupils of Plato.
Suppose them as clever as Plato,
How would Darwin or Mill rule the state, 0 !
Should you think Epicurus
A good Palinurus,
Or would England be governed by Plato 1
A philosopher's schemes
Are made up of fond dreams
And of idle Utopian prate, 0 !
For while Theory preaches,
'Tis Practice that teaches,
And corrects the wild crotchets of Plato.
So the model Eepublic of Plato
Must submit to the general fate, 0 !
Lay the book on the shelf,
And each man make HIMSELF
What a Christian would wish for in Plato.
NOTE. — While we thus venture, under the allowed garb of ridicule, to record some
plain truths as to certain extravagant views suggested by Plato in his Republic, we
should do injustice to our own feelings if we did not at the same time express the
pleasure and admiration which have been excited in us by the remarkable Translation
of that author that has just issued from the Clarendon Press. This work by Professor
Jowett is one of the most splendid and valuable gifts to Literature and Philosophy
that have for a long time been offered. Its first or most obvious excellence is the
perfect ease and grace of the translation, which is thoroughly English, and yet en-
tirely exempt from any phrase or feature at variance with the Hellenic character.
Very few translations, other than the Bible, read like an original : but this is one of
them. It has other and more recondite excellences. It is the work, almost the life-
labour, we believe, of a profound scholar, a thoughtful moralist and metaphysician,
and a most successful instructor of youth: and it is manifest that the complete success
that has attended his execution of the task is itself the means of concealing the dili-
gence, industry, and ability, with which philological and interpretative difficulties
must have been solved or overcome. It is a great matter, even for the best scholars,
to possess such a guide and help in the study of the original ; and to others, desirous
of knowing thoroughly and appreciating worthily the wise thoughts and literary
beauties of one of the greatest writers that ever lived, the boon is inestimable. The
Introductions to the several Dialogues seem to be excellent, and are appropriately
directed to explain the point of view which the great Greek philosopher occupied,
and to point out the fact that his very errors — and we think some of these very great —
arose out of his keen perception of evils which needed a remedy, but which, we believe,
can only be remedied by higher influences than any that were within reach of a
Pagan Philosophy.
YOL. CIX. — NO. DCLZYIL 2 X
636
Under the Red Cross : A Narrative of
[May
UNDEE THE KED CKOSS :
A NARRATIVE OF HOSPITAL-LIFE WITH THE PRUSSIANS IN FRANCE.
PART I. CHAPTER I.
ON arriving in Munich from Italy,
my first step was to report myself
to the English Legation — a mere
form, perhaps, as I knew that the
German authorities alone could help
me to obtain what I had come to
seek : the heing enlisted in the
corps of the " Volunteer Nurses."
and obtaining the protection and
privileges conferred by the Eed
Cross ; still there is a general belief
on the Continent, that the bearer of
an English passport is entitled to
special respect ; — and although we
were not in very good odour in the
North German Confederation (ow-
ing to our being suspected of a
sneaking and unavowed sympathy
for the French), there was never-
theless a certain feeling of security
in the possession of that flimsy
document, with its rampant and de-
fiant supporters of the Garter, head-
ing " the request and demand in the
name of her Majesty," &c, &c.
I had brought letters to the
Prussian envoy, Baron von W.,
and, in my interview with him,
informed him that I wished to de-
vote myself to nursing the sick and
wounded in the hospitals in France :
it was a matter of perfect indiffer-
ence to me where I was sent, or
what work I had to do ; but that,
if a choice were offered to me, I
should select the work of fever hos-
pitals, as it required less surgical
knowledge than the wounded de-
manded, and in consequence of the
contagion, there would be a greater
want of nurses. Baron von W.'s
answer was : " Doubtless it is a
very noble mission you are under-
taking, and with your knowledge of
French and German, you may be of
great use. Where ladies have been
able to stand the work and privations,
their nursing has been a very great
help and comfort ; but many don't
know the hardships of such an un-
dertaking, and turn out, notwith-
standing their most praiseworthy
intentions, helpless and useless.
Therefore I do not hide from you
that it is by no means an easy thing
to obtain the Eed Cross ; but I will
do all that lies in my power to re-
commend you, most especially to
Graf Castell, the head of the Cen-
tral Committee, and if you will
meet me to-morrow at our mutual
friend's, Madame von M., I will let
you know the result."
This " mutual friend " is a charm-
ing and clever English lady (mar-
ried to a Prussian diplomate), with a
" heart of gold," and most original
and amusing. My visit was a sur-
prise which elicited the exclama-
tion—
" Good gracious, child ! what are
you doing in Munich ? "
" Going to nurse the sick and
wounded at the seat of war. Come
here to get my papers."
" Why, you don't expect to get
the Eed Cross, do you ? Because
you had better give up that idea at
once. It is next to impossible. They
have refused scores ; and, besides, I
don't think our nationality is any
recommendation just now."
" Why is there such a very great
difficulty 1 I thought they were al-
ways glad to have nurses."
" Because, my dear, there has
been such unwarrantable abuse of
the Eed-Cross badge. Lots of peo-
ple have gone — ay, and even from
England — with the idea that they
1871.] Hospital-Life with the Prussians in France. — Part I.
637
would make a pleasant trip of it,
see tlie country, write paying ar-
ticles to the papers, and get their
expenses gratis into the bargain !
I know of a lady who, under the
protection of her badge, went over
the battle - fields and made inter-
esting collections of dead heroes'
bones ! Besides, my dear, it sounds
all very fine and praiseworthy ; but
women who have got ' nerves,' are
easily shocked, and can't understand
what the poor suffering men want,
had far better stay at home ; there
isn't one in a hundred that can be
of real use."
" Well, but I don't want to write
articles for newspapers — I should
not know how to; nor do I care
for relics of fallen heroes ; and you
know that I don't mind privations,
and understand German thorough-
iy."
" Including their horrible patois ?
You must remember that your
knowledge of hoch Deutsch is not
going to be of much service to you
when a half-delirious ' Schwab ' or
' Westphaler ' mutters out his wail-
ings or requirements in his own pe-
culiar dialect, and there would be a
great loss of time in having to ap-
peal to a third party for an explana-
tion." I assented. " Oh ! " con-
tinued my friend, " I know you'll
do capitally, but you can't expect
them to take it for granted ; how-
ever, you may be certain I'll give
you every recommendation and sup-
port that I am able to ; but don't
be sanguine about the Eed Cross,
for I don't think you will get it."
I confess I did not feel elated at
this new view of the case ; but, to
my surprise and delight, when I
reached Madame von M.'s house on
the morrow, I was greeted with the
welcome words :—
" Let me congratulate you, my
dear, on your success. It's all right ;
you are to have the Red Cross, and
be packed off with the first hospital-
train which leaves for France. You
had better go and see Baron von W.,
and thank him for his help."
" At one o'clock, I suppose, is the
best hour?"
" Bless you, no such thing ! don't
you know that in Germany every
one dines at one o'clock? Go be-
fore."
That little duty performed, my
next move was to go and have an
interview with Graf Castell, the
chief (or " head-devil," as our Ame-
rican cousins call it) of the " Bava-
rian Society for the care and sup-
port in the field of wounded and
sick soldiere," a very lengthy no-
menclature for a society, but then
the German language is more pre-
cise than concise; also it is apt
to get uncommonly rusty for want
of use, and I felt somewhat uncer-
tain as to what amount of fluency
I could command, seeing that I
had been out of the habit of con-
versing for some years ; however,
memory brought back the intricate
constructions and proper forms of
speech.
Graf Castell informed me that I
should be supplied with the neces-
sary papers of " Legitimation " and
the badge, and that I was to hold
myself in readiness to start with the
hospital-train, the exact day of de-
parture not having as yet been
fixed. He also gave me a letter of
recommendation, which would give
me access to the Queen - mother's
private lazareth, as well as to that
of the Knights of St George, both
out of town.
Before returning to my hotel, I
thought it advisable to purchase a
small " conversation book," and
practise myself in the conven-
tional Durchlauts and Hochwohl-
geboreners, which the Germans
use so profusely when addressing
grandees, both in speaking and
writing.
The next day dawned with a
Under the Red Cross : A Narrative of
[May
snowstorm, and as I sat at break-
fast in the " Speise-saal," and watch-
ed the drotchsky horses slipping
about, and finally sitting in all sorts
of uncomfortable positions on the
frozen streets, I began to foresee
what a cold journey was before me,
and sallied out to purchase fur-
shoes and warm underclothing ;
then, drove out through the town
and suburbs into a muddy lane, and
stopped at a house having the ap-
pearance of a well-to-do wirtlischaft
(which the Queen's Hospital had
really been). On the door was
posted the following announcement :
" No admittance except by order
of the Queen-mother's Hofinar-
schalL" Ignoring tbis injunction, I
sent in Graf Castell's letter, with
my card, and in less than a minute
was beckoned in to the vestibule,
where the above-mentioned Hof-
niarschall stood before me hat in
hand. How conveniently the " con-
versation book " served me at this
critical and unexpected moment !
" Seine Excellenz" informed me
that her Majesty was in the ward,
and had sent him to say how happy
she would be to show me her hos-
pital herself. I made an attempt
to excuse my intrusion, pleading
ignorance of her Majesty's presence;
but the Hofmarschall broke into
French, and repeating, " Sa Majeste
vous prie," led the way up-stairs,
and introducing me first to the lady
in waiting at the door of the Kran-
kensaal, we walked through it, and
I was presented to the Queen, who
smiled very affably, saying —
" C'est un vrai plaisir pour moi,
de vous montrer moi-meme tous mes
inalades."
" Je rends graces a votre Ma-
jeste"," I replied, " de 1'honneur
dont elle me comble, et la prie d'ac-
cepter ma reconnaissance pour une*
bonte" qui me rend cette visite
doublement precieuse."
Thereupon her Majesty, remarking
interrogatively, " You are Eng-
lish ? " continued the conversation
with perfect ease and fluency in my
own language, and led me round
the infirmary, giving me the history
of each patient. There were not
more than twenty-five (no cases of
fever), and all appeared very well
cared for and happy ; the rooms very
warm, but thoroughly ventilated.
The Queen-mother of Bavaria is a
handsome short woman of about
forty-five years, motherly and kind
in appearance, but dignified and
gracious withal, and she visited her
patients every day.
The " Konig-and-Georg-Kitter
Spitale," both in the same build-
ing, are much grander affairs — a
very large building, originally in-
tended for a " Damenstift," and con-
taining over two hundred and fifty
patients. There I was taken under
the wing of the " Barmherzige Sch-
western" (Sisters of Charity), who
had been administering their tender
cares since the first wounded had
been brought from Wissembourg,
Worth, and Gravelotte. The patients
occupied by twos little rooms right
and left off long passages. The
poor fellows seemed very glad to
see visitors, and talk over all their
woes. For the most part they
were cheerful, and seemingly con-
tented. There were many who had
been wounded at Spicheren, Vion-
ville, and Gravelotte, and who did
not expect to be on their crutches
till Easter; others from Beaumont
and Sedan and the later engage-
ments. The rooms were kept scru-
pulously clean and tidy, each pa-
tient having by his bedside a little
table, with the inevitable cigars (in-
deed they were all smoking), pipes,
books, writing materials, and news-
papers. The two worst cases I saw
were a Silesian who had had both
arms and one leg amputated; his
face was wasted, pale, and covered
with sweat, but he conversed freely,
told me his sleep and appetite were
good, but that his great regret was
1871.] Hospital-Life with the Prussians in France. — Part I.
639
" that he could not now be vor
Paris." The other was a Prussian,
whose leg had been badly amputated
on the battle-field, and an abscess
had formed on the stump ; as the
Sister dressed the poor limb, the
hero groaned and cried like a child.
One good-looking young Saxon,
. with a bullet in his arm, observed,
pointing at his camara.de: "Poor
fellow ! he won't be able to go back
and fight ; but, Gott sei dank, I shall
be out again soon ! "
Another who heard me say I was
going to France to nurse in the hos-
pitals, remarked —
"Ich beneide die Verwundeten,
und ich beneide auch Sie !" ("I envy
the wounded, and I envy you too!")
The military hospitals at Munich
are not nearly so clean and well
kept as the royal ones ; but then
that could not be expected, as the
cost would be too great ; but the
French, of whom there was a very
large proportion, were just as well
cared for and attended to as their
enemies.
Madame von M. took me to the
" Hof-Theater," in the box of the
Prussian Embassy, and I had the
luck to hear my favourite opera
" Faust " most exquisitely given ; in-
deed I believe the opera in Munich
ranks amongst the best abroad, for
the young King is passionately fond
of music, and spends much of his
private fortune in having the best
operas put magnificently upon the
stage, especially those of his friend
Richard Wagner.
After waiting two days more, dur-
ing which the weather got still colder
and the ground more thoroughly
frozen, I received a very business-
like-looking envelope from Count
Castell, containing my Legitima-
tion's Carte, which ran thus : —
Legitimation.
Name
Stand
Wohnort
ist ermachtigt zum Tragen des nach der Genfer Con-
vention vorgeschriebenen Neutralitats-Abzeichens.
Miinchon, den 1
1870.
Das Central-Comite
des
Bayer. Verein zur Pflege und Unterstiitzung im Fdde verwundeter
und erkrankter Krieger.
640
Under the Red Cross : A Narrative, of
[May
and on the other side the visa of
the Royal Bavarian Minister of
War, with that functionary's seal;
a letter to Baron von P., at Lagny ;
and my badge, consisting of a
hand of white calico, stamped
with the words "Landes-Verein
K. Bayern," and a woollen red cross
sown on to it ; also a note inform-
ing me that the spital-zug (hospital-
train) would leave the following day
at 5 P.M.
Acting on the advice of my friend
Madame von M., I provided plenty
of warm coverings, and took a small
stock of tea, coffee, brandy, and
Liebig's extract. I also purchased
a couple of hundred cigars — that
article being the most welcome
douceur to a German heart — and
had my " flimsy document " vise
at the Prussian embassy as fol-
lows : —
" Gesehenundgut fiir den Krieges,
schaup latz in Frankreich im Dienste
der freiwilligen Kranken pflege ; "
(" good for the seat of war, in the
service of the voluntary care of sick
and wounded.")
The last piece of advice given me
by Madame von M. proved of ines-
timable service to me : — •
" Take everything you may re-
quire with you ; don't have anything
sent after you, or you will never see
it again ; and — cut your hair short,
it's healthier."
" Well," said I, " I had thought
of that, but then there might be oc-
casions when I might want to wear
a bonnet, and should wish in vain
for the severed locks."
" Nonsense, my dear ; besides,
you can take your chignon with you,
and clap it on when you want to
get yourself up ! "
When I went the next morning
to the station to have a look at our
hospital-train, and consign my bag-
gage (consisting of one box and a
valise) to one of the wdrter (at-
tendants), a todten-zug came in from
France. The carriages were marked
with a white cross on a black ground.
On the platform were standing
dismounted cavalry soldiers, who re-
moved the coffins and placed them on
military hearses. There were many
people looking on, and deep-drawn
sighs could be heard amidst the sad si-
lence which pervaded the whole scene.
When all was ready, the soldiers,
with lighted tapers in their hands,
took up their places beside the
hearses, and the horses themselves
looked as if they knew the lifeless
burdens they were drawing. The
corporal on horseback at the head
of the mournful procession gave a
half-muffled ' ' Marsch ! ' ' and it moved
on slowly out of the station.
As the crowd dispersed I heard a
woman say —
" Poor noble fellows, they have
died a glorious death and earned
the " Himmelreieh ! " — " Kingdom
of Heaven ! "
" Yes," remarked a bystander,
" so have the thousands whose very
resting-places are unknown to their
families ; but what does our country
gain by it ] those Prussians get all
the glory ! "
CHAPTER II.
Our hospital-train was made up
of forty-seven carriages — several first-
class compartments, clean and com-
fortable, and heated by steam-pipes
running under the seats. They were
respectively marked " Command-
ant, " " Aertze," " Verwaltung,"
" Schwestern, " " Warter, " and
" Wacht " ;— " Doctors," " Inten-
dance," " Sisters/' " Attendants,"
and "Watch." Then the engine-
room with the heating -apparatus,
1871.] Hospital-Life with the Prussians in France. — Part I.
G41
storerooms, kitchen, and twelve Tcran-
kenwagen, each containing a small
stove and five beds (with mattress,
sheets, blankets, and feather-pillows),
mounted on elliptic springs. These
last carriages, as well as the kitchen,
are built on the Swiss and American
principle — that is, opening on to a
little covered platform in the centre
connecting them with each other, so
that while the train was in motion one
could walk through all the carriages
to fetch what was required for the
sick in the kitchen or store-rooms.
As I entered the restauration of
the station, the Herr Major or com-
mandant of our train stepped for-
ward, saying —
" You are the English lady I am
to have the honour of escorting ? "
and his spurs met with a clink.
" Allow me to present to you the
three surgeons who are going with
you ; and here are six ' Barmherzige
Schwester ' and a nurse who accom-
pany us."
After a few minutes' conversation,
we were summoned by the station-
master to take our seats. The Herr
Major asked me if I wished to oc-
cupy a compartment with the Sisters,
but I feared that my sleep would be
disturbed by their devotional ex-
ercises, and preferred sharing a car-
riage with the " lay nurse."
Our escort consisted of six Bava-
rian Landwehr and a corporal ; and
we took with us several carriages
full of ammunition, -ten artillerymen
and a sergeant going to Meaux.
The first carriage was marked
" Bayerischer Spital Zug," and they
all had large red crosses on white
squares painted on the panels — not
that this " Neutralitats - zeicheri "
was much respected in France, for it
had occurred more than once that the
hospital-trains — even those return-
ing loaded with wounded — had been
fired upon by the peasants and
franc-tireurs as they passed ; and
the commandant told me our jour-
ney to Lagny would be very slow
work, for when once across the
French frontier they dared not
travel by night.
My companion, a German widow,
turned out to be a nurse de son etat,
who had been through the campaign
of '66 as freiwillige kranken pflege-
rin, and, ever since this war broke
out, had been working gratis in the
hospitals at home. She was present
on the battle-fields of Gravelotte and
Mars-la-Tour (where she herself,
unaided, performed an amputation),
and escorted the first ambulance-
train which bore the wounded into
the Grand Duchy of Baden, doing
the duties of head-nurse until the
hospital she belonged to broke up ;
and now her intention was, like
mine, to seek work in France. She
proved, as we travelled on, a most
pleasant companion, good - hearted
and full of fun (a rare merit for one
of her nationality !), not liable to
be awed or frightened by anything,
and very entertaining.
When we reached Ulm, late in
the evening, there was an hour's
halt. Supper was served for us in
the restauration, and then we re-
paired to our night-quarters, the
Sisters occupying two of the kran-
kenwogen, and Madame Schmid and
I another. The cold was intense,
but we made up a roaring fire in
the little stove, and wrapping our-
selves up in endless blankets and
rugs, went to bed, getting up in
turns every half-hour to poke the
fire and to pile on coals ; but sleep
would assert itself, and when we
woke up at daylight the fire was
out, and the cold intense.
As I opened the door to go and
find one of the icarter, the snow,
which was piled up a foot high on
the platform, was blown in like dust
by the freezing, cutting wind.
The first person I met was the
642
Under the Red Cross : A Narrative of
[May
Landwehr corporal, who was on his
way to look after our fire with one
of his men. It was soon set a-blaz-
ing, and the soldier having fetched
us our cafe au lait from the kitchen,
we " bivouacked," as it were, round
the little stove.
The "Copral" was a tall hand-
some specimen of his class, spoke the
most uncompromising patois, wore
his helmet very jauntily inclined to-
wards his left ear, and having ac-
cepted the offer of a glass of cognac
to thaw the icicles which still hung
from his moustache, proceeded to
enlighten us as to his views of the
Franco-German struggle. We found
that the man set a boundless value
on his sex, for his pity, he said,
was not so much for the rela-
tives of fallen heroes, as for the
poor French girls who would find
no more husbands ! Then he drew
out a small gold locket which he
wore round his neck, and showed us
therein the portrait of his bride.
At Stuttgard we stopped for an hour,
and changed into our day-quarters,
the first-class carriages, which were
warm and comfortable.
At 2 P.M. we reached Carlsruhe,
and there our dinner was brought
to us, consisting of black bread
(which would have been eatable
enough had it not been flavoured
with fennel), a plate of soup rather
watery and greasy, some tough
boiled beef and potatoes, and some
Bavarian beer. This, diversified
with sauer - kraut and cold boiled
sausages, formed the staple of our
dinners and suppers during the
whole journey. It was rather mono-
tonous and coarse, but there was
plenty of it.
The " Copral," whose weak point
was his gallantry, and who was
never loath to accept a good cigar,
always secured us white brodchen
and a bottle of milk when they
were to be got; and as I had with me
a spirit-lamp, essence of coffee, tea,
and sugar, we fared very well.
When we crossed the bridge of
Kehl, destroyed during the bombard-
ment of Strassburg, and since re-
built, it was so dark that we could
scarcely distinguish the river and
town. A little beyond Strassburg
we were shunted on to a side-rail
and there stopped for the night.
Our experience of the previous night,
with the prospect of doing "stoker"
by turns, was not engaging. Ma-
dame Schmid proposed our fetching
our pillows and blankets from our
night-quarters, so we decided upon
retaining the day-compartments, and
tipping the ivagen - chauffeur to
keep our pipes hot till midnight,
trusting that the hot air shut in
would prevent our being congealed
until the machine was set agoing
again at dawn. This proved a much
better plan.
When the warier came the next
morning to bring us our breakfast
at LuneVille, we found ourselves
sealed in by the frost, for neither
the door nor the windows of our
carriage could be opened until some
hot water had been fetched from the
kitchen to thaw the ice, and release
us. At this station I had my first
conversation with a French woman,
who was sweeping out the office of
the Prussian station-master — a rough
stern fellow, of whom she seemed
much in awe. He did not intimi-
date me in the least, though he was
infuriated by my expressions of sym-
pathy for his poor conquered slave.
He rather guessed than compre-
hended my meaning, his own know-
ledge of the language being confined
to " Debechez-fous, fite, allons," in-
terspersed with the ever-recurring
" Conner Wetter, Marsch ! "
Our progressive movements hence-
forth became subject to many in-
terruptions ; for our line being the
only direct communication between
1871.] Hospital-Life with the Prussians in France. — Part I. 643
France and Germany, it was con-
tinually encumbered by post, pro-
vision, military, and hospital trains
running to and fro; and, to avoid
collisions, no little prudence was
necessary.
From each station the Herr Major
would telegraph on to the next, to
know if the line were clear, and thus
our departure depended on the an-
swer, which would sometimes keep
us waiting for hours, sometimes
hurry us off without a moment's de-
lay; occasionally we went creeping
along at an exasperatingly slow
pace, and then again found ourselves
rushing at express speed.
At Nancy there were no less than
seven trains waiting to move on, the
period of their detention ranging
between four hours and four days.
Alongside of ours was an endless
cavalry train full of Uhlans and
their steeds, numbering two hundred
and eighty. The horses were placed
by sixes in vans, three facing each
other. I pitied them far more than
the men, for they had been thus
cramped up for seven days already,
and were not able to lie down.
The men were kind and caressing
to them, and thoy were continually
straining their heads over the bar
(fixed in front of their chests) to
look out, and have their dear soft
noses patted. As I stretched out
my hand from the carriage-window
to give the horses some pieces of
bread, two Uhlans said to me —
"Oh, Schwester" (sister), "give
the bread to us, for the horses get
plenty of corn and straw, but we
have hardly eaten anything the last
three days."
This train had been retarded by
a slight collision at the commence-
ment of its journey, and ever since
its progress had been of the slowest.
The men, whose patience was sorely
tried, vented their feelings by
scribbling satirical remarks and
weak jokes, in chalk, upon the
panels of their vans, such as " Re-
staurant de la Paix," " Eilzug nach
Paris ; " and under the usual " 6
Pferde oder 32 Mann" they had
added, " Kanonen - futter ; " ("ex-
press train to Paris, six horses or
thirty-two men ; and ' food for pow-
der.' " )
Our chauffeur having assured us
that our train could not possibly
move on for at least four hours,
Madame Schmid and I went to
luncheon at a restaurant, and . then
strolled about the pretty picturesque
town; but it was sad to see the de-
serted streets, the gloomy expression
upon the faces of the few stragglers
we met, and the too evident cessa-
tion of all business.
Even in rushing through those
departments occupied by the enemy,
traces of the remorseless Juggernaut,
war, were painfully visible. A
thick coating of snow had covered
the untilled and neglected fields;
scarcely a village but had one or
more houses damaged or mined by
shells ; and the manufactories of
these once thriving districts were
closed, and their tall chimneys smok-
ed no longer.
When we returned to the station,
we were some time in finding our
train, notwithstanding its flaring red
crosses, for it had been shunted off
nearly a quarter of a mile beyond
where we had left it — some had
moved on, and others arrived with
fresh regiments of Landwehr called
to " fill up the gaps " — and we found
an addition to our numbers in the
shape of eight convalescent Prussians
of the Garde (or Jarde, as they
pronounce it), whom we were to
take on to Lagny to join their regi-
ments— picked men, evidently " the
flower of the army."
Even Madame Schmid, who being
a true Bavarian, with the campaign
of '66 still fresh in her memory,
644
Under the Red Cross : A Narrative of
[May
bore the Prussians no great love,
and called them to their faces " die
schwarze Raubvogel" (black birds of
prey), was fain to admit that these
fritzchen were not only handsome
but refined and well bred, and we
very soon became good friends.
They spoke with much modesty of
their victories, owned that in the
lirst battles the French fought with
bravery, and expressed great pity
for the country people whose homes
were desolate, and crops destroyed,
adding : " Poor people, it is very
hard ; for they can' t help being French
any more than we can help fight-
ing them when we are ordered to."
It is truly touching to see the
attachment which the North Ger-
mans especially have for their homes
and families. Even the roughest
and most uncouth of them, when
giving a matter-of-fact account of his
campaign (of the result of which he
is confident), will soften at once at
the mention of die heimath (home),
and exclaim —
" Oh ! if only my mother knew :
if I could only see her for an hour!"
CHAPTER in.
Toul was reached in the after-
noon. Observing an unusual com-
motion on the platform, I looked
out and saw two French officers on
parole, who were making for our
train, in which a compartment had
been assigned to them to convey
them to Bar le Due. They were
pushing their way through a crowd
of soldiers, some of whom followed
jeering and " chaffing."
" Give them a coupe to them-
selves : they must not mix with us,"
they shouted ; "so shut them up
in a cage alone ! "
We were indignant, and seeing
no officer present who could reprove
the offenders, and the poor French-
men looking very angry and rather
frightened, Madame Schmid's blood
was up in a second.
" How dare you insult prisoners'? "
said she, apostrophising the delin-
quents as well as the whole crowd
gathered around. "A mean, cow-
ardly set of elende hunde" (miser-
able dogs) ; " and call yourself sol-
diers, forsooth ! Shame on you ! "
I profited by the moment of surprise
caused by this unexpected attack to
get out of our carriage, and accosting
the two officers, said to them —
" The conductor does not seem
to have shown you your car-
riage— pray follow me; " and open-
ing the door of the carriage next
to us, they got in, and I contin-
ued standing on the step talking
to them through the window until
the train began to move. In the
mean time the soldiers, silenced at
once by the well-merited reproof,
and hissed at by our friends the
Garde, retired discomfited.
The officers came to thank us for
our kindly interference as soon as
we reached Bar le Due.
" But you are not German?" said
the Captain, a true Bazaine type.
" No, English," I answered.
" Oh, then, you know that to-
morrow the Comte de Chambord
is to land at Bordeaux with 10,000
French refugees, furnished and
armed by England, and France will
be saved ! "
I owned to being uninformed of
this unexpected move on the chess-
board, and could not help smiling
at the idea of 10,000 Messieurs com-
ing over from their " base of opera-
tions " in Leicester Square to chase
the Prussians out of their lines !
But our attention was soon called
1871.] Hospital-Life, with the Prussians in France. — Part I. 645
in another direction : a huge train
laden with- wounded French and
Germans arrived from Beaugency ;
there must have been more than four
hundred. It was a pitiable sight — the
victors with heads, arms, and legs
bandaged, their uniforms so soiled,
their accoutrements so damaged,
that one could scarcely tell to what
regiments they belonged, their boots
in holes, their bandages dirty aiid
blood-stained. It was not a regular
hospital-train which conveyed them,
but a military train, made up, as they
all were, of carriages of every class,
description, and country — Prussian,
Mecklenbiirger, Saxon, Badenser,
Wurtembiirger, Bavarian, Hesse
Nassauer, and Hanoverian, coupled
together promiscuously. Owing to
the perfect system which regulates
the Prussian military movements,
the arrival of this train had been
telegraphed an hour before, and
a large barrack with long tables
and benches was already prepared ;
and before the wounded men had
all alighted, soup, and a plate of
meat and bread, had been laid out
for them. Those who were too ill,
or too severely wounded, remained
lying on the mattresses and straw
in the vans, and we helped to carry
their food to them. Amongst these
latter were the French prisoners,
pitiable, half-starved wretches, lately
carried from the battle-field, or from
their own deserted ambulances ; their
clothes in rags, their feet frozen, and
most of them suffering from typhus
fever and dysentery.
I am bound in justice to mention
here, that every German pressed for-
ward with as much empressement as
we did, to succour these poor French
fellows first.
At every large station there is
quite a little trade carried on by
Frenchwomen, of felt-slippers and
comforters ; also brandy, cigars,
sausages, white bread, and coffee;
so we were able to chausser the
sufferers "poor feet," bandaged in
dirty rags, and comfort their " inner-
man " with restoratives. Our doc-
tors also attended them; and as we
each of us had a little store of band-
ages and charpie, the most urgent
cases had their wounds dressed and
made " comfortable."
I looked round expecting to see
the Sisters (whom we had asked to
come with us and help) ; but they
chose to remain in their carriages.
It was understood that they thought
it best to give their aid indirectly
as intercessors rather than helpers,
for they sat still and chanted a
litany.
The train soon hurried off again,
for, as it was not warmed, and the
cold was intense, the authorities
were anxious that the wounded
should reach Nancy, where a
hospital-train was ready to convey
them to Germany.
There being no more work for
us, and our noses and fingers being
blue with cold, we retraced our
steps to reach our train, which we
had left shunted on to a side-rail
and engineless. What was our
astonishment on approaching it to
see it suddenly propelled in our
direction (by a to us invisible power)
for some hundred yards ! The line
on which it stood was an acute
curve, and we soon became aware
that another train coming behind it
at no great speed had run into it.
Our doctors, attendants, and mili-
tary escort, nay, even the two wo-
men-cooks, had all descended to go
and help the wounded, leaving only
the Sisters behind in the train.
These good women, however, were
not hurt, and only very much fright-
ened at being suddenly and violently
thrown into each other's laps.
Two of our vans were slightly
damaged, but not so as to render
them useless. Our Major indulged
646
Under the Red Cross : A Narrative of
[May
in a great deal of Teutonic swearing,
flavoured with the usual appeal to
the elements; and after an hour's
delay we left Bar le Due, and at
evening reached Sermaize, where
we passed the night. The sun shone
brightly the following morning
when they brought us our coffee,
but our bottle of milk had come to
grief during the night; so, there
being at the time every prospect of
a lengthened halt, Madame Schmid
proposed that we should scour the
village in search of some more.
The village seemed quite deserted.
We knocked at some inhabited
houses to inquire where milk could
be bought, but the answer was,
" Nous avions de si belles vaches
avant la guerre, mais on les a toutes
requisitionnees, et puis que voulez-
vous1? il n'y a plus de commerce!"
However, one kindly dame took
pity upon us, and leading us through
several tortuous little streets, meet-
ing not a soul " human or canine,"
took us into a shop of " comestibles,"
and introduced us to the bystanders
as " some ladies from the ambu-
lance train who wish to buy milk."
We were instantly surrounded by
garrulous females sprung up from
unseen corners, and asking us a score
of questions, as to whence we came
and where we were going, and if it
was true that our trains were warmed
and travelled with a kitchen ?
My companion, whose sympathies
were very French, but who neither
understood nor spoke the language,
made frantic gesticulations of assur-
ance and approval, when I inter-
preted the appeal of one woman —
" You will nurse our sick too,
won't you 1 "
Another said to me : —
" But are you sure you are not
German 1 "
" No."
"You are French?"
" Non-plus." This rather stagger-
ed the questioner, but the first,
nudging her, remarked : —
" Well, every one can't be
French ! " — and to me — " It is all
the same noble mission, and God
will recompense you."
We succeeded at last in getting
our bottle filled with fresh milk ;
and after many farewells and hand-
shakings, we bent our steps leisure-
ly towards our train, when we sud-
denly became aware of shouts from
the station and waving of hands,
and saw our carriages slowly mov-
ing on.
We rushed like mad down the
hill, and along the platform, and
managed to scramble up on the
hindermost carriage, and, at the ut-
most peril of our necks, holding on
like " grim death " to the brass bars
which are fixed to the side of the
carriages, moved cautiously along
the steps until we reached our com-
partment in safety, and got in just
as the train was accelerating its mo-
tion to express speed ! The two
military trains were still stationary,
so we had evidently been tele-
graphed to move on quickly, before
the post-zug left the next station.
The Chalons station was still
more crowded with trains than the
one at Nancy, and the trade of the
female itinerant vendors of cognac,
cigars, and coffee, seemed flourish-
ing. There were long lines of booths,
too, with their little stoves, cooking
sausages, and other fat and suspi-
cious substances.
The gallant " Copral " chucked
all the pretty girls under their chins,
and expressed his admiration by
unconnected phrases, such as " jolies
Franchises," " dommage la guerre,"
" quel malheur " — answering their
objection with " Nix comprends
pas " (which, indeed, was the stan-
dard phrase of the German soldier
on every occasion) ; and when I re-
marked to him that the bride whose
1871.] Hospital-Life with the Prussians in France. — Part I.
647
effigy reposed on his manly breast
might perhaps object to such famil-
iarities, he reverted to his favourite
sympathy, saying — " Poor girls ! you
see ' they ' will never find husbands
now!"
We were very much tempted to go
to an hotel, and indulge in those ab-
lutions of which we had been guilt-
less for several days already, and
which had become paramount to
godliness, instead of secondary, in
our estimation ; but our morning's
experience prevented any such rash
adventures, especially as the Herr
Major assured us we might be mov-
ing in ten minutes. As it turned out,
however, this period of detention
was lengthened to thirty-two hours,
during which none of us dared to
venture beyond sight of the train.
The day we left, we had an un-
usually bad dinner, but consoled
ourselves with the thought that we
should shortly reach Epernay, and
there indulge in a bottle of unadul-
terated and first-rate champagne.
Another disappointment ! we crept
on so slowly that it was quite dark
before we got to the station, and
then received strict orders not to
leave our train, as there was a report
of Franc-tireurs lurking about. Tea
was substituted, perforza Maggiore,
for the sparkling beverage ; and
in a not very contented humour we
tucked ourselves up in our blankets
and resigned ourselves to the com-
forting arms of " Murphy."
Our slumbers were unexpectedly
disturbed, about an hour after mid-
night, by high words and abusive
language, and the ominous clink of
arms. Instinctively seizing my re-
volver, I opened the window hastily
and looked out for the cause of the
tumult, but the darkness prevented
my seeing anything but the glim-
mer of two rifles and the shining
scabbard of the Herr Major, who was
exclaiming : —
" Donnerwetter ! what business
have you here ] and, zum Teufel !
what is the use of having you senti-
nels, if you cannot stop these hounds
from spying 1 "
By this time every one in the
train was looking out of their car-
riage-window, and inquiring what
the row was, excepting the Sisters,
whom we heard taking instant refuge
in their beads.
Tranquillity was established along
the line, and presently the " Copral "
appeared, with his helmet less jaunti-
ly poised than usual upon his hand-
some head, for he had just received
a very severe reprimand from the
Major for not attending properly to
the safety of the train ; but he de-
clared it wasn't his fault, nor that
of the sentinels, for the night was
so dark they could not see the ap-
proach of a " bloused " countryman
who had crept up and was standing
on the steps of one of the carriages,
peering in through the drawn cur-
tains.
There was very little doubt that
the countryman was a Franc-tireur
spy, sent to inspect the position
and report if an attack might bring
favourable results; but although the
darkness protected him from the
vigilance of the sentinels, the spy
had been perceived by one of the
warter, who stole a march on him,
and, seizing him by his collar,
pulled him down from the steps and
called the watch. What the fate
of the unlucky Frenchman was we
never ascertained, as he was con-
signed to the mercies of the " Etap-
pen Commando," and at dawn we
had already moved on towards La
Ferte".
Reasonable hopes were now enter-
tained that we might reach our desti-
nation, Lagny, by evening : prepara-
tions were therefore made for the
reception of the wounded there. Two
marmites of soup stood ready to be
648
Under the Red Cross : A Narrative of
served at a moment's notice ; all the
icayonen were warmed throughout,
the beds ma le, a little basket con-
taining bandages, charpie, and a reel
of cotton placed in each carnage,
and the krankemodrter and Sisters
provided with scissors and simple
surgical instruments. The doctors
and attendants became very fussy,
and on the panels of each carriage
was marked in chalk the number of
sick it could accommodate.
The Herr Major, who had all
along been hinting that our services
would be very acceptable on the
journey home, now tried a final
effort to persuade us to stick to the
hospital-train ; but we resisted, for
they had plenty of doctors and
sisters. Besides, on getting back to
Munich again, the sick and wounded
would be distributed amongst the
hospitals, and we knew we should
have, to wait until another spital-
zug would be in readiness to start,
and then spend another week of dis-
comfort, doing no earthly good to
any one.
At Meaux we parted with our
ammunition-vans and artillerymen,
and were telegraphed to from Lagny
that the line was so encumbered
with military trains we must halt
there till dawn.
Our fritzchen of the Jarde told
us they were to be einquartirt for
the night, and then march on to
Lagny. How we envied them being
able to stretch their cramped limbs,
and enjoy the benefits of ablution
in something larger than a soup-
plate !
" Adieu, Mutter ! adieu, Schwes-
ter ! " said the brave fellows shaking
our hands, and one added —
" If I am wounded again, I hope
I may fall into your hands to be
nursed."
" No," remarked another, " if I
am never to see die Hebe heimath
again, I had rather become kano-
nenf utter on the field."
What a lovely night it was ! The
moon shed her pale silvery light on
the snow-covered ground. Save the
distant church-bells tolling the eve
of a fete, not a sound was heard in
the village ; yet how many heavy
hearts must have been beating with
dull and sad despair ! Ah ! if
crowned heads and subtle diplomates
would reflect how the innocent are
made to suffer, their industry crip-
pled, and their homes made desolate,
perhaps they would not drag their
countries so precipitately into cruel
wars.
Poor light-hearted pleasure-seek-
ing Frenchmen, I could not blame
them when I heard them grumble —
" Ah, this horrid Government !
why has it made us suffer so 1 "
It was about ten o'clock, and
Madame Schmid and I were debating
as to what would be our fate when
we reported ourselves to the " Dele-
girter " on the morrow, when 1 heard
a gentle tap at our window, and
drawing the curtain we perceived
the faces of two of our fritz-
chen.
11 We came back to tell you,"
quoth the sergeant, " that we are
einquartirt in such a nice hotel ; the
people are very kind and respectable,
and there is plenty of room."
"And," chimed in his camarad,
"there is such a capital billiard-
room. We have been playing all
the evening, and we felt quite er-
quickt. Do come ! we'll carry your
bags and rugs."
The prospect, not so much of the
green-table as of the bedrooms, was
very tempting ; and the eight days'
comfortless travelling having made
our appearance somewhat similar to
that of the engine-driver, we did not
relish the prospect of thus appearing
before the speckless authorities. But
this shifting of our quarters, albeit
for a few hours, would necessitate
the waking of the Herr Major to
get a permission; and as his temper
1871.] Hospital-Life icitli the Prussians in France. — Part I. 649
had been already roused by the un-
foreseen delay, we thought it wiser
not to risk a refusal ; and thanking
the fritzchen for their kind atten-
tion, we bade them return and finish
their games.
CHAPTER IV.
It was a case of chacun pour soi,
when, the following morning at
nine, we reached our journey's end,
Lagny being then the terminus of
the direct line between Germany
and Paris. Not only did all the
troops, artillery and ammunition, des-
tined for the east and south line of
investment debarquer there, but it
was also the direct communication
with headquarters at Versailles.
The station was so crowded with
military of every description that we
had to wedge our way to the Etap-
pen Commando to get the address of
the Delegirter, Graf von H.
To this functionary — evidently a
great "Personage," unusually tall and
proportionally bulky, with a counte-
nance not enlivened by intelligence,
but with the white enamelled Jo-
hanniter-Cross shining on his broad
chest — I presented my letter from
Count Castell. His countenance
remained perfectly impassive, and
his speech was measured as he
said —
" Graf Castell has given you an
excellent recommendation, and I
should only be too happy to place
my authority here at your command,
but I fear you will not find work to
suit you. We have but scanty ac-
commodation for the wounded, and
as soon as they arrive from engage-
ments, or are able to be moved, we
send them home at once in the hos-
pital-trains. We have already sent
off 7000 sick and wounded in less
than a month. I should recommend
you to rest for two or three days,
and then proceed to Corbeil, Orleans,
or Versailles."
" I have letters," said I, " for the
Crown Prince and his Hofmarschall,
also one for Prince Putbus, but I
doubt if nurses are really required
at headquarters ; there are sure to be
plenty there already. Officers are
always well cared for. But how
are we to get to Corbeil? They
told me at the Etappen Commando
the feldpost courier was not allowed
to take travellers."
" There," replied the "great" man,
"I am powerless to help you. Had
I a horse I should place it at your
service ; but even if the King him-
self were to require one here I could
not procure it for him. Your only
chance would be journeying with a
colonne; but it's very slow, and
rather risky."
" And where can we be einquar-
tirt?"
" I regret that I have not an avail-
able nook in this house to offer you.
As for the town, it is entirely occu-
pied by the troops, who are even
driven to seek shelter in the unin-
habited houses, shops, cellars, and
stables. There is an inn called La
Sirene on the other side of the
Marne ; perhaps you might find ac-
commodation there."
And as the tall personage walked
to the door to inquire if such a
thing were possible, my companion
whispered to me, " He is no good ;
let's shift for ourselves." We
thanked, departed, and made for the
Sirene in search of quarters.
There had been originally two
bridges over the Marne, a fine stone
one and a suspension-bridge, but
they had both been blown up by the
French as the enemy approached, to
retard his progress towards the capi-
650
Under the Red Cross : A Narrative of
[May
tal. The Germans had built a
wooden one for the passage of troops
and waggons, and one end of the
suspension - bridge hung into the
river, which, being frozen several
feet deep, made it secure for foot-
passengers to cross. There was also
the carcass of a dead horse, carried
down by the current, firmly wedged
by the ice, which formed an extra
support to the someAvhat unsteady
planks. Over this structure we
climbed, and reached the " Sirene,"
in the street beyond. It was a very
dirty and uncomfortable - looking
hostel, and the sour-looking landlady
instantly answered our inquiries for
quarters by the uncivil and curt
reply, " Nous n'avons pas de lit ; je
vous dis qu'il n'y a rien ici." Out
into the street again : the houses,
with very few exceptions, had been
all abandoned by the tenants, who
had not only removed all their goods
and chattels, but made their homes
uninhabitable to the enemy, by
wrenching off all the windows and
doors ; neglected and forsaken shops
had had their counters and shelves
torn out for firewood ; some had been
turned into stables, others bore the
marks of ruthless invasion, and the
streets were full of troops, hurrying
to and fro.
What was to be done ? We were
contemplating "bivouacking " in one
of these dismantled abodes, when
we heard behind us some familiar
voices ; and turning round, we per-
ceived our fritzchen headed by the
corporal, with a paper in his hand.
" Are you looking for quarters ? "
he said ; " so are we : why don't
you come to the Mairie with us ? If
they can't do anything for you, we'll
get some straw and boards, and
knock you up a princely quarter in
one of these forsaken shops."
Oh, welcome fritzchen to the
rescue ! and we followed them hope-
fully to the Mairie.
When we explained our wishes
to M. le Maire (a charming little
old man, of the vieille rocJie type),
he clasped his hands in despair.
" I have not one room to give
you. Our population was 2000 in-
habitants, and we now lodge more
than 5000 soldiers; judge for your-
self how embarrassed I feel."
" How, M. le Maire ! have you not
even one single bed 1 "
" Unless you would put up with
a convent; I think the Sisters of St
Joseph can lodge you."
" And why not 1 with gratitude,
M. le Maire;" and the little man
handed me a printed slip of paper —
" Maire de la Commune de Lagny.
Billet de Logement.
Les Soeurs du Convent de St Joseph,
Eue des Jardins,
Logeront
' Deux Dames de 1' Ambulance ; ' "
and calling a hanger-on in a blouse,
directed him to take us to the con-
vent. There the Sisters showed us
into a huge barn of a room on the
ground-floor, furnished with eight
hospital-beds, a table, a few straw-
chairs, and (ye gods be praised !)
a small white stove in the centre.
" For the moment, ladies," said
the Sister, " you are alone ; but from
one day to another you may have
companions : yesterday there were
six ladies, who left this morning for
Orleans."
The aspect of the room was not
cheering, for the windows and glass-
door (the frames of which had been
swollen by the damp) wouldn't close
tight, and the mildew on the walls
stood out in bold relief, half an inch
thick. However, the beds were
clean and comfortable, and the stove
was a great boon. We were only
too glad to rest our weary bones,
and change the clothes we had not
taken off for eight days and
nights.
Selecting a corner bed, I man-
1871.] Hospital-Life with the Prussians in France. — Part I. G51
aged, with the help of a rod I found,
some strings, shawls, and rugs, to
make myself a private compartment,
which Madame Schmid used to de-
signate as my staats-calrinet.
The convent had been in time of
peace a Pensionnat de Demoiselles.
The pupils had, of course, all been
recalled to their respective homes
as soon as the Prussians showed
signs of advancing, and most of the
nuns had also taken refuge in other
holy places. The mother-superior,
however, like a brave sea-captain,
would not forsake the ship in the
hour of danger, and four of the
sisters had rallied round her.
One wing of the building, which
contained the school - rooms, was
given up for an hospital ; the Red-
Cross flag fluttered over the entrance-
gate. None of the forbidden sex,
save the doctors, the sick, and the
dead, crossed the threshold ; and
thus the sanctuary remained a per-
fectly safe retreat.
Sceur Marie-Jesus, a pretty and
charming woman, full of French
espj'it, and not devoid of a certain
coquetry even in her simple dress,
informed us that we might fetch our
meals in the ad joining kitchen, where
another sister cooked for the hospital
patients ; but that fuel they had,
helas! none to give us, for all the
store of wood and charcoal they had
was consumed, and that now the
lazareth provided them with part of
the wood sent for heating the wards :
we should have to get it in the same
way.
In a corner of the yard there were
some logs heaped up, a saw and
hatchet were also found, and before
evening we had cut up quite a little
provision for our stove.
The food we obtained consisted
of a basin of watery soup and a
lump of — what ? it was difficult to
define ; but we ate it, and gladly,
although, as the American remarked
when asked what his impression
VOL. CIX. NO. DCLXVII.
was of a crow he had eaten for a
wager, " we did not hanker after it."
From the batteries of Chelles, a
few miles distant, we could hear
the guns firing on the forts of Rosny,
Nogent, and Noisy, so distinctly that
sleep during the incessant cannonad-
ing was impossible. When the Pari-
sians, not so long before, had flocked
out in thousands to vieAV the scene
of the horrible Pantin murders, they
little thought how soon manslaugh-
ter on a larger scale would be wit-
nessed there !
Next day we began our visits to
the lazareths in our building. The
rooms were warm, but not well ven-
tilated; and the typhus patients, of
whom there were great numbers,
were not separated from the wound-
ed, but huddled far too close to-
gether. If this was the sort of ac-
commodation Lagny afforded, I did
not wonder that the sick and
wounded were being so quickly
sent home in hospital-trains.
Madame Schmid, whose forte was
surgery, assisted mostly in the ban-
daging and dressing of wounds; and
I devoted my attention chiefly to
the typhus patients, especially the
Frenchmen, who could not make
themselves understood by the Ger-
man sisters. One, a young hand-
some chasseur-a-pied, was in a sad
condition, his large brown eyes roll-
ing restlessly about, his face emaci-
ated, and lips and tongue parched,
and his ideas and memory hopelessly
confused.
" How long have you been here 1 "
I asked.
" I do not know; I think six
days."
" Do you suffer much ? "
" No, but I am thirsty — always
thirsty ! "
The bottle of water by his bed-
side, and which he was constantly
grasping for, evidently did not slake
his thirst.
" May I give this man some le-
2 Y
652
Under the Red-Cross : A Narrative of
[May
monade 1 " I inquired of the doctor,
as he came on his round ; " I know
the Germans don't care for it, but
he seemed so eager for it when I
mentioned it."
" It isn't good for him," was the
doctor's reply, " for he has a touch
of dysentery too ; besides, where are
you going to find lemons here ? "
" I have with me some fresh le-
mon-juice in sealed bottles, which
I brought from Italy."
The doctor took the poor French-
man's hot hand kindly between his
own, and then, as he left the bed-
side, whispered to me, " Do as you
like, for nothing can save the poor
fellow now."
How eagerly he drank the cool
beverage ! and then a smile came
over his haggard features as he
said —
" Merci, ma soeur ; ah ! que c'est
bon ! " — " Thank you, sister ; ah,
how good it is ! "
" Et maintenant, mon ami," I re-
sumed ; " comment vous nommez
vous ? " — " And now, my friend,
what is your name?"
" Mon nom 1 ah oui . . . atten-
dez . . . je crois . . . Louis . . .
non, je ne le sais plus !" — "My name?
ah, yes . . . was ... I think . . .
Louis . . . no, I don't know ! " and
his dilated pupils stared hopelessly
at me, as if to ask me for help.
" Cela vous ^chappe — n'importe,
cela reviendra ; vous avez une fa-
mille, uue mere ? voulez vous que je
li ecrive?" — " You have forgotten —
never mind, it will come back to
you. You have a family — a mother;
would you like me to write to her
for you ? "
"Ah, oui, une mere et une soeur
. . ."• — "Ah, yes, a mother and a
sister."
"Et votre pays, s'appelle com-
ment?"— "And your native place,
what is it called ? "
" Ah oui ; mon village . . . c'est
-. . . attendez . . . je crois . . .
non, je ne puis me le souvenir. "-
" Ah, yes, . . . my village ... it
is ... wait a bit ... I think . . .
no, I cannot remember it ! " and
his eyes rolled restlessly, and his
speech became inarticulate.
"Ne vous tourmentez pas, mon
ami ; vous me le direz demain." The
two following days his condition
got worse. Whenever he saw me ap-
proach with a glass of lemonade, the
old smile flitted across his face ; he
even remembered at lucid intervals
where he had fought, how he had
lain for nights in trenches full of
water ; but on the fourth day he
died, without ever having been able
to recall either his own name or that
of his native place.
His body was not the only one
which was carried through our
courtyard that night ; two Mecklen-
burgers, also typhus patients, and a
Saxon whose leg had gangrened,
followed their quondam foe to their
last resting-place.
Amongst the severely wounded
was a Prussian who had been shot
through the upper part of his left
arm, and the wound was in a very
precarious state. It must have made
him suffer tortures, especially when
being dressed, but he bore it all
with the fortitude of a hero, was
always in a good-humour and full of
fun, and had a huge appetite; his
frame was so strong, his constitution
so healthy, that when it became ne-
cessary to amputate the limb, the
surgeons were confident the opera-
tion would be successful. He had
been so courageous through all his
sufferings that they did not deem
any special menagement necessary,
and announced the necessity of the
operation in a half-playful way, to
suit his humour.
"Amputate my arm ! " he shrieked ;
" never ! I had rather die ten times
over."
" Come, Frbhlich," said the head
surgeon, " that isn't like you — you
1871.] Hospital-Life icith the Prussians in France. — Part I. 653
bear pain so bravely ; besides, it is
your left arm ; and you must know
that if it were not absolutely imperi-
ous we would not do it."
But Frohlich was not to be either
cajoled or persuaded, and so the
matter dropped ; but on the morrow,
the surgeons, knowing the case to
be serious, told him the ball would
have to be extracted under chloro-
form ; and so he submitted quietly,
and the amputation was successfully
completed. When he came to him-
self, Frohlich had no idea of what
had happened, but stretching forth
his right hand to feel if the opera-
tion was over, he suddenly discov-
ered that the limb was gone !
"My arm ! my arm!" he yelled
out ; " where is my arm 1 I cannot
live without my arm ! "
Madame Schmid, for whom he
had taken a great liking (for he said
she dressed his wounds so comfort-
ably), tried to console him, and per-
suade him not to behave so child-
ishly. What did he fear? he was
strong and healthy ; was it not bet-
ter to lose one's arm than one's life 1
But her efforts were fruitless.
" I want my arm, my arm ; I don't
want to live : I can't live without
it ! " And, alas ! he kept his word ;
for henceforth he would neither rest,
nor partake of food, nor listen to
persuasions or reasonings ; and on
the fourth day after the operation
he died, shrieking with his last
gasp, " Ach, mein arm ! mein
arm ! "
One day, as we were out on a
marketing expedition — for we found
there was some excellent butter and
fresh eggs to be bought — we met
one of our Fritzchen of the " Jarde."
He invited us to come and see their
quarters. We followed him into a
very fine large church strewn with
straw, and accommodating more than
a hundred soldiers.
" You see," said our friend, " we
are very comfortable, for the peAvs
have wooden floorings, and there
are two large stoves; in fact, we shall
be very sorry to leave such good
quarters, for to-morrow we march to
the vorposten, and it will be bit-
terly cold out in the trenches."
"But where do you get your
fuel 1 " I asked, " for ours is rapidly
giving out, and even the hospital
has but little left."
" Wherever we can find it ; we'll
go and annex some for you directly:"
and calling two of his cammaraden,
they led the way to a forsaken house
and shop, and forthwith proceeded
to pull down shelves and counters,
collect pieces of broken furniture,
and then dived into the cellar,
emerging with a huge log of wood ;
and thus we returned to our con-
vent gate in triumphal procession.
In the meanwhile, as the num-
ber of nurses in the lazareth had
increased, owing to another hos-
pital having been given up, and
the sisters had come over to our
establishment, and, moreover, as the
exceeding dampness of our quarters
had given us severe colds and coughs,
we had decided to move on where
we should find more regular work to
do ; and I had sent on to Versailles
my letters to Prince Putbus and the
Crown Prince's Hofmarschall, with
an inquiry as to where nurses were
most wanted.
The Mere Supe'rieure and Soeur
Marie-J6sus would come and sit
with us in the evenings, and learn
how to make tea, which they had
never tasted ! and then animated
political discussions would ensue.
" Voyez-vous," said " ma mere,"
a stout comfortable-looking woman,
whose black eyes glowed like coals
as she peered over her blue spec-
tacles, and got excited with her sub-
ject, "peace ought to have been
made after Sedan. What benefit
have we of all these battles, in which
our troops have got demoralised by
reverses, and by the treachery of
654
Under the Red-Cross : A Narrative of
their chiefs'? What sort of men
are these generals, who lose their
heads and capitulate instead of fight-
ing ] Ah ! si j'etais un homme
moi, voyez-vous ! " . . . and
the old lady clenched her fist, and
looked as if she might have teen
tough and uncompromising to deal
with had she belonged to the
stronger sex !
We had now got so accustomed
to the booming of the cannons,
which seemed far more frequent at
night, and even made the house
tremble sometimes, that it no longer
interfered with our slumbers. Even
the rats, which had grown quite famil-
iar with us (and presumed so much
upon our acquaintance with them,
that they would emerge from their
holes, run races with each other,
and fight, even before our candles
were put out), could not prevent
exhausted nature from asserting her
rights.
Our life in these quarters was
such a " bivouac," that not only had
we to cut and saw our own wood,
cook our food, and clean out our
barn, but we even had to wash and
iron our clothes, for of a blan-
cMsseuse Lagny could not boast ;
and thus, when night came, we were
far too fatigued to care for impudent
rats or thundering guns. I could
not help laughing to myself as I
thought of some of my friends at
home, who would " collapse " at the
bare idea of sleeping in a mouse-
haunted chamber, and yet who en-
vied me my " mission of mercy."
" Oh, I wish I could come too, it
must be so interesting to nurse the
poor sick soldiers ! " doubtless, but
it wasn't quite a bed of roses, as the
reader will have perceived.
CHAPTER v.
In his answer to my letter, the
" Hofmarschall " mentioned that
Prince Putbus had written to tell
me where nurses were much requir-
ed, for that hospitals at headquar-
ters were already completely or-
ganised. This information had,
however, never reached me; indeed,
many other letters, although very
carefully and correctly addressed,
had shared the same fate. Instead
of losing any more time in idle con-
jectures, and fruitless researches
after missing letters, we deemed it
wiser to seek the earliest and best
means of getting to Corbeil, which
we knew was the largest depot of
hospitals in France.
Travelling with a Colonne would
have taken two days and nights,
and such locomotion, with the ther-
mometer several degrees below zero,
was not a promising exchange for
our damp quarters. Voitures de
retour, which had brought German
potentates and German Jews, were oc-
casionally to be found, but their prices
were far too exorbitant to suit our
purses, and they were unwilling to
carry my luggage, which no consi-
deration would persuade me to part
from.
Sur ces entrefaites, Sceur Marie-
Jesus entered our room in the even-
ing, followed by two French ladies.
They were two sisters, natives of
Corbeil, had escaped to Belgium
when the war broke out, and were
now returning to their foyers, where
their husbands (one a bookseller
and the other a tobacconist) were
doing a thriving business, and re-
quired their assistance. The book-
seller, M. Picard, had fetched them
from Brussels, whence they had had
a very tedious journey, and now
they had come to seek rest and re-
fuge in our sanctuary.
We bade them a hearty welcome
(happy thought ! perhaps they could
1871.] Hospital-Life with the Prussians in France. — Part I. G55
suggest means of getting to Corbeil !),
helped them to make their beds,
and made them partake of our tea,
potatoes, and fried eggs.
I observed that Madame Louit,
the tobacconist's wife, spoke little
and shed many tears. Her sister soon
explained to me the cause of her
grief: she had brought with her
from Belgium six cases of cigars,
pipes, and other fumigatory articles
for her husband's commerce, but
at the Lagny station one of the
boxes was found missing. When
she complained of her loss, they had
offered her another case similar in
appearance to her own, but she
would not have it — " and so," con-
cluded she, " we would not bring
away our own boxes, but, as it was
so late, left everything at the sta-
tion, and my husband, who has
found a bed with some friend at the
Mairie, will go and see about it to-
morrow."
"And how do you propose get-
ting to Corbeil ? " I inquired.
" I am afraid," answered Madame
Picard, " that we shall have great
difficulty, for we must take our mar-
chandise with us, but mon mart is
going to do his best."
" We want to get there too," said
I ; " and if by clubbing together it
could be easier managed, pray count
upon us."
Early the next morning M. Picard
arrived to greet his womenkind.
He was a little man, rather stout,
with a close - cut grey beard, wore
spectacles, and could speak both
English and German; he came to
inform the ladies that he had heard
of a conveyance for them and
their baggage to Corbeil, but that
what the driver demanded was more
than his private financial arrange-
ments would admit of; besides, it
was one of the quondam omnibus
de la gare, capable of containing six
people, which was more than he re-
quired. The occasion was most
propitious, so I proposed paying half
and going with them.
" Dutout," said the little French-
man; "not the half, but a third,
because we are three, and you are
two."
"But," I objected, "that does
not equalise it."
" Oh yes," persisted he, " because
we have such a large amount of
luggage — voyons? est-ce convenu1?
touchez la ! " and we shook hands
to close the agreement. I took out
my purse, wishing to pay down my
share at once, but he wouldn't hear
of it : — " What now 1 I don't know
you, that is true, but you are Eng-
lish, and that is sufficient" — and
as he heard we were going to the
station to get our letters at the Feld-
Post Eelais, he said he would accom-
pany us, for he wanted to look up
his sister-in-law's cases.
Now the Feld-Post Commissar,
who was a native of Frankfort, and
consequently an "annexed" Prus-
sian, was a great ally of ours.
Whenever we went in search of
letters, he would invite us inside
his office to warm ourselves, and
there we gleaned news of what was
going on, for since we left Munich
we had not seen a paper.
On this occasion we went to in-
form him of our change of address,
so that he might forward our cor-
respondence, and had a little chat
on the events of the day. As we
issued out on to the platform, to my
amazement I saw my little French-
man standing between two Bavar-
ian soldiers.
" Eh bien, M. Picard, que faites-
vous done la 1 " I inquired.
" I am arrested," said he, in Eng-
lish, his lips very white, and his
voice very tremulous.
"Arrested! what for?"
" Because," he went on, " I am
accused of having stolen a box of
merchandise, whereas it is I who
have lost one ; moi Picard, mcmbre
656
Under the Red-Cross : A Narrative of
[May
de 1' Academic et Libraire, voler ! ah,
c'est par trop fort."
I had not time to answer him
before the two Bavarians cocked
their guns ; the click made him
.' tart.
"Now they are going to shoot
me ! " and as the soldiers shoul-
dered their arms, and, turning
on their heels, gave the order
" Marsch !" the little Frenchman
answered sturdily, "Ya wohl!" and
beating his chest with one hand,
he added, in a loud tone, to himself,
" Allons, Picard, mon ami ; du
courage ! " and marched off firmly
between his captors.
Why is it that a Frenchman must
always be theatrical, even in the
hour of danger 1
Knowing the circumstances of the
case, I could not stand by passively
and witness such injustice, so turned
back into the post-office, and ex-
plained the misunderstanding about
the boxes to the commissar, im-
ploring him to come with me at
once to the authorities, and liberate
the poor little Frenchman.
" Can you guarantee his veracity?"
asked the commissar. " How long
have you known him 1 "
" Well, only since this morning,
but I am certain that he is respect-
able."
" If that's all, take my advice,
and don't mix yourself up in this
business ; you will be suspected of
connivance, which will neither be
pleasant to yourself, nor serviceable
to your protege. Don't be in the
least alarmed ; if the case stands as
you say, he will be able to prove it
very easily, and will be liberated at
once."
When we returned to our quar-
ters, the two sisters were providen-
tially out, for I dreaded answering
their inquiries about the unfortunate
prisoner.
In less than an hour the door
was thrown open, and in rushed the
little man, waving his hat trium-
phantly. He had explained the
misunderstanding to the authorities,
before whom he had been so uncere-
moniously conducted, had shown
his papers, and all had been even-
tually satisfactory explained ; " mais
j'ai tout de meme pass<$ un bien
mauvais quart d'heure, allez ! " con-
cluded he.
" And were the authorities rude
to you 1 " I asked.
" No, not positively rude, but not
too polite ; however, it is all over
now — and now I have come to tell
you that I have made all the ar-
rangements with our driver, and
that the carriage will call for you
four ladies at nine o'clock to-morrow
morning."
I was anxious, before leaving, to
go once more and see the patients,
especially one who by his gentleness
and truly religious resignation had
much interested me. I found him,
as was his wont, fingering a well-
worn little pocket-bible, and trying
feebly to turn over the leaves.
" Let me read to you," I said ;
" it will tire you less. What shall
I select r
" Our Saviour's end," he an-
swered, knowing his own was not
far off, poor fellow ! — " and a psalm."
Afterwards he spoke of his home
and his people, and taking my hand,
he stroked it gently, saying : —
" You are very good, very kind,
but ach sie sind nicht meine Mut-
ter ! " (you are not my mother !)
and he turned Ms pale wasted face
to the wall, and sighed murmuring
words of love for her, who could
not, alas ! hear that her memory
was strong even in death ; and who
would soon have to live on the re-
membrance of
" The touch of a vanished hand,
Or the sound of a voice that was still."
That evening I sent word to the
Mere Superieure that we should be
1871.] Hospital-Life with'th-e Prussians in France. — Part I. G57
departing next day, and that I
would like to take leave of her, and
thank her for her kind hospitality.
She came at once to see us, and the
conversation having as usual taken
a political turn, she told me how
every inhabitant save one old woman
and two old men had fled from Lagny
on the approach of the enemy in
September. It was entirely owing,
she argued, to the' Presse,' which had
persuaded the people that if they
remained their women would be
insulted, their children egorges, and
the men forced into the enemy's
ranks ; and thus there being no one
left to protect them, the houses had
been broken into, pillaged, and
ruined.
Little by little, however, those
who had not crossed the frontier re-
turned, and, reopening their shops,
had ended by doing a thriving com-
merce ; and to this I could testify,
for I never entered a provision shop
but I found it thronged with mili-
tary paying the exorbitant war-prices
demanded, without an objection or
a murmur. Even such luxuries as
fatted turkeys at twenty and thirty
francs a-piece found ready pur-
chasers.
Punctual to his word, M. Picard
called the following morning with
the omnibus. Our boxes were
hoisted on the top, and we drove
off — no small load for the one Per-
cheron horse, who, like all his races,
was strong, but not fleet. Ferrieres,
the princely seat of a Rothschild
(and, it was said, so much coveted by
King William that he would gladly
have exchanged Potsdam for it), lay
to our left, and very soon we began
to pass long lines of covered wag-
gons, battalions of spiked helmets,
detachments of ubiquitous Uhlans —
whose propinquity made the French
ladies tremble, and thank the Fates
that they were under the protection
of the Red-cross badge — troops of
" requisitioned " horses, and convey-
ances of every description, from the
Parisian petit coupe to the meanest
donkey-cart, drawn by cattle of un-
equal dimensions, harnessed together
with odd ends of straps, chains, and
ropes.
M. Picard proved a most amusing
companion. He had all the verve
and esprit peculiar to his nationality,
was well informed, well read, and
unprejudiced, and an Orleanist to
the back -bone into the bargain.
He " chaffed " his womenkind un-
sparingly about their terror of the
Prussians, and flavoured his conver-
sation with many clever anecdotes
and quotations.
At Brie-Comte-Robert we stopped
for an hour to dine and rest our
steed. The eating-room of the inn
was so crowded with Germans, all
smoking their huge porcelain pipes,
and blouses wrangling over their
petits verres, that we preferred going
into the kitchen itself, where the
hostess — a big hard-featured woman,
who looked as if no number of Uh-
lans could intimidate her — was cook-
ing some savoury cutlets, and an aged
woman, her mother, washing up
the dishes, while at the table sat a
Prussian officer talking to a stout
repulsive-looking Kaufmann of the
Hebrew persuasion.
Since the German occupation had
commenced, the door of this hostelry
had been rarely darkened by petti-
coats, and it was a treat for the
hostess to have a confidential talk
with her own kind. Hearing me
converse in German with my com-
panion, she looked suspiciously at
me, and lowered her voice to a
whisper; but Mesdames Picard and
Louit told her she had nothing to
fear, and thus I had occasion to
learn what her views were of this
invasion of Vandals so variously
reported in the papers.
" I bear them no love, you may
be sure," said the virago, " for they
have trampled unmercifully on our
658
Under tJte Red-Cross: A Narrative of
[May
' Belle France ; ' but, individually, I
have nothing to complain of. The
soldiers are noisy and rough, but the
officers keep them in order, are
well-mannered, and pay for every-
thing on the spot. Tenez," contin-
ued she, pointing to the blond-beard-
ed lieutenant seated at the table,
" celui-la c'est mon enfant gate; he
has been six weeks quartered here,
is always quiet and unpresuming as
you see him now, and has never
given me any trouble; also I al-
ways make him dine at our table,
and make his coffee first in the morn-
ing; n'est-ce pas camarade?" she
asked, apostrophising the " spoilt
child," who, removing his pipe,
turned his gentle-looking face to-
wards her smilingly, and replied —
" Oui, Matame, toujours bonne
pour moi."
The smoking cutlets, flavoured
with a delicious sauce piquante,
were now placed upon the table, and
we did ample justice to them. The
hostess, standing with her arms
akimbo, related to us how a " gargon
de cafe" of hers, being suspected of
decided Franc - Tireur tendencies,
had run a narrow escape of being
shot, and was only saved by the
intercession of her protege. At this
juncture the kitchen -door opened,
and a blouse, inserting his head,
said, "Six cafes pour ces messieurs,
tout de suite."
" Qu'ils attendent ! " she called
out after his receding figure ; " j'ai
autre chose a faire maintenant," and
proceeded unconcernedly with her
conversation. I inquired if there
were not occasionally differences
between the blouses and the Ger-
mans, and drunken brawls at late
hours.
" At first we had rows, but the
officers punished the men severely
for the smallest breach of discipline,
and we are allowed to close our inn
at six, so that our nights are undis-
turbed; it is our own requisitwn-
naires, and such as those (pointing
to the Jew), whom we hate most, —
en voila de la canaille, sans foi, ni
loi ! "
As we resumed our journey, the
roads became so frozen and slippery
that our stout steed reduced his jog
to a walk, and I foresaw that we
should not reach Corbeil before
night.
" Never mind," said the good-na-
tured little Frenchman ; "if the
Mairie is shut, and it is too late for
you to find quarters, we shall be
most happy to give you a bed."
Passing a little village, we were
met by a Bavarian cavalry captain
and a surgeon, who asked us to give
them room in our carriage, as they
had no means of getting to Corbeil,
which they must reach before night.
" Very sorry," I replied, " not to
be able to accommodate you, but
you see there is no room: moreover,
we have a great deal of luggage, and
it is as much already as the horse
can do to drag us along on the slip-
pery roads."
The captain, who was a tall rough
fellow, with a skin like a Malay,
stood up on the step of our carriage,
and, looking in, perceived the two
Frenchwomen in the opposite cor-
ners. "Oh, we'll make room," he
replied contemptuously, "by turn-
ing these French people out into the
gutter, and their baggage after them
(wir schmeissen sie aus) ; and as for
the horse, es geht ja alles mit dem
Schwert " (everything goes with the
help of the sword).
" No, you won't,",, said Madame
Schmid, whose ire had been gradu-
ally rising since the commencement
of the scene ; " you won't turn any
one out, you ill-mannered bully :
what right have you to stop our
carriage thus 1 so you "
" And who are you. I should like
to know?" interrupted the Haupt-
mann, getting more offensive.
"I am a Bavarian Kranken-
1871.] Hospital-Life with the Prussians in France. — Part /. 659
pflegerin who has been both through
the campaign of '66 and this present
one, therefore I know what I am
about when I say you have no
right to stop us. The carriage be-
longs to these French ladies just as
much as to us, for we have shared
the expense of it. As to your blus-
ter about swords, we have a revolver
which can match yours ; and if you
don't step off the carriage this
minute, I'll take your name and re-
port your insolence to your superi-
ors."
The bully instantly got down, and,
touching his cap, said (looking at
me),
" Verzeihen Sie, I was not aware
the vehicle was private ; I thought
it belonged to the Ambulance."
" That's no excuse either for your
insolence to us or your brutality to
these French ladies," and, calling out
to the driver to go on, Madame
Schmid pulled up the window in
the Hauptmann's face, and he and
his companion were left standing
speechless, if not contrite, in the
middle of the road.
" You see," said Madame Picard
to her husband, " I was right to be
afraid of these Prussians ; what
Avould you have done now without
these ladies and their badges 1 "
The road very soon became so
slippery, that the horse, which had
not been rough-shod, could scarcely
stand on his legs. The driver, there-
fore, got down to lead him, Mon-
sieur Picard and I descended, and
thus the weight having been con-
siderably reduced, and the animal's
confidence restored by frequent pat-
tings and encouragements, we con-
cluded the rest of our journey
(about eight miles), and reached
Corbeil at 8 P.M. The Maine was
still open, and having shown our
papers, my companion and I were
billeted on to a young couple, by
name Herbert, who lodged us in a
very comfortable room with a large
clean feather bed.
VERA.
(To be continued.)
630
The Scotch Education Bill.
[May
THE SCOTCH EDUCATION BILL.
THE Lord Advocate, Mr George
Young, is a logical and vigorous
thinker (as some of his anti-annuity
tax and anti-game-law friends know
to their cost) ; and though we are
unable to concur in many of the
encomiums which have been lavished
upon his Education Bill, we are
ready to admit that it is character-
ised by what its admirers call an
eminent " simplicity " of conception.
It is indeed a measure of almost
republican simplicity and severity.
It destroys the parochial schools, it
abolishes the burgh, "in the high
Roman fashion." Such measures
are sometimes needed. "When an
institution has become ^utterly
rotten, or when an abuse has at-
tained gigantic and unmanageable
proportions, it is often the wisest
policy to cut at the roots. No
one, however, will venture to de-
scribe the burgh and parochial
system of education, as presently
existing in Scotland, in such lan-
guage. The burgh schools are an
interesting and characteristic fea-
ture of the civic enterprise of Scotch-
men; and the parochial schools,
founded by the Reformers, and giv-
ing visible expression to the noble
sentiment of Knox— " "We judge
that in every parish there should be
a schoolmaster, such as is able, at
least, to teach the grammar and
Latin tongue " — have for three hun-
dred years been the admiration of
the world. A measure of reform
which sagaciously appropriated and
applied to the altered conditions of
modern life these characteristic and
traditional agencies would have been
a great, but by no means a simple,
measure. Its construction would
have involved much patient labour,
and conspicuous sense, tact, and
knowledge. To demolish an old
feudal dwelling-house, and build a
modern villa in its place, does not
demand architectural genius of a
high kind — any apprentice can do
that ; but when we propose to con-
vert to modern use some charming
fragment of Gothic or baronial life,
we employ a Pugin or a Gilbert
Scott. The Lord Advocate's villa
is an extremely simple and symme-
trical piece of architecture ; but it-
attains simplicity and symmetry at
the expense of qualities which are
even more valuable, and of institu-
tions which have stood the test of
time, all things considered, in a
really surprising way.
Don't quite sweep away the old
until you have thoroughly tested
the new, is a maxim that commends
itself to prudent men in every craft —
state-craft included. The country
gentleman who cuts down all the
fine old timber in his park, on the
ground that it is not properly or
harmoniously distributed, suffers,
certainly from one, it may be from
two, inconveniences. In the first
place, the new wood which he plants
may refuse to grow at all ; and, in
the second place, even if it does
grow with reasonable rapidity, he
has yet no sort of shelter about his
house for twenty years. And when
Ave hear that our venerable parochial
system is to be rooted up, and re-
placed by a bran-new article from
Downing Street, we cannot help
asking ourselves such questions as
these : "Will the exotic root itself
among us ? "Will it take kindly to
the soil 1 Is there not a chance that
we may lose by the exchange 1 And
— to drop metaphor — is it absolutely
certain that under the new Privy
Council regime the singular and ad-
mirable properties of Scotch elemen-
tary training will be preserved — its
1871.]
TJie Scotch Education Bill.
661"
association with, the classics, its fla-
vour of scientific and general cul-
ture?
On the whole, however, it may
be conceded that the act has been
drawn by a fairly skilful draughts-
man. We are unable ourselves to
perceive the raison d'etre of a mea-
sure so revolutionary in character;
and the observations, therefore, which
we purpose to submit on one or two
of its main provisions, are made, as
lawyers say, under protest. We be-
lieve that the Scotch parish school
is an inheritance of which we have
no reason to be ashamed ; and that,
retaining its historical basis and its
distinctive features, it might, with-
out any considerable difficulty, be
developed and enlarged. Yet even
on the assumption that the parochial
system requires to be cut away, root
and branch, it appears to us that the
Bill contains certain provisions of a
gratuitously offensive and obnoxious
nature. The " religious difficulty,"
as it is called, is simply evaded.
The local boards are not enjoined
to teach, neither are they prohibited
from teaching, religion — the fact
that no payments from the Privy
Council grant are to be made in re-
spect of religious training amount-
ing at most to a discouragement.
The secularist, who says that reli-
gion ought not to be taught in the
national schools, occupies an intel-
ligible position; the churchman,
who says that religion ought to be
taught in the schools, but that it
ought to be taught according to the
authorised formularies of the Church,
occupies an intelligible position :
but those who maintain that religion
ought to be taught, but that it
ought to be taught according to no
authorised formulary or creed, occupy
a position which appears to us to be
wholly unintelligible. Religion, as
a matter with which business-men
and business - boards have to do,
must be put into some sort of intel-
ligible propositions. For the use of
children, these propositions cannot
be more conveniently stated than in
the form of a catechism ; and there
are plenty of catechisms, drawn
with fair ability, in use among us.
Select any, or all, of these exposi-
tions of Christian Protestant opin-
ion— the Shorter Catechism, the
Catechism of the Church of Eng-
land, the Catechism of the Lutheran
churches — and declare that the
teachers in the national schools shall
not be entitled, on pain of being de-
prived of office, to controvert the
doctrines which they contain, and a
tolerably equitable settlement might
be attained.* We have never been
able to understand the feeling which
regards with jealousy the introduc-
tion of a creed or formulary into
national schools or national churches.
A creed protects the individual from
the despotic coercion of the Church,
and it protects the Church from the
fantastic vagaries of the individual.
It is a protection against arbitrary
fanaticism on the one hand, and
against whimsical eccentricity on the
other. And we have always main-
tained, in the interest of rational
liberty, that, as long as religion is
taught in the schools supported by
the nation, it should be taught accord-
ing to that moderate and temperate
creed — that venerable expression of
Christian opinion — which has been
sanctioned and supported by the
State. The more we consider the
matter, the more we are convinced
that this is the sound view, and
that any other must lead in practice
* We attach no weight whatever to the argument, that the xise of any special for-
mulary can possibly exert a proselytising influence on the scholars. It is a gross ab-
surdity to suppose that any child will imbibe peculiar attachment to the principle of
church establishments, while groaning over the Shorter or any other Catechism !
G62
The Scotch Education
to the most deplorable confusion.
The experience of the great London
Board is in this connection far from
reassuring. The English Education
Act of last session provided that
catechisms and other formularies
should not be introduced into the
schools which it established. After
considerable debate, this Education
Parliament has resolved, — "That, in
the schools provided by the Board,
the Bible shall be read, and there
shall be given such explanations and
such instruction therefrom in the
principles of morality and religion
as are suited to the capacities of
children, provided always that in
such explanations and instruction
the provisions of the Act in sections
7 and 14" (which prohibit the use
of catechisms or* other formularies)
" be strictly observed both in
letter and spirit, and that no
attempt be made in any such
school to attach children to any
particular denomination." "What
does this mean "? It means that the
religion to be taught shall be left
to the discretion or indiscretion
of the individual schoolmaster. Is
not this a tremendous power to
intrust to a single man ? The con-
scientious schoolmaster, oppressed
by the weight of too much liberty,
will shrink from accepting the bur-
den ; but pragmatical idiots and
narrow-minded bigots will revel in
the licence which they will enjoy.
A man who was prevented by law
from wandering beyond the limits
of the Apostles' Creed, could never
offend very grossly the Christian
intelligence of the community ; but
when this restraint is withdrawn —
when all restraints are withdrawn —
there will be no check upon fanati-
cal caprice or pious whimsicality.
The Lord Advocate's Bill does not
in so many words forbid the intro-
duction of denominational formu-
laries into the schools, but we
presume that their use is virtually
[May
prohibited. At all events, each
school-board is left at liberty to
teach religion according to the form
which it considers most consistent
with divine truth. Such a provi-
sion cannot fail to become a fruit-
ful source of discord. There will
be a free fight in every parish where
a schoolmaster is to be elected.
There will be a party cry ; a theo-
logical whip ; religious bribery and
intimidation. The Churchmen will
try to elect a Churchman, the Dis-
senters a Dissenter. The members
of one denomination will not allow
the person who is to teach religion
to their children to be taken from
the ranks of another without a fierce
struggle. We cannot blame them ;
it is the only security, if it be a
security, which the Act gives them.
The beaten party will sulk or secede
— Scotchmen always do secede when
they can't get their own way. They
will be eager, moreover, to mark,
learn, and inwardly digest the short-
comings of the schoolmaster selected
by the rival sect, and the wretched
man (passing rich on £35 a-year)
will lead a dog's life among them.
Before long, under this vigilant
supervision, rumours of heresy and
unsound doctrine will go abroad.
Then complaint will be made to the
Central Board; and if, as is pro-
bable, the Central Board decline to
interfere, on the ground that hereti-
cal teaching is not an offence under
the Act, the evidence in support of
other offences will be discovered, or
— invented. A Scotch local board
may be trusted to perform its duties
as a whole with reasonable discretion;
but the moment religion is intro-
duced, it loses its head, sets at defi-
ance the plainest rules of justice
and fair -play, and behaves itself
generally in the most preposterous
manner. The profound sagacity
which proposes to intrust to such
assemblies the exclusive disposal of
that "religious difficulty" which
1871.]
has perplexed politicians and philo-
sophers for generations, is deserving
surely of more than ordinary admira-
tion.
On this religious question, how-
ever, enough, and more than enough,
has been already written and spoken;
and leaving it without further com-
ment, we desire to direct the atten-
tion of our readers to what may be
called the administrative machinery
of the measure. The Bill contem-
plates the establishment of local
school boards (very democratic in
constitution) throughout the country,
which are to provide for the educa-
tional necessities of each locality,
subject to the review of a depart-
ment of the Privy Council sitting
in London. The Lord Advocate
in his opening speech was careful
to exalt the position and emphasise
the functions of the district autho-
rities ; but no one can read the Bill
attentively without seeing that the
local boards are mere dummies, and
that while the shadow of power
is given to them, its substance is
left with the Privy Council. The
only power which the school boards
retain is the power of taxing them-
selves (which is freely and generously
accorded to them) ; — this, and the
privilege to select what form of
theological doctrine shall be taught
in the schools — a fatal and disas-
trous freedom of choice that might
surely with advantage have been
withheld.
Thus the radical jurisdiction is
vested in the Privy Council — which
means that the work is to be done
in London, and therefore done badly
or not at all. We intend, in saying
this, no disrepect to the present
Vice-President of the Council. Mr
Forster, on the contrary, has always
seemed to us to be a moderate,
conciliatory, and eminently reason-
able sort of man, who unites with
these really fine and rare qualities
a true faculty for governing. But
The Scotch Education Bill.
Mr Forster is already overworked ;
Mr Forster knows nothing of Scot-
land ; and even if he did, the time
must be close at hand when, in
obedience to what may be called
the " shuffling " policy of the
Cabinet, Mr Forster must move to
the War Office or the Admiralty.
Everybody knows, in short, that the
" Scottish Department of the Privy
Council" means neither Mr Forster
nor the Lord Advocate, but an un-
informed and unenlightened subor-
dinate— an English or Irish chief-
clerk — in the classical language of
the Bill itself, " some secretary or
assistant - secretary " at Downing
Street. Were the control that is
vested in the Privy Council merely
nominal or general, this arrange-
ment, although objectionable, might
not be utterly intolerable. But
the fundamental conception of the
Bill is, that the local boards cannot
be trusted to undertake the sim-
plest duty, and that no act of ad-
ministration, however trifling, can
be effectually performed without the
consent and approval of the Privy
Council — a body, be it said in pass-
ing, which excites throughout the
length and breadth of Scotland a
very cordial feeling of dislike. The
most microscopic matters of detail,
as well as the largest questions of
policy, are remitted to this distant
tribunal — there being no fewer than
sixty-four occasions when the Bill
invites or requires the legislative or
judicial intervention of " The Scot-
tish Education Department."
Let us briefly indicate the extent
and nature of the jurisdiction which
is thus conferred. The Act is
divided into six parts, and the
main sections of each part refer to
the constitution and powers of this
Central Board. It may be said
withoxit exaggeration that if the
provisions as to the " Scottish Edu-
cation Department " were with-
drawn, the whole measure would
664
The Scotch Education Bill.
collapse : apart from the action of
the Privy Council Committee, there
is no living force or vitality in the
Bill.
Part I. provides for Avhat is called
the general management, by assign-
ing to the " Scottish Education
Department," in addition to the
powers and authorities conferred by
the Act, all the powers and autho-
rities possessed and exercised with
respect to education in England by
the Privy Council Committee — the
Scottish Education Department
being denned to mean " the Lords
of any Committee of the Privy
Council appointed by Her Majesty
on Education in Scotland." The
officers appointed by the depart-
ment, it is significantly added, may
lie the same officers employed by the
Education Department for England !
Part II. provides for what, with
fine irony, is called the " Local
Management." " Local Manage-
ment " consists mainly, it would
appear, in the exercise by the Lon-
don department of the most com-
plex jurisdiction. The London de-
partment is authorised to determine
the area of a parish or of a burgh ;
to determine that a burgh may be
merged in a parish (the determina-
tion being final, and not to be ques-
tioned on the ground of any error
in estimating the population of the
burgh, or on any other ground) ; to
determine the numbers of which a
school board shall consist ; to direct
the school boards as to the mode
in which elections shall be held ;
in the event of a school board fail-
ing to obey the directions as to
elections, " to nominate a school
[May
board for the parish or burgh in
which the failure has occurred"
(surely a most extraordinary and
anomalous stretch of authority) ; to
determine all questions or disputes
as to the validity of elections, and
in every case where there is an
equality of votes, to determine ivhich
candidate is to be deemed duly
elected ; to frame all such additional
rules and directions as to elections
as may be considered necessary or
expedient ; in case of invalid elec-
tions, " to nominate and appoint as
many members as are required to
make up the full number of mem-
bers " (another most despotic pro-
vision) ; to determine the respec-
tive number of members in those
cases where a burgh and a parish
have been conjoined ; to combine
parishes wherever they are of
opinion that it is advisable to do
so ; to order a school board to be
elected in any burgh or parish where
no school board has been elected ;
to combine a burgh school board
and a parish school board, and to
order that any burgh or town shall
cease to have a separate school
board; and in every case where, at
the end of six months from the pass-
ing of the Act, a burgh or parish is
without a school board, "to nomi-
nate a school board for such burgh
or parish." With a provision that
the school board shall be entitled to
appoint a chairman and to pay any
election expenses out of the rates
(the Privy Council, as a rule, deals
very generously with the money of
other people), that part of the Bill
which relates to " Local Manage-
ment" closes.*
* Since the text was written the census has been taken, and though the figures are
not given on authority, it is known that throughout large districts of rural and
highland Scotland the population has decreased since 1861. It is quite plain that for
many of these districts the existing educational machinery must be amply sufficient.
This fact adds force to tbe suggestion contained in an able memorandum addressed
to commissioners of supply by the Education Committee of the Church of Scotland.
" To prevent these evil consequences," says Dr Cook, the convener, " only one
coarse presents itself — viz., to ask that Scotland shall be treated with respect to the
1871.1
Part III., entitled " Schools," vests
all the existing parish and burgh
schools in the school boards to be ap-
pointed under the Act. The school
board is required to ascertain within
a limited time whether there is a suffi-
cient supply of public school accom-
modation within its district, and to
report to the London department its
opinion, in order that the London
department may judge of the sound-
ness of such opinion. In the event
of the school board being of opin-
ion that no additional accommoda-
tion is required, the London board
may cause further inquiry to be
made by officers or persons appoint-
ed by them, and may then direct
that additional accommodation be
provided. If the school board fails
to report within a specified time, or
should their report be "unsatisfac-
tory," the London department are to
cause their own officers to make
inquiry (the expense to be paid by
the school board), and thereafter to
make and issue such directions and
orders as they shall see fit. In con-
ducting their inquiry, the officers of
the department (taking into account
every school, ichether public or not)
" shall have power to call upon all
public officers, and upon all clergy-
men, schoolmasters, teachers, and
managers of schools," for such infor-
mation, access to documents, and
entry to schools and school-build-
ings, as they may deem necessary
for the purposes of the inquiry. The
London Board is authorised to call
for returns, to draw up the forms in
which the returns are made, and, in
the event of the returns not being
made, or not being made in the pre-
T/te Scotch Education Bill
CG5
scribed forms, to appoint an officer
to make them at the expense of the
school board. The London Board
is further authorised to appoint in-
spectors to inquire into the accuracy
and completeness of the returns.
With " the consent and approba-
tion" of the London department, old
schools may be enlarged, new schools
built, and private schools acquired.
With " the consent " of the London
department, and subject to the rules
and conditions that it may prescribe,
infant, evening, industrial, and
(when satisfied that a district is
suffering from poverty) free schools
may be established.
We come next to that part of the
Bill entitled " Finance," and here it
is only fair to say that the London
department is not brought promin-
ently forward. The rate-payers are
graciously permitted to tax themselves
very much as they like ! Nay, the
50th section, in the most handsome
manner, provides that " every school
board shall be at liberty to receive
any property or funds which may
from time to time be conveyed, be-
queathed, or gifted to it." It is to
be regretted that the clause did not
end there, for it could then have
been said that one distinct and com-
plete act of administration had been
confided to the discretion of the local
boards. But it proceeds — " And it
shall be the duty of the board, sub-
ject to the control of the Scotch Edu-
cation Department, to administer
such property."
Part V. deals with the school-
master, and deals with him, we are
bound to say, in an excessively
shabby and arbitrary fashion. The
supply of schools in the same way as England is treated under the Education Act of
1870 : in other words, that it shall be the duty of the Central Department (wherever
located) to make inquiry as to educational destitution, and that Boards of Ratepayers
shall be called into existence only wJiere there is destitution to remedy, and where that
destitution is not, after due notice given, otherwise supplied. If in any respect the
statute which at present regulates the parochial schools requires alteration, it is
open at any time to changes which may amend it without subverting the schools
which now exist under its protection."
666
The Scotch Education Bill.
remuneration, by salary or other-
wise, of a schoolmaster, shall be, it
provides, not less than — £50 1 £70 1
£100? no— not less than Thirty-
five pounds a-year ! Scotch school-
masters are to be paid at the rate of
13s. a-week — the wages of Scotch
ploughmen and other agricultural
labourers averaging, we believe, 15s.
or 1 7s. The appointment of school-
masters is vested in the school
boards ; but their choice is limited
to persons who hold a " certificate
of competency," granted by the
London Board. The examiners of
persons desiring to obtain certificates
of competency are to be appointed
by the University Courts of the
four Universities of Scotland, but
the examiners merely " report "
to the London Board, which alone
has the power to issue certificates,
and which may, without cause as-
signed, cancel such certificates. This
extraordinary power — the power to
dismiss a teacher whenever it sees
fit to do so, without reason assigned
or trial accorded — is thus curtly
defined : —
"The Scotch Education Department
may issue an order cancelling the certifi-
cate of competency of any teacher, and
every such teacher whose certificate shall
have been cancelled shall forthwith cease
to be a certificated teacher, and he shall
be removed from the office of school teacher
which he may then hold, and shall vacate
the schoolroom and other tenements which
he may hold by virtue of his office, and
shall cease to enjoy the emoluments at-
tached to such office."
Schoolmasters holding office at
the date of the passing of the Act
are entitled, indeed, to demand what
is called " a public inquiry " before
being dismissed by the London
Board ; but this public inquiry is
a transparent imposture. On the
demand being made, the London
[May
Board are to nominate one or more
fit persons before whom the inquiry
is to take place, and who, the sec-
tion proceeds, " shall report the re-
sult of the inquiry to the Scottish
Education Department, who shall,
on considering the report, do in the
matter as shall be just," and a dis-
missal by the said Department "shall
be final, and not subject to review
or question in any court of law."
A public inquiry, forsooth ! The
evidence is to be led in public, and
there the publicity ends. The notes
taken by the Commissioners are to
be transmitted by post to London ;
they are to be considered by " some
secretary or assistant- secretary " in
the office at Downing Street ; and
a fortnight afterwards the luckless
schoolmaster is to receive a letter,
signed by " some secretary or assis-
tant-secretary," informing him that
he has been dismissed, and that the
dismissal is final, and not subject to
review or question in any sort of
way. The Act does not merely
give the London Board the absolute
right to dismiss the schoolmaster,
but it fails to indicate any condi-
tions or limitations under which the
right is to be exercised. They may
dismiss him because his hair is red,
or because he speaks with a Buchan
accent : from the first to the last
clause there is nothing whatever to
indicate what shall be deemed " an
offence" under the Act. And yet
the unfortunate teacher, like the rest
of us, is presumed to live under a
constitutional government, and the
Bill has been drawn and devised by
the members of a Liberal Ministry !*
We need not continue our ex-
amination and exposition further.
The remainder of the Act is con-
ceived in the same spirit; and it
fitly closes by providing that a
* The difficulty of dismissing a schoolmaster who is known to be incompetent is at
present too great; but the right of the Central Board to dismiss should unquestion-
ably be placed under certain statutory limitations.
1871.]
The Scotch Education Bill.
GG7
school board cannot " remit the
whole or any part of the fees pay-
able by a child where the parent
satisfies the school board that he is
unable from poverty to pay the
same," without the approval of the
Scotch Education Department, " who
shall cause such inquiry to be made
in the parish or burgh as they think
requisite." Throughout the Bill
the school boards are treated as
children, to whom freedom of action
or choice is carefully denied, and
over whom "some secretary or as-
sistant secretary" at the Privy
Council Office must exercise a pa-
ternal control, and a constant and
vigilant inquisition.
Now we do not wish to be mis-
understood. We do not mean to
say that the organisation and ad-
ministration of national education
can be left to the local boards.
There must be some central tribunal.
A cautious, judicious, well-informed
central board, sitting in Scotland,*
composed, let us say at a venture,
of the Principals of the Universities
(who have a good deal of spare time
on their hands), with a legal asses-
sor to advise on points of law,
woidd be of real service. To such
a tribunal the nation might safely
intrust the delicate and extensive
jurisdiction which the Bill confers
on the Privy Council — part of it, at
least, if not all of it. The jurisdic-
tion is delicate and extensive, and,
even by the best - informed board
that could be framed, would require
to be exercised with the utmost care
and caution : exercised by " some
secretary or assistant secretary" at
Downing Street it would become
oppressive, inquisitorial, tyrannical
— utterly vexatious and burdensome
to all concerned.
It is certainly natural that a
Scotch Education Board should sit
in Scotland, and be composed main-
ly of Scotsmen. What, then, are the
reasons which prevent the Govern-
ment from giving effect to so rea-
sonable a request? As far as we
have observed, only two have been
assigned — by Mr Gladstone and Mr
Forster respectively.
" You know," Mr Gladstone told
a deputation from the United Pres-
byterian Church, " that your Scotch
members object to the Scotch
boards that already exist, and they
would, of course, oppose the crea-
tion of a new one." " The Bill pro-
poses," said Mr Forster, "that certain
grants shall be made by Parliament
in aid of the local rates, and such
grants can only be made through
the Privy Council, which is respon-
sible to Parliament for their due
application." Mr Gladstone's objec-
tion raises the question of the util-
ity and efficiency of the Scotch
boards (which we thought had been
settled), — Mr Forster's involves the
much larger question of Ministerial
responsibility.
The history of the crusade against
the Scotch administrative boards
is interesting and instructive. -It
* The scheme which we indicate might be worked out somewhat in this way : — There
are the Principals of five colleges in Scotland, who now receive salaries of from £500 to
£800 per annum. They are all men of considerable literary and academic position,
and might, even apart from the offices which they hold, be fitly selected to administer
the machinery of Scotch education. Each of them would receive an addition to his
salary during the time that he continued a member of the Board of Education. To the
Principals, an experienced lawyer or judge and school-inspector might be added ; and
thus, for a very moderate yearly sum, a Board whose decisions would command general
respect throughout Scotland would be obtained. The Board would meet once a-month
in Edinburgh for the determination of questions of principle ; but the ordinary admin-
istration might be assigned to committees — the Principals of St Andrews and Aber-
deen to undertake the supervision of education in the northern and eastern districts,
and the Principals of Edinburgh and Glasgow in the western and southern districts.
VOL. CIX. NO. DCLXVII. 2 Z
668
The Scotch Education Bill.
was conducted by three or four of
the Scotch members who belong to
that amiable variety of their coun-
trymen which has been felicitously
described by the ' Saturday Review':
" What he likes best is to get a
place for himself, and what he likes
second-best is to prevent some other
Scotsman from getting it." So they
charged the boards with ineffi-
ciency, extravagance, oppression,
unpopularity, and other grave of-
fences. At their instance the House
of Commons appointed a Select
Committee to try the Board of Super-
vision. Moved by their importuni-
ties, the Treasury appointed Lord
Camperdown and Sir William Clarke
to inquire at Edinburgh into the
allegations against the different de-
partments. We ventured to antici-
pate that the inquiry would end in
the confusion and discomfiture of
the assailants. Our prediction has
been more than verified. Mr Craw-
furd, the Chairman of the Select
Committee, and the ringleader of
the insurgents, having satisfied him-
self that the Poor-Law Board ad-
mirably discharges its onerous duties,
proposes in his draft report to in-
crease its numbers and augment its
authority. Lord Camperdown as-
certained that the charges preferred
against the Scotch departments in
general could be ascribed only to
ignorance or mendacity. When,
after the Report had been published
and laid before Parliament, the sub-
ject was discussed in the House of
Commons, the Chancellor of the
Exchequer (Mr Lowe) expressed
himself to the effect that the admin-
istration of Scotch affairs had been
shown to be " remarkably efficient
and surprisingly economical." These
were the notorious results of the
inquiry ; and how they can be pre-
sumed to tell against the proposal
to institute a Scotch Education
Board, we are at a loss to perceive.
It is easy, indeed, to understand
[May
why, in the conduct of Scotch
affairs, a Scotch should be superior
to an English board. Sitting in
Scotland, it is of course directly and
cheaply accessible. Then it must
in the main, moreover, consist of
gentlemen who are acquainted with
the habits, and usages, and pecu-
liarities of the country which they
undertake to govern, and who bave
been allowed time and opportunity
to master the special work of their
department — trained officers con-
versant with the laws which they
administer, and habituated to the
duties which they discharge. The
local boards quickly discover that
a central board of this kind is the
best-informed and cheapest tribunal
which they can approach, and it
becomes, in consequence, a board of
advice and direction quite as much
as — nay, even more than — a board of
control. The advantage of such
a system of administration cannot
be overrated. But remove the
board to London, and put an English
House of Commons man in its
chair, and it will forthwith cease to
be of service, and become a nuisance
and an obstruction.
A Scotch board, to be of service,
should not only be Scotch in com-
position, but it should sit in Scot-
land. Every one who knows any-
thing of the matter, knows that the
business of a department cannot be
conducted by correspondence alone.
To clear away difficulties and facili-
tate an understanding, a personal
interview is worth a dozen letters.
The chairman of the Poor - Law
Board told Lord Camperdown that,
besides the correspondence of his
office (some 6000 or 7000 letters
annually on questions of law and
usage, which no English official
could comprehend), deputations from
the local boards waited daily upon
the Board, the chairman, or the
secretary. At present these most
useful interviews are easily arranged.
1871.]
The inspector or chairman of a
parochial board in any part of
Scotland (save the remote Highlands
and Islands) can reach Edinburgh
in the course of a few hours, and
his return-ticket will cost him a few
shillings only. He starts by an
early train, transacts his business
rapidly with men who can at once
give him the necessary information,
and is home by nightfall. But if
the conduct of Scotch education is
to be removed to London, the
hardest heart must experience a
sentiment of pity for the unlucky
schoolmaster who has occasion to
consult " the Scottish Education
Department." Duncan M'Gregor,
schoolmaster at Cairndarroch, we
shall say, is despatched by his
board to obtain an interview with
that august tribunal regarding a
fund for educational purposes which,
the Chief of MacCloskie has be-
queathed to the parish of his birth.
Cairndarroch, in spite of the railway,
is still five hundred miles distant
from the metropolis, and Duncan
finds that the expense of the jour-
ney to London — there and back —
amounts to at least twenty pounds.
To its inquisitive and light-fingered
gentry the simple Celt, as he wan-
ders with open mouth through its
crowded streets, presents an irre-
sistible temptation ; and even if he
arrive in safety at Downing Street,
he has an Iliad of troubles in store.
The very fine gentlemen who con-
descend occasionally to act as porters
and messengers to the London
offices don't understand a word that
he says, and have never even heard
of " the Scotch Department," except
in connection with the Limited Mail.
At length, having in the interval
overcome with characteristic tenacity
innumerable obstacles, Duncan is
ushered into the presence of the
assistant secretary. The assistant
secretary shot grouse one season in
Scotland for a week, and of course
The Scotch Education Bill.
669
understands its institutions and its
language. So he listens attentively
while Duncan explains his errand.
"The buird hold that they're in
right to the MacCloskie Mortifica-
tion; but the haill lands of Mac-
Closkie have been brought before
the Lords in a multiplepoinding.
Now, sir, what would you advise us
to do ? " The astounded secretary
would probably conclude that a
multiplepoinding was a kind of
vehicle or public conveyance used
in Scotland ; but no amount of
explanation would enable him to
comprehend the anxiety of the
local board to acquire a mortifica-
tion. The illustration is by no
means fanciful — the truth being
that Scotch life, especially the life
legal, religious, and social of the
more remote counties, is a thing by
itself, quite distinct from English
life, and requiring to be handled
with a delicate consideration and
intelligent discrimination which offi-
cials resident in England cannot
possibly acquire.
As regards the assumption that a
Scotch board would be unpopular,
we need only say that we have
perused the reports of at least a
hundred meetings — lay and clerical
— all of which, with hardly an ex-
ception, have insisted on the neces-
sity of establishing a central board
in Edinburgh, and have declared
that rather than allow their schools
to be handed over to the Privy
Council, they will use their best
efforts to defeat the measure. The
unanimity on this point, to those
who know Scotland, has been really
astonishing.
We have now, in the last place,
to consider Mr Forster's argument
on Ministerial responsibility. The
argument has never been stated
with precision, but it is based on
some such train of reasoning as this :
" Every department of the execu-
tive must be directly responsible to
670
The Scotch Education Bill.
[May
the Legislature. But there can be
no responsibility unless the head of
the department is a member of the
Ministry, with a seat in Parliament,
and liable to be removed from office
by a Parliamentary vote." On this
proposition we have one or two
remarks to offer, which we think
are worthy of being considered even
by those who are only indirectly in-
terested in the fate of a Scotch Edu-
cation Bill.
It is absurd to say, in the year
1871, that any department of the
executive, either in England or
Scotland, is " irresponsible." Every
public body in this country is now
sensitively alive to public and Par-
liamentary opinion. Even in the
narrowest technical sense, the Scotch
boards are responsible to the House
of Commons through the Home Se-
cretary (to whom they report an-
nually), and through the Lord
Advocate. We are willing, indeed, to
admit that the Scotch system of
administration is different from that
which obtains in those English
offices (and in those only) which
are presided over by Cabinet Min-
isters ; but we maintain, without
hesitation, that the difference is
altogether in favour of Scotland.
What is the object in view ? If the
object in view be to put "the right
man in the right place," and leave
him there to do his work to the best
of his ability, the Scotch is a far
sounder system than the English,
which, indeed, on any ground of
reason or logic, is utterly indefen-
sible. For what do they do in
England 1 Most of the great admin-
istrative offices are made political
and Parliamentary prizes, to be
scrambled for on the floor of the
House of Commons. Whenever a
Cabinet is overturned, the official
chiefs retire, and make way for men
who maybe, and indeed generally are,
entirely ignorant of the special duties
of their departments. Mr Gladstone,
more suo, carries the practice to the
extreme limit; it is necessary, he
gravely maintains, to " educate "
statesmen ; if a youthful politician
is kept in an office till he is ac-
quainted with its duties, his mind,
becoming cramped and dwarfed,
cannot rise to the contemplation of
imperial questions ; and thus, under
the paternal supervision of the First
Minister, there is a constant shuffle
of the cards. Lord Hartington
leaves the Post-Office and goes to
Ireland; Mr Stansfeld leaves the
Treasury and goes to the Poor-Law
Board ; Mr Goschen leaves the Poor-
Law Board and goes to the Admi-
ralty. That the system does not
lead to the utter demoralisation of
the public offices is the highest tri-
bute that can be paid to the excel-
lence of the permanent subordinates.
A system so fundamentally irra-
tional, however, cannot, we may be
assured, survive a season of pressure.
The House of Commons has spent
six unprofitable weeks in unprofit-
able debates upon the reorganisation
of the army. EveryAvhere through-
out the country people are asking
to what cause this legislative and
administrative paralysis is to be
ascribed. The time will come, or
we are much 'mistaken, when the
administration of the army and
navy will be withdrawn from the
control of Parliamentary tacticians,
and intrusted to the " irresponsible"
discretion of real soldiers and sailors.
That time will come — let us hope
that it will come quickly ; else it
will go hard with England when
Moltke and Bismark are ready to
turn their big guns against our
rotten batteries.
Mr Forster, as we have said, is an
eminently fair and reasonable man.
Will he ask himself what he truly
means when he uses the word
" responsibility " 1 Eesponsible for
what? Eesponsible, we presume,
for the proper application of the na-
1871.]
tional funds. And to whom may that
responsibility most prudently be in-
trusted, and by whom will it be most
efficiently discharged1? by an English
or Irish secretary sitting at Downing
Street, or by a board of Scotch
gentlemen thoroughly acquainted
with the wants and idiosyncrasies of
Scotland, easily and cheaply acces-
sible, and specially selected for their
ability to undertake the duties of
the department ? Yet, even assum
ing, as has been said, that the Scotch
offices are comparatively irrespon-
sible, it does not follow that irre-
sponsibility is a bad thing if it is
thereby meant that a body intrusted
with difficult and delicate functions
is placed in a position which enables
it to be indifferent to the passing
agitation of the moment. .The law
has anxiously attempted to secure
that, in this sense, the judicial office,
for instance, shall be irresponsible.
Looking to the semi-judicial duties
which administrative boards are
called upon to discharge, it is clearly
an advantage that they should not
be filled by eager political partisans,
fresh from the Parliamentary arena,
and anxious above all things to dis-
credit an opponent, or to catch a vote.
Once more, Mr Forster is not only
a reasonable but a liberal man. Why
should he treat Scotland with this
exceptional shabbiness ] The Scotch
have been historically and prover-
bially a thrifty people, and it is not
probable that at this late hour of the
day they will all at once become ex-
travagant and reckless. Scotland
has now been united with England
and Ireland for a good many years ;
but it must be said that, financially
speaking, the connection is not pro-
fitable. Ireland pays little, and
gets much ; Scotland pays much,
The Scotch Education Bill.
671
and gets little. The appropriation
accounts recently issued for 1869-70
enable us to compare the expendi-
ture on the Civil Service in the three
countries, and are worth looking
into. The Home Civil Service is
divided into four general classes —
Public Works, Public Departments,
Law and Justice (exclusive of judi-
cial salaries, which are mostly paid
out of the Consolidated Fund, and
exhibit the same disproportion), and
Education, Science, and Art.
The total estimate for the year under
Class I., "Public Works and Build-
ings," amounted to . . £1,223,806
Of which Scotland obtained
(exclusive of the special
votes for sheriff- court
houses and the Glasgow
University buildings) . 20,566
And Ireland, as an annual
average charge, obtained . 148,817
The total estimate for the year under
Class II., " Public Departments,"
amounted to . . . 1,733,681
Of which Scotland obtained . 51,010
And Ireland . . . 182,183
The total estimate for the yenr under
Class III., " Law and Justice, " amount-
ed to .... 3,712,246
Of which Scotland obtained . 177,010
Of which Ireland obtained . 1,317,384
The total estimate for the year under
Class IV., "Education, Science^ and
Art," amounted to . . 16,28,170
Of which Scotland obtained . 98,083
Of which Ireland obtained* . 404,000
The result, on the whole, was
as follows : Out of a total vote
of £8,298,083, Ireland obtained
£2,042,384, whereas Scotland ob-
tained only £346,669, the balance,
close upon six millions, going to
England. The expenses of the
administrative departments are
included under Class II. The
£51,010 which Scotland obtained
was distributed in the following
proportions : —
* To this, according to ' The Irish Teacher's Journal,' must now be added another
£100,000. That Journal announces (1st April 1871) : — '' We have much pleasure in
informing our readers that the Government have acceded to the request of the Com-
missioners, and have placed at their disposal the additional sum of £100,000, to be
employed in the improvement of the position of the Irish national teachers.
672
The Scotch Education Bill.
Exchequer and other offices, . £6,317
Fishery Board (including grants
for piers, cutter service, &c.), 13,298
General Register Office, . 7,321
Lunacy Commission, . . 6,166
Poor-Law Commission (including
£10,000 for medical relief), 17,838
The £182,183 which went
Ireland was thus distributed : —
to
Lord-Lieutenant's household,
Chief Secretary's Office, .
Boundary Survey, .
Charitable Donations Office,
General Register Office, .
Poor-Law Commission, .
Public Record Office,
Public Works Office,
£6,164
23,453
500
2,238
20,722
97,328
4,682
27,183
does this comparison exhaust
what can be said in favour of the
economical administration of the
Scotch departments. They pay
back to the Treasury every year
about £6000 (which has been re-
ceived by them in the shape of fees) ;
and the Comptroller-General certi-
fies that their actual expenditure last
year was less than their estimated,
to the amount of £3000. The grant
[May 1871.
of £10,000 for the medical officers
of the parochial boards is simply
distributed by the Poor-Law Board;
and the same may be said of the
sum of £4800 for piers and har-
bours, and boat and cutter service,
which is paid through the Fishery
Board. Deducting these sums
(amounting together to close upon
£24,000), it appears that the net
cost of the whole administrative ma-
chinery of Scotland amounts to about
£27,000 — probably the cheapest
governing body that is to be found
in the world !
The ' Scotsman ' has hinted that
a good board in London would be
better than a bad board in Edin-
burgh. We have proved, we think,
that from the nature of the case a
good board in London is out of the
question ; and to insinuate that
there are not three men in Scotland
capable of organising its educational
machinery, is surely to libel a people
who have shown throughout their
whole career a special aptitude for
the business of government.
Printed by William Blackicood <£• Sons, Edinburgh.
BLACKWOOD'S
EDINBUKGH MAGAZINE.
No. DCLXVIII.
JUNE 1871.
VOL. CIX.
CHARLES DICKENS.
" CALL no man happy till he is
dead," said the wise old heathens.
It is still more important that we
should sum up no man's greatness,
and come to no definite conclu-
sion as to his fame, until that last
great event has happened which
separates him softly yet suddenly
from all the secondary influences,
from all the ephemeral popularity
of common life. It is not very long
since most sensible people were
moved with that curious mixture
of sorrow, shame, and unwilling
amusement, which is called forth
by any absurd exhibition of self-
importance or vanity — by the record
of the amazing reception given to
Mr Dickens by the American people,
or at least by those excitable classes
who claim to represent that ill-used
nation. If we remember rightly,
the fact that Dickens spoke our
common language was then pro-
claimed on both sides of the Atlan-
tic as one of those often-referred-to
bonds of union which ought to
make New England and Old Eng-
land one. The sacred mother-
VOL. CIX. NO. DCLXVIII.
tongue, which was spoken by Sarah
Gamp and Betsy Prig, was to be-
come an object of deeper sanctity
to both of us from that hallowing
connection ; and not Butler nor
Bunkum, much less Alabama claims
or Fenians or Filibusters, could
break the charm which a Dickens
breathed upon the great Anglo-
Saxon world, which, if it was united
in nothing else, was still united in
its worship of his genius. A hasty
hearer might have supposed it was
Shakespeare of whom these praises
were spoken; but it was not. It
was the author of ' Pickwick,' and
' Copperfield,' and (honour to Yankee
impartiality !) ' Chuzzlewit ' — not
by any means a Shakespeare, but
yet a man exercising much real and
a great deal of false influence on
the world. People laughed in their
sleeves at the big words of this glori-
fication ; yet Dickens had his seat
secure in the national "Walhalla,
such as it is, and nobody dared to
attempt to dislodge him. When
he appeared, crowds thronged to
hear and see him : when, after a
3 A
674
Charles Dickens.
[June
long interval of silence, he conde-
scended to put forth the beginning
of a story in the old well-remember-
ed green covers, everybody rushed
to read, to praise, and to admire, if
they could. There is something half
affecting, half ridiculous — and which
shows in the very best light the
grateful docility of the common
mind — in the eagerness with which
the public tried to convince itself
that it was charmed by the open-
ing of the fragment called ' Edwin
Drood.' We all said to each
other that this was going to be
a powerful story — one of his best,
prehaps ; we were on the outlook
for the familiar delights, the true
Dickens vein, which we knew so
well. The effect was flat, no doubt,
and the effort severe ; but perhaps
we thought that was our own, the
reader's, fault. Thus faithfully does
the British public, much-maligned
and sorely -tried audience, uphold
the minstrel who has once got pos-
session of its ear. It stood by
him with a piteous fidelity to the
last. But now Dickens, too, has
come, like so many more, to be a piece
of history, and may be judged as
the rest have been judged. For
something between thirty and forty
years he has reigned and had his
day. He has been adulated publicly
and privately, as (it is said) kings
used to be adored. For a lifetime he
was fed with praise, as well as with
that which is more substantial than
praise. The fictitious people of his
making were received into the world
as if they had been a new tribe, and
he their king. Honour, and riches,
and a kind of semi-royal power, were
his. This great position he un-
doubtedly held in right of his genius
alone, and retained it till he died.
How he did this, how he managed
to get so high, and keep the height
so long, and what he did for the
world thus subject to him during
his reign, are interesting questions,
to which we mean to try to give
some satisfactory answer.
The world of fiction — or rather
the world of poetry and imagina-
tion— in which the dullest of us
spend so many hours, if not years,
of our lives, has many differing
altitudes and longitudes, and
many variations of spiritual atmo-
sphere. It becomes narrow or large
to us, low or lofty, noble or mean,
according as is the guide we choose
or find most congenial. There are
some who lead us into a tragic Infer-
no, echoing with mortal groans and
dark with misery ; some into a
stately Eden, all novel and splen-
did, with two fair primeval crea-
tures in the midst ; and some into
the scenes we know — the common
earth, which we recognise, and yet
which is not the less enchanted
ground. Of all the circles of ima-
ginative creation, that of Shake-
speare is the widest, as it is the most
largely impartial, the most divinely
calm. It is a very world full of
creatures good and evil, of every-
thing the earth contains — the mean
and miserable along with the noblest
and highest. All are there, great
and small, because all are in nature.
But there was but one Shakespeare,
and we do not compare the mere
children of men with that son of
the gods. To come a long way far-
ther down, there is much in the
atmosphere of Scott which reflects
that of Shakespeare. If there is
no great intellectual being towering
over common men, there is at least
a full and honest conception of the
variations in that gamut of hu-
manity which strikes so high, and
sinks into such depths profound.
And in our own day we have still
that heritage of truth and nature.
Thackeray, so often miscalled cynic,
though his pages may be over-full
of the easy victims of social satire,
has not left us without more than
one noble testimony that mankind
1871.] diaries Dickens.
can be as good, and simple, and
honest, and true, as it can be wick-
ed, base, designing, and artful. This
Shakespearian tradition has come
down to us through the changes
of ages. In the eighteenth century
— that time of universal crisis — there
was a fluttering and doubtfulness of
standards. Richardson, narrow in
his honest inexperience, would have
made a world for us out of sublimi-
ties and fiends, lifting the ideal of
humanity to the last taper-point of
elevation ; while, on the other hand,
manliness had like to become iden-
tified with vice, had not Parson
Adams saved Fielding. But through
all, the creed of our best Makers
has been that of our greatest Poet —
which is, that the noble are, at least,
as possible as the mean ; that you
are as likely to find in your next
neighbour a generous friendly An-
tonio as a grasping Shylock ; and
that a man cannot truly picture the
world of fact in the world of art,
without tracing at least as many
beautiful images as he does base
ones — nay, that the beauty, the
goodness, the nobility, must imprint
themselves on the record, amid all
baser chronicles, or the record can-
not be true.
Now, the curious thing in the
works of Mr Dickens is, that whereas
he has added a flood of people to
the population of the world, he has
not added one to that lofty rank
where dwell the best of humanity.
He has given us the most amusing
fools that this generation knows,
the most charmingly genial people
in difficulties, the most intolerable
and engaging of bores. But he has
scarcely left us one character which
is above ridicule, or of which
we think with a smile and a tear
mingled, as it is the highest boast
of your true humorist to mingle
smiles and tears. Not to ascend to
any Shakespearian heights, there is
not even such a light as Uncle Toby
675
shining out of his pages ; there is
nothing like Thomas Newcoine. He
tries hard, and strains, and makes
many an effort to cover the deficiency;
but what he produces is sham, not
real — it is maudlin, not pathetic.
His highest ideal has a quiver, as of
semi-intoxication, in its voice ; its
virtue is smug, self-conscious, sur-
rounded by twittering choruses of
praise. There is not even a woman
among the many in his books that
would bear putting up by the side of
the women who are to live for ever;
and how strangely wanting must be
the man of genius who cannot frame
one woman, at least, worth placing in
the crowd where Una is ! This is
the strange drawback, the one huge
deficiency, which must always limit
the reputation of the much-wor-
shipped novelist. Mrs Gamp, no
doubt, is great; but she will not
serve our turn here. He has repre-
sented with the most graphic and
vivid clearness almost every grade
of the species Fool. He has painted
ridiculous people, silly people, self-
ish people, people occupied with
one idea, oddities, eccentrics, a
thousand varieties — but among all
these has never once stumbled upon
the simple, true, ideal woman, or any
noble type of man. Looking at his
real power, his undeniable genius,
the wonderful fertility of his ima-
gination, the spectator asks with a
certain surprise, How is it that he
never fell upon one such accident-
ally, as we do in the world1? The
wonder seems how he could miss it.
But miss it he did, with the curious
persistency of those fate - directed
steps which are fain to enter into
every path but one. This is the
first characteristic of Dickens among
his compeers in the world of litera-
ture. He has given us pictures as
powerful, individualities as distinct,
as any have done. Perhaps he has
added to our common talk a larger
number of side reflections from the
676
Charles Dickens,
[June
thoughts and experiences of ficti-
tious persons, than most writers even
of equal power. But he has not
created one character so close to
us, yet so much above us, that we
can feel him a positive gain to hu-
manity.
Now, when we make this com-
plaint and accusation against the
novelist, we are by no means set-
ting up the ideal above the real, or
demanding of heaven and earth a
succession of Grandisons. Far be
the thought from our mind : for one
hero there must always be, no
doubt, a hundred valets, with a
variety and play of life among them
such as many people can appreciate
a great deal better than they could
appreciate the bigger nature. Let
us have the valets by all means ; but
the writer who can set only valets
before us cannot be placed in the
highest rank. It must be under-
stood that the difference between
the mind which makes " the gentle
lady wedded to the Moor" the central
light in a picture, and the mind
which places Mrs Gamp in that
position, is not a difference of degree,
but one of kind. The latter may
be amusing, versatile, brilliant, and
full of genius, but it is clear that the
best he can do for his race is a best
which is infinitely beneath the other.
He knows of no hidden excellence,
no new glory which he can bring
out into the light of day ; he finds
no stars in the half - discovered
skies, nor even the violet hidden by
the mossy stone. He can do a
hundred other clever and wonderful
things, but this he cannot do ; he
has a bandage upon his eyes, a
feebleness in his hands. He can
identify and realise, and pour floods
of laughing light upon all the lesser
objects ; but the central figure he
cannot accomplish — it is beyond his
power.
And we cannot but think that
Dickens himself must have been
aware of his own limitation on this
point. The struggle and strain of
which we are always aware in the
working out of his good characters,
shows something of that suppressed
irritation with which a workman
struggles against his special imper-
fection. He is angry that he cannot
do it well, as some others can ; and
he works himself up into an excite-
ment which he tries to believe is
creative passion, and heaps on ac-
cessories and results with a hand
which is almost feverish in its eager-
ness. The curious artificial cadence
of the speeches which are meant
to be impassioned — the explanations
which every one of his higher female
characters, for example, makes in
measured sentences, each exactly like
the other, at what is supposed the
turning-point of her existence, and
in what are supposed to be the ac-
cents of lofty and high-pitched feel-
ing— are the most curious instances
of this strain and conscious effort.
He works himself up to it under the
reader's very eyes — he makes enor-
mous preparations before he takes
the leap : when he sets himself in
motion at length, it is with clenched
hands and the veins swelling on his
forehead — and then he fails. This
process is gone through almost in the
same monotonous succession when-
ever he attempts to strike any of
the higher chords of life. The only
thing real in it is the failure. In
all the rest there is the strangest
counterfeit air, and a consciousness
of the sham which is as apparent to
the writer as to the reader : the
passion is stirred up and foamed
and frothed, with always some new
ingredient thrown in at the last
moment in very desperation ; the
pathos is skimmed down, diluted,
sweetened with the most anxious
care. No cook nor chemist could
be more solicitous about the due
mixture of every element. The only
thing that is deficient is the effect.
1871.]
Charles Dickens.
677
It is a curious reflection, that
perhaps the most popular -writer of
the period which is now closing —
the enchanter who ruled over the
youth of most of us, whose su-
premacy at one time was scarcely
contested, and who even now has lost
but little of his power — should be
thus strangely incapable of entering
into and representing the higher
phases of existence. His works,
we all know, are works of the
purest morality, inculcating only
benevolence, charity, and virtuous
sentiments. Indeed, Mr Dickens's
genius is not even superior to the
popular prejudice in favour of poetic
justice : he likes to reward his good
people substantially, and to make
the wicked ones very uncomfortable.
But with all this, he does not bring
us into good company. The society
of the cleverest of Cockney grooms
— the most amusing of monthly
nurses — would not be considered
edifying in ordinary life. Were we
condemned to it by any freak of
fortune, we should feel ourselves
deeply injured; and whether the
large amount of it enforced upon us
by our favourite novelist is much to
the advantage of our taste or man-
ners as a nation, is a question worth
considering. The genius which
brought such an unlikely pair to
the front of the contemporary stage,
and has kept them there for some-
thing like a quarter of a century, is
a very different matter. The diffi-
culty of the task, and the extra-
ordinary unsuitableness of the posi-
tion, do but enhance the power of
the creator : it is infinitely clever in
him, but is it quite as good for us ?
If, as people say, society in many
of its circles has taken a lower and
coarser tone, may not the indifferent
company we have all been keeping
in books have something to do with
it ? We think there is a great deal
to be said on this point ; but we are
timorous, and do not feel equal to
the task of charging upon the wor-
shipped Dickens any such social
offence. He who has always preached
the most amiable of sentiments
— he who was the first to find
out the immense spiritual power of
the Christmas turkey — he who has
given us so many wonderful in-
stances of sudden conversion from
cruelty and unkindness to the most
beaming, not to say maudlin, amia-
bility,— shall we venture to say of
him that his influence has not been
of an elevating order ? We shrink
from the undertaking. But still
we venture to repeat, it is a curi-
ous fact that this most influential
writer has brought his readers into
a great deal of very indifferent
company, and has not left to us
to neutralise it a single potential
image of the elevated or the great
— nay, has left us nothing but the
weakest, sloppiest, maudlin exhi-
bitions of goodness, big in com-
placency, but poor in every other
point.
This, however, which is the worst
we can say of Dickens in one par-
ticular, is the very highest in an-
other. Those beings whom he has
invented or brought out of obscurity
have no natural claim to our in-
terest, no attraction to bring them
to us, not even any force of natural
sympathy to give them power. By
what strange gift is it that he cap-
tivates us to Sam Weller, and calls
up a gleam upon the gravest coun-
tenance at the very name of Mrs
Gamp ? Their truth to nature, some
critics will answer : but this nature
has nothing that is delightful in it ;
it is repulsive, not attractive. Mrs
Gamp in real life would be hateful,
tedious, and disgusting — yet there
is not a beautiful lady in creation
whose company we like better in
print. How is it 1 Even when, as
a question of art, we disapprove,
the furtive smile steals to the corner
of our mouth. This can be nothing
678
Charles Dickens.
[June
"but genius, that vivifying and crea-
tive principle which not only makes
something out of nothing, but which
communicates qualities to a bit of
dull clay of which in itself it is
utterly unconscious — genius which
we are always labouring to define
without growing much the wiser,
but which we can no more refuse to
be influenced by, than we can deny
the evidence of our senses. In this
power of interesting his readers,
Dickens does not even take such
help of nature as other great artists
have been glad to use. There is no
story, no touch of natural emotion,
to dispel our prejudices and bring
near to us the strangely-chosen crea-
ture of our author's predilections.
What he does, he does by sheer
force of genius, scorning all auxili-
aries, and his success is complete.
His conception of the keen illiterate
Cockney mind, sharpened by contact
with that life which abounds in the
London streets, is as clear and sure
as are those streets themselves which
he can see ; his glance goes through
and through it with a divination
more full than knowledge. Per-
haps his consciousness of the in-
fluences which widen and light it
up, is more vivid than that of those
which cramp and limit such an
intelligence ; he never ventures to
go deep enough to bring it face to
face with any problem beyond the
reach of its philosophy ; and he is
apt to endow it with a preternatural
cleverness which makes all training
and instruction unnecessary; but
with what certainty, swiftness, and
freedom does he play its quaint
original light over the surface of
men and things ! what a command
he has of its odd reflective power,
its curious scraps of knowledge, its
easy good-nature and tolerance — a
tolerance which means close acquaint-
ance with many kinds of evil ! The
fulness and clearness of this know-
ledge nobody can doubt ; though, on
the other hand, it is less apparent
how conventional and superficial
it is : even here Dickens does not
go deep. His instinct leads him to
keep on the surface. There is more
true insight in half-a-dozen lines
which we could select here and
there from other writers as to the
effects of street education than in
all Sam Weller.
Nevertheless, Sam Weller is not
only true, but original. There is no
tragic side to him. There is no real
tragic side, indeed, to any of the
Dickens characters. And Dickens,
perhaps, is the only great artist of
whom this can be said ; for to most
creative minds there is a charm
indescribable in the contact of hu-
man character with the profounder
difficulties of life. An instinctive
sense of his own weakness, however,
keeps him as far as possible from
these problems. And his Sam is
the most light-hearted hero, perhaps,
that has ever been put upon canvas.
He is the very impersonation of easy
conscious skill and cleverness. He
has never met with anything in his
career that he could not give a good
account of. Life is all above-board
with him, straightforward, jovial, on
the surface. He stands in the midst
of the confusion of the picture in
very much the same position which
the author himself assumes. He is
the Deus ex machind, the spectator of
everybody's mistakes and failures —
a kind of laughing providence to set
everything right. Sam's position
in the ' Pickwick Papers ' is one of
the great marvels in English art. It
is the first act of the revolution
which Mr Dickens accomplished
in his literary sphere — the new
system which has brought those
uppermost who were subordinate
according to the old canons. This
ostler from the City, this groom
picked up from the pavement, is,
without doubt or controversy, every-
body's master in the story of which
1871-1
Charles Dickens.
679
he is the centre. When the whole
little community in the book is puz-
zled, Sam's cleverness cuts the knot.
It is he who always sees what to do,
who keeps everybody else in order.
He even combines with his role of all-
accomplished serving-man the other
role of jeune premier, and retains his
superiority all through the book, at
once in philosophy and practical in-
sight, in love and war.
The ' Pickwick Papers ' stands by
itself among its author's works ; and
as the first work of a young man, it is,
we think, unique in literature. Other
writers have professed to write novels
without a hero : Dickens, so far as
we are aware, is the only one who,
without making any profession, has
accomplished that same. To be sure,
' Pickwick ' is not, in the ordinary
sense of the word, a novel, and yet it
would be hard to classify it in any
other list. Strangest of books !
which introduces us to a set of
people, young men and old, women
and girls, figures intended to repre-
sent the usual strain of flesh and
blood — in order that we may laugh at
them all ! There is a horrible impar-
tiality, a good-humoured universal
malice, running through the whole.
The author stands in the midst,
half himself, half revealed in the
person of his favourite Sam, and
looks at the world he has created,
and holds his sides. He does
not even feel contempt, to speak
of — he feels nothing but what
fun it is to see so many fools dis-
porting themselves according to their
folly. There is, as we have said, a
horrible impartiality in it. Other
writers have preserved a little re-
spect, a little sympathy, for the
lovers, at least — a little feeling that
youth must have something fine in
it, and that the gallant and the
maiden have a right to their pedes-
tal. But not so Dickens : the
delight with which in this book he
displays all the ridiculousness and
inherent absurdity which he finds
in life, is like the indiscriminate fun
of a schoolboy who shouts with
mirth at everything which can by
any means be made an occasion
of laughter, without acknowledging
any restraint of natural reverence or
decorum. In ' Pickwick', the work
is that of a man of genius, but the
spirit is almost always that of a mis-
chievous innocent schoolboy. When
the great contemporary and rival of
Dickens produced his first great
work, all the virtuous world rose up
and condemned the cynicism of
' Vanity Fair'; but nobody has ever
said a word about the cynicism of
'Pickwick'; and yet, to our thinking,
the one is a hundred times more
apparent than the other. ' Vanity
Fair' is a book full of deep and tragic
meaning, of profound feeling and
sentiment, which crop up through the
fun, and are ever present, though
so seldom expressed. The histo-
rian, story-teller, social philosopher,
laughs, it is true, but he has a
great mind to weep : he sneers
sometimes, but it is because his heart
grows hot as he watches the pranks
that men play before high heaven.
But the author of ' Pickwick ' cares
not a straw what fools his puppets
make of themselves ; the more
foolish they are, the more he
laughs at their absurdity. He is too
good-humoured, too full of cheer-
ful levity and the sense of mischief,
to think of their lies and brags and
vanity as anything vile and blam-
able ; they are so funny, that he
forgets everything else. His charac-
ters go tumbling about the world as
the clown and pantaloon do in the
midst of those immemorial immoral-
ties of the pantomime — the ever-
successful tricks and cheats in
which we all find once a-year an un-
sophisticated pleasure. In short, the
atmosphere of ' Pickwick ' is more
like that of a pantomime than of
any other region we know. Mr
680
Jingle, who is the villain, and has
to be punished and reformed after a
fashion in Mr Dickens's favourite
harlequin - wand manner of refor-
mation, is a respectable character,
with a purpose, beside Mr Winkle,
who is the veriest braggart, cheat,
and sneak that ever was introduced
into fiction. Yet the very funniest
scenes in the book, those which the
chance reader turns to by instinct,
are the narratives of Mr Winkle's
exploits, though he is one of the
foremost walking gentlemen, lover,
and in a manner hero of the piece.
Sam Weller, who picks him up with
his unlucky skates on, and takes
care of his equally unlucky gun,
is, like the author, too merry over
it, to feel any sort of indignation
against Mr Winkle. The two burst
with private laughter aside, and find
it the best fun !
The extreme youthfulness of this
treatment is visible even in the
more serious parts of the book, if
anything in it can be called seri-
ous. Mr Pickwick himself is just
the kind of bland old gentleman,
with money always ready in his
old-fashioned breeches - pocket to
make up for all deficiencies, and
an everlasting disposition to meddle
and set everything -right, who is too
apt to be a schoolboy's ideal : an old
fellow who may be freely laughed
at, but whose credulity is as un-
bounded as the funds at his dis-
posal, and who is delightfully ready
to be hoaxed, and falls by himself,
almost too naturally, into the pit-
falls of practical joking. It is, per-
haps, the perfect good-humour of
this view of life which keeps it
from being assailed as cynical.
For it is thoroughly good-humoured,
by dint of being absolutely indiffer-
ent. There is the same large toler-
ation in it which we have of the
tyrannies, and extortions, and ava-
rices of an ant-hill, when we take
upon ourselves to observe the busy
Charles Dickens. [June
community there. When the weak
one is overpowered and trodden
upon, no indignation fills our supe-
rior bosom ; we look on and smile,
and watch without interference —
without anything that can be called
sympathy, but with a great deal of
amusement. In the same way, there
is no doubt, though with a curious re-
volution of circumstances, our school-
boys, our servants, contemplate us.
Were our grooms habitually set to
produce a picture of the existence of
their masters, there is little chance
that it would be so amusing as
' Pickwick,' but it would be in the
same vein. The keenest, lively,
sharp-eyed observation of the out-
side, without any sympathy or re-
spect, or desire to understand the
unseen — a lively apprehension of
the folly of those who act as we
ourselves would not think of acting,
and by the guidance of principles
which we don't care to fathom — lies
at the bottom of the whole. It is
the life of one class as it appears to
a member of another ; the commen-
tary of a spectator who never iden-
tifies himself with the actors, who
has no sense of community of in-
terests or character, who is as in-
different to their right and wrong as
we are to the Ants — but who notes
everything, and has an instinctive
perception of the fun, the ridicul-
ousness, the absurdity inalienable
from humanity. One touch of sym-
pathy would change the whole —
would bring in shame and moral
sentiment, would probably give bit-
terness to the laugh, and modify
the fun with meaning. But this
idea had not occurred to Dickens
at the time of * Pickwick.' His is
the very triumph of youthful pro-
fanity, of superficial insight, of
bright-eyed, unsympathetic vision.
The light of his laughing eyes throws
a certain gleam of amused expec-
tancy over the landscape — or rather
stage, which is a better word. And
1871.] Charles Dickens.
how thoroughly we are repaid for
our anticipations of fun! — how de-
lightfully does everybody commit
himself, make a fool of himself,
exhibit his vanities, his absurdities,
in unconscious candour before us.
Never was there such a big, full,
crowded pantomime stage — never so
many lively changes of scene and
character. There is scarcely more
art or skill in the situations than is
necessary to please the most indul-
gent holiday audience. Mr Pick-
wick's memorable mistake about his
bedroom — the troubles to which Mr
Winkle was subjected in conse-
quence of his good-nature in opening
the door in the middle of the night
to a lady coming home from a ball
— are incidents for the planning of
which the very minimum of inven-
tion has been employed; and yet
how they amuse us ! We laugh as
we laugh at the preposterous inno-
cent blunders which sometimes oc-
cur in our own life. They have the
same spontaneous unintentional air,
the same want of meaning. For
absence of meaning is a positive ad-
vantage in the circumstances. It
improves the fun, and increases its
resemblance to the fragmentary
humours of ordinary existence.
Thus our author moves us at the
very smallest cost, so far as construc-
tion is concerned. But the pano-
rama which he unfolds before us
trembles with light and movement
and variety. There is nothing dead,
stagnant, or dull in the whole ex-
hibition— in every corner it is alive;
something is going on wherever we
turn. We feel that it is out of his
own inexhaustible being that he is
pouring all those crowds upon us,
and that as many more are ready to
follow, all as full of eccentricity, ab-
surdity, nonsense, and fun as their
predecessors. It is the life, the flow
and fulness of vitality, the easy wealth
of witty comment, the constant
succession of amusing scenes, which
681
insure the popularity of ' Pickwick.'
It is of its nature delightful to
the very young — to the schoolboy
mind yet unawakened to anything
beyond the fun of existence ; and
at the very other end of the so-
cial scale, it is full of amusement
to the wearied man, who has enough
of serious life, and to whom it is a
relief to escape into this curious
world, where all is fun, and nothing
serious. But of all the revelations
of mind made by the first works of
great artists, ' Pickwick ' is perhaps
the most incomprehensible. With
all its charming gaiety and good-
humour, with its bits of fine moral
reflection and demonstrative wor-
ship of benevolence, it is without
heart and without sympathy — super-
ficial and profane.
We do jao^_use_jtlie_Jatter word,
however, in a religious sense; for
Dickens has always persistently and
most benevolently countenanced and
patronised religion. He is humanly,
not sacredly, profane in the first great
effort of his genius — not bitterly
sceptical of, but light-heartedly in-
different to, human excellence. This
will, we fear, be considered strange
doctrine by those who have taken
for granted all his subsequent moral-
ities on the subject, and the very
great use he has made of moral
transformations. But in ' Pickwick'
there is absolutely no moral sense.
It either does not exist, or has not
been awakened; and there is the
deepest profanity — a profanity which
scorns all the traditions of poetry
and romance, as well as all the
higher necessities of nature — in the
total absence of any sentiment or
grace in the heroes and heroines,
the lovers, the one class of human-
ity on whose behalf there exists a
lingering universal prejudice. It is
true that this criticism refers in its
fullest sense to 'Pickwick' alone
— but 'Pickwick' is Dickens pur
et simple in his first freshness, be-
682
Charles Dickens.
[June
fore the age of conventionality had
begun. And the defect is closely
connected with one of his best qua-
lities— the genuine kindness of feel-
ing which mingles with all his ridi-
cule. He is never harsh, never un-
genial, and much more disposed to
put a good than an evil interpreta-
tion upon the motives of human
folly. He does not permit us either
to hate or to despise our fellow-
creatures in their weaknesses; but
yet he enjoys the contemplation of
those weaknesses. He is cruel
without intending it; but in his
very cruelty he is kind.
The distinction, however, between
this one book and all the others, is
as curious as anything in literature.
It is the same hand which works ;
for who else could fill his canvas so
lavishly? — who else has such un-
bounded stores to draw upon] The
life and brightness are the same,
the boundless variety and animation ;
and the same also is that power of
natural selection which brings to
the author's hand those odd and
unusual and unelevated figures
which suit him best ; but in every-
thing else the whole fictitious
world is changed. ' Pickwick ' was
full of the most genial, natural,
easy indifference to the higher
morality ; but every subsequent
work is heavy with meaning, and
has an almost polemical moral. In
' Pickwick ' everybody's aim was to
make himself as charmingly absurd
as possible for our delight and plea-
sure ; for this end they roamed
about the world seeking adventures
which meant nothing but fun, and
generally conducting themselves like
men without any social bonds of duty
upon them, with no responsibilities
to the world, nor necessity to make
their living or advance their fortunes.
"We even defy any one to make out
to what social class these personages
are intended to belong. Were we
to describe Mr Pickwick as a retired
tradesman, and his young friends
as sons of well-to-do persons in the
same class, we should convey the
impression made by their manners
and habits upon ourselves person-
ally ; but there is no evidence that
Dickens meant this. In all his
other books, however, the social de-
tails are fully expressed, and the
bondage of ordinary circumstances
acknowledged. Many of these works
have not only an individual moral,
but are weighted besides with an
attack upon some one national in-
stitution or public wrong, as if Mr
Dickens's sense of responsibility to
the world for his great gift, and the
manner in which he should use it,
had developed all at once, and, hav-
ing once developed, would not be
trifled with. The Yorkshire cheap
schools ; the land speculations of
America; the Court of Chancery,
and other objectionable institutions
— have each a book devoted to
them; while the advantages of
benevolence, and the drawbacks of
selfishness, are developed in every
new group of characters, to the edi-
fication of the world. This change
is an odd one, and one for which we
know no explanation. But however
it came about, the fact is beyond
doubt. The group of works which fol-
lowed— 'Nicholas Nickleby," 'Oliver
Twist,' 'Martin Chuzzlewit,' 'Dom-
bey' — are all books with a purpose.
They are books, too, in which the old
traditions of construction are parti-
ally followed, and the love tale is re-
stored to a certain prominence. They
have a beginning, and a middle, and
an end, the due amount of ortho-
dox difficulties, and the " lived very
happy ever after" of primeval ro-
mance. Thus their character is
altered. There is no longer the
delightful Pickwickian muddle, the
story without an end, which might
go on for ever. The orthodox
machinery of the novel places a
certain limit upon the book ; it re-
1871.]
diaries Dickens.
683
stricts it within conditions, and de-
mands a certain exercise of those
qualities of foresight and economy
which are equally necessary, whether
we are about to marry ourselves, or
to arrange for the marriage of our
hero and heroine. But notwith-
standing this change of circum-
stances, the charm of 'Nickleby ' and
' Chuzzlewit ' is the same as the
charm of ' Pickwick.' It lies in the
wealth and fulness and lavish life,
in the odd exhibitions of ignoble
and unelevated humanity, in the
gay malice (not maliciousness) with
which all that is ridiculous is pur-
sued and dwelt upon. Nothing can
be worse than the bits of melodrama
which now and then, in the exigencies
of the story, the author is driven
to indulge in ; and the good people
and gentlefolks are as a rule ex-
tremely feeble and uninteresting;
but all the teeming wealth of lower
life which makes the other rich
abounds and overflows in these. The
grim group of the Squeerses, the
genial bigness of John Browdie, the
Crummies and their troupe, Peck-
sniff, Mark Tapley, and Mrs Gamp,
Toots and Miss Nipper, are all per-
fect in their way. With them the
author is at his ease. His artificial
goodness and maudlin virtue fade
out of our sight. When he is out
of the benumbing presence of the
ladies and gentlemen who are com-
pelled to talk good English, and be-
have themselves accordingly, he ex-
pands like a flower. His foot is on
his native heath, he is among the
people and the scenes with which
he is fully acquainted, and he can
give himself his full swing. Some-
times he even rises into a strain
higher than that of his old light-
hearted, cynical, and amused tolera-
tion. The picture of Dotheboys
Hall has a certain fierce reality in its
fun, of which nothing in ' Pickwick '
gives promise; and the drama of
Bill Sykes's vengeance and punish-
ment is most effective and even
terrible. His knot of criminals is
revolting, but it is one of the most
powerful pictures he has overdrawn;
and it is all the more powerful in
comparison with the insipid frame-
work of goodness and prettiness in
which this trenchant villany and
gloom are enclosed. Here his utter
failure and his highest success are put
together so closely that it is impos-
sible not to see the full force of the
contrast. Fagin, the Artful Dodger,
and Bumble, are all full of reality ;
and even such a miserable concep-
tion as that of Noah Claypole gives
strange involuntary evidence that the
very lowest type is more conceivable
to our author's imagination than
the gentle uniformity of civilised
existence, into which he can put
neither character nor spirit.
The same fact is apparent less un-
pleasantly in the ' Old Curiosity
Shop,' where the false sentiment
and mawkish pathos of little Nell,
with all that exaggerated and foolish
devotion which Mr Dickens is so
fond of representing, forms a husk
and envelope for the delightful figure v
of Dick Swiveller, one of his greatest
creations. We are not sure that we
do not, as a matter of individual
opinion, place Dick on a pinnacle
above all the rest — a pinnacle which,
perhaps, he may divide with the
Micawbers, inimitable pair ! but
which not even Sam Weller could
reach. Sam is a saucy fellow, whom
we all know we would not tolerate
in our service for a day, useful as he
was to Mr Pickwick ; but Dick
Swiveller we take to our bosom.
His very dissipatedness, his indebt-
edness, " the rosy " which he passes
so much too often, the idle ways
which we cannot help seeing — we
look upon all with indulgent eyes.
He is never a blackguard in his low-
est days ; even the people in those
streets, which he shut up gradually
by buying a pair of gloves in one
684
and a pot of pomade in another,
must have missed him, when he no
longer went by in his checked trou-
sers swinging his cane. He is an
indifferent memher of society, and
likely to break his aunt's heart ; but
there is no harm in Dick. The poor
little Marchioness, in her big cap
and bib, is as safe in his hands as if
she possessed the rank her name im-
plies, and he were her ladyship's
most decorous chamberlain. He
may beat her at cribbage, and teach
her how egg-flip tastes, but no harm.
In the chapters which discuss and
describe Dick Swiveller there is
more true humour than in all the
rest of Dickens ; for he, perhaps,
alone of all the many personages
of his family, has got the love of
his author. He is treated fondly,
with a gentle touch; he is made fun
of tenderly ; he is cunningly recom-
mended to our affections, as a man
recommends the truant boy who is
the light of his eyes, in all manner
of soft pretended reproaches and fond
abuse. He is almost the only man
disabled, and incapable of helping
himself, of whom Dickens makes
a favourite. Most of his pet char-
acters are particularly clever and
handy, and most of them find some
way of turning the tide of fortune,
and working themselves clear. But
it is very certain that nature never
meant our beloved Dick to do any-
thing for himself. He would have
gone stumbling on till doomsday,
shutting up one street after another
with his little purchases, making
ineffectual appeals to his aunt, and
taking the failure of them quite
good - humouredly, in the most
genial undiscourageable way, had not
Mr Dickens at last made up his
mind to interfere. Perhaps that
is why we like him so ; he is so
dependent upon our liking and our
sympathies. Then he is so friendly,
so willing to be of use, so anxious
to conciliate, and so charmingly un-
Charles Dickens. [June
conscious of the harm he is doing by
his good-natured efforts ; so easily
moved to one thing or another ;
so elastic and versatile in those
innocent plans of his, which are
always ready to be changed at a
moment's notice. "l^o man knocks
himself down ; if his destiny knocks
him down, his destiny must pick
him up again. Then I'm very glad
that mine has brought all this upon
itself, and I shall be as careless as
I can, and make myself quite at
home to spite it. So go on, my
brick," said Mr Swiveller, "and
let us see which of us will be tired
first."
Such is the cheerful philosophy
with which he beguiles his woes.
But if Mr Swiveller struggling with
fate is a fine spectacle, Dick in the
pangs of disappointed love is finer
still. When he contemplates gloom-
ily the indigestible wedding-cake —
when he binds his hat with crape
instead of the traditionary willow —
when he takes comfort, and bids
the faithless Sophy know that a
young lady is saving up for him —
he is inimitable. Pure comedy, as
good almost as Falstaff in its way,
is the entire episode. It wants the
breadth which the greater artist
gives to all his work ; and the sur-
roundings are not equal to the cen-
tral figure, and take off from its fine
proportion. Such an artificial pair,
for instance, as Sally Brass and her
brother — such a mere monster as
Quilp — have nothing to do with
the more refined and true concep-
tion, and balk Dick of his due
development. But even these can-
not prevent the scenes, in which he is
the principal actor, from taking the
highest place in English comedy.
When the Marchioness comes upon
the stage the picture is perfect. It
is hard to understand how so many
inferior episodes have been drama-
tised, and this, which is as fine as
Moliere, should have been neglect-
ia71.] Charles Dickens.
ed. The honest fellow's goodness
to the forlorn child, the perfect
ease with which he adapts himself
to her society, the little fiction — so
quaintly nonsensical, yet after a
while so real — which he weaves
about her, — to all this we know
scarcely any match in the language,
and certainly nothing more humor-
ous and more captivating. For the
first time Mr Dickens goes direct
to the heart ; and he does so in
one of the highest and most diffi-
cult ways, — not by tears, but by
laughter. The humanity and in-
nocent-heartedness of this irregular,
disorderly, dissipated young man,
overcome all the defences which
we erect unawares against the sickly
sentimentality of little Nell. We
defy her to move us, but we suc-
cumb to him without a struggle.
The two playing cribbage in the
damp kitchen, of which Dick re-
marks that " the marble floor is —
if I may be allowed the expression
— sloppy," has just that mixture of
the pathetic which true humour de-
mands. The miserable scene — the
small, squalid, desolate child, who is
one of the actors — the careless good
heart, touched with a hundred gen-
tle movements of pity and kindness,
of the other — bring out the genuine
comic nature of the intercourse, the
quaint originality and fun, with
double force. So vivid is the pic-
ture, that the present writer, turn-
ing to the book with the feeling
that the cribbage - playing below
stairs must have gone on for a con-
siderable period, is struck with
amazement to find that it only
happened once. So reticent and
modest is real power whenever it
feels its strength, and so genuine is
the impression made by the true
humour, the happy tender natural-
ness, of this strange and touching
scene.
We have said that the Micawbers
may claim a place on the same plat-
685
form with Dick; but we are not
sure whether we can fully justify
the claim. The Micawbers are
great, but they are not pathetic :
there is not in them that deeper
touch which dignifies the laughter.
Nothing like a tear starts at their
bidding ; and consequently they
do not attain to the same perfec-
tion as their wonderful predecessor.
But if the humour is less deep and
true, the wonderful energy and life
of the picture — its truth to nature,
its whimsical reality and force — are
above all praise. Mr Micawber is
as genuine an addition to the world's
population as if we knew where to
find his mark in the parish register,
and were acquainted with all the
beginnings of his career, — how he fell
in love with Mrs Micawber, and
how that lady's family permitted a
union which was to give them so
much trouble. His genteel air, his
frankness on the subject of his difficul-
ties, his delightful readiness to give
his attention to anything that may
turn up, the way in which his impe-
cuniosity serves him as a profession,
are all set before us with an unfail-
ing spirit. Mr Micawber never
flags; there is never a moment at
which we can feel that the author
has forgotten what went before, or
lost the thread. Even his concern
in one of those wonderful plots
which are so dear to Dickens, his
connection with Uriah Heep's dis-
gusting villany, does not harm him.
On the contrary, we feel disposed
for once to welcome the plot which
makes apparent to us Mrs Micaw-
ber's distress of mind over her hus-
band's new - born mysteriousness,
the delightful power of racy letter-
writing which she exhibits, and the
beautiful devotion which she does
not attempt to conceal. Mrs Micaw-
ber is almost as good as her husband.
The intrepid courage with which
she keeps up that imaginary strug-
gle with her family, scorning every
686
temptation to leave Mr Micawber,
her occasional despair and beautiful
power of overcoming it as a wife
and a mother, and making herself
as comfortable as circumstances per-
mit ; her anxiety that Mr Micawber
should have occupation worthy of his
talents, and be appreciated at last;
her never-failing gentility and sense
of what is due to her position, — are
all kept up with the same perfect
spirit and reality. As we read, we
too feel the exhilarating effect of a
meal procured by the sale of a bed-
stead ; we too are aware of that
sensation of having settled a serious
point of business, which possesses
Mr Micawber when he has put his
name to a bill. We scorn the
worldling who hesitates at that
security ; we understand the roll
in our friend's voice, his conscious-
ness that he has come into his pro-
perty, and paid off all the charges
with a liberal hand when he writes
his name to that bit of paper. Per-
haps none of us have ever encoun-
tered in the world the full-blown
perfection of a Mr Micawber — per-
haps, as revealed by the inspiration
of the poet, nothing so consistent
and complete ever existed ; for it is
the mission of art to fill out the frag-
mentary types of human character,
and give them form and substance.
But how many hints and suggestions
of Mr Micawber has the ordinary
observer met ! and how kindly,
how genially, with what a friendly
insight, has the author combined
those suggestions, and made them
into one consistent being ! A less
friendly interpretation, an eye less
kind or less enlightened by laughter,
might have made a miserable Jere-
my Diddler out of our hero — and
the difference is very notable ; for
Micawber is no doubt as great a
nuisance to his friends as Diddler
was, and has quite as little sense
of the sanctity of money, that one
fundamental principle which most
Charles DicJcem. [June
of us hold so strenuously. Nor is
Dickens without the power of treat-
ing this view of the character, as
many slighter sketches, and the
elaborate and cruel one of Harold
Skimpole, which the reader will
recollect in another book, abun-
dantly testify. We do not know
that in reality Micawber is more
virtuous than Skimpole. The dif-
ference is too delicate to be defined;
but of this we have no doubt, that
humour has helped humanity in the
picture of the former, and that the
author's sense of the unbounded
fun of the situations in which such
a man places himself by nature, has
actually helped us to realise a moral
difference. For Mr Micawber's
sense of honour and generosity is
strong, though it is not perhaps
so effectual upon his character
as might be desired. It is true
that the signature of the bill is to
him as it were a receipt in full,
clearing him of all further respon-
sibility; but still how charmingly
ready he is to sign it ! how incap-
able of taking advantage of any
one's generosity without that pre-
caution ! He fortifies his friends
against the indiscretion of their own
liberal impulses by those bits of
stamped paper. He mortgages that
grand estate — the future which no-
body can alienate from him — with
the readiness of a prince, believing
in it all the while with greater and
more perfect faith than perhaps
nowadays any prince would be justi-
fied in entertaining. And then how
hospitable, how liberal, how ready
to share what they have, be it pasty
or crust, sirloin or bread and cheese,
are this most amiable couple ! Not
only do they hold themselves ready
to sell their bedstead at a moment's
notice on their own account, but
they are equally ready to enter-
tain you on the proceeds, giving
you the genteelest yet cheerfulest
of welcomes, a lavish portion, and
1871.] CJiarlcs Dickens.
the most charming talk to help it
down. Their hearts are as open, as
if they had ten thousand a-year, — and
so in fact they have, or as near it as
circumstances allow, having a blithe
unfailing faith in the something
which is to turn up, and in their fel-
low-creatures and their good fortune.
It is astonishing in what good stead
this same faith in fortune stands
even the commoner adventurers of
ordinary life. And as for the Mi-
cawbers, we do not pretend to be
capable of any morality on the sub-
ject. Had their difficulties been
fewer — had something turned up at
an earlier period, equally genteel
and lucrative, in which Mr Micaw-
ber's talents would have found
scope — had he been above the neces-
sity of selling bedsteads or signing
bills — the chances are we should
have known nothing about him:"
and this possible deprivation is one
which we cannot contemplate philo-
sophically.
Mr Micawber even reconciles us
in part to one of those wonderful
and terrible explanation - scenes
which are Mr Dickens's delight. "We
tolerate it because of the high crisis
of feeling which it brings about in
the Micawber household. The mys-
tery with which it is introduced;
the terrible sense of estrangement
which prompts his devoted wife
to appeal to the sympathy of her
friends, " though harrowing to my-
self to mention ; " Mr Micawber's
own tragic consciousness that with
such a secret as weighs down his
being, it is not with him as in for-
mer times, when " I could look my
fellow-man in the face, and punch
his head if he offended me : my
fellow-man and myself are no longer
on such glorious terms !" — all these
preparations work us up into real
excitement ; and when the crisis is
over, we turn from the villain and
the victim with equal indifference,
to be present at the reconciliation,
687
or rather, as Mr Micawber more
eloquently expresses it, "the re-
establishment of mutual confidence
between myself and Mrs Micawber."
It is with the most delighted readi-
ness that we hasten to assist at this
explanation.
" ' The evil that has been interposed
between Mrs Micawber and myself is now
withdrawn,' said Mr Micawber, 'and my
children and the Author of their Being
can now once more come in contact on
equal terms.' His house was not far off :
and as the street-door opened into the
sitting-room, and he bolted in with a pre-
cipitation quite his own, we found our-
selves at once in the bosom of his family.
Mr Micawber, exclaiming 'Emma, my
life ! ' rushed into Mrs Micawber's arms.
Mrs Micawber shrieked, and folded Mr
Micawber in her embrace. . . .
' Emma, ' said Mr Micawber, ' the cloud ia
past from my mind. Mutual confidence,
so long promised between us once, is in-
deed to know no further interruption.
Now, welcome poverty,' said Mr Micaw-
ber, shedding tears, 'welcome misery,
welcome houselessness, welcome hunger,
rags, tempest, and beggary. Mutual con-
fidence will sustain us to the end ! ' With
these expressions, Mr Micawber placed
Mrs Micawber in a chair, and embraced
the family all round : welcoming a variety
of bleak prospects which appeared to my
judgment to be anything but welcome to
them : and calling upon them to come out
into Canterbury and sing a chorus, as
nothing else was left for their support."
Still grander and more imposing
is the last appearance of the Micaw-
bers upon the stage. "We pause,
however, to say that we are morally
certain Mr Micawber, left to himself,
would never have emigrated; and
that only the delicious temptation
of the novelty, and the sense of an
opportunity for distinguishing him-
self as the typical emigrant, could
have moved him to such a step.
The tears with which he has been
welcoming ruin are scarcely dry, and
Mrs Micawber has but newly re-
covered from the faint produced by
the reconciliation.
"My aunt mused a little while, and
then said :
" 'Mr Micawber, I wonder you have
never turned your thoughts to emigration.'
688
Charles Dickens.
[June
" 'Madam,' returned Mr Micawber, 'it
was the dream of my youth, and the fal-
lacious aspiration of my riper years.' I
am thoroughly persuaded, by the by, that
he never thought of it in his life. . . .
" 'There is but one question, my dear
ma'am, I would wish to ask,' said Mrs
Micawber. 'The climate, I believe, is
healthy ? '
" ' Finest in the world,' said my aunt.
"'Just so,' returned Mrs Micawber.
' Then my question arises. Now, are the
circumstances of the country such that a
man of Mr Micawber's abilities would
have a fair chance of rising in the social
scale ? I will not say at present might
he aspire to be governor, or anything of
that sort ; but would there be a reason-
able opening for his talents to develop
themselves — that would be amply suffi-
cient— and find their own expansion ? '
"'No better opening anywhere," said
my aunt, ' for a man who conducts him-
self well, and is industrious. '
"Tor a man who conducts himself
well,' repeated Mrs Micawber, with her
clearest business manner, ' and is indus-
trious. - Precisely. It is evident to me
that Australia is the legitimate sphere of
action for Mr Micawber.'
" ' I entertain the conviction, my dear
madam,' said Mr Micawber, 'that it is,
tinder existing circumstances, the land,
the only land, for myself and family, and
that something of an extraordinary nature
will turn up on that shore. It is no
distance, comparatively speaking ; and
though consideration is due to the kind-
ness of your proposal, I assure you that
it is a mere matter of form.'
" Shall I ever forget how, in a moment,
he was the most sanguine of men, looking
on to fortune ; or how Mrs Micawber pre-
sently discoursed about the habits of the
kangaroos ? Shall I ever recall that street
of Canterbury on a market-day as he
walked back with us, expressing, in the
hardy roving manner he assumed, the un-
settled habits of a temporary sojourner in
the land, and looking at the bullocks as
they came by with the eye of an Austra-
lian farmer ? "
When he is found later, " with a
bold, buccaneering air, not absolutely
lawless, but defensive and prompt,"
we feel that it requires all the
comfort we can derive from the
spectacle of his preparation for
every emergency, and all our sense
of the infinite satisfaction it gives
him, to console us for the parting
with our friend and his family.
"He had provided himself, among
other things, with a complete suit of
oilskin, and a straw-hat with a very low
crown, pitched or caulked on the outside.
In this rough clothing, with a common
mariner's telescope under his arm, and a
shrewd trick of casting up his eye at the
sky as looking out for dirty weather, he
was far more nautical after his manner
than Mr Peggotty. His whole family,
if I may so express it, were cleared for
action. I found Mrs Micawber in the
closest and most uncompromising of
bonnets, made fast under the chin, and in a
shawl which tied her up (as I had been tied
up when my aunt first received me) like
a bundle, and was secured behind at the
waist in a strong knot. Miss Micawber
I found made snug for stormy weather in
the same way, with nothing superfluous
about her. Master Micawber was hardly
visible in a Guernsey shirt and the shag-
giest suit of slops I ever saw ; and the
children were done up like preserved
meats in impervious cases. Both Mr
Micawber and his eldest son wore their
sleeves loosely turned back at their wrists,
as being ready to lend a hand in any
direction, and to tumble up, or sing out,
' Yeo — heave — yeo ! ' on the shortest
notice."
Thus our friends disappear from
the scene, and we sympathise with
the author in making them prosper-
ous and magnificent in that future
which they were always so comfort-
able about. We do not much be-
lieve in it, but still he is only yield-
ing to a natural impulse, and com-
mands our sympathy, if not the con-
currence of our judgment. In all
his works there is nothing better,
and not much that is half so good.
From beginning to end he never
flags in carrying out his conception —
the Micawbers are as good the first
day as the last, and the last as the
first; they are always themselves,
ready for any emergency, and acting
nobly up to it. We will not say
that the humour is as high and fine
as that which produced Dick Swi-
veller, but it closely approaches
the proportion of that inimitable
sketch; and as time goes on, and
all that is to die of Dickens dies as
it must — a process which seems to
us to be progressing quickly at the
1871.] Charles Dickens.
present moment — his real fame,
which, depends upon a very much
smaller foundation than that which
has been given him by contemporary
opinion, will be found to rest more
upon these two pictures than on
anything else he has done.
We may say here that of all his
books 'Copperfield' is the one which
the reader has most satisfaction in.
It has, besides this matchless group,
many of Dickens's pleasantest
sketches and best characters. Even
the hero himself is capable of at-
tracting us in a way not usually
achieved by a jeune premier, and
there is actually an interest apart
from any drollery in the story of
his childish life, the curious loneli-
ness and independence of its intro-
ductory chapter, and the pleasant
reality of growing up and youthful
experience which marks the boy's
progress into manhood. Miss Betsy
Trotwood, too, is an admirable
sketch, the very best of Dickens's
women; and though the touch of
melodrama in her is quite unneces-
sary, it is not sufficiently offensive
to demand any strong protest; every-
thing (let us add as a general axiom)
that can be skipped, and does not
thrust itself into the complications
of the tale, may be forgiven. The
episode of poor little foolish Dora is
both amusing and touching, though
after the marriage the child-wife is
often on the point of growing tedious.
Simple silliness is one of the most
difficult things in the world to ma-
nage at length, and the author is
prevented from adding anything to
make it piquant by all the circum-
stances of the story, and the human
prejudice which protects the little
bride; but barring this touch of
tediousness, there is truth enough in
the picture to make it very amusing;
and there is an amount of natural
pathos involved in the very idea of
the fading and death of the young
which Dickens has taken much
VOL. CIX. — NO. DCLXVIII.
689
advantage of on other occasions,
with a tendency to false senti-
ment, and the easy effects of con-
ventional melancholy. Dora, how-
ever, is better than little JSTell and
Paul Dombey, both highly artificial
pictures, relying for their effect upon
the far deeper and more real picture
which most people carry in their
hearts of something sufficiently
like to blind the reader's eyes with
tears, and overpower his judgment.
Before their marriage, David and
his lovemaking are charming; and
all through, the puzzled, troubled,
saddened, but always loyal young
husband, retains our sympathy —
as he does, indeed, on most occa-
sions when he is personally promi-
nent. Perhaps, however, it is by
contrast with the superior excel-
lence of the story otherwise that the
melodramatic part of 'David Copper-
field ' is more repulsive than usual.
Steerforth and his mother, and the
monstrous imagination called Rosa
Dartle, are the nightmare of the
book, and even the despair of little
Emily and the virtuousness of Peg-
gotty are tiresome. " Skip the
pathos," was the earnest injunction
which we lately heard addressed to
a benevolent reader who was read-
ing 'Copperfield' aloud. Perhaps
this is too much to say, but yet the
reader will find it safe to pass over
a great deal of the more touching
portions; the strength of Dickens
did not lie there.
This is specially true of the
short stories published on suc-
cessive Christmases, the first of
which produced an effect which
at this distance we find it very
difficult to account for. Dickens
was then at the highest pinnacle of
his fame, and everything that fell
from his lips was eagerly received
by an admiring public; and the
'Christmas Carol,' the apotheosis
of turkey and plum -pudding, ad-
dressed perhaps the widest audi-
3B
690
ence that is capable of being moved
by literature. The story of how
Scrooge was converted from avarice
and misery into the very jovialest
of Pickwickian old gentlemen,
moved us all in those days as if it
had been a new gospel. There was
nothing recondite about it, no finer
meaning that escaped the common
eye ; everybody understood the
moral, and perceived at a glance how
beneficent was the training which
prompted an old Skinflint to send
a prize turkey for his poor clerk's
Christmas dinner, and poke him in
the ribs and raise his salary next
day. The ' Christmas Carol ' was
the beginning of the flood of terrible
joviality and sentimentality which
since that time has poured upon us
with every Christmas, which detracts
from our gratitude ; but its effect at
the time of its publication was ex-
traordinary, and it must, we pre-
sume, have been attended by good
practical results. It is seldom that
the teacher of charity can lay hold
upon so vast an audience ; and the
kindly moral was perhaps all the
more generally acceptable, that it
required no great elevation of sen-
timent or spiritual discrimination.
This, however, is the only one of these
smaller productions which will re-
tain its position. The succeeding
stories, though all bearing the same
good meaning, dwindled by degrees
into the maudlin vein. 'Scrooge'
retains a certain vigour still, but
not by right of any vivid char-
acter or striking scene. Its interest
is almost entirely forced, and its
power quite artificial. Goose and
stuffing are its most ethereal influ-
ences ; and the episode of Tiny Tim
is like the others we have instanced,
only touching because of the per-
sonal recollections which any allu-
sion to a feeble or dying child in-
evitably recall The episode, how-
ever, must have been a favourite
with the author, since it remained
Charles Dickens. [June
one of his selected passages in his
readings till the end of his career.
It is perhaps too early as yet to
decide which of the later books
are likely to retain any permanent
place in English literature ; nor do
we recollect sufficiently the order in
which they were published (which,
by the way, is not retained in any
printed list we can lay our hands
on), to say when it was that the
current slackened, that the indica-
tions of genius began to grow less
frequent, and the creative impulse
to fail. Our own impression is,
that in ' Copperfield ' Mr Dickens' s
genius culminated, and that every-
thing after gives symptoms of de-
cay. 'Bleak House' and 'Little
Dorrit ' stand on a much lower ele-
vation, and 'Our Mutual Friend'
on a humbler level still The im-
pulse and spontaneity are gone ; by
times a gleam of the original energy
comes back, but as a rule the work
is a manufacture, bearing painful
marks of the hammer, and brought
into being by an act of will, not by
the spontaneous movement of life.
Even the type of character deterio-
rates. The smug, self-conscious, pro-
fessional goodness of the heroine of
'Bleak House,' which it always
astonishes her so much to find
appreciated and applauded, takes
up a great deal more room than it
has any right to do, and irritates
and wearies the reader. What fun
Mr Dickens, in his earlier vigour,
could have made of Esther Summer-
ing's consciousness, and her well-
feigned surprise at everybody's good
opinion of her ! but by this time he
is too languid for such an effort, and
is compelled to take, as it were, to
a kind of imaginative dram-drinking
to rouse him up, in the shape of
spontaneous combustion and other
horrors. Little Miss Flite, who has
been crazed by the Court of Chan-
cery, is a fantastic figure, worthy of
a place in the permanent collection
1871.] diaries Dickens,
of oddities which this author has
added to his more important pic-
tures ; and there is a languid sketch
of one of the many prodigals of fic-
tion, with some novelty in it, in the
person of Richard, who considers
himself to have saved the money
which he is prevented from throw-
ing away, and consequently throws
it away the second time, with the
clearest conscience and a gentle
sense of duty. Perhaps, however,
the only real hold which this book
ever had upon the popular imagi-
nation was through Mrs Jellyby
and Mrs Pardiggle, who belong to
that class of female philanthropists
whom the English public has a cer-
tain savage delight in annihilating.
Mrs Jellyby's pleasant placidity in
the midst of all the miseries of
her household, her perfect temper
and good-humoured indifference to
everybody's sufferings, are very
much more true and amusing, how-
ever, than the strained fun of Borrio-
boola-gha, and it is a phase of cha-
racter the author is fond of. ' Little
Dorrit ' is, again, a step lower down
in the scale than 'Bleak House.'
There is an effective situation, that
of the Marshalsea prison, and the
strange squalid life of the family,
which has no other home; but Mr
Dorrit is but the Diddler develop-
ment of Mr Dickens's favourite char-
acter; his grandeur and his meanness
are all gleaned from previous sket-
ches, and the result is neither in-
teresting nor agreeable ; whereas
the heroine is one of those incon-
ceivably and foolishly devoted lit-
tle persons, mawkishly fond of
some disagreeable relation, and de-
lighting in making victims and
sacrifices of themselves, who repre-
sent the highest type of female char-
acter to the author. The best thing
in the book is the Circumlocution
Office, there set forth at full length ;
and the talk of the retainers and
poor relations of the Barnacle and
691
Stiltstalking families, the two states-
men races, which is a not unmean-
ing though feeble echo of the talk
which may be heard every day
among the decayed members of the
governing classes.
To 'Our Mutual Friend' and
'The Tale of Two Cities' we
can give no place at alL The
latter might have been written
by any new author, so little of
Dickens there is in it. In short,
we believe there are at least half-a-
dozen writers extant who could have
produced a piece a great deal more
like the master, and with much
more credible marks of authenticity.
'EdwinDrood' has been supposed by
many a kind of resurrection, or at
least the forerunner of a resurrection,
of his characteristic force. But we
cannot say that such is the impres-
sion produced upon our own mind.
Of all undesirable things to be de-
precated by an admirer of Dickens,
we should say that the resurrection
of his peculiar style of tragedy would
be about the greatest — and this is
all which could be hoped from the
opening of ' Edwin Drood/ Jasper
did indeed give promise of being
one of the blackest of the impossible
scoundrels whom from time to time
he has brought into being for our
gratification; but Durdles is one
of the weakest ghosts of the past,
and the Deputy a most pitiful sha-
dow of those gamins who were ever so
full of life and spirit. This fire, we
think, there can be little doubt, had
died out. Fun and high spirits are
perhaps of all other qualities of the
mind the ones which do rub out
most easily. "We do not doubt that
Dickens was as strong as ever in
constructive power, in pathos, and
in philosophy ; but then these are
precisely the points at which our
understanding leaves him. So far
as we are concerned, we could dis-
pense with all, or almost all, he has
done in these particulars. The
692
higher fount of humour, from which,
indeed, at the best of times, he drew
but sparingly, was dry ; and even
the abundant flood of cheerful wit,
and large, laugliing, though superfi-
cial, observation, had failed : never,
we think, has there been a more
distinct decadence. But natural
decadence is no shame to any man :
the only thing that can give it a
sting is the desperate effort some
men are compelled to make to keep
up lost fame and do impossible
work after the fiat has gone out
against them. And this Dickens
was not called upon to do.
There is a gleam, however, of
departing energy in the curious
book called ' Great Expectations,'
which is worth noticing. It is not
in the old strain, nor specially
characteristic of Dickens, but there
is a certain power in the conception.
The horror of the young hero, who
has been adopted and "made a
gentleman of" by a convict, when
he finds out who his benefactor is —
the strange wild love and pride of
the man in the " gentleman " whom
he has made — the faithfulness with
which, when his loathed and feared
patron is in danger, the young fellow
holds by him and schemes to save
him — have considerable impressive-
ness and power. The book is pain-
ful in the highest degree ; and
nothing could be imagined more
artificial and false than the picture
of Miss Havisham, the vindictive
deserted bride, who has shut herself
up for a quarter of a century in her
dressing-room, where she sits in her
wedding-dress, which apparently
has lasted all that time too, with
but one shoe on, exactly as she was
when the news of her lover's false-
hood reached her. This mad figure,
seated with a still madder disregard
of possibility amid her absurd sur-
roundings, is neither tragical, as she
is meant to be, nor amusing, but
simply foolish: but the story of
Charles Dicker. [June
Pip's horror at the sudden appari-
tion of his benefactor, the sense of
repulsion with which he struggles,
while he tries to be kind to him,
and his exertions to get him free at
the last, are boldly conceived and
well told. Had another man done
it, the likelihood is that the new
author would have been much ap-
plauded for an effective and power-
ful bit of work ; but all that was
characteristic in Dickens, all that
was best in him, had faded off the
scene before we received this with
the applause which attends a popu-
lar actor's best performance. How
changed he is from what we have
known him ! we say to each other,
as we fling our bouquets on the
stage : we withdraw behind the cur-
tains of our box that he may not see
us, and shake our heads as he raises,
with tremulous loudness, that voice
which once rang easily through the
house without labour or effort.
Poor old fellow, how he has gone off!
we say — and applaud all the more.
And when we look back upon
the works of Dickens, they divide
themselves at once into these two
classes — the works of his heyday
and prime, and the works of his
decadence. The natural vigour of
the one contrasts in the most
singular manner with the strain
and effort of the other ; and yet, if
we examine into the matter, the
change is very natural and explain-
able. The great source of his popu-
larity is the immense flow of spirits,
the abundant tide of life, which
runs through his early works. He
never spares himself in this respect,
but pours forth crowds of super-
numeraries upon his stage, like an
enterprising manager at Christmas
time, sparing no expense, as it were,
and giving himself infinite trouble
merely to provide a rich and varied
background for his principal figures.
He leaves upon our minds an im-
pression of unbounded wealth and
1871.]
Charles Dickens.
693
illimitable resources. We know
that it will be no trouble to him
to fill up any vacant corner with
a group; and even while the
thought crosses our mind, his
eye has caught the vacancy, and
a half-dozen of li ving creatures are
tossed into the gap in the twink-
ling of an eye. This overflowing
abundance has a wonderful effect
upon the public mind. A sense of
something like infinity grows upon
us as we see the new forms appear
out of the void without even a word,
at a glance from the painter's eye.
And then his creative energy was
such that a stream of fun passed
into the dulness along with this
strain of life. These new people
amused their author. He dressed
them in the first fantastic garb that
might come to his hand, and set
them free to dance through their
eccentric circle as they chose. This
immense energy, fertility, and plen-
tifulness is, however, one of the gifts
that can least be warranted to last.
It belongs to the first half of life,
and could scarcely be expected to
survive beyond that period. "When
the intellectual pulse began to beat
slower, and the tide of • existence
to run less full, this power abated,
as was natural. Though there were
still as many people on the canvas,
these people were but the ghosts
of the lusty crowds of old ; and even
the numbers got reduced ; the su-
pers began to be dismissed ; and
economy stole in where prodigality
had once ruled the day. If the
reader will look at the later works, he
will perceive at once this lessened
fulness. When the author himself
became aware of it, the knowledge
roused him to preternatural exer-
tions. The absurder oddities of
Dickens are crowded into these later
books in a forlorn attempt to make
extravagance do the work of energy.
Such weird and grotesque figures,
for instance, as the doll's dress-
maker, and Mr Venus, the maker of
skeletons, could not have existed in
the earlier and brighter period. They
are the offspring of exaggeration —
strange evidences of the wild and
almost despairing attempt to keep
on a level with himself. This ex-
treme strain and effort to prolong
the prodigality of early work is at
the same time, no doubt, one of the
reasons why he never attains in any
solitary instance to the vigour and
originality of his beginning. It
might have been supposed that the
very narrowing of the sphere would
intensify the individual conceptions ;
but Dickens would not consent to
narrow his sphere, and did not give
his powers fair-play. Thus the tide
of his genius fell, as the tide of life
falls. That elaboration which experi-
ence and study make natural to the
mature mind, struck at the very roots
of his success, for his success had
never been due to art. It had been
the spontaneity, the ease and free-
dom, the mirrored life, versatile and
rich and ever-moving as life itself,
though seldom more profound than
the surface picture which a glass
reflects and brightens, which had
been his grand charm. The
" thoughts which sometimes lie
too deep for tears ; " the " richer
colouring " given by the deep glance
of those eyes " which have kept
watch o'er man's mortality," did
not lie within his range. There-
fore, as he grew older, he waned,
and his power went from his hands.
For this reason, and many other
reasons already indicated, it appears
to us that Dickens's place and fame
in the future are likely to shrink
much from their present proportions.
When all its adventitious helps are
gone, and he comes to be judged
simply on his merits, the importance
of his position will be greatly less-
ened. Perhaps he may even be the
victim of an unjust revulsion from
all the false emotion and claptrap
694
Charles Dickens.
[June
sentiment surrounded by which it
has been his unfortunate fate to
leave the world. He has had so
much false reputation, that it is
but too possible his true reputation
may suffer temporary eclipse by
one of those revenges which time
brings about so surely. Unjust
depreciation, however, is as much
to be avoided as the false glory
which so many injudicious ap-
plauses have raised about his name.
He was not, as he is said to be, a
writer of the highest moral ten-
dency, because the company he
introduces to us, par predilection,
is not by any means good company ;
and the virtue which he makes a
point of recommending is very poor
and mawkish in its pretended ex-
cellence. But, at the same time, he
never introduces one scene, and
scarcely a thought, which trangresses
the severest laws of modesty ; and
this, though negative, is praise of
the very highest description. His
weight is always thrown into the
scale of goodness ; nor does he ever
lend a grace of sentiment to vice,
or even attempt to excuse the in-
excusable. Had he indulged in the
propensities of the 'Guy Livingston'
type of novelists, it is impossible to
calculate the harm he might have
done, or the floods of debasing influ-
ences he might have poured forth
upon the world. But in this point
even Mrs Gamp is as blameless as
Mrs Grundy — nay, infinitely more
innocent ; for Mrs Grundy's social
heroine is seldom anything so re-
spectable as the mother of six.
Mr Dickens's claims as a humorist,
in the highest sense of the word, are
limited, chiefly by the absence of
that fine sense of moral excellence,
apart from all conventionalities,
which is like an ear for music, an
unexplainable gift, which no amount
of genius or understanding can confer
upon a man if nature has withheld it.
The want is by times scarcely ap-
parent ; and once, at least, he over-
comes it altogether with a bound,
as Wordsworth is said for one
wonderful moment to have gained
the sense of smell of which nature
had deprived him ; but, as a rule,
this absence of the highest order of
perceptions limits his capacity for
producing the highest kind of work.
He cannot get above himself. By
times he has glimpses of a purer air,
and strives and strains to get into
that better atmosphere — but the
strain does but tighten the halter
about his neck, beyond the length of
which he cannot go. The period in
which he is most natural is the
' Pickwick ' period, in which his
high spirits and sense of power carry
him quite out of the range of sym-
pathy, and he laughs at everybody
indiscriminately with a good - hu-
moured and easy fulness of laughter
which disarms all our censures, and
yet is essentially cynical, though
so unlike the ordinary conception of
that word. But after ' Pickwick,'
when the first fulness of fancy had
been sobered by practical know-
ledge of the difficulties and dan-
gers of actual production, Dickens's
virtue develops with a suddenness
and loftiness which is very remark-
able. It is as if he had surveyed
his mimic world, found out in it
the deficiency we have remarked,
and had vowed to himself that he
would be moral, and would be sym-
pathetic, and that this deficiency
should be seen no more. If such
was his resolution, he carried it out
nobly, there can be no doubt ; but
yet his morals, like all his higher
sentiments, are artificial ; they are
even polemical, standing on their '
defence, calling heaven and earth
to witness how genuine they are.
This want of spontaneous moral feel-
ing takes, at the same time, the point i
out of his satire. He is shocked
conventionally by social evil, but
his heart is not wrung, nor his sense
1871.] Charles Dickens.
of harmony outraged. He is never
bitter ; sometimes he lashes himself
into a rage, getting it up with grind-
ing of teeth and gathering of brows ;
but the gall which is in that man's
own soul who is hurt and stung,
and made to bleed by wrong, is
never visible in Dickens. He shoots
fiery darts at an abuse, because his
attention has been directed to it as
something which ought to be as-
sailed, a fit object for his artillery ;
he does not fall upon it with sharp
disdain and loathing, as a thing
ruinous and pernicious within. It
is the absence of this warm moral
sentiment which limits him both as
satirist and humorist, giving him
admission but to the threshold of
the highest circle. In both these
branches of art his old rival,
Thackeray, takes place infinitely
above him, notwithstanding that
the common verdict of the world in
their day set down Thackeray as a
cynic and sceptic, with no belief in
virtue, and held up Dickens as a kind
of apostle of human goodness. In
this point, as in many others, distance
clears away the mists, and makes
objects which were confused and in-
distinct when close at hand, clear
and apparent to the further view.
Yet with all his limitations and
deficiencies the genius of Dick-
ens was one of which England has
reason to be proud. When he held
the mirror up to Nature, he never
showed, it is true, anything heroic,
or of the highest strain of virtue and
nobleness : but he showed such a pic-
ture of the teeming animated world
as few men have been able to do —
he expounded and cleared to us
some unseen corners of the soul, so
695
as to make them great in the perfect-
ness of the revelation ; and here and
there he cleared away the rubbish
from some genial sunshiny spots
where the flowers can grow. We
may apply to him, without doubt,
the surest test to which the Maker
can be subject ; were all his books
swept by some intellectual catas-
trophe out of the world, there would
still exist in the world some score
at least of people, with all whose
ways and sayings we are more in-
timately acquainted than with those
of our brothers and sisters, who
would owe to him their being. While
we live, and while our children live,
Sam Weller and Dick Swiveller,
Mr Pecksniff and Mrs Gamp, the
Micawbers and the Squeerses, can
never die. They are not lofty per-
sonages, perhaps, nor can they do
us much good now that they are
here. But here they are, and no-
thing can destroy them. They are
more real than we are ourselves, and
will outlive and outlast us as they
have outlived their creator. This is
the one proof of genius which no
critic, not the most carping or dis-
satisfied, can gainsay. Would there
had been among them even one soul
of higher pretensions to give dignity
to the group ! but such as they are,
they are indestructible and beyond
the power of decay. These are
Dickens's evidences of the reality of
his vocation, and they are such as
even the devil's advocate could not
assail. Vain would be the hand
and futile the attempt of the critic
who strove to shut upon a spirit
thus attended the doors of the tem-
ple of fame !
Under the Red Cross : A Narrative of
[June
UNDEE THE BED CROSS :
A NARRATIVE OP HOSPITAL-LIFE WITH THE PRUS^ANS IN FRANCE.
PART II. CHAPTER VI.
CORBEIL is a much larger place
than Lagiiy ; the houses, too, and
shops, had not been abandoned, the
inhabitants having had the sense to
see that it was just as safe, and far
more profitable, to have soldiers
billeted on to them (for which they
received a fixed rate of payment from
the commune), and to stand behind
their counters, than to leave their
houses to be demolished, and wan-
der homeless in distant departments.
When the Prussians arrived, they
found, as was to be expected, the
bridge over the Seine minus an arch,
so they ordered the French authori-
ties to rebuild it at their own ex-
pense within a given number of
days, imposing a penalty of 1000
francs for every day beyond the
fixed term.
Almost every other house had a
red-cross flag over it — indeed, we
found that every available establish-
ment, including the theatre, had been
turned into a lazareth, and that the
adjacent chateaux (for Corbeil, ow-
ing to its picturesque situation, was
a favourite summer resort of the
Parisians), abandoned by the pro-
prietors, had been made into either
schwerkranken or reconvalescent spi-
tdler (severely wounded and conva-
lescent hospitals).
The streets were crowded with
soldiers and a goodly sprinkling of
natives, and having got the ad-
dress of the head-surgeon, Von Grau-
vogel, at the Etappen-Commando,
we were hurrying off to report to
him our arrival, and offer our ser-
vices, when we heard a voice behind
us calling out —
" Meine Damen!" (my ladies !)
Turning round, we faced a very
gentlemanly -looking individual cloth-
ed in a grey overcoat with a green
collar, and the Johanniter-cross in
his button-hole.
" Have you been long in Corbeil,
and do you belong to a hospital
here 1" he inquired.
"No," we made answer; "we
only arrived last night, and are on
our way to the head-surgeon to ask
for work."
" Because," he resumed, " I am
the Delegirter of the Freiwilligen
Krankenpflege here, and if you will
step into my office close by, I have
something to propose to you."
We followed him in, and he, hav-
ing looked over our papers, asked
Madame Schmid if she would under-
take the supervision of the culinary
department in a convalescent hos-
pital.
She told him she had never done
such a thing before ; but as she had
a long experience of what the sick
and wounded required, and was
willing to make herself useful in
any way, she would try.
I was very glad he did not ask
me ; for though I rather pride myself
upon being able to cook good honest
English dishes, and even some
French entrees, I should have had
to confess to my ignorance of Ger-
man "messes."
" And you," said the Delegirter
to me, " as you know French well,
and are doubtless acquainted with the
decimal coinage and weight, will
you undertake the direction and
Jiaushaltung (housekeeping) of two
lazaretfis? This is how the case
stands : we have turned two cha-
1871.] Hospital-Life with the Prussians in France. — Part II. 697
teaux, lying close to each other about
four miles out of town, into two
convalescent hospitals for the sick
only — that is, for fever and dysen-
tery patients who leave the schtcer-
kranken lazareths to recruit their
health before returning to their
regiments — and there is a verwalter
(intendant) and some Freiwilligen
Krankenpfleger ; but the surgeon
complains of the way the food is
prepared for his patients, and the
hospitals are sadly in want of female
influence to establish system, order,
and cleanliness ; will you undertake
this?"
" Certainly," I answered ; " at
least, I will do my very best."
" You both seem," added he,
" to have fallen providentially from
heaven ; for I have been at my
wits' end for days to find the right
sort of ladies, and this morning
telegraphed in my despair to Ber-
lin for some one; so it is all settled,
and to-morrow the verwalter will
fetch you at your lodgings, and drive
you out to the Chateau de Belle-
garde, where I will come and visit
you next day, and see that you
are properly and comfortably in-
stalled."
On leaving the Delegirter's office
we went to pay a visit to our travel-
ling companions, who had already
taken their places behind their
counters, doing a brisk trade, and —
now that the danger was past — were
laughing over the adventures of the
previous day. As we were relating
to M. Louit the rencontre with the
insolent captain, I became aware of
the presence of a Prussian officer
sipping his coffee in the back par-
lour.
" Oh, n'y faites pas attention,"
said M. Louit ; " c'est un artilleur
qui est log£ chez moi depuis long-
temps : il ne comprend pas un mot
de Francais, ni moi un mot d'Alle-
mand, mais nous sommes de lie's
bons amis, et c'est un bon enfant
qui ne se mele de rien,allez toujours."
" Oh, don't mind him ; he is an
artilleryman who has been lodged
here a long time : he does not un-
derstand one word of French, nor
I one word of German, but we are
very good friends, and he never
bothers, so you can speak freely."
Mesdames Picard and Louit
made us promise that whenever
pleasure or business brought us to
town, we would go and share their
pot-au-feu, and so we parted.
As we made our way throxigh the
thronged market-place, lined with
booths innumerable, whom should we
see but the ruffianly Bavarian, who
either did not or pretended not to re-
cognise us. Madame Schmid was
for attacking him on the spot for
his ungentlemanly behaviour, but
I persuaded her the brute was not
worth it, and she desisted, — very
soon, however, finding a new vent
for her ire in the direction of a
landwehr man, who accosted me on
the bridge with the remark that
my badge had not the stempel on
it. I was about to draw out of
my pocket-book the stamped one,
and explain that I preferred not
soiling it by wearing it on my arm,
when Madame Schmid stopped me
short.
" Don't take the trouble to give
him any explanation whatsoever,"
said she ; " a feld-gendarme is the
only person who has the authority
to ask you any questions. As for
you," turning to the Bavarian, " you
are nothing but a gemeiner commiss-
soldat (common private soldier), and
you had better march off at once, or
I'll have you put under arrest for
breach of duty."
The man had probably passed as
a "lord of creation" until he en-
countered Madame Schmid ; but
what now happened was, that he
instantly did as he was bid, with-
out uttering a word.
Our hosts, M. and Madame Her-
698
Under the Red Cross : A Narrative of
[June
bert, were a newly-married couple,
whose honeymoon had been arrested
in its first quarter by the arrival de
ces brigands de Prussiens. The hus-
band, huissier de son etat, thinking
the occupation would be short, re-
mained at his post ; but, believing
in the reports of the newspapers,
had sent off his young wife to her
mother, living in some far-distant
village, which the Prussians were
never supposed to reach. However,
the out-of-the-way district was not
spared the visit of the ubiquitous
Uhlans. "I should have done
much better to have stayed at home,"
said Madame Herbert ; " for my
husband, who had officers billeted
on to him, had to hire a woman to
cook and to clean the house; and
my mother and I lived in a constant
state of terror, for we were quite
alone in her little house."
" And how did the ' brigands '
behave 1 " I asked.
" The night they arrived, forty of
them took possession of our kitchen :
we sat trembling with fear in an
tipper room. Presently a non-com-
missioned officer came up, and,
knocking at our door, put his head
- in, remarking, ' Nix avoir peur,
matame,' and then disappeared ; but
they made such a dreadful racket
below that we did not dare go to
bed. The following morning the
corporal again appeared, and per-
ceiving my photograph on the chim-
ney, stalked across the room, took
possession of it, and putting it
calmly into his pocket with the
words ' Soufenir, matame, merci ! '
walked out again, and in a few
minutes they were all gone."
" And did they steal anything 1 "
"No; but they cooked their
food, and broke up the chairs for
fuel, and made a dreadful mess."
" Oh, pour c.a," added the hus-
band, " il faut etre juste : ils gaspil-
lent, salissent, et cassent tout, mais
au-moins, il vous respectent les fem-
mes, et payent comptant pour tout
ce qu'ils boivent et mangent."
" Oh, for that matter, we must
do them the justice to say, that al-
though they soil and break and
waste everything, at least they re-
spect women, and pay for everything
they eat and drink."
" And how about your customers
here?"
"Well, some of them are rude
and overbearing, and swear and use
bad language if they don't get their
meals punctually, but on the whole
they behave very decently. Now the
captain who left us yesterday had
been billeted on to us for ten days,
but he was always well-mannered
and gentlemanly, bought all his own
and his orderly's food, and begged
us to give him his meals when-
ever it was most convenient to us ;
the Prussians are much the best
amongst them."
"Then all I hope is that you
won't have a certain Bavarian caval-
ry captain of my acquaintance quar-
tered on to you " (and what is more,
I am sorry I don't know his name,
or I would print it here in large
letters for the benefit of the public !)
We drove the next day to our hos-
pital, in the staff-surgeon's clarence
brougham, driven by a military
coachman, and escorted by a mil-
itary groom, and entered at once
upon our functions.
The chateau was " pleasantly
situate " on the banks of the Seine,
a large modern house, having no
architectural beauty, but built for a
comfortable and roomy summer resi-
dence, and yet capable of being
thoroughly warmed by two huge
caloriferes. The drawing - rooms
on the ground and first floor, num-
bering seven, had been made into
Ttrankensaale ; the rooms on the se-
cond floor distributed amongst the
verwalter, the pfleger, and soldiers;
and the offices, store-rooms, and
kitchens, were built underground.
1871.] Hospital-Life icith the Prussians in France. — Part II.
699
The confusion, dirt, and disorder
which here met our eyes were truly
appalling.
I must here digress for a few
minutes to explain, that when the
war broke out, a large number
of young men belonging to turn-
vereins, and suchlike — artists, stu-
dents, apothecaries, barbers, con-
fectioners, innkeepers, carpenters,
and engineers — formed themselves
into various corps, and, placing
themselves under the direction of a
ftihrer or leader, offered their servi-
ces as Freiwillige Krankenpfleger,
and were distributed amongst the
many hundred ambulances, lazar-
etJis, and hospitals which sprang up
in France as the invasion advanced,
and the numberless engagements
kept filling them with sick and
wounded.
Many members of these corps
were not only invaluable on the
battle-fields, but of great help in
the hospitals, and these deserved
well of their country; but many,
again, gave far more trouble than
their occasional services were worth
— looked upon their mission as a
tour of pleasure, which would end
in a triumphal entry into Paris —
and lived on the fat of the land.
To these worthless members our
Freiwilligen, alas! belonged, with
very few exceptions. They had di-
vided the work of the establishment
amongst themselves, according to
their several tastes : thus, one un-
dertook the kitchen, another the
stables, a third the marketing, a
fourth the store-rooms and cellar,
and the others were "supposed"
to be required to look after the
patients.
The chef, who had two hired
Frenchwomen under him, passed
his mornings riding the venvalter's
horses, and came into the kitchen,
with his jack-boots and spurs on,
only to eat his meals. The store
and cellar keepers chose the best of
everything for their own especial
consumption ; the others strutted
about in their costumes (red shirt
and grey trousers stuck into high
boots), and made their appearance at
meal-time; and the patients, who
seemed quite a secondary considera-
tion in their estimation, were left to
the care of the few exceptions which
I have mentioned. That the " bad
hats " must be removed, if system
and order were to be introduced,
was evident ; but I foresaw that
much diplomacy and menagement
would be required to effect this re-
form; for if there is one thing
that men hate more than another, it
is to be "jostled " out of what they
consider their rights by the feebler
sex.
Our verwalter, Herr Miiller, look-
ed like anything but what he was —
a Prussian, — young, tall, and very
thin, his hair and eyes as black as a
Spaniard's, his features very regular,
and his complexion colourless ; a
nervous delicate constitution, upon
whom the hard work he had chosen
to undertake, and the occasional
" passage of arms " with the Frei-
willigen, had evidently told.
When he had assigned to my com-
panion her duties and responsibili-
ties in the lower regions, and con-
signed to us the keys of the store-
rooms, he thus enlightened me as to
my own work : — •
" Every morning the meat and
bread required for the hospital is
brought from the village ; — you will
see that it is of the best quality, and
fairly weighed, and give a receipt
in French, keeping copies of the
same in German for the books : you
will also receive and note down all
other provisions, such as groceries,
vegetables, salted meats, flour, and
the wine brought for the patients,
to whom you will distribute the lat-
ter according to instructions received
from the staff-surgeon : you will
twice a-day have to carve the por-
700
Under the Red Cross : A Narrative of
[June
tions of meat for the patients, and
see that the food is properly and
fairly divided in the various wards :
you will take charge of all the
linen, see that the chauffage and
edairage of the whole establish-
ment is properly attended to, and
that the night-watches do their duty.
As far as regards the krankensaale,
and all that is concerned with the
patients as well as the soldiers, your
only authority is the staff-surgeon.
For the rest, if any one gives you any
trouble, you may always count upon
my help and support."
The stabsarzt, who occupied two
rooms on the first floor, was a man
of sixty years, very tall and very thin
also (the authorities had evidently not
lived on the fat of the land !), clever,
polished, well-read, and a good
linguist, but a rigid disciplinarian,
whose very wink was law, yet the
patients were fond of him, for he
was very kind and sympathising to
them.
The first few days of my new
life was very up-hill work, but as
one of our Freiwilligen (the best
of them) had fallen ill of typhus,
and died, we did not wish to intro-
duce any reforms until the funeral
was over.
Poor young man ! he was the only
son of a widow, and it was very
hard that he should thus have to
sacrifice the life he had devoted to
the care of others. It was the rule
with us, that whenever fresh cases
of typhus or small -pox occurred,
they were to be removed in the
very first stage to the Schwerkran-
ken lazareths, not a quarter of a
mile distant ; but Heinzman had
only been ill four days, and his end
was very sudden and unexpected.
On the evening after the funeral,
the stabsarzt and ver waiter came
up to our sitting-room, and we
held a "council of war" on the
subject of reorganisation. I sug-
gested that the two French females
who were paid six francs a-day,
and who added to their total ignor-
ance of cooking the faults of lazi-
ness, dirt, and dishonesty, should at
once receive warning, and be re-
placed by two convalescent soldiers
under Madame Schmid's surveil-
lance, and a hard-working honest
femme de peine hired at two
francs a-day, to act as charwoman ;
also, that all superfluous Freiwilligen
should be persuaded that their
services were required in other
ambulances, and removed thither
by order of the Delegirter.
The " vote of confidence " was
passed, and the following day the
fiat was issued, and thenceforth the
work of the establishment went on
smoothly ; but my occupations and
work redoubled, for Herr Miiller got
intermittent fever, took to his bed,
and kept it for many weeks, so that
I had his work to do, and him to
nurse into the bargain.
This of course prevented my
taking any of the duties at our
other hospital at the Chateau
Bruyeres, beyond portioning out
the wine and provisions which were
fetched from our store-rooms.
Our patients numbered an aver-
age of sixty, and, with few excep-
tions, were well enough to crawl
about the house, and sun them-
selves at mid-day hours on the ter-
race. They were distributed in the
rooms proportionately to the size
thereof; each Saal was numbered,
and the inmates placed under the
authority of a zimmer-commandant
(generally a non - commissioned
officer), who was responsible for
their cleanliness, order, and obedi-
ence to rules, and for any such
offences as the breaking open of
locked-up cupboards or spoiling of
furniture.
The patients' meals numbered
five a-day. At 8 A.M. cafe au lait
and bread; at 10 A.M. a slice of bread,
either buttered or with a slice of
1871.] Hospital-Life with the Prussians in France. — Part II. 701
ham, sausage, or herring, and a glass
of port-wine. At mid- day, dinner,
consisting of thick soup (either
erbstcurst, rice, sago, or barley), a
good-sized portion of meat (beef,
mutton, veal, or lamb), and vege-
tables. At 4 P.M. another edition
of bread and cold meat, and more
port-wine ; and in the evening soup,
and meat hashed and warmed up in
thick sauces, higlily flavoured with
vinegar and onions, so dear to the
German palate.
The erbswurst or pease-sausage,
prepared with a large proportion of
meat and fat, for making soup, had
been invented since the commence-
ment of the war by a native of Ber-
lin, who received from the Prussian
Government 20,000 thalers for his
patent. Its excessive cheapness and
simplicity of preparation proved
of inestimable value to the army.
Each sausage is about 9 inches long,
and weighs sixteen ounces ; the cost
is nine kreutzer or six sous ; and as
three good portions of thick soup
can be made out of it (by merely
stirring it for ten minutes in boiling
water), each portion comes to a penny.
The terms I was on with the stafl-
surgeon, Dr Meyer, were a curious
compromise between perfect polite-
ness and strict discipline. When-
ever business took me into his study,
if I was accompanied by any mem-
ber of the establishment, he would
not rise from his seat or writing-
table, but merely turn round and
give his orders, or answer my in-
quiries in a curt, business-like way;
but if I appeared alone, he seemed to
set aside the fact of my being " only
a nurse," and, therefore, subject to
military discipline — would rise in-
stantly and bring his heels together,
and, in the most polished manner,
request to know how he could serve
me.
Being summoned one morning
into his presence, he thus spoke :
" Fraulein, although your duties
do not strictly oblige you to be in
the wards, I know that the inter-
est you take in the welfare of my
patients makes your visits frequent
to them, and both I and they are
grateful for the beneficial change
they have brought; therefore it is
my duty to tell you that this morn-
ing a case of small-pox has broken
out in Saal No. 5."
"You need not have the least
anxiety about me, Herr Stabsarzt,"
I answered, "for I have not the
slightest fear of infection, and have
often nursed people through small-
pox."
"So, so," said the stern man,
stroking his moustache; "you are
not a bit afraid 1 "
" Not a bit."
" Very good then. I have given
orders that the man is to be removed
to Vitry within an hour ; see that
his blankets go with him, and do
not return, and that his straw mat-
tress is burnt at once.
CHAPTER VII.
During the first three weeks of
my life at Bellegarde, my time was
so much occupied from early morn-
ing till the distribution of candles
to the nachtwach, which closed my
day's work, that I often had to eat
my meals standing, and never had
leisure to go out of doors and inspect
the premises ; indeed, if it had not
been for a new moon, spied (luckily
over my right shoulder) as I looked
out of a window one evening, I
should not have been aware that we
had entered another month.
Letters from home did not reach
me, but helped doubtless to build
up that heap of correspondence
known as the " Dead Letter Office,"
702
Under the Red Cross : A Narrative of
[June
which must have become gigantic
during the war ; and there being a
like failure in the arrival of news-
papers, I remained in utter ignor-
ance of passing events, though the
distinct booming of the guns proved
that the bombardment was still
doing its murderous work.
One sunny afternoon I contrived
to get out for an hour, and got hold
of the gardener, from whom I glean-
ed information respecting the pro-
prietor of our chateau — for the park
and gardens, though sadly neglected
now, had evidently been laid out
with much taste, and in imitation
of an English country -place ; also
the long line of green and hot
houses showed that floriculture was
a favourite occupation.
Nor was I wrong in my conjec-
tures, for the proprietor, Monsieur
Perrier, was a wealthy man, a mem-
ber of the Imperialist Government,
and an " Anglo - mane " into the
bargain ; his household was English,
from the butler to the groom, and
his children had an English gover-
ness. Of this latter fact I had been
long aware ; for in my sitting-room,
which evidently had been occupied
by some " Mees" of the family, I
found various copy-books scribbled
over in more or less grammatical
English, and corrected by an uncom-
promisingly Anglo-Saxon " scratch."
" Ah ! if you could have seen the
park and gardens, Mademoiselle,"
said the gardener, " comme c'etait
tenu ! I had fifteen men under me ;
the lawns were like velvet, and I
would have defied you to pick up a
dead leaf anywhere. And the serres
always full of exotics and ferns —
now I have no more coals, and
cannot heat them; cela me fend le
coeur de voir mourir de froid ces
pauvres plantes!"
" And what has become of the
Perrier family 1 "
"Helasf voila le malheur, they
did as almost every one else — they
fled ; the ladies and children to Bel-
gium, and le Patron to Paris, where
he is shut up now. He thought, as
we all did, it would only last three
weeks, and now it is three months.
I have been obliged to send away
all the gardeners and labourers, for
there was neither work nor pay;
and, good heavens ! where is it
all going to end? — for when the siege
is raised and the Prussians gone,
the real miseries of France will begin
with civil war ! " I little thought
then how true his prophecy would
turn out.
"And as no one was left in charge
of this chateau, I presume M. Perrier
took with him his servants 1 "
" Yes, his French cook and a
valet, seven horses and a cow."
" Well, they won't be starved out
— that's a comfort ! "
No matter how unbiassed in opin-
ion and impartial in judgment one
tries to be, I don't think any one is
free from the weakness of having
favourites, and thus it was that some
of our patients were to me objects
of special interest and care. It was
not only the gratitude and pleasure
which beamed in their eyes, when-
ever I appeared for the distribution
of cigars, or " titbits," in the shape
of an extra cup of afternoon coffee
and biscuits, which gratified my
vanity, but the refinement and in-
telligence displayed in their con-
versation, when I went to have a
friendly " chat " by their bedsides,
which made me like them — and yet
discipline forbade familiarity. One
of their chief amusements was card-
playing ; but no matter how inter-
ested they might be in the game, I
never passed through the wards that
they did not instantly remove their
pipes or cigars from their lips and
stand at " attention," unless beckon-
ed by me to remain seated. There
was one Saal (No. 7), however, occu-
pied by a rough set of Bavarians,
and an uncouth zimmer-command-
1871.] Hospital-Life with the Prussians in France. — Part II. 703
ant, which I rarely entered ; the
inmates had been often severely re-
primanded by the staff-surgeon for
wilful damaging of trees and shrubs.
Herr Miiller continuing to be
arbeitsunfdhig (incapable of duty),
it became necessary for me to drive
into Corbeil about once a-week on
hospital business with Dr Meyer;
and although he would only give me
about twenty-five minutes, I con-
trived occasionally to get in a hasty
visit to our friends, and glean some
news of the sorties from Paris.
One evening, as we returned rather
late from town, I observed an un-
usual commotion around our house.
The line of railway from Paris to
Orleans cut the park in two, passing
close to the building ; a train was
now stationary before it, the engine
hissing angrily in the dark, and all
the inmates of the establishment,
including the patients, who had
rushed out of the wards to see what
was going on, were huddling round
the engine-driver and stoker asking
questions.
What had happened ?
A malicious but invisible hand
had taken a long heavy bar of iron
(probably from the neighbouring
iron-foundry), and placed it across
the rails, just before a train laden
with wounded and French prison-
ers was to pass.
Luckily the engine-driver, who
knew the propensity of French
peasants for thus proving their
" patriotism," and was always on
the look-out for " rocks ahead," was
going at slow speed, and perceived
the dark object across the lines just
in time to put on the break, and the
train had only been thrown off the
rails for a few yards. Who was the
culprit ? Nobody had been seen ;
no one could tell. There were no
bones broken, and no damage done,
or the commune would have had to
pay a heavy fine.
Every one turned out to help ; in
a few hours the train was in motion
again (the wounded and prisoners
having been cared for and fed), and
henceforth the whole line to the
next station was guarded by senti-
nels day and night.
Our military doctor, who always
tasted the food himself before it
was served out to the patients,
expressed himself highly gratified
with the reform worked by Ma-
dame Schmid. Indeed, I could
not help observing how some men,
who had just come out of the
typhus hospitals, and arrived pale,
wan, and hardly able to crawl,
while others' complexions showed
signs of very recent small-pox, soon
became strong and healthy ; and
the drafting of men, well enough to
return to their regiments, occurred
much more frequently than at first.
It was so arranged that the
covered waggons which brought
fresh convalescents were used to
convey those who left part of their
way, so that they should not be
exposed to cold, or to a fatiguing
march at once. It occurred one
day that the arrival of the waggons
having been announced for a certain
hour, a draft of twenty-two men,
who were to leave with them, re-
ceived orders to prepare for the
journey, and came to me to get
such articles of underclothing as
they were in want of (and of which
we kept a store), such as socks,
drawers, woollen shirts and jackets ;
also to have their bread-bags filled,
their feld-flaschen replenished with
wine or brandy, and (the favourites
especially) their pockets stuffed with
cigars, tobacco, lump -sugar, and
toasted coffee-beans. But some
delay occurred, the waggons did
not arrive, and the departure had
to be postponed for several days.
That night, as I was descending to
the lower regions to see that all the
lights were extinguished, I met one
of the soldiers in ghost-like attire
704
Under the Red Cross : A Narrative of
[Jl
standing irresolute on the stairs ; he
looked deathly pale, and quite un-
conscious as to his whereabouts. I
took no notice, and continued going
down. When I came up again, my
friend was still standing on the
same step.
"What do you want, my good
fellow 1 " No answer.
"Do you feel HI?" Same
silence. Was he walking in his
sleep 1 It looked rather like it ;
so I took him by the hand, and,
leading him up to the landing (he
following passively), I faced him
down the passage which led to his
ward, and said —
" There, now, go back to your
room ; " but the man did not stir.
" Do you want the doctor 1 " still
no reply.
Night-watches seemed to me like
policemen, never at hand when
most wanted; therefore I knocked
at the surgeon's door, and, inform-
ing him of what had occurred, went
my ways up-stairs to Herr Miiller,
who was very restless and feverish,
and with whom I sat up part of
the night, without hearing anything
more of the nocturnal wanderer.
The following morning I was
sent for by Dr Meyer.
" You distributed brandy amongst
the twenty-two men who were to
have left last evening ] " he asked.
" Yes, Herr Stabsarzt, according
to your instructions."
" True, but I did not contemplate
what has resulted : it appears that
several of the men emptied the con-
tents of their feld-flaschen yester-
day evening, and made themselves
intoxicated. The man you met last
night was not walking in his sleep,
but was in a state of idiotic drunk-
enness ; in fact, he has made him-
self so ill, that he will have to keep
to his bed for a week at least ; but
the others must be punished."
"Howl"
" They are to have no wine and
no cigars for three days ; and when
they do leave, you may fill their
flasks — with water."
The culprits belonged to Saal
No. 7, and were dealt with accord-
ingly.
The Delegirter's visits of inspec-
tion had no fixed period, and it was a
subject of gratification to our amour
prqpre that he always expressed
himself so satisfied with our estab-
lishment, and called it his " model
hospital." Madame Schmid well de-
served the praises lavished upon the
lower regions under her charge,
for they were, indeed, a marvel of
cleanliness and order. The two mil-
itary cooks were capital fellows,
though they sometimes tried their
chefesse's temper. Indeed the char-
woman remarked to me once : —
" C'est une excellente femme, mais
elle s'emporte comme une soupe au
lait!"
On Sunday afternoons a military
chaplain (one of the most eloquent
men it has been my good fortune
to hear) performed divine service
in the largest ward. The service
lasted about half an hour, and con-
sisted of a hymn sung very cor-
rectly without accompaniment, an
extempore prayer, and sermon to
suit the occasion. The patients
from the hospital at Chateau Bruy-
eres came over, and all attended the
service indiscriminately, both Cath-
olics and Protestants. Those who
were not strong enough to do other-
wise sat on their beds ; the others
stood in a compact circle round the
table in the centre of the room,
where the chaplain placed his Bible,
the only book he referred to. It
was touching to see the rapt at-
tention of all these men, with their
hands crossed and their eyes riveted
on the ground.
On one occasion, foremost amongst
them stood a fine tall Uhlan, who
had arrived lately, and was still
very pale and delicate-looking^ ow-
1871.] Hospital-Life, with the Prussians in France. — Part II. 705
ing to a severe attack of typhus and
dysentry. As the chaplain dilat-
ed upon the gratitude which they
ought all to feel, not only for the
success which it had pleased God
to give their armies, but for His
especial blessing which had spared
them the cruel end of so many of
their comrades, and expressed the
hope that an armistice and a peace
would soon be concluded, whereby
they would be able to return to
their Vaterland and their families —
many a subdued sob was heard.
As I looked up to watch the
scene, so simple and yet so impos-
ing, I observed the tall Uhlan get-
ting gradually whiter, and the blue
rings under his eyes darker ; in a
moment more he staggered forward,
and, by the help of two Jcranken-
pfleger who were present, was led in-
to the next ward. By the time I had
reached his bedside with a basin
of ice and cloths for his head, he
had quite swooned away and lost
all consciousness ; the eloquence of
the chaplain and the mention of his
Jieimath had been too much for
him — and yet he was one of those
Uhlans of whom it had been said,
" qu'il n'y avait rien de sacre" pour
ces gens la ! "
The number of our patients,
which had diminished to an aver-
age of fifty, was suddenly increased
one week owing to the lazareth in
the theatre at Corbeil having been
burnt down. The pit and stage,
which were lined with beds, were
warmed by a calorifere built for the
purpose, and this was managed
by a Frenchman. One morning
the surgeon, finding the chauffeur
had arrived much later than was
his wont, and that the patients
were complaining of the cold, se-
verely reprimanded the culprit for
his inattention ; in less than an hour
the building was discovered to be
on fire, the calorifere having been
overheated. The scene which en-
VOL. CIX. — NO. DCLXV1II.
sued was described to me by Ma-
dame Louit, who lived close by, as
horrible : the sick, urged by the fear
of being burnt alive, rushing wildly
out into the street— the screams of
the wounded, who were not able to
stir — the roaring of the flames, and
cracking of timber, would have
struck terror into the hearts of the
bravest. Yet all was so promptly
and well managed that not one life
was lost ; and as the last wounded
man was carried out in a blanket,
the stage gave way completely, and
in a few moments the wooden build-
ing was a black smoking mass.
Some one had even had the pre-
sence of mind to think of saving
the caisse; but all the beds, linen,
instruments, and medicaments had
been destroyed.
Some people declared that the
chaujfeur had expressly overheated
the furnace out of spite, because he
had been severely handled by the
surgeon ; but many, like me, were of
opinion that it had rather been done
par surcroit de zele, wishing to
make up for lost time — for surely
none but a fiend would take such
means to vindicate himself. This
view of the case was taken by his
judges when the trial came on, and
the Frenchman was acquitted of all
evil intentions.
There is nothing like a catastrophe
to make one specially prudent and
mindful of accidents : this confla-
gration immediately suggested to
me the necessity of having all the
chimneys swept in our establish-
ment, for I had ascertained that it
had not been done since the winter
began, and I knew that roaring fires
had been kept up constantly.
The fumiste, from a village a
few miles distant, was sent for, and
came with the indispensable little
Savoyards (there must be very few
Savoyards left on their native soil,
for they seem to be all chimney-
sweeps and organ-grinders abroad).
3c
706
Under the Red Cross : A Narrative of
[June
The little imps, as they descended
from their dusky regions, reported
that it was high time the operation
was performed, especially in the
upper stories. But the following
day it was found impossible to use
the kitchen-range : the flue had many
angles before it reached the outer
world, and in cleaning it out, the soot
had evidently accumulated in one
corner, and thus the smoke, not find-
ing sufficient exit, returned and filled
all the kitchen and offices to suffo-
cation. The fumiste was again
sent for, but did not come. On the
morrow the surgeon complained the
food was smoked — no wonder !
Another messenger was despatched
for the unwilling sweep, who pro-
mised immediate attendance, but
with no better result. At last I
went to the surgeon : — " The posi-
tion below is untenable," said I;
" we are obliged to keep the win-
dows open : the fumiste does not
appear ; Madame Schmid and her
acolytes have ' struck ; ' and if some-
thing is not done at once, the pa-
tients will not get any supper."
" Go," replied the surgeon, " and
tell two of the soldiers below, who
are sawing wood, to put on their
uniforms, take their guns, and fetch
the fellow down instantly."
In less than an hour the prisoner
appeared between his two guards,
looking very much frightened, and
the two little sweeps' faces behind
him were almost white with terror.
As they entered the kitchen the
soldiers remained on guard at the
door, until not only the flue was
taken to pieces, cleaned out, and
remounted, but until the fire had
been lit in the range, and found to
draw perfectly ; then they accom-
panied the culprits to the gate and
released them.
CHAPTER VIII.
When the armistice was declared,
and the entrance of the German
troops into the forts made known,
it was a source of great delight to
the inmates of Bellegarde. The
Landwehr men already began to
look forward to going back to their
wives and children ; those of the
regular army had been sorely tried
by hard fighting and sickness, and
contemplated with joy the return to
their Vaterland ; and the doctors
and Ttranltenpfleger had had six
months of very hard work, and
were not sorry that their labours
were going to cease.
That peace would ultimately be
made, without any more fighting,
was fully expected. The patients,
who were very fond of talking
politics, were always very anxious
to know what opinion the foreign
press had of the Franco-German
war, and what they dared say about
the politics of that " schlau Iwpf
(sly-head) Bismark."
As I now received my English
papers regularly, they would all flock
eagerly around me to hear the trans-
lation of some good and impartial
"leader" in the 'Pall Mall;' and
the ' Graphic ' was a great source of
amusement to them — Mr Sydney
Hall's bold sketches of the incidents
of the war being greatly appreciated.
There was a little dark-haired
Bavarian, by name Frick, who had
a beloved camarade in a Hlond Prus-
sian, and who never seemed to enjoy
anything without he shared his de-
light. As he saw me enter the
ward with the ' Graphic ' in my
hand, he would rush to the bottom
of the stairs, and sing out to the
young one above, "Kloana, komm
geschwind runna, und betrocht d'
scheme Bilder ; " which in hoch-
deutsch meant, — " Little one, come
1871.] Hospital-Life with the Prussians in France. — Part II. 707
down quickly, and look at the
beautiful engravings ! "
When the time came for these
two inseparables to be parted, it
was truly touching. They fell upon
each other's necks, and cried like
women ; and for days after Frick
had left, we could with difficulty
persuade his friend to eat.
I was sent for one morning to the
staff-surgeon's sanctum, and when I
entered, found him studying a huge
and detailed map of a small portion
of France.
" Fraulein," quoth he, "I propose,
now that our patients are getting on
so nicely, and that my assistant-
surgeon from Bruyeres can look
after them in my absence, to give
myself a day or two's leave, paying
a visit to Versailles and some of the
batteries around Paris. As you
have letters for headquarters, would
you not like to accompany me?"
" Of all things, Herr Stabsarzt, I
should enjoy it immensely ; but can
I get two days' leave also ?
" Well, Herr Muller is getting on
much better, and I think that in a
few days you can be spared. See,
here is the map, and our route dis-
tinctly marked : my little German
horses will manage the journey very
easily in two days, and it will give
me great pleasure to escort you."
I thanked the kind old gentle-
man, and went on my way rejoic-
ing, but that week passed and the
next, Herr Muller did not get strong-
er, and the Versailles plan seemed
to vanish from the horizon of pos-
sibility. Ever since the armistice
had been declared, it seemed a sig-
nal for the French about us to brag,
and to defy regulations and con-
tracts. Before, they had been hum-
ble and cringing enough — indeed,
some of them had filled their coffers
meanwhile; but now our butcher,
who had delivered daily an average of
a hundred and sixty pounds of meat,
at a franc and a half per pound, be-
gan to bring bad or inferior meat ;
and the baker would suddenly stop
his supply for a day or two without
giving any reason, save that now he
could sell it elsewhere, or send it to
Paris. Our staff-surgeon, however,
did not allow these defaults to con-
tinue, and threatened military inter-
ference, armistice or no armistice.
So the Frenchmen thought better
of it, and mended their ways.
M. Lefort, the butcher, thought
himself, like all his class, " tres fort
sur la politique," and never lost an
opportunity of giving his views of
the "situation." When I remarked
upon how distinctly the bombard-
ment was heard from Bellegarde, he
would say, " Tout cela ce n'est rien,
voyez-vous; cela couteun argent fou
aux Prussiens, et cela ne fait aucun
mal a nos forts. Ah ! Trochu c'est
1'homme du peuple, et il ne les
ce"dera jamais." " Oh, that is noth-
ing ! it costs the Prussians a heap of
money, and does not damage our
forts a bit. Ah ! Trochu is the man
of the people, and he will never
surrender !"
After the armistice had been de-
clared, and the forts (almost knocked
to pieces) had surrendered to the
Germans, M. Lefort was nowise sub-
dued by the fact, but explained it
by, " Vendu-sJ trahisl c'est cet ani-
mal de Trochu qui a tout vendu a
Guillaume; the forts are nothing,
it is in the town itself that the
Prussians will never dare to enter,
for not one of them would come out
alive !"
Amongst the Prussian soldiers
whose duty it was to saw wood and
carry water was a Pole, by name
Jetzoreck, a quiet, taciturn, sedate
young Landwehr man, who was
looked upon as the steadiest and
most hardworking of the lot ; what
was my astonishment, therefore, one
evening to hear high words between
him and Madame Schmid, and on
descending to inquire the cause of
Under the Red Cross : A Narrative of
[Jl
the tumult, to find the Pole (who had
had half a day's leave) in a hopeless
state of drunkenness. Now he had
often earned from me, by his good
behaviour, and little services, such
as carrying wood up to my room, an
extra glass of schnaps, or an extra
good cigar, and I flattered myself
that a soft word would turn away
wrath ; but I was mistaken, and
finding that no persuasion availed,
he had to be led away by two of
his comrades and put to bed.
On the morrow there was a gentle
tap at my door, and Jetzoreck ap-
peared pale and contrite.
" Oh, Fraulein," said he, " I am
going to be put under arrest for
three days, but I wanted to come
first and ask you to forgive me for
my rudeness last night."
" But how comes it," I asked,
" that you, of all others, could have
got intoxicated ? "
" WeD," he answered, twisting
his cap around in his ringers, and
looking ruefully at his toes, " the
fact is, when I went to town yester-
day morning, I found a 'letter from
my wife announcing/the birth of a
fifth child, so I went, to the wine-
shop and had a bottlej.pf schnaps."
"Well, I'm very .sorry ; -for you,
Jetzoreck, and I hope neither case
•will happen again ; " but I did not
inquire if joy or despair had driven
this young father of a family to the
companionship of the bottle !
Within a few days we had an-
other culprit brought to trial. The
gardener came to complain to me
that one of the patients had broken
the valve of one of the ponds in the
park, whereby all the water had run
off.
" Did you see any one do it 1 " I
inquired.
" No ; but shortly after I had
found it out, I saw two of them
standing at the edge of the pond — it
must have been the same."
" Who were they, can you tell 1 "
" The tall, fair man, with the blue
coat and white facings, and the
young Bavarian with the scar under
his eye."
Two of my favourites, one of
them my Uhlan ! I followed the
gardener to see what mischief had
been done, and then with a heavy
heart proceeded to find the two men.
As I entered the ward. I first
called the zimmer-commandant : he
had not heard anything about it; but
would I interrogate the men myself?
" One of you has damaged one of
the ponds, and caused all the water
to run off," I said ; " it is a wilful
spoiling of property which does not
belong to you, and you ought to be
ashamed to give the French the
right to complain of your Vandalism,
even in the last days of your inva-
sion ; who of you did it ] " The men
looked at each other, the Uhlan
turned a shade paler, but no one
spoke.
"Was it you?" I asked the Ba-
varian.
" Nein, Fraulein," in a very de-
cided voice ; — then to the Uhlan :
"Was it you?"
" Nein, Fraulein !"
" Think again," I added ; " you
were both seen near the pond while
the water was running out."
" Yes," replied the Uhlan, " Kraft
and I were both up there this morn-
ing, but the mischief was already
done; I give you my word of honour
as a soldier that we did not do it."
And the tall fellow drew himself up,
and looked fearlessly out of his
bright blue eyes, like the gentleman
that he was.
" Very well," I said, " and I give
you my word of honour, that if
within twenty-four hours the man
who did the mischief is not found,
you shall none of you have cigars
for three days," and therewith I re-
tired.
Before the evening I heard a
knock at my door : " Herein !"
1871.] Hospital-Life with the Pmssians in France. — Part II.
709
The Uhlan stood before me, his
right hand up to his forehead —
" Entschuldigen Sie, Fraulein (ex-
cuse me), we have found out who
broke the pipe ; it was Henkel, one
of the Prussian orderlies."
" Gut," I said ; " the staff-surgeon
will settle that matter. I am very
glad it was not you." " And so am
I," he replied ; saluted, turned on
his heel, and I heard the ring of his
heavy spurs down the passage.
When the Delegirter paid us his
next visit, he brought with him the
head-surgeon, and inspector of all
the hospitals; luckily it was on
a Saturday — everything had been
scoured, the day was very bright,
and the whole place was radiant
with well-scrubbed marble floors
and polished metal. The Prussian
official was lavish of his praises, and
aired his best English for my edifi-
cation. He also informed us that
the armistice had been prolonged for
five days, and that as peace would
probably follow, our hospitals would
take in no more patients, but in the
course of a fortnight we should have
to send home the men, and close the
establishments.
On the same evening, as I was
carving the meat for the patients,
the staff-surgeon came into the kit-
chen, and thus spoke to me : —
" The number of our men having
now considerably diminished, and
Herr Muller being able to get about
a little, there is no reason why you
should not have the couple of days'
leave you have so well earned, there-
fore we will now put into execution
the little trip to Versailles which I
planned three weeks ago, and start
to-morrow morning. The carriage will
be ready at 4.30 A.M., for we have a
long journey before us, and must
start betimes ; please to see that we
have some provisions with us, for
ourselves,* and the coachman and
groom."
The notice was short, especially as
I had several orders to leave, papers
to write out, and my "Sunday best"
to pack up in a small bag, but I was
too elated to care about much sleep ;
and at half-past four next morning,
we had had a cup of coffee, and were
seated in the carriage. Of course it
was quite dark, but by the time we
reached Sceaux the sun was shining
brightly. The large map I had seen
in the surgeon's study was referred
to whenever the coachman was
doubtful what road to take ; it was
evidently one of those wonderfully
detailed maps which the Prussians
possessed of the enemy's country, of
which one had heard so much, and
it was so accurate that it indicated
side-roads unknown to the very in-
habitants.
At Sceaux we descended, and, fol-
io wed by the carriage, walked through
Bagneux to "Fontenay aux Roses."
These were the vorposten (advanced-
posts) of the Bavarian artillery dur-
ing the siege, and more ruined, for-
sakenvillages cannotbeimagined;the
batteries built all along the heights
(all silent now), with the trenches
and casemates, showing the marks
where the French shells, which re-
sponded from the Forts of Issy and
Vanvres, ploughed up the ground.
The pavements in the streets had
been torn down, and some of the
houses demolished from the roof to
the cellar. Even the Maine, the
tallest and most conspicuous build-
ing, turned into a hospital and with
a red -cross flag flying over it, had
not been spared ; and so the wound-
ed who were saved had been re-
moved to more distant places.
At Chatillon the devastation was
rather less ; it was evident that be-
fore they found themselves bom-
barded by their own guns, and had
to "fly," the French had discovered
the truth of the Prussians respecting
all houses and property not aban-
doned by the owners ; for whereas
on some doors was chalked, " II
710
Under the Red Cross : A Narrative of
[June
Compagnie I Offizier 9 Mann," or
"I Jager Bataillon 18 Mann," or
" Feld-Commando," on others was
scrawled in large letters the informa-
tion that they were " Maison habi-
ted," or, with small regard to ortho-
graphy, " Maison a bittez par le Pro-
prietaire." Here we picked up
several pieces of shell, which were
heaped up in the corners of the
streets with the sweepings. From
Chatillon to the Fort of Issy the
famous map indicated a road lead-
ing straight across the fields, and the
surgeon decided upon taking it, in
preference to the longer highroad
round Vanvres.
We passed (the carriage still fol-
lowing) close to this last fort, with
its new earthworks so peppered by
ball and shell that it looked like a
huge ant-hill against which gravel
had been thrown.
As we approached Issy, we sud-
denly came upon an unexpected
obstruction in the shape of a wide
deep ditch filled with empty gabions,
and the bank formed by the fresh
earth thrown up. We could manage
to clear the ditch and scramble up
the bank, and so doubtless could the
horses had we been on their backs,
but with a heavy brougham at their
heels it became a serious dilemma.
As we were making up our minds
to retrace our steps, an artillery
officer, who had perceived us from
afar, came galloping up, and having
ascertained our wishes, he assured
us the evil would be remedied di-
rectly, cleared the ditch (sitting his
steed remarkably well), careered in
the direction of some earthworks, and
reappeared with eight pioneers and
their spades, who set to, and in a
few minutes had filled the ditch and
levelled the ground for the distance
of a few yards, to enable the carriage
to drive easily over it on to the road
again.
During this process a lively con-
versation was kept up between the
two gentlemen, after reciprocal self-
introductions.
" But," remarked the officer, how
did you come to take this road 1 "
" Because," said the surgeon, " I
found it marked out on my map."
" Excuse me," rejoined the other,
" I think you must be mistaken, for
we haven't this road marked on
ours."
"Allow me," said the surgeon,
fetching his map from the brougham ;
" you see here, ' Eoute strategique,'
supposed to be used for gun-car-
riages."
" Ganz riclitig" replied the officer;
" I congratulate you on the perfect
accuracy of your map, which must
be more recent even than ours."
At the foot of the hill leading up
to Issy, we left the carriage and
walked up. The staff-surgeon pre-
sented himself and me to the major
in command, who gave us two Prus-
sian Engineer officers to show us
over the fort. What a mass of ruins
the place presented ! and it had been
said that the bombardment had not
injured the fortresses! No wonder
they capitulated ! the three barracks
entirely destroyed, nothing but some
of the outer walls as high as the
first story left; one side of the
bastions, notwithstanding the new
earthworks thrown up, literally torn
asunder, and an enormous breach
made, more than a hundred feet in
diameter, and reaching to the second
wall of the powder magazine — and
on the same side, some of the case-
mates even had been shattered to
pieces.
The German flag (red, gold, and
black) was flying from the northern
bastion; and in the inner square
hundreds of Prussians were occu-
pied moving the materiel, and clear-
ing the mountains of broken shells,
hand-grenades, and ziicker hute (su-
gar-loaves, or shrapnell shot) with
which it was strewn. I could not
account for the presence of an enor-
1871.] Hospital-Life with the Prussians in France. — Part II. 711
mous coil of wire-rope, which looked
like a cable, and on inquiring, was
informed that it had heen used by
the marines for bringing up the
guns ; nor could I help wondering
whether the bragging and sanguine
M. Lefort would still hold to his
opinion that the forts had been
"sold," had he witnessed the ruin
and desolation around us.
Returning to our carriage, we
drove through Clamart and Meudon
to Sevres, which we reached at mid-
day, and where we gave the stout
little German horses the two hours'
rest they richly deserved.
The bridge over the Seine, of
which one arch had been blown up
and repaired, was then the line of
demarcation between the French and
German dominion, and a wooden
barrier in the shape of an X was
placed up at the entrance. Here Ger-
man and French authorities stood
to examine the passes of the thou-
sands of people hurrying to and fro
with provisions. Perfect good-feel-
ing seemed already to have been
established between the enemies,
who cracked endless jokes together
over the exhibition of papers.
We then walked to St Cloud,
that beautiful royal residence, now
burnt and mutilated out of all shape
by the big gun of Mont Yalerien
in its attempt to sweep out the
enemy, who held too commanding a
position over Paris.
When the Germans at first occu-
pied St Cloud, many of the works
of art the palace contained (as well
as the valuable collection of porce-
lains at Sevres) had been, by the
order of the Crown Prince, removed
and consigned to the French autho-
rities, but still a great many pic-
tures and rare fixtures remained.
As soon as the shells began to fall
with such deadly precision that
conflagration was inevitable, orders
were issued to save the valuables;
but "Mother Valerie's Chickens"
had no consideration for art, and
two soldiers having already lost
their lives in the attempt, the palace
had to be abandoned a prey to the
roaring flames, which soon left no-
thing but a heap of blackened walls,
crumbled masonry, molten metal,
and crushed glass. The fountains
played still, exemplifying the say-
ing of the brook, " Men may come
and men may go, but I go on for
ever ;" but the famous orange- walk,
with the southern trees all killed
by the frost and neglect, was a sad
sight.
From the top of the hill, where
now the " Lanterne de Diogene "
was a shapeless heap of stones, we
had a glorious view of Paris. The
golden dome of the Invalides shone
brightly in the sun ; the sky was so
cloudless, the atmosphere so clear,
that the towers of " Notre Dame,"
the " Arc de Triomphe " (so soon to
become triumphal for the victors),
and the Column of the Bastille,
stood out in bold relief
As we sat gazing at the huge be-
sieged city, with its distinct line of
enceinte at our feet, a regiment
singing the "Wacht am Rhein"
passed below us, the rich stirring
notes of the men's voices bringing
up the refrain, —
"Fest bleibt und treu, die Wacht am
Rhein!"
CHAPTER IX.
We arrived at Versailles at 4 P.M.,
and at the Etappen-Commando re-
ceived a printed order, which, at the
Mairie, was exchanged for a " billet
de logement" for "un officier, une
dame, deux domestiques, et deux
chevaux," at a hotel in the Rue de la
Paroisse. What a contrast Versailles
712
Under the Red Cross : A Narrative of
[June
presented, with its neatly - swept
broad streets and fine shops, to
other French towns occupied by the
enemy ! The streets were full of
life, and thronged with military of
every kind; not even at a review
had I seen such a variety of uniforms,
and it appeared to me there were
far more officers than men.
The Emperor had never establish-
ed his court in the chateau of the
Louis's, nor inhabited the palace
raised, "A toutes les gloires de la
France," as I had been led to believe,
but from the first had taken up his
quarters at the Prefecture, where we
now went to hear five military bands
perform his tafel-musik.
The Crown Prince lived in a villa
call Les Ombrages, situated on a
hill beyond the railway station, and
the schlau kopf, Bismark, worked
out his political web in a house
of modest appearance in a side
street.
On the following morning we
went to breakfast at a cafe, and
then visited the chateau. There had
been the previous day an " evacua-
tion " of the sick and wounded to-
wards Germany, so that only fifty-
three now remained to occupy the
spacious saloons, hung with huge
pictures of Napoleon's victories. I
inquired of the surgeon who escorted
us through the "royal wards" if they
had not found the chateau a con-
venient building to transform into
an hospital ; his answer was —
"Yes, as far as space was con-
cerned, for we have had as many as
800 beds occupied at a time, but
many conveniences for such an es-
tablishment were wanting, and our
great difficulty was to heat the
galleries during the rigid winter we
have had."
I noticed that the difficulty had
been overcome by placing an iron
stove in the centre of the rooms, upon
an iron flooring, and running the
flue through the top of the window,
where an iron plate had been sub-
stituted for the pane of glass.
The patients (all officers) were
mostly very dangerous cases, and
many of them looked as if the
French chateau would be their last
earthly residence. I was very anxious
to see the Galerie des Glaces, where,
a few days previously, King William
had been proclaimed Emperor, and
which so lately had been the scene
of a theatrical pageant, on a grand
scale, with real kings and princes on
the stage, and now reflected in its
mirrors sick and dying men, and
nurses gliding noiselessly from bed
to bed. The gildings and frescoes
of the gorgeous ceiling, which had
crowned the great historical play,
looked down now upon a sadly real
drama.
Leaving my staff - surgeon to
wander through the Park to the
Trianons, and settling to meet him
at our quarters, where we were to
dine at two o'clock, I did some shop-
ping in the town, and then, crossing
the station, passed several Prussian
and Bavarian sentinels, placed at
intervals along the garden of Les
Ombrages, and, reaching the house,
inquired if I could see H.RH's
Hofmarschall, Count von Eulenberg.
I had sometime previously, while at
Corbeil, received another letter from
this gentleman, requesting me to
send on by post the letter of intro-
duction I had for H.E.H., and this
I had done.
A very military butler took in
my card, and in a few seconds I
followed him into a comfortable
but simply-furnished room, with an
alcove occupied by the Graf, who
informed me he regretted not being
able to present me to the Prince, as
H.R.H. was then visiting his impe-
rial father at the Prefecture.
In my interview I inquired of
the Graf if Versailles harboured
such a luxury as an English banker,
and he advised me to apply for
1871.] Hospital-Life with the Prussians in France. — Part II. 713
correct information to our reprfaen-
iant, Mr Odo Eussell, who inhabited
the same house as the ' Times '
Correspondent, at No. 6 Place Hoche.
To our representant's abode I
therefore bent my steps, and was
fortunate enough to find him at
home. I don't know whether it is
yet true that, in recognition of his
peculiarly distinguished and con-
spicuous services, Mr Odo Eussell
lias been offered the Embassy,
but at least — and of such things a
woman without any " rights " may,
perhaps, be suifered to speak — he
has a terse yet lucid diction sin-
gularly expressive of intellectual
power, and that thoughtful high-
bred courtesy which is the fitting
ornament of a statesman represent-
ing our gracious Sovereign at a
foreign court. He told me that
M. Thiers was to have an inter-
view with the Emperor that day
on the subject of the preliminaries
of peace, and that afterwards his
Majesty would probably take his
daily drive. As I was very anxious
to get a sight of this royal person-
age who had become such a "point
de mire " for the universe, I hurried
back to our hotel to inform the
staff-surgeon of the chance in pros-
pect ; and as soon as we had dined
we set forth for the Prefecture,
where we were told by a sentinel that
the Kaiser's carriage and escort were
waiting for him under the portico,
whence he would shortly drive
out.
In a few minutes there was a
slight stir in the courtyard, and we
stepped up close to the gates, when
a sergeant of f eld -gendarme (who
seemed to have sprung up out of a
trap-door, so sudden was his appear-
ance) begged us to stand back a few
paces. Did he take me for a female
regicide, or think I kept revolvers
or Orsini bombs hidden in the folds
of my skirt1? I had not time to
propound this question before the
clatter of horses' feet was heard, and
the Kaiser emerged wrapped up in
a fur cloak, seated in a very shabby
"victoria" drawn by four mean-
looking black horses, ridden by two
sorry-looking postilions.
It doubtless was incumbent on me
to look with awe, or respect at least,
upon the mighty king; but suddenly
the words in 'Alice's Adventures in
Wonderland' — "You are old, Father
William, and your hair is very grey "
— occurred to me, and it may be that
this sudden recollection of once
familiar words a little disturbed my
solemnity, for I felt the f eld-gen-
darme scowling at me while he sal-
uted his Kaiser as he passed out of
the gate.
The interview with M. Thiers
must have been unsatisfactory, for
the face so often described as bearing
une empreinte de bonhommie mili-
taire looked very black under the
military visor, and the snowy mous-
tache was decidement herissee.
We had a long drive home through
Bievres, Palaiseau, Longjumeau, and
Morangis, but the stout little horses
accomplished it in four hours, and
before eight o'clock that evening we
had returned to Bellegarde.
The armistice was to end on Sun-
day night, the 26th of February ; but
rumours were already current that
the entry of the German troops into
Paris had been the rock on which
the vessel of peace had struck — and
sunk ; and it was generally believed
that on the Monday morning hostil-
ities would recommence. Our hos-
pital at Bruyeres had already been
broken up, and our own patients
reduced to a very small number,
and these were to be sent off in a
few days. Our staff -surgeon was
also to depart on the same day, but
he informed me I should be required
to stay on for about a week with
Herr Miiller and our three freiicil-
ligen, for the purpose of taking care
that the chateau, when given up,
714
Under the Red Cross : A Narrative of
[June
should be left in as orderly and
cleanly a state as possible.
" If peace is not signed," he added,
" and hostilities recommence, I shall,
of course, have to take the direction
of another hospital. Are you tired
of your work ? or may I send for you
to occupy the same post with me
again 1 "
" Certainly," I answered ; " you
may count upon me. I have not the
least wish to give up work as long
as I can be useful."
The first train which passed our
house on Monday morning was
adorned with laurel-branches, and
the soldiers it conveyed waved their
hands out of the carriage-windows,
and shouted " Friede ! Friede ! "
(peace), so that we knew the storm
had been weathered, though, per-
haps, at the sacrifice of Parisian
amour propre.
And now active preparations were
made for the departure of the last
batch of patients, who all came to
bid me farewell. I did not observe
my friend the Uhlan among them,
but he arrived soon after alone, and
having expressed his gratitude for
the kindness and attention he had
received during his convalescence,
he added —
" Fraulein, you have got a brother
in the army, have you not ] "
" Yes," I replied ; " warnm 1 "
" Because I wanted to leave you
a little token of gratitude ; but, as
it is a thing unsuited to a lady, I
thought you would like to give it to
your brother as an errinerung des
feldzucfs " (a souvenir of the cam-
paign) ; and he drew from under his
coat a wooden pipe, which he had
cleverly fashioned and carved out of
the branches of a tree.
" Thank you," I said ; " you are
right. It is certainly not suited to
a lady ; but I shall keep it with
pride, as a remembrance of one of
my favourite patients."
The chateau looked quite sad and
unheimUch when the wards were
all empty, and we seemed to wander
like des dmes enpeine about the long
passages and deserted saloons ; but
there was plenty of work left to do.
What remained of provisions,
groceries, and candles, we distri-
buted amongst the poor French
about us, as well as some sheeting
and blankets ; but the bulk of the
linen had to be packed up in ticketed
bags, and, with the bedding, sent to
the central depot in Corbeil, whence
they would be forwarded to the
hospitals in Germany. The account-
books had to be balanced, the house
thoroughly cleansed, the furniture
replaced in the rooms from whence
it had been removed, and the porce-
lain returned to its cupboards.
The entry into Paris was now
free ; and having heard from my
brother that he had arrived from
England to fetch me, I decided, in-
stead of writing (for letters took
four days to reach the capital, not
more than sixteen miles distant), to
go myself and ask him to wait a
few days more for me, if his leave
permitted it. One of our freiwil-
ligen, who had the stable depart-
ment under his care, and who was
delighted at this chance of seeing
Paris before he returned home, of-
fered to drive me there and back
in an open victoria. I explained
to him how hazardous to him the
journey would be, for the exaspera-
tion of the mob against all Ger-
mans would place him in a very
dangerous position should his
nationality be suspected ; but he
begged so hard to be allowed to go
that I gave in, though not with-
out serious misgivings.
The next morning, provided with
a map of Paris, my English passport,
and a French and German laisser-
passer signed by the prefect of Cor-
beil, we started for the capital. On
leaving Villejuif we crossed the
Prussian barrier, and descending the
1871.] Hospital-Life with the Prussians in France. — Part II. 715
hill which runs under Fort Bicgtre
to the Porte d' Italic, we entered
Paris proper. An octroi guard
asked if I had anything liable
to duty; but neither he nor the
Mobiles at the barriere seemed to
notice my Prussian driver.
Proceeding at a brisk trot along
the Boulevard de 1'Hopital to the
guai, we continued along the river
across the Pont Neuf, then the
Place de 1'Hotel de Ville, and fol-
lowed the Eue de Eivoli until we
turned into the familiar cour of
Hotel Meurice. It being a Sunday,
the streets were thronged ; all the
men seemed to be in uniform, and
every one bent upon seeking amuse-
ment ; and to this fact I attributed
my having been allowed to pass un-
molested. I cannot say that I felt
at all comfortable, for carriages be-
ing then a very rare article, I knew
that we did not pass unobserved ;
and though I pretended to be in-
tently absorbed in a number of the
' Mot d'Ordre,' for the life of me I
could not have repeated one word
that was printed thereon.
Once under the shelter of Meu-
rice's, I breathed again freely. I
inquired if my brother were in.
" He went off not an hour ago
for Calais," answered the manager.
" Having vainly waited for days for
an answer to his letter, he concluded
you were no longer at the hospital,
and, his leave being over, he had to
return."
This put me out sadly, but it
could not be helped. Where could
I put my horse up for a couple of
hours, as I had another drive of
sixteen miles before me 1
"We have no stables in the
hotel," was the answer. " There is
one two streets off; but I don't ad-
vise you to send the carriage there
with your German coachman — you
may never see them again."
So we drew the vehicle up into a
remote corner of the seconde cour,
covering the horse with blankets, and
stuffing his nose into a bag full of
oats. At four o'clock the manager
— whose feelings were divided be-
tween sympathy for an old customer
and fellow-member of the Red Cross
Society (for thehotel had been turned
into an ambulance during the siege),
and regard for his own safety in dar-
ing to harbour a Prussian — advised
me to leave the town while it was
yet daylight, and most of the people
were bent in the direction of the
Champs Elysees, and because the
exit of the town was far more
hazardous than the entry.
" If you get into any difficulty,"
was his last piece of advice, " show
your English passport — that may
save you ; but if the canaille get
hold of your coachman, nothing will
save him from their fury; so tell
him on no account to speak a word,
or he might betray himself."
We took the same streets again ;
and I was congratulating myself on
our good luck, as we trotted through
the Barriere d'ltalie, when a very
repulsive-looking Red in a blouse
caught sight of my driver, and shak-
ing his fist at him, approached the
carriage, shouting out — " Tiens !
voila celui qui est pass4 ce matin —
fallait pas le laisser sortir; c'est un
Prussien, ce n'est pas un cocher, faut
1'arracher du siege ! " " Here's the
fellow who passed this morning ;
he is no coachman, but a Prussian
— let's pull him off his seat."
I once met a mad dog in a narrow
country lane many years ago, and
remember distinctly that though I
collected presence of mind sufficient
to scramble over a friendly hedge,
and thus get out of his track, my
teeth and knees knocked audibly
against each other in genuine and
uncontrollable terror ! But this
critical moment by the Paris bar-
riere was yet more terrible to
me ; and visions of what my
poor little German's fate would be
716
Under the Red Cross : A Narrative of
[June
in the hands of these bloodthirsty
ruffians must have given my face
the expression of blank and smil-
ing idiocy which I felt it suddenly
assuming, and prevented^, me from
uttering a single syllable ; indeed,
I felt my tongue cleaving helplessly
to my clenched teeth.
The German, who had heard and
understood every word, saved us by
sheer sang froid and pluck. Put-
ting his horses at a walk, he took
no more heed of the half-dozen
"blouses" which had now ap-
proached the carriage than if they
had been so many flies. The ruf-
fians followed the carriage up the
hill for a few yards, and then, con-
cluding they had been mistaken,
fell back. What a relief it was
when we recrossed the Prussian
lines, and once more found our-
selves amongst friendly faces ; and
I think I may safely say that no-
thing could make me forget that
memorable drive into Paris !
Madame Schmid and I went to
pay a farewell visit to our friends
in Corbeil, which, from its vicinity
to Paris, was now driving a brisk
trade in provisions, and seemed in
a constant state of " market-day."
The Picards were in great spirits.
Their only son, who had remained
shut up in Paris as a garde mobile,
and whom, hearing no news of for
five months, they had believed
killed, wounded, or taken prisoner,
had weathered all the disastrous
sorties ; and although he may have
made, I daresay, a great many of
those " pacts with death," which at
one time were much in vogue, he
returned safe and sound to his
family.
The caisse behind the counter
had been well filled, peace was
made, commerce would prosper,
"and," said the little Frenchman,
" when they are tired of playing
this little farce of the republic, the
throne will be replaced on the stage,
and occupied, it is to be hoped, by
its legitimate possessors : apropos"
he added, "do you know I have
been arrested again since I last saw
you?"
"Arrested again! for what?"
" I had brought from Paris some
caricatures of Trochu vendant les
clefs de Paris a Guillaume, and had
already sold several copies to Prus-
sian officers, when one day one of
'ces messieurs/ seeing it in my win-
dow asked me how I dare ' trainer
ainsi des grands honimes dans la
boue '" (thus drag great men through
the mire), "and made me follow him
to the commando, where I was de-
tained for several hours, until it was
proved that I had no intention of
personally insulting the Kaiser, and
then they let me off again."
As I took leave of the gardener
of Bellegarde, and returned several
beautiful foliage plants with which
he had adorned my sitting-room,
I inquired about the fate of the
Patron, and the animals he had
taken with him to Paris.
"M. Perrier," he replied, "had
now gone to Belgium to join his
family. He had lost two servants
through small-pox, and the seven
horses had all been killed and eaten ;
but the cow, whose milk had been
an inestimable resource, and who
had been kept concealed in a cellar,
and thus saved, was to return to
Bellegarde in a few days."
On the morning of the 8th of
March the remnant of our freiioil-
ligen society was disbanded. Madame
Schmid and the three kranken-
pfleger returned to Germany, Herr
Muller joined his brother at Rheims,
and I took the train at Juvissy.
Thus closed our task. My work
during nearly three months had
been hard, it is true, but always
interesting and satisfactory.
I parted affectionately from Ma-
dame Schmid, and shall always re-
member with interest that superb
1871.] Hospital-Life with the Prussians in France. — Part II. 717
firmness and strong personal ascend-
ancy by which she reduced the
much - disciplined officers and sol-
diers of Germany to a yet higher
state of obedience.
On landing at the Chemin de Fer
d' Orleans with my baggage, I secured
a coupe with the greatest difficulty
to take me to Meurice's. The only
train which conveyed passengers and
their luggage started at 9 P.M. ; so,
having* some shopping to do, and
knowing that cabs were not to be
hired, I sallied forth on foot without
taking off my badge, and sauntered
xip and down the Eue de Eivoli, Eue
Castiglione, Place Ven dome, and Eue
de la Paix, as far as the opera-house
and back again. The streets were
thronged with men dressed in uni-
form (I can't call them soldiers),
hurrying up and down without
seeming to have any fixed idea of
where they were wanted, or what
they would do when they got there ;
many ladies, all dressed in black, and
plenty of the inevitable " gamins " —
from these I occasionally caught the
ungrammatical remark as I passed,
" Voild une ambulance!" further,
no one took the slightest notice of
me, perhaps because I also was
clothed in black. In every shop I
went into it was the same story —
no work had been done since the
siege had begun, and now there was
no hope for a change, as strangers
did not arrive.
As I passed the well-known porte-
cochere in the Eue de la Paix, with
the metal plate on one side engraved
" Worth au premier," I wondered
how much the "great man" had
suffered from the siege ; and I was
astonished to see that Guerlain had
not removed from his labels " Four-
nisseur de S. M. 1'Imperatrice. "
What struck me most was the com-
plete security and facility of crossing
these once crowded streets, owing to
the absence of omnibuses and ve-
hicles of any kind. In a modiste
shop the "demoiselle" who served
me remarked — "Ah, vous etes bien
bonne, madame, d'avoir soigne* les
blesse's ! " I smiled, and shrugged
my shoulders deprecatingly. " Etiez
vous dans Paris pendant le siege 1 "
added my interlocutor.
"Non," I answered; "hors de
Paris ; " and deeming prudence the
better part of valour, I changed the
subject back to tulles and feathers,
and soon left the shop. I did not
contemplate with any satisfaction
the probability of the modiste dis-
covering me to be not a French
nurse, as she supposed, but a Prus-
sian one, and in a patriotic fit
handing me over to an exasperat-
ed crowd of Eeds. There was alto-
gether such a feeling of complete
insecurity in the atmosphere, and a
vacillating sort of motion in one's
limbs as one walked along, as if
stepping on the edge of a crater
which might burst out at any mo-
ment and annihilate you, that I was
not at all sorry when I found my-
self closely packed that night (al-
though in a very slow train), and
safe on my way to Calais. The
journey took eighteen hours instead
of five, and the Channel was even
more than usually rough ; but at
last I stood on the land of peace,
police, and express trains, and could
not refrain from uttering the hack-
neyed exclamation, "England, with
all thy faults I love thee still !"
VEBA.
718
Old and New Annalists of Oxford.
[June
OLD AND NEW ANNALISTS OF OXFORD.
IT was once our lot to assist — in
the French sense only — at one of
those rural entertainments known
as Penny Readings. In the course
of the evening a young gentleman
came forward and sang a song, which
was listened to, on the whole, with
respectful attention. Two young
farmers, who sat with ourselves in
the front row, were among the most
interested listeners, only interchang-
ing from time to time an earnest
whisper. When the performance
was concluded, and the usual amount
of decorous applause had subsided,
one of them rose, and, leaning for-
ward to the platform, addressed the
performer in a confidential aside. —
" Mr D , if you please, sir, wor
that comic?" Mr D , with
much modesty, confessed that it
was so intended. The questioner
turned round to his friend and said
triumphantly, " There now, Jim ! I
told you as 'twere comic."
We have not had the opportunity
of putting such a question confiden-
tially to Mr JeafFreson as to the hook
which he calls the ' Annals of Ox-
ford.' The title, certainly, gives no
hint of facetiousness. But this,
so far as we can judge from a very
limited acquaintance with that
branch of literature, is the case
with a good many popular effusions,
which are nevertheless distinctly in-
tended by their authors to be, and
held by their admirers to be, im-
mensely comic. Nor, again, can we
conscientiously say that we have
found any sort of fun in the book —
far from it; but this, again, as all
of us know from dismal experience,
is no disproof whatever of an inten-
tion to be funny. If a liberal use
of slang, and a preference, in most
cases, for a kind of circumlocutory
banter rather than plain English
terminology, are proof presumptive
of comic intention — as they would
seem to be, judging from the prac-
tice of the confessedly facetious
writers of the day — then we should
be doing the author no wrong if we
called his book the ' Comic Annals
of Oxford.' When we find Oxford
itself spoken of as the " ' Varsity "-
an undergraduate vulgarism, against
which even ' Bell's Life,' no very
stern sesthetic censor, has vain-
ly protested ; when, in an account
of the secession of the scholars in
King John's time, we are told that
the whole body " skedaddled ; "
when a birch-rod is translated by
"the flagrant besom ;" — and these are
merely isolated flowers of language,
for, as we may hare occasion to
show hereafter, there are whole pas-
sages written in this style, — we feel
sure that we are reading a history of
Oxford written down to the modern
fast undergraduate's point of view.
These flowers of language are not
amusing, of course ; but they are
meant to be comic.
If the author had been content
to adopt for these flimsy volumes a
title corresponding to those which
designate some other works of his ;
if he had called this ' A Book
about Oxford,' instead of the ' An-
nals of Oxford,' he would have
found quite as many readers for his
collection of extracts and anecdotes,
without assuming for them a char-
acter to which they were wholly
unentitled. Or again, if he had left
the extracts and anecdotes to tell
their own story, without overlaying
them with the slang and vulgarity
which are his own especial contribu-
The Annals of Oxford. By J. C. Jeaffreson, B.A. Oxon. Hurst & Blackett : 1871.
1871.]
Old and New Annalists of Oxford.
719
tion, the volumes might have amused
an idle and not over-critical reader,
without irritating him as they do
now. As it is, he has achieved the
exploit of having spoilt a good sub-
ject. For a history of the Univer-
sity, not too learned to be generally
readable, and not too popular to be
accurate, is somewhat of a desider-
atum. There is not much really
worth reading on the general subject
except the old volumes of Anthony a
Wood; and Anthony, though abun-
dantly painstaking and amusing, is
not always honest. Some good ma-
terials for such a work have been
lately published, under the editor-
ship of the Rev. Henry Anstey, in
the series of ' Chronicles and Me-
morials ' issued by authority of the
Master of the Rolls.* Of these Mr
Jeaffreson has made very imperfect
use. These volumes comprise the
Chancellors' and Proctors' Books
from about 1350 to 1460 (but which
contain copies of earlier documents),
together with certain University re-
gisters, and records of the Chancel-
lor's court. No records of the early
halls are known to exist ; but mat-
ter equally important and interest-
ing must lie buried in the archives
of individual colleges, which would
probably not be inaccessible to a
duly-accredited inquirer.
Of the history of Oxford, before
the thirteenth century, we can be
said to know positively nothing.
The University itself possesses no
earlier records of any kind. That
schools of some kind existed there
long before that date, there seems
to be no reasonable doubt. But
such traditions as have come down
to us on this subject have all the
character of fable. Even of the
thirteenth century the authentic
records are but few. It is not until
the establishment of colleges in the
latter half of that century — corporate
foundations, which have maintained
until now a continuous existence
and a fixed domicile — that any such
records were likely to have been
preserved. The earlier students,
whatever their numbers or their
character, were either scattered in
lodgings throughout the town, or
boarded together in certain tene-
ments which were rented from the
citizens by some professional scholar
of maturer age, who commonly act-
ed both as teacher and boarding-
house keeper, and made his living
thereby. Public schools came after-
wards to be built, for the greater
convenience of teaching in classes,
the use of which, upon making
a certain payment, each "master"
could have for his lectures. Such,
very briefly, seems to have been the
nucleus of the colleges and of the
University respectively. But what-
ever records or books might have
been kept by the governors of these
earlier academic halls (and no doubt
they did keep such), not having
been handed down to hereditary
custodians, have perished, as has
been said, so far as all present in-
quiry can ascertain, and with them
all trustworthy data for Oxford's
early history.
Mr Jeaffreson is highly facetious
as to these dark ages, and indulges
his powers of imaginary description
rather largely. As in this particu-
lar chapter he is only facetious, and
not offensive, the reader must take
the following as a somewhat favour-
able specimen of his vein : —
" In the almost total absence of perti-
nent evidence to enlighten my ignorance
or expose my blunders, I have no inten-
tion to imitate the conscientious reticence
and timorous moderation of scribes, whose
account of the University's earlier years
is little more than a confession of their
uncertainty about them. On the contrary,
*Munimenta Academica; or, Documents illustrative of Academical Life and Studies
at Oxford. 1868.
720
Old and New Annalists of Oxford.
[June
I have much pleasure in stating precisely
how the original schools of Oxford were
planted, how they took root, and how they
grew into the imposing, and august, and
complicated affair which, in compliance
with an antiquated and highly absurd
fashion, Oxonians are wont to call their
Alma Mater. . . .
" Towards the last year of the eleventh
century, there might have been seen wend-
ing their tardy way towards the walls of
Oxford, a party consisting of seven ped-
estrians, whose rusty habiliments and
thoughtful countenances betokened their
possession of learning and their want of
money. Each of the wayfarers bore,
slung from his neck, a wallet, of which
the chief contents were a slenderly-pro-
vided purse and the materials for a frugal
meal. . . .
" I am in a position to state the exact
considerations which decided these dealers
in learning to select Oxford as the scene
of their future labours ; but as it would
not answer my purpose to render the pub-
lic altogether as knowing as myself, I shall
not record the auspicious motives, until
some critic has demonstrated to my satis-
faction that the adventurers would have
done better for themselves and society at
large had they settled in Stoke Pogis,
Mudfog-in-the-West, or Blathering-by-
the-Sea. ... It might be imagined
that these founders of Oxford University,
before announcing their readiness to in-
struct pupils, built or hired houses in
which to receive their little friends ; but
they did no such thing. . . . One of
the adventurers acquired for a few pence,
paid half-yearly, a spacious and cobwebby
garret at the top of a cordwainer's dwell-
ing ; another was so fortunate as to secure
a room over a beer-shop ; a third, the
most successful of the party, contrived to
get possession of a disused stable, a loft,
an old hen-house, and a small court con-
taining a large water-butt, on the under-
standing that he would teach reading,
writing, and arithmetic to his landlord's
three sons."
If any reader cares to have the
' Annals ' of Oxford written in this
fashion, he will find his taste fully
gratified in these volumes.
The halls or inns, in which the
students of the twelfth and thir-
teenth centuries lived, probably num-
bered from three to four hundred
when the University was full. They
bore in many cases, like the present
colleges, the names of popular
saints. Besides two or three St
Marys, St Edmunds, and St Johns,
— whose representatives are still to
be recognised — there were St Paul,
St James, Si Thomas, St William,
St George, St Martin, St Cuthbert,
St Michael, St Lawrence, and St
Mildred's Halls. Others were
named after the original occupier,
or some succeeding teacher who had
made for himself an academical re-
putation. Such names as Newell's
Inn, Takley's Inn, Trillock's Inn
(now New Inn Hall), Willough-
by's Hall, Perry's Hall, and Bos-
tar's Hall, represent all that sur-
vives of the fame of their sometime
occupiers. Some again took their
designation from their locality, or
from some outward feature, — as, for
instance, Corner Hall, Broadgates
Hall (merged in Pembroke Col-
lege), Elm Hall, Ivy HaU, Deep
Hall, two White Halls, and Great
and Little Black Hall. Cabbage
Hall, at the foot of Headington Hill,
was said to have been founded by a
tailor.* "Glass" Hall, "Tiled"
HaU, and " Chimney " Hall, most
likely commemorate the first intro-
duction of those modern conveni-
ences into academic architecture.
A great many of the scholars' tene-
ments had some distinctive sign
over their doorways, like the shops
and taverns (indeed some of them
had very possibly once been occu-
pied as such), and by these devices
they were known. The Lion, the
Bull, the Eagle, the Hawk, the Cat,
the Hare, the Vine, the Shield, the
Feathers, the Saracen's Head, — all
* ' ' Caterpillar Hall, the name of the house higher up the hill, was no doubt a
complimentary appellation, intimating to posterity that, on account of its better
commons, it had drawn away a great number of students from the inferior society ;
or, in other words, that the caterpillar had eat up the cabbage." — Huddesford's
Notes to Wood.
1871.]
Old and New Annalists of Oxford.
721
appear from time to time in the list
of halls on the University register.
Hart Hall survived until it was
merged in the short-lived foundation
of Hertford College by Dr Newton
in 1740. Brasenose College, still
displaying the well-known symbol
over its entrance-gates, is the only
existing foundation which retains its
ancient sign. Some authorities have
discovered a somewhat more refined
derivation for the name, asserting
that it means the Erasing or Brew-
ing House, from the low Latin
brasinium; but there can be little
doubt but that the Brasen Nose,
whatever its origin, gave its name
to the hall which appears under
that designation early in the thir-
teenth century. The colony which
migrated to Stamford in 1334 were
so far from being ashamed of the
homely symbol, that they set up a
rival brasen nose (which is still, or
was very lately, existing) over their
gates in their new locality. There
was an old University tradition —
due probably to the inventive genius
of some undergraduate of the day —
that the original sign was a conven-
tional portrait of the nose of the
famous John Duns (Scotus), and set
up in affectionate remembrance of
the great lecturer.
The earliest benefactions to the
University, for the encouragement
of poor scholars, were in the form
of sums of money, which were de-
posited in separate " chests," bearing
the names of the respective donors,
kept under the special guardianship
of the university authorities, and
usually deposited for safety, as it
would appear, in the university
church. From these, grants were
made from time to time to deserving
applicants, in the way of loan — never,
originally, as gifts. The recipient
had to deposit some valuable article
by way of pledge, and this was al-
ways to be of greater sworn value
than the sum received as a loan.
VOL. CIX. — NO. DCLXVIII.
He was also bound to repeat a cer-
tain number of " Aves " and "Pater-
nosters" for the souls of his particular
benefactor ; an ordinance of which
the traces yet remain in the official
thanksgiving (for it has been modi-
fied into that shape), introduced into
the " bidding " prayer before every
University sermon, in which the
names of special founders and bene-
factors are still commemorated, on
some special occasions forming a list
of considerable length. It was a
very curious arrangement, to our
modern notions; in fact, as Mr
Anstey calls it, a "pawnbroking
department," neither more nor less.
Precious manuscripts, jewelled dag-
gers, silver cups, famed garments,
were among the iisual deposits made
by the students who required a loan
of money from one of these public
banks to pay his battels, or settle
accounts with some importunate
tradesman. The difficulty which at
once strikes us is, how the really
needy student could be in possession
of such valuables ; and the disagree-
able impression is left upon the
mind that, in those times as now,
the well-to-do borrower could be
easily accommodated, while the poor
had too often to go empty away.
The poverty of the medieval stu-
dents comes out very strongly in
these University records. The whole
nation was poor, comparatively ; but
in many cases the life of the young
scholar, far removed from home and
friends, and to whom the fatal facil-
ities of credit, the bane of modern
university life, were unknown, must
have been a hard and pinching
struggle. The furniture of the
chamber which he shared with three
or four companions was probably
worse than he would have found in
his own home ; his meals were
coarse and badly cooked ; his best
cloak in winter-time might too pro-
bably be in pawn in one of the pub-
lic loan-chests. Sometimes, as a fa-
3D
722
Old and New Annalists of Oxford.
[June
vour from the University authorities,
he obtained during vacation a licence
to beg. There is at least more ex-
cuse for him than there would be
for the modern undergraduate, if we
find him, as we do occasionally, in
these black books of the proctors,
committing highway robbery in Bag-
ley Wood. Considering the great
difficulties of locomotion in those
days, the length of the journey home,
and the probable poverty of the
criminals, one would be half inclin-
ed to condone the offence of the
" two Welsh scholars " who in 1461,
according to the records of the Chan-
cellor's Court, stole a horse out of
the stable of the " Cardinal's Hat,"
and rode off into Wales on it. After
all, it was only the host's story : the
horse had undoubtedly disappeared,
and he had to pay for it.*
But in the midst of all this pov-
erty there were wealthy members
of the University even in these
medieval times. There was a far
broader distinction of ranks, both
in and out of academic society.
While the son of the yeoman was
painfully husbanding his slender re-
sources, the student of high degree
was to be seen spending his money
freely within the same walls. Some
of these latter brought with them to
the University a retinue of serving-
men such as would astonish the
most extravagant modern under-
graduate. The feasts which they
were in the habit of giving at their
"inception" for the M.A. degree
were carried to such an excess of
expenditure, that they had to be
limited by special statute. George
Neville, younger brother to the
great Earl of Warwick, feasted six
hundred guests in Balliol College on
the day of his inception. If a stu-
dent claimed noble birth — and the
claim seems to have extended wider
than in later days — he became the
table companion of the head of his
college ; if his social rank did not
amount to this, he dined at the table
of the fellows as a " fellow-com-
moner " or "gentleman-commoner."
The same gradations of position are
found in the records of our oldest
public schools — Winchester and
Eton. The outward distinctions of
rank, the gold tufts and the silk
gowns which we are rather inclined
to smile at in these days, and which
rouse Mr Jeaffreson's ire so need-
lessly, were quite in harmony with
the differences in ordinary costume
which formerly prevailed in the
various ranks of society. The gold-
lace on the young nobleman's dress-
gown, seen rarely in our own times
at commemoration, presented no-
thing strange to eyes which, like
those of Anthony a Wood in much
later times than we are just now
speaking of, had seen even in so
small a society as Gloucester Hall,
" the worst rented " of all, " twenty
or more gentlemen-commoners clad
either in doublets of cloth of silver
or gold." It is possible that the
" levelling up " which prevails in all
such matters in our own times, when,
so far as dress goes, no one can tell
the mistress from the lady's-maid
except by the more quiet tone and
subdued colours, and when no one
wears gold-lace except a beadle, may
be an improvement in society to all
eyes but those of an artist. The
colleges have now, with but few ex-
ceptions, seen fit to obliterate all
distinctions in rank, and status, and
academic dress, amongst their under-
graduate members. If this has the
effect of educating the young noble-
man and the future territorial lord
in the simple habits and tastes
which befit the scholar, well and
good. But how, if it teaches the
son of the country parson, and the
half-pay officer, and the hard-work-
* Anstey's Munimenta, p. 684.
1871.]
Old and New Annalists of Oxford.
723
ing professional man, that he stands
exactly upon the same social level
as the heir of half a county, and
has therefore a right to adopt the
same ways of life, the same amuse-
ments, and, as a consequence, some-
thing like the same scale of expen-
diture ?
Mr Jeaffreson is fiercely indignant
at what he considers the servile
adulation shown by the University
at all times to rank, and more espe-
cially to royalty. He condones the
flatteries which the gownsmen be-
stowed upon Queen Elizabeth at her
visits, probably on the ground that
she was a woman ; but he has very
little patience with their reception of
her successor, James — "Solomon,"
as he facetiously calls him; and
when he has to record how " Solo-
mon delivered himself of a Latin
speech," he fancies that even at this
distance of time he " can hear the
pompous intonations of the Scotch
Latin." We cannot pretend to so
fine an ear as the writer, nor can we
reproduce, even in fancy, the exact
accentuation of King James ; but
it is most probable that its broad
vowels came much more near the
Roman intonation than the emas-
culated and corrupt pronunciation
which has so long prevailed in our
English universities, and which our
best scholars are now combining to
reform. Here is the annalist's pic-
ture of what he conceives to have
been the state of social feeling in
Oxford in " the feudal times ;" the
witty form of expression must at
least be Mr Jeaffreson' s own, for we
cannot think the medieval under-
graduate was capable of it : —
" ' Universitas' was supposed to derive
dignity and virtue from every patrician
lad who stayed for a few terms in one of
her hotels ; and in order that students of
noble degree on leaving Alma Mater might
report favourably of Oxford as ' an awfully
jolly place, where f'lers were deuced civil
and pleasant, you know, and all that sort
of thing, you know,' — they were surfeited
with slavish homage by chancellor, proc-
tors, principals, tutors, and ever}' order
of academicians from doctors to freshmen.
When they showed themselves in High
Street, graduates of divinity bowed low be-
fore, physicians fell cringingly backwards
into the gutter so that their highnesses
should have room to pass, and artists
showed their delight in noble beings by
going through the ocular practice known
to cynics by a disdainful phrase, which
declares the possibility of kissing with the
eyes. These favoured youths were im-
plored to wear brilliant garments, and to
soften the severity of their geometrical
caps with tassels of auriferous lace — fop-
pish excesses which would have brought
undergraduates of ordinary clay to the
birching-block. They were provided with
softer beds, and sustained with choicer
meats, than those prepared for common
scholars."
The outward homage paid to rank
was, as we all know, a very different
thing two or three centuries ago
from what it would be now ; in
point of fact, it is a social custom
which has almost entirely disap-
peared. "Whether honoured more
in the breach than in the obser-
vance is a question on which we
might perhaps find ourselves at issue
with Mr Jeaffreson; who, we are
sure, never allows a servant to touch
his hat to him, always asks John to
take a chair when he comes into the
study, wears that individual's livery
turn and turn about while he gets
into his master's best dress suit, and
never has " choicer meats " served
at his own table than are supplied
for the kitchen dinner. Less than
this, we feel convinced, could never
satisfy so stout a champion of equal-
ity and fraternity.
The distinctions of rank were very
marked indeed, both in the Univer-
sity and elsewhere, in the times of
which the annalist is speaking. But
it should always be remembered that
the same homage which the com-
moner paid to the noble was exacted,
by the statutes of the University,
from the bachelor of arts to the mas-
ter, from the master to the doctor.
724
Old and New Annalists of Oxford.
[June
The scholars of Queen's College were
to answer the questions put by the
fellows '''upon their knees;" the
undergraduates of Jesus were to go
bareheaded in the quadrangle when
one of the seniors was in sight. Yet
without affecting such an intimate
and intuitive acquaintance with the
sayings and doings of those times as
Mr Jeaffreson has assured us he pos-
sesses, we think he has a little over-
drawn his portrait; and for this
reason. He gives us, in a few words,
a companion picture — though he
confesses that its shadows are not so
dark — of the Oxford of the present ;
he speaks of " the fulsome flatteries
and servile compliments with which
the collegiate dons and plebeian un-
dergraduates, known in Victorian
England as tufthunters, make life
pleasant and poisonous to the ' tufts'
of Christ Church and other fashion-
able colleges." We know this last
to be a fancy sketch ; and therefore
we doubt whether Alma Mater, at
any period of her existence, ever
really sat for the other.
But our censor reserves his prin-
cipal vial of wrath to pour upon the
University when she received George
IV. (then Regent) at Christ Church,
and when the royal guest " won by
postprandial eloquence the enthusi-
astic plaudits of a noisy gathering
of aristocratic dignitaries, hilarious
gownsmen, and academic syco-
phants." (It is a fine sentence; but
we fear Mr Jeaffreson has forgotten
his logic, and made what Aldrich
would have called a "cross division;"
does he mean that none of the gowns-
men were sycophants, and that none
of the dignitaries were gownsmen ?)
Oxford did go rather mad, no doubt,
upon that occasion. Those were
the glorious days of England, when
she had done more than hold her
own. The great sovereigns of Eu-
rope had come to pay a special visit
of honour to the gallant nation who
had spared neither its blood nor its
money to maintain the liberties of
the world. It was an honour to the
University to receive such guests at
such a time, and the academic autho-
rities were right in so esteeming it.
The official "account of the visit,"
against which Mr Jeaffreson inveighs
so bitterly as " steeped in flunky-
ism," was certainly not drawn up in
the best possible taste. He is espe-
cially hard upon the frequent use of
the word " condescension." It was
not much more, we suppose, than a
fagon de parler of the day. But
that the Regent should be spoken of
as " condescending " to put on a
doctor's red gown, and " more than
once to express his approbation of
the arrangements," strikes the inde-
pendent mind of our annalist with
horror. The general abuse of the
Prince which he takes occasion there-
upon to introduce, we may pass over
with the remark that its taste is at
least as questionable as that of the
academic courtiers. Whatever the
Regent was in his private character,
he represented there the majesty of
England, and in many points repre-
sented it with dignity and grace.
But the animus of Mr Jeaffreson's
strictures may be fairly judged of
from the following passage, which
he quotes with a sneer, and with
italics of his own, from Dr Ingram's
Memorials — an author of whom he
is good enough otherwise to speak
with patronising approval : — "I
don't like to laugh at the worthy
doctor," he says, parenthetically, "for
his ' Memorials of Oxford ' is a capi-
tal book." (One would have liked
to have had poor Dr Ingram's opin-
ion, had he been living, of Mr
Jeaffreson's publication.)
" The room was filled with men of rank
and eminence ; but among them all, at-
tention was particularly directed to the
veteran Blucher, who, sensible of the
feeling, rose and addressed the company
in his native German : which was imme-
diately and eloquently translated into
English by the Prince Regent, omitting
1871.]
Old and New Annalists of Oxford.
725
only (with that exquisite good taste which
distinguished him) those parts which were
complimentary to himself."
The italics, as we have said, are
Mr Jeaffreson's, and we are much
obliged to him for them — otherwise
we might certainly have missed the
point of the quotation. There are,
we dare to say, other delicate touches
of satire in those Annals which
have been lost upon us in the per-
usal, merely for the want of these
useful literary finger-posts. Even
with their help, we fail to see any-
thing especially ludicrous either as
regards the Prince or Dr Ingram.
But the undergraduates of that day
come in for their share of the lash
of this modern Diogenes, for their
servility on this occasion.
' "The undergraduates occupied their
crowded loft in full force, and cheered till
they were hoarse, when the Prince Re-
gent, after walking on crimson cloth from
the Divinity School to the Theatre, con-
descended to ascend the dai's provided for
the proper elevation of royalty."
The class of undergraduates for
whom these volumes appear to have
been written, would no doubt have
behaved very differently, and in a
manner to insure the author's entire
approbation. They would probably
have stopped the whole proceedings
of the day by a storm of discordant
clamour, mostly inarticulate, but,
whenever intelligible, resonant of
what the London "gents" call
" chaff," and enlivened with bril-
liant flashes of slang witticism, such
as would remind us of Mr Jeaffre-
son's best manner. They would
most likely have shown their noble
contempt for dignities, royal or aca-
demic, by asking the Emperor of
Russia for a song, by making strong
personal remarks upon Blucher's
boots, and by insisting on the ex-
pulsion from the Sheldonian The-
atre of some foreign member of their
staff who wore what they were
pleased to consider a remarkable
head-dress. They would have been
very far indeed from displaying
anything like servility towards
royalty. They had the hereditary
successor of the Prince Regent
among them not very long ago, and
Mr Jeaffreson must be gratified to
know that some of them were so
truly independent as to call him
" Wales." Does it never strike such
people that there may be two dis-
tinct developments of " flunkyism "
— the servile and the familiar ; and
that to some minds the latter is the
infinitely more offensive of the two ?
When the young shopman in your
own town is so remarkably obse-
quious to you behind his counter,
you don't think much the worse of
him, and certainly not a bit the
better of yourself; but if the same
" gent " were to clap you on the
back in the street, and salute you as
" old f 'lar " (we borrow our author's
spelling of the word), your personal
disgust would be very apt to take
the form of kicking him.
But let us return to the earlier
annals, and see how Mr Jeaffreson
deals with that curious account which
Anthony a Wood (translating freely
from Matthew of Paris and Thomas
de Wyke) gives us of the great riot
which took place in the year 1238,
between the Oxford scholars and
the retainers of Cardinal Otho, the
Pope's Italian legate, who had come
to make an ecclesiastical visitation of
the University. The story has been
so often reproduced that we should
not trouble our readers with it, but
for the opportunity of contrasting
the old annalist with the new.
Otho and his company lay at
Oseney Abbey, some five miles off.
A deputation of the scholars waited
upon him, bearing presents, after
the custom of the day.
" But when they came (not without
solemn procession) to the door of the
Guests' Hall, the porter, who was an Ita-
lian belonging to the Cardinal, spake with
726
Old and New Annalists of Oxford.
[June
a loud voice after the Roman fashion (by
no means fit and opportune in this so-
lemnity), and rudely asked them their
business, what they would have, what
they came for, &c. To which the clerks
gave answer, ' that they might approach
the presence of the Lord Legate, and offer
him their devoirs ; for they confidently
believed that they should be received
with honour, forasmuch as they had be-
fore sent in their presents. But the said
porter, speaking tauntingly to them, de-
nied entrance with great haughtiness and
scorn. The clerks, taking this for a great
affront, forcibly rushed in ; and those
Italians, the Legate's servants, that would
have thrusted them back, and were ready
to oppose them with their swords, they
beat with their fists and their staves that
they then had. While these things were
in doing, it happened that a certain poor
chaplain of Ireland, at this time a student
in the University, was standing at the
kitchen-door, and, after the manner of a
poor hunger-starved wretch, was begging
for God's love some boon to relieve his
hungry stomach; but him when the
master of the Legate's cooks (brother to
the said Legate, whom he had appointed
in that office lest poison should be min-
gled with his meat) heard, and not able
any longer, or at least would not, endure
his solicitations, being at the same time
or soon after that the scholars had beaten
the Italians, took scalding liquor out of a
caldron wherein some fat meat had been
newly boiled, and cast it into his face.
A Welsh clerk, who stood by and beheld
this injury, cried out — ' Fie for shame !
shall we suffer this ? ' And so being not
able to endure that affront given to his
fellow-academian, bent his bow which
he had with him (for it was now the
fashion for secular academians to carry
arms about them), and shot the said
master or clerk (whom they satirically
called Nabuzaradan — i.e., Magister Co-
quorum) through the body dead in the
place."
Thus Wood tells the story — not
so well or so simply as his authori-
ties, yet well enough. And now
let us hear Mr Jeaffreson. (It should
be remembered that Wood had a
fancy for Latinising his name into
"Antonius a Bosco," which the mo-
dern annalist turns to great comic
account.)
" The incidents to which Antonius a
Bosco thus points in language befitting
the historian's dignity, I imagine to have
been just these. To the knocking and
kicking against the door of the Guests'
Hall, whereby the peaceful scholars pro-
claimed their desire to enter, the porter,
on opening the wicket, and speaking in the
Roman fashion, demanded, 'Well, now,
what are you doing here ? ' ' Doing ? '
answered the students, ' we have come
out to Oseney to call on the Lord Legate. '
'Have you?' retorted the official; 'then
you may go back again without seeing the
Lord Legate.' ' What ! you have taken our
presents,' cried the students, 'and treat
us in this way! Your Lord Legate is a nice
fellow. He has housed the grub, and
won't give us a crust in return. That is
just like an Italian.' To which — -still
speaking in the Roman fashion — the por-
ter responded, ' Bless your imperence ;
my Lord Legate take your trash ! not a bit
of it. The abbot's swineherd gave your
presents to his pigs. There, get out with
you! You are a low lot.' . . .
" For a few minutes the shindy was
universal and sanguinary. Claret was
tapped, eyes were blackened, heads were
broken in every direction. The Italian
soldiers of the Legate's guard wished them-
selves safe back in the south, when the
storming- party raised the cry of ' On to the
kitchen ! we'll see what our Lord's Legate
is going to have for dinner.' Whereupon
the struggle was transferred to the culin-
ary chambers of the religious house, and
some smart fighting came off amongst the
pots and pans. But the chief cook, —
Otho's own brother, — was a terrible and
unscrupulous adversary. . . . Irritated
by the jeering voice of an Irish scholar,
who with polite importunity asked him
for a warm plate of soup and a mug of
wine, the satanic miscreant, instead of
bestirring himself to minister to the phy-
sical comfort of the Hibernian chaplain,
' took scalding liquor out of a caldron
wherein some fat meat had been newly
boiled, and cast it into his face.' A cry
for vengeance arose from the scholars of
' Down with him ! Up with him ! Fling
him in the big copper, and boil him
into soup ! ' In another instant a Welsh
scholar, sympathising with his cousin
from the Emerald Isle, drew his bow, and
shot the superlative cook dead as a door-
nail. It is not said whether the scholars
proceeded to boil him; but the total si-
lence of history respecting the Italian cai-
tiffs sepulture is circumstantial evidence
in favour of the suggestion that the fero-
cious Oxonians cooked the cook and then
ate him."
The results of the fray were seri-
ous. The Legate, alarmed for his
1871.]
Old and New Annalists of Oxford.
727
personal safety, took refuge in the
abbey church until nightfall ; when
he " mounted the best horse he
had " — or, as our comic annalist has
it, " threw his legs over pig-skin" ! —
and rode off to King Henry III.,
who was then at Abingdon, with
his complaint. It ended in an in-
terdict being laid upon the Univer-
sity, which the excellent Bishop
Grossteste had great difficulty in
getting removed.
In those earlier centuries blows
were readily struck, and it may be
easily conceived that the youth of
England gathered in the University,
whether their numbers were nearer
3000 or 30,000 (the larger figures
have their advocates), were never
slow to strike them.
The feuds between " Town and
Gown" are as ancient as the Uni-
versity itself. To some extent, no
doubt, the antagonism has its root
in the nature of things. The scholar
and the clerk looked down with a
certain contempt on the unlettered
laic. He in his turn could not but
entertain a jealousy of those who
were not only initiated into mys-
teries from which he was himself
excluded, but were also protected by
privileges and immunities. The
life of a cleric, in the days when all
lives had their price, was valued at
double that of a layman. The homi-
cide, for which in later days the un-
educated Englishman went to the
gallows, was condoned in the crimi-
nal of whom it could be said, when
the text of the black-lettered volume
was put into his hands by the of-
ficer of the court — " Legit ut deri-
cus" There was little real attach-
ment at any time in England be-
tween the priestly caste and the
commons. There was a good deal
of ignorant awe on the part of the
latter towards the former, and abun-
dant hatred, open and concealed,
but very little love. And the gowns-
men in the University town, though
not identical with the clergy, shared
their privileges, and, in consequence,
their unpopularity. There was also
the unavoidable clashing of interests ;
in early times as between landlords
and tenants — always as between
sellers and buyers. So long as the
occupiers of the Halls rented them
from the townsmen, it was natural
for the latter to seek to raise their
terms as the demand for lodgings
grew with the growing University ;
while the tenants quite as naturally
looked upon such a process as ex-
tortion. Mr JeafFreson is satirically
indignant because some kind of legal
tariff in such matters was at last
enacted, at the instance of the Uni-
versity authorities, by King Henry
III. Though he is very far from
Tory proclivities in general, he is
strongly of opinion that every Eng-
lish landlord should be allowed to
do what he will with his own.
He tells us (drawing here entirely,
it must be remembered, out of the
wealth of his own imagination) that
when the town landlords demanded
an increase of rent, " The prin-
cipals answered that, though rent
was by its very nature a thing ob-
noxious to the philosophic mind,
and scarcely to be endured, they
would consent to pay the rent
fixed in days when house property
was comparatively valueless, but
would neither vacate their habita-
tions nor pay a groat more for the
occupancy of them ; " while the
undergraduates of those days, we
are told (on the same authority),
" thought that, unless the extor-
tioners would listen to reason and
justice, it would be necessary to cut
the throat of every landlord in Ox-
ford." Happily no such desperate
remedy was required. The King
was pleased to appoint four commis-
sioners or taxors, two of the town
and two of the University, with
power to fix the rents, from time to
time, at which the halls or inns
723
Old and Neio Annalists of Oxford.
[June
should be let to their occupants.
That these officers "discharged their
invidious duties with honesty," Mr
Jeaffreson thinks, "is probable;" but
nevertheless he looks upon the
royal decree as " certainly savouring
of spoliation." It would seem to
most persons as fair and equitable
an arrangement as could well be
made.
The question of the market price
of commodities was also one upon
which, as buyers and sellers, the
citizens and the gownsmen were
likely to disagree. Demand and
supply could not find their natural
level in days when the means of
communication were limited, and
when the local merchant had a vir-
tual monopoly. Laws in restraint of
trade, which political economists now
laugh at, were then almost a neces-
sary of legislation. The price of
wine, of beer, of butcher's meat, and
such necessaries of life, had to be
fixed by law, not always to the satis-
faction of the purveyors ; and even
the tailors' bills were subject to sta-
tutory regulations as to price. Thus
the University from the beginning
took up a position of antagonism,
which, however necessary in self-
defence, helped to separate still
wider the interests of the town
and the gown. It might have
been supposed that, inasmuch as
the wealth and prosperity of the
city arose out of and depended
upon the presence of the University
within its walls, the citizens would
have regarded the gownsmen as
their most substantial friends. But
it has never been so at any period.
Class jealousy has been stronger
even than self-interest; and not
even the danger, more than once
imminent, of the whole scholastic
body migrating to Northampton or
to Stamford, and condemning the
streets of Oxford to a perpetual
long vacation, could suffice to make
the municipal body regard their
guests in any other light than as
an alien army of occupation, whose
money it was good to take, and
whose presence, therefore, must be
endured. Not that the fault lay
altogether with the citizens. There
is an insolence inherent, it would
seem, in the student-life, whether
English, Spanish, or German, in-
separable from it at all periods of
its history. The German bursch
terms the whole non-academic world
Philistines, and his fellows at Ox-
ford or Cambridge regard it in much
the same light ; a feeling which the
other party is not slow to detect,
and does not fail to return in its
own fashion. For this reason, per-
haps, more than any other, when
the University of Oxford clung to
what was left of Romanism, the
town was Puritan ; when the Uni-
versity was in arms for the King,
the townsmen were almost unani-
mously Roundheads ; when the
University pronounces for Conser-
vatism, the town feels it a point of
honour to return two Radicals.
In our peaceful times, the strug-
gles between these two bodies — so
closely united, and yet so widely
separated — are confined chiefly to
politics, national or local; a fight
of words, in the matter of parochial
rates, or the election of a school
board — that new apple of discord
thrown down by a provident Legis-
lature. But in the earlier days of
Oxford the fighting was in bloody
earnest — commonly arising out of
some trifling incident, but which
the perpetual jealousy easily made
cause of quarrel. The weapons, too,
were always at hand. In spite
of statutes enacted and re-enacted
against the carrying arms by the
members of the University, it was a
scholar of a very poor spirit who did
not wear his dagger somewhere about
him ; or who, even if, out of fear of
the Chancellor, he did not carry his
cross-bow openly in the High Street,
1871.]
Old and New Annalists of Oxford.
729
failed to have it handy in his cham-
ber. In days when the fashion of
going armed was common to men of
every social rank but the lowest,
it was to be expected that the Uni-
versity student should chafe against
the prohibition in his own excep-
tional case. The students at King's
College, Aberdeen, appear to have
been specially ingenious in the
variety of the weapons which they
adopted, in order to evade the let-
ter of the prohibition ; so that the
statute had to recite in detail a
list of forbidden implements under
names, many of which are quite
incomprehensible to an English
reader.* An inventory which Mr
Anstey gives us of the goods and
chattels of a scholar of the fifteenth
century might shock the luxurious
tastes of a modern Oxonian. One
chair, a couple of tables, and a few
three-legged stools, comprise the
furniture; the library is what a
clever auctioneer might call " small
but well selected ; " two books of
homilies, Boethius' Commentaries
on Aristotle and Porphyry, a book
of geometry, and Ovid's ' Remedium
Amoris ; ' an " ancient gittern " and
" a broken lute " are an almost
pathetic record of tastes — never too
common in the University — which
the owner for some reason seems
to have neglected ; but we find
there the indispensable " sword,"
the pair of daggers, and the " bow
with twenty arrows.'' Our annalist
describes the state of things in a
style which we think we are justi-
fied in considering highly " comic."
" Even the chubby-cheeked boy of an
Oxford grammar-hall had his bit of steel,
which in times of riot he dreamed of
plunging into the fat body of the vendor
of sweetmeats who had impudently de-
clined to supply him with toffy on tick. "
Mr Jeaffreson, as we have been
already assured by himself, has a
mysterious insight into the thoughts
of medieval Oxford which is de-
nied to other men; otherwise we
might have hoped that a love of
toffy was inconsistent with such
bloody-minded aspirations. School-
boys, however, both in and out of
Oxford, did carry swords occasion-
ally, even down to a much later
date. When the future Earl of
Mansfield entered "Westminster
School in 1716, he bought a sword
amongst other articles of his outfit.
But such weapons were as innocent
of slaughter as those which the upper
boys at Eton, within our own recol-
lection, wore on the ' Montem ' day,
and with which they dealt destruc-
tion to the flowers in Botham's gar-
dens at Salt-hill.
But swords were drawn in earnest,
and blood shed too often, in the
fifteenth century, between the citi-
zens and the scholars of Oxford.
The first great quarrel of which we
have any trustworthy record, arose,
as more than one such disturbance
has in later times, out of the exuber-
ant loyalty of the " gown." Prince
Edward, son of Henry III., was
returning from France, and passed
through Oxford on his route towards
the "Welsh marches. The townsmen,
whose sympathies were on the side
of the barons, shut the gates against
him, and he had to make his way
through the northern suburbs to the
King's Hall, in St Mary Magdalen
parish, where he was to take up his
quarters for the night. The scholars,
shut within the city, were thus " de-
nied a sight of their prince," which
was more than loyal blood could
bear. They came in force to Smith-
gate, and demanded leave to pass
out. One of the city bailiffs, on
* Gladios pugiones sicas machseras rhomphaeas acinaces fustes, prsesertim si prse-
ferrati vel plumbati sint, veruta missilia tela sclopos tormenta bombardas balistas."
— ' Fasti Aberdonenses,' quoted in Burton's ' Scot Abroad,' p. 262.
730
Old and New Annalists of Oxford.
[June
duty there, refused. The gownsmen
retired, but only to come again in
greater force armed with axes, sledge-
hammers, and bows and arrows seiz-
ed from the shops of the fletchers.
They began to break upon the gates ;
until the mayor arrived upon the
scene with the town-guard, arrested
the ringleaders, and put them in
prison. The Chancellor of the Uni-
versity demanded that they should
be set at liberty. But in reply, the
mayor and his fellow-townsmen ap-
peared in the High Street under arms
and with banners flying, — intending,
as they probably would have said,
to maintain their privilege of shut-
ting or opening their own gates ; or,
as the scholars said, to attack their
inns and halls, and " to beat, wound,
and despitefully use" the inmates,
who were all at that hour sitting
quietly at dinner. As the scholars
naturally had the writing of the
history of the affray, we are obliged
to follow, perhaps rather too blindly,
their version of it. Fortunately a
certain clerk espied the town force
near All Saints Church, and rang the
"scholar's bell" of St Mary's to sum-
mon his fellows. It had not rung
a minute, says the chronicler, when
the rush of students from all quarters
— "leaving their meat," and arm-
ing themselves hastily with bows,
swords, bills, and slings — over-
powered the mayor and his follow-
ers, and drove them back into their
quarters sore wounded and discom-
fited. Then the victors proceeded to
retaliate. They scoured the streets,
sacked the houses of obnoxious
townsmen, and " did what pleased
them without any opposition ;" and
what it pleases a body of riotous aca-
demics, mostly young, and flushed
with victory over their opponents, is
much the same, allowing for specific
differences, in all times. They burnt
the house of one of the provosts
down to the ground. " Then to the
house of William le Espycer, the
other provost, which being situated
in the Spycery, they broke it up with
all the spicery itself from one end
to the other." The mayor fared no
better : he was a vintner by trade,
and lived in the Vintry — "which
place also they brake up, drank as
much wine as they could, and
wasted the rest."
It must have been long before
the memory of such a scene would
have died out among the citizens of
Oxford. As it was, the feud awoke
again within the same generation.
A citizen of some mark, John Mete-
scharpe, had been killed by some
gownsmen in one of the many brawls
that were continually occurring,
and the homicides escaped by flight.
The vengeance of the townsmen
smouldered for some days, breaking
out only here and there in sundry
personal assaults. At last both
parties, as if by preconcerted arrange-
ment, turned out into the streets in
armed force, and were only separated
for the time by the exertions of the
Chancellor of the University. This
was on a Friday : on the Sunday
evening, the townsmen, headed by
their aldermen, attacked some of the
collegiate halls, destroyed the furni-
ture, and burnt the books. On the
Monday morning the battle was re-
newed in earnest. The bell of St
Martin's rang at dawn to call the
townsmen to arms ; the bell of St
Mary's, the tocsin of the gown,
speedily answered it. The rustics
from the villages round flocked in
to help the citizens against the de-
tested scholars, who were already
parading the streets, fully armed, in
that defiant fashion which even in
our more peaceful days is character-
istic of their order. The proctors
succeeded for a while in procuring
an armistice between the parties, but
at nine o'clock the fight began in
the High Street, and continued for
many hours. The gown were led by
a warlike priest, Fulke de Kermite,
1871.]
Old and New Annalists of Oxford.
731
rector of Pightlesthorne in Berk-
shire, and for some time had the
best of the fray. But as they were
storming the house of one of the
citizens, the owner drew a bow from
an upper window, and the fighting
churchman received an arrow through
the eye into his brain. He was
carried off the field only to die, and
the gownsmen seem to have lost
their courage with the loss of their
leader. They were beaten back into
their halls and inns, and many took
sanctuary in the churches, only to be
dragged out and maltreated by their
infuriated enemies. Again we must
remember that the men and not the
lions are the painters : we have only
the gown's version of the matter,
because only the gown had clerkly
skill to record it ; and when we
read that the Eoyal Commission
which sat to inquire into the matter
decided that the town were alto-
gether in the wrong, and that the
Bishop of Lincoln excommunicated
such of the citizens as were proved
to have taken part in the fray, and
that the city was compelled to pay
a priest to sing for the soul of Fulke
de Nermite, we so far agree with Mr
Jeaffreson as to think it possible
that, if we could have the towns-
men's annals before us, we might
see justice was in those days rather
one-sided when the University was
concerned.
But the great fight, whose bitter
memories have never wholly died
away in the city of Oxford, was half
a century later, on St Scholastica's
Day (February 10th), 1355. The
results of this are perhaps more gen-
erally known, and the details may
be found in the pages of Anthony
Wood, or may be read (with a comic
introduction) in those of Mr Jeaffre-
son. Again the country-folk, against
whose entrance a party of the gown
in vain tried to keep the west gates,
burst into the city carrying a black
flag, with the war-cry of — " Slay,
slay! Havoc, havoc !" The towns-
men had the best of it, and there is
little doubt but that they abused
their victory unmercifully. Forty
scholars are said to have lost their
lives. Some of those taken pris-
oners are said to have been scalped,
in mockery of the clerical tonsure.
Crucifixes and holy vessels were
torn from the churches, and pro-
faned by a drunken mob. On this
last occasion, at least, the better
part of the citizens were ashamed of
the excesses which had been com-
mitted, and shocked at the num-
ber of the victims. The Sheriff of
Oxfordshire was dismissed from his
office. An interdict laid upon the
city was only removed by the con-
sent of the authorities to an inden-
ture under the University and city
seals, by which the mayor, bailiffs,
and chief citizens to the number of
sixty-two, bound themselves to ap-
pear annually at mass in St Mary's
Church on the fatal day of St
Scholastica, and offer there each a
penny, and also to pay a yearly
fine of a hundred marks, which
latter obligation was subsequently
relaxed on condition of the due ful-
filment of the former.* The citizens
always chafed sorely against this
ordinance, under whatever modifica-
tion. (It came at last to a simple
attendance at the reading of the
Litany.) But though thus modi-
fied by consent of the University
from time to time, it continued
actually in force within the memory
of this present generation. In 1800,
the hundred marks were sued for
and recovered from the Mayor of
Oxford for making default. At
last, in 1825, the University, at
the request of the Town Council,
gracefully consented to waive a
ceremony which only served to
See the documents printed in Anstey's Munimenta, p. 194-202.
732
Old and Neio Annalists of Oxford.
[June
keep up the memory of an unhappy
feud of ages past, and could not but
be regarded by the citizens in the
light of a humiliation. It was far
better that St Scholastica should
be forgotten, instead of being kept
in this anything but pious remem-
brance, both by gown and town.
Let us hope that the latter will not
also think it necessary to forget the
warm acknowledgments which they
then formally made for an " act of
grace and favour."
The spirit of pugnacity showed
itself quite as strongly amongst the
medieval scholars in their feuds
between themselves, as in those
which they carried on with the
citizens. The original cause of
these internal wars lay, as has been
the case with most of the wars of
history, in differences of race. One
explanation of the term " Univer-
sity," as applied to these seats of
learning, is, that it denoted their
cosmopolitan character. They were
open to all comers, from all parts of
the earth. The love of letters was
to be the sole and sufficient bond of
\inion. It was found by no means
sufficient, however, in practice ; and
in the great University of Paris,
which was the original and mother
of most others in Europe, the
students who flocked in from all
quarters soon ranged themselves
into " Nations," bound together by
common habits of life and a com-
mon language, which the use of the
scholastic Latin, enjoined upon all
the body in order to fuse such dis-
cordant elements, could never prac-
tically supersede. Similar lines of
demarcation existed both at Bologna
and at Prague. The Nations at
Paris were four : the French, which
comprised under it, as " Provinces,"
the Spaniards, the Greeks, and the
Italians ; the English, under which
were ranked as Provinces the Bri-
tons, the Irish, the Germans, and the
Scandinavians ; the Normans ; and
thePicardins. This division into Na-
tions passed from the University of
Paris to those of Scotland and Eng-
land. At Aberdeen and Glasgow,
which followed the French model
more closely than their English sis-
ters, the Nations still survive —
nations in name, though really pro-
vincial divisions. Aberdeen has
its Mar, Angus, Buchan, and Moray ;
Glasgow students are divided into
the Natio Glottiana (Clydesdale),
Transforthiana (or Albana), Lou-
doniana, and Rothseiana; and the
University of St Andrews recog-
nises somewhat similar divisions.
These local names serve to designate,
more or less strictly, the different
parts of Scotland in which the
students happen to be born; but
the authorities of Glasgow are
liberal enough to admit into the
Loudoniana all England and the
colonies, while the Angusiani at
Aberdeen include the whole world
south of the Grampians. Mr Jeaf-
freson is pleased to sneer at what
he calls the "piquant pomposity"
of Professor Huber in applying the
term " Nations " to the Oxford fac-
tions ; but if he had taken the trouble
to refer to the University records, as
published by Mr Anstey, he would
find that such is their official and
historical designation. At Oxford
and at Cambridge the recognised
Nations seem never to have been
more than two, "Australes" and
" Boreales " — Northernmen and
Southernmen — the river Trent
being the line of demarcation. But
there were also provincial bodies,
ranging under one of these two
Nations, and not always under the
same. The Scotch students, when
it came to fighting, usually joined
the Northern Englishmen, as we
should naturally suppose, while the
Irish and Welsh did battle for the
Southerns. Not that these last seem
to have been over-scrupulous as to
which side they took; they were in
1871.]
Old and New Annalists of Oxford.
733
the habit of attacking each other
quite as furiously upon occasion as
the common and traditional enemy.
Both Irish and Welsh scholars bore
but an indifferent reputation in the
medieval University. They were
poor, and they were quarrelsome.
Of the Irish there appear to have
been great numbers at Oxford, in-
somuch that it was called " Gym-
nasium Hibernorum." They lived
for the most part, for the sake of
cheapness probably, in private lodg-
ings — the " unattached " students
of their day — and thus were little
subject to academical rule and dis-
cipline. To such an extent did the
evil of this loose and independent
way of life affect the University,
that in the time of Henry V. an
edict was issued, that, " for the
quietness and peace within the
realm of England," "all Irishmen
and Irish clerks beggars, called
chamberdekyns, be voyded out the
realm." The "Welsh were also a
troublesome element, though not so
many in number ; but the hot Cam-
brian blood showed always very
prominently iu a riot. It was a Welsh
and an Irish scholar — though their
names are unhappily lost to fame —
who had shot the Legate's cook.
" Madoc of Wales " is one of the
two clerks whose violence gave rise
to the great riot of 1297 ; and in the
fight on the Beaumont, a hundred
years later, between the old factions
of North and South (which took
place, strange to say, on a day fixed
for the purpose, if we may trust
the chronicler * ), it is the Welsh-
men who suffer especially from the
vengeance of the conquerors, as no
doubt they had been foremost in the
fray. " Sley the Walsh doggys and
her whelyps !" shouted the North-
erners, as they hunted them out of
their inns and halls, drove them
beyond the city walls, and treated
such as they could catch with bar-
barous indignities. The spirit of
faction divided also the Cambro-
Britons amongst themselves, and
the men of North and South Wales
were ready to fight each other when
they were not summoned to make
common causeagainst the "Saesneg."
They herded together in separate
halls; and when Dr Hugh Price,
by grace of Queen Elizabeth, at
last gathered them together in
Jesus College, the old wall of par-
tition was by no means effectually
thrown down. The North Wales
men continued, down to a time quite
within living memory, to look up-
on their southern fellow-collegians
as little better than half English,
not of the true Cymry — mere Sama-
ritans, in short. This feeling was by
no means confined to the younger
members of the body; fellowships,
scholarships, and exhibitions were
founded from time to time by Welsh-
men for Welshmen, but carefully
limited to the counties of North or
South Wales, according to the ante-
cedents of the founder. The Scots
at Oxford were feAver — for they soon
had universities of their own — and
were, it would appear, less turbulent
and demonstrative. But they were
hardly less unpopular there in the
fifteenth century, if we may judge
from a record of the Vice-Chancellor's
Court, by which it appears that the
then Principal of White Hall had to
appear and clear himself of the ter-
rible imputation that he was a Scots-
man— making oath (and bringing
three Masters of Arts as witnesses to
prove) that both he and his parents
were of true English descent, t The
chronic state of war between Eng-
land and Scotland at this period is
quite sufficient to account for this
antipathy.
* Knyghton De Event. Angl. v. (p. 2375, Twysden).
t Austey's Munimenta Univ. Oxon., p. 587.
734
Old and New Annalists of Oxford.
[June
The effects of the same limited
form of patriotism remain to this
day in such of the close fellowships,
as they are called, as have survived
the sweeping reforms of the late
University Commission. The early
founders and henefactors limited
their bounty in most cases to their
own diocese, or their own district,
or their own county. These limita-
tions had a natural tendency to re-
produce themselves. The original
founder of Queen's College thought
his northern countrymen ill provided
for in the way of endowments, and
he accordingly enjoined the special
choice of men from Cumberland and
"Westmoreland to fill his fellowships.
Whereupon a subsequent benefac-
tor limits his "exhibitions" to those
born within the diocese of Canter-
bury. Patriotic Welshmen, observ-
ing that their brethren were excluded
by the accident of birth from many
of the good things of the University,
endowed the new college of Jesus
from time to time with benefactions
in which none but Welshmen were
to share, and gradually contrived so
to narrow the original foundation
that only one fellowship out of the
nineteen remained open to an Eng-
lishman.
The rival interests of North and
South within the University were
the original cause of existence of
those well-known academic autho-
rities, the Proctors. The four Na-
tions at Paris, and the two Na-
tions of Oxford, were accustomed
to appoint each their Procurator,
for the due maintenance of their re-
spective rights, privileges, and inter-
ests. These officers had the charge
of the moneys belonging to the Uni-
versity, and especially of such as
were left in trust by benefactors for
the purpose of being lent out to
poor scholars in order to assist them
in the prosecution of their studies.
It was their business to see that in
the distribution of these North and
South had each their due. To this
guardianship of the public rights of
the Nation, and the duty of seeing
the same rights impartially main-
tained at all University elections,
which seems to have been their ori-
ginal function, there was added by
degrees a sort of general public cen-
sorship. They were to see that the
scholars came in good time to the
public lectures, and wore the pro-
per scholastic habit and tonsure ; fea-
tures of their office which still sur-
vive in an occasional reprimand ad-
ministered to an undergraduate who
may be met on a Sunday morning
going distinctly not the right way to
the University sermon at St Mary's,
or wearing " beaver " in the High
Street at hours when he is supposed
to be at lecture. They were also
charged to see that no scholar paid
exorbitant charges either to college
manciples or to his tailor ; a branch
of their duty which, it is quite need-
less to say, has fallen wholly into
disuse, and is far too practical and
rational a point of reform to be taken
up by our modern university reform-
ers. The Proctors also became the
guardians of the public peace of the
University. It was their business to
see that there were no deadly wea-
pons worn, and no street rows in-
dulged in. This was originally a
distinct duty intrusted to a certain
number of Masters of Arts, who
were called "Begents of the Streets,"
and had their separate districts as-
signed them.* There were thirty-
one of these appointed in 1278.
In those turbulent days, the pair of
Proctors, even with their four Pro-
proctors and four "bull-dogs," would
have been a wholly insufficient
force to keep order. It was a very
dangerous business for these officials
to walk the streets at night when
* Anstey, p. 38.
1871.]
Old and New Annalists of Oxford.
735
either gown or town were in a pug-
nacious mood, as they very com-
monly were. A shot at the Proctor
(as in some sort a common enemy)
seems to have been by no means an
unusual mode of displaying spirit on
the part of the roisterers who were
out for the evening ; much as " beat-
ing the watch" was a popular amuse-
ment with their successors not a hun-
dred years ago. As in the more
modern case, it was held to be an of-
fence more or less venial, sufficiently
punished by fine and imprisonment
in the case of a scholar, or banish-
ment from the University precincts
in the case of a citizen. In 1314,
according to Anthony a "Wood, the
men of Merton, who were South-
erners, turned the Northern Proctor
out of the University, and elected
a Chancellor by force. In 1540,
after a riot in which the Principal
of Hart Hall was killed, a special
statute empowered the Senior Proc-
tor to carry a dagger for his own
personal protection, all University
statutes notwithstanding. When se-
riously wounded, as the Southern
Proctor was in 1452, in trying to me-
diate in a fray between the men of
Peckwater and St Edward Hall,
he had his expenses paid by the
University: which indeed was so
liberal as to engage to pay the
same to "his heirs and assigns"
if he died (we find no record of.
any Proctor being actually killed).
When by degrees the spirit of pro-
vincial rivalry died out, the two
Proctors were still elected by vote
from the whole University ; and the
canvass was as lively, and the elec-
tion as uproarious, as any that ever
took place for members of Parlia-
ment. The successful candidates in
1594 enjoyed the perilous honour
of being carried home to their col-
leges in chairs on the shoulders of
the Masters of Arts. Not until 1 629,
in order probably to avoid such
scenes, was what is known as the
Caroline Cycle introduced, by which
the appointment to the Proctor's office
was assigned to the different colleges
in rotation, according to their respec-
tive numbers at the time.
It would be quite a mistake to
suppose that the scholars of the
medieval universities devoted them-
selves exclusively to study, any
more than they do at present, —
which latter supposition is not so
likely to be entertained. Then, as
now, there were studious members,
who made the most of their oppor-
tunities, and whose learning, though
of a different type from ours, was
the result of at least as much
honest and painful labour. And
then, as now, there were so-called
students whose habits were any-
thing but studious, and whose
tastes were more barbarous, and
whose ignorance was necessarily
greater than that of the idlest of
our modern " fast " undergraduates.
The frequent faction - fights have
been already noticed as a remark-
able feature of medieval Oxford
life. The drinking, the gambling,
and, above all, the poaching which
went on, leave us little to regret in
those " good old times." The men
of Magdalen College (who retained
something of a sporting reputation
down to modern days) made very
free with the deer in the forest of
Shotover. When the lieutenant
of the county, Lord Norreys, in
Elizabeth's later days, imprisoned
some of them who had been taken
in the fact, their fellow-collegians
attacked him in his lodgings at the
Bear Inn during the sessions ; and
when the riot was with difficulty
appeased by the University autho-
rities, the Magdalen men carried
stones up into their college tower,
and hurled them down upon their
enemy and his retinue as they were
passing over the bridge on their
way home to Ricot ; and " if my
lord had not been in his coach," says
736
Old and New Annalists of Oxford.
[June
the narrator, "he would certainly
have been killed." The poaching
was not confined to the younger
members of the University. In the
previous century we find the vicar
of St Peter' s-in-the-East obliged to
enter in recognisances to abstain
from it in future ; but this was
not the only scandal which he
caused the gown. In point of
fact, partly because the residence of
the Masters of Arts within the Uni-
versity was much longer continued
in those earlier times, and partly
because of the rude temper of the
age, and, it must be added, the
lax morality of the clergy, we find
the most troublesome disturbers of
academic peace among those who
wore the graduate's hood and the
priest's tonsure. A disorderly
Master of Arts, whether lay or
clerical, is happily a rare pheno-
menon now in Oxford ; he was by
no means so in those centuries.
The vicars of St Mary's and St
Giles's appear as disorderlies in the
Chancellor's court in the very same
year (1457) as their brother of St
Peter's. The Warden of Canterbury
College has to submit to the correc-
tion of the Chancellor's Commissary
for having instigated his servant to
steal, in the public street, the beer
of certain scholars of another college
who were carrying it home to their
rooms. When the students of
Broadgates Hall break into the
house of a citizen at night, and
abuse him, they are headed by
" Master " Hay wood. A doctor of
canon law has to find securities to
keep the peace towards a tavern-
keeper and an apothecary.*
The University authorities did
all they could, in the case of lesser
scandals, to make peace between
the parties, and to keep them from
proceeding to extremities. Some
of the proceedings in the Chancel-
lor's court betoken a primitive and
patriarchal administration of justice,
which makes us regret that with
medieval rudeness we have also
lost much of medieval simplicity.
When the Principals of Broadgates
and Pauline Halls quarrelled in
1446, they were formally ordered
by the Commissary to kiss (lite-
rally) and make friends, and to
swear upon the Gospels that they
would " keep peace as brethren "
for the future, under a bond of a
hundred shillings, — all which they
apparently did. So, again, when
the " venerable " Richard Layces-
ter, prior of the canons regular, has
a feud with John Merton, school-
master, and his wife, a few years
later, the parties agree to go for
arbitration in the matter to Dr
Chandler, the Commissary. His
award is, first — that neither of
the parties shall hereafter threat-
en, abuse, defame, or make grim-
aces at the other : moreover, that
they shall each freely forgive all
such offences as may have occurred
on either side in times past ; also,
that within fifteen days from the
date of the award they shall pro-
vide an entertainment at their joint
charges in St Mary's College ; Mr
and Mrs Merton to contribute a
goose and a " pottle " of wine for
the occasion, and the venerable
canon to supply bread and beer,
and such other et-ceteras as his
liberality may suggest. To this
award both parties agreed, and,
we may hope, did not omit to in-
vite so good a fellow as Dr Chandler
must evidently have been, to sit
down with them to the goose and
its accompaniments, t There is
a charming old - world simplicity
* The proper status and title of this latter party seems to have puzzled the Chan-
cellor or his clerk: "Thomani Halle, ' potygare ' alias chirurgicum, ' gentylman ' ut
dicitur." — Anstey, p. 523.
t Anstey, p. 713.
1871.]
Old and New Annalists of Oxford.
737
about the whole affair, which, as
we said before, ought to make us
pause before we congratulate our-
selves too confidently on the im-
mense progress we have made in
morals and manners since that
fifteenth century. It is quite true
that it is not found necessary to
bind over any two heads of col-
leges nowadays to keep the peace,
or to abstain from making faces at
each other, however bitterly they
may be opposed in University
politics ; but it would be quite out
of the power, we suspect, of any
official of the Vice-Chancellor in
some cases to make them kiss and
be friends. And we certainly
should not envy any modern canon,
regular or irregular, who had to sit
down to a reconciliation supper
with any academic Mrs Merton,
whose husband had been sum-
moned by him before the court.
It has been said that Latin was
supposed to be the common lan-
guage of the scholars of the " Uni-
versity." It is enjoined in the
statutes of most of the colleges that
the vulgar tongue was never to be
heard within collegiate walls. The
undergraduates might use Greek
as a means of communication, if
they preferred it. The statutes of
Jesus College extended the permis-
sion to Hebrew — an exceptional*
colloquial indulgence of which we
cannot conceive that many Welsh-
men availed themselves, though it
has been their pride to affirm that
their own language very much re-
sembles it — if, indeed, the Cymry
be not the original stock from which
the Hebrew is a comparatively
modern offshoot. It is difficult to
ascertain how far the use of collo-
quial Latin really prevailed at any
time in academic life ; probably to
a much greater extent than we
should be apt, at first thought, to
fancy. In the ordinances of many
of the old grammar-schools there are
distinct penalties for the speaking
of English, at any rate during school
hours. The restriction continued
in use in some of the more conser-
vative schools down to a time almost
within present memory. Dr Vin-
cent, the well-known head-master of
Westminster, who only resigned his
office in 1801, always used it him-
self, and insisted on its use, when
his form was up at lesson. And
there is no doubt but that the
Oxford men of the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries possessed a
facility in conversational Latin
which their modern successors have
never aspired to. It was not only
that they held the necessary aca-
demic disputations in Latin, and
attacked each other in convocation
with a fluent acerbity to which the
language easily lent itself, and which
could find vent with less restraint
under the convenient veil of a
learned tongue ; but the traditionary
jokes handed down in Oxford jest-
books mostly have their point —
such as it is — in Latin. It was not
good Latin that they spoke, per-
haps ; but at least it was so far in
accordance with the obligation of
the statute, that it was not English.
But the conversational atmosphere
in which the Scottish student lived
and breathed must have been still
more strongly impregnated with
classical learning, if the visitors'
regulations issued at Aberdeen in
1546 were ever enforced. The very
scouts (garciones is the Franco-
Scottish term for them) were obliged
to be " expert in the use of Latin,
* Exceptional, so far as Oxford is concerned ; the same alternative is allowed
in the statutes of King's College, Aberdeen, with a special extension of the
licence also to the French language — " Propter antiquum inter Scotos et Gallos
fcedus." — 'Fasti Aberdonenses,' 241.
VOL. CIX. — NO. DCLXVIII. 3 E
738
Old and New Annalists of Oxford.
[June
lest they should give occasion to
their masters to use the vernacular
tongue." * We are not aware that
any such compulsory education was
attempted for the same class at
Oxford ; but the social line between
the poor scholar and the serving-
man was very slight in former times ;
and many a man "worked his
passage," as one might say, through
the University, until he landed in a
degree, and possibly a fellowship.
The " Battelers " (a lower grade of
commoner), the "Poor Scholars,"
the Famuli, and the Servientes, are
all classed together in the books of
some colleges in 1612, and probably
all shared the same education. But
the present race of Oxford scouts
may be safely pronounced to be " no
Latiners ; " though we had, in our
own student days, a personal ac-
quaintance with a college cook who
took private pupils in logic.
Whatever might have been the
proficiency of graduates or under-
graduates in Latin during the cen-
turies we are speaking of, it is
certain that they did not speak
Greek, and knew very little about
it. For a long time it was held to
be something not only very difficult
to learn, but rather wicked — a sort
of black art, which honest men
were better without. When Linacre
gave his first lectures in the lan-
guage at Oxford in 1519, a party
of stout conservatives, who called
themselves " Trojans," arrayed them-
selves in protest against this Greek
invasion. The very name was a
sound of horror. It gives the point
to the well-known story of the
scholar of Queen's College, who,
wandering alone in Shotover forest,
armed only with his copy of Aris-
totle, was attacked by a wild boar ;
he thrust the volume down the
brute's throat, with the words,
" Grcecum est," — as if that were sure
to choke him. Does not the boar's
head, served in the college hall
every Christmas, vouch for the fact?
But the abstruseness of the study
was confessed in serious earnest not
only in the Queensman's jest.
" Grcecum est — non potest legi" —
"It is Greek — no man can read
it," — passed into a University pro-
verb. And it had a good deal of
truth in it, down to so late a period
as the visit of King James I. to
the University in 1605, when the
contemporary chronicler, in record-
ing the oration made by the Greek
reader, Dr Perin, before the King
at the Quater-vois (better known
to us as Carfax), assures us that
it was done " with good action and
elocution, and in good familiar Greek
(as Dr Hammond said),"-— that
excellent divine being apparently
the sole University critic in such
matters.
We have remarked the tendency
of Mr Jeaffreson in his volumes to
speak slightingly of dignities, and
to strip the majesty of Oxford of its
externals, to make sport for the
audience to which he appeals. He
seems to us to have emulated the
worst taste and spirit of the " Terras
Filius " of old academic memory, to
whom nothing in university life was
sacred, if he could but hang upon it
a jest for the day. One notable ex-
ception has struck us in his pages :
a passage, the style and tone of
which stands out in such favourable
contrast with too much that he has
written, that we can but regret that
one who can write well when he
writes to please himself, should think
it necessary to write ill to please his
public. We have kept the passage
to conclude with, that we may part
from him in peace. He is speaking
of Dr Jeune, some time Master of
Burton's ' Scot Abroad,' p. 267.
1871.]
Old and New Annalists of Oxford.
739
Pembroke College, and late Bishop
of Peterborough.
"To raise his comparatively small and
scantily- endowed house to pre-eminence
over greater and wealthier colleges was
beyond Francis Jeune's power, but he
effected wonders for the society of which
he was for several years the chief ruler.
He gave it honourable status in the class-
lists, procured the enlargement of its
buildings, reformed its economy for the
benefit of students of narrow means, and
was no less judicious than indefatigable in
his endeavours to inspire its members
with manliness of purpose and contempt
of frivolity. A vigilant and firm disciplin-
arian, he was prompt in correcting the
excesses of his undergraduates, exhibiting
no leniency to those whose misconduct was
all the more likely to prejudice the disci-
pline of the house because they were young
men of superior birth, affluence, or personal
style. But though properly stern to insolent
offenders,he overflowed with compassionate
considerateness and Christian concern for
collegiate ' black sheep, ' to whom a sen-
tence of expulsion would have involved
life-long degradation. To wean scape-
graces of this unattractive sort from their
vicious propensities, to restore them to
physical and moral health, and to send
them out into the world unscarred in
fame, he deemed no care excessive, no
condescension derogatory to his dignity.
More than two or three men, whose social
usefulness equals their considerable social
prosperity, gratefully attribute their suc-
cess in life to the ' Master,' who conquered
them with manly kindness, and reinstated
them in righteous principles and self-
respect, when a harsher disciplinarian
would have crushed them for ever. Nor
was he less abounding in sympathy for
students who had no need of his forbear-
ance and tenderness. That his college
should achieve the main purpose of its
foundation, by swelling the ranks of the
intelligent, cultivated, and zealous clergy,
he was especially desirous. But none of
his men — or 'boys,' as he used to speak
of them in his loud, hearty, shouting
voice — ever started off from college on
manhood's journey, by some track not
usually chosen by University graduates,
without words of pleasant encouragement
and serviceable counsel from the shrewd
and unconventional 'Master.' If Dr
Jeune were still living, I should not ven-
ture thus to speak of his excellences, for
which during his life he desired no man's
praise, though they commanded the ad-
miration of all who knew him."
Many who read these words will
know that they were true, not only
of the Master of Pembroke, but of
the Bishop of Peterborough. Dr
Jeune was an ardent Oxford re-
former— at least in his early days of
office. It is probable that he lived
to feel that the real reformation
which Oxford required, was that
which he conscientiously strove to
effect in his own college. When
shall we have a school of university
reformers who will tread in his
steps ?
740
Fair to See.— Part VI.
[June
FAIR TO SEE. — PART VI.
CHAPTER XVII.
BERTRAND'S eventful day had
come to a conclusion at last ; and
now, alone in his own room, he con-
templated all that it had brought
forth. The stormy episode in the
smoking-room had closed, for the
present, the period of storms ; and a
rapture of peace came upon his spirit,
like " slumber's anodyne to fevered
frames," or that calmest of all calms
that lies so softly on the summer sea
at dawn, when a tempest's ruffian
winds have folded their dark wings,
and hushed the faintest accent of
all their myriad, sinister voices.
Deep and perfect peace was on his
spirit ; and indeed if there be a mo-
ment when that is possible to us mor-
tals here below, it is then — surely it
is then — when Love, that has come
to the heart still fresh and pure with
the dew of life's morning, catches
the first low tremulous harmonies of
Requital's voice, — those utterances
sounding like some music astray from
Paradise, — that never, never can be
all forgotten, but will, and must,
come back to us ; ever plaintive be-
cause from the past, yet strangely
clear for all the distance they may
come, yet strangely sweet for all the
passionate sadness they may express.
Clear and sweet these echoes come,
falling into the minor key, when, as
they sweep over the dreary steppes
of our ruined lives, they pass the
graves of our fairest hopes, and
reach us across the ashes of that First
Love that gave them voice. Deep
and perfect peace, therefore, was on
Bertrand's spirit ; for this was first
love, this was true love — fully ac-
cepted, with every assurance of re-
quital. It had struck Pigott, who
knew him well, as strange that
Cupid's torch had not been earlier
applied to that exaltedly-imaginative
spirit ; and so it may appear to
others who are less intimate with
him ; but, in truth, the very exag-
geration of those qualities which
might have been supposed to render
him susceptible, had hitherto kept
him heart-whole. It was no absorp-
tion in the pursuits and pleasures
of his age and profession ; it was no
lack of opportunity ; nor yet was it
that his mind was averted from the
subject in that affected scepticism
with which certain of our youth
ape the tone of cynical models. On
the contrary, the beauty, the poetry,
the romance, so inextricably inter-
woven with the belle passion, had
produced the profoundest impres-
sion on a mind extraordinarily im-
pressionable by such influences.
But the result was not that he
recognised a goddess in every garri-
son Dulcinea, or erected a new altar,
and called upon a new divinity, with
every change of quarters. Deeply
fastidious in all things, he had long
ago evolved for himself an ideal,
endowed with exquisite purity and
refinement, warmed with all gracious
womanly tenderness, quickened with
bright intelligence, and wrapped in
the bewitching mantle of that beauty
in which his soul delighted. In
the contemplation of this ideal — in
this shadow-worship — he had been
content to wait, till, clothed in
reality, his ideal should descend
from the realm of dreams and vi-
sions, and into his calm adoration
breathe the warm breath of passion's
ecstatic life. He had not surren-
dered his heart to the guidance of
a succession of " summer pilots unto
the shores of nothing." He had
been content to wait, and he had
Fair to See.— Part VI.
1871.]
waited, unswerving from his allegi-
ance, true to his ideal. But now
he told himself that she had come
— his goddess — his very own ; and,
with the rapture of a devotee, he
had laid his offering — the best a
man can offer — his true fresh heart,
upon her altar. It was accepted,
and he was at peace. Was she in
very truth the realisation of his
ideal? Were all these fair attri-
butes hers indeed 1 No matter. No
ideal can be realised ; approxima-
tion is all that can be hoped for.
Suffice it that Bertrand believed he
had found what he had waited for ;
and even supposing that he was
congratulating himself and finding
peace in a fool's paradise, perhaps
in such matters that is better (since
a paradise of some sort is essential)
than no paradise at alL
And so his day finished, and the
night was light about him ; for in
the pageantry of his happy dreams
moved, amid myrtles and roses, one
constant vision, in whose presence
clouds and darkness were impos-
sible.
We fear we may seem to have
been guilty of a rather ungallant
partiality in dwelling thus upon
Bertrand' s feelings, and postponing
those of the fair being who inspired
them.
But it is a more difficult and a
more delicate task to deal with the
subtler movements of the female
heart ; and, after all, " in love, if
love be love, if love be ours," there
must be a sufficiently strong resem-
blance between the male and female
edition of the passion to excuse us
from again traversing the ground
we have got over in speaking of
Bertrand. Shall we therefore sim-
ply credit Eila with the same feelings
we have ascribed to him, making
due allowance for the difference of
sex and temperament, and remem-
bering that she is betrothed to
him? Perhaps, on the whole, it
741
will be better to let her speak for
herself.
If there be a time when the heart,
whether male or female, craves the
sympathy of another heart, it is
at such crisises when it is filled to
overflowing with thoughts which
the poet describes as too sweet for
utterance, but which, in practice,
are uttered with a freedom which
often makes their sweetness not a
little cloying to the confidential
recipient. Even Bertrand had ven-
tured his sweet tale to Pigott, un-
deterred by the uncongeniality of
his friend ; and it is not surprising
that Eila should have seized an
early opportunity of unbosoming
herself to some one ; and who more
appropriate than her warm-hearted
step-sister ?
It was by no means a final
"good-night," therefore, which she
wished that young lady when they
separated in the hall, on leaving
the drawing-room ; for, not many
minutes after, arrayed in a bewitch-
ing dressing-gown, over which
floated loose her beautiful wealth of
hair, and wearing the air of a young
lady who has come prepared for,
and bent upon, a protracted session,
she entered Morna's room.
Morna was in the hands of the
tormentor — that is, she was having
her hair brushed by an extremely
acid maid (colleague of the spec-
tral M'Kenzie), who contrived,
when her temper was; as at present,
and as it generally was, out of
order, to make the process not a
painless one. Morna was tired, out
of spirits — shall we say even cross ?
— and the Abigail's operations were
not at all acting sedatively, so it was
scarcely in a tone of welcome that
she greeted her visitor.
"Is that you, Eila?"
" Yes, dearest Morna, it is ; I
have come to have a little talk
with you. Is that tiresome hair
nearly done ? "
742
Fair to See.— Part VI.
[June
" It will take ten minutes, at the
least, to do it justice, after this day's
work," snorted the maid, who felt
all " pleasuring " to be a personal
injury, and now saw an opportunity
of avenging herself.
" Oh ! never mind," cried Eila ;
" do send her away, Morna dear ;
it is so tiresome to be kept wait-
ing, and I have so much to say ;
do send her away, and I'll brush it
for you myself."
Morna did not seem to share her
step-sister's impatience.
" It is so comfortable," she re-
plied, " when one is tired ; and
surely what you have to say can
keep for ten minutes."
The maid's exasperation on per-
ceiving that there was something
"particular" to be talked about after
her departure — some joyous con-
fidence, some possible fun and mer-
riment— converted her unwittingly
into Eila's ally ; for she so tweak-
ed and twisted her patient's hair
that Morna fairly rebelled, ordering
her peremptorily to desist and leave
the room.
"Well, Eila?" she said, when
the woman had gone — " well,
Eila ? " Her tone implied, " please
say what you have to say as quickly
as possible, and then leave me."
Eila made no reply in words, but
fixed her beautiful eyes for an
instant on her step-sister, with a
bright and meaning smile, then
threw her arms round her neck,
and covered her with kisses.
When this had gone on for a little,
without any reasonable prospect of
release, Morna disengaged herself
firmly, and, as if in answer to a ver-
bal communication, quietly remark-
ed, " You refused him, I suppose 1 "
"Eefused him, Morna] What?
How ? Do you know ? Who could
have "
" No one has spoken to me about
the matter ; but of course Mr Tainsh
proposed to you to-day ? "
" Mr Tainsh ? "
"Yes; did he not?"
"Oh! of course he did."
" Of course. I knew that ; and
you refused him ? "
" Of course I did — the abomin-
able, presumptuous creature ! "
" Poor Mr Tainsh ! "
"Not 'poor Mr Tainsh' at all;
he has only got his desert."
" He could not have expected it,
though; it must have been a sur-
prise to him — a painful one."
" Morna ! "
" Eila ! "
" You are cross and disagreeable,
and I have a great mind to tell you
no more."
" You must do exactly as you
please."
" Well then, I will tell you."
" Very well ; do."
" There was more than one pro-
posal to-day."
" Ah ! you know that ? "
" Yes, indeed ; but only one re-
fusal;" and again Eila flung her
arms round Morna's neck.
" Stop, stop ! " cried the latter.
" You are all wrong — you are mis-
taken— I did refuse him."
" What ? " cried Eila, uncoiling
herself with a start.
" I refused him."
" Refused whom ? "
" Mr Duncanson, of course."
" Oh, indeed !" cried Eila— "oh,
indeed ! I wasn't thinking of — of
him " (" or you," she might have
added). " And you refused him ?
Very imprudent, was it not? I should
say very imprudent ; but that is not
what I was going to speak about ; —
fancy what a curious coincidence !
two proposals in one day ! That
makes four altogether, and I am
only nineteen ! but this is the last,
for I have taken him. I am engaged,
Morna — engaged to Bertrand Cam-
eron."
One would say that the announce-
ment need not have occasioned great
1871.]
surprise to Morna ; and indeed, if it
did, she concealed the emotion pretty
successfully. A flush, a slight quiver,
and the sudden tightening of her
hand upon a book she held — these
were the few external signs that
Ella's words conveyed to her intel-
ligence that strongly affected her,
and in an instant she replied gravely,
but kindly, as she kissed her step-
sister—
"I congratulate you, dear Eila.
I hope you will be very, very happy
— I think you ought to be."
" I think so, dearest; yes, indeed,
I am sure of it : for you know he
is charming — and the silly creature
is so devoted to me ; quite absurd
and childish, in fact ; and — and I —
well, I suppose I do like him a good
deal — although, of course, I have
only told him that I like him a
little; and if papa does not object, I
think we ought to be very happy
indeed. I must tell you all about
it, though, and how it came about.
You see, Mr Tainsh, &c. &c. &c."
But we know all about it already,
so we shall let the conversation go
on unreported till the point where
Eila, having exhausted all her con-
fidences, and said all that is usually
said in such interviews, about her-
self and her lover, felt inclined to
satisfy her curiosity and her interest
in Morna's affairs by reverting to
what had been said about Mr Dun-
canson.
" Now, Morna," she said, " after
all these confessions, you must give
me some in return. You refused
him, you said — and I think it was
very imprudent. Of course it was
only a temporary refusal, and the
temptation to snub him would of
course be great ; but you know his
temper is so very high. It was not
wise to risk it. I really don't know
but what you may have a great deal
of trouble to get him back. It will
be a difficult matter, I am sure "
(Eila spoke with all the earnestness
Fair to See.— Part VI.
743
of an enthusiastic expert in the art
of man-taming) ; " but I'll tell you
what you ought to do, Morna dear;
you ought to go straight to your
mother — she will not be in bed yet
— tell her the whole truth, and make
her send a note to Mr Duncanson
the first thing in the morning, ask-
ing him to speak to her before he
goes, or the chances are he will be
off before daylight, and then you
may never get him back again."
" An excellent plan, Eila, if I
wanted to get him back ; but you
see, as it happens, I do not."
"I'm sure I don't know what you
can be waiting for, then, Morna.
Here is ten thousand — fifteen thou-
sand— perhaps twenty thousand a-
year; is that not enough ? Of course
a poor soldier is good enough for a
humble person like me, and I am
thankful that I am not so hard to
please ; but I suppose nothing under
a duke would be good enough for the
descendant of all the M'Whannels
and M'Cuaigs."
" Don't be cross, Eila dear ; you
are very kind to take such an in-
terest in my affairs ; but I assure
you I have no such high notions.
I simply refused Mr Duncanson be-
cause I don't like him ; besides, as
I have often told you, I have quite
resolved never to marry."
" Never to marry ! my dear girl,
this is the first time I ever heard of
it ; and this is about the last occa-
sion on which you could expect me
to believe in, or sympathise with,
any such nonsense. Ah, Morna !
if you knew, if you only knew,
what it is to love ! "
" Well, Eila, I think even you
will admit that Mr Duncanson is
scarcely the man to teach me ; but
I daresay it is very true what you
say, that love would make a great
difference in one's views of matri-
mony; but you see it does not fall
to the lot of every one ; and I must
end off where I began, by saying
Fair to See. — Part VI.
[June
that I hope you will be as happy as
you ought to be, when the course of
true love runs so smooth ; — and now
I think we had better say ' Good-
night.' "
And so Morna brought the con-
versation to a close, kissing and dis-
missing her step-sister ; and before
she went to bed she wrote a letter
to her aunt, now staying in Scot-
land, and at no great distance from
Cairnarvoch, but about to return
to their home in the south of Eng-
land, begging to be allowed to join
them at once, although the cus-
tomary period of her residence
with her mother had still a month
to run.
CHAPTER xvm.
The breakfast - table at Cairn-
arvoch, on the morning after all
these exciting events, was unusually
quiet. The only two members of
the party not thoroughly preoccu-
pied were Pigott and M'Killop,
neither of whom contributed much,
as a rule, to the conversation ; and
this morning they had it all to
themselves, an opportunity which
they "improved" by a frugal use
of monosyllables.
One result, however, was satis-
factory to all parties — that the meal
was soon over.
Poor Mrs M'Killop was in a
terrible state of mystification ; — she
feared much, she suspected much,
but she was certain of nothing.
The night before, she had con-
fidently expected a communication
from her daughter or her step-
daughter— perhaps from both — but
she had been disappointed ; and as
it concerned her dignity not to
initiate the subjects which gnawed
her heart with anxious curiosity,
by a superhuman effort of self-
denial she had refrained from ex-
torting by question the confidence
she had expected to be spontaneous.
But this could not last for ever ;
and this morning she said to her-
self, " If they don't speak at once,
/must; it is my solemn duty as a
parent ; " in pursuance of which
determination she signalled the
young ladies, as they left the
breakfast-room, to come to her
boudoir. Neither of them, how-
ever, thought fit to understand the
signal — Morna rapidly making her
escape in another direction, and
Eila sauntering carelessly out of the
hall-door on to the terrace, where
she was immediately joined by
Bertrand.
" I wish to speak to you, Eila,"
cried her step- dame from the door-
way.
"I shall be with you immediately,
dear mamma," was the reply; "only
let me have five minutes of this
delightful morning sun on the ter-
race first."
It is not difficult to conceive
what, under such circumstances,
" five minutes of the morning sun
upon the terrace " became. Very
rapidly the terrace itself was aban-
doned for a retreat more appropriate
to the interview, — where, among
thick, shadowy foliage, the morn-
ing sun could only contribute in a
very minor degree to the delight of
the occasion, and where, indeed, the
noontide sun, suddenly blazing
through the branches overhead,
found the lovers with the five
minutes still unexhausted. But
Eila might have been pardoned
for her want of punctuality by the
strictest martinet; on such occasions
it is, if it ever is, excusable ; for
where a conversation has a tendency
to go round and round in a circle
of iteration, the progress of the
dialogue to any special conclusion,
1871.]
however fast the words may flow,
can neither be marked nor rapid.
Far be it from us to follow that dia-
logue in its details. It certainly
would not read well. Accompanied
by illustrative diagrams, it might
be more amusing ; but as it is, it is
better left to the imagination. Ber-
trand would inevitably bore \is with
his imagery and his raptures, for a
very little of that sort of thing goes
a very long way when one is not
personally alluded to. " And al-
ways, always you will love me —
me only — and always thus?" the
sweetest temper would give way
under a score of repetitions of this
and similar questions, so we shall
be as general as possible. For all
that is said to the contrary about
women, perhaps their views on such
occasions are, as a matter of fact,
more practical than those of men.
To a certain extent, the pleasur-
able excitement of the aifair has
been on their side all along; they
have had observances, homage, wor-
ship, and only such an infinitesimal
amount of uncertainty as to season
what might otherwise have become
insipid ; and therefore, when the
proposal is made, the sport of the
thing is over, and its business aspect
begins at once to present itself.
The male being, on the other hand,
only begins to have his innings when
his suit is accepted. It is only
natural that he should like to have
his little share of ante-nuptial wor-
ship ; that he should like to be told
in words what maidenly reserve
should not (theoretically) have al-
lowed even a look hitherto to re-
veal; that he should like to expa-
tiate a little in the blissful regions
of romance — just a very little — be-
fore betaking himself to the prose
of figures and dates, and the fateful
tribunal of earthy parents. Eila
justified our theory on this occasion;
and, though satisfactorily recipro-
cating her lover's protestations, en-
Fair to See.— Part VI.
745
deavoured, every now and then, to
insinuate between his raptures the
thin edge of the practical considera-
tion. As, for example, thus : " We
shall be horribly poor, shan't we,
dear Bertrand 1 "
" Horribly, I suppose. I don't
know, though — I have four hundred
a-year; my uncle might double it, I
should think. He certainly ought
to, for he says I want steadying ;
and if anything can steady a man,
of course, marriage must. Oh ! we
shall be all right somehow. Mar-
ried to such an angel, such an &c.
&c."
"We shall have prospects, though,
shan't we, dearest!" insinuates the
practical angel.
" Oh yes ! we shall get Aber-
lorna, I suppose, if my uncle doesn't
marry — and he won't, especially
when he sees what an angel, what
an &c. &c." (Diagram.)
" You must speak to papa at once,
Bertrand ; you had better come and
do it now."
" Oh! there's no hurry; I'll make
it all right with him, presently."
" But it ought to be done at once ;
it ought to have been done before
we came out here. I can't bear con-
cealments— they are so wrong ; and
we have no right to be so happy till
we have his consent."
" You dear, delightful, dutiful
little angel ! but let us have five
minutes more — only five minutes —
and then I promise to go to him.
Will he be difficult?"
"It is impossible to say : he is
devoted to me, but then who could
resist you ? " (Diagram . )
After a great many renewals, Ber-
trand's five minutes' lease of beati-
tude was at last brought finally to a
close, and he suffered himself to be
led back to the house to have his
mauvais quart cCheure with Mr
M'Killop. Once in that -gentleman's
presence, he did not waste much
time in preliminary flourishes, or in
746
Fair to See. — Part VI.
those ghastly attempts to lead neatly
up to the subject, as usual on such
occasions, as they are invariably abor-
tive. Being frank and ardent, he
plunged into the business at once.
" Can I speak to you for half a
minute, Mr M'Killop?"
" Certainly."
"Thanks; I've just come to say
— I daresay you'll be awfully sur-
prised, and perhaps angry, but it
can't be helped — I've just come to
say that I hope you'll allow me to
marry your daughter Eila, for I never
loved any one before, and I'll never
love any one again, as I love her;
and I've told her so ; and she
and it's all right."
Mr M'Killop rose hastily from
his chair ; he was, as we all know,
singularly taciturn and apparently
phlegmatic ; but he rose hastily from
his chair, and his face flushed, and
his eyes brightened, and for an in-
stant he allowed himself to betray
that Bertrand's abrupt communica-
tion had powerfully moved him in
some way or another : for an in-
stant, too, it seemed that he was
going to express himself with cor-
responding animation ; but that im-
pulse was checked, and, recovering
himself, he said quietly, and with a
half-smile, "By 'all right,' you mean
that my daughter reciprocates your
feelings ? "
"Yes," said Bertrand, "she has
accepted me ; and we only want your
consent to be perfectly happy : you
won't refuse it, I hope 1 "
" My dear young friend," said
M'Killop, resuming his seat and
speaking with averted eyes, "the
question you put is a very grave
question. Young hearts leap to their
conclusions, but grey heads reach
them slowly and carefully — slowly,
my dear young friend, and care-
fully."
"But, after all," said Bertrand,
"it doesn't require much reflection.
Here are two people determined to
[June
marry each other, and no one else ;
they're both eligible for each other,
and — and what more has to be
said?"
"That is — excuse me for saying
so — a very superficial view of the
matter. There are many considera-
tions to be taken into account when
marriage is the question. Person-
ally, no sort of objection to you
could be brought by the most fas-
tidious. I like you — I like you
much. You are a fine young fellow,
Mr Cameron ; any girl might be
proud of your attachment, and so,
I make no doubt, is my daughter ;
but there is the old story — the sor-
did part of the business. We can't
live on love, and we can't marry
without the prospect of something
more substantial than love — you
must see that yourself."
" Of course, of course ; but that
would be all right somehow."
" ' Somehow ' is a bad source of
income for a young couple to begin
life on, Mr Cameron," said M'Killop,
with a good-humoured laugh.
" Yes, but I am sure it could be
contrived — enough could be got to-
gether."
M'Killop did not reply at once,
but rose and walked up and down
the room, apparently plunged in
profoundmeditation,Bertrand watch-
ing his face with the anxiety of one
who strives to read his fate. At
last Mr M'Killop stopped, and
asked —
"Would your uncle approve of
this marriage, do you think 1 "
"Approve of it? of course he
would. He is always saying that
he wishes to see me ' steadier ' and
' more settled ; ' and I suppose every
one will admit that marriage is the
direct road to all that sort of thing."
" He is a proud man, I believe."
" I daresay he is — and will be
prouder still when his nephew is
married to the most perfect woman
in the world."
1871.]
Fair to See.— Part VI.
747
" Ha ! ha ! " laughed M'Killop;
" you must first of all get him to
look at her through your spectacles."
Then, after relapsing into his ab-
straction for a little, he continued :
"The property is at his own disposal,
I think?"
" Well, yes — that is, with condi-
tions. I believe it is not exactly
entailed, but destined, or settled, or
something, on me, if he has no chil-
dren, and I do nothing very diabol-
ical— nothing that he disapproves
of."
"And you don't think Sir Eoland
would consider this marriage very
diabolical]" laughed M'Killop.
" My dear sir, can you doubt that
he will be enchanted 1 He is a cold
man, but I am sure that, at heart,
he is really kind. Then he will
simply adore Eila — every one must ;
and there is no saying how gene-
rous he may be !" cried Bertrand, led
away, for the moment, by his special
pleading, but salving his conscience
at once by adding, " Provided he is
pleased, which is a matter of course."
Again M'Killop paced the room
in deep thought, betraying now and
then, in his appearance, symptoms of
the agitation which had marked the
opening of their interview.
" What on earth can the man be
thinking about? The thing is as
simple as the alphabet. He's not
against it, however — that's clear,"
thought Bertrand.
After some time M'Killop spoke
again.
" I can only repeat, my dear young
friend, what I have said before, that
I like you much personally, and
that I do not conceal from myself
that such a marriage would have
many advantages for my daughter;
but— but — there is always a ' but,'
Mr Cameron, in these things — there
are considerations that must be con-
sidered, and calculations that must
be made ; and on the whole, per-
haps, if you would let me think the
matter over for an hour or so, I
should be able to discuss it with
you more satisfactorily."
Hereupon Bertrand withdrew,
and remained alone, and in feverish
excitement, till, in about the time
named, a servant announced that
Mr M'Killop would be glad to see
him in his business-room. Bertrand
found his host much more alive and
awake than usual, with an unclouded
brow, and a manner that was for
him quite gay and lively. " Well,
Mr Cameron," he said, "I have been
thinking over our little difficulty,
and, I assure you, with hearty good-
will ; and I hope, by making some
sacrifice — which I shall be glad to
make, mind you — that I can put
matters in a satisfactory train."
" You are far too kind and good !"
cried Bertrand.
" Wait, wait. First of all I make
it a positive condition that you get
your uncle's consent. I could not
hear of the marriage without that.
Apart altogether from money consi-
derations, I could not allow it. We
may or may not be people of ex-
traction, but we have our feelings
of self-respect. You understand me,
I am sure?"
" Certainly, sir ; and I know what
an excellent right you have to re-
spect yourself!" cried Bertrand, with
pardonable enthusiasm.
"Very well; Sir Roland's con-
sent must precede the marriage, and
something more; but, first of all,
let me tell you what I propose to do
for you pecuniarily myself. I have
the reputation of being rich, and I
do not pretend that it is unfounded ;
but one portion of my fortune is
embarked in trade, subject to its
vicissitudes and uncertainties. The
other half is now being invested in
land in Scotland ; and that, as you
are aware, impairs the income of a
capital hitherto invested in carefully
selected securities, paying a high
rate of interest. Ahem ? "
748
Fair to See.— Part VI.
"Yes," said Bertrand, not quite
knowing what was expected of him.
" Very good ; my present income
will thus be reduced, and the land
to be invested in is, and always has
been, intended to pass, after me, to
my son — a deserving son, sir, who
has never given me a moment's
anxiety, and whom I shall feel it
my duty to assist otherwise to the
utmost of my power, so that his
position after me, as a landowner,
may be as good a one as he is en-
titled to expect. Ahem?"
" Clearly," said Bertrand, not
quite seeing, however, how these
noble views for the son tended to
the provision of the daughter.
" Very well ; let us say that, in-
dependent of the land, my capital,
subject to risks as above, might
realise a hundred thousand pounds
at the least."
" An immense sum ! " cried Ber-
trand.
" Very well ; one half of this —
subject as above — shall be my
daughter's after my decease, if she
marries you, on the condition that
Sir Eoland sanctions the marriage,
and settles the reversion of Aber-
lorna irrevocably on you and your
heirs. Ahem 1 "
" You are far too generous, Mr
M'Killop."
" Listen ; I will also undertake
during my lifetime to add an annual
equivalent to any sum he may an-
nually allow you, subject to the
above conditions."
" I never dreamt of such munifi-
cence!" cried Bertrand ; " and pray
believe me that I had no thought
of fortune, or even that Eila would
have any money at all, when I pro-
posed to her : you are really too
generous."
""Well, Mr Cameron, I daresay
you can understand that I have a
partiality for my daughter ; and I
don't really see that I could make a
better use of my money ; — do you 1
[June
ha ! ha ! But, to return to the prac-
tical, we must, first of all, get Sir
Roland's consent ; and meantime
we must exercise a little patience.
The time will pass quickly enough.
You had better write to your uncle
at once ; offer my respects, and say
that, after mature and anxious con-
sideration, I have given my pro-
visional sanction, and that I am
prepared to do so-and-so, subject to
so-and-so, as stated before ; and that
we await his reply — anxiously. You
incline to think he will consent 1 "
" I haven't a doubt of it ; your
munificence would alone be suffi-
cient to secure that."
" That is good ; I sincerely hope
so ; and now go away and be happy
with Eila."
So Bertrand went away, treading
upon air. Probably M'Killop had
talked more in the last hour than he
had done altogether since the be-
ginning of the shooting season ; and
Bertrand was satisfied that in all his
previous life he had never talked to
better purpose. Nothing could well
be more satisfactory and agreeable.
Fortune seemed to be literally pelt-
ing Bertrand with her favours. His
rival distanced, his lady-love won,
and, on the top of it all, a practical
parent blessing him with the unc-
tion of the old stage - uncle, and
hurling golden promises of fortune
at him with the same dramatic gen-
erosity !
The course of true love was run-
ning smooth, deep, and rapid, the
sound of wedding - bells mingling
with its soothing song — surely glid-
ing to some peaceful summer sea?
surely never to mingle with tempes-
tuous billows, and lose its sweet life
in a wilderness of storms 1
While matters had been progress-
ing thus happily in the business-
room, Mrs M'Killop, smarting with
a considerable sense of wrong, and
with her curiosity piqued to the
uttermost, had vainly waited all the
1871.]
Fair to See.— Part VI,
749
morning for Eila, and as vainly
searched for her own daughter. We
know how Eila had been occupied.
As for Morna, she had felt herself
by no means in the humour for the
maternal cross - examination. She
knew that what she had to announce
would occasion to her mother both
anger and disappointment ; and
never in all her life had she felt less
able to bear the coarse outbreaks of
that lady's sometimes violent tem-
per. To be put to the question as
to minute facts ; to have her mo-
tives ruthlessly probed] to have all
the delicate workings of her heart
— many of them not consciously
admitted by herself — paraded and
reviewed by so unsympathetic an
agency, would have been just then
intolerable to her. The very vital-
ity of her mother's manner was ter-
ribly antipathetic to her present
feelings. So she had avoided her,
and gone away out among the silent
woods, instinctively seeking from
Nature, who never yet deceived the
heart that loved her, that tender,
placid sympathy which her heart
craved. Mrs M'Killop meantime
had waited and sought in vain;
and the mystery that shrouded the
proceedings of yesterday became
more mysterious as she felt that
the two young ladies were avoiding
her for a purpose ; so that she met
them at luncheon bristling with
curiosity and wrath. During that
meal she conducted herself with
silent dignity, and at its conclusion
remarked to the two culprits —
"Morna, I desire that you will
come with me to the boudoir; as
for you, Eila, I will not trouble
you to break another engagement
with me."
" Dear mamma, I'll come at
once ! " cried Eila.
" You are very good, I'm sure,
but I could not think of troubling
you ; and, for the present, I am
engaged with my own daughter, if
I can hope that she will condescend
so far."
Mrs M'Killop was evidently in
the most abominable of tempers ;
so neither young lady made any
further controversy ; Eila going
away by herself, and Morna follow-
ing her mother to the inevitable
interview.
" I think," began Mrs M'Killop,
as soon as they were seated in the
chamber of inquisition — " I think,
Morna,,! have a right to feel that
you are treating me ill."
" I am sure, mamma, I would
never do so willingly,'' was the
reply.
" You have avoided me ever since
our return from the picnic. I am
not blind, child ; I know that
something which you are anxious
to conceal from me happened
yesterday."
" No, indeed, mamma ; I have
nothing to conceal from you; but
somehow I did not feel able last
night, or even this morning, to tell
you of what happened yesterday."
" I was right, then ; something
did happen ? "
" Yes, mamma."
" Please go on, then ; I detest all
this sentimental mystery and fuss."
" I wish to make no fuss about
it, but—
" I declare you would try the
temper of a saint : did James Dun-
canson propose to you ? "
' Yes ; I am sorry to say he did."
' Sony ! "
' Sincerely."
'Why?"
' Because I was compelled to do
what may have pained him a little ;
and what, I fear, will disappoint
you."
"Do you mean to tell me that
you actually ventured to refuse
him?"
Mrs M'Killop was of course mo-
rally certain that she had ; but the
question was dramatically necessary
750
Fair to See.— Part VI.
to justify surprise, which always
runs so well with indignation.
" I did refuse him, mamma, and
my principal regret in doing so was
that I felt it would vex you ; but I
really couldn't help it."
" Oh ! you couldn't help it,
couldn't you ? " sneered her mother,
in a white heat.
" No, mamma, I could not."
" I presume, then, you have
other secrets from me ; perhaps you
are engaged to some parte, wor-
thier of you — a duke, or a prince,
or" (which was probably Mrs
M'Killop's highest idea of distinc-
tion) " a nobleman in disguise ? "
" No, mother, there is nothing of
that sort in the way."
" Then, in the name of wonder,
girl, what is it ? "
" Nothing," said Morna, in a sad
and weary tone.
" Nothing ! you had best go to a
nunnery, or a poor's-house, or the
infirmary at once," snarled her mo-
ther. " I've had trouble enough
with you and your up-bringing ; I've
given you the chance of an estab-
lishment, and you throw it away
for some crotchet, as if it was — as
if it was ditch-water. Fifteen thou-
sand a-year ! and a fine young man !
And you — what are you but a pau-
per, or next thing to it1? A posi-
tion like what we used to have long
ago ! Thousands of acres ! Part of
the old M'Cuaig property too ! Oh !
you ungrateful — undutiful — artful
— obstinate ; and Eila
But this last consideration was
too poignant, and here the angry
mother burst into a torrent of tears,
accompanied by gusts of maledic-
tory sobbing, and spasmodic invoca-
tions of unutterable ancestors to rise
from their tombs and testify against
their worthless descendant. Morna
bore it all with silent fortitude, and
when the tempest had lulled a little,
said —
" It grieves me sincerely, mamma,
[June
to vex you so ; but our views about
marriage are evidently altogether
different, and we need not argue
about it. I would do anything I
possibly could to please you, but
this I really could not — could not
do."
" Go away out of my sight, you
sly hypocrite ! " roared the matron,
with renewed vigour. " I hope the
deluded young man will not give
you another chance, when you come
to your senses. You're — you're —
not fit to be a good man's wife. I
don't doubt but you've got some
low, beggarly attachment — that's
the secret of it. Well, go away
and be married to any of the ghil-
lies you please, or perhaps you
would prefer a shepherd, or the
postman, or — well, I've done with
you."
" You have no right to speak so
to me, mother," said Morna, roused
to anger at last. " If ' the deluded
young man,' as you call him, ever
ventures to mention the subject
to me again, I shall let him know
my real reason for refusing him —
that I loathe and despise him. I
don't know how you dare to say that
I am unfit to be a good man's wife.
I never wish to be, and never shall
be, any man's wife — good or bad;
but I will not stay here to be so
cruelly treated and spoken to, even
by you, mother. I have already
offered to go to my aunt's before the
time, and to-morrow I shall go to
them. When you come to your
senses, I may come back to you."
Morna marched to the door, tragic
and indignant, but, turning there,
looked back at her mother, whose
wrath, half paralysed by astonish-
ment and a rising fear of having
gone too far, was now oozing away
in quiet tears.
Morna looked at her mother for a
moment or two without speaking,
then came back to her side, and
said, "Mother, forgive me; I was
Fair to See.— Part VI.
1871.]
wrong — we were "both wrong. You
were angry and did not know what
you said; and I — oh ! if you only
knew how sad my heart is, and how
really it grieves me to vex you, you
would not drive me away with such
words. I aui sure you might be-
lieve that I would do anything that
it was possible for me to do to please
you; but this was not possible — it
really was not."
Mrs M'Killop was somewhat im-
pressed with Morna's speech, and
replied in querulous but no longer
insulting tones, " Yes, yes ; that is
always the way with young people
nowadays. Ask them to do any-
thing but what you particularly wish
them to do, and what it is their
duty to do, and they will obey you
cheerfully."
" Well, mamma, I am quite cer-
tain that, with my feelings, it could
not be my duty to do this; but it
can do no good to argue about it."
And hereupon Morna, seizing a
moment of comparative peace to
bring the interview to a close, kissed
her mother and left the room. Be-
fore the perturbation of Mrs M'Kil-
lop's spirit had altogether calmed
down, a gentle tap came to her door,
and before she could either refuse or
grant admittance, there entered to
her, with graceful undulating mo-
tions, and a bright, but withal de-
precating smile on her lovely face —
Eila. No visitor could have been
more unwelcome at the moment.
Mrs M'Killop's aversion to Eila, at
all times sincere, was at this moment
intensified by her daughter's refusal
to play the only card which Eila
appeared unable to trump; and, be-
sides this, she was certain that Eila
now came to announce to her the
collapse of her own scheme, which
would have removed that young lady
from a trumping position for the
future. Poor Mrs M'Killop ! it
was very hard upon her, to be sure,
that her natural ally and her natural
751
foe — in her mind, natural antagon-
ists to each other — should both seem
perversely determined to sacrifice
even their own interests (as she read
it) for the sake of thwarting her ;
that both strings to her bow should
snap, both barrels miss fire. If
either had been successful, the fail-
ure of the other would not have
been so grievous. If Eila had
" gone off," the ground would have
been clear for Morna, for the future ;
and if Morna had accepted Mr
Duncanson, that would have con-
soled her mother for the continued
misfortune of Eila's society. But
both had failed, and the detestable
status quo was all before her again.
It was well, perhaps, that so much
of her wrath had already found such
free vent, or she might have been
unable to exercise even a semblance
of the control over herself which
hitherto she had achieved, even in
her keenest passages with the ene-
my. As it was, she rose from her
seat with an angry flounce, and,
though her manner was meant to
express calm dignity, it was the
intermittent flustering dignity of the
turkey-cock. In this way she in-
timated that, as Eila had found it
inconvenient to come to her in the
morning, sfie now found it incon-
venient to receive her, and begged to
be left alone. If Morna's tale had
been a different one, she could have
afforded to listen with patience —
perhaps even with interest — to the
details of Mr Tainsh's discomfiture ;
but, as it was, she had no patience
for anything that her step-daughter
could say. Eila, altogether ignoring
the conge, and the stormy symptoms
which accompanied it, continued to
advance upon her step-mother with
smiles of archest significance, and
— like a regiment reserving its fire
till at close quarters — spoke not a
word till she threw her arms round
the astonished matron's neck, and
kissed her ardently.
752
Fair to See.— Part VI.
11 Eila ! Miss M'Killop ! wh—
what is the meaning of this — this
exhibition ? " gasped the step-dame,
attempting to extricate herself from
Eila's arms, who, however, only
varied the caress by burying her
head in her victim's ample bosom,
with a sort of " rock-me-to-sleep-
niother " pose, delightfully in con-
trast with the elder lady's attitude
and expression. " I desire you —
madam — I cannot — I will not — — "
gasped Mrs M'Killop, morally, if
not physically, suffocated by the de-
monstration.
" Dearest mamma," murmured
Eila, withdrawing a little — " dear-
est mamma, I am so, so happy ! "
" What ! " shouted the dame,
plunging back so violently as to be
in danger of turning a back somer-
sault over the sofa behind her ;
" so happy, so exquisitely happy !
And fine cause you have for it,
no doubt ! " snorted Mrs M'Killop.
" Yes, indeed, dear mamma ; and
lie is quite pleased."
" Oh ! he is quite pleased, is he ?
that is delightful. If he knew you
as well as I do, he might well be
pleased."
"Thanks! thanks! you " (closing)
"dear, good, kind" (kiss), "flatter-
ing mamma."
" I pro-test I won't stand this
impertinence any longer ! " cried Mrs
M'Killop, disengaging herself, and
staring fiercely at Eila, who regarded
her with meek astonishment. " Are
you mad, Miss M'Killop 1 "
" If I am, it is only with too
much happiness; but what is the
matter with you?
" The matter with me ! the mat-
ter ! the matter 1 Is this a seemly
spirit to be in after what has occur-
red ? "
"Why not ?"
"Oh! to be sure, 'why not?'
miss. This is the modern school, I
suppose ; this is ' the period ' —
this is quite correct, nowadays, of
[June
course. I'm an antediloovyan, I
know. I had better go to the mu-
seums at once — among the ichsor-
uses, and the mammals, and the
camels, or "
" What can you mean, mamma ? "
cried Eila, with the widest eyes.
" All I can say is, if your father
approves of it, I don't : if you are
to make game of his friends, I
don't. I am a plain woman, but
I am a lady by birth, and this is
not our way, and I don't. My grand-
mother "
" Mamma, what are you talking
of?" and indeed the question was
not uncalled for.
"If you choose to refuse a decent
man's honourable proposals — to
throw away chances you'll never get
again, that's your affair; but you
shan't come to giggle and triumph
like — like — a mulatto, over him, to
me, in my room ; and so I tell you,
miss. Perhaps it may amuse your
maid — you can try her ; it disgusts
me, and so I tell you : and this is
my boodoor, and that is the door,
and so I tell you."
"Dear mamma, I wasn't triumph-
ing over a refusal — it is just the
opposite. I was going to tell you
of my engagement."
" Your engagement !" sneered Mrs
M'Killop, with lofty incredulity.
" Now, with my antediloovyan no-
tions, do you know I actually sup-
posed you had refused Mr Tainsh —
I'm really quite behind the age."
" Not at all ; I did refuse him."
" Oh ! you did ? — I see — and
you've repented, and called him
back ; of course, with your over-
whelming charms, you have no doubt
he will come ; but some men have
their foolish pride, and, do you
know, I think it would be more
delicate, to say the least of it, if
you didn't give out your engagement
to Mr Tainsh till you were quite
certain you were to get him. It's
ahtays unlucky to count your chick-
1871.]
ens before they are hatched, but we
must hope for the best."
Eila laughed merrily, and said,
" We are all at cross purposes, mam-
ma ; how very, very droll ! Mr
Tainsh is a worthy man, but he en-
tirely forgot his place when he pro-
posed to me ; and really I'm afraid
I can't give him another chance, for
I'm engaged to Mr Bertrand Camer-
on, mamma."
Such a possibility had, of course,
been from time to time before Mrs
M'Killop's mind, but it had not
materially entered into her calcula-
tions ; and now the full light of the
actual fact suddenly bursting upon
her had a bewildering eifect, and
she plumped down upon the sofa,
only able to ejaculate "Mr Cam-
eron ! "
Her brain was not very quick, so
the advantages and disadvantages of
the affair were not at once clearly
before her; but in her present frame
of mind anything that was pleasant
to Eila was painful to her, and
therefore the intelligence was de-
cidedly disagreeable on a first hear-
ing. JN"or did it improve on con-
sideration; for then she remembered
that Bertrand had been, in a sort of
secondary way, designed for Morna ;
and, now that he might have been
utilised, here was this eternal mar-
plot pouncing upon him.
" Of course ! as a matter of
course!" she said to herself, bit-
terly.
Then, as she sat silent, and Eila
ran on with her story of how Ber-
trand had spoken to papa, and how
pleased papa had been, and what
" handsome, noble promises" papa
had made, it dawned upon her that
the financial aspect of the affair was
far from satisfactory. " Hamper-
ing our income," she said to her-
self, "with a large allowance just
now, and half his fortune to go to
the minx after his death ! I should
like to know what he means to do
VOL. CIX. NO. DCLXVIII.
Fair to See.— Part VI.
753
for hie. I'm to be put off with a
trumpery jointure, I suppose; no
ready money, no capital — nothing
to leave to my family."
Such was the current of her
thoughts, the only offset against
the disadvantages of Eila's engage-
ment— that Eila would no longer be
an inmate of the house — seeming,
for the moment, not at all adequate.
It was not to be expected, there-
fore, that her congratulations should
"be very cordial.
" It is my duty to wish you well
in your new life, Eila," she said,
"but I cannot say you deserve
well. Anything worse than your
conduct to Mr Tainsh I do not re-
member. If / was your own mo-
ther, I would let you know my
mind freely, I can tell you."
" And as you are not, dear mam-
ma, suppose we say no more about
it?"
" I would let you know how I
despise double games, and false en-
couragements, and idle heartless
flirtings ; and that I think eyes
that roll always for admiration, are
not the eyes " (rather losing herself
in her metaphor) "to be helpmeets
to husbands, or take up and bear
a share of life's trials, and so
forth. As to Mr Cameron, I have
nothing to say against him ; but he
is young, he is very young, he is
far too young. Men are all fickle,
especially very young men. Pro-
bably he will repent; if he jilts
you, you will regret Mr Tainsh.
People will tell him it is a bad
match — plebeian (you know, Eila,
your origin is not like Morna's and
mine) — and that will set his pride
up, or his uncle's pride — they are a
proud race — and then where will
you be ? Take friendly advice, and
don't be sanguine ; say nothing to
any one about it at present, and
then the fall won't be so deep."
" Now, mamma, what more could
you have said if I had been your
754
Fair to See.— Part VL
own child 1 Your kindness is really
more than I had any right to ex-
pect."
" Act on my advice, Eila, and you
will always find me glad to advise
you."
[June
"I know I shall— I knowlshall !"
cried Eila, leaving the room; adding,
outside the room, " and I shall al-
ways be happy to receive it when
it is as spiteful, for that tells me
how bitterly you feel my happiness."
CHAPTER XIX.
As yesterday had been a day of
proposals, so to-day had been one
of interviews ; and there was that
sort of mystery and hush in the
establishment which seems percep-
tible and communicable even to out-
siders during a domestic crisis, when
the servants lower their voices and
move stealthily about the house,
when the closing of a door is fraught
with mystery, and the jangling of
a bell suggests a denouement. It
had been a day of interviews, and
the list of them was brought to a
close when Mrs M'Killop had " in-
terviewed" her lord and master.
That he was her lord and master in .
any other than a poetical and hon-
orary sense of the term, Mrs M'Kil-
lop did not believe, and would have
denied with indignation, convinced
as she was that all things in the
family commonwealth were regulat-
ed according to her ordinances. Her
husband's quietness and self-absorp-
tion fostered this delusion, as did
his avoidance of dispute with regard
to unimportant matters. And, after
all, a fussy, violent disposition is
very apt to carry its point in non-
essentials. Common-sense weighs
the value of time and tissue, in com-
bating for it, against the worth of
a trifling victory. In ninety-nine
cases out of a hundred, such vic-
tories are not worth the trouble of
achieving them ; and as the fussy
and violent temperament, which is
fussy and violent upon every sub-
ject, loses all sense of proportion,
and values the fact of conquest far
more than the point gained, the one-
per-cent of defeat, when common-
sense does show fight on an import-
ant point, seems no more than the
exception proving the rule. Hence
Mrs M'Killop considered her sway
absolute, and flattered herself that
if she determined to make her hus-
band withdraw his consent to his
daughter's marriage, there would be
no difficulty in carrying her point.
She had thought the matter well
over, however, and had eventually
decided that it would be rather like
cutting off her nose to spite her
face, if she ran through the arrange-
ment. " I will allow it to go on,
but I will frighten him in the first
place," was the decision which she
carried to her husband's business-
room.
The expression of majestic gloom
with which, in fulfilment of this
programme, she confronted Mr
M'Killop, seemed, however, to be
strangely lost upon him. He met
it, to her astonishment, with a look
of tranquil, cheerful brightness, per-
fectly unusual to him ; and at once,
with an equally unusual volubility,
proceeded to unfold to her what he
called " the good news." To this
expression his wife took immediate
exception ; considered the news very
bad — even deplorable; and indicated
that she had by no means decided
upon giving her sanction to the
match. And here she found, like
many other sovereigns, that there is
some point where the will of the
subject cannot be overridden. In the
quietest way possible, her husband
pointed out that it was no affair of
hers, and that his decision was per-
fectly independent and final.
1871.]
Fair to See.— Part VI.
755
" I am sorry," he added, " that
you don't see the matter as I do,
but that is my only regret in the
matter. If you only knew what a
happiness it is to me — what a bur-
den it lifts off my mind — what a
burden of ," here he checked
himself for a moment, and went on :
"you would be glad, I think, to
further it."
No argument could have been
less telling upon Mrs M'Killop; with
any little advantage as to comfort
which it might bring to her per-
sonally, the marriage brought her
a world of immediate chagrin and
vexation, not to speak of possible dis-
advantages in the future; and to be
told that it made her husband hap-
pier than he had been for years, was
not, under the circumstances, a fea-
ture in the project likely to move
such a nature to zealous co-operation,
altogether apart from the unseemly
and unwonted refusal to recognise
her sovereign rights which had gone
before. She was, moreover, not at
all certain that M'Killop had any
right to independent sources of hap-
piness ; and as to lifting a burden
from his mind — what burden was
it? and what business had he to
have a burden without her sanction ?
Altogether, she was exasperated,
and set herself to undermine, by
every unpleasant suggestion, the
rebellious satisfaction in which her
husband was indulging. In this
way she dwelt upon the youth of
the suitor ; the short acquaintance
between him and his betrothed ; the
fickleness of unripe manhood ; the
folly of rash engagements; the al-
most certain misery of marriages
entered into before the contracting
parties "knew their own minds;"
the extreme improbability of its ever
coming to anything ; the probable
opposition of his family, and their
reasonable suspicion that Bertrand
had been entrapped for the sake of
his prospects.
M'Killop was not to be moved
by all these stock considerations,
and parried the last by remark-
ing that, when the fortune he
designed for Eila was considered,
mercenary motives could hardly be
attributed to him ; and on Mrs
M'Killop disinterestedly remarking
that she thought the destined pro-
vision excessive and unfair to — to
others — she meant his son, of course
— he cried out, with inexplicable
energy, that he would double it
rather than see the marriage fall
through.
The tormentor was nonplussed ;
and setting this flight down to the
rampagiousness of obstinacy glorying
in a first success, she resolved that
her husband should find, by a hun-
dred petty discomfitures, that a
second would be dearly bought.
She had all but emptied her quiver
of annoyances, and shot the last
shaft without expecting it to telL
It did so, however, and, to her sur-
prise, with marvellous eifect ; and
was delivered on this wise : —
"All I can say is, that Eila's
conduct has been most improper
throughout ; I don't know what the
neighbourhood will say."
" I can't say I have noticed the
impropriety ; and I don't think the
neighbours are likely to interest
themselves in the matter, one way
or other, considering we know no
one in the neighbourhood."
" I alluded to this sad business
with Mr Tainsh."
" Mr Tainsh ! what sad busi-
ness ? "
" Oh ! you may pretend not to
know, but it won't do ; and Mr
Tainsh is not the man to conceal
his wrongs — his cruel injuries ;
Eila's name will be blasted —
blasted."
" Good gracious ! Mrs M'Killop,"
cried her husband, starting up in
visible agitation; "what do you
mean1? No more riddles, if you
please."
"No riddles, M'Killop; plain,
756
Fair to See.— Part VI.
[Ji
sad truth, seen by all the world.
Do you mean to tell me you didn't
see that Mr Tainsh was in love with
" I did not ; he never told me ;
I never noticed it."
"He told me, however, M'Kil-
lop."
"Well?"
" 'Well V you take it coolly, upon
my word ! Yes, M'Killop, he was
in love with her ; she did all in her
power, used every device and art,
to make him love her, under my
eyes, and I saw it; under your nose,
and it seems you didn't even sus-
pect it ! "
"Well]"
" ' Well ' again ! Is that conduct
worthy of a Christian female, M'Kil-
lop?"
" She couldn't propose to him,
you know, Elisabeth."
" Oh ! I wouldn't be too sure of
that, if it had suited her; but it
didn't suit her, and it wasn't neces-
sary, for she made him propose to
her."
" No ! "
" Yes, indeed ; just to have the
pleasure of refusing him, insulting
him, telling him that he was too
low for her notice; ridiculing his
honest love, M'Killop, as an offering
only fit for a dairymaid, and an out-
rage to her. Her father's friend had
a right to expect different treatment.
When we came upon the scene of
the refusal, it was plain to me that
she was violently insulting Mr
Tainsh."
" Good heavens ! I had no idea
of all this; 'it is very bad — very
painful. I would give anything
that it had not happened."
" No man can forgive such an in-
sult," continued Mrs M'Killop, in
solemn didactic tones; " and no man
can forget the shocking way she
threw herself at young Cameron.
Mr Tainsh will have his revenge.
He has gone away in wrath — in fury
— in madness," she continued, her
imagination warming to the work,
" and he is now telling all the world
how things are carried on here — how
sensible men are insulted and be-
fooled, and young fools entrapped
by designing minxes. A nice char-
acter we shall have ! and my poor
dear Morna will suffer. There, M'Kil-
lop, you needn't be so very trium-
phant about your fine marriage. It
won't sound so well, reported by that
injured man."
" Good God !" repeated M'Killop,
pacing the room in great agitation,
" I wouldn't for the world Tainsh
was offended or hurt in any way.
There's no saying he might
I like Tainsh 1 owe him kind-
nesses, you see. I wouldn't have
Tainsh made unfriendly — that is, I
would not be unfriendly to Tainsh
for any consideration. Are you sure
he is feeling it in this way ? "
"Certain; he is simply mad-
dened."
"Then we must make it up to
him. I must write — you must write
— Eila shall write — we'll all write,
and apologise ; or I'll go and see
him this very day. I'll follow him,
and tell him it was beyond my con-
trol— that I knew nothing of it.
You know that ; you can tell him
that. I can swear it with a safe
conscience. Tainsh has reason —
Tainsh has common - sense. He
can't resent it on me. No, no ; but
something must be done at once."
All the brightness had faded from
M'Killop's face, and a look of anxiety
and distress had replaced it, as he
moved about the room in short,
quick, uncertain strides, betraying
extreme nervous agitation in every
gesture. His wife looked at him
in astonishment ; the symptoms he
betrayed appeared to her to be out
of all proportion to their cause,
especially in so phlegmatic a man.
She felt that she had overdone her
part. Having merely meant to vex
and irritate him, she found that she
had roused him into a kind of
1871.]
Fair to See.— Part VI.
757
frenzy — a frenzy perfectly unac-
countable to her, but there it was ;
and it was now necessary for her,
having roused it, to undo the work
she had done, and to prevent action
being taken, which, as she knew,
would only place them all in a
ridiculous and humiliating light
before Mr Tainsh.
To soothe her lord she found no
easy task, even with the half-ad-
mission that her feelings had carried
her away into exaggeration; and all
the success she achieved before leav-
ing was the extortion of a promise
to suspend action for the moment —
and with this she was fain to be
content. Her interview had been
altogether a failure — it had left her
entirely baffled; and there was a
mystery about her husband's whole
conduct in. the matter from first to
last which piqued her with the idea
of a secret motive — secret from her.
If she had had any doubt on the
subject, it was set at rest a few
minutes after the close of their con-
versation, when, going quietly into
his room to look for something
which she had left behind, she
found him standing with his back
to the door, still in the same atti-
tude, and heard him mutter to him-
self—
" Good God ! have I found the
chance, after all these years ? Have
I found the means — simple and
harmless — of setting all to rights —
and only to lose it ? "
" What chance 1 setting what to
rights, M'KillopT' cried his wife,
unable to restrain herself.
Her husband turned fiercely upon
her, with a look she had never seen
in his face before, and, quivering
with rage, ordered her from his
sight, with a torrent of imprecations
that came with startling effect from
so unlikely a source, and revealed
to her, for the first time, that under
that quiet and almost sanctimonious
exterior there lay, unknown and un-
guessed by her, a second life, from
which these utterances came. She
fled from the room in real terror —
and from that date her theory of
government was revolutionised. If
yesterday — the feast of 'proposals —
had terminated in general discom-
fiture and gloom, so to-day the
resulting interviews had, after all,
left matters in no more satisfactory
condition. As there had been only
two in the dramatis personce of
yesterday for whom the action of
the piece went smoothly, so to-day
there were still only two. Tainsh
and Duncauson, indeed, had with-
drawn their contributions to the
dismal department, but their places
had been supplied by Mr and Mrs
M'Killop, who were now looking
their parts to a marvel. Such were
Pigott's sentiments, as he surveyed
the party at dinner, not without
disapprobation.
"As for these two idiots," he said
to himself, alluding to Eila and
Bertrand, " of course they are too
ineffably happy not to be silent ; and
although the consciousness that
there are two people ineffably happy
in a room has a depressing effect,
still it needn't be so bad as this.
One would have thought the parent-
birds would have liked it, but it
doesn't seem so. What's the mat-
ter with old M'Killop 1 he's piano
enough iu general, but to-day he
looks as if he was going to be
knouted. And the other old mis-
creant— even her voice would be a
relief How red her face is ! per-
haps she's been drinking, and
daren't trust herself to speak. And
Morna too — looking as if she was at
a funeral. Upon my life, it is rather
too hard upon me : conversation is
not my line, but one has a right to
expect it from others."
It certainly was not a convivial
occasion. Eila and Bertrand found
it satisfactory enough, but it did
strike even their preoccupation that
M'Killop was not quite the ideal of
the delighted parent he had repre-
758
Fair to See.— Part VI.
sented himself in the morning to
be. Bertrand had feared that there
might be some demonstrative con-
gratulations when the party met at
dinner — slynesses and vulgar rally-
ings on the part of Mrs M'Killop —
a speech, perhaps, from M'Killop
(in the morning he had appeared
capable of anything), and, at all
events, a pretty exuberant marking
of the auspicious occasion. But
there was not an allusion made to
the subject which must have been
uppermost in the mind of every
one ; and, as Pigott noted with in-
tense disapprobation, " the old cur-
mudgeon didn't even pull out his
champagne." As the dinner passed,
so passed the rest of the evening.
Morna was in her own room, making
preparations for her journey of the
morrow, and did not appear in the
drawing-room till the party were
about to break up for the night.
M'Killop sat silent, staring at the
newspaper, and Pigott found Mrs
M'Killop so wild in her play at
their habitual ecarte, that he pock-
eted his winnings with a recurrence
of the suspicion which had crossed
his mind at dinner. As for the
lovers — Bertrand had left the din-
ing-room immediately after the ladies,
and very soon he and Eila were out
across the terrace and away among
the woods, where time, place, and
circumstance were all forgotten, and
whence they did not return till the
darkness had long fallen, when they
crept guiltily back, anticipating a do-
mestic storm. The storm-fiend was
contemptuously quiescent, however,,
merely remarking, " Since you have
returned," as if the contingency
was but remotely probable, " and
as Morna makes a very early start
to-morrow, perhaps we had better go
to bed."
"An early start, Miss Grant!"
cried Bertrand; "are you going away 1
Where to ? not for long, I hope 1 "
" Three questions ! " said Morna.
" Yes, Mr Cameron, I am going
[June
away to-morroAv morning. I am
going to join my aunts at Dunfail ;
how long I shall be away I don't
quite know, but I don't think it is
at all likely that I shall be back
before you leave; so it is good-
night and gaod-bye ; " and she held
out her hand.
" I am very sorry," said Bertrand,
warmly — " very sorry indeed ; but
perhaps we shall meet in England ;
in any case "
He wished to make some allusion
to their future connection, but
paused, and she finished his sen-
tence for him : —
" In any case we shall perhaps
meet some time or other. Good-
bye."
"Good-bye," said Bertrand,
feeling some disappointment that
one whom he regarded with such
friendly feelings should have made
no allusion to present circum-
stances ; but so it was, and so
the party broke up. That night
Bertrand indited the momentous
letter to his uncle, asking that
potentate to sanction his happiness
— a mere formal compliment, he
felt it to be, for the veriest sim-
pleton, he assured himself, would
at once recognise the advantages
of such an alliance ; and his
uncle was no simpleton — far from
it. So the letter was written, and
Bertrand sat down with his friend
to be jolly, feeling that all he had
now to do was to exercise a little
patience for the consummation of
his happiness. His friend was not
in the best of tempers, and, indeed,
much the reverse of sympathetic,
entirely declining to believe in the
rapture with which Sir Roland was
expected to receive the intelligence.
" Nobody in his senses," he said,
" could think it anything but fool-
ish. The young lady of course is
— don't look so fierce, Bertrand —
an angel; but the parents — well, it
is as well that Sir Roland is not
to have a photograph of them and
1871.]
Fair to See.— Part VI.
759
their manners when he sits in judg-
ment on the case. I always told you
you would make a fool of yourself."
" You forget yourself, Pigott."
" No disparagement to the beaitx
yeux, my dear fellow — quite the
reverse ; and, after all, if you like
to put your neck in a halter at
twenty -two — ce n'est pas mon
affaire. But I'll tell you what is
my affair ; and that is, that this is
all deuced slow for me. If I had
only foreseen what was to turn up,
you wouldn't have caught me going
partners with you, I can tell you."
" I think it's as jolly as possible."
" Of course you do, you imbecile;
but do you think it's jolly for me —
all this mystery, and love-making,
and glum looks ? — hang me ! if one
mightn't as well be at Colney
Hatch, in the melancholy depart-
ment. It's simply infernal — that's
what it is — and I think you've
used me abominably ill."
Bertrand laughed good-humour-
edly at his friend's vigorous sally,
and answered, "But even to look
at the matter from your own
prosaic, practical point of view, Eila
is to have fifty thousand pounds."
" There you go — self, self, self.
Fifty thousand pounds ! fifty thou-
sand angels of darkness, or of light.
That doesn't make my billet here
the pleasanter ; that doesn't give
me a sane companion to speak to
and shoot with ; it doesn't make
Mrs M'Killop's vulgarity less offen-
sive to me; and she's almost my
only resource left now, now Morna
is going away, who was by far the
best of the whole party."
" With an exception," interpo-
lated Bertrand.
" Oh, hang it ! I have no patience
with you or anybody or anything,"
vociferated Pigott. " I've lost an
autumn ; the same money would
have paid for a share in the yacht,
and the Norway fishing with Ridley ;
and here I am, shut up in a con-
founded prison, surrounded with
moping lunatics and detestable
old harridans ; and the grub isn't
so good as it was ; and I am some-
times thirsty at dinner for ten
minutes — (perhaps, now you're in
the firm, you'll speak about that) —
and because old Blowhard happens
to be in the blues, that's no reason
why he shouldn't pass the wine.
And just look at that wood — green
and smoky ! By George ! I'll be off,
and claim half the money back ! "
" I never saw you in such a vile
temper, Pigott. I'm sorry you're
annoyed. I daresay it is slow for
you, but I'll try to be more amusing.
As for the other grievance, I think
that is only the suggestion of an
evil temper. It is a bore, Morna's
going away ; she would have kept
you alive."
" She was getting as bad as the
rest; and no wonder, in such a hole
as this."
"By the by, I did notice that
she wasn't so cheery latterly."
" Oh ! you noticed that, did you?"
"Yes — she was almost cross some-
times,! thought ; and she didn't even
congratulate me — odd, wasn't it ? "
' Perhaps."
' What do you mean 1 "
' Perhaps she had her reasons."
' You're very mysterious."
'Ami?"
' To change the subject, Tainsh
apologised."
1 Without a thrashing?"
Yes."
And Duncanson?"
' I had no quarrel with him."
' He had with you, though."
I can't make out why."
No?"
'Can you?"
'Ha! ha!"
As you can't take the trouble
to speak like a reasonable being, I'll
go to bed. Good-night, and a better
temper to you."
" Whispers of angels make music
in your dreams, oh unconscionable
dolt ! "
760
Fair to See.— Part VI.
[June
CHAPTER XX.
Morna's room adjoined the busi-
ness-room of Mr M'Killop, and
when the party broke up this even-
ing, she was siirprised to hear that,
contrary to his wont, he came thither
instead of going straight up to bed.
Her attention was specially drawn
to this by the fact that apparently
he had come neither to read nor to
write, but to occupy himself — sin-
gularly enough at that hour of the
night— in walking up and down the
apartment. The house was badly
deafened, so that sounds from the
next room came to Morna's very
distinctly, and in this way she was
able to remark that M'Killop was
walking up and down, in the man-
ner of a man who debates some
subject with himself, with a good
deal of agitation and hesitancy, his
steps being now quick, short, and
undecided, now long, slow, and
steady.
This was continued so long that
Morna's attention was withdrawn
from it until the footsteps ceased
to sound, and she heard the doors
of a large cabinet unlocked, and the
hinges creak as they were opened.
The rustling of papers was then
audible, and even some muttered
ejaculations of her step-father's —
the sense of which, however, she
did not, as she did not wish to,
catch. At last he spoke out —
quite loud — louder than in ordinary
conversation, so that to overhear
him became unavoidable.
" No, no : it cannot be wrong.
Where is the harm? Simply to
postpone — that is not to defeat jus-
tice. Not at all. It will be all for
the best. I will keep the paper in
case; while it exists, no eventual
harm can be done. The letter may
be destroyed, though — and' here it
Morna heard the sound of a paper
being torn up, and almost at the
same instant there was a sort of
choking cry and the noise of a
heavy fall ; and, running in, she
found Mr M'Killop lying insensible
on the floor. She obtained assistance
without alarming her mother, and
in a few minutes he sufficiently
regained consciousness to enable
him to forbid a doctor, or even his
wife, being sent for. When he was
so far recovered, and had been re-
moved to his own dressing-room,
which was at hand, Morna left him ;
and noticing, as she passed the
business-room, that the doors of the
cabinet stood open, she went in,
locked them, took the key, and was
about to extinguish the light when
her eye fell on a letter torn in
half, lying near the spot where Mr
M'Killop had fallen.
" This," she thought to herself,
" must be what I heard him tear.;
and it certainly was some agitation
connected with this letter that
brought on his illness. Perhaps
he didn't know what he was doing
when he tore it up ; he was seized
at the very moment ; in any case,
it can do no harm if I take it, and
send it back to him with his keys."
She took it accordingly, and went
to her room, resolving, since she was
to start early, to enclose it to him
with a note explaining under what
circumstances she had found it. In
the process of folding the torn letter,
however, her eye was involuntarily
attracted, as eyes — even the honest-
est — may be, by an expression in
it ; an expression of such interest,
that under the influence, as it were,
of an irresistible fascination, she
read on, and before reflection on the
impropriety of what she was doing
came back to her, she shared with
Mr M'Killop a secret which it
deeply distressed her to possess, and
1871.]
Fair to See.— Part VI.
761
which it would no doubt still more
shock him to find her in possession
of.
"What am I to do 1" she exclaim-
ed, in desperation ; but she was
spared the trouble of further Deflec-
tion, for at this moment a message
came from Mr M'Killop requesting
her to come to him at once.
She found him lying on his bed :
he had quite recovered conscious-
ness, but was looking prostrate, and
spoke in a feeble voice. "I am very
sorry, Morna," he said, " to trouble
you at this late hour, but I under-
stand you were the first to come to
me when I was taken ill ? "
" Yes, I was."
" Did you notice if the doors of
my cabinet were open ?"
" Yes, they were."
" I am still too giddy to move
without danger of bringing on an-
other attack, and I don't like to
trust a servant ; will you kindly go
and lock it, and bring me the keys ?"
" I have locked it already ; and I
have the keys : here they are."
" Many thanks to you, Morna ;
this is most prudent, and like your-
self. I rather fancy I was destroying
a paper at the time I was taken ill ;
whether I had quite destroyed it or
not, I don't know : did yo\i happen
to see anything of the sort lying
about the floor 1 "
" Yes, Mr M'Kfflop, I did."
" Perhaps you would take the
trouble to pick up the fragments
and bring them to me ? It is an
important letter, and should be
thoroughly destroyed."
" I have the letter all here, Mr
M'Killop."
" You really are the most sensible
girl in the world." .
" Stay a moment before you com-
pliment me ; I have read it."
" Eead it ! " cried M'Killop, in a
voice of horror and amazement ; " do
you call that honour 1"
After this no word of anger or
reproach escaped him ; he lay still,
pale, with a look of collapse ; and
it was with difficulty that his trem-
bling lips faltered the few words he
wished to say.
" No," replied Morna, "I do not;
and even now I cannot understand
how I came to read it. Some words
which caught my eye at the com-
mencement of the letter so startled
me, that I began in voluntarily; and
what I read so absorbed me, that I
went on to the end — almost, I may
say, unconsciously."
" You are conscious of the secret
it contains, however 1 "
" I am ; and however I may re-
gret the means by which I obtained
possession of it, I cannot regret that
I am ; because it would seem that
you were abandoning an act of jus-
tice you had once intended to per-
form."
" No, no; you must not go by
appearances in this case ; and surely
you would not make use of infor-
mation so obtained?"
"Why not r'
" It would be dishonourable."
" Is it honourable to screen dis-
honour 1 My morals may be all
wrong; but I can't bring myself to
see that."
" Morna, I have been kind to you ;
I have wished always to be very
kind to you."
" Yes, Mr M'Killop, you have —
and I am grateful ; but that cannot
affect this matter. In a question
of right or wrong I cannot let my
judgment be influenced by considera-
tions of feeling merely ; and as to the
means by which I have become pos-
sessed of your secret, — if I heard —
overheard — one man confiding to
another the scheme of some terrible
wickedness he meant to commit — a
murder, for instance — would it be
dishonourable in me to make use of
the intelligence I had obtained by
involuntary eavesdropping to save
a man's life ? "
762
Fair to See.— Part VI.
[June
" This has nothing to do with a
murder."
" No, but the same principle ap-
plies to it. I am a thousand times
sorry, as I have said, for the way I
got the information, but, having got
it, I will use it, unless you act your-
self ; I could not do otherwise."
" Listen, Morna ; it is a very in-
tricate story ; I promise you I will
put all to rights; I swear to you
that it is my most anxious wish to
do so ; but unreasonable haste may
ruin all — all ; involve innocent people
in the consequences of guilt, and even
compromise my character. You would
be both rash and unfair in acting
without me ; and though you might
fancy that you were doing an act of
justice, you would in reality be do-
ing injustice ten times greater. You
cannot doubt, under the circum-
stances in which I am placed, that
it is my interest as well as my duty
to see justice done."
" I certainly cannot see that your
interest and your duty are opposed
to each other; but what interest
you can have had all along "
" That is nothing to the purpose.
Leave it to me ; it will take a little
time, but right shall be done, you
may depend upon it. One thing —
it must not transpire before Eila's
marriage with Mr Cameron ; that is
indispensable. Allow me " (as she
was going to interrupt' him) " to be
the best judge of my own plans and
ideas, and to add that I see no rea-
son why you should threaten an
honest man with pressure to be
honest."
"Pardon me, Mr M'Killop— I
only see a wrong existing ; and if
you tell me that a little delay is ne-
cessary that full justice should be
done, I am satisfied."
"Till after the marriage, Morna."
" Very well ; but if — supposing —
that is — well, I miist say it — sup-
posing you should die in the mean
time?"'
" In that case you are at liberty
to disclose what you have discovered,
and you will find full proof of what
that letter stated, in the top drawer,
on the right-hand side of the cabinet ;
there it shall remain in the mean
time."
" I shall never be easy till it is
off my mind."
"Nevertheless, having possessed
yourself of my secret — only to a cer-
tain extent — you are bound not to
use it so as to hurt me while others'
interests are on the way to be estab-
lished."
" I will not ; but I hope there
will not be much delay. Good-bye."
" Good-bye. Do not think ill of
me ; believe that any bad impression
of me which this affair may produce
will be absolutely removed when the
truth is fully made known. Ah,
Morna! you don't know how much
I am to be pitied."
" Any one with such a secret is to
be pitied." And then she added,
touched by the forlorn aspect of the
man — " I am very sorry for you, Mr
M'Killop. I cannot believe that
you would do anything wrong or
unjust, voluntarily and wittingly.
Good-bye. I hope you will take
care of yourself. It is the agitation
of this miserable affair that has made
you ill." And so they separated.
" She will require management,"
muttered M'Killop, when he was
again alone.
" Surely I must be right in be-
lieving that he is honest," thought
Morna.
Thus ended the last of all the
day's interviews — a pretty mysteri-
ous one too ; and perhaps after this
some of us would be inclined in
meeting M'Killop to button our
pockets in case — only in case — of
accidents.
1871.]
A Century of Ch-eat Poets.
763
A CENTURY OF GREAT POETS, FROM 1750 DOWNWARDS.
NO. I. WILLIAM COWPER.
THERE is no art which has suffer-
ed so many fluctuations, or which
shows more exactly how the tide of
genius ebbs and flows, than the art of
Poetry. Within the last two hun-
dred years there have been some
score of interregnums during which
the world has mournfully declared,
as with one voice, that its power
of appreciating verse was over, and
the fountain dried from which that
stream should come. One of these
grand crises had arrived in the mid-
dle of the eighteenth century. In
the interval between the end of
Milton and the beginning of Pope
the art of song had suffered one of
its many metamorphoses. It had
changed from an inspired message
into an elaborate chime of words.
Milton, grand, harmonious, and musi-
cal as is his utterance at all times,
was a man overflowing with high
thought and lofty meaning; with so
much to say to his generation that
the mode of saying it might almost
have been expected to become in-
different to him. It never did so,
because of the inborn music of
the man — that wonderful sense
of melody in which he has never
been surpassed, if indeed ever
equalled, in the English tongue. But
notwithstanding this great natural
gift, his subject was the thing pre-
eminent with him ; and as his subject
was of the highest importance and
solemnity, so his verse rose into organ-
floods of severest sweetness. Dryden,
who succeeded him, did not possess
a similar inspiration. He had no
message to the world to speak of,
and yet he had a great deal to say.
Accordingly with him the subject be-
gan to lower and the verse to increase
in importance. And in Pope this
phase of poetry attained its highest
development. With him everything
gave way to beauty of expression.
No prophetic burden was his to de-
liver. The music of the spheres had
never caught his ear. Verse was the
trade in which he was skilled, not
the mere mode of utterance by which
a mind overflowing with thoughts of
heaven or earth communicated these
thoughts to its fellows. He was an
admirable performer upon an instru-
ment the most delicate and finest-
toned which humanity possessed.
His power on it was such that the
most trivial motif, the most mean
topic, became in his hands an occa-
sion, of harmony. We confess with-
out hesitation that the music of
Pope's verse does not enchant and en-
thral our particular ear, but it did that
of his own generation. It belonged,
as does so much of the poetry of
France, to an age more moved by
culture than by nature; building
upon certain doctrines and tenets of
literary belief; trusting in style as
in a confession of faith, and estab-
lishing as strict a severance between
the orthodox and heterodox in litera-
ture, as ever a community of ec-
clesiastics has done in a religious
creed. Perhaps that was the only
period of English literature in
which an Academy would have been
possible. Pope made himself the
poetic standard of the age. His con-
temporaries were measured by it as
by a rule ; and no one came up to
the height of the great master. He
gave to his generation a stream of
melodious words such as might have
made the whole country sweet, but
which, unfortunately, being often
employed to set forth nauseous or
trifling subjects, gave no nobility to
764
A Century of Great Poets.
[Jt
the mind of his period, but only
a mathematical music — something
which touched the ear rather than
the heart.
But in Pope his school came to a
close. It was impossible to do any-
thing finer, more subtle, or more
perfect in the art of combining
words. If there had been given to
him a message to deliver, probably
he would not have reached to such
perfection in the mode of delivering
it; but as it was, he brought to its
highest fulfilment and completion
the poetical style of which he was
capable. And the time had come
for a new melody, something which
should rouse up the jaded world
from the slumber into which it had
fallen after all that monotony of
sweetness which had lulled its brain
into insensibility. The man who,
in the silence of the age, was being
prepared for this work, was about
the last man whom we would have
chosen for it had we been admitted
to the councils of Providence. He
was a man of weak yet tenacious
character, unsteady mind, and melan-
choly temperament; a pensive being
born to be a recluse, without any of
the bolder manly gifts which please
our national taste; without acquain-
tance with men, or experience in
life; a hypochondriac, a man sick in
body and in soul. Had he himself
been aware of the effect he should
have upon the literature of his
country, no doubt he would have con-
sidered it a triumph of that goodness
of God which chooses the weak things
of the world to confound the strong.
Such, more than any other, is the
first impression produced upon us
by the life of Cowper ; that mournful
life over which so many a reader has
mused with wonder and awe, mar-
velling no less at the undeserved
and needless sufferings of the man,
than at the curious vigour and vital-
ity of the poet. In the one point of
view, weak, helpless, unreasoning,
and most miserable; in the other,
full of the sunshine of cheerful yet
solemn thought, good sense, and that
genial universal sympathy which
helps so many men to bear the bur-
den of their troubles all the easier
for the help they afford to others.
So many have asked the question,
How this could be? that it seems
vain to reiterate an inquiry which
no new information helps us to an-
swer; but it is impossible to arrive
at any just view of English poetry
and poets without fully taking into
consideration the timid, sad, half-
feminine figure which was the first
to triumph over the artificial bound-
aries which had been raised about
his art, and to found in nature and
freedom the greatest school of poets
which has been known in England
since the Elizabethan age.
That Cowper did this there can
be no doubt : he was timid, not only
as a woman, but as a cloistered wo-
man, from whom the world has been
entirely shut out — and prejudiced as
every sectarian is by nature : his being
was given up to the pettiest occupa-
tions, and a life such as even a girl
or an old woman might be pardoned
for finding dreary and monotonous :
he was used to dependence, and con-
tent with it, feeble of purpose, capri-
cious, and obstinate ; yet in his way
he turned the world upside down,
scorned models alike and trammels,
and, defying all precedents, threw
open the doors of poetry to all the
world and to a new generation.
These two characters are far from
agreeing, and yet they united in one
person. His life and his works are
two things as distinct as light and
darkness. Never was there a clearer
example of the distinction so often
lost sight of between personal and
intellectual character — a distinction
which we are forced to recognise
and accept without being able either
to harmonise or to explain.
William Cowper was born in Great
Berkhamstead, Hertfordshire, in
November 1731, a few years be-
1871.]
Ac. I. — William Cowpcr.
765
fore the death of the potentate
whom he succeeded, after a long in-
terval, upon the throne of English
poetry. Pope was lingering out his
last days on his river-side when the
delicate child of the Hertfordshire
parson was being " drawn to school
along the public way " in that bright
early morning of his childhood when
he had still a mother. This period
did not last long. The poor little
sickly boy was left without the guar-
dianship most needful to a child
when he was but six years old.
He protested at fifty, with a vehe-
mence which it is difficult to give a
literal credence to, that his mother
had never been out of his thoughts
for a week altogether during that
long half-century — a filial fidelity
in which surely he never had a rival.
His father married again, we are
not told how soon; but the child
scarcely seems to have ever lived at
home after this first great loss of his
life. He was sent off, probably, in
the first sting of it, to school, to a
certain Dr Pitman's, where the timid
little fellow was badly used by a
cruel big boy : then passed two years
iinder the charge of an oculist, his
eyes having shown symptoms of
weakness — and at ten entered West-
minster School. Unfortunately, our
only knowledge of his childhood
and youth is derived from the gloomy
account given by himself in after
life of his early unregenerate days,
an account clouded in every detail
with the gloom of ideas which be-
long to a later period of his life, and
were very unlikely to have entered
the heart of a child. From this ac-
count it would be inferred that the
poor little timid Cowper was a child
of remarkable depravity, brought up
by a succession of extremely wicked
people, all conspiring to heighten
the natural blackness of his charac-
ter, and thus put him beyond the
reach of ordinary means of amend-
ment. He grew wickeder and wick-
eder in his schoolboy days — he be-
came an adept in " the infernal art
of lying," he had no " sentiments of
contrition, nor thought of God or
eternity." About all this there is
a curious but very evident self-de-
lusion. Poet though he was, Cow-
per had forgotten the child that
once played in the shadow of the
old Abbey and stormed through
Dean's Yard; for it is easy to see
that the poor little man was nei-
ther very sad nor very wicked.
He excelled at cricket and foot-
ball, it is allowed. He formed
a number of friendships which
lasted into mature life, and to all
appearance led his little existence
in a very harmless gentle way,
liked by everybody, and sufficiently
happy in himself. Even the horror
for public schools which he after-
wards expressed in his poems does
not seem to have been drawn from
his own experience of them. " We
love the play-place of our infant
days," he is betrayed into saying,
even in the midst of his denuncia-
tions— and beguiled from theory into
recollection, lets his fond fancy stray
to that charming picture of " the
little ones unbuttoned, glowing hot,"
who play the games he once played
before it had occurred to him that
he was depraved and miserable.
"The pleasing spectacle at once excites
Such recollection of our own delights,
That, viewing it, we seem almost to attain
Our innocent sweet simple years again."
Thus poetry rights the balance
against the gloomy theory of life
which swallowed up all Cowper's
gladness ; and the man who has just
maligned his childhood in prose in-
advertently vindicates it in verse.
When he left Westminster he
entered an attorney's office, and here
again it becomes necessary to be
cautious of his own jaundiced
account of himself, and take his
unintentional descriptions as well
as his formal one. The latter
still continues to give a gloomy
sketch of a disagreeable young man,
766
A Century of Great Pods.
[June
speaking evil of his employer and of
himself, insinuating blame in the
matter of church-going, and repre-
senting everybody around him as
conspiring against his soul. But
the unintentional revelation gives us
a very different picture. It shows
him to us as idle, as foolish, as
happy, and as gay as most boys of
nineteen are, shirking his work,
which was naughty, to be sure, and
hanging about the cheerful pleasant
house of his uncle, in which there
were girls and diversions. " I did
actually live three years with Mr
Chapman, a solicitor," he wrote
afterwards in a letter to Lady
Hesketh; "that is to say, I slept
three years in his house; but I lived,
that is to say, I spent my days, in
Southampton Row, as you very well
remember. There was I and the
future Lord Chancellor constantly
employed from morning to night in
giggling and making giggle instead
of following the law. Oh fie ! cousin,
how could you do so 1 " This little
indication of his pursuits is infinite-
ly more trustworthy than the after-
record. And it proves, at the same
time, the futility of the attempt,
unconsciously made by Cowper him-
self, and with the sincerest meaning
by his friend Hayley, to make his
entire life of a piece, and to impress
upon it a melancholy consistency
such as, thank Heaven, is rarely
found in nature. It was "as if des-
tiny had determined that all his
early situations in life should be
particularly irksome to his delicate
feelings, and tend rather to promote
than to counteract his constitutional
turn for melancholy " — Hayley tells
us — " that he was removed from a
public school to the office of an
attorney." But we do not believe
that the boy was at all melancholy
in either place. " His innocent
sweet simple years" lay under no
such shadow as later life invented
for them; and the house in South-
ampton Row, it is evident, more
than counteracted the irksomeness
of the attorney's office. Thus it is
a youth much like the youth of other
men which the biographer has to
record, with no precocious sense in
it of sorrow to come, but such
dreams as make the beginning of ex-
istence sweet. One would naturally
imagine that the companionship of
such a youth as Thuiiow would have
planted some gentle seed of ambition
in his comrade's mind. But though
this does not seem to have been the
case, Cowper had influential connec-
tions, and in all probability felt his
future sure. He was free to dally
upon the primrose paths, and he
did so. He helped to keep his
uncle's house full of gentle mirth
and frolic ; and he fell in love, as
Avas natural, with his uncle's daugh-
ter. When his apprenticeship was
over, and he began to live alone in
chambers in the Temple, his bio-
graphers seem to agree that the com-
ing cloud threw its first shadow over
him; but then they are all pain-
fully on the outlook for this coming
cloud ; and it is hard to believe that
a man could live a very gloomy life
who was a member of "the Non-
sense Club, consisting of seven
Westminster men who dined to-
gether every Thursday," and who
was distinguished by what was then
called " restlessness," but which we
should now call love of change and
variety. His letters of this period
represent him in anything but a
dismal light. We find him now
making his appearance at Bright-
helmstone, where he means to
spend the winter, now at South-
ampton, where, as he relates with
rueful mirth, " I was also a sailor,
being of Sir Thomas Hesketh's party ;
but though I gave myself an air and
wore trousers, I had no genuine
right to that honour, disliking much
to be occupied in great waters unless
in the finest weather." The senti-
ment with which he concludes the
record of his amateur seafaring, is
1871.]
No. I. — William Cowper.
767
curious enough in the light of after-
events. " How they contrive to
elude the wearisomeness that at-
tends a sea life who take long voy-
ages you know better than I," he
says. Yet in what long stretches
of monotony and confinement was
his later life cast !
His residence in the Temple lasted
for twelve years, and none of these,
except the last, seem to show any
material signs of the mental disease
which was to work such havoc upon
him. He tells us, indeed, that he
was " struck with dejection of
spirit " — that he " lay down in hor-
ror and rose up in despair;" state-
ments, however, all given after the
sad conclusion of his youthful in-
dependence. We are told at the
same time that he lived a life of dis-
sipation during these twelve years ;
they were "spent in an uninterrupted
course of sinful indulgence;" but
as these words are written with the
same intention as the others which
represented him as " an adept in
the infernal art of lying " at school,
it is wise to take them in their most
limited meaning. He did not evi-
dently think himself very wicked at
the time. But he was not a model
young man, it is apparent. He was
idle, incurably idle — not accident-
ally, but by disposition — " I, who
take neither pains nor hope for pro-
fit, am leading an idle, and therefore
what is to me a most agreeable, life,"
he says in one of his letters of this
period. He " spent his money free,"
without taking any thought of the
morrow. And we doubt much
whether the impression we derive
of him during this interval is half so
good as if we could believe that the
foundations of his mind were being
sapped, and madness coming on.
He loved a beautiful and charming
woman, his cousin Theodora Cow-
per, but his love does not seem to
have been vigorous enough to stir
him up to exertion. She, on the
other hand, was, it would seem,
ready to share his poor means, and
had no fear of his character. " If
you marry William Cowper, what
will you do?" asked the father.
" Do, sir V she cried with the
saucy exaggeration of a high-
spirited girl; "wash all day, and
ride out on the great dog at night ! "
The prudent father, however, would
sanction no such madness; and a
woman who might have made a
very different future for the poet,
was lost to him — she and all that
she might have done. She was
faithful to him all her life ; but he
— was not faithful to her. In short,
the only token that he felt this dis-
appointment as a man honoured
with such a profound and faithful
attachment ought to have done, is
contained in the verses addressed to
Lady Hesketh, her sister, which are
so well known to all readers of
poetry —
" Doomed as I am in solitude to waste
The present moments, and regret the past ;
Deprived of every joy I valued most,
My friend torn from me, and my mistress
lost,
Call not this gloom I wear, this anxious
mien,
The dull effect of humour, or of spleen !
Still, still I mourn, with each returning day,
Him snatched by fate in early youth away,
And her, through tedious years of doubt and
pain,
Fixed in her choice, and faithful, but in
vain !
0 prone to pity, generous, and sincere,
Whose eye ne'er yet refused the wretch a
tear;
Whose heart the real claim of friendship
knows,
Nor thinks a lover's are but fancied woes ;
See me, ere yet my destined course half
done,
Cast forth a wanderer on a world unknown !
See me neglected on the world's rude coast,
Each dear companion of my voyage lost !
Nor ask why clouds of sorrow shade my
brow,
And ready tears wait only leave to flow !
Why all that soothes a heart from anguish
free,
All that delights the happy —palls on me !"
This is almost the only occasion, so
far as we are aware, on which Cowper
refers at all to the loss of his love.
His first biographer, Hayley, could
not perhaps, with good taste, as Miss
768
A Century of Great Poets.
[June
Cowper was still living at the time
his book was published, take any
notice of it; and Southey entirely
refuses to allow the affecting plea
for indulgence which the poet him-
self thus makes. " Cowper's mor-
bid feelings, when he began to brood
over them, were of a totally different
kind," says his biographer, " and
there is not the slightest allusion to
this disappointment in his account
of his own mental sufferings." "We
would much rather believe that the
disappointment had something to do
with those sufferings ; but it is very
difficult to do so, especially as, a
short time after, Cowper writes to
a friend of having " lately passed
three days at Greenwich — a bless-
ed three days ; and if they had
been three years, I should not have
envied the gods their immortality.
There I found that lovely and be-
loved little girl of whom I have
often talked to you; she is at
that age, sixteen, at which every
day brings with it some new beauty."
Poor Theodora ! giving him her life
in loneliness and solitude, since she
could not bestow it upon him other-
wise ; this was all the reward of her
sacrifice.
This early incident, and the small
effect it had upon his existence, is one
of the many proofs that a great deal of
pity has been lavished without reason
upon the tenderness of Cowper's dis-
position, and the extreme suscepti-
bility of his character. Beautiful and
amiable and gentle as that character
was, the capacity of strenuous loving
would have been the salvation of it.
A man who is able to throw him-
self into the existence of another,
to seek with passion and vehemence
the welfare of another, has the strong-
est safeguard ever invented by God
against all the evils that result from
brooding over and becoming ab-
sorbed in the sufferings of self. In
all the combinations of human cir-
cumstance and complications of
human feeling, true love is the only
combatant strong enough to over-
throw that last and subtlest enemy
of man. There is no proof in his
life that Cowper was capable of this
primitive faculty of loving at all.
He was affectionate. He clung to
the people whom he liked, who were
near to him, and ministered to him,
with the faithfulest tenacity; but
no other emotion than that of mild
and quiet domestic affection ever
entered his mind. The attachment
of a child to its nurse is strong within
him; and his friends are all more or
less his nurses, shielding, protecting,
and providing for him. But had he
not developed into a great poet, he
would have been a very troublesome
dependant ; for, amiable, gentle, and
kind as he was, love and its self-
abnegations were simply unknown
to him : he received its sacrifices even
without recognising them. There is
nothing in him that is of kin to that
grand principle. The central thought
in his mind, the pivot upon which
everything turns, is himself. It is
so sad, so gentle, so distrustful a self,
that we feel that it is cruel to make
such an accusation; and yet we be-
lieve it is true.
But there are other scattered evi-
dences that this life in the Temple,
up to his thirtieth year at least, was
a very pleasant sort of life. His
friends were literary men, running in
their inexperience a-tilt against all
the world, and enjoying it as only
young critics, delighted with their
own prowess and power of slaugh-
tering their natural opponents, the
established powers of literature, can.
He joined them to a small extent
in their work, and wrote poetical
epistles to them, and patriotic bal-
lads. He " glowed with patriotic
enthusiasm," he tells us. " When
poor Bob White brought in the news
of Boscawen's success off the coast
of Portugal, how did I leap for joy!
when Hawke demolished Conflans,
I was still more transported." Be-
sides these literary and patriotic ex-
1871.]
No. I. — William Cowper.
769
citements, he devoted himself to
classical studies, and went through
the Iliad and Odyssey, compar-
ing Pope's translation (to its great
disadvantage) with the original.
These are all the amusements of an
idle and desultory mind ; but they
point to a life largely enjoyed and
not endured in gloom and patience.
The following letter, written in the
year 1762, gives a still clearer view
of his state of mind at that period.
By this time he was thirty-one.
" I could be as splenetick as you, and
with reason, if I thought proper to in-
dulge that humour ; but my resolution is
(and I would advise you to adopt it) never
to be melancholy while I have a hundred
pounds in the world to keep up my
spirits. God knows how long that will
be; but in the mean time, lo Triumphe!
. . . If my resolution to be a great
man was half as strong as it is to despise
the shame of being a little one, I should
not despair of a house in Lincoln's Inn
Fields, with all its appurtenances ; for
there is nothing more certain, and I
could prove it by a thousand instances,
than that every man may be rich if he
will. What is the industry of half the
industrious men in the world but avarice ?
and call it by which name you will, it
almost always succeeds. But this pro-
vokes me, that a covetous dog who will
work by candle-light in a morning to get
what he does not want shall be praised
for his thriftiness, while a gentleman
shall be abused for submitting to his
wants rather than work like an ass to
relieve them. Did you ever in your life
know a man who was guided in the
general course of his actions by any-
thing but his natural temper ? And yet
we blame each other's conduct as freely
as if that temper was the most tractable
beast in the world, and we had nothing
to do but to twitch the rein to the right
or the left, and go just as we are directed
by others ! All this is nonsense, and
nothing better. "
These calm poco- cur ante senti-
ments are as unlike as it is possible
to imagine to anything which we
are in the habit of associating with
the name of Cowper. Yet these
are Cowper's sentiments, uttered, to
all appearance, soberly enough, and
at an age beyond that which loves
VOL. CIX. NO. DCLXV1II.
to trick itself in cynicisms to shock
or puzzle its friends. It is clear,
by all the facts of his history with
which we are acquainted, that he
was carrying out in a very literal
way this theory of life. Neither
love nor ambition had stirred him
to present exertion. He lived
for his own amusement, letting his
money scatter out of his hands in
a thriftless way; and taking no
further heed of the morrow than
what was necessary to calculate that
his funds were enough to provide
for its wants.
Upon this listless selfish life,
however, there now arose such a
storm as drove the sufferer into the
very heart of human pity. There
is not, we believe, one reader in a
thousand who does not recognise in
the great misfortune which now
overshadowed Cowper's life an ex-
cuse, and more than excuse, for all
its imperfections. The time came
for which he had been waiting all
these years, and at last an official
appointment was found for him,
which would have established him
in life. It does not appear that he
had ever exerted himself actively to
seek such an appointment ; but in
those days men who possessed poli-
tical influence were men of strong
domestic affections, and never failed
to provide for their friends. One
day, however, " while discussing
his affairs with a friend, Cowper
expressed his hope that if the clerk
of the journals of the House of Lords
should die, his kinsman, Major
Cowper, who had the place in his
disposal, would give him the ap-
pointment." The poet goes on, with
his usual exaggerated sense of per-
sonal wickedness and boastfulness
of his depravity, to say, " "We both
agreed that the business of the place,
being transacted in private, would
exactly suit me ; and both expressed
an earnest wish for his death, that
I might be provided for. Thus did
3o
770
A Century of Great Poets.
[June
I covet what God had commanded
me not to covet ; and involved my-
self in still deeper guilt by doing it
in the spirit of a murder. It pleased
the Lord " (he adds) " to give me my
heart's desire, and in it immediate
punishment of my crime."
This exaggerated remorse was per-
haps not fictitious, but it is evi-
dently more or less artificial, especi-
ally as, Southey justly points out,
Cowper expresses no particular peni-
tence for the real fault of which he
had been guilty — his utter neglect
to qualify himself for any such
appointment. The clerk of the
journals did die very shortly after,
but not, let us hope, by means of
Cowper's murderous wish. Two
other offices of greater value which
were held together, " the offices
of reading clerk and clerk of the
committees," fell vacant at the same
time ; and these, as most worthy
of his acceptance, were at once
offered to Cowper. They, how-
ever, involved so many public ap-
pearances, that, after worrying him-
self for a week with deliberations on
the question, he at length wrote to his
friend, begging to have the least im-
portant appointment, which might
be held without the fearful penalty
of showing himself in public. His
kind patron consented, and for a
short interval all went well. In a
letter to his cousin, Lady Hesketh,
he even writes playfully of the pro-
cess of preparation he was going
through. He describes it aa "an
employment not very agreeable to a
head that has long been habituated
to the luxury of choosing its subject,
and has been as little employed upon
business as if it had grown upon the
shoulders of a much wealthier gentle-
man." He adds, however, "If I
succeed in this doubtful piece of
promotion I shall have at least this
satisfaction to reflect upon, that the
volumes I write will be treasured up
with the utmost care for ages, and
will last as long as the English con-
stitution— a character which ought
to satisfy the vanity of any author
who has a spark of love for his
country." Nothing can be more
unlike the elaborate confessions in
which afterwards he unfolded the
history of this miserable time, than
the touching and sudden appeal to
his cousin's sympathy with which
this letter concludes. He lifts the
veil a moment with a brief reference
to the hope of the past and that
blank in the future which is made
by the conviction that change comes
too late. "Oh my good cousin,"
he cries, " if I was to open my heart
to you I could show you strange
sights ; nothing, I flatter myself,
that would shock you, but a great
deal that would make you wonder.
. . . Certainly I am not an absolute
fool, but I have more weakness than
the greatest of all the fools I can
recollect at present. In short, if I
was as fit for the next world as I
am unfit for this — and God forbid
I should speak it in vanity — I would
not change conditions with any
saint in Christendom. . . . Ever
since I was born I have been good
at disappointing the most natural
expectations. Many years ago, cou-
sin, there was a possibility I might
prove a very different thing from
what I am at present. My charac-
ter is now fixed and riveted fast
upon me, and, between friends, is not
a very splendid one."
This is the last sane speech that
comes from him in the gathering
darkness. Some time before he had
been made aware that the office which
he had chosen for its obscurity could
not be entered upon until after one
public attendance at the bar of the
House. This fact drove his agitated
mind into an instant turmoil. He
attended the office daily in order to
ascertain what the duties were ; but,
either rightly or wrongly, fancied
all the clerks to be against him, and
vainly, without help or guide, en-
deavoured to get the necessary infor-
1871.]
No. I. — William Coicp&r.
771
mation into his confused brain. A
man of timid temperament and mind
quite undisciplined, unused to work,
and accustomed to unbounded self-
indulgence, however virtuous that
indulgence may have been, it may
be easily supposed that this sudden
trial was not a light one. He had
never forced himself to do anything
all his life, and now here was some-
thing which he was compelled to
do. He had not accustomed him-
self to make any sacrifice of his
personal likings. Sooner than do
so he had let his love and his best
hope for life slip through his nerve-
less fingers. And now, how was he
to meet this first stern call of neces-
sity ? It was the sort of crisis which
above all others tests a man's strength
or weakness — whether he is fit to
live the life of a man in the world,
or to be thrown out of sight as use-
less. It is evident that he made a
great, and even violent, effort to re-
spond to the call. For months to-
gether he went on confusing more
and more his bewildered brain with
technicalities which, in his mingled
ignorance and agitation, he could
not understand } and more and more
figuring to himself, in his excited
imagination, the scene of which he
should be the centre, the lines of
cold unsympathetic faces staring at
him, the solemn audience, the sound
of his own frightened voice in the
midst. If that moment ever came,
he felt that every perception, every
gleam of understanding would for-
sake him. There is something half
contemptible, wholly pitiful in such
a position. The spectator feels a
painful movement of shame which he
can only forget in the keen sense
of compassion with which he looks
on at sufferings so artificial yet so
true. But to the unhappy object of
this struggle it was nothing less than
tragical. He went on trying to con-
ceal his misery, hoping the earth
would open and swallow him up
before the awful moment. Then in
the stress and strain of this fantas-
tic wretchedness the brain itself be-
gan to give way. The earth would
not swallow him — neither God nor
man would save him. This anguish
was to himself the deepest abyss of
pain, but he felt that it would be
ludicrous to any stranger. Then
oame that novel and burning sense
of the intolerable which so soon
rises in a weak nature ; and the feel-
ing that he could not bear it soon
ripened into the wild certainty that
he would not. He hoped that he
would go mad or die by way of being
saved from this bugbear ; and then,
by one of those wild tricks of nature
which we understand so imperfectly,
in the very act of going mad he
chose the other alternative and made
up his mind to die.
We need not enter into the miser-
able story of his attempts at suicide.
Southey quotes them in full from
his own narrative. The wild deter-
mination to accomplish his own de-
struction and the equally wild reluc-
tance which accompanied it, drive
him from place to place, from ex-
pedient to expedient. One time he
will drown himself, but finds some
one in the way who prevents him.
Another time he has the poison at
his very lips to drink, and is inter-
rupted. At another he tries to stab
himself with his penknife ; and he
does actually succeed in hanging
himself, the last of his attempts,
which is only rendered ineffectual
by the breaking of the garter he had
used. This last incident seems for
the moment to have brought him to
his senses. He sent for his relation,
and pointed (no doubt it was enough)
to the broken garter which lay
on the floor. Major Cowper was
shocked, as it is natural to suppose,
and yet more grieved than shocked.
" You terrify me ! " he cried. " To
be sure you cannot hold the office at
this rate." And thus in a moment
the struggle was over; but not the
madness nor the pain.
772
A Century of Great Poets.
[June
It was only, however, when this
tangible cause of his sufferings was
removed, that his growing insanity
found an excuse and motive in re-
ligion. It was not any religious
question which first upset his mental
balance ; but now the balance being
upset, and all the elements stirred
into wild tempest and confusion,
something else became necessary to
give a centre to his feverish fan-
cies, and to the whirl of despair
and wretchedness in which he found
himself involved. Nothing could
be more likely to supply this than
remorse, in the first place, for the
dreadful crime which he had all but
committed. " To this moment I
had felt no concern of a spiritual
kind," he says. But when the
demons had once been let loose,
what more likely as a means of
torment than this which lay ready
for their use] N"o doubt his friends,
incredulous of the effect which so
simple a difficulty had produced,
left him to himself when the ob-
noxious necessity had been removed,
hoping to hear no more of it. Men-
tal disease was not so much stud-
ied in those days, and it is easy to
imagine that men in their right
senses must have felt a certain
mixture of irritation and contempt
which would moderate their pity.
He had ruined his own prospects and
brought them into a disagreeable and
embarrassing position by his folly ;
and if they did not to some degree
resent it, they must have been more
than men. Not a word is said to
this effect, but yet it seems natural
that it should have been so, especi-
ally as Cowper's own narrative gives
us the impression that he was left
at first to battle with his own
misery as he could. He describes
himself as walking " to and fro
in my chamber, saying within
myself, there never was so aban-
doned a wretch, so great a sinner."
He studies his Bible, now thinking
that the curse upon the barren fig-
tree was meant for him, now that
the sword of the Spirit flamed against
him in every avenue of mercy; he
turned over sermons, and found only
condemnation in them; he opened
a book of plays, and out of that re-
ceived a dart as of fire. He
was sleepless by night, and spent
the day in one unbroken fever-
ish dream of misery. When he
went into the street, the people
seemed to stare and laugh, or even
sang ballads at him. He dined
alone at a tavern, hiding himself in
the darkest corner of the room ;
there he would fall asleep after his
meal, and waking in a terror of
hideous dreams, would reel and
stagger like a drunken man. Thus
his misery strengthened its hold
upon him in his solitude, and when
his brother came he was past help.
" I felt a sense of burning in my
heart like that of real fire, and con-
cluded it was an earnest of those
eternal flames which would soon
receive me. I laid myself down
howling with horror while my knees
smote against each other. In this
condition my brother found me, and
the first words I spoke to him were,
" Oh, brother, I am damned ! think
of eternity, and then think what it
is to be damned ! "
It would be a curious question,
could we in pity for the woeful
spectacle thus placed before us have
the heart to investigate it, how much
the sense of personal importance
and the habit of continual self-
reference has to do with this pecu-
liar form of mental disease. Our
own impression is, that individual
character has a great deal to do with
mental alienation of all kinds, and
that self-love and self-will will
always be found involved more or
less in every failure of the brain.
A man of generous temper and large
heart — a man habitually more occu-
pied with the happiness and com-
fort of others than his own — has,
we believe, an armour of proof
1871.]
No. I. — William Cowper.
773
against this mysterious and terrible
disease. But Cowper had laid
himself open to its attacks; he had
lived the life of an egotist for years ;
he had found all his strength in-
sufficient to overcome personal timid-
ity, that wild and exaggerated self-
consciousness which in itself is the
offspring of egotism — and, accord-
ingly, he was quite defenceless when
the strain came. And it was all the
more miserable for him that his
malady should have taken a reli-
gious form, from the fact that the
newly-awakened religious feeling of
his age was almost entirely intro-
spective. Wesley had awakened the
England of his time to a conscious-
ness that this world was not every-
thing— that the unseen and eternal
were not only of some importance,
but of supreme importance, far
exceeding the seen and temporal;
but he had not stopped there. He
had turned the current of profound
religious feeling, both within and
without his own community, into
the channel of severe and constant
self-examination. He had taught
his disciples — and almost every
pious person of his age was more or
less his disciple — to weigh every
individual feeling and impulse which
arose in their minds, and to allow
no movement of the affections or
fancy to escape their scrutiny. They
were intent (in theory) upon them-
selves as a surgeon is on the subject
he is dissecting. The simile is un-
savoury, but we know no other so
exact. Such a theory is by nature
injurious only to the few individuals
who are predisposed to enter into its
full meaning. Most men (thank
heaven!) have too many clogs of
flesh and blood about them — too
many sympathies and emotions —
too much instinctive and unreasoning
confidence in the God that made
them, to be driven frantic by it ;
and, accordingly, the good it does
to the mass by teaching them the
profound importance of right feel-
ings, motives, and wishes, and
putting spiritual religion in its true
place, as something above all ex-
ternal observance, is probably tenfold
more than the harm it has done in
creating the sin of spiritual selfish-
ness. But Cowper had not the
safeguards which protect the mass of
humanity. This form of religion
tended to increase by every means,
and as it were to legitimatise and
give a heavenly sanction to, those
habits of mind from which his mad-
ness came. To cure him of that
tragic self-importance which made
him perceive in himself a kind of
equal antagonist to God, pursued
implacably by divine wrath and
contended for by all the powers of
darkness — an enemy so important
that heaven departed from all its
common rules, and made war against
him a outrance — the religion of his
day set him to self-examination. It
taught him to regard God as per-
petually watchful of his smallest
movements, noting everything with
a vigilant eye, more easily angered
than a jealous woman, insisting
upon a share in every thought.
Instead of the "larger, other eyes
than ours," with which the gentler
philosophy of to-day endows even
the departed spirits of human race,
the sign of God's greatness to Wes-
ley and Newton was the minuteness
of His all-inspection — the ceaseless,
breathless watch he kept upon every
word and every thought. And
whenever it is fully realised what
this means — when the reader repre-
sents to himself the effect upon
a sensitive mind of such a con-
stant, unintermitting inspection —
when he thinks of the one poor
solitary half-insane human creature
feeling himself surrounded by the
austere light of eyes which watch
him waking and sleeping, watch
him in his weakness, in his dreams,
at his table, at his books, whatever
he does or thinks or says, making
account of everything and laying up
774
A Century of Great Poets.
[June
an awful score of unconsidered sins
against hinar — can he wonder that
Cowper's madness came back again
and again, and was the persistent
shadow of his entire life ? This was
how the most pious men of the time
regarded God. It is how human
nature at all times is most apt to
regard Him, being so seldom able to
divest itself of its deep consciousness
of wrong towards Him. These men
spoke much of the Saviour and of
spiritual joy ; but it did not occur
to them that God's loving and large
comprehension of all our confused
ways and works, must be not less,
but infinitely more, indulgent and
tender than that of any man : yet
this was the theory of existence
which such a mind as Cowper's
wanted, and in which was its only
hope.
We linger, however, too long over
these opening scenes. Cowper's first
fit of madness did not last quite a
year, and he was delivered from it,
or rather believed that he was de-
livered from it, by that sudden per-
ception of the salvation offered by the
Gospel which is the turning-point
in so many religious biographies.
Almost all at once the light from
heaven burst- into his mind, and he
was delivered ; and had his history
ended there, it would scarcely have
been more remarkable than that of
a host of converts whose transition
from a profane and secular to a re-
ligious life has been marked by not
unsimilar agonies. He was two
years at St Alban's under the charge
of Dr Cotton — and when he leaves
that scene of his sufferings and recov-
ery, there is an air of subdued tran-
quillity about him which reminds us
touchingly of the state of convales-
cence from bodily illness. He came
to Huntingdon in the year 1765,
with a tremulous sense of the beauty
and goodness of everything in his
mind, and a heart open to every
gentle solace that might fall in his
way. It had been found impossible
to get lodgings for him in or near
Cambridge where his brother lived,
and Huntingdon, oddly enough,
seems to have been chosen as with-
in reach. Probably John Cowper,
though he was a kind brother, was
yet not prepared to take upon him
the entire charge of such an invalid,
or to wear out his own heart with
the constant sight of one who had
become an embarrassment to all his
friends. S uch an expedient is known
and practised wherever family trou-
bles exist ; and where is it that they
do not exist? But here Cowper
found what he might have sought
over a whole world without find-
ing, had he sought it of set purpose
— the one friend in the world from
whom he was never to be separated
more.
A great deal has been said about
the poet's connection with Mrs
TJnwin, and we believe that the
great bulk of the readers of Cowper,
from his own day to this, have more
or less openly entertained the notion
that the love between them was, to
some extent, the love of lovers, and
that it might (and, indeed, as some
people think, ought to) have led to
marriage. Except the mere fact that
he was a man and she a woman, we
do not know one other morsel of
evidence to prove such a theory.
The relations between them were
evidently as calm, as sober, and as
purely affectionate as if their bond
had been one, not of choice, but of
nature ; and in all the revelations
which he poured forth during their
long companionship — revelations in
which the most secret things of life
mingle with the most frivolous —
there is not one word which could
lend the most far-away or vague sup-
port to the notion. Not the least
shade of shyness or self-conscious-
ness is upon either of the friends ;
their connection was so simple a mat-
ter of fact, so clearly recognised by
all who belonged to them on both
sides, that nothing but the inalien-
1871.]
I. — William Cowper.
775
able human inclination to find some-
thing amiss could have suggested
such a thought. It is the most per-
fect example on record of a relation-
ship so difficult, yet so beautiful ; and
perhaps only under circumstances so
peculiar — circumstances in which the
man owed everything to the woman,
received all, and gave nothing or
next to nothing — could it be pos-
sible to maintain it. In the mean
time, for these hundred years past
critics have done all that in them
lay to discover anything that was to
be discovered about this frequent sub-
ject of gossip. Yet in all that time
not one fact, or even inference, to
the injury of Mary Tin win has been
so much as hinted at
We had written thus far when
the last of all the examinations of
Cowper's life — the biography affixed
to the Globe edition of his works,
by the Eev. W. Benham — came into
our hands. It contains a statement
so distinct and so startling that we
pause with a certain consternation,
and look back upon what we have
just said. Yes, it is perfectly true;
Cowper has never himself uttered a
word to lead to the supposition that
Mrs Unwin was to have been his
wife — neither has his friend Hay-
ley, who, it is to be supposed, must
have been in possession of all the
circumstances. Southey treats the
suggestion with the contempt which
an hour ago we should have said
it deserved. In the face of all these
testimonies, we are compelled to al-
low Mr Benham introduces a piece
of evidence which it is very hard to
deny weight to. In our own opin-
ion, it is confuted by every circum-
stance of the story, and by the ab-
solute silence of both parties most
closely concerned ; yet, nevertheless,
it cannot be passed over. Here is
the new evidence adduced. It is
drawn from a recent and little-known
publication : —
' ' Mr Bull, in his ' Memorials of New-
ton,' declares that again and again he
had heard his father say that they were
about to be married, when Cowper's
malady returned in 1773, and that Bull
knewthisfrom Mrs Unwin herself." And
then he adds the following extract from
Newton's hitherto unpublished diary : —
" ' They were congenial spirits united
in the faith aud hope of the Gospel ; and
their intimate and growing friendship led
them, in the course of four or five years,
to an engagement of marriage, which was
well known to me and to most of their
and my friends, and was to have taken
place in a few months, but was prevented
by the terrible malady which seized
him about that time.' "
" This," says Mr Benham, "settles
the question." Does it do so 1 "We
confess that for the first moment we
are staggered by the uncompromis-
ing character of the assertion. But
at the second glance it does but con-
fuse the whole situation, adding to
it a hundred difficulties. Here is
a man most voluminous in letter-
writing who has babbled (charmingly,
touchingly, in such a way as few
men could have done, yet the word
is not unjust) about everything that
happened to him, great and small.
Yet we have to wait a century until
somebody chooses to print an extract
from a friend's diary for information
of what might have been the most
important step in his life. This
step, too, was one which it was so
natural to expect from without. It
is an idea which must have crossed
the imagination of every individual
who met for the first time and noted
with wonder a man of thirty-six and
a woman of forty-three living toge-
ther in so unusual a union. Yet
according to every reasonable indi-
cation nothing could be more un-
likely and unsuitable when we take
all the circumstances into considera-
tion, from within. The very idea of
two people thus living together and
contemplating marriage is of itself
monstrous. Two lovers alone in a
house waiting (why ?) for a marriage-
day which is never referred to by
the one who is the spokesman of the
pair — then giving up the thought
776
A Century of Great Poets.
[June
because the woman had become
a thousand times more than ever
necessary to the man — and going
placidly on again in the old way
when that crisis was over without
the most distant reference to the
purpose, which, if they entertained
it at all, must certainly have borne
a most important part in their
thoughts ! The story seems to us
utterly incredible. If Mrs Unwin
had been disposed to marry the ail-
ing man, whose miserable previous
story she knew in all its details be-
fore his second illness, why should
that illness have prevented her 1
She rendered him all the services
which could be rendered by the
nearest female relative for years
after ; and if she had been his be-
trothed, her position would have
been without doubt most painful
and equivocal, whereas the form of
marriage would have made all her
cares at once legitimate. In our
own opinion, the mere suggestion of
marriage between two people so sit-
uated made its instant carrying out,
or their separation, at once impera-
tive. But, on the other hand, the
relations of friendship, or of that
domestic love which is not the love
of man and wife, were attended by
no impossibility. The position
might be difficult, but it was prac-
ticable. The two had grown into
the habit of life together before any
other relation was possible ; and
their peculiar religious views, though
they might lay them open to the
gossip of the vulgar, built sevenfold
walls of defence round them with
those whose opinions they cared for.
Not only was the moral character
of both above suspicion, but their
semi-monastic life afforded them a
double safeguard.
It is quite possible, however, that
Newton, who ruled both with a rod
of iron, might have thought it better
for them to be married, or even have
ordained that it should be so, some
time or other, in his autocratic way.
He occupied with both a position
almost more absolute than that held
by a confessor under the strictest
Roman Catholic regime; and no-
thing can be more likely than that
he should have made up his mind
as to the expediency of such a step,
— marriage, oddly enough, which is
the grand stumbling-block to the
Catholic, being the one carnal insti-
tution for which Evangelicalism has
always manifested a marked partial-
ity. With this suggestion we can
but leave the matter to the reader's
own decision, hoping that he may
agree with us in the belief that this
project was Newton's, not Cowper's;
and that there is no real foundation,
so far as the friends themselves are
concerned, for this meaningless com-
plication which throws confusion in-
to the records of their blameless life.
Cowper's connection with the
Unwins commenced almost imme-
diately after his arrival in Hunt-
ingdon. By this time he had not
only become very poor, but was
deeply in debt to Dr Cotton, the
kind physician who had done so
much for him. Yet he brought a
man-servant with him from St Al-
bans, and apparently a poor boy
whose education he had undertaken
— a double burden, which his rela-
tions, who seem to have by this time
begun to contribute regularly to his
support, strenuously and not un-
naturally objected to. His first at-
tempt to maintain himself in his
lodging on his allowance does not
seem to have been a success, and
after a few weeks he went to board
with the Unwins. He describes his
life under their roof as follows : —
" We breakfast commonly between
eight and nine; till eleven we read
either the Scriptures or the sermons
of some faithful preacher of these holy
mysteries ; at eleven we attend divine
service, which is performed twice every
day ; and from twelve to three we sepa-
rate and amuse ourselves as we please.
During that interval I either read in my
own apartment, or walk or ride or work
in the garden. We seldom sit an hour
1871.]
No. I. — William Coivper.
777
after dinner, but, if the weather permits,
adjourn to the garden, where, with Mrs
Unwin and her son, I have generally the
pleasure of religious conversation till tea-
time. If it rains or is too windy for
walking, we either converse within doors
or sing some hymns, and by the help of
Mrs Unwin's harpsichord make up a
tolerable concert, in which our hearts
are, I hope, the best and most musical
performers. After tea we sally forth to
walk in good earnest. Mrs Unwin is
a good walker, and we have generally
travelled about four miles before we see
home again. When the days are short,
we make this excursion in the former
part of the day between church-time and
dinner. At night we read and converse
as before till supper, and commonly fin-
ish the evening either with hymns or a
sermon, and, last of all, the family are
called to prayers. I need not tell you
that such a life is consistent with the ut-
most cheerfulness."
The reader will observe that
" such a life " differs only from a
severe monastic rule in being ab-
solutely without motive. Monks
and nuns give themselves up to
such an existence as a proof of their
absolute self-sacrifice to God, and as
part of a prolonged vicarious offer-
ing, in imitation of Christ, for the
sins of men. But Cowper gave
himself up to it without any pur-
pose except his own happiness and
comfort, yet believed this course
of idle routine and religious busi-
ness to be something far more ele-
vated than the common labours of
other men. It is scarcely possible,
indeed, to avoid noting the gentle
complacency of the narrative. The
poet has got, out of his despair, to
be one of the salt of the earth, liv-
ing an ideal life of holiness and
piety ; and he records it with gentle
satisfaction. This routine, however,
was broken by the death of Mr Un-
win. Before that event occurred the
son had got a living, and the daughter
married soon after. There were but
two left of the pious circle — the
widow and her boarder and patient.
It is said that the master of the house
in dying had expressed a hope that
Cowper would continue with his
wife. And so he did. She had
become necessary to him — the most
untiring of nurses and kindest
of companions ; and probably at
that moment of grief it did not
occur to either of them to recollect
that the woman whom he looked
upon as a mother was in reality
only seven years older than himself.
Hay ley considers that " her age and
her virtues were sufficient securities
to insure her reputation." And in
that dim religious atmosphere, where
common motives did not exist,
where everything was referred to
the guidance of the Spirit, and where,
besides, the presence of sorrow must
have softened and sanctified the
whole, there can be little doubt that
this infraction of common rules was
never thought of upon either side,
but that the arrangement seemed
the most natural one possible to all.
Both then and afterwards Cowper
writes of his companion as of a
mother, in a way which was no
doubt absurd when their relative
ages are considered, but which
would not only have been absurd,
but a piece of most transparent and
contemptible hypocrisy and humbug,
had he entertained towards her the
sentiments of a lover.
And here began a darker chapter
of his life. When Cowper and Mrs
Unwin changed their residence from
Huntingdon to Olney,it was in order
to be near, and to benefit by the
ministrations of, the well-known John
Newton, then vicar of that place.
Had the poet been a Eoman Catho-
lic, transferred from some gentle-
souled director to an imperious bigot,
who bound him hand and foot in
spiritual chains, we could use no
other words than those which are
drawn from us by this new influence.
Yet Newton was one of the men who
considered Eome as Antichrist, and
would have shuddered, as if at the
most heinous accusation which could
be brought against a man, had he
found himself compared to a Popish
778
A Century of Great Poets.
[Jv
priest. Thus it is that human nature
continually proves its own identity.
Newton became the spiritual direc-
tor of both Cowper and Mrs Unwin.
He was their near neighbour, and,
according to his lights, their devot-
ed friend ; but he Avas one of the
greatest apostles of that new gospel
of self-examination which a real
Christian impulse had tacked to the
real Gospel, and which a great many
simple folk received without doubt
as a revelation from heaven. Both
his new parishioners put themselves
entirely into his hands. There can
be no doubt that he meant nothing
but good to his friends, and that the
life into which his example and in-
fluence drew Cowper was to himself
the very highest ideal of existence.
Once, and only once, he seems to
have been struck by the idea that
his treatment of his penitents might
be supposed by the worldly-minded
to have an injurious effect. " I be-
lieve my name is up for preaching
people mad. . . . Whatever may
be the cause, I suppose we have
near a dozen in different degrees
disordered in their heads, and most
of them, I believe, truly gracious
people," he says, with curious mo-
mentary surprise. But no doubt
was in his own mind that his course
of action was the best and holiest.
Cowper was plunged into all the re-
ligious occupations of the parish. If
he had lived the life of a monk at
Huntingdon, at Olney he lived the
life of a home missionary. He who
had gone mad in his struggle to
face a public assembly once, had
now to lead the devotions of the
people at periodical prayer -meet-
ings whenever his pastor called
upon him. " I have heard him
say," said Mr Greathead, who
preached his funeral sermon, " that
when he expected to take the lead
in your social worship, his mind
was always greatly agitated for some
hours preceding. But his trepida-
tion wholly subsided as soon as he
began to speak in prayer." " Mr
Newton," says another witness,
" used to consider him as a sort of
curate, from his constant attendance
on the sick and afflicted in that
large and necessitous parish." These
occupations, however, might not
have been radically injurious, for
occupation was most needful for
him ; but for the perpetual en-
forcing of that grand duty of self-
observation, which was by nature
Cowper's greatest danger. Through
all his labours this was the ac-
companiment of every exertion. To
scrutinise himself — to learn the will
of God from vague intimations in his
own mind — to examine every feeling
lest perhaps something wicked might
be in it — to dwell iipon every pass-
ing mood — to detect every difference
of spiritual temperament, — such was
the one great course recommended
above everything else. It was his
besetting sin, the temptation which
had most power over him : and it
was urged upon him as his highest
spiritual duty.
This time of ripening misery is
described by Cowper's friends at
Olney as "a course of decided
Christian happiness." It was in-
terrupted by the death of his only
brother, which was for a long time
his last occasion of communication
with his friends in the outer world.
After that an ominous silence falls
upon him ; one or two curt, cold
letters are all that come out of the
gloom of monotonous preaching,
teaching, self -scrutiny, which had
swallowed up his life. It was then
(they say) he was to have married.
He had time enough to do it, for six
years had elapsed from the time of
his settlement in Olney before the
gathering storm broke all at once.
He was in the vicarage, which
communicated with his own house
through their respective gardens,
when the outburst came ; and such
was the obstinacy of the attack that
nearly eighteen months passed be-
1871.]
No. I. — William Cowper.
779
fore lie left his friend's house. "We
have no particular account of the
secrets of this terrible time. Newton
was overwhelmed with sorrow and
sympathy, it is evident — a sympathy
which, however, was naturally soon
tinctured by a sense of the extra-
ordinary burden thus cast upon him.
Mrs Unwin alone stood by the man
who had thrown himself like a child
upon her compassion, as never wo-
man, except a mother, did ; uttering
no word out of the terrible vigil,
making no attempt to deli ver herself ;
wearing her life out in attendance
upon him, in humouring all his sick
fancies, and watching all his troub-
lous ways. To speak or think of
any love but that of motherhood
and friendship, carried to the point
of heroism, in presence of such a terri-
ble trial, strikes the writer, and we
cannot but believe will strike the
reader also, with a sense of absolute
desecration and profanity. The ima-
gination refuses to carry such a
thought into the gloom : these two
are not man and woman, they are
nurse and patient — mother and
child.
We are not disposed to consider
the hymn-writing in which Newton
engaged his friend as having helped,
as some think, to produce this miser-
able result. Verse was Cowper's
natural mode of expression; and it
must even have acted as a kind of
curb upon his exaggerated feelings,
since he could not express black
despair or absolute failure of God's
mercy in verses which were to be
used by ordinary Christians. Many
of the hymns, no doubt, are sad
enough, but they generally end with
expressions of hope and comfort ;
and so far as we can see, there was
nothing in them to injure his mind.
Indeed it is rather a certain blank of
evangelical religious sentiment — the
staple subjects of the hymns of the
period — than any revelation of his
own feelings which we find in these
productions. There is nothing which
we can identify absolutely with him-
self, as, for instance, we can identify
that hymn of Dr Newman's, " Lead,
kindly Light," in which a certain,
tender and touching shadow of the
original singer always dwells. For
anything we could say to the con-
trary, Cowper's share of the ' Olney
Hymns' might have been contri-
buted by any of the ministers round.
The only verses which strike us as
possessing any special individuality
are those entitled the " Contrite
Heart."
" I hear, but seem to hear in vain,
Insensible as steel ;
If aught is felt, 'tis only pain
To find I cannot feel.
I sometimes think myself inclined
To love Thee, if I could,
But often feel another mind
Averse to all that's good.
Thy saints are comforted, I know,
And love Thy house of prayer ;
I therefore go where others go,
But find no comfort there.
Oh make this heart rejoice or ache ;
Decide this doubt for me ;
And if it be not broken, break,
And heal it if it be."
These hymns, however, are on
a low level in every way ; they
abound, as hymns so often do, in
strong expressions, but there is no
corresponding warmth of feeling.
The dull smoothness of the stanza
is never broken through by any ex-
uberance of personal emotion. They
belong to the blank period — the
darkest portion of his life. And
even his malady itself is scarcely so
pitiful as is the dull gathering of
gloom which preceded it, the gradual
cutting off of all pleasant communion
with the world outside, and renuncia-
tion of all intellectual pursuits. As
friend after friend is lost in the
silence, and as everything slowly
concentrates into Olney, its prayer-
meetings, its experiences, its daily
sermons, which occupy even the
summer evenings and supersede the
habitual walk which kept up still
a certain communion between him
780
A Century of Great Poets.
[June
and nature — his last remaining friend
out of the coterie — the expectation
of the reader grows painfully strained
as by the pause before a tempest.
And such it was.
Cowper recovered from this second
attack as a child might have done
from a severe illness; and his re-
covery alone might have taught his
friends the true origin of the evil and
the manner in which to deal with it.
He came slowly to life out of doors.
The spiritual and intellectual man,
which had been strained to death,
dropped from him, as it were; and
a harmless creature, with the tastes
of a child, came out into the silent
soft sunshine instead. He pruned
the trees, he fed the fowls, smiling
for the first time for sixteen months
at some touch of nature among them.
When he at last consented to go
home, the nickering life grew a little
stronger. He became a carpenter,
made bird - cages and tables, and
built himself a greenhouse, like a
boy come home for his holidays.
.Then his famous hares were given
him, and he tamed them. In short,
nature took the case in her own
hands, and cured him in her gentle
way. " As long as he is employed,"
said Newton, " he is tolerably easy."
As the process advanced he tried a
little drawing, and when it began
to make an approach to complete
amendment, books. But he was
not fully restored (if, indeed, he can
ever be said to have been fully re-
stored), until his spiritual director
was removed from Olney. It seems
almost cruel to the real friendship
and affection which subsisted be-
tween them to note the new spring
which came to Cowper as soon as
he was left to himself. Probably
he was quite unconscious of it, and
Mrs Unwin never utters a word
out of the silence to let us know
what her impressions .were. But
the fact is certain, that Newton was
no sooner out of the way than the
very first break appeared in the in-
tellectual sky of the poet. In the
end of 1779 Newton left Olney,
and in May 1780 Cowper sent to
his friend Hill, whom he had re-
sumed his correspondence with, a
copy of the pleasant verses entitled,
" Eeport of an Adjudged Case not to
be found in any of the Books," the
case of " Nose versus Eyes." The
coincidence is singular, if it is no
more. And it is singular, too, to
note the innocent, unconscious hy-
pocrisy with which he keeps up
to Newton the semblance of entire
darkness after the invasion of this
spark of light. The interposition of
" a sportive thought," is, he says,
" as if harlequin should intrude him-
self into the ghastly chamber where
a corpse is deposited in state," —
a saying which all his biographers
take for a proof of the continuance
of his " darker mood," but which
looks much more like that mainten-
ance of the habitual gloom expect-
ed from a sufferer, which is one of
the commonest and most excusable
tricks of humanity. " You think I
am merry, and have forgotten," we
all say, when we are surprised by
our first laugh ; " but if you only
knew how my outward appearance
mocks the woe within I" Thus Cow-
per kept up his sables, his melan-
choly countenance, knowing that
these glooms would gain him a cer-
tain credit in his companion's eyes,
which a laugh would dissipate in a
moment — but all the same felt the
warm tide of renewed life stealing
into his heart.
And now there dawned upon him
brighter days — the brightest days
of his life, his time at once of blos-
som and of harvest. He begins not
only to write to his friends, but to
send verses to them, now sportive,
now moralising, but all disclosing
the new tide that is rising in his
life. His letters to Newton still dis-
play, with a certain half-sad, half-
amusing persistency, the black mask
of woe unutterable, in which that
1871.]
No. I. — William Cowper.
781
friend had been accustomed to see
him; but he puts it on to no other
of his correspondents. Thus, while
he writes to Unwin of his various
pursuits, assuring him that " I never
received a little pleasure in my life ;
if I am delighted, it is in the ex-
treme," he recurs to the fictitious
solemnity habitual to their inter-
course, when he tells Newton of
the very same pleasures, and assures
him that when he has paid his
greenhouse, his pet toy, " the accus-
tomed visit, and watered it, and
given it air, I say to myself — This
is not mine; it is a plaything lent
me for the present; I must leave it
soon." The solemnity here is ludi-
crous, for he could not have spoken
more seriously had "the plaything
lent him " been a favourite child.
But it becomes amusing to note
this entire change of tone accord-
ing to the correspondent. It is
as if Newton and Cowper were
compelled to speak a different lan-
guage from that of ordinary men,
and kept up their proficiency in it,
as a man might do with a foreign
tongue, by practising it between
themselves.
It was in the period of this new
birth and revival of life that his
career as a poet really began. It
seems to have been one of the
peculiarities of Cowper's mind that
he did nothing entirely by his
own initiative. His powers of in-
vention were small. The tiniest seed,
if of congenial kind, germinated in
him; but without that seed, nothing
grew except the merest trifles. The
hymns and "copies of verses" which
up to this time were all that he had
produced, could scarcely have gained
him more than the mild poetical
reputation so easily accorded by a
limited local society ; and it is diffi-
cult even to tell whether Mrs Un-
win had divined his capacity for
greater things and the latent power
he possessed, or whether it was
merely her affectionate desire to se-
cure occupation for him, which in-
duced her to suggest the composi-
tion of his first poem. He took
up the new idea, however, with so
much eagerness, and carried it out
so energetically, that in the inter-
val between December and March
almost all the poems which com-
posed his first published volume
were written. These poems had
all a religious purpose and mean-
ing. The "Progress of Error"
was the first subject; the other
pieces were entitled " Truth,"
" Hope," " Eetirement," " Conversa-
tion," and all aimed at the reforma-
tion and amendment of man. It
seems useless to pause to make any
formal criticism of these works.
They contain many passages worthy
of Cowper's genius, but in them-
selves the interest is not strong.
They would probably, had they been
his only works, have attracted little
more attention than fell to the lot
of such poets as Hayley and Hur-
dis, both twinkling tapers in their
day. These first flights of serious
song, in which the poet did little
more than try his wings, bore
the trace of ancient models still
faithfully followed, and chains of
habit and tradition still willingly
worn; yet there is great vigour in
the strain, and an enlightened critic
would no doubt have discerned in
them the reality of meaning and force
of treatment which marked a new
power arisen in the poetic world.
Nothing could, however, be more
quaintly unlike the first produc-
tion which might have been ex-
pected from a man in Cowper's posi-
tion than, for instance, the first of
these poems, the "Progress of Error."
He, the recluse, the pietist, the man
who for ten years had not breathed
the ordinary air of the world, nor
seen its follies, plunges suddenly
into criticism of that world with an
energy which startles the reader.
It is not theoretic error he assails,
but the practical sins of his age.
782
A Century of Great Poets.
[June
The foxhunter, the dilettante priest,
the polite gamblers and revellers of
society, the drunkard and the fop,
are the objects of his onslaught. He
goes out of his way to aim an ar-
row of censure at Chesterfield, and
to describe with sorrowful distinct-
ness the effect of the grand tour
upon the hopeful youth of England,
or as he himself expresses it, —
" How much a dunce that has been set to
roam
Excels a dunce that has been kept at
home."
This curious flight from his own
standing-ground to that of the world
he had so long forsaken is very sig-
nificant. It proves that he had
not yet fairly grasped the reality of
his powers, and was still following
in the conventional path ; but it
shows also a characteristic defect
which always clung to Cowper.
He delights at all times in the
contrast between his own retired
and blameless life, and the tur-
moils and passions of society. No
man had better proof that the tran-
quillity of the country, and the ap-
parent calm of a recluse existence,
were not always evidences of real
peace within; but notwithstanding
he goes on asserting them to be so
with a wilful self-delusion. The
reader may well believe that he
could have found abundant topics
nearer home, and which came more
within his own range of vision, and
that there is something of the pro-
verbial facility for " damning sins
he has no mind to " in his attacks
upon the vices of the outside world ;
but then he had been taught to
fear and hate that world. The in-
junction to "come out of it" was at
that time the epitome of Gospel
teaching; and preachers on every
side denounced its amusements, its
occupations, and its anxieties, as
if they, apart from the abuse of
them, were actual vice.
The publication of this volume
stirred the poet to a great many
most human anxieties and wishes.
Nothing could be more unlike the
silence of his former life than the
abundance of communications that
pour from him now. There is a
momentary awkwardness about the
publication consequent on the fact
that he has two very dear friends,
Newton and Unwin, each of whom
are likely to be displeased and a
little jealous, should the other have,
more than he, a finger in the pie.
The object of their common affection
has to offend one in order to please
the other, and accordingly does so
by employing Newton as his agent
with his publisher. By way of set-
ting the balance even, however, it
is amusing to note that when " The
Task " was ready for publication,
Cowper, with a certain simple cun-
ning, gives the preference to Unwin,
whose turn it was, and leaves New-
ton in the lurch, a device most char-
acteristic of him. His excuses to
each offended party in his turn are
amusingly anxious and conciliatory,
and in neither case did the ire
of the offended friend withstand
the apology, for Cowper's friends
were like charity itself, suffered
long and were kind. As the mo-
ment of publication approaches,
however, he grows anxious ; and
as he grows anxious, he puts on
more and more, with the simplest
belief in his power of deceiving
others, that specious pretence at
indifference to criticism, which is one
of the favourite devices of author-
ship : " You ask me how I feel on
the occasion of my approaching pub-
lication 1 Perfectly at my ease,"
he says, with that forced smile and
the subdued little quiver about the
corners of his mouth "which we all
know so well ; but at the same time
this excitement, which was of so
much more wholesome a kind than
those he had been involved in for
years past, makes him so frisky, that
we find him even venturing to ad-
dress a written letter in rhymed prose
1871.]
No. I. — William Cowper.
F83
(if the phrase is allowable), to the
great Newton himself, to whom also
it is that he says with splendid but
always simple complacency, " Tf
they condemn my poetry, I must
even say with Cervantes, ' Let them
do better if they can ! '" He sent
copies of his book to his old friends
Thurlow and Coleman, with the
same admirable pretence of indiffer-
ence to their reception of it. Speak-
ing of the former, he says : " He can
do me no good. If I should hap-
pen to do him a little, I shall be a
greater man than he." But when
the present he made of this first-born
child of his genius was unnoticed
by his old friends, Cowper's morti-
fied and wounded feelings were in-
capable of maintaining that height
of philosophy. Warm indignation
and wrath take the place of his in-
tended magnanimity; and his dis-
appointment and anger burst forth
in a poem called " The Valediction,"
which we have not room to quote, but
which quivers with angry force and
passion. It is very apparent from
such an altogether unintentional
piece of evidence as this that there
was no apathy whatever in his mind
in respect to his own claims. He is
candid enough to confess this after
a while as time goes on, in a humor-
ous way, which takes its sting from
the confession. He had made up his
mind, he says, that he would not care ;
but " having once sent out my wits
for a venture, soon became anxious
about the issue."
"The 'Monthly Review,'" he adds,
' ' the most formidable of all my judges,
is still behind. What will that critical
Rhadamanthus say when my striving
genius shall appear before him ? . . .
Alas ! when I wish for a favourable sen-
tence from that quarter (to confess a
•weakness that I should not confess to all),
I feel myself not a little influenced by a
tender regard to my reputation here, even
among my neighbours at Olney. Here
are watchmakers who themselves are wits,
and who at present perhaps think me one.
Here is a carpenter and a baker, and, not
to mention others, here is your idol Mr
Teudon, whose smile is fame. All these
read the ' Monthly Review,' and all these
will set me down for a dunce if those ter-
rible critics should show them the exam-
ple. But oh ! by whoever else I am ac-
counted dull, dear Mr Griffiths, let me
pass for a genius at Olney."
The charming skill with which
he here eludes his own vanity, as
it were, and makes fun of his sus-
pense, is delightful ; but the anxiety
was quite real all the same.
It was in the midst of all the com-
motion and excitement of this pub-
lication that the incident occurred
which has puzzled all the commenta-
tors upon Cowper's life, and which
probably affected that life more than
any other event in it. He was not
a famous poet, but a poor invalid
recluse, with a shadow of mad-
ness and misery about him, whose
story was inevitably known to the
whole country-side, and about whom
there could be no delusion possible
when he first made the acquaintance
of Lady Austen. Nothing could
be more humble or more sad than
the circumstances which everybody
knew, and all his reputation as yet
lay in the future, when this brilliant,
lively, charming, and very likely
fanciful woman paid her summer
visit to the dull neighbourhood of
Olney. The story is that Cowper
saw her with her sister entering a
shop opposite his house, and was
so much charmed by her appearance
that he persuaded Mrs Unwin to
invite the ladies to tea. What he
himself says of the matter, however,
is, that Lady Austen had kindly
waived ceremony and paid the first
visit, which he and Mrs Unwin,
with all due state and ceremony,
returned. They " fell in love " with
each other immediately, in the most
simple form of these words. No
doubt the new-comer, paying her
duty visit in the house of her sister,
was delighted to lay her hands
upon such material for social enjoy-
ment, and Cowper's position was
one especially calculated to attract
784
A Century of Great Poets.
[June
a woman's interest. For one thing,
he was already the object of a
singularly strong and faithful female
friendship, of itself a provocation to
another. He was the victim of
melancholy. He was so circum-
stanced that no woman in her
senses could be suspected of an
inclination to marry him. He was,
it was evident, when the crust of
shyness was broken, a delightful
companion, and he made an instant
and flattering response to the kind
exertions which the woman, accus-
tomed to society, made for his amuse-
ment. Cowper himself was like a
boy to whom the charms of society
were new. He had been so long
shut out from them, so surrounded
with gloom and commonplace, and
that middle -class country-town life
which is so respectable and so
limited and unlovely in its details,
that the delightful novelty carried
him away. One of those sudden
intimacies which are so charming
while they last, but which the ex-
perience of human nature always
distrusts, sprang up between them.
Ere they had been many weeks
acquainted, the project of settling
in Olney had entered Lady Austen's
mind, and had been received with
enthusiasm by her two friends.
The first notion seems to have been
that they should all take up house to-
gether, Cowper and Mrs Unwin re-
moving into a larger habitation which
would have space enough for all, and
for all the visitors whom they might
choose to invite — a Utopian idea (af-
terwards partially carried out, how-
ever, by Lady Hesketh) which seems
to have been speedily abandoned,
and which was then modified into the
proposed tenancy of the vicarage by
Lady Austen. In less than three
months their intimacy had sprung to
such a height that they were Anna,
Mary, and William to each other, with
still fonder additions. My Anna and
her William were epithets which
the taste of the time, as well as the
maudlin affectionateness of the re-
ligious circle, made perfectly simple.
His new friend was the " sister," as
his old friend was the " mother," of
the poet. He was precisely the
kind of man with whom such re-
lations are practicable. He was
affectionate, without a touch of pas-
sion. He was utterly disabled by
the misfortunes of his life for any
independent personal step in it.
He was fifty. The mere notion
of a man so circumstanced being
thought of in connection with the
word marriage at all, seems to
us inconceivable. Strange must
have been the humility, wonderful
the self-devotion of the woman who
could entertain such an idea; and
the gay, high-spirited, capricious
woman, who is supposed to be
the second who thus formed designs
upon the valetudinarian, shows no
symptoms of being either humble or
self-devoted. She liked, no doubt,
to have a man of unusual gifts
under her influence, and to move him
hither and thither as she would —
a liking in which she is by no means
singular, and which is not confined
to women; but that she would have
made the sacrifice of her life to
him is a suggestion of which there
is not the slightest evidence — and
one which all the facts of the case
go to disprove.
A slight tiff arose even in the
first blush of this sudden friendship,
which Cowper himself describes in
a way which shows him not at all
above the petty importances of a
rural quarrel. Lady Austen wrote
in an exaggerated way, he says, of her
friends and their merits ; and "built
such expectations of felicity upon
our friendship as, we were sure,
that nothing human could possibly
answer." To this Cowper sent a cold
reply, combating her views with that
chilly voice of reason which is
always so detestable to the excited
mind when kindled to enthusiasm.
This letter offended the warm-heart-
1871.] No. L— William
ed woman deeply, and the corres] >< m-
dence was broken off. A year later,
however, when she returned to visit
her sister, the intercourse was re-
newed ; and a short time after, in
the autumn of 1782, she took posses-
sion of the vicarage. The social life
which the three then lived together
is too well known to need re-descrip-
tion. " Lady Austen and we pass
our days alternately at each other's
chateaux. In the morning I walk
with one or other of the ladies,
and in the afternoon wind thread."
Cowper has given a .hundred other
little sketches of this conjoint life.
He went every day at eleven to pay
ibis respects to his neighbour ; and
.they always dined together, and
•spent the rest of the day after that
early meal in each other's society.
There can be little doubt that it was
the happiest time of Cowper's life.
She talked to him, sang to him, told
him stories, threw into his monoto-
nous existence all the variety of her
cheerful experiences and superior
knowledge of life. She had " infinite
vivacity," he says at one place; and
at another, describes an exquisite sus-
ceptibility of feeling which makes
her altogether charming. He quotes
and refers to her in his letters with a
mingled pride and admiration. It was
as if some brilliant southern bird of
brightest plumage and sweetest song
had suddenly alighted between those
two brown old sparrows in their
narrow cage. They were dazzled,
delighted, proud of her fashion,
her accomplishments, her affection.
When he was sad, she told him the
story of John Gilpin, which amused
him so much that he could not
sleep all night for laughing. When
his work had all come to an end,
and he was as usual waiting for
some suggestion to work upon, she
gave that of the Sofa ; and thus
laughingly, gently, launched "The
Task" into being. All the chains
of ice that had been bound about
VOL. CIX. NO. DCLXVIII.
785
the poet's mind and faculties seem
to have been loosed under her in-
fluence. He ran over all the gamut
of composition from grave to gay at
her touch ; now writing the lament-
able yet merry episode of " Poor
Mary and Me in the Mud," now
knelling that dirge for the brave
which has made many a nineteenth-
century reader aware of the tragic
fate of the Royal George. In short,
Lady Austen seems to have played
upon the poet as upon her harp-
sichord, swaying his fancy, and
moving his genius almost as she
pleased.
How did all this come to an end 1
Hayley had seen Lady Austen, and
it is clear he thinks she meant to
marry Cowper; or, as he says in his
grandiloquent way, "she was willing
to devote her life and fortune to his
service and protection." Nobody
ventures to say plainly that she
made this proposal to him, and that
it was rejected : and though Hayley
undoubtedly infers this, yet he at the
same time ascribes the breach to a
" trifling feminine discord" and jeal-
ousy on the part of Mrs Unwin.
The matter is one which probably
will never be cleared up. Lady
Austen, seems to have had the im-
pression that Mrs Unwin was to
blame. Hayley had the impression
that Lady Austen loved Cowper,
and that it had been necessary for
him to bring her to her senses.
Both impressions are worth some-
thing, as being the result of actual
observation ; though how fur they
may have been biassed by mortified
feeling on the one hand, and a fore-
gone conclusion on the other, it is
impossible to tell. Neither can we
assert absolutely that Cowper's own
statement of the matter may not be
concocted with a view to shield one
or both of his friends. He is, how-
ever, the oidy one who has left a
clear account of it ; he has indeed
given two accounts, one to Mr LTn-
3n
786
A Century of Great Poets.
[June-
win, the other to Lady Hesketh.
To Unwin he had already reported
the previous quarrel. Of the second
he writes as follows : —
' ' You are going to Bristol. A lady n ot
long since oar very near neighbour is
probably there. If you should chance to
fall into her company, remember, if you
please, that we found the connection, on
some accounts, an inconvenient one ; that
we do not wish to renew it ; and con-
duct yourself accordingly. A character
with which we spend all our time should
be made on purpose for us ; too much or
too little of any single ingredient spoils
all. In the instance in question the dis-
similitude was too great not to be felt
continually, and consequently made our
intercourse unpleasant."
To Lady Hesketh his explanation
is more precise : —
' ' On her first settlement in our neigh-
bourhood I made it my particular busi-
ness (for at that time I was not employ-
ed in writing, having published my first
volume, and not begun my second) to
pay my devoirs to her ladyship every
morning at eleven. Customs very soon
become laws. I began 'The Task,' for
she was the lady who gave me The Sofa
for a subject. Being once engaged in
the work I began to feel the inconve-
nience of my morning attendance. We
had seldom breakfasted ourselves till
ten ; and the intervening hour was all
the time that I could find in the whole
day for writing ; and occasionally it
would happen that the half of that hour
was all I could secure for the purpose.
But there was no remedy. Long usage
had made that which at first was op-
tional a point of good manners, and con-
sequently of necessity ; and I was forced
to neglect ' The Task ' to attend upon the
Muse who had inspired the subject."
These narratives, whatever amount
of truth there may be in them, do
not show the poet to us in his best.
There is a feebleness about them more
like the narrow village circle in which
he lived — the gossipy small world
where everybody is on his guard
against everybody else, and where
every disagreement brings out a
host of petty grievances, than it
is like the elevated mind and ten-
der nature with which the popular
verdict has credited him. To take
it, however, on his own showing, is,
in reality, we believe, the best way
of arriving at the truth ; for Cow-
per in reality always required more
love and service than he gave ; and it
is quite in keeping with his charac-
ter that he should have grown impa-
tient of a friendship which demanded
much return. But howsoever the
case may be, here this last episode
ended — this little break among the
clouds. The bright and light-giving
creature who had made his path so
suddenly radiant, departed out of
his life as suddenly as she came.
In 1781 the friendship began — in
1784 it was ended. She went,
whatever her cause for going might
be, with nothing but gentle thoughts,
of him, full of regret and kind-
ness. He threw an ungenerous
handful of mud at her withdrawing
figure. He had the greater reason
for regret, and lost more than she
did ; and perhaps because he did
so, was the more willing to show
that he had dismissed her, and not
she him. But, anyhow, in levity
or in sorrow, in wounded love
or more ordinary displeasure, she
withdrew, and with her went the
last hopes of Cowper's life. The
abruptness with which it all ended
— no point of transition being ap-
parent between the pretty domestic
scenes in which she figures so large-
ly, and the valedictory words of the
poet — points to some sudden quarrel.
And it appears much more likely
to us that Lady Austen retired in
rasentment at some misconception
of what it seems absurd to call "her
intentions," than that Cowper, per-
ceiving these, found it necessary to
dismiss her. Probably some village
gossip raised the report of a coming
marriage. Probably his Anna caught
some sudden gleam of complacency
in her William's eye, which showed
her that he too thought he had made
a conquest. It is all guess-work,
and this is as likely a guess as any
of the others. Anyhow, the fact
remains that she went away, and
1871.]
No. I. — William Cotter.
787
that a sore, solitary, wounded feeling
of loneliness remained with those
who stayed behind, mingled with
a forlorn boast, repeated dismally
and often, that "the cause of the
many interruptions was removed,
and now . . . we have seldom
any company at all."
" The Task," which Lady Austen
suggested to him — which was in-
terrupted in its composition, accord-
ing to his own account, by the for-
malities of politeness towards her —
and which is full of the natural
tranquillity and domestic pleasure to
which she lent a double zest, pro-
gressed during this storm, and in
the autumn of 1784, the year of the
quarrel, was completed and sent to
the press. It was the re-birth of
poetry in England — the first bold
departure from the well-worn chan-
nel in which all poetical compo-
sitions had flowed for many years.
Cowper. in this new work, served
himself suddenly heir to the old
poets of the greater ages, and to the
homely vigorous English which they
had not found too common for their
handling. He cast aside the worn-
out moulds, threw the traditions
of Pope's, and even Dryden's, era
to the winds, and caught the old
perennial stream from the fountain
at which it flowed brightest and
most full. "When we think of it, it
is impossible to over-estimate the
courage and even hardihood of this
step. Every poetical influence had
been setting one way during the
entire century. Cowper, at the end
of that century, a man with no im-
pulse of youth to help him, no new
enthusiasm to animate, deliberately
set his face against it and turned
the tide. All the smoothness of
versification, the artificial melody
of rhythm in which his generation
had delighted, and in which he too
himself had imitated the other
songsters of the age, he put aside to
make his new venture. It was
entirely new though it was so old.
England had fancied herself to have
outlived the lofty melody of blank
verse. She discovered now that the
old strain was her favourite — that
it could charm her ear as well as
rouse her soul. She found out that
nature was as sweet as it had been
in the days of Milton, the English
fields as fair, the rural sights and
sounds as fresh and tender. This
worn-out sick man growing old,
half fanatic, half madman, half
recluse, drew the veil from her eyes,
and threw open to her a new, sweet,
dewy, fragrant world. It is diffi-
cult for us even to imagine the
surprised delight with which the
nation felt the sweetness of this new
voice, which was so familiar, so
homelike, so unpretending. After
all, the shade of the Throckmorton
elms, the woodman on his way to
the forest, the peasant's nest perch-
ed on the hillside, the postboy,
light-hearted wretch ! twanging his
horn across the bridge, were a thou-
sand times more near the heart than
the outpourings of a poet's malice,
the impalation of a Sporus or a
Sappho. Nobody had thought of it
up to that moment ; but when the
moment came, all England saw it
with that sudden enlightenment
which is like inspiration. All
through the conventional age — the
period in which poetry had been a
thing of the wits and coffee-houses,
the production of a class, full of
allusions and assaults which only
that class could fully appreciate —
Shakespeare and Milton had still
been read in the silent corners, in
those depths of the national heart
which criticism and its artificial
standard did not reach ; and lo, these
secret worshippers of the old gods
rose up with a thrill of delight to
greet the new light which carried in
it all the marks of divinity which
they could not recognise in its pre-
decessors. Thus Cowper sprang at
a bound into a place far more firmly
established, nK.ro deeply set in the
788
A Century of Great Pods.
[June
popular heart, than Pope had ever
attained. He had been the poet of
the wits — his successor was the poet
of the nation.
Could it be possible for us to
ignore facts and history, and, tak-
ing the different poetic productions
of that age simply on their merits,
endeavour to predict of each of
them what effect it would have
on the popular mind, we scarcely
think that we should be disposed
to expect so great a result from
" The Task " as that which followed
its appearance. It is full of a
sweet and real humanity, but it is
entirely destitute of passion, that
first and strongest element of power.
It is not even emotional, but only
reflective and observant. The nature
which it reveals is nature at its
calmest, the surface and exterior
of things — not any of those deep
thoughts that move a man's soul,
but the external landscape through
which he wanders, the sights that
meet his eye, the homely domestic
scene in which he finds rest when
his meditative cheerful walk is over.
All this, so calm, so unexaggerated,
so like the scenes and thoughts of
the ordinary Englishman, no one
had ever attempted to set to music
before. Thomson, indeed, had given
a certain voice to the operations of
nature ; but it was by a very dif-
ferent method from that which put
the woodman and his pipe and his
dog bodily into the picture — not
shaped into a sentimental Damon
or love-sick Strephon, but just such
as a hundred eyes had seen him,
with heavy tread and homely looks.
Cowper does not even avail himself
of those episodes of story with Avhich
" bards " were accustomed to lure
their readers on from page to page.
He seeks no adventitious aid from
sentiment or romance. He trusts to
simplest nature, barest truth alone,
as seen through the lucid magnify-
ing of poetic eye?. And with one cry
of sympathy and delight and re-
cognition his country received the
voice which spoke not only to her,
but for her, expressing those broad-
est, simplest forms of feeling which
comprehend the beautiful and true
without being elevated to any
height of tragic vehemence or pas-
sionate sentiment. Thus it is that
the* perfectly real and unexagger-
ated expression by genius of an un-
complicated and comparatively low
level of true feeling may strike
even a wider range of sympathetic
hearts than when the sentiment is
more elevated and necessarily con-
fined to the few. Cowper did this
as perhaps no other poet has ever
done before or since ; it may be even
a matter of doubt whether any
poet has ever so mastered the Eng-
lish mind as a whole. Many have
moved it more deeply, but few have
had so prevailing an influence. He
gave an undreamed-of emancipation
to the sober-minded, the religious,
the serious ; a whole Avorld of peo-
ple who were not aware that they
knew anything about poetry, sud-
denly felt themselves surprised by
it, and glowed with a novel soft-
ness, an intellectual awakening. If
this was poetry, then they too,
hard-working folk, common people
of the soil, understood and felt it
like their betters ; and thus, like a
new revelation, the new poet glad-
dened the universal heart.
It is very difficult for us to. put
aside the familiar fondness with
which we have been accustomed to
regard such a poem as "The Task,"
and to subject it to actual criticism —
more difficult than it is to criticise
the more supreme and impassioned
creations of genius. For, in fact, it
is not a creation : it is, if anything, a
revelation; the opening up of things
which are — not the making of things
which were not, until the poet willed
it. Even the revelation is not al-
ways a lofty one. Cowper's ideal
1871.]
No. I. — William Gowper.
789
of life is, we cannot but feel, a low
ideal. There are no great aspira-
tions, no lofty duties in it. The
curtains drawn, the sofa wheeled
round, the tea-urn hissing on the
table, and the recluse with his news-
paper, congratulating himself no less
on his exemption from all the toils
and commotions of life, than on his
cosy shelter from the storm-blast, or
silent penetrating snow without, is
not an elevated picture when we
come to think of it. When he peeps
at the world from his loopholes of
retreat, he does it not only with
a sense of snugness and comfort
which is excusable, but with — what
is much more curious — an unques-
tionable sense of superiority : —
" Thus sitting and surveying at my ease
The globe and its concerns, I feel advanced
To soar serene 'mid more than mortal heights
That liberates and exempts me, from them all ;
It turns submitted to my view, turns round
With all its generations : I behold
The tumult and am still. The sound of war
Has lost its terrors ere it reaches me —
Grieves but alarms me not. I mourn the pride
And avarice that make man a wolf to man ;
Hear the faint echo of those brazen throats
By which he speaks the language of his heart,
And sigh, but never tremble at the sound."
As he sits thus upon the sofa and
reads his newspaper and watches the
needle ply its busy task, and " the
well-depicted flower" unfold itself on
the sunny lawn, he throws a half-
contemptuous glance upon the dis-
tant and great world, and sings a
complacent hymn of worship and
praise to that smug goddess Com-
fort, the queen of British firesides.
He does not so much as catch a
glimpse of the grim shadow of self-
ishness which lurks behind her,
and still less is he aware of the
yawning dulness at her side. On
the contrary, this picture of a useless,
aimless, comfortable existence is the
highest he can conceive. And the pic-
ture, as he paints it, is charming, we
cannot deny ; yet it is impossible to
imagine any ideal of existence less
noble or less satisfactory. This is
its effect upon us who have had our
fill of the domestic ideal; but it was
new to the England which had been
trained to find in a community of
wits the highest development of hu-
manity. "When it is day, and he is
abroad among the fields, we find it
easier to forget that his pursuits are
still those of an idler. Here he is
in his element revealing the face and
by times the heart of nature to his
listeners. What, for example, could
be sweeter, what more true and life-
like and melodious, than the follow-
ing sketch ? —
" The night was winter in his roughest mood ;
The morning sharp and clear. But now at noon,
Upon the southern side of the slant hills,
And where the woods fence off the northern
blast,
The season smiles, resigning all its rage,
And has the warmth of May. The vault is blue,
Without a cloud, and white without a speck
The dazzling splendour of the scene below.
Again the harmony comes o'er the vale ;
And through the trees I view th' embattled
tower,
Whence all the music. I again perceive
The soothing influence of the wafted strains,
And settle in soft musings as I tread
The walk, still verdant, under oaks and elms,
Whose outspread branches overarch the
The roof, though movable through all its
length
As the wind sways it, has yet well sufficed,
And, intercepting in their silent fall
The frequent flakes, has kept a path for me.
No noise is here or none that hinders thought.
The redbreast warbles still, but is content
With slender notes, and more than half sup-
pressed ;
Pleased with his solitude, and flitting light
From spray to spray, where'er he rests he
shakes
From many a twig the pendent drops of ice,
That tinkle in the withered leaves below.
Stillness, accompanied with sounds so soft,
Charms more than silence. Meditation here
May think down hours to moments. Here
the heart
May give a useful lesson to the head,
And learning wiser grertrwithout his books."
But yet those lovely lines, for
which the whole world is his debt-
or, have scarcely died from his lips,
when the poet erects himself once
more to his full height, and magni-
fies the leisure, which is a necessity
with him, and the obscure quietism,
which is best for his shattered con-
790
A Century of Great Poet*.
[June
stitution, into the highest of human
blessings. The work which keeps
the world going is either condemned
as wicked or scorned as frivolous.
The moment his glance falls upon
human life, it grows narrow and
intolerant. He sees the earth with
heaven's own eyes of tender and
wide appreciation, but man he
judges by a narrower standard, see-
ing only temptation and evil in all
his loftier occupations, and, for his
own part, finding nothing better or
sweeter than the sofa by the fire.
Thus Cowper's weakness and his
strength mingle and interlace in his
great work. " The stricken deer
who left the herd" takes it upon
him to make his narrow and bare
existence a model for the strong,
the brave, and the wise, and fails,
as fail he must. But very different
is the result when he takes upon
him his noble and natural office, and
lifts to the common eye that veil
which hangs upon the face of na-
ture. He shows her smiling, weep-
ing, bearing her patient burden —
every year dying, every year coming
to life again, fulfilling in dumb
faithfulness and steadfastness her
Master's will. He makes us see the
silent river flowing through those
wealthy, homely, unpretending fields.
He shows us how, while men fret
out their little day, the great uni-
verse goes on ; how God is faithful,
and all His mighty laws stand fast.
His eyes grow luminous, his voice
expands, he rises to a prophetic
fulness and noble force of speech.
Small satire and personality, indi-
vidual spite and cleverness, the bab-
ble of society, the keen encounters
of wit, had made the world forget
all higher objects of admiration ;
but now it recovered the power of
vision with a surprised delight.
Thus Cowper took his stand by
himself in his humility in the lite-
rature of his country — not a maker,
but a revealer, creating nothing,
showing a new universe which was
yet our oldest immemorial world.
His work kept him. up as long as
it was in hand; but the last shad-
ows were already beginning to
creep up from the autumnal fields.
Out of the sudden light that had
fallen upon his life he went back
into his old monotony with a sad-
dened, half-fretful, half-proud sub-
mission. "We have seldom any
company at all," he says; and his
letters to Newton, at least, sink
deeper and deeper in the sadness
of their tone. All through his
halcyon time they had, however,
been sad, and he had gone on
speaking of his despair with little
intermission ; but it is difficult to
believe in the despair of the man
who spent his cheerful days by
Lady Austen's side, who stuck in
the mud with his Mary, who wrote
" John Gilpin " after a night sleep-
less with laughter. Fortunately the
blank left by Lady Austen's de-
parture did not long remain unfilled.
His cousin, Lady Hesketh, whom he
had not corresponded with for years,
one day wrote to him, moved by
some sudden impulse of kindness ;
and with the eagerness of a man
who was starving for friendship and
society he flung himself upon her.
" "We are all growing young again,
and the days that I thought I should
see no more are actually returned,"
he cries. Lady Hesketh, however,
did not confine herself to letter-
Avriting ; she offered him help should
his circumstances require it : and he
accepted the help with a frankness
and simplicity which, no doubt,
made the matter easier at once to him
and to her; but which startles the
reader, who perhaps has forgotten
that all this time the poet had been
the stipendiary of his family, living
a life of contented dependence. In
his explanations also on the subject,
he tells his cousin that Mrs Un-
win's income had been nearly double
1871.]
No. I. — William Cowper.
791
his own during their earlier residence
at Olney, although "we have had but
one purse;" so that he had accepted
not only her perpetual and devoted
service, but even part of her living
ironi his companion. These are
facts which throw a strange and not
very pleasant light upon the char-
.acter of this man whom everybody
served, and who accepted so amiably
•everybody's service. Lady Hesketh
brought him into renewed inter-
course with several members of his
family, and his life seemed once
more to brighten. Before a week
liad elapsed from his conclusion of
the poem entitled " Tirocinium,"
which he added to "The Task" to
make up the volume, he had begun
his translation of Homer ; driven
thereto by a wise instinct of self-pre-
servation and sense that occupation
was his only or at least greatest
safety.
These two facts, however, which
one would have thought would
have rejoiced all interested in him
— his reunion with his friends, and
Ms voluntary commencement of
an important piece of work — seem
to have alarmed and provoked the
interference of Newton, who could
not, it appears, give up his supreme
spiritual authority over his whilom
penitent. It was thought that
Homer, a pagan, was "greatly be-
neath the attention", of a Christian
poet, and not a becoming occupation
for him ; and also that the society of
his carnal -minded relations would
do him harm. Cowper. however,
is not so humble but that he takes
up arms for himself at this inter-
ference, though in a very gentle way.
He cannot amuse himself now, he
says, as he once could, with carpen-
ters' or gardeners' tools, squirrels
and guinea-pigs. A man's mind has
been restored to him, and it must be
occupied accordingly. Neither has
he any connections at which any
who love him or wish him well have
occasion to feel alarm. So unwarrant-
able a pretension does not make the
gentle poet angry, but still he repels
the blame. A still more unwarrant-
able interference was attempted a
little later, when Lady Hesketh had
in her turn fixed her residence tem-
porarily at Olney, in order to be
near the lonely pair. She was
Cowper's cousin, warranted by family
ties and superior fortune to look
after him, without fear of any mis-
interpretation of her conduct ; and
she soon perceived that " the cruel
solitude" of the dreary little town,
in which he had not only no con-
genial society, but was kept at a
distance from the scenes of natural
beauty which might have made him
some amends, had the worst possible
effect upon him. Accordingly she
lost no time in renting for him a
house in the neighbouring village
of Weston, from which immediate
access could be obtained to the
Throckmorton grounds, which were
his delight. Cowper's exultation
over this new dwelling - place, its
" genteel " aspect, its roominess,
and airiness, and manifold attrac-
tions, is like the boundless satis-
faction of a child; and he writes
to Newton about it with a certain
deprecatory explanatory fulness,
as if to disarm comment. 13ut
his simple wiles were unavailing.
Some weeks after, Newton let
loose his thunderbolt : this time
it was addressed to Mrs Unwin,
and it seems to have plunged
them both into trouble. " The
purport of it," Cowper says, "is
a direct accusation of me, and of
her an accusation implied, that we
have both diverged into forbidden
paths, and led a life unbecom-
ing the Gospel — that many of my
friends in London are grieved,
and the simple people of Olney
astonished; that he never so much
doubted my restoration to Cliri*-
tian privileges as now, — in short,
792
A Century of Great Poets.
[Juno1
that I converse too much with people
of the world, and find too much
pleasure in doing so." This cruel
accusation was founded on the fact
that Cowper had got to be on
friendly terms with the Throckmor-
tons — and that Lady Hesketh took
him and Mrs Uiiwin frequently with
her in her carriage when she drove
out ! The poet condescends to go
over all this ground again in another
letter to his spiritual guide, which
is full of explanation and proof that
he does not deserve the chastise-
ment bestowed upon him, but even
now he does not assert his freedom
of action, or do more than defend
his "consistency" against an im-
pertinent and cruel attack, which
he never ventures to qualify by its
right title.
The house at Weston did not
long continue cheerful. Another
short fit of insanity assailed him
ere he had been long settled there ;
but again there was a rally, and
things went well. He received two
or three periodical visits from Lady
Hesketh, which kept up his heart,
and he made the acquaintance of
several new friends, especially two
youths whose enthusiasm was sweet
to him, his relation John Johnson,
and Samuel Rose. Hayley, too,
his (as everybody then thought)
brother poet and future biographer,
came to "Weston ; and, what was
still more wonderful, Cowper re-
turned his visit with his insepar-
able Mary, now falling herself into
the exhaustion of age, and en-
feebled by some premonitory at-
tacks of paralysis. This was the
last gleam of sunshine that re-
mained to him. Nothing could be
more enthusiastic than Hayley's
description of the pair who were
thus tottering on the last verge of
happiness. " Here is a Muse of
seventy that I perfectly idolise," he
says ; and he describes the manners
and conversation of Cowper as
" resembling his poetry, charming
by unaffected elegance and the graces
of a benevolent spirit." With such
guests coming and going about them,
the two invalids kept up, propped
by the love of their friends ; and
it was in this last glimmering of
evening light that Cowper wrote two
of the most exquisite poems in the
language — his own most perfect
productions — poems, every line of
which is instinct with a profound
and chastened feeling to which
it would be difficult to find a
parallel. These are the lines ad-
. dressed to his mother's picture, and
those entitled " My Mary." Poetry
has never produced any utterances
more gently deep and true. They
are without passion, for passion does
not belong to filial love. And
there is not a phrase in them, not
a word, which jars upon the most
susceptible ear, not a tinge of ex-
aggeration, not a touch that is ex-
cessive. This was the love he
knew. Other affections had skim-
med over him, calling forth here and
there "a swallow-flight of song."
This one love alone was fully
possible to him, — the love half
reverential, half protecting, without
fear, or doubt, or possibility of de-
lusion in it, which a son bears
to his mother. The fact that he
who gave fprth these supreme
utterances of filial love was him-
self old when he did it, brings into
the relationship a strange tender
equality which is marvellously touch-
ing. The two women whom he
celebrates are above him, yet on
his level, his companions, his saints,
his servants. Gratitude in the one
case visionary, in the other how
real, a sense of dependence, a sense
of superiority, mingle and blend
as poetry never blended them
before. Any true lover of Cowper
who was asked to select his poet's
best, would reply with one of these
two poems. They are the expres-
1871.]
No. I. — Willictln Cowpcr.
793
sion of the master - feeling of his
life.
But now his faithful guardian, his
tenclerest friend, was no longer able
to lend her supporting arm or stand
l)y him in his trouble. Love gave
him a little strength to repay some
of his obligations to her ; but when
helplessness fell upon Mary Unwin,
Cowper's days of possible comfort
had come to an end. In 1 786 they
went to Weston. It was in '94 that
the final break-down came. Lady
Hesketh arrived to find the house-
hold in wild disorder, the woman
who had so long swayed it fallen into
dotage, and the carefully - guarded
master of the pleasant home, he
whom everybody had concurred in
watching over and keeping from all
harm, acting as nurse in his turn,
though himself hovering on the verge
of madness. It is needless to follow
to its end the sad and lingering
story. "When the circumstances
were known, his cousin and all his
friends gathered round him, each
ready to help and serve. Some im-
patient bitter words fell from Lady
Hesketh's lips in regard to the now
helpless and burdensome companion
from whom gratitude and decency
alike made it impossible to sever the
poet ; but these were, no doubt, the
mere petulant utterances of grief in
sight of so sad a spectacle. One im-
becile, babbling and laughing in her
weakness, the other sitting "still
and silent as death," speaking to no
one, asking nothing, dwelling in an
awful visionary world of his own
diseased and morbid fancies, — such
were the terrible charges whom Lady
Hesketh undertook to guard. After
a while a younger guardian stepped
in and beguiled the poet and his
helpless mate away from Weston,
hoping as people always hope in
vain for the benefit to be derived
from change of air. But no benefit
remained in this world for Cowper.
When his Mary died he made no
sign of feeling, being lost in the stu-
por of his own gathering malady.
He sat silent with wild sad eyes in
the Norfolk parsonage, to which he
had been taken, and had novels read
to him the livelong day, finding in
them heaven knows what pitiful
solace for woes that were never to
be cured in this world. Sometimes
the moaning of the sea would soothe
him, sometimes he would rouse up
to make a mechanical correction of his
Homer ; sometimes, even, he would
write a cold and gloomy letter with-
out beginning or end — for one of his
delusions was that he had ceased to
be capable of affection for any one —
to his cousin. All that tender care
and affection could do for him was
done. His kind cousins the Johnsons
gave themselves and their home up
to his service, and no doubt hoped
that when Mi's Unwin's death had
been got over, new life might come
back. But the only life that re-
mained for him was a better than
this. He survived his faithful com-
panion more than three years, but
they were years of darkness, with-
out hope or consolation. A year
before his death he wrote the "Cast-
away," the last of his poems, and
perhaps the saddest. And there was
not even reserved for him that gleam
of light at the last which so often
gives a pathetic gladness to a death-
bed. He went down unconsoled into
the dark valley. The last words he
said were, when he was offered a
cordial, "What can it signify?"
What did it matter? one hour of
weakness more or less, a pain the
greater. By that time the gloom had
reached its blackest, the light was
near. What did it signify ? Who
can doubt that all the ceaseless suffer-
ings of his life, all his miseries, some
hours thereafter, had become as
dreams to him in the great and new
revelation which awaited him at the
gates of heaven ?
794
Burton's History of Scotland :
[June
BURTON'S HISTORY OF SCOTLAND : CONCLUDING VOLUMES.
MB BURTON has concluded in these
volumes a worthy and noble labour.
A spirit of indomitable and thorough-
ly honest research, an impartial
judicial temper, and a bold, if some-
what rough, vigour of narrative,
have distinguished his work through-
out; but to those qualities are added,
in the volumes now before us, an
intenser interest, a more vivid and
animated comprehension of historic
data in themselves richer and more
full of significance, and a style more
fluent, easy, and accurate, — present-
ing in higher form the higher and
more varied materials which he
handles. In Mr Burton's volumes
we possess at length a History of
Scotland deserving the name, and,
upon the whole, adequate to the sub-
ject. He makes no pretensions to
rival the picturesqueness and en-
thusiasm of Sir Walter Scott, nor
the patient analysis and elaboration
with which Mr Tytler expatiates
over certain details of Scottish his-
tory, disentangling with unwearying
pertinacity what appears to him to
be the thread of its involved and fre-
quently obscure narrative ; but he
treats his subject as a whole with a
deeper insight, a broader and more
critical appreciation, and a freer,
manlier, wider, and more penetrat-
ing intelligence than either of these
writers. Sir Walter Scott, by the
mere force of his genius, and the
marvellous range of his dramatic in-
sight into all the phases of Scottish
character, has got in some respects
nearer to the heart of his subject
than any other writer ; yet with all
his genius and charm as a narrator,
he was not an historical student in
the modern sense : Mr Tytler, while
nothing could exceed his industry
and accuracy as a reader, and in
some degree an interpreter, of State
documents, yet lacked depth of
historic feeling, and the capacity of
finding beneath the mere letter of
such documents all that they some-
times meant. Moreover, he was
signally deficient in sympathy with
the later religious aspects of his
narrative. In all these respects Mi-
Burton is greatly superior. He is,
by natural gift and the consistent
persevering consecration of the in-
dustries of a lifetime, an historical
student of the highest class, fitted
to rank with the most distinguished
of our recent historical school : he
has looked with fresh and keen eyes,
if not always with the requisite
patience, at documentary sources ;
but, above all, he shows a living in-
terest in almost every phase of Ms
subject — an interest not bred of
mere antiquarianism or literary re-
search, but of hearty intelligence.
On the political side, he recognises
and brings into light, far more clearly
than any one before him, the play
both of national feeling and of so-
cial and constitutional forces work-
ing beneath the superficial current
of events. On the religious side —
to which so much in the history of
Scotland in the sixteenth and seven-
teenth century turns — he has brought
to his task a comprehensive know-
ledge and power of critical yet sym-
pathetic judgment far beyond either
of his predecessors, and even the
most successful of those writers who
have specially devoted themselves
to this part of the subject. It is
not too much to say that the
volumes before us contain so far the
The History of Scotland, from Agricola's Invasion to the Revolution of 1688. Vols.
V. VI. VII. By John Hill Burton. William Blackwood and Sons : 1870.
1871.]
Concluding Volumes.
795
best history of the Church of Scot-
land which has yet been written.
In the fourth volume, which con-
cluded the first issue of his work,
Mr Burton had brought the reign of
the hapless Mary to a close. In the
course of six brief years, this reign, so
marvellous in romantic excitement,
had come and gone. Mary reached
Scotland in the autumn (August) of
1561 ; before the end of June 1567
she was shut up in Lochleven Castle.
All the brightness of her early pop-
ularity had gone out in darkness and
disaster unexampled. Her marriage
with Darnley; Darnley's murder;
her marriage and flight with Both-
well; her surrender and return to
Edinburgh, amidst the insults of
the streets crowded with indignant
women and angry men, — had all
passed in less than two years (July
29th, 1565— June 15th, 1567). It
is impossible to conceive any succes-
sion of events more wildly tragical,
or a fate more piteously urged to its
doom. Whatever view we may take
of Mary's character, or of her con-
nection with her husband's death,
the picture of her life during these
years is equally pathetic. Guilty or
innocent — schemer or victim — it is a
direful story, only the more intense in
its woefulness if we can believe her
innocent of the charges imputed to
her. Mr Burton's treatment of this
problem of paramount interest in
Scottish history is throughout in
good taste as well as masterly. If we
are not left in any doubt as to the
conclusions he has reached, we are
yet never pained by the bitterness
of the polemic nor the coarseness of
the partisan. He is dignified in his
severity, and points his moral with-
out blackening his portrait or raising
the finger of insult at the prostrate
figure. We miss, perhaps, here
more than elsewhere, the charm of
the story-teller — those graces of style
and bits of living colouring which
another pen has lavished upon the
subject ; but then we never miss a
pervading sense of fairness, and the
presence of that natural feeling
which softens while it condemns,
and drops a tear of sympathy for
the fallen one, even while weighing
her life in the balance of an unspar-
ing judgment.
In the first volume of the con-
cluding series — the fifth of his work
— Mr Burton carries on the thread
of the history with somewhat elabo-
rate detail through the succession of
regencies which followed the im-
prisonment of Mary and her final
flight into England. With the
withdrawal of the chief actor from
the scene, Scottish national life sinks
once more back into the confused
obscurity from which it had emerged.
Mary's six years of reign stand pro-
minently betwixt two periods of
nearly twenty years of regency, dur-
ing which the events transacted are
of great influence for the country,
but involved and wearisome to the
reader. The fluctuations of party
movement are incessant but ignoble.
It requires all the gravity of the in-
terests at stake to redeem the pic-
ture from meanness, and cast over it
any degree of attractive light. The
latter period is, upon the whole, the
least attractive of the two — for the
great figure of Knox, although still
present, is no longer prominent ; and
the " good " Regent, who, Mr Bur-
ton thinks, would have been the
greatest king Scotland had seen
since the days of Robert Bruce, is
soon removed from the scene. The
figures which remain and occupy
the foreground are not destitute of
picturesqueness, but they are alto-
gether wanting in moral elevation
and consistency of character. Len-
nox, Mar, and Morton in no degree
rise above the ordinary level of
Scottish nobles in the sixteenth cen-
tury; and this level is not a high one.
Seldom, indeed, has a country suf-
fered more from the selfishness and
796
Burton's History of Scotland :
[June
A'iolence, the mean rivalries and law-
lessness, of its feudal nobility. They
produced but few great characters,
and their interminable plots and
counterplots are relieved by few
touches of genuine heroism or public
devotion. At times the course of the
national history is little else than
a succession of their family broils.
The period which succeeded the
reign of Mary was one of the most
marked of these periods of feudal
turbulence. The low revenge of the
Hamiltons in the murder of Mur-
ray ; the return - vengeance of the
King's party in the execution of
John Hamilton, Archbishop of St
Andrews, captured with Dumbarton
Castle two years later (1571), and
ignominiously hung on the common
gibbet in the market-place of Stir-
ling ; the murder of Lennox in the
same year, — present a picture of de-
plorable anarchy. It was only four
years since Lennox's son had been
miserably killed in the Kirk- of -
Field, and now he himself was a
victim to the lawlessness of a coun-
try which he had better never en-
tered. There seems to have been
something amiable though weak in
Lennox's character. Mr Burton has
evidently a tenderness for him ; and
the dying words of the wounded
man, as he recalled his " poor wife
Meg," surprise him into one of those
snatches of genuine feeling which
come out now and then in the
course of his narrative, only the
more touching that they are so rare,
and evidently so sincere. JS'o his-
torian ever went less out of his way
to foist in bits of sentiment. Len-
nox's wife was a daughter of Angus
and Henry VIII.'s sister — the widoAv
of James IV., and therefore the
grandmother of Mary as well as of
Darnley. " Some thirty years ear-
lier," says our historian, " the love
which Lennox and the high-born
maiden bore to each other was an
element of purity and gentleness-
in a household credited with darlc
political intrigues. In the after-
life, which was so closely mixed
with the horrible story of their son's
career, this light still burned, and
it brightened the last scene of all."
After Lennox's death the chief
interest for a time centres round
Kirkcaldy of Grange and the
Secretary Lethington. It was a
singular fate which in the end
separated these two men from their
old colleagues on the side of the
people and the Reformation, and
arrayed them in the interest of
the Queen and the French party,
against which the former, at least.
had so long struggled. Kirkcaldy
was a brilliant and noble character,
" humble, gentle, and meek, like a
lamb in the house, but like a lion
in the field." * He was amongst
the first to see the advantages of
the English alliance, and one of
the few laymen, according to Mr
Burton, who had more than a self-
interested attachment to the Re-
formed Church. His beautiful
courtesy was conspicuous in a rude
age. At Carberry, Mary selected to
surrender to him when Bothwell
retreated to Dunbar, and left her
helpless in front of the Confederate
Lords. From that day some have
supposed his heart to have been
touched, and Mary to have won a
champion; but from whatever cause,
there is reason to believe that he
had begun to waver in his old al-
legiance even before Murray's assas-
sination. He certainly gave the
Regent ground to distrust him . And
no sooner had the Hamiltons accom-
plished their murderous purpose,
and the country been once more
reduced to anarchy by the removal
of the strong hand which had been
laid upon its elements of misrule,
* Sir James Melville's Memoirs, p. 258.
1871.]
Concluding
797
than Kirkcaldy's attitude became
unmistakable. Appointed Gover-
nor of Edinburgh Castle in room of
the " dubious Balfour," he disap-
pointed all the trust reposed in him,
and declared on the side of the
Queen. His manner of announcing
his change of mind was " emphatic
and picturesque. Morton was by
force of circumstances the leader of
the King's party. As he was riding
with a train of followers along the
fields under the Castle rock, a gun
was fired, and a ball came bound-
ing into the cavalcade. This was
Grange's announcement that Morton
and he were enemies."
No doubt there were deeper causes
at work. Maitland had been re-
ceived into the Castle in the previ-
ous year, when conveyed as a criminal
to Edinburgh in connection with
Darnley's murder, and his scheming
brain seemed to see in the confusion
following Murray's death an oppor-
tunity for a new movement. Many
things looked favourable to such a
movement — sympathy with Mary's
misfortunes; the still unextinguished
probability of her succession to the
throne of England; and, above all,
a new burst of patriotic feeling aris-
ing out of Elizabeth's Fabian and
dictatorial policy. She had sent
English forces across the Border pro-
fessedly in search of the Earl of
Northumberland and other leaders
of the northern rebellion ; but these
forces had laid waste a great part of
the country as far north as the Forth
and the Clyde. This outrage stirred
intensely the national pride and bit-
terness against the " auld enemy."
" There were men," says Mr Burton,
" still able to carry a pike, who had
fought in the last war of extermina-
tion with the invader. Men yet in
the prune of life remembered when
the Scots bought English captives
from the French for the sheer satis-
faction of putting them to death.
Hitherto the Queen's party had con-
sisted of leaders without followers.
It was said that among her supporters
there were eighteen standing in pre-
cedence as nobles of the realm higher
than the highest of the King's party.
The strength of the King's party lay
in the popular feeling, which had
taken the shape of aversion to the
Queen. But there was another and
deeper-seated fountain of national
feeling in hatred of England. The
political conditions of the time en-
rolled those who felt this passion
as supporters of Queen Mary : and
thus, as it has appeared to some, a
large body of the Scottish people had
suddenly repented of their disloyalty
and returned to their duty."
It was in such troubled waters
that Maitland delighted to angle.
He had never cared much for the
Reformation, at least on its spiritual
side. There is reason to doubt
whether he cherished any positive
belief at all. It was whispered that
he had even spoken of God as " ane
bogill of the nursery." Certainly
he possessed no reverence for the
Reformers, and the special claims to
national influence which they put
forward ; and in the old days he
had often encountered Knox on this
and kindred subjects. His was a sub-
tile, delicate, Machiavellian brain,
without equal in Scotland ; but he
lacked any higher or generous prin-
ciple which might have lifted him
above the distractions of his time,
and given his schemes of policy
soundness and grandeur as well as
cleverness and daring. He never
more miscalculated than now, when
the great idea of his life — to unite
the two crowns under one monarch
— seemed to him once more pos-
sible, and he had bent the brave
and gallant Kirkcaldy to his pur-
pose. Neither of these men realised,
in fact, how much the Reformation
had done for Scotland. A new
power had arisen which was not to
be manipulated by the most ingeni-
798
Burton's History of Scotland :
[June
ous intrigue — which was to prove
stronger than the old factious feudal
spirit, and make itself felt above all
the plotting of the great families
•whose struggles had so long rent
the country.
Knox was the representative of
this power, and Morton for the
time its political leader. The Ee-
fornier's days were drawing to a
close, "but his spirit was still high ;
and, mourning as he did over Kirk-
caldy's defection, he never wavered
in his conviction as to the madness
of the enterprise in which he had
engaged. After various altercations
with the holder of the Castle, it was
judged expedient that he should
seek safety out of Edinburgh for a
time ; but before his departure he
held a solemn conference with both
Maitland and his old friend. The
conference, as might have been ex-
pected, led to nothing, "and the
discussion ended in a contest of
wits between Lethington and Knox
in the old way." "There is
something deeply interesting," says
Mr Burton, " in the glimpse afforded
to us of the scene in which these
two men stand face to face for the
last time. On former occasions, if
there was a little dialectic skirmish-
ing between them, yet they were in
substance fighting together through
common dangers for an honest
cause. To both the danger had
deepened ; but it was not the dan-
ger of a common fate. To the one
it was the question whether the
cause he had in constancy main-
tained was strong enough to protect
him; to the other it was the fear
that in his desertion he had made a
grand mistake, and all his subtle
devices had gone to the creation of
an engine destined to crush him.
The two might almost be said to be
in the balance, where the safety of
the one was the destruction of the
other. Both had given the days of
their vigorous life to that common
cause. Now both were, so far. as
the body went, decrepit, exhausted
men, lingering on the edge of the
grave. Knox had but a year be-
fore been prostrated by a fit of apo-
plexy; and the other was stricken
with paralysis so deplorably, that
even if we make large deductions
from contemporary accounts of his
state, his retention of his vivacious
Avit in so frail a tenement of clay
must be ranked among marvels in
physiology." They closed their dis-
cussion with some sharp fencing as
to the comparative advantages of the
English and the French alliance,
and parted never to meet again.
Knox retired for a time to St An-
drews. Morton fortified Leith, and
the siege of Edinburgh began. A
civil war, one of the bitterest on
record, raged from the beginning of
October 1571 to the midsummer of
the following year, when a cessation
of hostilities took place. Knox's
congregation longed to hear his
voice once more, and he returned,
after more than a year's absence, to
Edinburgh in the end of August
1572. Any strength that the
Queen's party had possessed was
then effectually broken; but Grange
and Lethington still held the Castle.
The heart of the dying Reformer
yearned towards his friend Kirk-
caldy as he saw the hopelessness of
his position, and could not help fore-
casting his doom. From his death-
bed he sent him a last message.
" Go to the Castle," he said, " and
tell him, 'John Knox remains the
same man now when he is about to
die that ever he knew him when
able in body, and wills him to con-
sider what he was, and the estate
in which he now stands, which is a
great part of his trouble. Neither
the craggy rock in which he miser-
ably confides, nor the carnal pru-
dence of that man [Maitland] whom
he esteems a demi-god, nor the as-
sistance of strangers, shall preserve
1871.]
Concluding Volinn<'»:
799
him; but he shall be disgracefully
dragged from his nest to punish-
ment, and hung on a gallows before
the face of the sun, unless he speedily
amend his life and nee to the mercy
of. God.' That man's soul," he said,
"is dear to me; and I would not
have it perish if I could save it."
Knox's prophecy was remembered
eight months later, when the Castle
at last yielded to assault, and Grange
and Lethington met their inevitable
fate. The former, notwithstanding
a someAvhat pitifid appeal to Eliza-
beth, was hanged at the market-
cross of Edinburgh on the 3d of
August 1573. Lethington was
found dead after the surrender : it
was supposed that he had poisoned
himself, or, as Sir James Melville
says, that " he took a drink, thd
died as the old Romans were wont
to do."
Following the surrender of Edin-
burgh Castle, the country enjoyed
peace for a time. Morton, as Re-
gent, did not possess the character
or prestige of Murray; he was much
less liked by the clergy, and gave them
continued cause for disquiet; but he
was courageous, powerful, and tena-
cious of purpose; and so for five
years " the land was ruled with such
a steady firmness as it had scarcely
felt since the best days of James V."
The nation in conseqxience pros-
pered. Elizabeth desisted from in-
terference in its internal affairs;
Mary, in her English prison, was
beginning to be forgotten; and
even the dreadful days of Bartho-
lomew, the news of which had given
such an impetus to the Reformed
party, were dying, if not out of me-
mory, yet out of the waking con-
sciousness of the alarmed Protestants.
But all this proved but a temporary
lull. The slumbering jealousies and
rude violence of the Scottish nobles
were destined to be soon stirred into
as lively an activity as ever.
In the mean time Mary's son was
growing up in quiet seclusion under
the guardianship of Sir Alexander
Erskine, the late Regent Mar's bro-
ther, and the tutorial care of the
famous George Buchanan. There
were three others who shared the
office of tutor with Buchanan, but
in the lustre of his name the rest
are forgotten. Sir James Melville's
Memoirs have bequeathed a pleasant
picture of the royal pupil and his
teacher, who held the King, we are
told, "in great awe." "Mr Peter
Young " (one of Buchanan's col-
leagues) " was more gentle, and was
loath to offend the King at any
time, carrying himself warily as a
man who had a mind to his own
weal by keeping of his Majesty's
favour. But Mr George was a stoic
philosopher who looked not far
before the hand; a man of notable
endowments for his learning and
knowledge of Latin poesy; much
honoured in other countries ; pleas-
ant in conversation; rehearsing at
all occasions moralities short and
instructive, whereof he had abun-
dance, inventing when he wanted.
He was also of good religion for a
poet" — (whatever this may mean).
According to all stories, Buchanan
did not spare the rod even in its
most ignominious inflictions on the
person of the Lord's anointed ; and
it is not unlikely that the bitterness
with which James afterwards spoke
in his jSaffi^ixov AS^ov of Buchanan's
opinions may have been in some
degree due to the remembrance of
what Mr Burton calls the " dorsal
discipline " which he underwent
at the hands of the great scholar.
With all his stoic severity he cer-
tainly failed to imbue James with
any conception of his own ideas of
political justice and fair government,
as eloquently depicted in his re-
markable work 'De Jure Regni
apud Scotos,' which was dedicated
to the King. So far, like many a
good tutor before and after him, he
soo
Barton's History of Scotland :
[June
failed in liis task, but to a certain
extent he succeeded. He made liis
pupil a ready scholar, with abundant
Latin always at his command. It
is not right, according to Mr Burton,
to call James a mere pedant. He
was really a scholar — "a ripe and
good one;" and the authority of
Dr Parr, " the man who in later
times has had the greatest name for
pure scholarship," is quoted in tes-
timony of the extent of his learning
and acquirements.
Morton's vigorous rule began to
fail as King James grew into boy-
hood. The retention of the royal
person became, as in former times, a
source of constant intrigue and con-
flict. The royal will, moreover,
began to show itself in the encour-
agement of favourites. Two men,
both of the name of Stewart, rapidly
rose to favour and power. The first,
Esme Stewart, Lord of Aubigne in
France, was the son of a brother of
old Lennox, the father of Henry
Darnley. For him the earldom of
Lennox was converted into a duke-
dom, and he is henceforth known
under this title. The second was a
son of Lord Ochiltree, and there-
fore brother of John Knox's widow.
He soon became Earl of Arran, and
is henceforth known as such. As
Mr Burton truly says, " The rapid
fluctuation of titles at this period is
apt to perplex the reader, unless he
is careful to keep the individuality of
their owners in remembrance. We
have had two conspicuous Lennoxes ;
here is another Arran, and presently
there will come another Both well."
James resigned himself to the in-
fluence of these favourites ; and to
their intrigues was due the final fall
of Morton, whose power had been
for some time tottering. He was
accused before the King and Council
of having been accessory to the
murder of Darnley, seized and im-
prisoned, and at last, on the 2d of
June, beheaded. We confess to a
sincere regret for Morton's fate.
Harsh as had been his own exercise
of power, and uninteresting as his
character is in some respects, he had
been of real service to Scotland in
quelling its disturbances, if nothing
else. He had followed up the
strong, and, on the whole, the just
policy of Murray, and deserved bet-
ter of his country than to be put
to death as a malefactor. Murray,
Lennox, Morton — all within twelve
years — had come to a violent end.
Of the succession of Regents, Mai-
alone had died in his bed. Xo
wonder that the English ambassa-
dor,* somewhat in apprehensions of
his own life, should write to AVal-
singham : " Your honour knoweth
what a barbarous nation this is.
It is an easy matter to kill
one out of a window or door, and
no man able to discover who did it.
Even their regents and kings have
been subject to their violence."
At Morton's death James was
only fifteen years of age, and little
qualified to assume the reins of gov-
ernment. There was an alarm in
England as well as Scotland as to
the influence of Lennox. Elizabeth
sent not only Bowes but Randolph
to inquire and report as to the state
of affairs. But the Scottish nobles
took matters into their own hands
after their usual fashion. They
possessed themselves, by the Raid of
Ruthven, of the person of the King,
and drove Lennox from the country.
For ten months the "Ruthven lords"
held possession of the King and
supremacy in the nation, when a
counter-revolution swept them away.
Of this counter-revolution Arran
was the moving spirit ; and James,
having passed under his control,
took vengeance against those who
had roughly handled his anointed,
person, by expatriating them, and
confiscating their estates. A little
* Wotton.
1871.]
Concluding Volumes.
801
while afterwards, and the "banished
lords," by the help of England, had
their turn, and Arran fled " with a
follower or two " towards the High-
lands. This secondary period of
revolution may be said to close with
the formation of the league with
England, which received the ratifi-
cation of the Estates in 1585. Such
a compact was the natural termina-
tion of the turn which Scotch poli-
tics had taken since the Reforma-
tion, and the growing influence of
England in directing them. Still,
however, the ancient alliance with
France remained not only fresh in
the mind of the nation, but a source
of proud recollection ; and security
was taken, in contracting the new
alliance, that the old should not be
forgotten. The league with Eng-
land was to " be without infringing
or prejudice in any sort to any for-
mer league or alliance betwixt this
realm and any other auld friends
and confederates thereof, except only
in matters of religion, whereanent
we do fully consent the league be
defensive and offensive."*
During the next three years the
historical narrative finds all its in-
terest beyond Scotland in the great
events of Mary's trial and execution,
and the loss of the Spanish Armada.
Mr Burton wisely veils the last sad
scene of the tragedy at Fotheringhay,
which must ever excite deep feeling.
The event itself belongs to English
rather than Scottish history, and had
less influence upon Scotland than
has been generally supposed. There
is no evidence of the often-repeated
assertion that a reaction had taken
place there in favour of Mary Stuart,
and that the news of her death
awakened a desire of vengeance
against England. According to Mr
Burton, " Her partisans, a feeble
minority, had been dropping into the
grave, and their cause was not of a
kind that gains recruits. No doubt,
of her old, faithful, and assured par-
tisans, many there were to whom
her death was an event full of bit-
terness and grief; but for the bulk
of the nation to demand that she
should be succoured, or, when that
had become impossible, avenged,
would have been to quarrel with
Elizabeth for doing in her own quar-
rel what they would have done in
theirs had the opportunity fallen to
them."
When, eighteen months after Queen
Mary's execution, the Spanish Ar-
mada entered the Channel, there
was far more excitement in Scot-
land. " The Presbyterian clergy
were in a state of intense activ-
ity, holding numerous meetings and
passing resolutions. The Band or
Covenant of 1581 was renewed, and
signed all over the land, receiving
in many instances the names of un-
willing subscribers. A survey or
census was taken of the amount of
Popery still in Scotland ; it brought
out alarming results in the north-
eastern district under the influence
of the Gordons. A general fast was
appointed for the purpose of averting
the sufferings and dangers of the
land from the following causes : —
'The universal conspiracies of the
enemies of the truth against Christ's
Kirk, to put in execution the bloody
determination of the Council of Trent;
2. The flocking home of Jesuits and
Papists to subvert the Kirk within
this country; 3. The defection of a
great number from the truth ; 4. The
conspiracies intended against the
same by great men, entertainers of
Jesuits and Papists; 5. The cold-
ness of professors ; 6. The wreck of
the patrimony of the Kirk, abun-
dance of bloodshed, adulteries, in-
cest, and all kinds of iniquity.' "
There was a natural fear that
some of the dreaded fleet might
Act. Parl., vol. iii. p. 381.
VOL. CIX. NO. DCLXVI1T.
3 i
802
Burton's History of Scotland :
[June
find their way to the Scottish
coast, and land troops, to which no
effective resistance could be made.
As it turned out, a vessel, not of the
great fleet itself, but containing some
of its crew who had been wrecked
among the Orkney Islands, was cast
on the Fife coast at Anstruther ;
but as James Melville, then min-
ister of this ancient burgh, signifi-
cantly says in his diary, they came
not " to give mercy, but to ask."
Melville's account of the reception
of the Spaniards is very quaint and
interesting, and has been more or
less utilised by all historians of the
event. He describes the captain as
" a very reverend man, of big stature
and grave and stout countenance,
grey-bearded, and very humble-like,
after meikle and very low courtesy,
bowing down with his face near the
ground, and touching my shoe with
his hand." He made known his sad
plight, and was with his crew hos-
pitably entertained. As yet he knew
nothing of the general calamity which
had befallen the Armada ; but one
day Melville brought him a news-
sheet from St Andrews, " with the
names of the principal men, and how
they were used in Ireland and our
Highlands, in Wales and other parts
of England ; the whilk when I re-
corded to Jan Gomez (the captain)
by particular and special names, oh,
then he cried out for grief, bursted,
and grat."
In 1587 James attained his ma-
jority, and his thoughts began to
turn to marriage. He entertained
the matter very gravely, and even
made it a subject of " advising and
praying with God the space of
fifteen days," after which he inform-
ed his Council that "he was resolved
to marry in Denmark." * He not
only made this resolution, but he
carried it out, by sailing himself in
search of the Danish princess, who,
after being married by proxy, and
setting out to join her husband, had
been obliged by stress of weather
to take refuge in a Norwegian port.
He accomplished his purpose, and
overtook his bride at TJpsala on the
19th of November, t when we are
told that "his majesty minded to
give the Queen a kiss, after the
Scots fashion, at meeting, whilk she
refused, as not being the form of
her country. After a few words
privily spoken betwixt his majesty
and her, there passed familiarity and
kisses." This was the single romance
of James's life, and deserves all the
prominence which its gallant eccen-
tricity claims for it.
It is unnecessary for us to trace
in detail the remaining political
incidents of James's reign in Scot-
land. From about this time, in fact,
political interest may be said to
merge in the ecclesiastical life of the
country. Notwithstanding the in-
tense force and influence of the Be-
formation in 1560, the question of
the Church had not been hitherto
all-engrossing. N"ot a little of the
old feudal activity had remained,
crossed and modified by powerful
currents of religious enthusiasm, yet
still surviving in its distinctive
features. But onwards from the
establishment of Presbytery in 1592,
Scottish history for a hundred years
becomes almost entirely ecclesias-
tical. The influence of the nobil-
ity is inextricably mingled up with
that of the Kirk, which takes the
lead, and gives the colour of its
own thought and character to the
national life. It is a great merit of
Mr Burton's History, as we have
already stated, that he has so clear-
ly apprehended this, and taken the
most earnest pains to understand
the real spirit of the religious con-
flicts which henceforth moved Scot-
land, and the stern enthusiasm bred
of which in the next century not
only dominated it, but was destined
* Sir James Melville's Memoirs.
t 1589.
1871.]
Concluding Volumes.
803
for a time to exercise such a decisive
•effect upon England. We must
glance at his way of dealing with this
part of his subject ; but before pass-
ing to it, it is due to him to give in
some detail the sketch of King James
•which closes the narrative of his
'Scottish reign, and ushers him upon
the scene of his English sovereignty.
It is a very good specimen of the
broad humorous sense and manly
feeling with which Mr Burton seizes
and presents character throughout
his work. The lines might perhaps
be more finely drawn, and the whole
picture more skilfully compacted;
but faithfulness and veracity of out-
line, with the expressiveness of a
real if rough insight, are, after all,
better in an historian than mere
finish of art.
" The nature of the man [James] is one
•that can best be described after the Plu-
tarchian method, hy contrast, and the con-
trast shall be in this case with his mother.
She has been renowned over the world for
her wondrous beauty ; and if it were not
that the world, in the things it dwells on
and celebrates, prefers grace to deformity,
the son's ugliness might have been as
widely renowned. It was a common tra-
dition that Rizzio was uncomely and mis-
shapen ; and the recollection of this gave
emphasis to the taunt that he was ' the
son of the Senior Davie' — a taunt so
much on the lips of that numerous body
in Scotland who disliked their King, that
it cannot but sometimes have come to his
ear. His mother's beauty was adorned
by natural dignity ; she was fully en-
dowed with the repose and self-assurance
•which are in becoming harmony with
rank and power. The son, on the other
hand, seemed ever to find it necessary to
remind the world by word or deed that he
was every inch a king ; he was as fussy
and pompous in expanding his rank and
power before the eyes of the vulgar as the
bourgeois gentllhomtnc of Moliere. Queen
Mary had learning and accomplishments,
but they lay stored aside for important use.
As she drew on them for help when she
was throwing the bondage of her fascina-
tions over any victim, pedantic display
was not the shape in which they would
serve her ; and for the more serious busi-
ness of a sovereign it was her policy not
to seem learned above the usage of her
sex, but yet to have the knowledge by
which she could defend herself at hand in
case of need. All the world knows what
a bragging pedant the son was, and how
he held his learning ever on his tongue,
as one whose mind had been fed with
meats too strong for its digestion. So it
was in the use of duplicity. Perhaps no
one in that age could handle it with
such easy subtlety as Queen Mary, and
that because she kept it for important
occasions, and even then concealed it
under that genial frankness which seemed
to be not a mask but the natural face
of her life. The son, on the other
hand, was ever playing tricks, by way
of exercising himself in that chronic
system of mendacity and deception
which he chose to nourish as kingcraft.
Even iu. the evil repute that haunted
both, there was the antithesis of the
sublime and the ridiculous. The charges
against the mother were of those great
appalling crimes which frighten man-
kind ; yet they had to be sought out
under a covering of calm decorum and
gentle elegance, such as might become
unsullied virtue. Her son, on the other
hand, wallowed in filth, moral and physi-
cal. His Court was the crew of Momus,
without the seductive cup of Circe, that
was employed to sink better natures to
the level of its degradation. To whoever
approached it, the eye and nostrils told
of the abomination before he entered ;
and he made his election in full con-
sciousness of what it was. The meanness
of those about him, his loathsome famili-
arities with them, his diseased curiosity
about the things that rightly-tempered
minds only approach at the bidding of
necessity and duty, his propensity to
touch and stir whatever was rank and
offensive, afforded to his malignant ene-
mies the range over the whole scale of
sensual vices as their armoury. And yet
there is reason to believe that he was not
an unfaithful husband, and that his only
personal vice was in the bottle. Yet,
although his indulgence in drinking was,
like the other offences of his habits, not
only undraped by any outward cover of
decorum, but in a manner profusely
thrust on the gaze of all men, it appears
to have been superficial rather than deep ;
he seems to have indulged in continuous
soaking, after the German fashion, rather
than, after the manner of his own coun-
trymen, to have reserved his powers for
deep drinking-bouts. Scotland, as a
poorer and ruder country than England,
was naturally more tolerant of so grotesque
a figure. His oddities, too, had grown
up among the Scots ; and as they were to
some extent moulded on national char-
acteristics, they were naturally not so
804
Burton's History of Scotland :
[June-
obvious and offensive to his own country-
men as to the people of his new dominion.
Thus, although he had many enemies
among his Scottish subjects, it is not
until his oddities passed under the eye of
the English wits of the day that we find
them described with sarcastic picturesque-
ness. Among the many sketches of these,
perhaps the most powerful is the follow-
ing from the stinging pen of Sir Anthony
Weldon. It may be doubted if there is
in the English language a more thoroughly
finished picture of a shambling lout : —
' He was of a middle stature, more corpu-
lent through his clothes than in his body,
yet fat enough ; his clothes ever being
made large and easy, the doublets quilted
for stiletto-proof; his breeches in great
plaits and full stuffed. He was naturally
of a timid disposition, which was the
greatest reason of his quilted doublets.
His eyes large, ever rolling after any
stranger came in his presence, inasmuch as
many for shame have left the room, being
out of countenance. His beard was very
thin ; his tongue too large for his mouth,
which ever made him speak full in the
mouth, and made him drink very uncome-
ly, as if eating his drink, which came out
into the cup on each side of his mouth.
His skin was as soft as taffeta sarcenet,
which felt so because he never washed his
hands — only rubbed his finger-ends slight-
ly with the wet end of a napkin. His
legs were very weak, having had, as was
thought, some foul play in his youth, or
rather before he was born, that he was
not able to stand at seven years of age —
that weakness made him ever leaning on
other men's shoulders. His walk was
ever circular, his fingers ever in that walk
fiddling about his codpiece. He was very
temperate in his exercises and in his diet,
and not intemperate in his drinking :
however, in his old age, and Bucking-
ham's jovial suppers, when he had any
turn to do with him, made him sometimes
overtaken, which he would the veiy next
day remember and repent with tears. It
is true he drank very often, which was
rather out of a custom than any delight ;
and his drinks were of that kind for
strength, as frontenac, canary, high-
country wine, tent, and strong ale, that
had he not had a very strong brain might
have daily been overtaken, although he
seldom drank at any time above four
spoonfuls, many times not above one or
' two. ... In his diet, apparel, and
journeys he was very constant. In his
apparel so constant, as by his goodwill
he would never change his clothes till al-
most worn out to rags — his fashion never ;
insomuch as one bringing to him a hat of
a Spanish block, he cast it from him,,
swearing he neither loved them nor their
fashions. ' " *
The foundations of the Church
of Scotland were laid as it were in
one day. On the morning of the
25th of August 1560 the Roman
hierarchy was supreme ; in the even-
ing of the same day Calvinistic Pro-
testantism was established in its-
stead. This result, however, wa&-
the issue of a series of events which
had been advancing for some years.
The Eeformed party, known as the
Congregation, had been gradually
gaining ground ; and when the
Queen-Dowager, Mary of Lorraine,
who had headed the opposition to
them, sickened and died at Leith
on the 10th of June of the same
year — "wearied with anxieties" —
there was no life left in the Papal
cause, and the whole fabric perished
at a stroke. The Estates met in
August ; a Confession of Faith was
prepared at their request in the space
of four days, considered by the Lords
of the Articles, and finally approved
of on the 17th as "hailsorne and
sound doctrine, grounded upon the
infallible truth of God's Word." Of
all present there were only three
temporal lords — Atholl, Sornerville,
and Borthwick — who expressed any
dissent. " They would believe,"
they said, " as their forefathers had
believed." " The Bischopis spak na-
thing." On the 25th the Papal
system was formally overthrown,
and the administration of the mass
made punishable, in the last resort,
by death.
But while the old Church was thus
destroyed, and the Reformed doctrine
approved and legalised, there was
as yet, properly speaking, no new
Church set up or established. The
Protestants had presented to Parlia-
ment a new ecclesiastical policy and
discipline, as well as a new creed.
Vol. vl p. 159-163.
1871.]
Concluding Volumes.
805
They desired that the one as well as
the other should become the law of
the land. But the ' First Book of
Discipline ' encountered a very dif-
ferent reception from the 'Confes-
sion of Faith and Doctrine.' The
Protestant nobles and lairds were
ready enough to denounce Popery,
and even to accept the Calvinistic
doctrines. But those who were most
willing to co-operate in the work of
destruction, and who made little
scruple in subscribing "propositions
of theological metaphysics," were by
no means forward to assist in the
erection of a new ecclesiastical sys-
tem. A Confession of Faith was
one thing ; a policy which affected
not only their faith but their prac-
tice was quite a different thing.
Accordingly, the ' First Book of
Discipline' never became law. Some
approved of it, and would have glad-
ly seen it made legal ; but Maitland
was ready with a sneer, and others
stood aloof, and even denounced the
proposals which it contained as
"devout imaginations." Knox him-
self relates this in his characteristic
style, with some caustic hits at the
greed of the nobles, especially Lord
Erskine, "the chief great man that
had professed Jesus Christ and re-
fused to subscribe the ' Book of Dis-
cipline.' " But "no wonder," he adds,
savagely ; " for, besides that he has
a very Jezebel to his wife, if the
poor, the schools, and the ministry
of the Kirk had their own, his reckin
wauld lose two parts and more of
that which he unjustly now pos-
sesses."* The ' Book of Discipline '
had assumed the necessity of en-
dowing not only the Protestant
clergy, but the schools and univer-
sities— a necessity which involved
the restitution of at least a portion
of the Church's property. This was
deemed something too preposterous
•even to be reasoned about by those
who had laid hands on that property.
To do the Scottish nobles justice,
they made no hypocritical pretences.
Their selfish rapacity stands forth
undisguised. They would keep
what they had got. And so the
scheme was indefinitely postponed;
and Knox's wise designs for the
good of the Church and of educa-
tion were unhappily frustrated.
JSTor was any progress made for
years in the establishment of a defi-
nite Church policy. During Mary's
reign the Acts legalising the Re-
formed doctrine remained without
royal sanction ; and the new order
of things held its ground, not so
much by legitimate authority as by
the strength of its supporters. In
the crisis of her fate — the spring of
1567 — she gave her ratification to
the state of religion which she found
in Scotland on her arrival. And on
Murray's acceptance of the Eegency,
and the crowning of the infant
James in the same year, the royal
assent was formally extended to the
Reformation in a remarkable oath
which the Earl of Morton as sponsor
for the infant took in his name.
From this time only can the Protes-
tant religion be said to have been
fairly established in Scotland, while
a legally - recognised Presbyterian
Church was still in the distance.
The Protestant clergy had hitherto
exercised authority rather in virtue
of their character and political posi-
tion than as functionaries of an Es-
tablished Church. But hencefor-
wards they extended and organised
their social and religious as well as
political activity. Witches began
to be looked after ; a censorship
was put upon the press ; and offend-
ers against the laws of morality and
the Church were exposed to public
penance "bare-headed and bare-
footed in linen clothes," as a con-
dition of readmission to its bosom.
With one class of offenders, however,
all the power of the Protestant
History, vol. ii. p. 128.
806
Burton's History of Scotland :
[June-
spirituality was still ineffectual.
Although the Privy Council, in the
autumn of 1566, had authorised the
claims of the ministers to the "Thirds
of Benefices," and the Parliament of
1567 had acknowledged, and even
proposed to take means to enforce,
their rights, they continued in great
part defrauded of them. Even with
the law on their side, the clergy pos-
sessed no practical means for carry-
ing it into effect. For any zeal in
the Befornied cause the powerful
appropriators of the ecclesiastical
funds might be reckoned on (for
where otherwise would have been
their interest in these funds 1) — but
when it was seriously proposed " to
deliver over to the true Church
what had been taken from idolaters,"
they were firm as fate. And this
notwithstanding the extent to which
the " lay interest," as it has been
called, was represented in the Scot-
tish Church. From the beginning
certain persons of reputed charac-
ter and position, but without any
clerical function, were associated
with the clergy, and exercised co-
ordinate powers with them in their
Assemblies. This appears on the
face of it a highly popular and
liberal feature in the ecclesiastical
constitution of Scotland, and is to
this day often exhibited in this
light. But when more closely
looked at, the liberal character of
the arrangement disappears, as Mr
Burton points out in one of those
passages which show his higher in-
sight into the meaning of Church
affairs in Scotland, and places him
above mere official or Church his-
torians. "No doubt," he says,
" ruling elders are laymen elected
by laymen ; but all who are elected
in the higher courts must belong to
the guild of eldership, and that
guild is created by the clergy.
Every one who sits at the table of
the kirk-session — the fundamental
Presbyterian court — has been or-
dained to the eldership by a clergy-
man ; and whatever he may turn
afterwards to be, he must have en-
tertained principles acceptable to
his ordainer. Those so ordained,
too, have subscribed the articles of
faith and discipline peculiar to the
Church. All this is something very
different from the election of lay-
men at large to sit in ecclesiastical
courts, as the constituencies elect
members of Parliament or of a cor-
poration. As of other institutions-
connected with the Church, the
features of this may be traced in
the institutions of the French
Huguenots, who guarded it even
more strictly than the Scots from
any disturbing element."
Deprived as the Church was of
its temporal rights, it made steady
progress during all the revolutions
which filled up the space betwixt
the close of Morton's Eegency and
the marriage of James. There were
still complaints that the " preaching
pastors " were left without adequate
provision, while such funds as fell to-
the Church found their way into
the hands of " dumb dogs," as Mor-
ton's titular bishops, known deris-
ively as " Tulchans," * were called.
But amidst poverty and turmoil the
cause of Presbytery upon the whole
advanced, and its form of worship
and government became more set-
tled. Our author has sketched the
"organisation of the Church "in the
opening of his fifth volume ; and
although the chapter contains noth-
ing absolutely new, it sets the sub-
ject, at least in some of its features,
in a more interesting light than it
has ever yet been presented to the
general reader. He explains every-
where the close historical connection
between the Scottish Church and
the type of " Eeformed," or, as he
* " Tulchan," an old Scotch word, of unknown origin, was applied to a stuffed calf's
skin set before a recently- calved cow, in order, as it was supposed, that she might give
her milk more freely.
1871.]
Concluding Volumes.
807
calls it, "Huguenot" Protestantism,
from which it sprang. Its worship
was in the main liturgical, just like
that of the Genevan or the Protest-
ant Church of France at the present
day. "When the Lords of the Con-
gregation were first able to indulge
their wishes as to a new mode of
worship, they agreed " that the com-
mon prayer be read in the parish
churches on the Sunday, with the
lessons of the New and Old Testa-
ment, conform to the order of the
' Book of Common Prayer.' " There
can be no reasonable doubt that this
' Book of Common Prayer ' was the
English Liturgy of Edward VI.
But as soon as the Eeformation was
completed, the English Liturgy was
superseded by the adoption of ' The
Book of Common Ordour, called
the Ordour of Geneva,' commonly
known as John Knox's Liturgy —
the curious history of which at
Frankfort and Geneva is known
to all students of the Reformation.
This book is in some respects — the
Confession of Sins, for example, with
which it opens — a literal translation
of the Huguenot Prayer-Book, and
in other respects closely resembles
it. One particular of similarity,
which later practice has entirely
departed from, may be mentioned.
Not only were Baptism and the
Lord's Supper to be administered in
public before the congregation, but
marriage evidently was also esteemed
in both Churches a part of public
worship. In the Scots form of
marriage it is directed that "the
parties assemble at the beginning of
the sermon," and marriages as well as
baptisms were to be celebrated only
on Sundays;* and even after per-
mission was given to many on a
" ferial " or ordinary week-day, it was
required that a sufficient number be
present, and "preaching joined there-
to." The ' Book of Common Order '
maintained its ground till the
troublesome times when Charles
and Laud sought to enforce a
new service-book upon Scotland.
It may be too much to say that
its use was invariable, but there
can be no doubt whatever that
the reading of prayers was not
only authorised but generally prac-
tised in Scotland till nearly the
middle of the seventeenth century,
when an extreme party, known from
another cause as the Protesters, began
to " discountenance read prayers,"
and to " scunner at the Lord's Prayer
and Belief."t
Scottish Protestantism recalls its
French origin in some minor matters
of interest described by Mr Burton.
The significant symbol of the burn-
ing bush, in allusion to the bush
which Moses beheld burning but
unconsumed, was a favourite among
the early Huguenots. Farther he
says, "The term Moderator was
peculiar to the French Protestant
Churches, as applied to the chair-
man or president selected by each
ecclesiastical assembly or meeting,
whether great or small. The term
is familiar to every one in Scotland
as of time-honoured use for the same
purpose. J Any piece of business of
the General Assembly and the other
Presbyterian courts in Scotland is
opened by an ' overture,' the direct
descendant of a solemn form in
the French Parliaments. On the
occasion of the administration of the
sacrament, there is to this day, in
each of our Presbyterian communi-
ties, an address, which is called the
* Booke of the Universal Kirk, vol. i. p. 114.
t Baillie — quoted in the Introduction to the 'Book of Common Order of the
Church of Scotland,' &c., by the Rev. George W. Sprott, B.A. — an admirable volume,
deserving the attention of all students of Scottish ecclesiastical history.
£ A Moderator seems to have been first formally appointed in the sixth General
Assembly, 25th December — "for avoiding confusion in reasoning." — Booke of the
Universal Kirk, p. 7.
808
Burton's History of Scotland :
[June
' Action Sermon.' The name stands
by itself, unconnected with anything
in our own language or customs that
can explain it. Its origin will
not easily occur except to one famil-
iar with the Huguenot prayer-books,
in which he will find, occupying a
similar position, the 'Action des
Graces (de Grace) ' or thanksgiving."
The main distinction between
the Scottish and French Eeformed
Churches in their first formation
relates to a point which the sub-
sequent history of the religious
struggles in Scotland would hardly
lead us to expect. The Church of
the Scottish Reformation preserved
at least a semblance of Episcopacy.
This much must be admitted by all
parties without stirring the embers
of an old controversy. The office
of superintendent recognised by
the ' First Book of Discipline,' and
the frequent appointment by the
first Assemblies of commissioners
and visitors "to preach and plant
kirks " in definite districts, proves
beyond question that there was
nothing obnoxious to the first Re-
formers in the essential idea of
provincial supervision which Epis-
copacy involves. In the face of
the Convention at Leith,* where
the Church was represented by such
men as Erskine of Dun, and John
Craig, Knox's colleague in Edin-
burgh, it is hard indeed to believe
that even a definite Episcopal gov-
ernment would have been unac-
ceptable to a large portion of the
Scottish ministers. No doubt, how-
ever, there were also those, and
Knox among the number, who
were strongly opposed to it. And
the Presbyterian party was greatly
strengthened in 1574 by the arrival
of Andrew Melville, the best-known
name, after that of Knox, in con-
nection with the early history of
the Church of Scotland. Melville
was at once a great scholar and a
religious enthusiast. He had been
trained in the Paris schools ; lived
with Beza and Joseph Scaliger
at Geneva ; and to something of
" the fierce fanaticism of the Hu-
guenots he added the stern clas-
sical republicanism of Buchanan."
He was, moreover, a man of ardent
and determined spirit; and no
sooner had he reached Scotland,
and been appointed Principal of
the University of Glasgow, than his
influence began to tell decisively
upon the course of Church affairs.
He was in the main the author of
the 'Second Book of Discipline,'
and the real founder of the Pres-
byterian Church of Scotland. From
him until the present day may
be traced a succession of " High
Church" Scottish presbyters, who
have stamped their influence upon
the country, and given, if not always
the predominating, yet the most
distinctive character to its ecclesi-
astical activity. The ' Second Book
of Discipline ' is the charter of this
school. It contains in full develop-
ment all those principles of ecclesias-
tical power, " different and distinct
from what is called the civil power,"
which lie at the basis of all High
Church theories, whether Prelatical
or Presbyterian. The book itself
is a singular specimen of logical
completeness, in strict harmony
with the principles of the Huguenot
discipline adopted at the first na-
tional synod of the Reformed Church,
held at Paris in 1559. It shows
in a high degree that love of sys-
tem - making and theoretical con-
clusiveness — which so often breaks
down in practice — in which the
French and Scottish intellects re-
semble each other. The ' Second
Book of Discipline' was finally
adopted by the Church in the
spring of 1581, and entered in its
Acts, to remain there ad perpetuam
rei memoriam. And after various
* January 12, 1571.
1871.]
Concluding Volumes.
809
changes, and even a reversion in
1584 — at the climax of Arran's
power — to a distinct Episcopal
jurisdiction, it was in its main parts
incorporated in the great Parlia-
mentary enactment of 1592, by
which the Presbyterian Church was
established, and its government in
assemblies, general and provincial,
presbyteries and sessions, formally
ratified and approved.
From this epoch, triumphant as
it was, the course of Scottish Pres-
bytery was far from smooth. All
its sternest struggles, indeed, were
still awaiting it. But henceforth
it had the strength of deliber-
ate law on its side. The Act of
1592, in form at least, was a very
grave and well-considered piece of
legislation, as it remains to this day
the Magna Charta of the Church of
Scotland, and the fountain-head of
all its legislative powers. Yet, ac-
cording to Mr Burton, this great
event in the history of Presbytery
is not very intelligible to the gen-
eral reader. It stands, he says,
" in an isolated shape, without suf-
ficient preparation, in a contest
gained by the one party and lost
by the other ; while it is equally
without result — the progress of
events and the condition of the
country showing no signs of so
radical a • religious revolution."
This is true, looking at the ex-
ternal course of events, but hardly
so if we look deeper. The legis-
lative triumph of Presbytery was
but of short duration, and the series
of revolutions, in which now the
Court party and now the Presby-
terian party have the best of it,
appear very much the same after
as before 1592; but with all
this there is a marked difference
in the subsequent period. The tri-
Timph of Melville and his party,
although short-lived, gave a con-
sistency and vigour, and, so to
speak, a national consciousness, to
Presbyterianism which it never af-
terwards lost, however oppressed
and overborne. It gave it, in short,
a standing in the country, to which
it always looked back with pride,
and the patriotic recollection of
which made its subsequent triumphs
practicable. 1638 becomes intelli-
gible in the light of 1592 ; and the
later revolution could scarcely have
been the national movement it was
without the preceding legislation.
It was possible to get rid of Andrew
Melville, and leave him to end his
days in lonely yet learned seclusion
at Sedan ; but the spirit which he
•implanted, and the principles for
which he may be said to have gained
legal sanction, could not be extin-
guished ; and men like Calderwood,
and Henderson, and Samuel Ruther-
ford, were the legitimate offspring of
a Presbyterianism. which was not
only enthusiastic in its convictions,
but which had known national
existence and had enjoyed civil
sanction.*
It is curious from the beginning
of the Reform atipn to contemplate
the incessant ecclesiastical changes
of Scotland. Even during the in-
choate period now reviewed there
are no fewer than five ecclesiastical
transformations. There is, first of
all, the Reformation itself, accom-
plished at a stroke, but in a state of
fusion for seven years (1560-67);
then there is Morton's degraded
" Tulchan " Episcopacy ; then Mel-
villian Presbyterianism, which had
triumphed in the Church as early
as 1581 ; then a reversion to Epis-
copacy under the influence of Arran
in 1584; and, lastly, Established
Presbyterianism in 1592. This last,
and, as it might have been supposed
* See in evidence the famous ' Protestation ' (in the preparation of which Calderwood
had probably the chief share) given in to the Parliament of 1617, when King James
revisited his native country, chiefly with the design of advancing changes toward a
more developed Episcopal and ritual form of worship.
810
Burton's History of Scotland :
[June
by those ignorant of the real mo-
tives at work, final adjustment of
the ecclesiastical relations of Scot-
land, only continued in its full form
and efficacy for four years. But
these are halcyon years to the Pres-
byterian historian, to which " all
true Presbyterians look back as the
era of the greatest purity which the
national Church ever attained." *
It is sad to think that, according to
the Church's own confession, this
period of Presbyterian lustre was by
no means equally conspicuous as a
period of religious zeal and purity.
The Assembly of 1596 prepared,
with a view to reformation, certain
statements as to offences in the
ministry, in his Majesty's house,
and even all the estates of the realm,
in which the general " coldness
and decay of zeal," along with " ig-
norance and contempt " of the divine
Word and Sacraments, are loudly
lamented. One must indulgently
believe that the picture set before
us in these statements of the clergy
is overdrawn, and that there were
but few to whom the description
could apply of " being found swear-
ers or banners, profaners of the
Sabbath - day, drunkards, fighters,
lyers, detractors," &c. We can
more credit the somewhat amusing
picture as to King James's own
habits of " hearing of speeches in
time of sermon;" his being " blottid
with banning and swearing, which
is too common in courteours also ; "
and, further, as to the Queen's not
" repairing to the Word and Sacra-
ments, night-waking and balling,"
&c.
Probably King James was not
unaffected by the General Assem-
bly's proposals to reform himself
and his Court in the resolve which
he made from about this tune to
subvert the Presbyterian polity. It
is unnecessary to trace in detail the
steps by which he proceeded in his
design, from the Convention at Perth
in 1597, to the Assemblies at Dun-
dee and Montrose in 1598 and 1600,
from whose meetings he managed to
exclude Melville, on the ground of
his not being a pastor of any con-
gregation ; and then again, after his
succession to the English throne,
from the Parliament at Perth in
1606, which restored the estate of
the Bishops as it was before 1587,
to the Parliament of 1617, and the
famous Five Articles in the Perth
Assembly of the following year.
There is much in all this course of
royal intrigue which must be con-
demned on every consideration of
sound policy and patriotic principle.
But here, as everywhere throughout
this strange history, it must be re-
membered that there were two sides
even within the Church itself. It
is a great mistake of many writers
to suppose that the spirit of Scottish
Presbytery has been entirely uni-
form, and that its representatives
are only to be found in such men
as Knox, and Melville, and Samuel
Eutherford. The truth is, that,
even from the beginning, the Scot-
tish Church has contained a line of
able men of moderate and liberal
tendency. Among Knox's own
contemporaries, Erskine of Dun
and John Craig — both of whom
may fairly rank with Knox in per-
sonal repute, although not in genius
— were men of this stamp. So in
the succeeding period were men like
Adamson of St Andrews, and Eol-
lock, the first Principal of Edinburgh
University, a man of distinguished
learning and piety, t The latter
presided over the Dundee Assembly
in 1597, which may be said to have
initiated the subversion of the Pres-
byterian government. Henderson
himself, in the very crisis of Pres-
byterian ascendancy, was a man of
* Principal Lee's Lectures on the History of the Church of Scotland, vol. ii.
p. 121. t Ibid., vol. ii. p. 142.
1871.]
Concluding Volumes.
811
statesman-like moderation, without
any of the extreme views of some of
his colleagues, if he is rightly sup-
posed to be the author of the ' Gov-
ernment and Order of the Church
of Scotland,' published in 1641. In
later times, long before the rise of
what is called Moderation, it is
needless to point to such men as
Carstairs, one of the few great states-
men, at once of wide and patriotic
intelligence, which Scotland has pro-
duced. It was under Carstairs's in-
spiration and guidance that Presby-
terianism was once more established
at the Revolution, when its founda-
tions, let it be remembered, were
expressly laid, not on any dogmatic
theory, but on a ground of practical
compromise. So, in reference to
the changes introduced by James,
it cannot be denied that up to a cer-
tain point they received the approval
of many of the clergy by no means
the least pious and enlightened.
Among the Commissioners of As-
sembly of 1597 and subsequent
years, who bore the chief part in the
commencement of the new system,
were the names both of Bollock and
of James Melville ; and Rollock at
least, probably the wisest and best
man of them all, was no unwilling
coadjutor with the King. What-
ever may have been the intrigues
accompanying its institution, the
Episcopacy of which Rollock may
be said to have been one of the
founders, and of which Spottiswood
and Lambe* were bishops, and
Forbes of Corse and Ban-on theo-
logians, was not in any sense an
imposture. And there is some rea-
son to believe that, if it had been
only let alone, it might have gradu-
ally consolidated itself. It is evi-
dent that even men like Lord Ken-
mure, Rutherford's friend and pat-
ron, were inclined to a compromise
until Charles's designs in 1633 be-
came unmistakable ; and adminis-
tered, as the system was in the south
and west, where it had little natural
root, with leniency and good sense,
it does not seem even there to have
met with any active opposition;
while in Aberdeen, Angus, and Fife
it acquired a strong hold, the traces
of which remain to this day.
But the policy of Charles and
Laud was destined to overturn not
only the Episcopacy which his father
had laboured to establish, but many
goodly institutions besides. We
have left ourselves no room at all to
review Mr Burton's treatment of the
great Revolution of 1638 ; but there
is no part of his History which is
more fair, enlightened, and exhaust-
ive. He brings out more clearly
than we have seen elsewhere the
complex series of influences — polit-
ical, religious, and, not least, pecu-
niary— which contributed to give
such comparative unity and energy
to that great insurrection, and make
the " Solemn League and Covenant "
a national power, not only in Scot-
land, but in England. For Laud's
Liturgy was, after all, only the ex-
citing cause of a long -slumbering
volcano ; and it is melancholy to
reflect, that Jenny Geddes and her
famous stool disappear before the
careful research of the historian.
Among the most powerful causes of
the movement — that which in the
beginning more than any other
banded the Scottish nobles together
— was undoubtedly Charles's re-
sumption of the Church revenues,
and the indications which he gave,
even after the Parliament of 1633,
that he was determined that the
Scottish hierarchy should have
something of its old wealth re-
stored. So that here again, in this
famous crisis of Scottish history, the
greed of the nobles, no less than the
religious enthusiasm of the people,
became one of its moving factors.
But we must refer our readers to
Bishop of Galloway — a friend, as well as Rutherford, of Lord Kenmure.
812
Bui-toil's History of Scotland.
[June 1871.
Mr Burton's pages for his account
of all this, and of the important part
played by Scotland in the turmoil
of the century ; and finally to his
narrative of the Second or Eestora-
tion Episcopacy, and the " killing
times " which followed. Here he
not only traces his way with his
usual strong intelligence through
complications of fact and character
previously hut ill understood, but
by the mere force of his broad saga-
city and his keen semi -humorous
perception of the national life in all
its aspects, throws light upon vari-
ous points which had become ob-
scured by the contests of narrow
polemics 011 one side and the other.
Some may desiderate a more cordial
enthusiasm or noisier patriotism in
the account which he gives of the
religious struggles of the century ;
but Mr Burton is a man of sense as
well as of patriotic feeling, and he
is eminently right in the discrimi-
nating and cool judgment which he
applies to this part of his subject.
We could have wished, perhaps, a
more softened and pathetic, but cer-
tainly not more righteous, feeling in
depicting the sufferings of the Cove-
nanters. Everywhere his sense of
right and strength of manly feeling
come forth in this part of his sub-
ject, and preserve him from the per-
versions to which some writers of
great ability have yielded in dealing
with it. It also would have been
better, even for the comprehension
of his narrative, if some of the pro-
minent figures which represent at
this time the religious thought and
activity of Scotland had stood out
more fully — in more graphic and
intelligible outline — on his pages ;
such figures as those of Henderson,
Argyle, and Eutherford; and again
of Lauderdale and Archbishop Sharp.
Henderson was in some respects a
truly great man, in whom the higher
religious elements of the struggle
were embodied with a measure of
sense and governing capacity which
place him far above the crowd of
enthusiasts which surrounded him.
He appears once or twice conspicu-
ously in Mr Burton's concluding
volume, but his personality is, after
all, dimly revealed. We gather in-
distinctly Avhat the man really was,
and how he came almost as a matter
of course to take the lead in the
great national movement. The sin-
gularly mixed character of Argyle
and Eutherford — the union of craft
and piety in the former, and in the
latter of morbid sensibility, half
sensuous, half spiritual, with an
immense but arid _ erudition, and a
coarse moroseness of temper towards
his opponents — are but slightly
sketched. Sharp receives more at-
tention, but scarcely more explana-
tion. He comes forth from our
author's analysis very much the same
traditionary traitor — false and vul-
gar in spirit — which Bishop Burnet
has embalmed in his pages. Bur-
net's estimate of him, in fact, is
quoted as upon the whole accurate.
Such a combination of historical
judgment is probably right; but
looking at the result merely as a
study of character and of evidence,
we cannot say that we feel sure that
it is.
Mr Burton might have lightened
his narrative, and made it more
attractive to a large class of readers,
by giving more scope to such por-
traiture, and generally to that power
of graphic delineation which he has
shown elsewhere that he possesses.
But such criticism is, after all, not
much to the point. He has fully
and admirably carried out his own
idea of his historic task, and brought
to it at once such stores of knoAV-
ledge and such masterliness of intel-
lect, as no contemporary writer on
the subject coidd have brought. It
is a great work well done ; and we
venture to congratulate him heartily
on its close.
INDEX TO VOL. CIX.
Adrian IV. , Pope, execution of Aruoldo
di Brescia by, 341.
AGRICULTURAL LABOURER, THE SCOTCH,
HIS CONDITION, 465.
Amicable relations, a new-year's musing,
242.
Anstey's Monumenta Academica, 719.
Argyle, the Duke of, ' lona ' by, 455.
ARMY, THE SICK, AND ITS DOCTORS, 389.
Army, suggestions for its improvement
from the late war, 135 ct seq.
Army system, the, and intended changes
in it, 118 — the Prussian, 119 ct seq.
Arnold's ' Friendship's Garland,' 458.
Arnoldo di Brescia, the career of, 340
—his death, 341.
Audacious man-of-war, the, 362.
Aurelles de Paladine, General d', his
operations, &c., 385.
Avrou Fort, its capture, 388.
Ayrshire, the agricultural population in,
470.
Badajos, atrocities after the storming of,
492 — picture of the storming, 498
et scq. i
Barham, R. H., the Life of, reviewed, 38.
Bayne's Life of Hugh Miller, review of,
450.
Bazaine, Marshal, becomes commander-
in-chief, 379 — the battles before Metz,
and he is shut up there, ib. — his capi-
tulation, 385.
Before Paris, a new-year's musing, 251.
Bellerophon ironclad, the, 363.
Benedict IX., his character as Pope, 336.
Blackmore, R. D., 'Lorna Doone ' by, 43.
' Bleak House,' remarks on, 690.
Boniface VIII., the papacy of, 344.
Boniface IX., the papacy of, 351, 352.
Bothy system in Scotland, the, 472.
Bourbaki, General, operations under,
386, 387.
Brancaleone, rule of, in Rome, 343.
Brasenose College, its origin, 721.
Brigandage in Greece, 574 et seq.
British army, the, its present state, &c.,
128 ct scq.
BRITISH NAVY, THE, what we have and
what we want, 357.
Browning's 'The Ring and the Book,r
notices of, 442, 627.
BULLION, THE ' ECONOMIST ' ON, 507.
BULWER'S LIFE OF LORD PALMERSTON
reviewed, 1.
BURTON'S HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, con-
cluding volumes, review of, 794.
Campion, Mr, on the Scotch crofters,
475.
Canning, his conduct as a member of the
Liverpool ministry, 5 — and in relation
to the Duke of Wellington, 6 et seq.
Castlereagh, Lord, his condiict as a
member of the Liverpool ministry on
the Catholic question, 5.
Catholic question, conduct of Canning
with regard to it, 5.
Cencius, seizure of Pope Hildebrand by,
337.
CENTURY OF GREAT POETS, A — William
Cowper, 763.
Chanzy, General, operations under, 387.
CHARLES DICKENS, 673.
Cheape, Douglas, 111.
Childers, Mr, as head of the Admiralty,
522 et scq.
1 Christmas Carol,' the, 689.
Church, the, as a teacher of morality,
Professor Seeley on, 24.
Clement III., the opponent of Hikle-
brand, 338, 339.
Clergyman, present position of the, 24.
Colonna, struggle between, and Rienzi,
346, 347.
Coloured Glass, a new-year's musing,
238.
Compulsory education, report for Scot-
land regarding its introduction, 466.
Conscription, the, its impossibility in
England, 135.
Corduroy road, a, in the backwoods, 57.
Cottage system for farm-labourers, its
advantages, &c., 480, 481.
COWFER, WILLIAM, 763.
Crofter system in Scotland, the, 475.
Crown Prince, the, his victory at Weis-
sembourg, 376 — and at Woerth, 377.
Culley, Mr, on the Scotch agricultural
population, 471.
814
Index.
Daveli, a Greek brigand, 578.
'David Copperfield,' remarks on, 685
et seq.
Dead Sea fruit, a new-year's musing,
248.
De la Motte Rouge, General, his defeat
at Orleans, 385.
DESCENT OF MAN, THE, 517.
Dick Swiveller, the character of, 683.
DICKENS, CHARLES, review of his works,
673 — his reception in America, ib. —
general characteristics, 677 — the
'Pickwick Papers,' 679 — 'Nicholas
Nickleby,' &c., 682 — the 'Old Curio-
sity Shop,' 683—' David Copperfield,'
685— the ' Christmas Carol,' &c., 689
— ' Bleak House ' and ' Little Dorrit,'
690— 'Our Mutual Friend,' &c., 691
— 'Edwin Drood,' ib.
DORKING, THE BATTLE OF — REMINIS-
CENCES OF A VOLUNTEER, 539.
Douay, General, his defeat and death at
Weissembourg, 376.
Dryden, the poetry of, 763.
Ducrot, General, the sally from Paris
under, 388.
Dumfriesshire, the agricultural popu-
lation in, 470.
Ecce Homo, remarks on, 23.
'ECONOMIST,' THE, ON BULLION, 507.
Education, state of, in Greece, 573.
Education in Scotland, the Commission-
ers' report on, 466.
EDUCATION BILL, THE SCOTCH, 660.
' Edwin Drood,' remarks on, 691.
' Esther Hill's Secret,' 462.
Eugenie, the Empress, after the first dis-
asters of the war, 378.
Eugenius IV., the papacy of, 355.
Faidherbe, General, the operations of,
387.
FAIR TO SEE— Parti., 74— Part II., 195
—Part III., 277 — Part IV., 407 —
Part V., 586— Part VI., 740.
France, causes of her failure in the Ger-
man war, 131 — contrast between her
military system and the German, 132
— her position after the war, 488 — her
former exactions from Prussia, 489 —
her failure in the war, 491.
FRANK MARSHALL — Part I., 145 — Part
II., 315.
Frederick, the Emperor, capture of
Rome by, 341.
Froissart, General, his defeat at Spich-
ern, 378.
Gambetta, his balloon-flight from Paris,
&c. , 384.
Garibaldi, General, his arrival, &c., in
France, 384 — his operations, 386.
Garry, Fort, 177.
Garth's Ovid's Metamorphoses, 301.
{Jelasius II., Pope, cruel treatment of,
340.
George IV. , his reception at Oxford, 724.
Germany, results of the war to her, 488,
495.
"Germany, France, and England," re-
marks on, 238.
Gladstone, Mr, review of his career, 520.
Goethe, Mr Hutton on, 442.
Gortschakoff, Prince, who primed him ?
(O'Dowd), 230.
GOVERNMENT, THE POSITION OF THE, 258.
' Great Expectations, ' Dickens's, 692.
GREECE, IMPRESSIONS OF, 572.
GREEK, LORD LYTTELTON'S LETTER ON
THE STUDY OF, 182.
Greek massacre, interest excited by it,
572.
Gregory VII. (Hildebrand), the papacy
of, 336 et seq.
H. C. M., "Wake, England, Wake!"
by, 257.
Hamilton, Sir William, and George Moir,
109.
Hare's 'Walks in Rome,' 457.
Healing Measure, the, 233.
Henry, the Emperor, his contest with
Hildebrand, 337.
Henry VII., the Emperor, attack on
Rome by, 344.
Herbert, Lady, ' Life of Madame de Mir-
amion ' by, 34.
Hercules ironclad, the, 361.
Hildebrand, the papacy of, 336 et seq.
Honorius, Pope, 336.
HOSPITAL-LIFE WITH THE PRUSSIANS IN
FRANCE, 636— Part II., 696.
HOW CAN WE TRUST THEM ? 520.
Hugo, Victor, extravagant speech of, 493.
Button's ' Essays, Theological and Liter-
ary,' review of, 440.
IMPRESSIONS OF GREECE, 572.
' Ingoldsby Legends,' the, 38.
Ingrain's ' Memorials of Oxford,' 724.
Innocent III., power of the papacy un-
der, 343.
Innocent VII., the papacy of, 352.
' lona,' by the Duke of Argyll, 455.
Irish farm - labourers, increasing num-
bers of, in Scotland, 471.
Ironclad fleet, list and classification of
our, 358 et scq.
JEAFFRESON'S ANNALS OF OXFORD, re-
view of, 718.
Japan, Mitford's Tales of, reviewed, 460.
Kaministiquia, the — the Red River Ex-
pedition on, 52.
KING'S TRANSLATION OF OVID'S META-
MORPHOSES, review of, 301.
Kitchen system for farm-servants, the,
471.
Ladislaus, King, his struggles against
the Romans, 352 ct seq.
LEATHER BorrfeL, THE, with music, 631.
Lindsay, General, the Red River Ex-
pedition under, 49 et scq.
Index.
815
* Little Don-it,' remarks on, 690.
Liverpool, Lord, his administration, 4.
Lord Warden and Lord Clyde ironclads,
the, 363.
'Lorna Doone,' review of, 43.
Lucius II., Pope, 340— his death, 341.
LYTTELTON, LORD, HIS LETTER ON THE
STUDY OF GREEK, 182.
Macleod's 'Christus Consolator,' review
of, 32.
M'Mahon, Marshal, his defeat at Woerth,
377 — his retreat, 379 — his movement
on Sedan, 380 ct seq. — his capitulation
there, 381.
MAN, THE DESCENT OF, 517.
' Martin Chuzzlewit,' on, 682, 683.
Matilda, the Countess, her support of
Hildebrand, 337.
Metz, the capitulation of, 385.
Micawbers, the, in 'David Copperfield,'
685.
Military system, suggestions for its im-
provement from the war, 135 et seq.
Military system, the Prussian, 119 ct seq.
Militia, necessity for the ballot for it,
135.
Miller, Hugh, the Life and Letters of,
450.
Milton, the poetry of, 763.
Miramion, Madame de, the Life of, re-
viewed, 34.
Mitford's ' Tales of Old Japan,' review
of, 460.
MOIR, THE LATE GEORGE, 109.
Morality, the Church as a teacher of,
Professor Seeley on, 24.
MORNING'S ' TIMES ' IN CHAMBERS, THE,
104.
Napier, his account of the storming of
Badajos, 499 — and of the atrocities
that followed, 492.
Napoleon, the Emperor, his errors, &c. ,
during the campaign, 376, 377 — his
retreat after Woerth, &c., 378— the
capitulation at Sedan, 381.
Navies, change in, 118.
NAVY, THE BRITISH, 357.
New Brisach, the surrender of, 386.
NEW BOOKS: Seeley's 'Lectures and Es-
says,' 22 — Macleod's ' Christus Consol-
ator,' 32 — ' Life of Madame de Miram-
ion,' 34—' Life of R. H. Barham,' 38—
' Lorna Doone,' 43.
NEW BOOKS : Button's Essays, 440—
Hugh Miller's Life and Letters, 450—
Duke of Argyll's ' lona,' 455— Hare's
'Walks in Rome,' 457 — Arnold's
' Friendship's Garland,' 458 — Mit-
ford's ' Tales of Old Japan.' 460—* Es-
ther Hill's Secret,' 462— 'Six Months
Hence,' 463— Mr Trollope's 'Siren,' ib.
NEW-YEAR'S MUSINGS : Coloured Glass,
238— Amicable Relations, 242— Dead
Sea Fruit, 248— Before Paris, 251.
' Nicholas Nickleby,' remarks on, 682,
683.
Norman, M., his report on agricultural
wages in Scotland, 469.
North American Indians, the, 65.
" Nursery Reminiscences," 40.
O'Dowo, CORNELIUS : Gortschakoff —
who primed him? 230 — the Healing
Measure, 233 — the Shadows before
, 236.
O'DowD REVERIE, AN — what is to come
of it ? 580.
' Old Curiosity Shop,' the, 683.
'Oliver Twist,' on, 682, 683.
Orleans, its capture by the Germans, 385.
Otho IV., defeat of, in Rome, 342.
Otho, Cardinal, his visitation of Oxford,
725.
' Our Mutual Friend,' remarks on, 691.
OVID'S METAMORPHOSES, KING'S TRANS-
LATION OF, reviewed, 301.
OXFORD, OLD AND NEW ANNALISTS OF,
718.
Palliser shell, the, 364.
PALMERSTON, LORD, THE LIFE OF, 1 — his
parentage and early life, 3 — first ap-
pearance in Parliament, ib. — his early
adherence to Canning, 5 — the quarrel
between the latter and Wellington, 7
et seq. — in the Canning ministry, 13 et
seq. — his character of Gladstone, 520.
Paris, before, a new-year's musing, 251
—arrival of the Prussians before, 382
— its siege, 383 — conduct during the
siege, 387.
Paschal II., Pope, struggle of, with the
Emperor, 339.
Penelope man-of-war, the, 363.
Perceval, Mr, his high estimate of Pal-
merston, 4.
Phalsburg, the capitulation of, 386.
Philip the Fair, his struggle with the
Pope, 344.
' Pickwick Papers,' the, 679 et seq.
PLATONIC PARADOXES, 633.
Pope, the poetry of, 763.
Popes and papacy, notices of the, in con-
nection with the Castle St Angelo,
336 ct seq.
Portland ministry, Palmerston a member
of it, 3.
POSITION OF THE GOVERNMENT, THE,
258.
PROLIXITY, 616.
Prussia, her military system, and causes
of her success in the war, 132 et seq. —
exactions of France from, at the peace
of Tilsit, 489— her position, &c., in the
present war, 491.
Prussian military system, the, 119 et seq.
PRUSSIANS IN FRANCE, A NARRATIVE OF
HOSPITAL-LIFE WITH THE, 636, 696.
Purchase system in the army, the, 394.
Rainy River, voyage down the, 164.
816
Index.
Rat Portage, Hudson Bay Company's
post at, 167.
RED RIVER EXPEDITION, NARRATIVE OF
THE, Part II., 48 — the force, and diffi-
culties at starting, ib. et seq. — on Lake
Superior, 50 — landing at Thunder Bay,
51— river voyage, 52 — portages, &c.,
53 et seq. — Indians, 57 — lake voyage,
62 — Part III., 164— journey from Fort
Francis, ib. et seq. — on the Lake of the
Woods, 166— the Winnipeg river, 169
— arrival at Fort Alexander, 172 — ar-
rival at Fort Garry, and flight of the
rebels, 175.
RED CROSS, UNDER THE : a Narrative of
Hospital-Life with the Prussians in
France, 636, 696.
Riel, flight of, from Fort Garry, 177.
Rienzi, sketch of the career of, 346 et seq.
ROBA DI ROMA, MORE : the Mausoleum
of Hadrian, or the Castle St Angel o,
—Chap. III., 336-Chap. IV., 345—
Chap. V., 350.
Robert Gniscard, sack of Rome by, 338.
Robertson, Patrick, 112.
Roman nobility, their cruelties, &c., 342
et seq.
Rome, Hare's Walks in, 457.
Russian difficulty, O'Dowd on the, 230.
St Angelo, the Castle, sketches of its
history, 336 et seq.
St Scholastica's Day, the great fight in
Oxford on, 730.
Ste Marie Canal, the, 48.
Sam Weller, the character of, 678.
SCOTCH AGRICULTURAL LABOURER, THE
CONDITION OF THE, 465.
SCOTCH EDUCATION BILL, THE, 660.
SCOTLAND, BURTON'S HISTORY OF, con-
cluding volumes, review of, 794.
Sedan, the battle and capitulation of,
381.
Seeley 's ' Lectiires and Essays, ' review of,
22.
Seniority system in the army, the, 397.
Shadows before , the, 236.
Shebandowan Lake, the, 52, 54 ft seq., 62.
Shelley, Mr Hutton on, 448.
Shepherds, the Scottish, their position,
character, &c., 476.
SICK ARMY AND ITS DOCTORS, THE, 389.
Silver Falls, the, 171.
'Six Months Hence,' 463.
Slave Falls, the, 170, 171.
Spichern, the battle of, 378.
Strasbourg, the siege of, 380— its sur-
render, 384.
Sullivan, Lawrence, brother-in-law of
Palmerston, 4.
Superior, Lake, the Red River Expedition
on, 48 et seq.
' Tale of Two Cities,' on the, 691.
Thackeray's ' Vanity Fair,' remarks on,
679.
Tilsit, the treaty of, losses of Prussia by
it, 489.
Trollope, Adolphus, the ' Siren' by, 463.
Turret-ships, the, 360 ct seq.
Two SYSTEMS, THE, 118.
Tyther, Patrick Eraser, 111.
UNDER THE RED CROSS, or Hospital-Life
with the Prussians in France, Part I. ,
636— Part II., 696.
United States, the, difficulties thrown in
the way of the Red River Expedition
by, 48.
Urban VI. , the papacy of, 350 et seq.
'Vanity Fair,' remarks on, 679.
Verdun, the capture of, 386.
Victor III., Pope, 339.
VOLUNTEER, KEMINISCENCES OF A— THE
BATTLE OF DORKING, 539.
Volunteers, proposed changes regarding,
137.
Von der Tann, General, his operations in
France, 385.
Wages, agricultural, report on, for Scot-
land, 468.
WAKE, ENGLAND, WAKE ! 257.
WAR, A RETROSPECT OF THE, 375.
WAR, THE END OF THE, 488.
War, lessons from the, 131.
War Office, Palmerston's administration
of, 4.
Weissembourg, the battle of, 376.
Wellington, the breach between him and
Canning, 6 et seq.
WHAT is TO COME OF IT? (O'Dowd), 580.
WHAT WE MAY LEARN, 131.
Winnipeg River, voyage down it, 168 et
seq. — lake, 172.
Woerth, the battle of, 377.
Woods, Lake of the, 166.
Wordsworth, Mr Hutton on, 444.
WYSE, SIR THOMAS, HIS ' IMPRESSIONS OF
GREECE ' reviewed, 572.
Yeomanry, proposed changes regcrding
the, 137.
Printed ly William Blacl-wood & Sons, Edinburgh.
/
AP Blackwood's magazine
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v.109
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